COMMUNIST REVISIONISM AND DISSIDENCE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R001200120003-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 56
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 11, 1998
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: July 8, 1960
• Content Type: REPORT

and dissidence as refleeted in, Communist and non?Communi$t
This report contains material on Communist revisionism
Attacks on Revisionism and Instances
Disagreement With Soviet.Policy;
Deviation Among Intellectuals
Denial of Revisionism
China; Internal Dissension
III ` Eastern Europe
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Published References to Ernst
Friedrich Wollweber
Disunity Among Literary Theorists;
Stagnation of Marxist Literary
Theory.
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East Germany
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Page
Hungary
27,
..
Lenin Ideals in "Party Democracy"
and in Guarding Party Secrets
'
27
. :.Writers .atid,.-,the
"Re-ti$iotist
lan"
29
Introduction
. 29
Alphabetical Key to Revisionis
Codes ;and-,Concerns
t
30
Revisionist Literary Journals
34
Examples of Revisionist Writin
g
35
Conclusion
37
Students Given New Line on Mol
Questions
nar
39
Bulgaria .
45
Foreign Cultural Revisionism Assailed
in Literary Journal:'s Review
1V. . Western Europe
Two Dissident Communist Groups Discuss
Cooperation
,Finland
Revisionism in Finnish Communist
Party
Near East
Israel
1. New Propaganda Line f r Israeli Arab
Communists Differs From Usual Moscow
Approach
2. Activities of Trotskyist Movement
Ir. 1 w ;i'
4+5
49
49
49
51
51
53
53
53
53
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C to ora revisionism as a political-theoretical movement -- with '".
r
m
o
Attacks on Revisionism and Instances of (Deviation.
p
y
n
its denial of the Marxist theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat;
..the belief that' capitalism can develop without crises that become progress-
ively'more violent; the profession that Stalinism is a-specific political
economic system;`the belief that a gradual transition to socialism is
possible through, reforms rather than by revolution; denial of the eco-
nomic-role of the socialist state and.of democratic centralism; disagree-
mentwith the SovietSconcept of proletarian internationalism;-and denial
of the leading role of,the Communist Party of the Soviet Union -- has
apparently ceased to exist, on the surface at least, in the USSR. This,
of course, is not the case with other countries. Soviet mass media,
especially the press, have therefore-instigated., on all levels, concerted
attacksagainst`revisionism as'expressed by Western and bloc Marxists.
. Highly placed official writers as well as minor authors have parti-
cipated in antirevisionist attacks. These press attacks, although volum-,
inous and at times vitriolic, have been fairly moderate for the most part.
Soviet leadership, apparently, does not consider current revisionism
emanating from outside its borders as a formidable threat-to its hegemony",
in the Communist movement, but it does not underestimate the miasmic
potential revisionism can develop. Therefore, it-has brought to broad
public attention this potential in Section Five of the currently influ-
ential Soviet theoretical text, Osnovy Marksizma-Leninizma (Fundamentals
of Marxism-Leninism), Moscow, 1959, entitled Teachings on Socialism
and Communism,t, which treats critically the problem of revisionist ideas.
.;Another widelydisseminated book pointing out the dangers of revisionism
is V Chem Opasnost' S4vremenno o Revizionizma (In What Is the Danger of
Contemporary Revisionism , by I. A. Khlyabich, Moscow, 1960.
Soviet antirevisionist literature is geared to attack all philos-
ophic, aesthetic,~and political- deviations, but primarily the principal
"revisionist misconceptions" concerning the indispensability of the die-
tatorship of the proletariat,. the natural growth of capitalism into
socialism, laws governing the transition from socialism to Communism,
democratic centralism, and, primarily, the: leading role of the CPSU.
This antirevisionist literature has become, interestingly enough,
even more voluminous in the USSR during the first quarter of 1960 than.,
in the. last 6 months of 1959. The growing importance of this problem
.is evident to'the reader from the length of the following list:
Tvorcheskiy MarksizmIi Pustot6vety Revisionizma (Creative Marxism and
the Sterility of. Revisionism), by Z. I. Gershkovich, Leningrad, 1960;
(Certain
i
m
zma
mun
Nekotoryye'.Problemat Perekhoda of Sotsializma it Ko
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Problems of the Transition From Socialism to Communist), by S. P.
Pervushin, Moscow, 1960; Chto Takoye Sotsializm i Imeyet li on Pochvu u
Nas? Marksizm ili Bernshte ianstvo? ?- ortunizm ili Sotsializm K
Marksizmu. Diktatura ill Demoki t
W_. (What lx 1%
J. s?' IS Socialism an ea
ave Roots in Our Country? Marxism or Bersteinism? Opportunism or
Socialism? Toward Marxism. Dictatorship or Democracy?), by D. Vlagoyev
(translated from Bulgarian), Mosocw, 1960; Protiv Revizionizma v Estetike
(Against Revisionism in Aesthetics),' edited by F. I. Kaloshin and D.
F. Kozlov, Moscow, 1960; B. Ponomarev,,F. Konstantinov, and Yu. Antropov,
"On the Old Revisionist Positions," Kommunist, No 8, May 1960; V. Kirsanov,
Leninism -- Trusty Weapon in the Struggle With Contemporary Revisionism,"
Parti_ynaya Zhizn', No 8, April 1960; V. Gabuniya, "All-Conquering Marxist
Leninist Teachings," Molodoy Kommunist, No 3, March 1960; unsigned article,
"Party Discipline'and Party Democracy," Partiyneya Zhizn',,No 1, January
1960.
As has been pointed out, there is no reason to assume that the
critique of revisionism is of great concern .to the Soviet leaders, although
some of its theoretically least important aspects may be, such as the inter-
pretation of the term "peaceful coexistence." Another possible source of
concern may be in the steadily mounting number of unorthodox literary
efforts, which have appeared in such periodicals as Literaturnaya Gazeta,
Novyy Mir, and other less significant provincial literary journals.
lss.
These heterodox literary works are by no means revisionistic. They are.,,
rather, deviations from the officially accepted and proscribed codes
adopted for the correct literary interpretation of life-in a Communist
society. But that Soviet leaders are concerned over the publication of
these "deviationistic" literary efforts can.be:..seen from the numerous
'attacks and criticisms against them.
A meeting of Communist writers in Leningrad, reported in Literaturnaya
Gazeta, 10 November 1959, severely criticized Sergey Voronin's story "In
His Native Village" (V Rodriykh Mestakh). Critics at the meeting said that
the story could not be used to educate youth, that the basis of the story
was the false idea of forgiveness for all, and that it demobilizes the
reader rather than educates him. A. Reshetov tried to justify the story
on ''psychological, grounds," 'and Voronin himself rejected all criticism
directed at his story. Everyone present, however, acknowledged the story
to be ideologically detrimental and called on the party committee to
discuss the work of the journal Neva, which published the story in its
September 1959 issue. The story dealt rather sympathetically with.a man
who had b
t
een a
raitor during World War-II.
Yevgeniy Yevtushenko's poem,,"Consider Me a Communist" (Schitaute
,Menya Komunistom), published in Yunclst', No 2, February 1960, was
criticized by D. Zaslavskiy in Pravda, 28 February 1960. The hero of
the poem demands to be considered a Camthunist because he is fighting
Petty.,
11 insignificant people who formerly had persecuted Mayakovskiy and
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are now persecuting other "genuine" poets. Zaslavskiy, noted for his
bitter attacks on individuals in especial disfavor 'with party''ckitias;
criticized Yevtushenko for not broadening his. horizons in thei5oem.and
for not choosing a more serious theme.
