COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE (5)

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R001200120007-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 73
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 11, 1998
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: November 2, 1960
• Content Type: SUMMARY

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COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE
(5)
Summary No. 2846 2 November 1960
Prepared by
Foreign Documents Division
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
2430 E St., N. W., Washington 25, D. C.
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WARNING
THIS MATERIAL CONTAINS INFORMATION AFFECTING THE NATIONAL DEFENSE
OF THE UNITED STATES WITHIN THE MEANING OF THE ESPIONAGE LAWS,
TITLE 18, USC, SECS. 793 AND 794, THE TRANSMISSION OR REVELATION OF
WHICH IN ANY MANNER TO AN UNAUTHORIZED PERSON IS PROHIBITED BY LAW.
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COMMIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE (5)
This report contains material on Communist revisionism and
dissidence:as reflected in Communist and non-Communist sources.
The latest source date used herein is 2 October 1960.
Table of Contents
Page
Issue of International Revisionism Afte` Bucharest 1
A. Early July: Dispute Submerged 1
B. Mid-August: Dispute Re=-Emerges 5
C. September: Parties Meet in Vietnam 10
D. Mid-September: National Liberation Struggle 13
E. 1 October: National Day 16
Need for Peaceful Coexistence Stressed 21
III. Indonesia 22
PKI Pursuing Middle Road 22
IV. Outer Mongolia 27
Activities of Mongolian-Chinese Friendship Association 27
Press Reprints Coexistence Portion of Pravda Article 30
Part 2. Eastern Europe
Fifth Bucharest Conference of Communist Historians
Reported by Party Almanac
II. East Germany
38
Ideological and Cultural Revisionism 38
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III. Hungary
Official Party Statements Stress Orthodoxy as
Writers Seek New Ideological Orientation
Agnes Heller Condemned --? A Classical Case of
Revisionism and Marxist Ethics
Existentialism Becoming Significant Revisionist
Force Among Intellectuals
Manifestations of Economic, Ideological, and
Page
42
42
46
58
58
61
Cultural Revisionism in Press
61
VI.
Yugoslavia
63
Peaceful Coexistence
63
Inhibited Soviet Sociology
65
"Commune" Is Not Communism
66
Part 3.
Western Europe
67
I.
Finland
67
Communist Party Supports Moscow Line on Peace and
War
II. Italy
Socialist Deputy Raps Misuse of Term "Revisionism"
67
68
68
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Having developed the charge of "revisionism" against the Soviet leader-
ship in respect to its position on strategy for the world Communist move-,
ment, the Chinese Communist press withdrew into relative silence on this
charge following the Soviets' all-out counterattack in June 1960 at the
Bucharest meeting of Communist bloc party leaders. Beginning on 1 July 1960,.
the press ceased to feature the issue; in mid-August, the press and party
spokesmen again joined the dialogue with the Soviets.
The following survey covers developments in the dispute, as seen in
the Chinese Communist press, from the beginning of July 1960 to Chinese
National. Day, 1 October 1960, the major yearly occasion for celebrating
the regime's achievements and voicing its view of the world situation.
A. Early July. Dispute Submerged
For nearly 1 1/2 months, the Chinese press refrained from carrying
the argument to the Soviets in articles, editorials, or reports of speeches
devoted to the issue of international revisionism, or even of foreign af-
fairs, but published semiprivate discussions, buried in items on domestic
subjects. A partial exception to this was the speech of the Chinese rep.-
resentative to the World Peace Council meeting in Stockholm, which event
by its nature brought from the Chinese a discussion of the substantive
issues in the dispute; but the Chinese speaker did not mention "revision-
ism," nor did he criticize, even indirectly, any Soviet views on the
related issues.
On 10 July 1960, as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao of 15 July, the head
of the Chinese delegation, Liao Cheng-chip, virtually bombarded his audi-
ence at the World Peace Council meeting with varied and repetitive uses
of the word "struggle." On this and on "imperialism," the object of strug-
gle, he brought the standard Chinese reading of the previous months. But
he especially stressed "struggle toward relaxation of international tension,
for disarmament, for reconvening a summit conference, and for peaceful
coexistence." These objectives, he insisted repeatedly, were dependent
on struggle. Only by incessantly increasing the strength of the socialist
camp, the national independence movements, and all other "peace-loving"
forces, and by uniting these in a "long, tireless struggle against im-
perialism," could "imperialism be compelled to accept peaceful. coexistence."
Only by making the "imperialists" realize, through struggle, that refusal
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to carry out disarmament would be to their disadvantage could they be
"forced to sit down and negotiate" on disarmament. "To compel imperialism
to accept negotiations and reach certain agreements, with us and to safe-
guard these agreements against violation during implementation, there must
be intense struggles, and diplomatic negotiations must be closely coordi-
nated with the struggles of the masse.,," he said.
In this connection, he professed to see the Soviet part in the abor-
tive summit meeting as one of a number of "recent peoples' struggles" in
defense of peace, stating,, "The just struggle of the Soviet government and
people against US imperialist provocations and wrecking of the four-power
conference has effectively exposed the US imperialists' peace deceptions....
China, the other socialist countries, and all the world's peoples who love
peace and uphold justice resolutely support the Just, struggle of the Soviet
Union...."
The Chinese press had begun, even before the period of its de-emphasis
of the dispute, to speak occasionally of internal ideological problems in
terms of revisionism, and how this practice increased. Before a national
congress of writers and artists, as reported in Jenvmin iLA?2aa~.23 July 1960,
two officials of the party propaganda department its chief, Lu,Ting-yi,
and a deputy director, Chou Yang - d.scussed internsClonalrevisionism
in a domestic context. Amid lengthy considerations of the role of litera-
ture and art and of the problem of bou ?geois thinking among those who pro-
duce them, they brought the matter up in terms which were relatively new:
Making the standard observation tl.at the modern revisionists were
tailoring their policies "to the need: of imperialism" and that in fact
revisionism is a "product of imperialist policy," La ;Ting-yi also said.,
"Under the label of so-called 'active coexistence,' the modern revision-
ists are attempting to confuse the masses with bourgeois pacifism and with
the deceptive ideas of bourgeois 'hunn,nism'; they oppose collectivism with
individualism, and. Marxist-Leninist theory of class struggle, proletarian
revolution, and proletarian dictatorship with the bourgeois theory of
'human nature.' They try to use these rid:Lculous.ideas to emasculate the
revolutionary will and numb the revolutionary struggles of the people of
all countries ... in a fruitless effort to have the people abandon their
struggles against imperialists and reactionaries,, and toward eliminating
the revolution."
Chou Yang observed that the revisionists were spreading the bourgeois
theory of human nature, humanism, and pacifism in order to obscure class
antagonism and thus deny class struggle and revolution, and to create il-
lusions about the capitalist class. He asserted: "Modern revisionists
place historic idealism counter to materialism, class compromise counter
to class struggle, the theory of huma;u nature counter to that of classes,
and corrupt bourgeois human nature counter to proletarian revolutionary
human nature." Be also reiterated the Chinese contention that revisionism
"is the main danger in the international workers movement."
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The same application of the issue to domestic concerns was seen on
a local level. In a speech to a Shanghai youth congress on the problem
of bourgeois ideology, reported in the 17 July 1960 Chieh-fang Jih-pao.
(Shanghai), a secretary of the municipal committee of the Communist Youth
League observed that "class struggle exists not only in our country; a
more serious class struggle exists even in the international arena." He
remarked that the modern revisionists were "assisting the imperialists"
in spreading bourgeois ideology; exalting bourgeois pacifism, humanism,
humanitarianism, and sentimentalism; and trying to find a market for these
among certain youths in the socialist countries. He held that anyone
who had properly established a proletarian world view would courageously
defend the cause of revolution anywhere and any time; he would inevitably
be concerned with the struggles of the people of the world and move to the
front to "wage the irreconcilable struggle against the national and inter-
national enemies and modern revisionism." In closing he said., "We must
further strengthen the unity of the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet
Union; strengthen our unity with the people of the whole world; and forever
courageously stay at the forefront of the struggle against US imperialism
and modern revisionism."
An article of 21 July 1960 in the same city daily, on the subject of
taking a political approach to problems, asserted: "The modern revision-
ists, represented by the Tito clique and serving the aggressive policies
of imperialism, have venomously slandered our people. This must, indeed,
be dealt with seriously." It said that to wage a determined struggle
against these people, "we must constantly analyze international developments
from the viewpoint of class struggle; we must exert, strengthen, stimulate,
and encourage ourselves, and perform all aspects of our work, well, so as
to underlay and amplify the forces opposing imperialist aggression and
defending peace. Failure to observe international problems from this view-
point and to help intensify the struggle by one?s own action are manifes-
tations of political deviation."
Ai Ssu-ch.?i, a party theoretician, in a long philosophical article
in Jen-min Jih-pao of 31 July 1960, which explained at great length the
presence of a dialectical uniformity" between thought and existence,
touched briefly on the matter of revisionism at the end of his disquisition.
Here he observed that one who cannot apply dialectics to the theory of
cognition and who does not understand the dialectical uniformity "is bound
to embark on the road of anti-Marxism-Leninism." He recalled that the
question of uniformity of thought and existence had been an important one
between revisionists and Ma rxist-Leninists in the latter?s struggle against
bourgeois idealism, and held that currently there was an "extremely im-
portant realistic, as well as a theoretical, significance" in the idea of
this uniformity. He added: "The modern revisionists are now everywhere
sabotaging the materialist theory of cognition and materialist dialectics
in ideology. For us to correctly resolve the question of uniformity be-
tween thought and existence will benefit our struggle against revisionism......
The world outlook of right opportunists and revisionists being largely
idealistic they regard the uniformity between thought and existence as
a metaphysical one, seeing existence as something no different from their
own subjective consciousness."
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Similar to this was a philosophical essay appearing as the last ar=,
ticle in Hung-ch'i of 1 August 1960, entitled "On the Unity of 'Opposites."
Again "revisionism" was unobtrusively discussed at the end of the treatise,
though this time more at length and in more concrete terms. It complained
that "the enemies of Marxism-Leninism," the revisionists, negate the
absoluteness of the struggle between opposites, distort the "unity" aspect
of dialectics into sophism and relativism, and obliterate the fundamental
conflict and the qualitative difference between the; proletariat and bour-
geoisie, between socialism and capitalism, between the socialist and
"imperialist" camps, and between righteous and unrighteous wars. It stated.
that to obliterate the difference between "imperialist" wars and national-
ist wars "is purely a revisionist technique to which we must resolutely
object," but that it was also extremely erroneous to deny that "imperialist"
wars may turn into nationalist wars, and to this too it stated resolute
objections. It noted that Lenin had said the latter error was extremely
harmful in practice because it might lead to misleading propaganda for
"disarmament," since it might seem that there may never be any war other
than the reactionary war and thus the people might adopt an attitude of
indifference toward nationalist movements.
At the beginning of August 1960,, Army Day, usually celebrated with
fanfare and speeches, was notable for the absence in the official daily,
Jen-min Jih-pao, of speeches of such military notables as Defense Minister
Lin Piao or Chief of Staff Lo Jui-ch'ing. There did appear in the issue
of 3 August, however, a report on the speech in Moscow. of Major General
P'an Chen-vu, Chinese military attache. He was reported to'have professed
the desire of the Chinese people for peace and their steady adherence to
a "peaceful foreign policy," as well as their advocacy of peaceful coex
istence and "constant efforts to reduce international tension." This he
qualified with: "We nevertheless cannot but see, while we actively defend
world peace, that US imperialism vigorously carries on arms expansion and
war preparations.... We must necessarily maintain high vigilance against
its plots and carry on a determined struggle against it. We are firmly
convinced that the great unity of the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet
Union, is unbreakable." Continuing on to dwell on the "friendship and
unity" between Chinese and Soviet armed forces, he interlarded these pro-
testations with China's determination to remain vigilant and carry on this
struggle.
There was evinced more clearly during the post-Bucharest period a
facet of the dispute which had begun to appear during its earlier stage:
an apparent sensitivity over the fact that China was the butt of abuse
not only from without the bloc, but from many parties within itas well.
Articles by such familiar spokesmen as Tao Chu, first secretary of the
Kwangtung Province party committee, left the impression that the Chinese
were beginning to feel they were in fact being "isolated," as the Soviet
party had predicted would be the case if they held'to their position.
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In a long article on the problems of the transitional period in China,
published in Jen-min Jih-pao of 5 August, Tao Chu complained:
"At present, the international reactionary clique headed by the US
imperialists is constantly working against our country and is following
a policy of aggression and war throughout the world, while the modern
revisionists, to meet the imperialists' needs, distort and emasculate
Marxist-Leninist revolutionary principles in order to lull the revolution-
ary will of the masses and break up the ranks of the international Communist
movement. This situation has confronted us with the task of studying and
mastering the theory of socialist revolution and construction, combating
revisionism, defending Marxism-Leninism, and speeding up the pace of our
revolution and construction."
At the end of this article T'ao demonstrated another characteristic
of spokesmen in this period -- that of apparent concern for the alliance,
mixed with a persistent holding td their position and implicit criticism
of that of the Soviets. He urged the strengthening of the international.
unity of the proletariat, "especially the socialist camp, headed by the
Soviet Union," a step he called a "holy mission" necessary to the carrying
out of the socialist cause. He saw the Chinese revolution as a "great
component of the world revolution," but as also being inseparable from
the aid of the socialist camp, the Soviet Union, the international prole-
tariat, and other revolutionary forces. He said: "our fundamental in-
terests lie in strengthening the unity of the socialist camp, headed by
the Soviet Union, and the international unity of the proletariat. Im-
perialists and modern revisionists, headed by the Tito clique, are working
deceitfully to sabotage this unity, an effort we must drastically expose
and destroy."
B. Mid.-August: Dispute Re-Emerges
The Chinese brought the argument out from the semicover of domestic
philosophical articles on 13 August 1960, when Jen-min Jih-Rao carried an
editorial on foreign affairs, ostensibly in refutation of US State Depart-
ment charges that the Chinese were warlike.
The editorial was defensive throughout. It asserted Chinese adherence
to a peaceful foreign policy, tying this to the Five Principles of Peaceful
Coexistence initiated in 195+ in company with Nehru of India. The US, it
said, had "always rejected Chinese peace, proposals and peaceful coexistence,"
and its charge of "belligerence'against China was slander of a country
whd,ch had signed treaties with neighbors and advanced a proposal for a
Pacific peace pact. True, it said, China's propaganda had "exposed imper-
ialists' aggressive policies consistently, but how can peace-loving people
throughout the world not expose it?"
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The editorial reached its real point in the last paragraph: "We
definitely believe that the overwhelming majority of. the world's people,
including workers, peasants, and progressive national bourgeoisie and
intellectuals,-,sympathize with ahd support us. The most recent strong
evidence of this is the praise and support for Premier Chou En-lai's pro-
posal by the peace-loving public opinion of all countries. The modern
revisionists and their followers have gone to the extreme of loudly af-
firming the US imperialist slander that China is 'warlike,' or that it
'desires war,' or that it 'does not want peace or peaceful coexistence';
they have concocted the lie that China tries to 'promote world revolution.
through war,' and so on. By all this they do nothing but place themselves
in the position of apologists of imperialism. This cannot harm China at
all, and will place them in an unfortunate situation. The Chinese people
have contempt for all this blasphemy and will never relax their efforts
to expose and struggle against the US imperialist policies of aggression
and ware They will consistently and firmly stand behind the just struggles
of all peoples. China will continue unwaveringly in its peaceful foreign
policy, striving to coexist peacefully with countries with differing so-
cial systems.... We are completely aware that the realization of any pro-
posal which actually serves world peace is possible only if we rely on
the continuous struggle of the masses of all countries to frustrate the
plots for aggression and war of the imperialists headed bythe US....
Two days later, in Jen-min Jih- ao, 15 August 1960, on the occasion
of the observance in Peiping of the North Korean liberation anniversary,
politburo member Li Hsien-nien showed the same defensiveness, stating:
"US imperialism, to disguise its new aggressive and expansionist activi-
ties and divert the attention of the world's peoples, has employed its
old tricks of hollering 'thief,' when it itself is the actual thief, and
of playing its old tune of slander to damage the Chinese people." He
asserted that the Chinese people were not opposed to the American people,
to, whom they would, "as always, be forever friendly." Though "imperialism"_
had been hostile to China and occupied Taiwan, China "continued the initia-
tivp of suggesting that they sit down and negotiate this by peaceful con-
sultation:", The Chinese, he insisted, had "consistently stood for peaceful
coexistence and the Five Principles," but the US had "turned down the
Pacific peace pact proposal." He asked'if it were not clear "who was the
aggressor and who wanted war."
He also used this occasion to make clear his party's general position
in the dispute which had lain dormant for 1 1/2 months:
"The Chinese people are adamant in their stand against imperialist
aggression and for world peace, and they are consistent in'their support
of the just struggles of the people of various countries for national in-
dependence, democracy, freedom, and socialism.... We are pleased to note
that the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet Union, has become unpreeed-
entedly strong; the national democratic movements in Asia, 'Africa, and
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Latin America have surged to great size; the struggling forces of the
people in the West and the peace-loving forces of,the whole world have
developed rapidly; and a storm of struggle against US imperialism and its
lackeys is forming and gaining speed in many areas of the world."
As to China's socialist bloc neighbor, he observedu "The Korean peo-
ple have worked unceasingly and in a spirit of internalism,for the unity
of the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet Union, and against modern re-
visionism represented by Tito. In its position as sentinel in the East
for the socialist camp, the Democratic Republic has contributed much to
the work of opposing the policy.of war and aggression of imperialism headed
by the US and of defending peace in Asia and the world. Through their
victory in their war of national defense, the Korean people preserved the
independence of Korea and the security of the socialist camp, and also
dealt a great blow to the aggressive mood of US imperialism and upset its
war plansb BY their brave fight, they tore the paper tiger which looked
so powerful but which in reality was not, and proved that if only an op-
pressed people will rise and struggle determinedly, they can disrupt the
warring, aggressive activities of US imperialism. This has given endless
courage to the people of the world in their opposition to imperialist ag-
gression and their struggle to win and defend world peace, national inde-
pendence, democracy, and freedom."
He spoke of the traditional, deep friendship of.the two peoples, de-
veloped in their long struggle against common enemies, and of how in the
"great, just war against US aggression" they had shed blood together,
"highlighting the noble spirit of proletarian internationalism" of the
two peoples. He said, "bur comrades-in-arms friendship was formed through
bloodshed.... We-shall give mutual support and aid, learn from one another,
and make the greatest contributions to the unity of the socialist camp,
headed by the Soviet Union, and to the development of our common cause....
We shall forever join hands with the countries of the socialist camp and,
with all peace-loving peoples and countries, struggle to the end against
US imperialist aggression and for the defense of peace in Asia and the
world."
Chou En-lai on the namo occasion, as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao,
16 August 1960, remarked that the "foreign.policy of peace pursued by
both governments was "unshakable," and that it was exactly for the defense
of world peace that they had fought "imperialist policies of war." "We
are deeply convinced," he said, "that if the Chinese and Korean peoples,
the peoples of other countries of the socialist camp, and all peace-loving
peoples in the world strengthen their unity and persist in struggle, we
will certainly realize the peaceful reunification of Korea, will certainly
liberate Taiwan, and will certainly preserve peace in the Far East and in
the world."
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As of mid-August 1960, the official party theoretical semimonthly
Hung-ch'i (Red Flag), which had ceased on 1 July to carry any articles on
international affairs, still concentrated solely on domestic subjects.
However, Li Fu-ch'un, politburo member, who was a very important spokesman
on national policy during this period, brought up the matter of internae
tional revisionism in a long, key article on problems of the general line
for "socialist construction," in the 16 August issue. Remarking on the
importance of socialist-camp aid and of support of people throughout the
world for China's socialist cause, he noted that the progress,of its con-
struction in turn strengthened the camp and the ('oppressed and' struggling
peoples" of the world.
"This," he said, "is the reason each of our victories receives en-
couragement from the people of the socialist camp and the world and earns
the hatred of the handful of imperialists, reactionaries, and modern re-
visionists and of those who echo them. They have conducted campaigns r.
against China since 1958, in an effort to isolate us and undermine our
great cause of socialist construction, but events have gone contrary to
their aims. Their anti-Chinese activities, as far as we are concerned,
are to the good, not the bad, because they prove we are real Marxist
Leninists and that we are not doing badly. They have not damaged us at
all, but rather have aroused our whole party and people to unite still
more closely and to establish the bold target of catching up with and
surpassing the most advanced capitalist countries of the West. economically
and culturally, and by ourvwn efforts. For them, their anti-Chinese
activities are not a benefit but an evil. portent. They will see that
ultimately the rock they cast at others will crash down on their own feet.
They will expose their own ugly features and will isolate themselves from
the well-intentioned people who form more than 90 percent of the world's
people."
In the closing statement of his article Li said: "The present in-
ternational and domestic situations are both greatly,f avorable to our so-
cialist construction. No lies or slander by the forces., of the reactionaries
and modern revisionists can prevent our advance."
Reporting on efforts to propagate Chinese points. of view at the world
conference against nuclear bombs by the Chinese delegation to that conclave,
its leader, Liu Ning-yi, wrote in Jen-min Jih-pao of 27 August 1960 that
the delegation, in company with those of other countries, had militantly
promoted the idea of struggle against "the common enemy, US imperialism."
When the Chinese speaker there said that "US imperialism is the enemy of
the people of Asia, Africa, and Latin America and of all peace-loving peo-
ple in the world" and that if these all unite and resolutely struggle
against it, "lasting world peace can be maintained," according to Liu, he
"won sympathy from the delegates from Japan and other countries and received
repeated, warm applause." Liu said: "At this international meeting there
was no market for the attempt to beautify or create illusions about imper-
ialism. A speaker who tried to neglect the difference between the US and
the Soviet u was s ou down as he began to ak and the Yugoslav
lgi did d not mention US imper
isni, also made tiemr
M
seo ern rjj cu oouustfi, w
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On 30 August 1960, Jen-min Jih-pao carried two articles on the Boxer
rebellion, which it presented as the classic illustration of the need for
struggle, especially for oppressed and colonial peoples. The Chinese peo-
ple in this period, one article held, "had no alternative but to rise and
struggle against imperialism." Among the "imperialist abuses" it listed
as existing then was the division of China's territories into the spheres
of influence of "Russia, Britain, Germany, France, and Japan" It de-
scribed the rebellion as "an anti-imperialist war, a revolutionary war,
a war for progress." Precisely because it was "in direct opposition to
imperialism and'.d ew its strength from the masses," the article said, it
has since "drawn the hatred of all reactionaries and has been misrepresented
by all kinds of bourgeois apologists." The 'article credited the movement
with initiating the "anti-imperialist struggle by the colonial peoples"
which was to take place in the 20th Century*
It also took up a question which previously had not been much discussed
in the Chinese press --that of which class should lead the "revolutions
of.the oppressed peoples." Thp Boxer rebellion was a demonstration of the
revolutionary activism of the peasants, it held. "The national question
is in fact a peasant question. The anti-imperialist struggle cannot be
thoroughly carried out unless proper leadership has been provided the
masses of peasants," it said. The bourgeoisie are revolutionary to an
extent and should be made maximum use of by the working class, it continued,
but some of the bourgeoisie of colonized countries have won powers from
the "imperialist bourgeoisie," through the establishment of independent
nations as a result of national movements, and have used such powers in
dealing with other revolutionary classes. This class in the colonies has
a double character and "to regard the bourgeois movement as the main cur-
rent of national liberation, to support it energetically and exclusively,
keeping silent on the struggles of the broad revolutionary masses, is to
take the bourgeois point-of view and to act against Lenin's teachings."
It asserted the "historical law" that "imperialist aggression" inevitably
leads to revolution in the colonies, and though the revolution may begin
in crude form, the masses will in the long run be the decisive forces,
and though the struggle mayfollvw a tortuous course, they are sure to
win. 'The question is, whether or not people dare to struggle against
imperialism, and whether the weak bourgeoisie or the masses will be de-
pended on in such struggle.. This as true at the time of the Boxer rebel-M
lion, and is no less true today," it held.
The second article on the same subject was used as a vehicle to pre-
sent the position of Mao Tse-tung himself on the question of the "oppressed
peoples." It said that when Mao had received visitors from the underde
veloped countries, he expressed the following sentiments:' "The peoples
of the world are the friends of the Chinese people. The imperialists and
their jackals are the enemies of all, and are small in number. World peace
must be won through the struggle of the peoples of all countries; people
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are the decisive factor.... To defeat the reactionary rule of the imperial-
ists.;, a broad united front must be formed, and all the forces possible
should be rallied to continue the arduous struggle.. The US imperialists
are the greatest imperialists in the world at present and are the common
enemy of all peace-loving peoples, and these should all be united to drive
them from Asia, Africa, and Latin America."
''s words, the article said, showed among other things "the common
purpose of the Chinese people and the peoples of the other Asian, African,
and Latin American countries." It said: "The attitude of the Chinese
people toward the national democratic movements of the peoples of Asian,
African, and Latin American countries, as conveyed by Comrade Mao,'is in
complete accord with the views of Lenin and of all Communists in the world
who are loyal to Marxism-Leninism."
C. September: Parties Meet in Vietnam
Li Fu-ch'un figured prominently in the dispute when, at the beginning
of September 1960, he, traveled to Hanoi to represent China,at the North
Vietnam Workers Party congress. Here, where representatives of the Soviet
Union and other bloc countries also spoke, the argument came more clearly
into the open than had been the case since the meeting of party leaders
at Bucharest in June. Li made three speeches on this occasion.
The first, made at a ceremony in honor of North Vietnam's National
Day, prior to the congress, carried no punch in respect to 'the dispute,,
and was in fact heavy with statements which made it seem that Li, on this
occasion, might take a relatively agreeable approach to the issue. As
reported in Jen-min Jih pao, 2 September 1960, Li made some brief. references
to struggle, but more noticeable were his observations that the Vietnamese
had always upheld'the principles of "proletarian internationalism" and
made constant efforts to strengthen the unity of the camp headed by the
Soviet Union., He remarked that they, at the southern front of the camp,
had determinedly "opposed the imperialist policies of aggression" and
greatly contributed to "safeguarding 'peace" in the region. He also spoke
of-their victories in'the "war of resistance to France" and in the 6 years
since, which he said had increased the strength of the camp and "strength-
ened the will of the oppressed peoples to struggle for independence acid
freedom." But he also observed:
"Our two countries are united in the great family of'socialism headed
by the Soviet Union. We have closely cooperated and supported one another
in the cause of opposing US imperialism, defending Southeast Asian and
world peace, and building socialism. Our two countries in the past few
years have developed greatly in political, economic, cultural, and scien-
tific and technical cooperation....
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"The present international situation is very good. The'socialist
camp is growing more and more prosperous The economies of the Soviet
Union and all the fraternal countries have developed on a great scale,
while the imperialist camp is rent by contradictions and troubles. An
increasing number of-people and countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin
America have become more and more aware of the decaying nature of imperial-
ism and colonialism, and have risen against them. The struggles of the
people, In South Korea, Turkey, Japan, Laos, and South Vietnam against US
imperialism and its lackeys have dealt heavy blows to the imperialist
policies of aggression and war.
"Our socialist countries have persistently followed a foreign policy
of peace and stood for peaceful coexistence between countries with differ-
ing social systems. The-Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the other so-
cialist countries have made continual efforts to achieve this aim.... The
Vietnamese people now have the arduous task of building socialism in the
North and peacefully unifying the motherland."
However, in his later speech made at the congress, as reported in Pei-
ching Jih-pao of 7 September 1960, Li depicted the Vietnam Workers Party
as characterized by "unremitting struggle" and,a "great example of struggle
to the exploited people in the South." It had made "important contributions
to the struggle against the imperialist war policy, for defending'Asian
and world peace, and for peaceful coexistence among countries with differ-
ent social systems, and to the struggle to support national liberation in
Asia,.Africa, and Latin America." China and Vietnam always supported each
other he said, in the struggle against "US imperialism," which had "now
resorted to-more deceptive tactics in spreading a smoke screen of peace
to lull. the vigilance and numb the fighting will of the people of various
countries against imperialism. We staunch Marxist-Leninists will of course
not hold any illusions about imperialism." In the "anti-imperialist strug-
gle," he said that it was instructive to recall Lenin's teaching that
revisionist thinking was most apt to spread "whenever the bourgeoisie
changes its tactics." Then he said-
'tIn conformity with US imperialist tactics, the Yugoslav modern rep
visionists are now feverishly depicting imperialism in glowing terms and
desperately attacking the Marxist-Leninists. They XQ great efforts to
undermine the unity of the Communists of various countries, and particularly
revile, . and slander those who firmly hold to Marxism-Leninism. This again
bears out the Lenin thesis as above, and also the Moscow Declaration's
point that modern revisionism remains the principal danger in the inter:
national. Communist and workers movement.... It is absolutely impermissible
to relinquish fundamental theoretical Marxist-Leninist positions on the
pretext of opposing dogmatism, or to replace Marxism-Leninism with revision-
ism. Marxism-Leninism is guiding us with all its brilliance from victory
to victory, to final, complete triumph. Its great theories and revolutionary
spirit are not outmoded and will never be so."
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In his final speech, at a rally "celebrating the success of the con-
gress," reported in the Peiping Kuang-ming Jih-pao, 12 September 1960, Li
Fu-ch'un hailed the Vietnam party's determined struggle for peaceful re-
unification" of Vietnam, "a patriotic and just struggle" which the Chinese,
he said, completely sympathized with and supported.; H& continued:
"The Chinese and Vietnamese people are brothers living side by side
and are close comrades in arms who have always been concerned for and sup-
ported one anbther's struggles for national liberation. Now, too, we
support and encourage one another, cooperating closely and advancing
shoulder to shoulder in our struggle against our common enemy, US imperial-
ism, in socialist construction, in defending the cause of Asian and world
peace, and in supporting the just struggles of the Asian, African, and
Latin American peoples.... In the defense of world peace and to realize
peaceful coexistence between countries with different social systems, the
Chinese people have conducted,a determined struggle against the vicious
enemy of the world's people, US imperialism. This struggle by the Chinese
people has given a telling blow to its policies of aggression and war, so
that it is especially hostile to us and. attacks us frantically. But we
have won the universal sympathy of all oppressed nations and peoples and
of the peace-loving peoples of all countries."
In Peiping, Li Fu-ch'un received some high-level backing. Politburo
Member Po Yi-po, at a Peiping rally in celebration of North Vietnam's National
Day, as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao, 2 September 1960, observed that a
"storm of struggle by all the peoples of the world is raging 'and gaining
force," and that the "forces of peace, national independence, and socialism
are growing stronger each day, as is the influence of the socialist camp."
He cited the launobing,of the second Soviet spaceship ! ahd Soviet scientific
achievements as again having "stimulated greatly the fighting will of the
peoples of various countries to oppose imperialist aggression and defend,
world peace." He expressed the conviction that if the "world forces for
peace and against imperialism" would further unite and conduct sustained
struggles, they would "definitely defeat US imperialist war activities 4nd
constantly win victories for the defense of peace." He added that China
and Vietnam"both love peace, and have consistently followed a peaceful
foreign policy and worked tirelessly for realization of peaceful coexistence,
relaxation of international tension, and the defense of Asian' and world
peace." He said: "The stand of China and Vietnam in defending peace in
Indochina is staunch and immovable. No force .can shake the determination
of the peoples of the Indochinese states against foreign intervention and
in the defense of national independence,."
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Premier Chou En-lai, at a North Vietnam embassy reception, contributed
the observations, as reported in Chieh-fang Jih-pao, 3 September 1960, L.:
that the Vietnam republic "was born, developed, and flourished in the midst
of the protracted struggle conducted by the Vietnamese people against im-
perialism." Its people "had carried out revolution to overthrow long
imperialist rule," and through 9 years of resistance "had destroyed the
French imperialist dream and safeguarded the revolution's gains."
"As a staunch.member of the socialist camp," he said, "it is now
vigorously defending peace in Indochina and Asia and making. greater efforts
for world peace and mankind's progress. It has always maintained a.peace-
ful foreign policy and stood for the peaceful coexistence of countries with
different social systems." But he also observed: "The Vietnamese people's
struggle for the.peaceful reunification of their fatherland is forging
ahead. This struggle has become an important component of the stormy strug-
gle of the peopleof the whole world against US imperialism, The Chinese
people have supported, do support, and in the future will continue to sup-
port their struggle, and believe that their just demand will be realized.
The Chinese people and government, persisting in the Five Principles of
Peaceful. Coexistence, have always been concerned for peace in Indochina
and hope to see this area on China's border become an area of peace."
.Chou closed his speech with the observation that the two peoples had
always been "comrades in arms and brothers in the great socialist family,"
and that their mutual cooperation and assistance had promoted the building
of socialism domestically and also had furthered the strengthening of the
socialist camp. The Chinese people would "stand forever at the side of
the Vietnamese" and make still greater. efforts to strengthen the unity of
the camp and "defend peace and the progress of mankind," he said.
D. Mid-September: National Liberation Struggle
The visit to China of President Sekou Toure of the Republic of Guinea
provided the backdrop for the Chinese party to elaborate its case in re-
spect to "struggle by the oppressed peoples" and on the "true nature of
imperialism." The new note here was the "change" in the international
situation as the Chinese professed to see it, apparently to counter the
contention,. the Soviets had made from the start that it was the changed
world realities which Justified their position and invalidated some classic
Leninist teachings. .
Liu Shao-ch?i, Chairman of the People's Republic of China, led off
with the following assertion, as reported in Kuang-minx Jih-pao, 11 Sep-
tember 1;960: "The vigorous development of the African national inde-
pendence movement :reveals .a tremendous change in the contemporary international
situation. The swift, sweeping progress of the struggle of the people of
the world for peace, democracy, national liberation, and socialism has
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become the main stream in the world situation." He noted that Tbure had
devoted himself to the Guinean people's cause of national independence,
and led them in "protracted, unremitting struggles Against the imperialists'
repeated, subversive plots" and in development of the nation's economy,
thus helping to "strengthen the unity of the Asian and African peoples,
oppose imperialism, and defend peace." Their victory, he said, had ine4
spired other African peoples in struggles against colonialism. Today,
African. peoples who had achieved independence, he added, were "waging
heroic struggles to continue to free themselves of imperialist political
and economic control and cultural influence:, while others were "stubbornly
struggling" to realize national independence.
Liu, as other spokesmen had done, coupled this with a statement which
mixed elements of the Chinese and Soviet positions on peace and struggle.
"The Chinese people," he said, "have spared no effort to strengthen the
unity of the countries of the socialist camp and that of all the peace-
loving countries and people of the world, and to fight unwaveringly against
US imperialist aggression and in defense of world peace. Chiz}a has con-
sistently followed a peaceful foreign policy, stood for peaceful coexist-
ence among nations with differing social systems, and made persistent u:,'
efforts to this end.... We stand for peaceful settlement of international
disputes without resorting to force. We always support the Soviet Union's
proposals and steps toward disarmament and prohibition of nuclear weapons,
and others aimed at easing international tension. Our peaceful foreign
policy is daily winning increasing sympathy and support from the peoples
of the world."
Peng Chen, member of the politburo,~in a toure welcoming rally speech
reported in Jen-min Jih-Rao on 18 September 1960, gave his own reading of
the changed situation: The socialist camp grows mightier by the day.
The national democratic movements have undergone a new development. im-
perialism, headed by the US and its lackeys, is now encircled and beseiged
by the peoples of the world. The sympathy and support of the people of
the whole world go to the African peoples opposing imperialism and defend-
ing and struggling for independence and freedom." Peng warned that "the
imperialists'are trying to penetrate into Africa to supplant the old .
colonialists, using so-called economic aid to impose new fetters on the
peoples." He added: "Imperialism remains imperialism, and 'the African
peoples have come to see from experience that to win and defend their in-
dependence, they must struggle persistently against it and its lackeys....
The Chinese and Guinean peoples, in the common cause of opposing imperial-
ism, safeguarding national independence,'and attaining world peace, have
always shared whatever came" and have provided one another support.... Let
us more closely support one another in our struggle against colonialism
and imperialism and for peace, and in our construction work."
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Jeri:-min Jih-pao of 10 September 1960 contended that events demonstrated
that Yie existence off' a new, independent Guinea had "accelerated the dis-
integration of the imperialist colonialist system." But the "imperialists"
were not "reconciled to their defeat" and would make a "desperate, last
struggle," it said, so that the Guinean people saw it their duty to support
the struggle of other Africtn,a peoples. "The Chinese government and people
determinedly support the people of Guinea and other African countries in
their struggles. against imperialism and. colonialism and to attain and de-
fend national independence," according to the paper, which added that the
visit of Toure would promote "the comradeship-in-arms of the two peoples,
formed in their struggle against imperialism and colonialism and for the
defense of world peace."
The issue of 14 September 1960 said: "The Asian and African peoples
deeply realize from experience that imperialism and colonialism are the
enemies of independence and freedom of the people in all countries, as well
as of peace in. Asia, Africa, and the whole world. Imperialism and colonial-
ism will. never change their. aggressive and warlike nature.... The leaders
of China, and Guinea, in their talks, completely agreed that the winning
of the world pease depends mainly on the determined struggles of the peo-
ples o.tf,s).all , the;; cdunt iesu,.~.nga,inst;_::a,3mperial sri~ ,.;.and nhl~aniall sm and that the present tide of the national liberation movement in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America to oppose imperialism and colonialism is an
indispensable and vitally important force for safeguarding world peace....
Let the imperialist slander all they will; the people of the world realize
that the! brave struggles against imperialism and colonialism of the Cuban,
Congblese, Algerian, and all oppressed peoples of the world for independ-
ence and freedom are making greater and greater contributions to the de-
fense of world peacea"
In recognizing the establishment of diplomatic relations with Cuba,
Jen-min Jih-pao of 29 September 1960 said: "Every struggle which the
Cuban people wage against US imperialism is inevitably in support of the
Chinese people. The deep friendship between the Chinese and Cuban peo-
ples, established on the battleground against US imperialist aggression,
will last forever. US imperialism bitterly detests the friendship exist-
ing among the peoples of various countries, and fears their unity. It
particularly detests the friendship and unity between our two peoples.