I ..
M. Kirillov, in Literaturnaya Gazeta, 13 February 1960,;'criticized
Yevtushenko,for.exag.gezating the seamy side of Soviet life and,'for seeing
scoundrels everywhere. According to Kirillov,-the poem showed the poet's'
ideological inmiaturity and lack of experience in life, and a deafness to
all that is,new and has become a part of the country in recent years.
Yevtushenko was further criticized by V. Buskin,.who stated in Literatura
i.Zhizn', 4 March 1960, that the poet had'.adopted a?"romantic posewhich
is both invented and false.
V. Oskotskiy, Yu. Surovtsev, and A. Yakubov, correspondents for
Literaturnaya Gazeta, in an article on 24 March 1960, criticized the
novelette Tz~opinki The Paths), by S. Zunnunova, which had appeared in
the Uzbek literary journal Shark Yulduzi, because of its collection of
morally depraved people. The author of the novelette seemed to believe
that one cannot move along the broad road of Communism without passing
through mistakes and delusions or.passing over steep and twisting paths,
and the more people stumble the better they will be.
In an article in the 14 April 1960 issue of Literatuznaya Gazeta,
A. Salynskiy, secretary of the Board of Writers Union, USSR, bitterly
criticized the. play "Five Evenings" (Pyat' Vecherov), by A...Volodin, and
.said that life is poor and uninspired for Volodin's heroes. They see
nothing interesting for themselves in the grand life of the country; they
have a sense of futility. Volodin is guided by the idea that a person
is to be appreciated for himself alone and not for what he has done.
According to Salynskiy, the play's author needed a more powerful inspira-
tion, a feeling of civic spirit, and a deeper understanding of socialist
humanism.
In a Moskovskaya Pravda article of 29 January 1960, V. I. Ustinov,
first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, criticized 0. Skachkov,
author of the play "Thieves of Silence" (Vzlomshchiki Tishiny), for imitat-
ing A. Volod.in and for depicting his characters as banal because of their
spiritual insignificance and prevalence of irresponsibility regarding
the moral and ethical foundations of man.
A criticism of V. Tendryakov's novelette, Troika Semerka i Tuz (A
Trey, a Seven, and an Ace), No~Miirr, No 3, March 19.0, by D. Starikov,
in Literatura i Zhizn', 15 April 1960, revolved around Tendryakov's
description of:.workers not as individuals but as weapons of work, and
his incorrect knowledge, of the life of ordinary workers.
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On 29 April 1960, Pravda carried the final three chapters of A.
Tvardovskiy's poem "Distance Beyond Distance" (Za Dal'yu-Dal'); the same
three chapters were also published in Novyy Mir, No 5, May 1960. Of
these, the second and longest chapter is a rat er sober account of various
;aspects of the. Stalin era. In this chapter Tvardovskiy contrasts the
'general situation under Stalin with the post-Stalin period, and the con-
trast is sharp and clear. Under Stalin all was dull, dark, and foreboding,
while in the post-Stalin period al4 is light, gay, and dynamic. The poem
was reviewed in Literaturnaya Gaz.ea, 17 May.1960, and in Literatura i
Zh~ izn', 13 May 1960. What is interesting here is that both reviews speak
only of the first and third chapters of the final three, and omit the
second.which concerns the Stalin era. Does this imply that'Sotiet leaders
are still so concerned with comments on Stalin that it is best not to
mention him at all, and that those who do are unorthodox?
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Disagreement With Soviet Policy; Deviation Among Intellectuals
The Chinese Communists have always been alert to' domestic revision-
ism among the intellectuals and to international revisionism and its
disruptive effects on the solidarity of the socialist camp, but the high
points of Chinese concern have been during the "bloom and contend" period.
and after the Hungarian revolution, both in 1956,'and during late 1959
and,early 1960, when the Chinese made no effort,to hide their disagree-
ment with the peace policy of the Soviet Union.
BY 1959, the Chinese; of course, had already won Soviet acquiescence
to a certain degree of independence in'policies and in ideology, but even
against such a background, the. 1959-1960 statements'have been very strong.
In the article "Long Live Leninism' by the editorial board, in the 15 April
issue of Hung Ch'i, the then current views of the Soviet Union on the pos-
sibility of peace with the capitalists were lumped together with positions
that could apply only to the Yugoslav revisionists. This lumping together
can be interpreted as an effort to make the article's reference to-the
Soviet Union less obvious, but may also be a deliberate insult.
The editorial board dealtwith a very wide range of subjects, but
its opinions may be summed up as opposition to.any stand that tends to
.slow down the revolution (in the "oppressed countries" as well as in
the capitalist countries) or dilute revolutionary elan. The board,
speaking mainly to the USSR, declared as revisionist the sacrificing of
long-range for immediate interests, belief in a change of heart for
peace by the capitalists, belief that peace is possible while capitalism
exists, and belief that force is not needed to effect the transition to
socialism.
The board's stand was summed up in the following passage:
"The. members of our Communist Party are struggling to protect world
peace and to realize the policy of peaceful coexistence. At the same
time, we are supporting the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed peo-
ples against imperialism. We are supporting the revolutionary wars of
the oppressed peoples for liberation and social progress. We do so
because these revolutionary wars are righteous. Naturally, we must also
continue to explain to the masses Lenin's thesis on the bourgeois imperial-
ist system as the source of modern war and Marxism-Leninism's thesis of
the final goal of our struggles as the replacement of imperialism.with'.
socialism and communism. We must not cover up our principles when before
f.
the ; (Hung Chi, No 8, 16 Apr 60, p 27)
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The Chinese stand has been propagated in publications below the national
level as well as in foreign attention-catching periodicals like Hung:C'ki'i?
An article in the 1 Aril issue of Li-lun Hsueh-hsi, official organ of
the Liaoning provincial party cond. ee pu is a in Shen-yang,, repeats
almost all the points taken up in "Long Live Leninism" in slghtly dif-
ferent words, which, if anything, makes the disagreement of the Chinese
more explicit.
In domestic revisionism, the journals directed at the intellectuals,%
such as the Peiping Hsin Chien-she, and the literary journals, such as
the Tientsin Hsir Kang and the Peiping Wen-i Pao, have frequently carried
articles which"refuted," "criticized," o`r discussed" opinions and
theories of various intellectuals. Esin Chien-she, especially, seems
to have this as one of its regular functions. Among the personalities
criticized to varying degrees since'the beginning of 1959 have been Ma
Yin-ch'u and Feng Yu-Lau, both perernial favorites for such criticisms;
Hou .Wai-lu, for his theory on the "'principle of the feudal productive
relationships"; Kuo I-ts'en, for his theories on the nature of psychology;
ChanMu-shih, for his theory on the'selective nature of the mind; Wu Ta-
kun, for his views on American economic crises; Ho lin, for his theory on
knowledge and action; Lu Shu-heiang for leaving reality when studying
gra mar, Fu Ssu-nien, for his reactionary viewpoint and method in?histot-
ical-studies; and Chu Ming-ch'ien, for his old concepts on the study off.
art.
At present, the main object of attacks (since the attacks on Ma Yin-
ch'u for repeating his stand on birth control have subsided) is Pa Jen .