Since the victory of the Chinese people?s revolution, it has been at-
tempting by all possible means to isolate us,.but without the slightest
success. We have friends all over the world.... Chairman Mao Tse-tung
said on 8 May of this year that the people of Cuba, of Latin America, and
of the entire world are the friends of the Chinese people, while the im-
perialists and their running dogs are their common enemy.... Common
struggle and common historical destiny have bound us closely together;
let us go forward arm in arm in the struggle against imperialism and colo-
nialism and in the defense of peace."
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On the same day, the paper used the occasion of the arrival in China
of the premier of the Algerian Provisional Government to develop this
theme further. It remarked that the Chinese people had "great sympathy"
for the Algerian people's persistence in 6 years of, struggle under very
adverse conditions against the French colonialists"backed by US imperial-
ism." They could rely, it said, on the continued complete support of the
Chinese, as they continued their struggle in the future, for the Chinese
people would always stand with the Algerian people. T4ough the two coun-
tries are far apart, the "common struggle against imperialism" linked them
closely together, it said. It also observed: "Allwho'~have the courage
to stand and fight for independence and freedom, to struggle determinedly
against imperialism and colonialism, are unconquerable. The brave Alger-
ian and other African peoples will win certain and complete victory. The
Algerian people's struggle is not isolated, for it has earned the wide,:;
sympathy and support of the African and Asian peoples and those of the
whole world.... The Chinese people see the Algerian people's struggle
for national liberation as an important support to their own struggle be-
ing waged against imperialism."
E. 1 October: National Day
The speeches of Chou En-lai, carried in Jen-min Jih-pao on 1 October
1960, and of Foreign Minister Chen Yi, carried in the same paper on
2 October, both made in observance of National Day, were perhaps most note-
worthy for their display of the defensiveness and sensitivity which had
become a feature of many statements by the Chinese.
Chou, presenting the now familiar formula of Chinese adherence to a
foreign policy of "peace and support for peaceful coexistence," cited a
number of examples of treaties. and negotiations his' government had under-
taken. These showed, he said, "how sincerely and practically the Chinese
people and government have acted, and the concrete efforts they have made
for the cause of defending world peace." Chen Yi observed ,how "unwaver-
ingly" the Chinese had "guarded the unity of the socialist camp, headed
by the Soviet Union," and how they had striven to "strengthen the mutual
help and cooperation" between the two countries toward their commonicause;
how the Chinese had supported the Soviets' "peace proposals and efforts
to relax international tensions."
Chou stated: "We are clearly aware that there exist in the world a
handful of people, the imperialists and their followers, who have never
held good intentions toward us, who have never stopped cursing and revil-
ing us, and who have always counted on the failure of our cause. But their
hopes will not be realized. The more they attack us, the stronger the
proof. of the justice of our cause and the correctness of the road of the
Chinese people. Like other socialist countries, a prosperous, strong,
socialist New China is absolutely no threat to anyone and can only benefit
the world, and for this reason our cause has the support of all peoples,
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especially the peoples of the Soviet Union and the other 0o0.1411,t countries.
The Chinese people are profoundly grateful for such world support and will'
always need it. We will never disappoint other people's expectations and
the support they give us. We are determined to proceed victoriously and
with still firmer resolve along the road that has been charted and the goal
that has been established.... Imperialism and its followers have always
tried in vain to damage China's international prestige and to isolate it
internationally by the slander that it is warlike and aggressive. This
plot will not succeed. The determination of the Chinese people to strug-
gle for ;peace can weather the test of time, and can never be shaken."
The same theme was followed by Chen Yi. He contrasted "the imperialists,
reactionaries, and modern revisionists" with the peoples of the world by
attributing to the former a "deep hatred for China's domestic successes,
especially the leap forward." Repeating Chou's observation that they had
awaited the regime's failure, he asserted.. "Contrary to the expectation
of the imperialists, reactionaries, and modern revisionists, the Chinese
people's cause of socialist revolution and construction has not fallen be-
hind but advanced with great strides, and no power on earth can prevent
China from proceeding victoriously to its great goal." He advanced the
examples of the Burma and Nepal boundary negotiations and various treaties
as "facts which fully demonstrate that the C inege people, who fervently
love peace, can never be harmed by lies or isolated by slander."
Chou stated: "Whether in the past, the present, or the future, the
Chinese ;people always stand with the oppressed nations and peoples, re-
solutely supporting the peoples ...in their just struggles.... They con-
sider the struggles of Other peoples to be a powerful support to.themselves,
as well as an indispensable safeguard to world peace. The Chinese people
are determined to strengthen their unity with the peoples of the other
socialist countries and with the peoples of the whole world, and to strug-
gle to the end for the victory of our common cause."
.The tone of the 1 October 1960 Jen-min Jihmpao editorial on the sub-
ject of National Day contrasted considerably with that of the foregoing
speeches. Developing the theme of the changed international situation,
it held that "the struggle for world peace, national independence, democ.>
racy, and, social progress" had reached a new high in the current year,
the peoples of the world were "seeing imperialism for what it was," and
more and more of them were "participating in the movement to prevent it
from starting another war and to safeguard peace." The workers movement
in' the capitalist countries had made progress, it said, while the economic
situation in these countries was deteriorating, "with the US facing a new
economic crisis." It asserted that the "struggle between the US and other
q3tense throughout
imperialists to gain spheres of influence" was 'becoanu
the world and "their internal problems and among them"
were growing.
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"The development of the international situation over the past year,"
it said, "has seen the forces of socialism, national liberation, peace,
and democracy forge still further ahead of the forces.of imperialism, re-
action, and war. In other words, with the East wind preva.ling further
over the West, the situation is very greatly advantageous to the struggle
of the world's people for peace, democracy, national liberation, and so
cialism, and to the construction of their motherland by the Chinese people
in a peaceful international environment."
Discussing its own domestic victories, the editorial expressed "warm
sympathy and high respect to the people of various countries in the world
for their struggle for brightness and prosperity."' It observed that the
socialist camp, "headed by the Soviet Union," had become "more consolidated
and more powerful, the Soviets having achieved greater successes in their
all-out construction of Communism, and, in science and technology, having
left the US still further behind." In the "fraternal" countries, it said,
construction had advanced with vigor, and "the socialist countries have
earned wide support from all peoples for their foreign policy of peace,
and, their world standing and influence have risen continuously; pursuing
their great common ideal of Communism, and. opposing their common enemy,
friendly relations between them will endure forever and no force can
undermine their unity." The Chinese, it said, had', consistently conducted
"dauntless struggles for the cause of peace," and had supported the So-
viets' "peace proposals and efforts for disarmament and relaxation of
tension." To this it added:
"Me Chinese people warmly support the Asian, African,, and Latin
American peoples' struggles to attain and safeguard national independence,
and regard these struggles as.^a powerful support to themselves. They
have always made great efforts toward. the establishment and development
of peaceful coexistence with all foreign countries, and for the broaden-
ing of the area of peace in Asia."
The editorial closed with the now customary note of sensitivity:
";US imperialism's plots to isolate New China by using shameful tactics v
will never succeed. The Chinese people believe that if the people through-
out the world will continue to take full advantage of the present profound
situation... they can defeat the policy of aggression and war of the im-
perialist clique headed by the US and realize the great goal of defending
world peace.... The Chinese people will struggle to defeat the aggressive
war forces headed by US imperialism and to defend world peace, in company
with the peoples of the whole world."
Hung-ch'i of 1 October 1960 used the celebration of National Day and
the simultaneous publication of the fourth volume of the selected works
of Mao to review the Chinese position in the dispute and to give the credit
for the "correctness" of the whole span of Chinese views to Mao Tse-tung
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himself. The concentration, in the editorial, however, was specifically
on the "correct, revolutionary approach to dealing with imperialism," as
centered on Mao's concept of slighting the enemy strategically (seeing
him as a "paper tiger"), but of taking him seriously and making careful
efforts to defeat him tactically. The editorial boasted.
"The victory of the Chinese revolution is a great, historically sig-
nificant world event, after the victory of the Russian October Revolution
and the 'victory of the international antifascist ward It has penetrated
the imperialist front in the East and has struck a death blow to the imp
perialist colonial system. It has greatly strengthened the socialist
camp, headed by the Soviet Union, further altered the appearance of the
world, and greatly inspired the people of the whole world who are strug-
gling for liberation from imperialist and reactionary oppression. Its
victory is a victory of Marxism-Leninism, a victory of Mao Tse-tung's
thinking. His theoretical guidance played the very great, decisive role
in the victorious, protracted revolutionary struggles of the Chinese peo-
ple against enemies internal and foreign."
Continuing on the theme of revolution, the editorial commented that
in the revolutionary civil war, the Chinese people had "displayed to the
full their revolutionary spirit and had formed an invincible force, under
the guidance of Comrade Mao's theory." It further observed that where the
"Chinese party and people desired to transform the country into a New
China led by the proletariat and belonging to the masses," the question
"whether our party should follow the revolutionary line and determinedly
lead the people of the country to overthrow the reactionaries, or should
take an opportunistic line, abandon the gains of the people's victory,
and compromise with and surrender to imperialism and its lackeys" became
a vital issue affecting the nation's destiny.
Mao., it said, had pointed out long ago that the "imperialist camp
headed by the US was opposing all the democratic forces headed by the So-
viet Union and preparing for a distant third world war to defeat these
forces, a plot which the democratic forces must and definitely can defeat."
It quoted him as saying: "The anti-imperialist camp of the world is more
powerful than the imperialists; it is we who are superior, not the enemy....
All attitudes which overestimate their strength and underestimate the
strength of the people are incorrect. With strenuous effort, we, in com-
pany with all the world's democratic forces, can definitely defeat the
imperialists' scheme of enslavement, prevent a third world war, destroy
all reactionary rule, and win a lasting peace for mankind."
The editorial asserted that Mao's concept of strategically slighting
the enemy but of tactically taking him seriously was the result of historical
experience in revolution. "It demonstrates," it said, "endless devotion
to the cause of proletarian revolution, and absolute courage, determination,
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and confidence in winning revolutionary victory, and it displays Marxist-
Leninist wisdom and skill in conducting struggle against the enemy and
gaining step-by-step victory. The history of the Chinese revolution proves
that the revolutionary line based on this concept has strengthened the
revolutionary forces and led them out of defeat to victory, and from local
to national victories, in contrast with the results of opportunistic lines."
It observed that "there are some" who, taking a metaphysical' world outlook,
think that to follow the concept of taking the enemy lightly strategically
is to take an adventurist viewpoint, while to take him seri.osly in tactics
is to overestimate his strength and underestimate one's own. Such people
do not understand the "dual nature of imperialism,"nor do they understand
Marxist dialectics, it said.
''.This I *W,," the editorial asserted, "has been proved by the past
revolutionary experience of the Chinese revolution, and it will continue
to be proved in the victorious development of the world revolution of the
people in the future.... The people of our country, together with those
of the great Soviet Union and the other socialist countries and the peo-
ple of the whole world, are struggling against imperialism and colonialism,
against modern revisionism, for the defense of world peace and for national
independence, democratic freedom, and the victory of the socialist cause."
To this end, it held, Mao's aforesaid fundamental strategic-tactical con-
cept must be applied.
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Need for-Peaceful, .Coexistence Stressed
A survey of several North Vietnam papers and periodicals made from
17 August through 8 September 1960 seems to indicate that on the surface,
at least, the Sino-Soviet controversy has abated to some extent.'
Since the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam occurred on 2 September 1960, almost all press space during
the period of this survey was given to some phase of this anniversary,
and from 2 through 8 September, Nhan Dan, the official organ of the Viet-
nam Lao Dong Party, carried full texts of the speeches made by heads of
delegations from the Soviet Union, China, and many other socialist coun-
tries.
The fact that the paper printed the text of these speeches indicates
that the regime in North Vietnam may have finally decided to acknowledge
the Sino-Soviet conflict. Heretofore, when dealing with speeches made by
various Soviet or Chinese leaders, Nhan Dan usually excerpted or summarized
them and in this way managed to omit any statements prejudicial to either
side. The statements made on this occasion by:-the foreign delegates (in-
cluding the Chinese) and the North Vietnamese leaders allatress the theme
of unity and peaceful coexistence, vigilance against "imperialist aggres-
sion," and the leadership of the Soviet Unions
These points were all emphasized by Premier and Politburo member Pham
Van Dong, when, according to the 2 September issue of Nhan Dan, he said:
"The nature of imperialism, particularly US imperialism, is aggression
and warmongering. However, the balance of forces in the world. has now
changed In favor of socialism, national independence, and world peace.
Today the Soviet Union and other socialist countries are successfully
building communism and socialism and have become an invincible force.;
Along with peace-loving people all over the world, they are able to pre-
vent war, check the blood-stained hands of the imperialists, preserve
peace, and save mankin4 fi a new world war, a nuclear war.
"At present, the policy of peace and peaceful coexistence of the
Soviet Union and the socialist bloc, and the Soviet proposal for complete
and general disarmament, fully meet the interests. and aspirations of people
the world over....
"The imperialists, with the US imperialists.. at their head, are cruel
and treacherous, but the Vietnamese and the people of the world are con-
stantly heightening their vigilance, deepening their hatred for the
imperialists,.and exerting ever more vigorous efforts to defeat them.
Final victory will certainly belong to the people. It is clear that
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the present era is not an era in which the imperialist countries can
freely rule the roost in the world.... It is an era :'.'when socialist is
on the upgrade and imperialism is on the decline.' It is the era 'when
the forces of peace have grown so that there is a real possibility of
averting war.'"
Exactly the same points were made in a more succinct manner by Zenon
Nowak, Alexander Dubcek, Ferenc Nezval, Nicolae Giosan, Dimity Dimov,
Begir-Balluku,.Mrs Pak Chong-ae, and Damdin, respective heads of the party
and government delegations from Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania,
Bulgaria, Albania, North Korea, and Mongolia..
The only person who made any overt reference to the Sino-Soviet dis-
pute was Baqir Balluku, head of the Albanian delegation. Unlike other
delegates, who did not mention China at all, he devoted a large part of
his speech, which appeared in Nhan Dan on 2 September, to the "diabolical
aims" of the US against China in occupying Taiwan and in preventing
China's entry into the UN. Unlike the other delegates, who gave great
praise to the USSR for its achievements in all fields and for its "un-
stinting efforts for peace," Balluku mentioned the Soviet Union only
twice and then apparently in a routine manner. Once he stated that "the
imperialists will never succeed in their wily schemes because there now
exist the glorious and unrivaled Soviet Union and the glorious People's
China...."
His other mention of the USSR was in his closing remarks, when he
said: "All together we will safeguard the unshakable unity of the
socialist bloc, which is headed by the Soviet Union....
PKI Pursuing, fMiddle-= Road
A survey of Harian Rakjat from 3 August 1960, when the Indonesian
Army lifted its ban on that paper, to 15 September 1960, when the ban
was again imposed, seems to indicate that the moderate middle-of-the-road
group which has controlled the party since 1951 is still concerned with
defending its position against attacks from both right and left. As
indicated in previous issues of Communist Revisionism and Dissidence., the
PKI (Indonesian Communist Party has long been plagued by the danger of
revisionism inherent in its policy of collaboration with the national
bourgeoisie in a united front. At the other extreme, double encouragement
emanating from developments on both the domestic political and inter-
national Communist scene has been given in recent months to a faction
desiring to pursue a more vigorous line both toward the Indonesian govern-
ment and in interpreting Marxist-Leninist dogma.
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Because of the conjunction of certain Indonesian internal political
developments and the growing ideological disagreement between the Soviet
Union and China, it is not clear whether-at this particular time either
of these presumed dissident factions is motivated primarily by theoretical
or, by pragmatic political considerations. Furthermore, statements of
position by these factions are entirely lacking in the period under con-
sideration. However, one can infer from the most insistent arguments in
..the articles of the moderates within the party the main points on which
they are being attacked. In addition, the amount of coverage given in
the daily Communist press to statements by leaders of either?the Soviet
Union or China which might tend to support the position of one or the
other of the factions can also be viewed as an indication that the party
may be leaning to one side or the other.
To start with an examination of this latter possible key to the situ-
ation, no significant Soviet article which might have acted as a counter-
weight to Chinese arguments was published in.Harian Rakjat during the
period covered. In contrast, there was a certain amount of republication
.of Chinese statements. This was concentrated at the beginning of August
1960 and led off with HNA dispatch on Chou En-lai's proposal of a Pacific
Peace Pact and denial of Chinese abandonment of a peaceful coexistence
policy in the 3. August 1960 Harlan Rakjat. The same issue contained an
NCNA report on a speech by General Lo Jul-ching on the anniversary of the
People's Liberation Army. The general supported peaceful coexistence in
his remarks, but also noted that if "the imperialists" were to launch an
aggressive war, they would "be sure to suffer total defeat."
The 4 August 1960 Harian Rakjat carried a report on Chen Yi's speech
at a reception for military attaches on the same occasion in which he
noted the similarity between the Chinese struggle and the present one
of the African nations and attributed China's success in this struggle
to the People's Liberation Army. On 6 August 1960, Irian fakjat summarized
at length Lu Ting-i's speech to China's Third National Congress of
Writers and Artists and included the full text of three paragraphs which,
in an attack on "modern revisionists" (identified with Tito), neatly
summed up the main Chinese positions in their ideological dispute with
the Soviet Union. The article also summarized a speech to the same
congress, by Chou Yang, which included criticism of revisionists.
At this point, however, coverage of Chinese materials pertinent to
such controversial questions ceased abruptly until 12 September, when
there was a brief report on Liu Shao-chi's speech to a banquet honoring
the.President of Guinea. This item noted that Liu called for heightened
vigilance against "imperalist intrigues" in the Congo and elsewhere, but
did not develop the subject. This cessation of coverage of the Chinese
position. is of particular interest since it came at a point when the
Chinese themselves were issuing tajor statements in their rebuttal of
Soviet criticism..
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Dgring.,this' period:,.,there wasz_no,., .ire t discuss a ;ln the.;I .onesian
press of peaceful coexistence per se. However, the generally mild tone.,
of the speech made by the chairman of the Indonesian delegation.to the
anti-A and H bomb conference in Tokyo, the main theme of which was that
the struggle for peace cannot be separated from the struggle for national
independence, contrasted with the greater militance of the speech by the
general chairman of the Japanese Anti-A and H Bomb Council. Both these
speeches were reported on in the 5-:,' August 1960 Harian Rakjat. Similarly,
in a long article which appeared in the 10 August- 1960 issue of the paper,
Kartinah Kurdi developed the theme that women are lovers-.of would peace
by stressing the 'horrors6f'atomic warfare and thereby indirectly implied
that another war would be unthinkable.
The main concern of the Indonesian Communists at this time, howev,r,
was a continuing examination of the nature of their own revolution. To
this end, a 3 to 30 August series of articles marking the 15th anniversary
of the 1945, revolution, which occurred on 17 August, was used as a vehicle
for justifying the position and interpretations of the moderate faction
within the party and may have been intended to counter possible dissidence.
The general pattern which can be discerned in these articles does not
differ from that well established over the years in PKI material. However,
there are certain,focal points around which the main arguments revolve,
and a consideration of these highlights the principle areas in which the
established party line may be being challenged for both practical and
theoretical reasons.
The most basic of these problems is the question of the, present stage
of the Indonesian revolution and its ultimate goal. In a 10 August 1960
artie1e, Umar, who is not further identified, spelled. out the "orthodox"
position by asserting that the August Revolution could only be a national
democratic revolution or a "bourgeois democratic revolution of the new
type." He said that "it does not yet have the form of a socialist revo-
lution. ? But neither )is it ; a'revolution' which leads' to ,capitalism. In
short, as explained by D. ' Aidit, lithe perspectives. of the Indonesian-.
revolution are socialism and Communism."
On 20 August 1960, A. Anwar Sanu.s:L, a member of the Central Committee,
published a further definition of the PKI's view of the stages of revo-
lution. He distinguishes between the national democratic stage, whose
task is to abolish "imperialism" and the remnants of feudalism completely
and create a transitional society between capitalism and socialism, and
the socialist stage, in which "all forms of exploitation will be ended."
Here he is careful to specify that exploitation by, indigenous private
entrepreneurs is included in that to be ended and that the end of indi-
vidttal ownershipf&the means of production will mean the end of indi-
vidual ownership of land. Sanusi repeats the assertion which has
appeared so frequently in recent PKI :literature that there is no
"Chinese wall" between the two stages of revolution, but also notes
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that socialism is the "inevitable future" of every national democratic
revolution. The important thing is "to know the limits of this revo-
lution" and thus to avoid "stage-jumping" which would endanger it. For
example, he says, nationalization of all land at the present stage would
be premature, for it would make a real national front impossible by
alienating the peasants. On the other hand, an interpretation which
would, permit the continued ownership of large industries by "imperialist"
capital and would even allow for new foreign capital investment in
Indonesia would be rightist.
Sanusi makes these points in an appeal for correct understanding of
the 1945 Constitution, for "there is a danger that the 1945 Constitution
may be interpreted as a socialist constitution and so give rise to a
leftist and sectarian line. There is also a danger that it may be in*
terpreted in a rightist and even in a counterrevolutionary way." He
indicates clearly that impatience exists in regard to the slow progress
of the revolution by almost apologizing for the fact that the socialist
stage has not yet arrived, despite the passage of 15 years since the
August Revolution. He also seems worried about the wide use of the term
"socialism" in Indonesia at present and the possible misunderstandings
which may arise from this practice.
A similar concern was evidenced in an article contributed by Thaher
Thajeb, a member of the Central Auditing Commission,, on 9 August,which
insists that the only successful socialism is that of Marxism-Leninism,
thereby implying the appeal of a less orthodox socialism,
The idea that orthodoxy is essential is also inherent in the second
theme which runs through these articles. It is first stated by Omar when
he argues that victory can be achieved only if the people support the one
political party armed with Marxist-Leninist theory and therefore able to
provide correct leadership for their struggle. Later in the article, he
states the problem even more clearly when he insists that the "historic
task of leadership of the revolution and the united front can be borne
by no other class that the proletariat." TJmar cites the failure of the
proletariat itself and of the peasants in Indonesia to understand this
as a major weakness, particularly in the development of antifeudal
peasant movements. Given this need for proletarian leadership of the
revolution, the party of the proletariat "must preserve its political
and organizational independence and ideological purity" in the united
front. Hence the current PKI slogan "unite and struggle."
In discussing this, Umar quotes a passage from Aidit's report to the
fourth plenary session of the PKI central committee in 1956 calling for
constructive criticism of the democratic groups allied with the party
in the united front. Umar applies this policy by inference to the 8 July
1960 poliburo criticism of certain policies and members of the cabinet,
arguing that such criticism will save rather than destroy the united
front.
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Aidit himself discusses this problem in an article marking the a,uhi,ver-
sary of the August Revolution which appeared in the 17 August 1960
Harlan Rakjat. ..He reaffirms the PKI position that the united front must
comprise the wavering middle forces" as well as the progressives.but:,that
it must rely primarily on the latter as "it is impossible to rely on the
wavering forces. He bolsters his argument with a quotation from Lenin,
"it is only the proletariat which can be a, real fighter for democracy,"
and warns that the proletariat must be joined in this struggle by the
peasants if the bourgeoisie is not to take over the democratic revolution
and distort it. The same refrain appears elsewhere in this issue of
Harlan Rakjat, in an article by the foreign editor' which warns that the
leadership of the revolution must not, be surrendered to nonrevolutionaries.
Another aspect to this question of who is to participate in the revo-
lution is indicated by Umar's statement that efforts at cooperation in
the united front will fail if any cooperative bodies which 'are formed are
not based on the alliance of proletariat and peasants and if they do not
generate revolutionary actions by the broad masses. The purpose of such
revolutionary action is, of course, to move the government to action in
its turn. A suggestion that the Indonesian. government has perhaps been
less responsive that the PKI may have wished is made by M. T. Peleng,
candidate member of the Central Committee, on 13 August, when he condemns
certain' unnamed "leaders" who heed only their own interests and warns that
the people can distinguish between true and false leaders.
Aidit takes this idea and ostensibly basing-his argument on a state-
ment made by Sukarno on National Veterans Day, 10 August 19'60, that "the
Indonesian revolution must proceed from above and from below; a revolution
from above is not a revolution because the masses do not participate and
that which is only from below is a rebellion," he shifts the emphasis
slightly in his August Revolution anniversary article to warn that "it
is only possible to prevent a revolutionary rebellion if the revolution
also proceeds from above." If it does not, "a revolutionary rebellion
is a necessity." Aidit elaborated further on this concept in a 19, August
speech which was published in the 22 August Harlan Rakjat. He demanded
a revolutionary "retooling" of the government apparatus to ensure proper
governmental response to the thoughts and feelings of the people, defining
the revolutionary process as "measures from above and pressures from
below."
The final point emphasized in this series, as well as in most PKI
writingi, deals with the target of the revolution. This remains "imperi-
alism and feudalism," although in these, particular articles "imperialism "
is given more attention. Thaher Thajeb insists that Indonesia must not
compromise with or waver in its attitude towards "imperialism." Such
compromise is blamed by M. T. Peleng for all of Indonesia's current pro-
blems. Furthermore, he warns that "the influence of imperialism in
Indonesia is still extensive 'and feu&O-ism rune rampant. The reformists'
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still betray the revolution; liberalism and bureaucracy still flourish in
all fields, including the political, economic,.and that of democratic
rights." In the view of the PKI, the "treachery" of the reformists at
home is equaled by that of the revisionists on'the international scene.
his
Although they are not mentioned specifically in this series, Umar,
article, cites as one of the lessons drawn from the experience of the
August Revolution the fact that cooperation with other nations struggling
for national independence and consequent opposition to "every form of
bourgeois chauvinism" are necessary. Furthermore, the Harian Rakiat
foreign editor insists that there must be no compromise with the imperi-
alists" and that if there is firm unity against them, they will back down
both domestically and. internationally as they are only "paper tigers."
In sum, during the period reviewed, the PKI has made no new departures
in either theory or practice but has simply further clarified its already
known positions. Its overriding concern still seems to be to defend a
policy falling somewhere between that of the reformists, who would allow
the revolution to be captured by the bourgeois liberals,. and that of the
"stage-?jumpers," who would.move on to a socialist revolution without
bourgeois allies. It might be possible to draw an analogy between the
position in which this middle-of-the-road faction finds itself within
the PKI and that of the Soviet party within the international Communist
movement. Assuming the validity of such a comparison, a continuing am-
bivalence in PKT policy is to be expected, for the party's dominant
faction. will be forced to modulate the tone of its pronouncements depend-
ing on the audience which it is addressing, just as the Soviets pursue
a not always well-demarcated line between revisionists and leftist
deviationista.
IV. O MONGOLIA
Activitie's of Mongolian-Chinese Friendship Association
An editorial in Unen ,on 21 September 1960, "Ten Days of Friendship
Among Neighboring States," dealt with the activities of the Mongolian-
Chinese Friendship Association. A summarized translation in Chinese
appeared in Jenmmin J h of 22 September 1960. The following is a
translation of the Mongolian text. The portion of the text in parentheses
is not included in the Chinese translation.
"Ten days of Mongolian-Chinese friendship activities begin today
throughout Mongolia. The occasion is a suitable one for further-de-
veloping friendly relations between the two countries. (Six hundred
and fifty million) Chinese people, under the leadership of the Com-
munist Party, have transformed the appearance of tleir native land and
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have attained great success within a short period of time in the field of
socialist construction. The Chinese people have successfully accomplished
the socialist industrialization of their country, and are now engaged in
carrying out a revolution in cultural and technical matters. The form of
collective property in the field of economics has been completely SUC,4 ,
cessful. (A mere glance at last year reveals the fact that the over-all
production of the Chinese people in industry and agriculture increased
31 percent over 1958. In 1959, the Chinese people produced 13 million
tons of steel, 34+7 million tons of coal, 41 billion kilowatt-hours of
electricity, and 54+0 billion chin of grain.) The heroic Chinese people
have been extremely successful. in the work of peaceful construction.
(They have also contributed continuously their share in the great com-
petitive struggle between socialist and capitalist economic system. By;
'do doing, they have demonstrated that they are continuing to increase, the
power of the socialist camp under the leadership of the Soviet Union.
"The. influence of the great October Socialist Revolution was immedi&
ately felt by both the Mongols and the Chinese. The victorious Mongolian
revolution of 1921, followed by the victory of the Chinese revolution in
1949, opened up a new period in'the friendly relations between the people
of Mongolia and China, whose past bad, witnessed long-standing ties of
friendship as neighbors. This great friendship between the two countries
was demonstrated in 1952 by the agreement on mutual economic and cultural
cooperation, with the result that all features supporting proletarian
internationalism were further developed and greatly strengthened.
"The aid provided by the Chinese people to the Mongolian people has
been very extensive. (By means of a grant of 160 million rubles.-and a
long-term loan of 100 million rubles, the People's Republic of China has
caused the following to appear in town and country throughout Mongolia:
in Su'he Baatar City have been erected the electric power plant, a model
building, the plywood industrial complex, and a paper factory; and in
Ulan Bator, a textile factory, highway bridges, theOrhon irrigation
system, and additional fine buildings. In this manner, the Chinese
workers and industrious technicians have contributed much energy in the
construction of socialism in. Outer Mongolia. Moreover, the Mongols are
learning a great deal from the rich experience of the Chinese.)
"A few months ago, Chou En-lai, Premier of the State Council of the
People's.Republic of China, arrived in Outer Mongolia on a friendly visit.
He signed the 'Mongolian People's Republic and the People's,Republic of
China Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Aid,'''The Agreement on Economic
and Technical Aid to the Mongolian People's Republic on the Part of the
People's Republic of China,' and the 'Agreement on Scientific and Tech,-'
nical Cooperation Between the Mongolian People's Republic and the People's
Republic of'China.' ' This event has c:'eated a new period of friendship
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and c:boperation for .the people '.of Mongolia and'.China. These treaties. and
agreements have not only greatly expanded the.friendship and cooperation
of our two countries, but are also..highly.,eignificant for.strengthening
the solidarity of the socialist camp headed by. the Soviet Union and for
strengthening peace and security among nations.
(According to the agreements drawn up at the time of Premier ChoulEn-
lai4s friendly visit to our country, the People's Republic of China is to
provide a loan of 200 million rubles and to take part in the following
large-scale enterprises: metallurgical works capable of producing 100,000
tons of steel a year; a cotton textihe factory capable of producing 30
million meters of cloth a year; glass production; a sugar plant; apart-
ment houses covering an area of 220,000 square meters of land; and a new
culture building.)
"(In the problem of carrying out successfully the Third Five-Year Plan,
which will develop both the national economy and culture of the Mongolian
People's Republic during 19611965, the large amount of generous aid
offered by the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of'China helps to
speed up the material and technical basis of socialism in Outer Mongolia.
Instructors from these countries are also applying their energy to meet
the educational needs of our country.)
"The many millions of Chinese people are completing the work of the
Second Five-Year Plan 3 years ahead of schedule. The great lessons aVaila-
ble from the.rich experience of the millions of hard-working Chinese, who
have attained tremendous success in a shorter period of time than ever
observed previously in world history, are of great value to the Mongolian
people in their struggle to build socialism. (The opportunity has now
arrived for mutual study of the work accomplished by our industrious
Chinese comrades during the 10 days of activity inaugurated by the
Mongolian-Chinese Friendship Association. During the 10-day -:period,
aside from extensive training of our people with regard to the phenomenal
success of the People's Republic of China in the fields of economics and
culture, evenings?.vilL be spent exchanging experience with Chinese tech-
nicians and workers. With regard to their special experience in innova-
tions, the subject matter will be broadcast by radio on a large-scale to
explain it in great detail. By discovering new ways and means, as well
as their over-all results,, additional material is made available for both
our party and our public institutions.)
"The 10 days of Mongolian-Chinese friendship activities will add sig-
nificant stimulus to the development of Mongolian-Chinese friendly .
relations and will strengthen the confidence and determination of our
people in their great struggle to construct socialism."
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Press Reprints Coexistence Portion of "Pravda" Article
An article in Unen on 30 August 1960, "Problems of War and Peace
Under Present Conditions," is a summarized translation of an exticle by
Yu. Frantsev published in Pravda of 7 August 1960. The following is
the section of the article called "The General Line of Our Foreign
Policy." The Mongolian translation of this section from Russian was
complete.
"Leninism arises from the fact that in the final analysis, the problem
of the victory of a new social system is decided in the all-important
sphere of the activity of man and in the field of production'Lenin.wrote,
'The productivity of labor, in the end, is the most important factor con-
tributing to the victory of a new social system." This is one of the
basic precepts of Leninism, defining the process of transition from
capitalism to socialism, Socialism displays its gigantic resources in the
field of creative labor productivity. Throughout the period of the civil
war, Lenin recognized clearly this major task of the new society. At the
height of the embittered battles against the followers of Denikin,. he
examined closely the question of the interrelationship with capitalist
countries which were outstanding in technical and economic fields 'during
that period when socialist and capitalist states exist side by side.'
Lenin advanced and established the principle of the peaceful coexistence
of countries with different social systems.
"With regard to relations between socialist and capitalist countries
in the present historical period, the principle of peaceful coexistence
as advanced by Lenin is the only true as well as indispensable route. The
policy of peaceful coexistence. serves the interests of the working class.
It serves the interests of all working people as well as Communism itself.
Today, while fighting against the Cold War policy, we are winning over to
our side broad sections of,the public in capitalist countries, further.
isolating the aggressive tactics of monopoly capitalists, both in the
world arena and within capitalist countries. This promotes the cause of
peace, democracy, and socialism.
"The struggle for peace and for the peaceful. coexistence of. countries
wits different social systems is the general line of the foreign policy
of the socialist camp. The peaceful foreign policy of the Soviet Union
and of the other socialist countries receives the support and approval of
all nations. A clear manifestation of this policy is exemplified by the
Soviet proposals concerning genera and complete disarmament, the reali-
zation of which would deliver humanity from the fear of a new war.
"New and extremely favorable conditions have.arisen now in the strug-
gle for Communism, compared with the time when the working class first
assumed power in ouic country. At that time, the 'charm of bourgeois
civilization' was quite apparent. However, along with the advance toward
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Communism in our country, the 'charm of bourgeois civilization' di-
minished at about the same rate as the attraction for the bourgeois
ideas of,workers in capitalist countries. However, at present, the
Soviet Union is in a position to demonstrate the material and spiritual
wealth which the Soviet citizen receives as the result of the creation.
of the socialist system.
"The imperialists have long fought against this his perspective.
They have openly endeavored to destroy the peaceful competition of social-
ism with capitalism by means of war. Hence, by utilizing Cold War methods,
they have been trying, as Khrushchev has said, 'to force the socialist
countries to squander their material resources on unproductive goals.'
Along with the armaments race, they have been attempting to stop the
development of science and culture in socialist countries so that their
internal. destruction would discredit the socialist system. These plans
of the imperialists have resulted in failure. The time is not distant
when the socialist camp will overtake and surpass the capitalist countries
in per-capita production. The Soviet Union will have the highest standard
of living for the workers and the shortest workday, and the people will
no longer be required to pay taxes.
"Socialism is gaining great victories in peaceful competition with
capitalism. During the last 6 years, our industrial output has increased
90 percent, whereas that of the US increased only 15 percent. On the
whole, industrial production in socialist countries has increased 600
percent.over the prewar period. On the other hand, industrial goods in
capitalist countries approximately tripled during the same period.
"Socialist society is organized for production of means of production
and means of consumption instead of production of means of destruction.
The imperialists have set up the Cold War to avoid open and direct war-
fare with the socialist camp. This has contributed to the increasing
power of the latter. At present, the Soviet Union and the world
socialist camp are in a position to liquidate the Cold War.
"Time and again the imperialists have concocted wild stories about the
"aggressivenessof Communism." Their calculations were aimed at terrifying
the people in bourgeois countries. However, as the result of the con-
sistent peaceful policy of the Soviet Union and of our party, the imperi-
alists have demonstrated their true nature as aggressors. Their 'peace-
loving' mask has been torn off. All people blessed with common sense are
able to see that the Communists, the Soviet Union, and all socialist
countries are unyielding in their fight for peace, and that Communism
embraces the ideology and policy of creation which is responsible for
the peaceful and constructive work of the masses."
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Part 2. EASTERN EUROPE
Deviations from the Soviet line on peaceful coexistence are denounced
in East Germany and Hungary and openly espoused in Yugoslavia, where a
Soviet attack on Kardelj's book on socialism and war is answered. In both
East Germany and Hungary, there,are rejections of ideological coexistence
in the sphere of the social superstructure, the specific targets being
attempts to water down Marxist doctrine on the class struggle and class-
political structure. However, the East. German press contains a "revision"
of the Soviet position in the form of a statement which categorically re-
jects peaceful coexistence with West Germany. Czechoslovak and Rumanian
studies denounce revisionist manifestations in the economic base. A
Czechoslovak report on the 1959 Party Eistorians Conference emphasizes the
"falsity of revisionist hopes" for a "second, industrial revolution" in the
West which would bring about changes in production relations in the direc-
tion of socialism. In Rumania, the leading economic monthly pointed to
the "absurdity" of revisionist attempts to identify capitalist nationaliza-
tion with socialization of the means of production by the dictatorship of
the proletariat.
The problem of existentialism occupies the attention of publications
in Hungary and Poland. In both cases, the primary complaint'is against
the prediction contained in Sartre's latest book of the eventual acceptance
of existentialism by Marxism. The Hungarian press also provides the added
feature of linking Agnes Heller's views on individual freedom with existen-
tialism. Concerning sociological research, the East German press publishes
a denunciation of the revisionist tendency to evolve an independent Marxist
sociology separate from historical materialism. This form of revisionism
apparently holds an appeal for a Yugoslav sociologist who bases his critique
of Soviet sociology on its "doctrinaire 'explanation! and guidance of social
processes."