(Wang Jen-shu), a.prominent literary figure who has been given appropriate
official posts in the past. During'the "bloom and contend" period, Pa
Jen had taken advantage of the temporary relaxation of bans on the expres-
sion of dissenting views to write a.short article entitled "On Human
Sentiments;" published in Usin KaJng; the article criticized proletarian
literature as being devoid of humaiz sentiments and full of politics, and
advocated instead of class struggle's, search for those human sentiments
which are common to everyone. He said that "Class society suppresses
the basic nature'of mankind and therefore we have class struggle. I
think that. things are just like this." (From a reprint of his article
in Wen-i Pao, No 2, 26 Jan 60, p )
Why has the regime taken up his case again after ii. years? The
26 January 1960 issue of Wen-i Pao, besides publishing the reprint of
Pa fen's article, carries two criticisms or him. The April issue of
Hsin Chien-she has another criticism. The late March issue of
feng, the organ of, the Hopeh provincial party committee, carries yet
another criticism.
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The question is answered by Li Hsi-fan, in Hsin Chien-she, as
follows: "The problem is not in the article 'On Human Sentiments,'
because'its reactionary and false viewpoint has already been exposed and'
criticized by many comre4es. Nor in the problem only in the fact that
his is actually an old weapon of the bourgeoisie. The problem is how 'l
is it that this corrupt theory of human nature can still form a kind of
opposition current to'confront socialist letters? Seen from one point
-of view, Pa Jen is still not completely isolated. When Pa Jen published
his article? the Shanghai Wen-i Yueh-pao published Ch'ien Ku-yang's
"On'"Letters Is the Study of Man."' Wasn't this also 'the using of the
same thing' to propagate the idea that so-called 'humanitarianism' is
the motive power for the development of letters, and idea that has been
propagated before?"... (Hsin-chien-she, No it, Apr 60, p 17)
Pa Jen"s stand is criticized by Yao Wen-yuan in Wen-i Pao thus:
"The 'people'.of Pa Jen, stripped of their camouflage, are the 'person'
of capitalist individualism, the 'person' of capitalist human nature.
Why i it that in this period, 'people' are especially the object of his
'attention' and 'concern'? It is because after the capitalist class had
lost its economic foundation, the people who were determined to keep the
capitalist world viewpoint to the end felt that capitalist individualism
is the opposite of socialist revolution and were unwilling to abandon
the capitalist world viewpoint for the proletarian world viewpoint, so
naturally, they increased their 'attention and concern' in, regard to the
problem of how to maintain and protect the 'social existence' of capital-
ist human nature. Revisionism in art is generally one of the manifesta-
tions of the. struggle between the capitalists and the proletariat, and
is extremely clever."..(We (Wen-i Pao, No 2, 26 Jan 6o, p 31-41)
Indonesia
Denial of Revisionism
The official position of the PKI (Indonesia Communist Party) con-
cerning the possibility of revisionist tendencies within the party was
categorically stated by D. N. Aidit, chairman of the Central Committee,
in an article on the Sixth National Party Congress in the September-
October 1959 issue of Bintang Merah. The full.text of the pertinent
passage follows:
"The Sixth National Congress condemned the disgusting practices of
the Tito clique of modern revisionists who, in words, profess to be out-
side the iB erialist camp but who in actual fact assist the imperialists
in trying to split the international anticolonial,and peace-loving front
by slandering the Socialist, countries headed by the Soviet Union, to split
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the international Communist and working class movement, to split the move-
ment for national independence bydrawing over to their side naive leaders
of the national bourgeoisie in newly in4eper+dent Asian and African countries.
"It is a fact that the revisionism of the Tito clique does not find
the slightest response in the Communist Party of Indonesia. This does
not mean, however,'that the Indonesian, Communist-s may remain passive in
the fight against this dangerous deviation. The Indonesian'Communists
have the international duty to save the; international working class move-
ment, to continually strengthen the international anticolonial and peace
loving front. Besides this, chauvinism fanned by the right wing of the
Indonesian national bourgeoisie is soil on which the reactionary ideas
of the revisionists can grow and this constitutes a ,threat against the
purity of Marxist-Leninist ideology within the PKI."
The most interesting feature of these remarks is the degree to which
Aidit is concerned with revisionism's appeal to the national bourgeoisie.'.:
This. is a very natural concern, for, on the one hand, revisionist ideas .
are not apt to ' persuade the nationalist `middle forces" of the merits of
participation in the national united front, which remains the basic tac-
tic of the PKI; and on the other hand, the PKI is a party whose cadres
are themselves largely of bourgeois or landlord origin. They have not
as yet been thoroughly indoctrinated with the principles of Marxism-
Leninism and, by the party's own admission, fall easy prey to the attacks
launched on the philosophical fortress of the working class by the
"imperialists" and the national bourgeoisie. As the last paragraph
quoted above suggests, this threat of contamination is particularly ser-
ious' when the principle of proletarian internationalism must ' compete
against the appeal of a campaign such as that currently being waged
against the Chinese.'by the Indonesian nationalists.
It should be noted, however,.that whatever dissension may exist
within the PK1, it is extremely rare for an open debate or clash of
opinions to occur between the proponents of either a more radical or a
more reformist viewpoint than that held by the present middle-of-the-road
leadership. During the past 4 years, there have been only two instances
where open disagreement on party policy; was noted within the party press.
In June and July 1956, the economic editor of Harian Rakjat wrote three
articles expounding the concept of "incomplete socialism" which, showed
the influence of the Yugoslav experience. At the fourth plenary session
of the Central. Committee in August 1956, these ideas were condemned and
the PKI's adherence to orthodox Marxism-Leninism reaffirmed. (See Sum-
maries No 1095, 11 October 1956, end No 1331,a4 May 1957,'for coverage
of this controversy.) Then, on 8 Januaxy'1959, Harian Rakjat published
a rebuke issued.by the executive of the PKI Constituent Assembly frac-
tion to Alimin, former secretary-genera. of the party, for writing a
pamphlet in which he expressed what might loosely be termed "Stalinist".
views, criticizing the PKI for failing, among other things, to pursue
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the class struggle. (See Summary No 2099, 19 March 1959, for the full
text of this rebuke.) As regards revisionism itself, after an initial
period of hesitation in the spring of 1958 concerning the proper attitude
to take toward the Yugoslav heresy, the PKI eventually assumed a com-
pletely orthodox position which it has steadfastly maintained in the
ensuing years. (See.Summaries No 1898, 10 September 1958, and No 2223,
25 June 3.959-Y
Nonetheless, despite the lack of material actually expressing
revisionist or other dissident opinions and despite, or perhaps because
of, the party's own protestations of ideological unanimity, passages
such as the Aidit statement quoted above lead one to suspect that all
is not quite as: unanimous as the party would like it to appear. Occa-
sionally, there are even indications that basic party policies have been
questioned. An example of this is to be found in the political report
to the eighth plenary session of the Central Committee in August 1959,
when Aidit remarked. that some party members asked why they should support
the new cabinet's program since it was not a gotong-rojong cabinet, thus
implying that the validity of continuing to pursue a united front policy
had been questioned because it had failed to pay off by gaining Communist
participation in the cabinet, and suggesting that some party members would
like to pursue a more radical policy. On the other hand, there have been.
hints that the party is beset by rightist as well as leftist deviation.
In an article on the sixth national congress written for the 9 September
1959 Harlan Rakj t, Central Committee member A. Anwar Sanusi issued what
sounded very much like a warning to comrades who might be carried away
by the cooperative and constructive tactics currently being pursued-by
the PKI when he said, "Service to the people...is only one aspect of the
Communists' responsibility because opportunism or reformism is of course
not thePKI's nature. It is-only a part, although an important. part,
of the class struggle which is consistently but quietly practiced by
the Indonesian Communists."
The party's response to. possible opposition to the present line has
been twofold. On the one hand, at its recent sixth congress, such persons
as Wikana and Tan Ling Diie, who in the past have opposed the policies
associated with Aidit, were elected to positions on the party's executive
bodies. "Even Alimin went so far as to become a member of the oongress
presidium. This may indicate that previous disagreements with these pro-
ponents of a harder line have been resolved. However, it may be simply
a stratagem for exercising closer control over known dissidents, as
simultaneously, there has been increased emphasis within the party litera-
ture on democratic centralism and all that it implies, (See, for example,
Utarjo's article in the July-August 1959 Bintang Me'rah, as published in
Summary No 2503, 18 March 1960.) In an article on tie PKI Peasants Con-
ference by B. 0. Hutapea, which appeared in the June 1959 issue of Bintang
Meerrah it was made quite. clear that where ideological training fails to
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re-educate party cadres with erroneous views, they will be replaced "if
this is necessary in order to break down the ideological barriers stand-
ing in the way of implementing the politidsl tasks.of the party.".
However, since the PKI's main difficulty in achieving ideological
conformity results from a simple lack of knowledge on the part of its
members rather than from opposition based on principle, primary stress
is placed on education rather than discipline. At present, there is an
intensive campaign within the party to strengthen its Marxist-Leninist
foundations. Adequate training in, orthodox Communist theory will help
to destroy the "remnants of bourgeois ideology" which continue to plague
the PKI and will presumably prevent the development of revisionist ideas
by filling the vacuum which now exists with the correct philosophy.
Certainly, a relatively high level of theoretical sophistication is needed
to follow the complicated reasoning used to determine, for example, the
present stage of the Indonesian revolution. Therefore, it might be an
exaggeration to conclude, from the amount of attention given to such a
problem in the party literature or:even from the admission that there
are people who do: not understand the bourgeois-democratic nature of the
Indonesian revolution at the present stage, that there is actual resis-
tance to the present leadership's line on this or any other basic issue
on theoretical grounds. Consequently, at least until such time as the
PKI's program of ideological training has been carried out, it may be
possible to accept, .idit?s claim that there is no revisionism within
the PKI. Except for the anonymous economic editor of Harlan Rakjat, the
only' identifiable spokesmen of an opposition group within the party have
been leftist rather than rightist deviationists, and again considering
the present low level of theoretical competence, it is open to question
whether there is any prospective dissident within the PKI capable of
formulating a genuine revisionist position in Marxist-Leninist terms.
Adherence to Moscow Ideology; Role of Literature
A survey of recent issues of a. wide range of overt North Vietnamese
source materials (see list at end of this section), including the daily
organ and the monthly theoretical journal of the Lao Dong Party and ? the
Journals of various other literary organizations, does not lead to
:identification of any forces or elements within the country which can
be labeled as revisionist. Nor does this survey clearly indicate that
any of the policies or lines-being followed by the party or government
diverge from the orthodox positions maintained by Moscow. One major gap,
however, restricts the validity of this conclusion. This gap arises from
the limited availability and the relative ignorance of the literary works
which are being published in,North Vietnam. Their scope'and character
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.remain largely unknown; hence this survey is unable to provide any real
answer now to the question of whether or not they may be serving as
.vehicles, as is the case in some East European Satellites, for the more
subtle expression or enunciation of revisionist or dissident opinions
that may-prevail within the country.
The survey made here generally supports the conclusion that the party
and the regime in North Vietnam remain faithful to the ideological ortho-
doxy as dictated by Moscow, and are in "good standing" in denouncing
revisionism. There is no lack of evidence to document this. In April,`
for example, wide press coverage was given to marking the 90th anniversary
of Lenin's birth and th the 15th anniversary of the liberation (in 1945)
of Hungary from the "fascist yoke." Nhan Dan, daily organ of the Lao
Dong Party, on 1 April carried an. editorial entitled "We Must Realize
the: Real Significance of 'the 90th Anniversary of Lenin's Birth." This
editorial asserted that "the best way to celebrate Lenin's coming 90th ?
birthday is to endeavor to study Marxism-Leninism and to learn from the
life and work of Lenin.... After Marx and Engels, Lenin was the greatest
leader of the Communist and workers parties, of the working class, and
of laboring people the world over." Quoting President Ho Chi Minh, Nhan
Dan added that "the name of Lenin and'h'is philosophy are closely related
with each victory of the camp of peace and democracy, which stretches
from the Elbe to the Pacific and from the Arctic,to the tropics." Con-
tinuing, the editorial declared that "throughout the world, the social-
ist camp headed by the Soviet Union'has become more united and single-
ininded than ever before."
In connection with the anniversary of the Hungarian liberation, Nhan
Dan on 4 April editorially praised the Hungarian people's determination
in "smashing the 1956 counterrevolutionary violence, the distortions and
disruptive plots, the cajolery and sabotage of the imperialist gang headed
by the reactionary Americans.... This testifies to the great vitality
of the new regime acid to the Hungarian people's attachment to their rev
olutionary success, to their: vanguard party, and to-the-socialist camp
headed by the Soviet Union.... The Hungarian.. Socialist Workers Party,
headed by Janos Kadar, is now more united and mightier than ever,before.
Its relations with the masses have grown closer and closer. The party
has-basically triumphed in the ideological struggle over revisionism
on the one hand, and over sectarianism and dogmatism on the other."
Of some pertinence to the subject under survey was an article in
the April issue of Hoc Tap, the party's monthly theoretical journal, by
A. F. Okulov, editor of the Soviet journal Voprosy Filosofii (Philosophical
Problems). This article, entitled "Lenin's Great Contributions to the
Development of Marx's Philosophy," was written especially for Hoc Tap,
presumably in connection with the-90th anniversary observances. Okulov
accused opportunists of believing that there are evils in capitalism but
that they need merely wait and capitalism would be changed into socialism
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C'_nMY _rrTT-.
by peaceful means and without class struggle. He quotes Lenin's attack
on revisionism on the grounds that "the ideological source of revisionist
philosophy is the denial of Marxist principles on the party spirit of
philosophy... and the denial of the absolute truth that Marxist political
principles are closely related ...to the Marxist philosophical theories."
In the field of literary activity in North Vietnam in recent months,
an article in the February 1960 issue of Nghien'Cuu Van Hoe (Literary
Studies), by an unidentified author named Nam Moe discusses at length
the character and role of literature in a socialist society.
In this article Nan Moc quotes Vice-Premier and Politburo member
Truong Chinh as saying: "Marxism-Leninism contends that in a class
society, literature reflects the class struggle, is certainly possessed
of a class spirit, and serves an obvious political line.... Our litera-
ture is definitely on the'side of our national interests and those of
the working people, and acknowledges the leadership of the Vietnam Lao
gong Party. This is a characteristic of the Vietnamese artistic and
literary movement in our present, era. It also demonstrates the party-
mindedness of the literature of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam."
In further-explaining TruongChinh's statement, Nam Moe outlines
the precepts and rules which should govern Vietnamese authors in their
writing. These are:
1. "A literature possessed of party-mindedness is primarily a
literature for the service of the revolution..'.. 'Literature must remain
close to the taske and responsibilities of the revolution."
2. "The revolution under the leadership of the party aims at noth-
ing but liberating the working class and laboring people from- oppression
and exploitation. Therefore, when we say that literature must serve the
"evolution, we mean also that literature must serve the people."