I. CZECHOSLOVAKIA
Fifth Bucharest Conference of Communist Historians Reported by Party Almanac
In 1957 the KSC (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia) began irregular
publication of an "almanac of scientific works" entitled Prispevly k
de~inam KSC (Contributions to the History of the Communist Party of Czecho-
slovakia). In the preface to the first issue of the almanac,'' which was
published in 1957, the editors stated that the new publication will con-
tain "scientific articles, smaller monajraphic works, and documents un-
published to date which deal with the workers movement and the history of
the KSC.... The task of the publications will be tolfamiliarize the reader
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with results of our historical science, attempting to overcome the short-
comings and mistakes of the past, and to ideologically and politically arm
the broad cadres of political workers not only for the struggle against
unfriendly ideologies, but also for the solution of the new tasks arising
from the construction of socialism in our country...."
Ten issues of the Almanac had been published by January 1960. The
following excerpts of the proceedings of the Fifth Bucharest Conference of
Communist Historians, held 25 August -- 2 September 1959, are from an
account of this conference by Miroslav Boucek which appeared in the No 10,
January 1960.-issue of Prispevky k dejinam KSC.' (A full translation of:
this article appeared in Joint Publications Research Service Report No
6007, 26 September 1960.)
"The Bucharest Conference of Historians of the Communist Parties was
held from 25 August to 2 September 1959. This was the longest conference
to.date and the most comprehensive as far as delegate participation was
concerned. Representatives of l4 fraternal parties attended the Third
Prague Conference in 1957 and representatives of 20 countries atlded the Faarth
Berlin Conference in 1958. The Fifth Bucharest Conference was attended
by 63 delegates who represented as many as 25 Communist and workers parties.
The conference was attended by representatives of institutes, institutions,
and commissions for the history of the Communist Party of the following
countries: Soviet Union, People's Republic of China, Austria, Albania,
Belgium,, Bulgaria, Great Britain, Hungary, Vietnam, German Democratic
'Republic, German Federal Republic, Denmark, India, Indonesia, Italy,
Canada, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia, Poland, Rumania,
France, Czechoslovakia, Chile, Sweden, and representatives of the periodi-
cal Problems of Peace and Socialism. This growing number of countries
participating in conferences of party historians shows the continuously
expanding cooperation and close mutual contacts of party historians in
individual countries. This also increases the responsibility which indi-
vidual historians must assume in their work, because their work literally
becomes a part of the over-all tasks of Marxist historiography.
"The conference dealt with two principal questions. First, the
question of the Communist and workers parties' struggle fox' the unity of
the working class and, second, the tasks of historical science in the
struggle! against contemporary revisionism. Introductory reports were
presented on both principal points on the agenda, followed by a discus-
sion in which 36 conference participants took part.
"Comrade G. Vasilichi, director of the Institute of History of the
Rumanian Workers Party, presented a report on the struggle of Communist
and workers parties for the unity of the working class. The principal
report (to which the report by Comrade E. Sereni, head of the Italian
delegation, was closely related) contained three parts. The first part
dealt with the theoretical foundations of the fight for the unity of the
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working class, which is a requirement if the working class is to gain
political power. The second part contained a survey of the successful
struggle for working class unity in the People's Democracies, and inserted
an attempt to draw generalizations from this struggle. The third part
dealt with the problems of the struggle for the unity of the working class
in capitalist countries after World War II.
"The entire discussion was concentrated on those questions. The fol-
lowing persons took part in the discussion: V. Joannes (France), F. Knittel
(German Democratic Republic), S. Madchi. (Albania), Le Manh Trinh (Vietnam),
E. Sereni (Italy), Kim Ghen In (forth,?" Korea), A. Buchmann (German Federal
Republic), L. Dugersuren (Mongolia), 11. Boucek (Czechoslovakia),.A. Aizmer
(Poland), S. Balint (Hungary), J. Rosner (Austria), T. Bakri (Indonesia),
E. Nekocha (Chile), J. Jacobs (England), W. Sidney (Canada), K. Vasiliev
(Bulgaria), and S. Dange (India).
"It has been demonstrated convincingly that to achieve working class
unity through struggle is a historical necessity resulting from capitalist
production methods and from the position of the working class in the capi-
talist society. The laws of class struggle in capitalist society create
tendencies toward working class unity. In the beginning, they unite in
an elementary and unorganized fashion to defend their immediate economic
interests; only when revolutionary worker parties are established and
strengthened does the struggle for real. political unity of the working
class become the real thing.
"'Theoretical conclugions and generalizations, based on many years of
experience of the Communist parties, were the starting` points of almost
all contributions to the discussion. However, it appeared that theoretical
generalizations of experiences lagged behind., especially after the Seventh
Congress of the Communist International. The delay in generalizations was
particularly apparent with regard to experiences gained by the Communist
and workers parties in their struggle for working class unity during World
War II and in the postwar era. The Declaration of Communist 'and Workers
Parties, approved in Moscow in 1957, generalized these experiences in the
most elementary fashion, but historians still must work out the new con-
clusions and experiences which the international Communist movement has
gained in the last 20-years.
"The introductory report to the :second point onthe agenda, the tasks
of historical science in the struggle against contemporary revisionism, was
presented by N. I. Shatagin, Doctor of Historical Sciences and head of the
Soviet delegation. The following comrades took part in the discussion:
K. Endre (Hungary), Le Manh Trinh (jorth7 Vietnam), T. Danishewski (Poland),
P. Reiman (Czechoslovakia), S. Manushi (Albania), T.'Ch'un-fan (People's
Republic of China), L. Einicke (German Federal Republic), L. Michelsen
(Belgium), Tjoo Ti'r.t T. oea (Indonesia), S. Avirmid (Mon olia), P. Georgiev
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(Bulgaria), I. Norlune (Denmark), J. Rosner (Austria), N. Goldberger
(Rumania), N. P. Donia (USSR), J. Chambraz (France), L. Gruppi (Italy),
and J. Jacobs (England).
"The report and discussion were based primarily on the Declaration
of'Communist,and Workers Parties. The declaration pointed out that
revisionism is the greatest danger at present because it is a direct mani-
festation of bourgeois ideology in the labor movement. The greatest majority
of the Communist parties concentrated attention in their ideological work
on the struggle against revisionism.. The substance of revisionism was un-
masked successfully and destroyed ideologically;.. and where the revisionists
attempted to take over the party, they were successfully smashed, also
from the organization viewpoint.
"Institutes and commissions for the history of Communist parties joined
actively in this foremost task of the Communist parties. A series of pub-
lications were issued to combat revisionism. Three Leninist almanacs against
revisionism were published in the Soviet Union, and almanacs of historical
articles about the struggle against revisionism were published in almost
every country. The works of classic writers were of enormous importance
in this struggle. Among these, the complete works of V. I. Lenin were pub-
lished in many countries. A new textbook of the CPSU and a six-volume
history of the CPSU, which is being prepared for publication, will be a
big help in unmasking falsifiers and revisionists who are attempting to
discredit the glorious road of the CPSU.
"However, it appears that while we paid greater attention to problems
of the history of the Communist Party, particularly in the last years, we
did not pay enough attention to the history of the international workers
and Communist movement. Therefore, the foremost task for the coming years
will be to prepare a historical outline of the international Communist
movement. The Institute of Marxism-Leninism attached to the Central Com-
mittee. CPSU, in cooperation with other scientific institutes in the USSR,
is preparing for publication aotwo-volume history and a two-volume almanac
of documents of the Communist International; a three-volume history of the
worker and national-liberation movement in the 19th and 20th centuries; a
two-volume history of the European workers movement after World War II; a
two-volume historical survey of the workers movement in the Far East; and
a two-volume history of the Second International. Through a common effort,
all the institutes of history are to prepare a popular textbook on the
international workers and Communist movement and an almanac of articles on
the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the First
International. The Bucharest Conference has directed all the institutes
and commissions for the history of the Communist parties to proceed in
this direction, to pay greater attention to questions of the international
workers and Communist movement and to questions of most recent history.
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"The report and the discussions concerning the second point concerned
three problems which were subjected to concentrated attacks by the revision-
ists. First, they covered the role of the.Communist parties in the con-
temporary workers movement. The attacks of revisionists in this direction
are well known. They deny that there is any need for the existence of Com-
munist parties. Their attacks against democratic centralism are equally
dangerous. This attack is deliberately concealed, but\its basic aim is to
liquidate the Communist parties, because to violate the basic organizational
principle of establishing Marxist-Leninist parties means to convert the
Communist Party into a professional association,, as it is so much advocated
by the revisionists.
"That is why the 21st Congress of the CPSU and the congresses of all
the other Communist parties attributed so much importance to, questions
concerning the party's role. This provides an urgent task for the histori-
ans: to show ever more penetratingly the real role of the Communist Party
in the struggle of the working class against the bourgeoisie,: to show that
the Communist Party must have a leading role if victory is to be won over
the bourgeoisie. More attention must be paid to the role of the Communist
Party during the phase of building socialism, particularly with regard to
the new views of the 21st Congress of the CPSU about the growing leading
role and continuous strengthening of the organizational role of the Com-
munist Party during the phase of building socialism and during the transi-
tion to Communism.
"The second problem under discussion concerned special characteristics
of the contemporary workers movement. the revisionists, who base their
views on new phenomena occurring in the development of capitalism, arrive
at conclusions in which they even tally about the so-called second industrial
revolution; according to them, the latter will automatically bring about
changes in production relationships in the same way it happened in the
first industrial revolution -- though this time in a socialist direction.
This question is related to another problem: the possibility of a transi-
tion from capitalism to socialism in individual countries. The revisionists
claim that capitalism transforms itself gradually into socialism and that
therefore there is no need for any party or for any special effort on the
part of the working class to fight for socialism. The report and the dis-
cussions fully disproved these false 'theories' of the revisionists. The
discussion presented an almost complete analysis of the new phenomena in
the capitalist world, based consistently on Marxism. Though these problems
are more in the nature of economic analyses and relate more to tasks of
economics and philosophy, historians maist also remain on guard, because
the repercussions of these 'theories' are frequently sneaked into the record
of history by the revisionists. This was borne out of a series of recent
cases in Poland and Hungary.
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"The report from the conference would not be complete without mention-
ing the work of the commissions. The commissions held their sessions in
the afternoons and discussed the following subjects: (1), a proposal to
draft a popular textbook on the international workers and Communist move-
ment; (2) the problems of publishing party documents; and (3) an exchange
of experiences. After the deliberations, the commissions accepted a re-
commendation addressed to individual institutes and institutions for the
history of the Communist parties.
"The proposal for an international textbook, which was submitted for
discussion by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism attached to the Central
Committee CPSU, was approved in substance. The textbook is to be completed
by 1963, and all institutes of history and the most important commissions
on the history of the Communist Party in capitalist countries are to par-
ticipate in its preparation. The textbook will summarize the history of
the workers and Communist movement from the rise of the working class to
the present. An editorial board has been created for the textbook; its
members are representatives of institutions and institutes of history
from the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China, Czechoslovakia,
Poland, the GDR, Rumania, Italy, and France. The Institute of Marxism
Leninism of the Central Committee CPSU was put in charge of coordinating
and concentrating the material.
"A recommendation of the second commission, which is engaged in
publishing party documents, states that in the future the institutes of
history should pay more attention to an extensive. publication of party
documents. Collections of documents are important supplements for,the
study of the history of the Communist Party of each country; at the same
time they are a means for detecting all falsifiers. Party documents in-
cluded in the almanac should be published without any alterations of the
text. The system of annotations should be prepared with particular care.
The question of publishing documents which were prepared by a collective
of workers and signed by persons who later became renegades will be decided
separately in each case. Since a number of institutes have issued their
own instruction on the publication of documents, the conference recommends
that, on the basis of these instructions, a common effort be made to out-
.1ine general methodological principles for the publication of party docu-
ments.
"The third commission recommended that the institutes of party history
intensify their mutual cooperation. When the institutes of history work
on individual questions which are dealt with by several institutes, these
institutes must be in constant touch; they must exchange their material and
consult each other. Most of the institutes recently prepared a bibliography
on the history of the workers movement. The commission recommended that
copies of these bibliographies be sent to the Institute of Marxism-Leninism
of the Central Committee, CPSU, which will coordinate the entire project.
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In the same way, it is necessary to intensify the exchange of,archive docu-
ments; it is therefore recommended that the institutes organize
exchange visits of archive workers. It is recommended that the institutes
of history cooperate more closely in p.iblishing periodicals by exchanging
long-term plans, articles, and inform:Ltion,.'t
Ideological and Cultural Revisionism
East German sources have reflected to an increasing extent the dilemma
of attempting to justify to zealous party members a peaceful resolution of
the "basic contradiction" between East and West Germany (i.e., between the
'peace-loving forces" of East Germany and the "militarist imperialists" of
West Germany), while at the same time cultivating and building up this,
contradiction to the East German populace to the point of denying that
,peaceful coexistence with West Germany is at all possible at present. By
setting up the "militarist-imperialist" issue as a barrier to coexistence,
East Germany appears to be adhering, deliberately or not, to the Chinese
view. The following statements from the No 18, September 1960, issue, of
Neuer Weg further indicates, that many party officials have not yet been
brought into line with the Soviet view:
"Members of party managements in our Kreis fBerlin-Mittel said that
there is nothing new in the decision of the Central Committee...on the
results of the Bucharest conference. They said that we have been talking
of coexistence for a long time, as well as of the...possibilities,of
maintaining peace.... These comrades have not studied the decision well.
"Several comrades in one seminar 01-n the other han 7 said that imperi-
alism has always brought forth new wars.... They said that as long as
imperialism exists, there will be wars.... These comrades have clearly
characterized imperialism correctly, but have overlooked the new situation
in the world'-in which imperialism is no longer the ruling force....
"In the seminar, the opinion arose that the imperialists would never
surrender and that,. thus, peaceful coexistence of states with different
social orders is not possible...."
An article entitled "The Basic Contradiction in Germany" in the No
6, 1960, issue of Deutsche Zeitschrift fuer Philosophie (DZfP) says, "As
propaganda experiences show, there are eLuany-who cannot understand from a
theoretical viewpoint that a deep antagonistic contradiction',can be re-
solved peacefully and thus, gradually. On the other hand, there are others
who from a practical standpoint cannot imagine that the basic solution of
the antagonistic contradiction which demands the victory of the peaceful
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democratic forces in West Germany and the deposing of the aggressive
imperialist forces of financial capital, can take place without open,
violent, military fight.... From the demand ft-hat the "aggressive imperi-
alist" forces in West Germany be eliminateg...arises the question of
whether this is not a case of the GDR interfering in the internal affairs
of West Germany and whether the policy of peaceful coexistence applies to
the relation between the two German states. He who wants to give a 'yes'
or 'no' answer to this question understands neither the content of the
national German question nor that of peaceful coexistence." (However, a
local party secretary in Bezirk Magdeburg, gave a clearly negative answer
to the possibility of peaceful coexistence between East and West Germany
in the 3'September 1960 issue of the Magdeburg Volksstimme.) The above
article in the DZfP further: said, "In any case (and on this point the
policy of the SED Jocialist Unity Arty. of Germanf and the KPD fCom-
munist Party of German basically differs from that of all revisionists),
solution. of the basic contradiction in Germany is'only possible through
revolutionary means, i.e., by overcoming the aggressive militaristic
forces in West Germany and not by cooperating with these forces.... Under
certain circumstances the... contradiction can be-peacefully resolved... if,
for instance, the progressive side of the contradiction was so strop that
it could. determine... the solution. I do not consider exact correc/those
views which intensify the antagonistic contradictions.... For example, the
fourth issue of the series,Wissenschaftliche Weltanschauung, says 'Antagon-
istic contradictions do not become less severe in the course of development,
but rather grow and deepen. The development of antagonism leads as a
rule to violent conflicts of opposing forces which usually end in violent
disagreement....' This generalization, I think, lacks historical immediacy."
In East German sources, the question of determinism and the applicability
of dialectical materialism to aspects of modern science continue to be dis-
cussed. The September 1960 issue of Einheit includes an article on deter-
minism end modern biology which points out that the complex problem of
causality, including correlations, dynamic and static legality, and "organ-
izedness" (organisiertheit), must be solved by joint work on the part of
Marxist philosophers and natural scientists. The No 6, 1960, issue of,
'DZfP (signed for the press on 15 May 1960) includes an article, "The
Philosophic Significance. of Heisenberg'e Indeterminate Relations," which
reiterates the importance of differentiating between dialectical and
mechanical determinism. This point is again made in the same issue of
DZfP in one of the contributions in a survey of articles (compiled by a
Czech) from 1959 issues of the Czechoslovak philosophical journal, Filo-
sofi Casopis. In this survey, an article entitled "On Mechanism in
the Concept of Historical Materialism" severely criticizes the Czechoslo-
vak revisionist, Tondl, for his "mechanistic" view of causality..
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Tondi is denounced in two other articles in the survey, essentially
fro reducing Marxist philosophy to an "epistemological and neopositivist"
problem. Also included in this series is criticism of the philosophic
and sociological views of the "influential representative of Czechoslovak
positivism during the inter-World War period," Josef Kral. An article in
the No 5, 1959, issue of the Czechoslovak philosophical journal, entitled
"Pseudo Materialist Tendencies in Our Philosophy," objects to the "neo
positivist tendencies in contemporary Czechoslovak philosophy and shows
that, in addition to these tendencies, there are also Hegelianizing,
pseudo Marxist tendencies influenced by Lukacs and Lefebvre. In an article
Lource not give 'Classes and the Real. Structure of Society,' K. Kosik
represents... that pseudo-Marxist view of social development which Lukacs
presented in his book, Geschichte und f.assenbewusstsein (History and Class
Consciousness)..... Similar pseudo-Marxist tendencies are also manifested
in many other articles and publications in Czechoslovakia] where the work
of the young Marx is used to replace materialistic and revvolutionary-
democratic ideas by unmaterialistic concepts.... Lukacs...underestimated
the possibilities that imperialist, bourgeois ideology has for exploiting
and misusing parts of Hegelian philosophy. To be sure, criticism of
Hegelianizing tendencies in Marxism must not mean a return to nihilistic
relations harmful to Marxism, to German: classic philosophy. Both tendencies
(the neopositivist and Hegelianizing) are essentially un-Leninist, Social
Democratic tendencies in Marxist philor-...ophy....
The No 6, 1960, issue of DZfP also includes an essentially favorable
review of the East German book, Beitrae a zur Erkenntnistheorie and das
Verhaeltnis von Sprache and Denken ' Contributions to the Theory
of Knowledge and t e Relation Between Speech and Thought), by Erhard
Albrecht. In this book the following critical remarks are made against
the Polish philosopher Adam Schaff:
"fAlbrechg questions whether truth is only an attribute of judgments
(c.s A. Schaff says).... Albrecht sees in Schaff's view a 'separation from
the sensory-empiric and logicorational step in the process of knowledge.'...
He .lbrechg opposes any identification of reality and truth',, and says that
only reality, and not truth, exists independently from judgments-ft
The entire book appears to deal with many of the main issues on which
revisionist views have developed. For example, "In connection with cau-
sality..., Albrecht discusses the often-asked question as to whether the...
defense of determinism does not lead to fatalism and to a denial of free-
dom." In another section of the book, "Albrecht... rejects the revisionist
line held by Herneck and Havemann in 1956 and 1957 which... transformed the
Marxist, theory of knowledge into pure methodology and, thus, separated its
world view from its class-political content." Albrecht is also described
as the first East German philosopher to dispute modern bourgeois ontology
as represented by N. Hartmann. With regard to neo-Thomism, which is des-
cribed as the philosophic basis of political clericalism, Albrecht says,
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"It is the strongest organized ideological force of the present-day West
European bourgeoisie which even has some effect in socialist countries
where the Catholic faith is widespread (particularly Poland and Hungary).