3. "A literary work imbued with party-mindedness is one which makes
the people stronger in some-way o ter they have read it:' with greater
steadfastness in viewpoint, greater knowledge of their friends and enemies,
more love for the regime, more hatred for the US-Diem clique, more love
for socialism, more hatred of cap.talism, more love'for collectivism,
more hatred for individualism, more love for work,'-more hatred for exploita-
tion, more faith in the party, and more enthusiasm for the, implementation
of its policies."
The author then explained that for a writer or artist to be party-
minded-he must:
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1. "Primarily, penetrate the social life of the masses of workers,
peasants,, and soldiers.... Under our regime, the working people are the
masters of society; therefore, the arts must reflect the working people'.s
thoughts,, sentiments, and actions in all aspects; they must describe the.
most progressive workers, peasants, and soldiers in production and in the'.
class struggle."
2. "Understand the Marxist-Leninist viewpoint and the party lines
and policies, so that he can reflect reality."
3. "Respect the party leadership in every aspect. Party-mindedness
in literature can be realized only through party leadership. This is
only natural. There is no reason why literature,*which is an essential
part: of :revolutionary work,: should not be under the leadership of the
party because revolutionary'work as a whole is under its leadership.....
The party has educated the writer in Marxism-Leninism, in lines and
policies,,.in the revolutionary spirit, and in the spirit of serving
the'people;... and the party has encouraged writers to.penetrate into
realities, and to penetrate: into the masses. By doing this, the party
has created favorable conditions under which.writers can produce good
works."
. In the papers and periodicals surveyed, there. is no evidence that
any of the contributors do not adhere rigidly to all the stipulations
mentioned above. On the other hand, such stipulations, especially made
by one as powerful in the party as Truong Chinh, might be construed as
a warning to those in North: Vietnam who might have revisionist tendencies.
Sources
Nhan Dan (The People), daily organ of Lao Dong Party, 1 Apr-7 May 60
Hoc Tap (Study), monthly theoretical journal of Lao Dong Party, Apr 64
Hoc Tap Tai Lieu Dieh (Studies of Translated Documents), an organ of
Vietnam, Lao Dong Party used primarily for cadre training, Mar, Apr 60
Van Hoc (Culture), weekly organ of Vietnam Writers Association, 22,x
.
29 Apr 6O
Thoi Su Pho Thong (Popular Current Events), reported to.be official semi-
monthly organ of Lao Dong Party Central Committee's Propaganda and Training
Department, , No. 6 and 7, ` .1960
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Van Nghe (Arts and Letters), official.
Association, Feb 60
organ of, Vietnam Arts and Letters
Van Nghe Quan Doi (Army's Culture), official monthly organ of Vietnam
'
People
s Army, Mar, Apr 60
N hien CuuVan Hoe (Cultural Studies) (first issue published in January
19 O'by Van Hoc Publishing Company), Feb 60
Outer Mongolia
Relations With Soviet Union and China; Internal Dissension
Very few individual commentaries on party ideology by Mongolians
appear in the press. Internal party differences have existed and still
do exist, but most of them seem tobe hazed on personal interests.
Marxist-Leninist ideology at the international level is-interpreted by
most Mongols as that which is defined, by the Soviet. authorities. In
recent times the Mongols have also supported the three red banners of
the People's Republic of China,-i.e.,the general,line, the big leap
forward,, and the people's communes. There has been no effort to analyze
any contradictions between Soviet and Chinese interpretations of the
meaning of Marxism.-Leninism.
relations With Soviet Union
Political and economic contract with the Soviet Union has been longer
and more intimate than withany other; socialist country. At present, all
,major speeches of-N. Khrushchev and h*.s associates are translated in full
and published, frequently'in the official newspaper, Unen. Khrushchev's
comments on foreign affairs are accepted verbatim. Condemnation of the
U-2 plane-incident, for example, follows the Soviet line. Political theory
is discussed in the party journal, Namiin Amidral (Party Life). It
strongly supports decisions with regard to international solidarity as
,expressed at the 21st Congress of the.Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
:geld in Moscow, January-February 1959.
During May 1960, many articles appeared concerning Lenin and Lenin-
ism in honor of the 90th anniversary of his birth. Of the four published
in Unen, two were written by Tomor-ochir, Chief Secretary of.the Central
Committee of the Mongolian People's Republic. Translations of Lenin's
works are published regularly, and.Marxism-Leninism is referred to con-
stantly as the key to international party solidarity.
14
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Tsedenbal, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, speaks fluent Russian,
and in politics he is pro-Soviet.
J. Sambuu, Chairman of the Presidium of the Great National Rural,
was touring European Satellite countries during May. In East Berlin he
stated that the Mongolian People's Republic fully supported the principles
of peaceful coexistence as proclaimed at the Bandung Conference. In the
Soviet Union-he was very well received by the authorities. .
Relations With Communist China
Since 1952, relations between the Mongolian People's Republic (MPR)
and the 'People's Republic of China have been steadily improving. China,
as well as the Soviet Union, has extended long-term credits to Mongolia
from time to time for economic and technical aid.--Recently the Mongolian
press hae tended to support the policies inaugurated early in 1958 by
the Chinese government. On 6 April 1960, Unen published a translation
of an article by Yu Chao-li, which first appeared in the Peiping Hung Chi.
Its subject was "Imperialism as the Source of War and the Struggle of the
Peoples of the World to Maintain Peace." Lenin is quoted with regard
to "special conditions" which require "special reforms." On 15 May 1960,
Unen published an article by S. Choyjamts, member of the delegation from
the Great National Rural visiting China. It praised the successful
development of the Hung-hsing (Red Star) Commune. near Peiping, stating
that "the great-leap forward and the victory of the people's communes
are a great tribute to Marxism-Leninism and to'the People's Republic of
China."
On 7 May 1960, an information agreement was signed by representatives
of the Mongolian People's Republic and the People's Republic of China.
The persons involved were J. Dzunduy, chairman of the Information and
Broadcasting Administration of the Mongolian, People's Republic, and. Mei
Yi, chairman of-the Broadcasting Administration of the People's Republic
of China.
Articles which were complimentary to Chinese economic policies pre-
ceded the arrival of Chou En-lai at Ulan Bator on 27 May 1960. The pur-
pose of his visit was..to draw up a Sino-Mongolian Treaty of Friendship
and Mutual Assistance. He was greeted at the airport by Tsedenbal; J.
Sambuu; L. Tsende, Second Secretary of the Central Committee; and D.
Molomjamts, First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. He was
accornpan.ied. by Vice-Premier Chen I. Many other people were present.
On arrival,'Chou En-lai remarked that his last visit to Mongolia
was in 195+; he then proceeded to condemn "US imperialism, which wrecked
tlhe'summit.conference in Paris." Tsedenbal welcomed him heartily and
in his speech referred several times to the wise leadership of Mao Tse-
tung. Chou En-alai remained in Mongolia for. several days, and after the
signing of the treaty left Ulan Bator by special plane on, June 1960.
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'During his stay in Mongolia Chou En-lai made the following statements:
1. The US is reviving West German and Japanese militarism.
2. The US military treaty wits Japan was passed illegally in the
Japanese lower house because of pressure from the Kishi government.
3? China and Mongolia take a strong stand against the type-of
aggression committed by the US in. the Soviet Union.
4. During the past year, the VS Air Force and Navy have continued
to violate the territorial air and waterways of China.
5. The efforts of the imperialists, modern revisionists, and
reactionaries of all countries to sow dissension within, the socialist
camp has always been in vain.
6. 'China and Mongolia will always remain together within the social-
ist camp headed by the Soviet Union:
At various banquets and gatherings, Tsedenbal made the following
remarks:
1. The People's Republic of China has made tremendous contributions
to the strengthening and consolidation of all peoples in the socialist.
camp with the aim of maintaining peace in Asia and throughout the. world.
2. Mongolian and Chinese friendship is based on the principles of
Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism.
3. The summit conference in P,ris was wrecked by aggressive acts
against the Soviet Union by the US.
4. Mongolia and China will struggle to defend the essence of Marxist-
Leninist ideology against revisionism, the vital enema of the international
Communist movement. I -
A week after Chou En-lai had. left Mongolia, the Mongolian news ser-
vice announced that the Mongolian People's Republic supported-the Soviet
proposal on universal and total d.i.sa.rmament as a p37actical_step toward
maintaining the policy of coexistence of states with different social
systems, as well.'as for further peaceful economic' competition among
these states. Despite the'recent understanding with the Chinese, the
Mongolian leaders have continued to emphasize the fact that their first
loyalty is.to the Soviet Union. However, the Sino-Mongolian Treaty of
Friendship and Mutual Assistance contains the statement that "the con-
tracting parties will consult with each other on all important international
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questions of common interest to the People's-Republic of China and the
Mongolian People's Republic:" Since Mongolia is situated between China
and the Soviet Union, a reasonable amount of compromise may be necessary
to maintain a' minimumamount of independence.
Internal Dissension (1937-1960)
Internal political dissension within the NPR has a long history.
The issues giving rise to such dissension generally fall into the same
pattern, namely, traditionalist and nationalist views as against sub-
servience: to either China or the Soviet Union., Three important personali-
ties who were purged as a result of such dissension were Ts. Jamtsarano,
Dashiin Damba,-and Dr. B. Rinchin.
Jamtsarano was a noted scholar and popular figure in his country.
Ardently nationalist and anti-Russian, he published many scholarly studies
on Mongolian history and folklore. One of his works was on the Khalka
Law from the Yuan Dynasty through the 17th Century. The original
Mongolian text of this work appeared in 191; a Russian translation,
with explanatory notes, was'issued later. Jamtsaranb was sent to the
University of. Leningrad in the mid-1930s to work, presumably under N.
N. Poppe. However, he became one of the first victims of a major purge
and was sent to prison in 1937. He died in prison 2 years later.
Dashiin'Damba was long a strong supporter of the Mongolian People's
Revolutionary Party (MPRP). In April 1954, when Tsedenbal was released.
from his duty as first secretary of the party, Damba replaced him in
this post. This move seemed to be an attempt to emphasize""collective
leadership," because Tsedenbal retained his post of Chairman of the
Council of Ministers. When the 12th Congress of the MPRP met in
November 1951+, it reappointed Damba as first secretary.
At the 13th Congress of the party in March 1958, DambA condemned
the praise,given the late Marshal Choybalsan, indicating that it violated
the Leninist principles of "collective leadership." He also charged that_
certain "revisionist tendencies" existed among the Mongolian intelligentsia.
His comments appeared to indicate a pro-Chinese Communist attitude. His
attack on the "personality cult" also appeared to pose the question.: did
it also refer to Tsedenbal?
Late in October 1958, Tsedenbal visited Moscow. When he returned
to Ulan Bator he again assumed the position of first secretary of the
party. A meeting of the MPRP Central Committee late in November 1958
reduced Damba to his'former position as second secretary. Four months
later, he was dismissed from the Politburo: On 30 March 1959, he was
expelled from the Presidium of the Great National Hural and disappeared
from the public scene.
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Damba was excluded ~frora the high councils of the MPRP "for lack
01' principles, conservatism and inertness, conceit and lack of critical
att3t~4e toward hSmmal,i', and opla(?rtvnism, o,eeor?ricniecl by distortion and
ahoftporiings in hirs work." On )r April 1960, Unon published a long ar-
ticlp discussing his defects, which made -it- clean that the name Damba
was now a symbol of dissidence to be avoided at all costs for successful
political development.
Dr B. Rinchin is`a well-known. scholar who still corresponds' with
many people in Europe and America. He Is multilingual and was director -
of the Language and Literature Section in the Committee of Sciences of
the M PR- He. was removed from this post early in 1960 because of his
obvious anti-Soviet views and his traditionalist and nationalist in-
terests. Rinchin has stated that Mongolian studies have declined greatly
since the death of Vladimirtsov and the exile of N. N. Popped
In the fall of 1959, Rinchin published Jamtsarano's'Khalka Law (old
Mongolian legal code). IIe was subeequencly charged with inducing his
students to be anti-Moscow. His chief opponent in the MPR was Tsevegmid,
who made most of the charges against him and irho claimed that the articles
written by Rinchin were in the sane, spirit as -those of Pasternak in the
Soviet Union. Tsevegmid resigned his,post as chairman of the Committee
of Sciences, but grad appointed First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Rinchin now lives alone (supported by his daughter, who is a
teacher) and continues to work on Mongolian folklore studies. Some
time ago he wrote a novel., Da%?rn in the Ste es (which has also ap-
peared in Chinese, Korean, and Czech).---
The latest action against Rinchin was a resolution passed by.the
Politburo of the Central Committee of the WR criticizing his contradic-
tory views. The resolution stated that Rinchin never accepted the new
concepts of revolutionary socialism nor did he ever sympathize with
basic Marxist-Leninist ideology. It was pointed out that his patriotic
,and nationalistic views were merely 'a cover for his personal ambitions,
His contradictory views were likened to those of Damba,.who had already
become, a symbol for deviationist words and deeds.
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III. EASTERN EUROPE
Ease: Germany
1. Published References to Ernst Friedrich Wollweber
The following survey is based on references to Ernst_"'Wollweber
found. in scanning all available 1958, 1959, and 1960 issues of Neues
Deutschland, the central party daily; Einheit, the month]y party jour-
nal; and Neuer Weg, the Central Committee organ on party life published
twice a month.
It should be noted that, with the exception of comments found in
the Neues Deutschland coverage of the 35th plenum proceedings of Febru-.
ary 1953, .almost all references to Wollweber were made in alliance with
and frequently subordinate to the chief target of criticism, Karl
Schirdewan. Thus, the "Schirdewan-Wollweber Group" or "the group made
up of Schirdewan, Wollweber, and others" or the "Schirdewan, Wollweber,
and Ziller Group" are variously referred to throughout 1958; references.
after 1958 were confined simply to the "Schirdewan Group." No unquali-
fiedly favorable comments regarding Wollweber were found. The following
represent all excerpts directly referring to Wollweber as they appeared
in the Neues Deutschland coverage of the 35th plenum of February 1958,
at which Wol weber was removed from the Central Committee "in connection
with his offenses against the party statute" and at which he was strongly
censured (Neues Deutschland, 8 February 1958). These also represent the
most substantive material found on Wollweber during this period.
8 February
'.'...Several comments on the attitude of Comrade Wollweber are
necessary here. The Central Committee has been informed, in three meet-
ings, of questions pertaining to the work of the Minister for State Se-
curity. Comrade Wollweber had falsely evaluated the situation. His
false: evaluations and ideas hindered the organs of the state security from
executing its necessary tasks. Comrade Wollweber criminally neglected
the fight against enemy agents. Investigations revealed that he failed
in his work. Instead of doing his work, he tried to recruit other com-
rades for fpctional activity in the Schirdewan group. In the course of
this factional activity, much foolish talk was spread. Enemy gents could-ac-
quire knowledge of internal party questions which they used against the
party.