Thus, all revisionist theses on ideological coexistence and all...attempts
to weaken the contrast between objective-idealistic neo-Thomism and
Marxism-and to offer subjective idealism as the common opponent (as is
done in the works of G. Lukacs) are all the more dangerous."
Several isolated references have been found to tendencies toward
creating a sociology independent of historical materialism. This charge
was made by Dr Kalab from the Charles University in Prague at the 9-11 May
1960 conference of East European Bloc social scientists in Berlin (re-
ported in the August 1960 issue of Einheit). Also, an article entitled
"Historical Materialism and Practical Social Research," in the No 5, 1960,
issue of DZfP (signed for the press on 31 March 1960) includes the follow-
ing statements.
"The methodological directives worked out by Lenin in his work Who
Are the 'Friends of the People' and How do They Fight Against the Social
Democrats?, are the...bases which Marxist social scientists should use
in investigating the social processes in the GDR and in West Germany.
They /These directives7 cannot be replaced by anything else, neither by
a special Marxist sociology which exists next to historical materialism
as an independent discipline with its own object, which has been variously
proposed especially by revisionist groups, nor by worshipping bourgeois
sociology and uncritically accepting their methods, techniques, and thus
also their basic theoretical elements. Historical materialism is the
Marxist sociology.... Where practical attempts have been made to create
a Marxist sociology which boasts of an independent right to exist next
to historical materialism..., historical materialism has been replaced
by bourgeois sociology." This was the charge brought against Juergen
Kuczynski, the former revisionist East German historian, in an article
in the No 5, 1957, issue of the Soviet philosophical journal, Voprossy
filosofi which was reprinted in the No 3, 1960, issue of the DZfP(seeee
Eastern Europe Press Survey (101), Summary No 2578, pp 6-9). As far
as is known from source references, Kuczynski has not published a
modification of his views on this; he remains a member of the economic
section of the East German Academy of Sciences and was listed as one
of the East German participants at the 11th International Historians
Conference held in August 1960 in Stockholm.
Disagreement arose between East German participants at the above-
mentioned East European social scientists conference in May on the issue
of "spontaneity." As reported in Summary No 2830, Review of Communist
Theoretical Journals (8), two East German Marxist professors (one of them
was Professor Havemann) were criticized for imparting positive "creative"
qualities to the concept of "spontaneity" and thus "giving spontaneity
a certain place in the fields of science and art."
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With regard to art, there have been continued objections to collec~-
tivizing the profession and to the negative influence imposed, on art by
the doctrine proclaimed at the April 1958 Bitterfeld Cultural Conference.
In reference to the first point, an article in the No 5, 1960, issue of
DZfP says that there are "opportunist and. revisionist distortions and
simplifications",.. of all kinds which say that the cultural development
"from I to we" aims toward eliminating the individual personality. A.
series of articles appearing in recent issues of the East German youth
organization weekly, Forum, deplore East German artists' insistence on
individuality, an attitude relfected in their current slogan.," "Each has
to wield his own paint brush alone."
On the second point, this same source says that certain artists
consider the Bitterfeld directive one which leads to dictatorship by
the untalented and the dilettante. Two articles by the same author (one
in the No 3, 1960, issue of the Weimare:r Beitraege and one in the 21
August 1960 issue of Forum) admits that artists have "misinterpreted!'
the Marx/Engels statement in Deutsche Ideologie (German Ideology), which
says that there will be no painters under Communism -- only persons, among
others, who happen to paint. The author insists that this does not mean
that art will become an avocation or that the artistic level will decline.
Yet artists continue to point to these precise results now developing in
East Germany since the Ulbricht doctrixi was proclaimed at the Bitterfeld
meeting.
Official Party Statements Stress Orthodk3xy as Writers Seek New Ideo-
logical Orientation
In its combined August-September 1960 issue, the Hungarian theoretical
journal Tarsadalmi Szemle published a long item titled "For the Lenin Party
Spirit of Philosophy -- Theses of the Philosophy Work Group Operating With
the Central Committee of the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party Concerning
the Situation and Tasks of the Philosophical Front." This article presented
no startling changes in the party line on philosophy. It pointed to the
danger of nationalism, and it condemnel the revisionist deviations of Lukacs
and his students (Agnes Heller, Istvan Itermann, and Istvan Meszaros) and
the revisionist "errors" of Erik Molnar (who still leads discussions on
economics, sociology, and history both in Hungary and as Hungaxfs represen-
tative abroad). It did not, however, applaud the recent work of the
Hungarian Philosophical Institute in its criticism of Luckacs and. Heller.
The article gives a general impression of official dissatisfaction with
current philosophical work and it is an effort to restate the official
orthodox line.
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Similarly, an article by Endre Molnar titled "Concerning the Laying
of the Foundations of Socialism" in the "For Propagandists' Work" section
of the August 1960 Partelet restated the orthodox line on the problem of
the transition to socialism. Such articles indicate an increasing concern
with the ideological justification of the Communist movement and the lead-
ing role of the party therein, but they do not clearly indicate what pres-
sures, internal and external, prompt this increasing concern.
Another article in the August 1960 Partelet did, however, point to
a problematic internal pressure. In a discussion of the intellectuals
policy of the party, Laszlo Nagy noted the "solid political alliance"
between the intellectuals and the working class, but he deplored the fact
that the nonparty intelligentsia did not yet stand on the "world-view
soil of Marxism-Leninism." He recommended a stepped-up program of ideo-
logical training but he also noted the party's failure to react quickly
enough to modern problems. He said of the intellectuals: "They are
seeking the 'modern world view' which gives the answers to the present...."
He concluded that "Marxism-Leninism is the most progressive ideal of this
age," and he referred the propagandists to the theoretical statements of
the CPSU congresses for answers to "the most important questions of our
age."
In the Hungarian literary weekly Elet es Irodalom, these problems
were also discussed from varying viewpoints. In the 2 September 1960
issue, Imre Gyore, a confirmed party hack, complained that there were
groups of writers who "expressed major or minor reservations, even if
they did; not hostilely oppose the fact of socialist construction." And
he added:, "It is a shame not to speak of this."
Bela Illes, an old Muscovite, also entered the debate in Elet es
Irodalom. In the 9 September 1960 issue, although he attempted to
appear liberal, he stated: "Literary backwardness can be liquidated...
only...-when the direction has been indicated, not by the poets, but by
the party...." And he added in his conclusion: "We are free to criti-
cize everyone, but we are not free to criticize so recklessly...." Illes
was answered in the 16 September 1960 issue by the editor of Elet es
Irodalom, Miklos Szabolcsi, who, while pretending to defend a position
of strict orthodoxy, wrote: "The Communist critic, without regard to
persons, bravely and on principle, with quality and fighting spirit,
must criticize everything whic1r he considers objectionable ideologically
or critically.... We will do this in the future too -- we hope, always
with greater quality and more courage, but at the same time we intend to
maintain the mood of literary debates which has recently formed, a more
sober, more resolute, and more polite mood."
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In the 23 September 1960 issue of Elet esIrodd4lom, in a rather el-
liptical article labeled a "reader9a comment" on the debate on young
writers, Imre Bata made the following statement: "The struggle of the
humanly inspired intellectuals has emerged, a struggle for a scientifi-
cally equipped, modernly based materialist view and culture. The time
question culminates here and becomes here a serious 'concern for the
young and the mature alike,.,,"
The September 1960 issue of Na ..la , the Hungarian world litera-
ture monthly, also contributed to this veiled ideological debate. An
unsigned note of Sartre's Critique de la Raison Dialectigue,while critical
of Sartre's position, also observed that "that Marxist who ignores the
individual and the particular to the benefit of the general sins seriously
against Marxist dialectics."
A long article by the eminent populist writer Laszlo Nemeth, also in
the September 1960 Naayvilag, reviewed the short stories and plays of the
modern Swiss author Durrenmatt, Judging from the published material, this
article was commissioned by Nagyvilag as part of its defense of its "mod-
ernist" policy, but it was also used by Nemeth, apparently, as a pretext
for presenting his own ideological views. This use of Durrenmatt was
noted before in the case of Agnes Heller (see Summary No 2470, Eastern
Europe Press Survey and Peter Versa (See Summary No 2598, Eastern
Europe Press Survey 104). The following is perhaps the most dramatic
of Nemeth's many double entendre observations on the paraphrases of
Durrenmatt: "The powerful are powerful -- discount this worthless thing
and oppose them without weapons. Power can take away everything: your
wife, your daughter, even your wisdom; the only one it cannot reach is
he who has nothing, So, let man be gray, Creep, in the guise of foolish-
ness, as a slave, as a merry pal, into the castle; put up with shame and
explode the walls from within, with humanity...,"
Laszlo Kardos, editor of Na la?, issued an appeal in the September
1960 issue for an international conference of socialist writers, Western
writers are to be excluded so that questions need not be discussed in a
state of "delicate poise." Among the outstanding problems that Kardos
would like to see resolved by the writers (not by the party) are: the
narrow and broad definitions of socialist realism, the position of criti-=
cal realism, and modernist literature.
A curious sidelight on the continuing activity of the literary
liberals and modernists is Miklos Szabclcsi's recent attack on national-
ism. In the 19 August 1960 issue of Elet es Irodalom, Szabolcsi re-
viewed a recent volume of poetry by Lajos Konya, a Communist poet and a
leader of the 1956 intellectual revolt. Szabolcsi praises Konya in
general, comparing him with Gyula Illyes, but he criticizes Konya's
"regressive" poems which returned to the "image of the 'eternal people,'"
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In the 9 September 1960 issue of Elet es Irodalom "M. Sz." (Miklos Szabolcsi)
was more explicit in'his criticism of the poet Gyula Sipos who had written
of the "Little Hungarians" and the criticism included Peter Veres among
those writers who entertain ideas of the "eternal Hungarian people" oppos-
ing the "leaders." This criticism of the "narodnik-nationalist" view may
be a result of party pressure, it may be a reflection of the old Hungarian
argument between cosmopolitan urbanists and nationalistic populists, but
it is also possible that those liberal and modernist writers who are now
seeking a new ideology to oppose tyrannical Marxism are deliberately purg-
ing their ranks of passionate nationalists who, it may be. felt, acted too
precipitously in 1956 and who could not be counted on in a prolonged inter-
national struggle.
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Ames Heller Condemned -- A Classical Case of Revisionism and Marxist Ethics
The following is a condensation of "A Critique of the Ethical Revi-
sionism of Agnes Heller," by Maria Makai and T s Poldesi. This article
appeared in two installments in mar. Filoz tiai Szemle, JAn -'March
1960, pages 3399, and. April.-Tune 1960, pages 203-396. first install-
ment is available in full English translation as Joint Publications Research
Service Report No 370, 22 August 1960.
Agues Boller, who was recently expelled from the Eungarian Socialist
Workers Party for her uxi.llingne:ss to abndon her revisionist positions,
is a philosopher lase work is distinguished by its rigid adherence to
Marxist categories. Unlike the literary participants in the "revisionist
clan" (see Summary No 2622, Communist Revisionism and Dissidence(1)), who
probably use a Marxist language only insofar as they are forced to do so
by the situation in which they find themselves, Agnes Heller (like Gyorgy
Lukacs and. Istvan Hermann, both recently condemm,Fed for revisionism) is a
convinced Marxist. As a result she presents a rather tragic picture --
she seeks to an_querst .e. questions which trouble all humanist, liberal
intellectuals behind the Iron Curtain, but she is doomed to failure by
the inadequacy of the framework into whit: ; she seeks to force the answer.
Magyar Filozofiai Szeemie is a qua r ter:u y review published by the
Philosophical Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. The editor
in chief is Jozsef Szigeti, Maus student turned Lukecs enemy, and the
clique which dominates the publication is made up largely of students of
Bela Fogerasi, one-time revisionist, later party-line critic of Lukacs,
always a dialectic. a and. passionate enemy of "pyzyeical idealism," and now
des.. The recent party statement on the " hilosophical. front" suggested
what has long been obvious, that personal animosities hive dominated
post-1956 Eungarian philosophy. The art a l,e condensed below is part of
this feud, but it also describes the genes & concerns with which Agnes
Heller was dealing when her Introduction to Oenersl Et cs was adopted as
a university text in 1957. Miller's concern with freedom, her hatred of
tyranny, and her reference to the "ethical socialist" tradition are of
general, significance even if her answers to the problems raised are very
limited?
The following condensation is written from the Viewpoint of Heller' s
critics. Most of the sentences are translations of statements by Makai or
Foldesi, but their argument hae been ee;t:ly telescoped, averaging about
one sentence here to one page in the original. Quotations attributed to
Heller, Lenin, etc., are exact but not nectsssr:ily full translations. The
sequence of ideas follows the original. he headings ore, in general,,
those in the original.
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"Introduction"
"Agnes Heller is the principal representative of revisionism in
ethics in. Hungary. Her 1957 book, though not officially published, was
widely used as a university:text. Heller applies to ethics the anti-Marxist
concepts of Gyorgy Lukacs, which he developed for aesthetics. But ethics
stands closer to reality then aesthetics, because aesthetics studies
reflections whereas ethics studies real relations. Thus ethics is under
a greater obligation to take class interest into consideration. Marxist
ethics stresses consequences of acts, not the subjective purpose of acts;
Heller reverses this. Marxism places politics above ethics; Heller
pretends to put ethics above politics but really she is putting petit-
bourgeois views above proletarian views.
"Lukacs was a latent revisionist; Heller is an outright revisionist.
Lukacs sincerely tried to fight the bourgeois symptom of deviationism in
the movement, but he used bourgeois arguments. Heller, on the other hand,
is an outright revisionist. Lukacs argued for 'ideological coexistence;'
but Heller expands this to 'political class peace.' Lukacs urged a search
for principles of 'reason' on which all could agree, but Seller actively
annihilates those elements of Marxism which a bourgeois democrat cannot
accept. Lukacs had humanistic illusions but he projected them onto an era
to which they did correspond; Heller makes these illusions absolutes.
"`Heller sees the realm of public affairs as alien and hostile to
ethics, even in a dictatorship of the proletariat; she thus recommends
retirement from public affairs and she is thus decadent. For Heller,
progress is the result of the materializing of a 'good and general humanum.'
Although Heller gives evidence of being an independent thinker, her think-
ing, under the pressure of class influence, leads to the old revisionist
positions.
"Originally, revisionism was based on the belief that capitalism
was stable. Now, revisionism is based on disillusionment over the slow
solution of problems by socialism. Thus the old revisionism was active
but the new revisionism is passive. Both fail to recognize the primary
importance of the interests of the working.class.
"The petit-bourgeoisie always play an ambiguous role; when the
bourgeoisie are in power they join the proletariat. But when the workers
are in power, the petit-bourgeoisie are the base for every kind of devia-
tion.
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"The degradation of the interests of the'working class comes from
an emphasis on Hantian ethics. These Kantian theorists defined the problem
of socialism as the interest of all mankind. This was a complete revision
of the foundations of Marxism. These theorists questioned materialism and
declared that dialectics was only a methc r,, an aid to thinking.' Thus, re-
jecting Hegel, they returned to Kant and dualism and approached value-
personalism.
"The new revisionists, unlike the old, must use 'Aesopic language.'
Thus Heller is responsible not only for what she says, but forwhat can be
deduced therefrom. She detaches socialism from the worker movement. She
sees the highest manifestation of Marxist moral development in the so-called
'abstract.' norms.
"Heller's revisionism has made e_rticulpte the disillusionment of
large intellectual groups. Her viewpoint parallels that of Kolakowski but
Kolakowski is more open and Heller is more dangerous. In 1953-1954, Heller
wrote on Chernyeshevski's ethical opionions; she was not then a revisionist.
But in her 19 6 work Az erkolcsi normak felbomlasa (The Dissolution of
Ethical Norms) she began to show her revisionism, even though one of the
authors of this criticism, Maria Makai, failed to notice this at that time.
"The State"
"The central thought in Heller's chapter on the stateis the pro-
blem of man's becoming an instrument. She thinks that this is a character-
istic of every state. Heller wrote: 'This characteristic of the central
state power was and is,present everywhere, where there, was and is at pre-
sent a central state power.' Heller openly and unequivocally denies the
democratic character of the socialist statd. According to Heller, the
fundamental condition of social democracy is the satisfactory amount of
leisure time that makes it possible for people themselves to participate
in the direction of the state and of production, so that this function
would be performed by them and not by an outfit which is alienated from
them. Heller wrote: "With the 8-hour wcrking day, and naturally with
an even longer working day..., it is objectively impossible for there
to be a real democracy.' But Heller goes even further, she not only
deprives the socialist state of its democratic character, she sees in
it the main obstacle to the evolution of human freedom. She denies that
there is any radical change in quality with the transition from capitalism
to socialism. She holds that the dictatorship of the proletariat is a
necessary evil, which transforms the subjects of the state into instruments,
using a force which is alien to man and which is democratic, at the very
best, only in its outward appearance, but with its coercive power it is
one of the most formidable obstacles in the path of the realization of
human freedom.
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"In her analysis Heller regards states as general and men as
singular factors; thus she ignores class. In fact, the state is the
instrument of the class. Heller's fault is that she$absolutizes' the
.Marxist doctrine about the alienation of the state. But this is not valid
for a proletarian, :state.
"The fountainhead of Heller's opinion is Kantian ethics. One of
the fundamental tenets of Kant is that the social phenomena, among them
.the state and jurisprudence, are to be judged and evaluated according to
their moral value. Hegel sees the state as the greatest good, Heller
sees it as one of the greatest evils, but both mystify the state power.
Almost all of Heller's teachings can be discovered in the concepts of the
Neo-Hegelians. Stirner, one of the founders of anarchism, not only
mystified the state but held it to be the greatest negative factor,
Bakunin, in his debates with Marxism, expounded such opinions; but Bakunin
denied the necessity of the socialist state while Heller stresses its
necessity. Yugoslav revisionism also makes this final step.
"Heller did not necessarily pick up her ideas from these sources,
but Heller's concept is old and is a concoction of different idealist,
anarchist, and revisionist ideas.
"Force
"Heller holds that force is a necessary evil and she places the
emphasis on 'evil.' Engels opposed such ideas in Duehring, and. Lenin
opposed them in Otto Bauer. Heller's theory of force is directed straight
against the dictatorship of the proletariat. Heller claims that the
dictatorship of the proletariat uses force even against the revolutionary
masses. In 1956-1957, counterrevolutionary powers were temporarily
successful in influencing wide masses of the working population. In this
exceptionally difficult case, so far the only case in the history of
proletarian dictatorships, the dictatorship of the proletariat actually
used force not only against the former exploiting classes, but also against
some groups of the deceived working masses. But this force could be applied
successfully and it could be followed by a speedy consolidation only
because fundamentally it was identical with the interest of the entire
proletariat. /Note: Beginning immediately after "In 1956-1957" above, the
passage Just given is a full translation of the original passage_7
"Heller's reasoning recalls the debate which took place 4+O years
ago between Lenin and Kautsky. In this case Kautsky came to the same
conclusion as the anarchist Sorel. Heller also agrees with Sorel, even
tough she seems to criticize him.