"Comrades Schirdewan, Wollweber, and others were obviously of
the opinion that party policy, as it had been worked out by the Central
Committee, would lead to problems. They speculated on the problems con-
nected with the further development of socialist transformation of the
GDR...." (From the Politburo report on the 35th plenum)
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25 February
"...Comrade Wollweber has said here [at the 35th meeting of the
Central Committee) that he has no differences [of opinion] on the sues-
:ion of party policy and especially that he has not taken part in fac-
tional activity. One must try to make this clear. But we have had two
discussions with Comrade Wollweber, in order to clarify matters;....
Comrade Wollweber says he never placed Comrade Schirdewan in oppositi
to Comrade Ulbrieht. No one said that he had...; nevertheless,,-'the fa.-
is that he has popularized Comrade Schirdewan as the coming man. ...We
asked him [Wollweber]; You have certainly talked with Comrade Schirdewan
on the situation in the Politburo?:' He answered: This I have also never
disputed. I only dispute the fact that this is factional work.' But he
did have discussions with Comrade Schirdewan on questions [being considered]
in the Politburo. The question, therefore, is: How did Comrade Woolweber
know that there are disputes and differences of opinion in the Politburo?
About what have they talked?... The fact that Comrade Schirdewan not only
had personal and friendly relationswith Comrade Wollweber, but also spoke
about all party questions and all questions on the situation in the Polit-
buro, is clear. There can be no differences of opinion on this.
"...Comrade Wollweber feels himself to be falsely treated and
has differences [of opinion]. All those who have differences find their
way to each other...." (Hermann Matgrn, at the 35th plenum)
"...Comrade Schirdewan has obviously passed oh false reports of
certain decisions and discussions or disagreements within the Politburo.
Yesterday Comrade Schirdewan said that he had not dealt with these differ-
ences outside the collective. But Comrade Wollweber knew of the differ-
ences within the Politburo. Comrade Wollweber and Comrade Schirdewan must
answer the question: Where did Comrade Wollweber learn of these differ-
ences? Obviously'from Comrade Schirdewan....
"Regarding Comrade Wollweber, this is my personal opinion: I
have valued him as an old and experienced comrade and I am much younger
than he and have also much less experience than he. But today I must
say that Comrade Wollweber has played a ruinous role, and precisely be-
cause he has had so many great experiences in the class fight. Why did
he not openly see to it that these differences were cleared up if he
thought such differences existed? Why did he not come to the Politburo
or to the Central Committee? It has already been said here that one
cannot consider this anything other than distrust of the Central Commit-
tee.
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"Comrade Woliweber showed no initiative in issues where it was
necessary precisely for stabilizing the republic and if I were to judge
him today,, I would say: He has failed politically and also morally; for
he was certainly an old and experienced comrade with decades of party
work [behind him] and should be a model [to others], like! all old com-
rades...." (Willi Stoph, at the 35th plenum)
26 February
"...How does it happen that comrades who have had a responsible
place in the revolutionary workers movement, such as Comrades Woliweber
and Schirdewan, have gone astray on the road of factional work and deny :
what they themselves have taught in speeches and articles as the law of
the party, as the law of stabilizing the republic?...
"At the basis of Comrades Schirdewan and Wollweber's concept
lie a false evaluation of the political situation and a concept which is
in opposition to the line of the Central Committee,... an underestimation
of the imperialist danger, a tendency toward evolutionary development.
The danger exists among old officials who have had great responsibility,
that they do not become masters of themselves, that they either do not
master the...desire toward power and arrogance or that when they receive
a blow from the party for their behavior, they are in danger of falling
into passivity and sulking silence. I believe these things play a role
with Comrades Woliweber and Schirdewan; when such comrades cannot become
masters of themselves, then the party must help them, and if this does.
not suffice, the party must bring them to this by means of the hardest
measures...." (Franz Dahlem, at the 35th plenum)
An editorial in the 9 Feburary 1958 issue of Neues Deutschland
made the following accusation: "The entire course of the 35th meeting
of the Central Committee brought clear proof that Comrades Schirdewan
and Woliweber had serious vacillations in questions of principle and
tactics of party policy and that, following repeated and sharp criticism
by the Central Committee, they undertook an unprincipled and factional
fight against the party leadership.... Schirdewan and Woliweber inter-
preted the results of the 20th Congress of the CPSU in an opportunistic
manner. They did not realize that the tensions in Germany cannot be
reduced if the GDR is not thoroughly stabilized and strengthened. Both
had a false evaluation of the situation in the fall of 1956 and later.
As a result, Schirdewan underestimated the subversive work of NATO di-
rected against the GDR,, the activity of hostile groups, and the penetra-
tion of bourgeois ideology. Wollweber's false.evalun of the situation
"
led to a criminal neglect of the fight against enemy agents.
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dML
The 22 February 1958 issue of Neues Deutschland pointed to increased
production pledges in I3ezirk Karl-Marx-Stadt as proof of the workers'
;rust in...the party policy and as refutation of the gossip [Geschwaetza,
:af the opportunistic group of,Schirdewan, Woliweber, and others." Polit-
a=o member Heinrich Rau was cited in the next day's issue of this paper
as saying at a party ;acticrists meeting that the Schirdewan-Woliweber
group tried to distort the Politburo formulations on the need to set up
realistic plans and that this group sought to establish "soft plans" which
would involve little difficulties and would slow down the rate of develop-
rent. He also said, "the group of'Schirdewan, Woliweber, and others?con-
sidered the main task to be that of unconditional [ohne irgendwelche
lorbedingungen) reunification, thus, reunification at any price. The
first task, however, is the socialist development of our country...."
An article in issue No 5, March 1958, of Neuer Weg,said,,!"Schirdewan
and Woliweber? underestimated the intensification of the class fight
which is taking place in our country under the conditions of the exis-
tence of two German states with different social systems. They mini-
mized the...enemy and the existence of hostile groupings.... Schirdewan
-epresented the dangerous theory of letting things develop by themselves
and of opening valves [granting more freedom].' Comrade Woliweber in-
terpreted several measures for the :further development of our socialist
'.emocracy and for relaxing the international situation in such a way that
:e believed one could gradually abolish security measures against the
-lass er ny." This same accusation was made against Wollweber in the
,arch 1958 issue of Einheit.
In the 13 March 1958 issue of Neues Deutschland, it was pointed out
that "to destroy German militarism,'-r~ e should not strive for a balance 11 between imperialism and socialism, as would have resulted from the concept
of the Schirdewan-Wollweber group."
In the light of Wollweber's Commnznist resistance activity'against
the Nazis in World War II, the East German Committee of Antifascist Re-
sistance Fighters published its complete support of the 35th plenum de-
Visions in,,.the9 March 1958 issue of Neues Deutschland, in which it
"`sharply condemned the opportunistic group of Schirdewan, Wollweber, and
others which, through the formation of a faction, tried in an underhanded
gray to change the party line and leadership.... It deeply moves us that
those involved were Schirdewan, Woliweber, and Selbmann, former resis-
tance fighters from whom we demand that they, in word and deed, draw the
.Lessons from the past struggles of the German working class. The honor-
able title resistance fighter is deserved only by those who recognize also
today the party' leadership and protect the unity of the party...."