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"Political Freedom
"For Heller, the realm of freedom is a realm without a state.. It
is true that Lenin wrote: 'While there is a state, there is no freedom;
when there will be freedom, there will be no state,' But Lenin also wrote:
'Freedom? But freedom from the oppression of what class?' The state of
the proletarian dictatorship is not free but it guarantees freedom for
the working class. Heller relegates the jump into the realm of freedom
into the distant future.
"Heiler's questioning is based seemingly on a Marxist thought:
the emergence, development, and termination of the state is actually
connected with the division of labor and the productive potentials of labor.
Heller' s concept, however, disclaims democracy not only for the present
but also for the future of socialism. According to Heller, the condition
of the realization of genuine democracy is such a decrease in working time
as can be realized only under fully developed. Communism. The core of
Heller's fault is that she narrows the idea of democracy' to primitive
democracy.
"Law
"The central idea of Heller' legal concept is that law, like the
state, is morally negative. She opposes 'outward' law to 'inner' morality.
Heiler wrote: 'The legal judgment is always deductive and never inductive
like the righteous moral judgment.' But socialist law loses the negative
characteristics of exploiting legal systems. The socialist constitution
and the socialist plan express the will of the people. Heller'slegal and
moral concept is a revival of the Ksntian opposition of legality and
morality.
"Heiler's revisionist concept reflects the pro- counterrevolutionary
attitude of certain segments of the petit bourgeoisie who entertained
utopistic-eclectic day dreams that the counterrevolution would preserve for
them certain positive acceptable features of socialism (liberation from
big capitalist competition, termination of economic crises, democracy, etc.)
and at the same time end the negative features of proletarian dictatorship
(the, planning which restricts private coam ereial. and industrial activity,
the dictatorial characteristics of the proletarian dictatorship, etc.).
In a word,, they desired the contradiction creating bourgeois way of life
without the contradictions.
"For Heller, the negation of socialist democracy, relegating its
realization to the distant future, actually expresses the yearning of the
petit bourgeoisie for a bourgeois democracy. It is not that Heller sub-
jectively identifies herself with this petit-bourgeois standpoint, but that
she expresses this standpoint in ethical terms.
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"Class Morality
"Heller denies the existence of 'eternal moral values' but she
asserts that there are 'universal human values,' such as love, honor,
honesty, etc. These values constitute a separate moral sphere; this
separate moral sphere contains the 'genuinely' human element as opposed
to elements reflecting class interest. But Seller is in error because
universal moral interest can present itself only in a concrete system
of norms -- in our times, only in the moral system of the worker class.
Heller herself pointed out earlier that when Chernyeshevski talked about
the 'abstract universal interest of mankind' he always meant the actual
revolutionary interests of the Russian peasantry.
"L, Woltmann mystified the idea of universal interest, and Jaures
did not fill his most general moral ideas with class content.
"Heller says that only in a classless society will abstract norms
become concrete norms. She denies that traditional moral values have to
go through the purifying fire of the revolutionary movement to be translated
into real values. And she sees the seeds of the morals of the future not
in proletarian morality but in generally recognized moral traditions.
"Heller handles formalistically and one-sidedly the question of
whether a man is justified in reporting his friend to the authorities
because of political reasons. According to her, this is the gravest sin
under any circumstances. She does not discuss the political-moral contents
of the friend's deed. A Marxist recognizes that conflict could arise here;
only the sectarian would not see any conflict because he sees moral value
only in :Loyalty to the class interest.
"Burke's argument against the French revolution, that it destroyed
the already crystallized moral values and thus threatened the whole world
system of morality with disintegration, is used by Raymond Aron against
the proletarian revolution.
"Why does Heller make so-called abstract norms the criterion for
all moral norm systemsI Because she zmkesauniversal 7awout of the' lesson of the
historical fact that fascism trampled under foot the entire moral inherit-
ance. But when she attacks fascism, she is compelled to polemicize with
the other extreme (which is for her bad), Communism, with socialist
morality, which similarly means the impairment of those illusorily inter-
preted abstract norms that in her eyes are lifted to an ideological
pedestal. /-Note,. Beginning with "she is. compelled," the above passe a is
a direct translation from the original, as is the following sentence_~ In
this she gets dangerously close to that 'antitotalitarian' bourgeois theory
which, alluding to the 'interests of the social and moral status quo' and
to the 'moral and social interest of humanity,'. brings Communism to a
common denominator with fascism. In this Heller is similar to the antifascist
democracy of Lukacs.
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"Heller wants to defend the moral legacy against 'moral nihilism.'
She objects that when cadre was selected,, prior to the counterrevolution,
party and class loyalty were checked but not trs.ditiohal morality. Heller
writes'.' 'Among other things, this was the reason that party loyalty could
become the safe-conduct of cruelty, inhumanity, personal envy, etc.'
"Heller has become a spokesman for the old line df ethical:
socialism -- the line of the neo-Kantians of Marburg and Freipurg, of
Windelband, Vorlander, and Standinger, the line of Jaures."
"The Individual
"The individual is the central form, starting point, and end point
for Heller's ethics. This placing of the individual in the center can
already be found in her work on Chernyeshevski's ethical views. She says
that morals come into being when individual interests come into being
within and conflict with the community interests. Thus there was no morals
in the primitive community and there will be no morals in Communism. She
writes: 'In Communism the norms of class society become habits, and as
habits they cease to be the subjects of morals.'
"Helier places the relationship of class and individual on its
head. She starts from the individual; the class exists only as a col-
lection of individuals. In her argument against the vulgar Marxists she
comes to the conclusion that the individual is essentially independent of
class definition; she does not say this openly but this is the only
logical link.
"In reality, the class factor is the fundamental defining factor;
individuals create classes only as class-individuals. We must also point
out that Heller is wrong in saying that only an individual can be moral or
Immoral. For example, when we say that in the age of imperialism, new,
negative aspects characterize bourgeois morality, we do not mean, that every
individual member of the bourgecd approves of these new norms,but the
class as such does approve of them.
"In any case, differences between the community and the individual
do exist even in the simplest case. And initially the judgment did not
take subjective intentions into considerations but only the consequences.
This again opposes Heller's individualistic conception.
"Heller's individualistic ethics stems from Kant, like her other
views. Like the Austro-Marxists she unsuccessfully attempts to combine
Kaatien and Marxist ethics. Heller's view: show an outstanding kinship to
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the revisionist weaknesses of Jaures; he also placed the individual in the
center and forced class viewpoints into the background. Jaures wrote:
'The rule of one class is an outrage against humanity.' Ortega y Gasset
is a modern representative of such individualism -- although this is not
to say that Heller got her Kantian ideas from Jaures or Ortega y Gasset
directly? Heller's immediate source is Gyorgy Lukacs.
"Freedom as a Concept
"Let us examine where this exaggeration of the individual leads
in the problem of freedom. Heller seems to attack two extremes: the
vulgar materialist emphasis on class and state freedom; and the subject-
ivist emphasis on individual freedom. But actually she denies the
categories of class and state freedom. Heller writes 'Freedom is always
the freedom of an individual.... The freedom of a class means that the
freedom of Individuals belonging to that class has been realized. If
we say that one state is freer than another, than we mean that that state
guarantees more freedom to individuals than the other state does.' But
it is the Marxist view that only the liberation of the class opens the
door to the liberation of its members. If we accept Heller' s views, then
it appears that the bourgeois slander is correct according to whichthe
socialist state is not the dictatorship of the proletariat but the dictator-
ship of a few persons who oppress the proletariat itself. Heller'.s
equation of the freedom of the state to the freedom of individuals is
contradictory because a state has a freedom which it opposes to individuals.
"Heller also errs in making subjectivist criteria of freedom
primaryb In reality the decisive criterion of freedom is rule over natural
or social factors in recognition of necessity. Frequently, men are free
without being subjectively aware of it. For example, some peasants enter
cooperatives against their will. According to Heller they are not free,
but the peasant who sticks to his old individual farming is free. In
reality, the cooperative peasant is much freer even though he receives his
'orders' from the cooperative leaders instead of from 'nature.' Heller's
concept reduces freedom to bare spontaneity.
"This emphasis on the concept of self-realization is an existent-
ialist idea, a Sartrian idea. One of the chief representatives of the
Mensheviks, Axelrod, also made freedom of the personality central. in
comparing the value of capitalist and socialist societies the problem of
freedom should be considered not primarily in relation to the individual,
but rather in relation to the classes.
"The Problem of Norms
"Heller says that we think of two things when we hear the word
'norm': first, that which is generally done, and second, that which should
be done but which generally is not done. These are the concrete and the
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abstract norms, respectively. it is our poisition that the abstract norms
are nonexistent and of an idealist construction and that a development of
the conception of Marxist norms must begin from the dialectics of the
general and the particular (i.e., the socially determined and the class
determined).
"According to Heller, the price of the 'supraclass' nature of
abstract norms is that they cannot be realized. Thus they cannot be linked
to the worker class movement. According to her, the worker classjdoes not
represent the universal interests of mankind.
"According to Heller, the most abstract demand is the demand of
the highest order but in reality the highest demands are the most concrete
(e.g., the demands of proletarian humanism). Heller's conception is a
peculiar manifestation in ethics of epistemological idealism. In contrast
to Heller's incorrect analysis into abstract and concrete norms, we
propose the following categories: elementary norms (for social existence)
an(. elementary moral inheritance (of a class).
"What political idea is being expressed in this .'theory of Heller's?
Obviously it is that Lukacs type of ideological coexistence.
"Heller's ethics reflects the structure of capitalist society and
the false consciousness of the individual living therein -- just as in the
case of Proudhon,as Marx pointed out.
"Heller points to the 'positive' side of hypocrisy. On this point
Heller joins Kolakowski, but Heller goes even further -- Kolakowski spoke(-
of the positive role of hypocrisy, but Heller speaks of it!?as a 'positive
phenomenon.' (It should be noted that hypocrisy is a peculiarityof the
morality of bourgeois society. When Commua_sts mislead their enemies, this
is not a case of hypocrisy.)
"Heller also evidences a tendency to make. peace with religious
morality -- here the principle of ideologies'. coexistence comes to the
surface. According to Heller) as long as a class society or a state exists,
there will be religious views. This is a justification of spontaneity.
What sense is there in atheist propaganda if what she says is true? Heller's
conception of morality is very similar to that developed by Cyorgy Ronay
in U Ember La contemporary Hungarian weekly put out by Actio Catholics in
Budapest .
"Kautsky, Adler, and revisionists, reformists, and renegades in
general have always made allowances for religion.
"Why did Heller came to an approv.a_ of the antihumanist content
of religious morality despite her protestations of atheism and humanism?
Because her atheism and humanism are bourgeois atheism and humanism.
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"Marxists must go beyond the position of bourgeois materialists
and must evaluate religious alienation as originating from and subordinate
to wordly. alienation.
"Morality
"In analyzing Heller's conception of morality we see that she
remains at the position of subjectivism represented by Kant. The starting
point for the distorted understanding of morality lies in her incorrect
solution of the freedom-necessity problem. Heller writes: 'A demand
becomes moral if it confronts a person not only as an external demand, but
also has become an internal demand....'
"Thus, according to Heller, external demands are nonmoral and
cannot be binding on the moral. individual. In reality, everything depends
on what content is being expressed in the internal or external demand..
Heller abolishes the entire dialectics of the objective and subjective
side of morality. She completely loses sight of the historical fact that
when the worker class organizes itself as a conscious class and builds
socialism, the subjective and objective side of morality undergo an
essential change. The objective moral demands developed by the worker class
stand higher than the subjective moral feelings of the average individual..
Heller's conception opens the gate to spontaneity. But Lenin pointed to
the positive moral influence of the proletarian state power.
"Good and Evil
"What,,according to Heller, is moral evil: 'That which does not
satisfy the moral needs of man, or which impedes the satisfaction of
these needs....' Heller does not take up the,question of what role the
moral evil has in the development of class societies. Heller ethicalizes
history and puts ethics above history.
"Lukacs was able to reject. aesthetic decadence in his knowledge
of the bourgeois classics. Heller cannot do even this, but there is a
theoretical weakness common to both Lukacs and Heller, neither is able to
measure capitalist aesthetics or ethics by the yardstick of the labor
movement.
"According to Heller, virtue is 'the conscious and voluntary
assumption of the morality of a given community, an outer and inner
harmony....' Apparently Heller's position is Marxist but it has an anti-
sectarian purpose which ends in denying the morality of the movement.
Keller hypothesizes that socialism can be established without its having
a public character; she thus raises to general laws of socialism the
sectarian errors committed in certain periods.
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"Heller's earlier positions when she showed the different class
bases of the Goethe-Schiller 'beautifiIl souls' and the Chernyeshevsky
ideal, a man developed from many sides, was clearer and truly Marxist.
"Value
"In Heller's analysis, reality becomes ever more split: on the
one side are values (the embodiment of historical good), and on the other
side are the necessary processes of reality, the historical evil. Philo-
sophically this conception is based on the ;Cantianism which she could not
overcome. According to Heller) values are the historical good, 'the
abstract good which is embodied not in individual men, but which is brought
into being by world history in the totality of mankind.' Ultimately) this
means that morality creates the good sphere and history creates the bad
sphere. This is similar to Kolakowaki's Position.
"Heller's acceptance of bourgeois value-ontologism abolishes. the
differences between the categories of being and consciousness, making it
impossible to understand the categories of -values as categories of ideb
logical objectivity. Thus the definitions Of variofs values lose their
concrete determinants, primarily their historical, economic, and class
determinants. If we pose the question of the moral good on a concrete
historical basis, then the answer will be relative and in accordance with
class interests.
"Heller denies that historical necessity which is the indispensable
base for Communism, for the general social realization of the moral good.
"Heller defines humanism as respect for self and other as auto-
nomous moral beings. A class-conscious worker will immediately understand
the anachronism of this definition, but a petit-bourgeois will find this
definition adequate.
"Heller admits that the hierarchy of moral values changes according
to epoch and class, but she joins the value-ontologists by asserting that
the character of a value is not class-determined. Thus we can agree with
Icautsky, who said, before be became a renegade, that the 'back to Kant'
slogan ultimately meant 'back to Plato.' Platonic ideas also hide in the
conceptions of Jaures. Heller is not the only one to put forward these
anti-Marxist ideas today. The Polish revisionist Kolekowski preceded her
with the express intention of making the criteria of moral behavior inde-
pendent of all philosophies of history.
"The Kantian humanist conception (i.e., never to use oneself or
another as a means but only as a goal) stands in sharp opposition to the
Marxist humanist conception the essence of which is that the liberation of
the exploited majority, can come only by means, of violating the 'moral
autonomy' of the minority.
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"For the Marxist, just moral judgment is subordinate to the goal,
the abolition of classes. According to Heller, this abolishes morality --
itself. Heller rehabilitates the basic principle of bourgeois law: equal
moral judgement of moral individuals who are regarded as equal -- but they
are not equal.
"Goals and Means
"According to Heller, if the means are without value from the
viewpoint of 'moral development,' then the goal also loses its moral con-
tent. Heller considers this to be an ethical law which is applicable even
to the labor movement.
"In this periods he who rejects the means of the labor movement
rejects its goals also. The conceptions of the reformists and revisionists
offer a happy opportunity to the demagoguery of the bourgeois theoreticians;
they can theoretically hold the moral goals of socialism while rejecting
'only' its methods. For example, Dewey and A. Huxley reject socialism on:
this basis.
"Heller overlooks the simple fact that the goal determines the
means. The revisionists overlook the fact that the goal becomes a means
and that the means appear as goals. The goal transforms the means. In
its relations with the class enemy the Com?nunist movement has no regard
for the abstract moral content of means.
"However, the Marxist viewpoint does not classify all means as
abstractly justified, but only those which stand in an internal, causal
interdependence with the goal. The adequate nature of the means is prima-
rily a political question.
"The 'ethicalization' of the class struggle is an old wishful
dream of the bourI.sie and the revisionists.
"Heller sees a moral sin in all political activity. Here rene-
gadism: replaces the well-known petit-bourgeois heresy which confuses demo-
cratism with socialism. Here Heller's ethics fails ultimately and appears,
at best, as a refurbished Tolstoyan ethics.
"Heller writes: 'Political activity, in its narrower sense, is
nothing more than a struggle for power....' According to Heller, even
proletarian politics contains immorality. She does not say that it is
morally forbidden to participate in social activity, only that this
activity is accompanied ethically by sin. In some cases you must undertake
to sin. This conception does not differ at all from that of Raymond Aron.
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"Marxism does not deny that moral contradictions come up in the
course of progressive social activity. But Marxism views these contra-
dittions from the side of the political goal.
"Su Summing up
"Lenin stressed that there was no trace of ethics, in the
revisionists' meaning of the term, in Marxism. He wrote that Marxism 'in
the theoretical area subordinates the "ethical viewpoint" to,., the "principle
of causality" and in the practical sphere refers it to the class struggle.'
Revisionism does not want to hear of this definition, and it is not by
chance that Heller never mentions it in her work on ethics. Heller's
ethics carries the theoretical expressions of alien class interests into
Marxism and it subordinates politics to morality.
"The common theoretical root of these revisionist views is a
failure to recognize the priority of the interests of the worker class.
Imre Nagy necessarily opposed the dictatorship of the proletariat on the
basis of the proposition that the worker class could not subordinate the
universal interests of the nation to its own class interests.
"Heller proposes class peace instead of class struggle. And she
abolishes the principle of party spirit. It is an old tactic of revisionism
to oppose party spirit with the scientific spirit and to oppose 'the
'prophet-revolutionary' Marx to the 'scientist' Marx. In raising such
problems, Heller develops further the conceptions of Lukacs. But Lenin
pointed out that during the building of socialism the chief danger is the
petit-bourgeois belief in spontaneity, a belief which hides in the above
ideas.
"By developing her ideas on the i=orality of politics In 1956-1957,
Heller, was attempting to paralyze the revolutionary forces and to justify
the hostile passivity of the intellectuals."
Existentialism Becoming Significant Revisionist Force Among Intellectuals
The "fashion of existentialism" as an expression of revisionistic
thought in Polish intellectual circles, especially among Marxists, appears
to be consolidating its foothold and continues to give cause for serious
concern. The first one to express such misgivings was Adam Schaff; writing
in the 20 September 1959 Nowa Kultura, he frankly blamed the failure of
Marxist theory for fostering existentialism. In it he complained that back
in 1951, existentialism was not even considered as a threat to the eminent
position enjoyed by Marxist thought; however, "only a few years later, in
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1956-1957, it became a real force, above all in the Marxist fevisionist7
milieu, in which the most varied, supposedly original and innovating
ideas were, in reality, variations on the subject of existentialism if
not an outright plagiarism of its ideas."
There were various reasons, according to Schaff, for?permitting
existentialist thought to make such tremendous inroads within the ranks
of Polish intellectuals, including Marxists: primarily, the failure of
Marxist thought to take into consideration the fullness of the psycho-
logical life of man, the subject of the life of man, the proper behavior
of man with relation to himself and to others, the responsibility of the
individual for his actions, etc. In the words of Schaff, Marxism avoided
these problems "because the union between Marxism and the revolutionary
workers movement emphasized the problem of the justness of social develop-
ment...and problems related to the struggle of the masses. These
practical, political interests of Marxism put.off until the future matters
connected with the individual and his problems.... In this manner there
arose, historically, a.vacuum in the philosophical problems of Marxism."
Schaff admits that it is a "considerable vacuum" which has created..a
situation in which "revisionistic tendencies" in Poland "borrowed ideas
from existentialism and are actually navigating under its standard."
Schaff makes it clear that he has no intention of justifying the
revisionists.' flirting with. existentialism, but that his aim is to
answer "why existentialism became the fashionable philosophy of revisionists
.in Poland," and "what makes it so attractive."
A more recent series of articles, by Zdzislao Najder in the 1 and
28 August 1960 Nova Kultura, complains of the widespread obsession with
existentialism among Polish intellectuals. Nader is apparently
concerned not only because this phenomenon is prevalent among the older
intellectuals, but "because it has a decidedly wider range and is more
significant since it primarily includes the youth."
As for the reasons for the popularity of existentialism, Najder
explains that "social upheavals and the catastrophies of war" are not
enough. The principal reason for the change which took place among
young philosophers was "the theory of the individual',s responsibility for
everything, for what he 'is' and what he does, responsibility which, in
the opinion of Sartre, is undertaken in an inevitable manner in the name
not only of oneself, but of all mankind as well. The flight from respon-
sibility, both in the moral sense and in the ordinary sense of undertaking
daily work decisions, became a social-political sickness of alarming
proportions and had to evoke a violent reaction. No other element of
existentialist philosophy has exerted such an influence, and none was as
'Justified' in its influence."
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In a follow-up article dwelling on existentialism as a philosophy
and a social phenomenon, Najder insists that the second aspect is the
more important of the two. During the occupation, he says, two slogans
become crystallized in the mass consciousness: "the individual is noth-
ing" ~+nd.'- "everything is relative." But, he maintains, the individual
in Poland has not the slighest desire to be nothing, at least internally,
so this is the reason for the popularity of the new slogan,,"silent
republics" Thus, the slogan, "everything is relative," is the device of
those people who do not want to become "engaged" at any price. That is
why, Najder insists, existentialism is so dangerous in Poland: not as
a philosophy for the "professionals" but as an ideological expression of
a certain social attitude.
Concern over the adverse influence that Sartre existentialism may
have on intellectual circles in Poland was voiced in a review of Sartre's
latest book, Critique de la raison dialectique (Critique of Dialectical
Reason), by Adam Schaff in the l September 1960 Pr2eglad Kulturalny.
Schaff makes a distinction between Sartre the philosopher and Sartre the
playwright, intimating that. he does not think much of the former.
Schaff maintains that in his new book, Sartre is in effect reasoning
that existentialism will eventually gain the upper hand over Marxism.
Schaff writes: "Sartre closes his introductory remarks with the far-
reaching prognosis about the dissolution of existentialism in. Marxism...;
however, it appears that existentialism is to disappear, but not in the
sense that it will be vanquished by Marxism, which will solve its
problems in its own way, but rather that it will be accepted by Marxism
as the basis for all studies. Hence, it is not a question of a 'disappear--
ance,' but of a clear advance of existentialism to the role of d'i
foundation of all studies of Marxism,-a question of 'supplementing
Marxism with existentialism."'
In conclusion, Schaff says, "Here we have this contradiction: his-
torical materialism tells us to explain all the actions and motivations
of an individual by special conditioning; existentialism, on the contrary,
tells us to seek the final source of social phenomena in the autonomically
understood freedom of the individual. Here we have two diametrically
opposed trends which cannot be joined. into one philosophical system.
Sartre was also unable to do that, although he might have imagined that
he fills existentialism with Marxism, while actually he tries to turn
Marxism into a variation-of existentialism."
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Manifestations of Economic, Ideological, and Cultural Revisionism in'Press
The Rumanian party press in recent months has included condemnations
of revisionist and dissident tendencies in economics, in matters concerning
the ideological education of youth, and in literature and art.
In an article in Probleme Economice of August 1960, M. Paraluta dis-
cusses the development erid strengthening of socialist ownership.' The
author condemns contemporary revisionism which, "by falsifying the Marxist-
Leninist teaching about the need to eliminate capitalist ownership,
attempts to rehabilitate the old reformist concept about the peaceful
integration of capitalism, an idea repudiated by Lenin, claiming that the
capitalist forms of ownership would pass through a process of qualitative:
transformation, of accumulation of 'socialist phenomena."'
Paraluta continues: "The absurdity of these attempts is obvious....
In general, the revisionists try to identify capitalist nationalization
with socialization of the means of production after the proletariat has
seized political power. But, in reality, bourgedis nationalizations do
not change the nature of capitalist ownership at all,'while the passing
of the means of production to the ownership of all the people after the
proletariat seizes political power. leads to the destruction of capitalist
ownership. andits replacement by ownership of an entirely different
nature, an ownership which excludes the exploitation of man by man.
"There is no common element between capitalist and socialist owner-
ship since they are not the same types of ownerships. Socialist ownership
can be created only after the destruction of the capitalist system, after
the seizing-of political power by the proletariat. Its creation within
the capitalist system contradicts the fundamental interests of the
capitalist class,. which holds all the economic and political power in the
capitalist state. To speak about the accumulation of `socialist phenomena'
in capitalist ownership is equivalent to attempting to reconcile unr'econ-
cilable antagonisms, to attempting to deny the fundamental opposition
between capitalist and socialist ownership.
"The wholly unscientific character of the theories concerning the
pretended peaceful integration of capitalism into socialism -- of cap-
italist ownership into socialist ownership -- has been clearly demonstrated
by realities in socialist countries. The experiences of these countries
have proven that socialist ownership can be established only after the
revolutionary seizure of state power by the working class."
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Becoming more specific, Paraluta attacks the "Yugoslav revisionists,
who, distorting Marxist-Leninist teaching about the general laws of,
socialist construction, assert that the means of productionlshould be
socialized only when they are at the disposal of the so-called collectives
of producers, thus denying the need for establishing socialist state
ownership of the means of production, It is well known that the classics
of Marxism-Leninism understood the socialization of the principal means
of production.to mean the creation of ownership relationships which would
guarantee all members of society the game situation in respect to these
means, not allowing the utilization of these means by one part of society
for the exploitation of the other parts...."
The Yugoslav revisionists are also criticized in another Rumanian
publication. Scrisul Banatean, thd monthly organ of the Timisoara branch
of the Rumanian Writers Union, includes in its July 1960 issue an article
by Ion Ariesanu discussing party First Secretary Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's
report to the June 1960 Third Party Congress. Ariesanu echoes Gheorghiu-
Dej's condemnation of the Yugoslav revisionists for attacking'the party
in its role as leader and the socialist state as the instrument of building
socialism.
According to Ariesanu, "In the matter of the state, the revisionists,
denying the economic role of the socialist state, raise spontaneity to a
supreme principle. The results of these 'theories,' applied to the very
operation of the Yugoslav economy, are seen very clearly today in the
anarchy of their agriculture, where the process of collectivization has
stagnated, private wealth has increased and inflated, and small property-
holders have been ruined."
Two Rumanian cultural publications express concern over the ideo-
logical training of the youth. Luceatarul of 15 August 1960 warns that
the enemy (bourgeois ideology) "camouflages itself, adapts itself, and
tries to infiltrate, especially. where lack of experience in life or
weakening of revolutionary vigilance lead it to. believe it can remain
unobserved for a while." The author of the article exhorts all Union of
Working Youth members to combat "manifestations of individualism., disdain
for the interests of the collective, nationalistic prejudices, symptoms
of moral decay, and pathological curiosity about decadent Western society."
In Contemporanul of 9 September 1960, two university courses for
future teachers -- courses in pedago4r and pedagogical psychology -- are
criticized for their poor treatment of the historic and class character of
education, as well as for their insufficient combativeness and lack of
emphasis on Communist morality.
According to articles appearing in the press, writers and artists
are not all adhering to the party line and do not all have the proper
conception of the party spirit. Criticizing a recent plastic arts exhibit
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in Bucharest, Scinteia of 27 August 1960 comments that "what the artists
call'originality,' the fruit of personal experience, sometimes represents
a superficial treatment, a unilateral understanding and a sterile plagi-
arism of the style of the masters."
Literary critic Savin Bratu's contribution to the recently published
volume, Probleme actuale ale literaturii realist-socialiste (Current,
Problems of Socialist-Realist Literature ,is attacked by ribuna of
18 and 25 August 1960 for its "countless confusions." Also, asserts
Tribuna, "The article by Savin Bratu...contains errors of a more serious
nature -Ohich affect its political and ideological contents. Literary
critics maintain, and concrete literary practice strengthens the
assertion, that the writer of today is attracted by the new element of
society since the new strikes the imagination of the creator in a special
way. Savin Bratx maintains the contrary. The old is more. evident than
the new, since the morbid and abnormal have a greater power of attraction
j5ccording to Brat."
The Tribuna critic explains that "the error arises from Savin Bratu's
bizarre and idyllic idea about the great revolutionary transformations
taking place in our country.... Savin Bratu has a fatalistic, mechanistic
idea about the development of society, an idea which is more reminiscent
of Aeschylus than of the classics of Marxism-Leninism....
"The way in which Bratu conceives of the party spirit is a meta-
physical error. According to the critic, the party spirit is an entity
independent of the will of men, something which floats above them."
Discussing the writer's responsibility to base his work on actuality,
the July 1960 issue of Viata Romineasca states: "ire combat the 'theory
of distance' not to forbid this or that theme, but because this theory
disorients the writers and prevents them from understanding that the
principal duty of socialist-realist literature is the reflection of
actuality."
The editor in chief of Belgrade Borba, in its i4 September 1960
issue, reviewing Edvard Kardelj's Socijalizam i Rat (Socialism and War ),
stresses the importance of maintaining peace and practicing coexistence.
Stating that "a country's international behavior is governed by its
concrete attitude toward the question of peace,." Joze Smole asserts that
"conscious socialist forces naturally are aware of their obligation to
suppress the emergence of every sign of a lack of belief in the possibility'
of averting ,war" and adds that "disbelief as regards peace essentially
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Suggesting that the difficulties ;economic and political at an
international level) which are facing China "have apparently given rise
to certain instances of demoralization " Smole submits that "disbelief
has been noted in China7.in the development of socialism, the strength
of the working class, and social progress in general." He asserts that
"by its unrestrained anti-Yugoslav cs paign, which is not solely a
campaign against Yugoslavia, China has openly expressed its intention and
exposed its attempt to force its disbelief as to. the possibility of
averting war upon other socialist countries and the international workers
movement."
Joze Smole then says that conscious socialist forces "cannot remain
indifferent to attacks against coexistence," in which these forces "see
the most efficient policy of strengthening socialism and social. progress."
He points out that Kardelj's book "provides evidence of the correctness of
the policy of coexistence for which socialist Yugoslavia has' always been.
calling consistently for no purely pacifist reasons; but from the point of
view of social progress, the workers movement, and socialism,." It also
".constitutes another example of the. ideological and'theorotical strength
of the Association of Communists of Yugoslavia in the defense and creative
implementation of Marxism and Leninism." Smole concludes that Kardelj's
study, "as an indubitable contribution to the development of socialist
thought in general, is of great significance to the international workers
movement."
Another article by Joze Smole appeared in the 12 September 1960 issue
of Borba in rebuttal to a Soviet criticism of Kardelj's book in the 2
2 September 1960 issue of Moscow's Pravda. Smole notes that the authors
were clearly in a great hurry to launch a politicallattack on Yugoslavia,
since they "did not even have enough time to read Kardelj,'s discourse':to
the end." He submits that their main intent has been to "forbid Yugoslav
Communists to discuss a current problem of socialist international policy,
retaining for others the monopolist right to interpret this problem.."
A reading of Kardelj's book, he says, makes it clear that "Yugoslav
Communists do not care to enter into abstract ideological polemics with
others and least of all to become involved in Soviet-Chinese ideological
differences." The author discusses the three "theses" of the Pravda
discussion and points out that'these "theses" have po connection whatever
with Kardelj's study. In fact, he charges the authors with failing to
act in a "middle role between dogmatism and "revisionism.' When they
criticize the dogmatists, they use arguments which are the essence of
KardelJ's study. When they attack Yugoslav 'revisionism,' they themselves
fall into-the very dogmatism which the;yr otherwise criticize." However,
says Smote, "there can be no middle road in essential socialist problems,
such as coexistence. One can only be for or against coexistence..... It
is obvious that the Moscow Pravda cannot boast that its "criticism' has
contributed to strengthening the forces of peace and to the unity of the
socialist forces in their struggle for peace."
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Inhibitedd Soviet Sociology
Soviet social education is criticized by Dr V. Milanovic in the
No 7-8, July-August 1960, issue of the Yugoslav monthly Nasa Stvarnost
for failing to interest Soviet researchers in the contemporary social
processes.
The author notes that "the central position in sociopolitical education
ought to be held by dialectic and historical materialism," but that this
is not true of the Soviet educational system, where thebasic subject of
sociopolitical education is the history of the CPSU. In his view, Soviet
historiography has, to be sure, attempted to view the past critically,
but it is primarily a "unique synthesis of national history and world
historical events" which contains "many elements of romanticism and sub-
jectivism." He admits that the description and analysis of the past
40 years' development "represents in the teaching process a factor whose
impressiveness the average student cannot resist and which he cannot
accept critically." Thus, he says, Soviet "social education does not
adequately develop a free, independent,, critical, and investigative
attitude in the students toward social phenomena and processes." He
submits that an orientation of instruction in which historical science
holds the central position cannot by its very nature develop a deeper
interest in the problems of contemporary society.
Dr. Milanovic finds some of the Soviet conceptions about the relation-
ship of material, objective conditions and subjective factors to scientific
development "very interesting." He notes that Soviet authors frequently
stress the material side of the question of the role and tasks of social
science and its application in sociopolitical activity and that they
continually point to the progress achieved in!.th,e material base of the
cultural development in the USSR. The author admits that the educational
process in the USSR had produced an increasing number of educated and
scientific personnel, but when he questions their achievements in Soviet
sociology, he suggests that "quantity" does not necessarily produce
"quality."
As to the sociological works mentioned by one Soviet sociologist,
Milanovic says that "these are great works of a historiographic, character,
but the Soviet author does not mention a single., more important work of
research in social relations and contemporary social movements in the
Soviet Union." Milanovic concludes that the reason for '.the absence of
concrete sociological research in the Soviet Union, the orientation toward
historical themes, and the lack of connection between sociological research
and the current social processes-should be sought in the political
relations, in the current disregard for concrete sociological researches,
and in the doctrinaire 'explanation' and guidance of social processes."
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"Commuie" Is Not Communism
Red China's communes are undoubtedly the target of certain disparaging
remarks appearing in a discussion of the Yugoslav communal system, in the
17 September 1960 issue of Zagreb V.esnik, by Dr Jovan Djordjevic. The
author remarks that discussions in the Yugoslav press at the time of the
introduction of the Yugoslav communal system "did not have a', primarily
academic character, nor were they preparations for a sudden 'leap' in the
introduction of a mechanical, doctrinaire, compulsory, or militarily
administrative"collectivism which, according to the expression 'commune,'
ought to resemble Communism." Describing the social, economic, and
political functions of the Yugoslav commune, the author stresses that
"it is no% longer a territorial grouping of.'inhabitants, or a "natural
environment' or a 'dormitory for citizens,' but a truly living society of
consumption, production, and interpersonal' relationships."
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1. FINLAND
Communist Party Supports Moscow Line on Peace and War
The support of the Finnish Communist Party (FCP) of the Moscow line
for peaceful development toward socialism was expressed by Ville Pessi,
Secretary-General of the FCP, in his speech of 20 August 1960 at_ the
Central Committee meeting, which was reported by Kansan Uutiset, the
Helsinki Communist daily, of 21 August 1960. In the speech, which was
devoted to-the international situation, Pessi quoted a passage from the
Moscow "peace manifesto" of 1957 and claimed that the communique signed
at the Bucharest Conference was in complete accord with it. To sub-
stantiate his statement that the program of the FCP was in complete
accord with both statements, Pessi quoted the following excerpt from the
program "The FCP attempts to promote the kind of democratic develop-
ment that will ensure victory in our country to the working population,
which represents the majority of the people; that will transfer political
power to the working class and the workers who are in alliance with it;
and that will form a majority grouping even in the Diet to put through
reforms leading to a socialistic system. The Communist Party desires the
victory of socialism through peaceful means. However, the violence of
the antirevolutionary forces could necessitate repelling it with the
workers` forces...."
The statement issued by the Central Committee of the FCP at the
close of its meeting reiterated the support of the Moscow "peace" line.
This statement, which was published by Kansan Uutiset on 23 August 1960,
referred to the "unanimous approval" of the Bucharest communique and
claimed that the policies practiced by the FCP, as well as the decisions
of its :12th congress in April 1960, support the decisions reached at
Bucharest. To corroborate the FCP's upholding of peaceful coexistence,
the statement noted that the 12th congress established that the policies
of peaceful coexistenc? had, proved beneficial to the Finnish people in
that they resulted in a stabilization of democratic conditions in Finland,
led to favorable trade relations between Finland and the USSR, developed
new work possibilities for the Finnish people, decreased reactionary
prejudice and promoted an objective relationship toward the USSR, and
make the USSR's achievements and policies known in Finland.
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Socialist Deputy Raps Misuse of Thrmi "Revisionism"
Misuse of the term "revisionism" by the Communist Party was charged
by Antonio Giolitti, deputy of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), in the
11 September 1960 issue of the PSI newspaper Avanti:, of Rome. Giolitti
was responding to a query by Ulderico Pazzagli, of Pisa, who in a letter
to the newspaper asked what was behind the "revisionism, dogmatism,
extremism, sectarianism;" and such apparent "windmill," undefined' targets'
of the Communist Party's sallies.
Giolitti said that, far from being "windmills," these were real
ideological and political positions held by certain men and groups, but
that they and their proponents were very hatd'_to describe and identify
because "the Communist Party leaders always conceal and dietobt ",the
thinking of the opponents whom they are combating within the party and
at times outside of it also, especially when dealing with burning
questions of ideology and labor history."
. Furthermore, he continued, experience, especially since 1956, shows
that the Communists "systematically reject open and loyal discussion and
systematically resort to falsification and slander." As examples he
mentioned the latter treatment accorded in Rinascita, theoretical journal
of the Italian Communist Patty (PCI), to his own vo ume, Il communismo in
Europa (Communism in Europe), as well as to the book by Sergio D 'Angelo
and Leo Paladini, La sfida di Krusciov (The Challegge of Khrushchev).
(For reviews of these books pu ishe. in Rinascita,'see Summary No 2776,
Review of Communist Theoretical Journals Note he observed, that
the PCI lacked arguments for a serious critique; it was only that its
leadership had decided that one must not engage in discussion about the
Third Interaationa and the Soviet Union, brlit must' repeat only the
content of "official versions carrying the imprimatur."
Giolitti concluded by giving the Bernsteinian definition of revisionism..
(or reformism) and decrying the "derogatory and slanderous" slant given
now to a word used in connection with a "serious and honorable body of
opinion which finds its place, with full rights of expression, within the
labor movement and the struggle for sociali."
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