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In the minutes of the Seventh All-German Workers Confergnce, held
in Leipzig in March 1958, Hermann Matern accused Wollweber again of neg-
lecting his function as Minister of State Security, from whicch post
Wollweber had resigned in October 1957 "for reasons of heal,?." Follow-
ing a statement ridiculing the idea of elections in East Germany, he
said Schirdewan believed in "allowing all possible freedom in our coun-
try or opening valves,' as he [Schirdewan) called it.... We have dis-
cussed. these questions with these comrades [Schirdewan, Wollweber, and
.0elssner) for almost 1 1/2 years and have tried to convince these com-
rades of the harm of their standpoint.... The comrades whom we have
removed from our party leadership believed that we should go slowly in
building socialism, in the interest of coming together with West Germany.
This was the idea of Schirdewan and of Wollweber, who as Minister for
State Security was of the opinion that we need hardly be on the alert,:
that nothing more could happen in our country. This is not true, al-
though we are stable enough." Also contained in these minutes, which
were published in the 18 March 1958 issue of Neues Deutschland, a Com-
rade :Konrad .from westerns Westphalia was quoted as saying that
"particularly in the past few years, Wollweber has been violently cri-
ticized in the West German press; but in that moment when he and the
others were removed from the Central Committee...Wollweber suddenly
became the man of the West German press."
The May 1958 issue of Einheit went further, in the words of Kurt
Hager, in accusing the "group of Schirdewan, Wollweber, and others of
.the belief that a development toward socialism without conflict was
possible, i.e., this group was directed toward a policy of stagnation
and preservation of the status quo, which would have ultimately led to
restoration of capitalist elements.... They were oriented one-sidely
toward a broad democratization in the sense of a liberal development and
underestimated the need of a constant fight against the enemies...."
An article by Alexander Abusch, Deputy Minister of Culture, in the
June 1958 issue of Einheit says that the "important point about the group
of Schirdewan, Wollweber, and others was not that they deviated ideolo
gically...and condemned our party to a lack of influence, but that they
represented the embod~ment of revisionistic currents of 1956 as a fac-
tional group which represented (in many cases, unconsciously) a community
of ideas."'
Critical mention of the Schirdewan-Wollweber group continued through
the Fifth Party Congress held in July 1958, but no essential additions
were made to the above comments.
Judging from press references of this period, the effects of the
Schirdewan-Wollweber group continued to be most apparent for a time
among party and trade union officials in factories. Paul Verner, at
the Fifth Party Congress, said (as reported in'the'16 July 1958 issue of
Neues Deutschland), "It cannot now be proved [but it is suspected] that
the views of the Schirdewan group, which are known to have reflected the
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vacillations and illusions of certain, backward circles and the pressure
of the enemy, were also expressed.in'.the trade unions and still exist here
and there today." The 30 July 1956 issue of Neues Deutschland, in an
article urging that "revisionism in trade unions be c ears up "d~says,
"the secretariat of the central governing committee of the IG t ndus-
trial Trade Union] for the Chemical Industry did not consider it nec-
essary to draw conclusions applicable to its work from the exposure of
the factional group of Schirdewan, Wollweber, and Ziller, or to'disp'ute
the revisionist and opportunist views:emanating from this group." The
July 1958 issue of Einheit, in pointing out that party and union leaders
at a Leipzig printing machine plant were slowing down production and
supporting an alleged "human" socialism, said, "The extent of the ideo
logical morass'of this party organization is obvious from the fact that
their annual report contained no condemnation of the...Schirdewan,
Wollweber, and Ziller group."
Following publication of the Fifth Party Congress Resolution in
July 1958, no other direct substantive references to Woliweber or the
Schirdewan group were found in 1958 sources.
At the beginning of 1959, at the fourth meeting of the Central Com-
mittee, Walter Ulbricht made the fol.awing statement, which appeared in
the 20 January 1959 issue of Neues Dettschland and in the January 1959
issue of Einhe l.t :
"The Policy of the Schirdewan :group -- that of letting things run
along by themselves, and the stagnatidn of social development -- is based
on the simple idea'that socialism consists primarily in the building of
factories, after which the socialist transformation of agriculture, the
inclusion of the petit-bourgeoisie in socialist development, and the for-
mation o: Socialist consciousness on the part of the masses will follow
of itself. In contradiction to this,~we stand on the ground of material-
ist dialectics: The principle has been confirmed through practice that
it is not simply a question-of development, but of socialist transforma-
tion."
Only seven amore brief references to the group (not mentioning
Wollweber's name) were found in 1959 sources, none of which substantially
supplement what has been reported above. Two of these references, more-
over, were contained in the self-critical statements of Karl Schirdewan,
Fritz Selbaiann, and Fred Oelssner in the September and November (No 18
and 21) 1959 issues of Neuer Weg. No 1960 sources have as yet yielded
references to either Wollweber or the Schirdewan group.
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2. Disunity Among Literary Theorists; Stagnation of Marxist Literar
Theory
The following excerpts are taken from an article published in the
East Berlin monthly periodical Neue Deutsche Literatur, May 1960.
"'...Socialist-realist literature today is new not only because it
has a new political character, reflects new social situations, and sets
optimistic goals. It is new...in its entire aesthetic-historical struc-
ture.... However, because it does not acquire these new qualities
spontaneously, but rather according to a law, the discovery of new aesthe-
tic laws developed from history must be connected with the discovery of
social, reality itself. Thus, it is extremely important at this time for
Marxist aesthetics and scholarship in literature...to analyze what new
social and literary practice has thus far developed.... The time is
certainly ripe for a more rapid development of theoretical knowledge in
the field of literature in the GDR...and for a comprehensive theoretical
agreement among our writers. In so doing, it is to be hoped that several
literary theoreticians will overcome their dogmatic and often lifeless
ideas on the special characteristics of the creative process, and also
that several writers will give up the ... remnants of a perceptible tendency
to concentrate on purely technical-organizatiorfal tasks while neglecting
theory. Thus, it is necessary that the German Writers Union develop the
arrangements for a basic discussion between its members and persons from
the field of literary scholarship and to carry out common planning, which
is certainly not yet always the case. (The fact is that today disagree-
ment prevails among union members even on what appear to be simple con-
cepts and terms. How can we speak of a common platform when we are not
in a position ...to attain agreement on basic concepts of Marxist literary
theory and on basic concepts of our creation?)...
."The socialist worker as both the hero and consumer of literature
'determines literature's epochal being and determines on a higher histori-
-cal level of literary development the principles of national literature..
"...It is false to look on the individual elements of portrayal
(e. g., the selection of material and a hero) from the restricted view-
point of usefulness. It is just as false to follow bourgeois traditions
by trying to add a few additional types to literary characters created
from a conventional and purely. sociological conception, in order to ex-
pand the number of characters; these methods have been used for a very
long time by naturalistically oriented bourgeois literature. It will
also not do to give literary form to a current political task by adding
[in literary work] different tasks to it [the current political task]...
or placing details,,. rather than the essential things, in the foreground.
Artistic activity which recognizes the general historical role of the
working class.. but neglects to reveal the qualitatively new characteris
tics,t,in the historical. development of the class, will remain unfruitful....
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"The tendency to look on the great classic bourgeois literature of
the past as a preparatory phase of socialist realism is certainly not
oorrect. The treasures of our literary heritage...are an integral part
of our...natione.l socialist culture.
"Regarding our national literary tradition, many problems..,,.are only
superficially known and have hardly been processed scientifical:y....
+or example, what is the plebeian tradition in German literature which
extends from Lenz to Buechner to Bertolt Brecht? ...Is there a clearly
recognizable direction toward a definite type of socialist novel? And
how is it historically founded? What. laws do we discover in literary
history where an emerging class places its heroes in new and higher
aesthetic relationships? These...questions cannot be answered by West
German bourgeois literary scholarship.... With a few respectable ex-
eptions..., West German scholarship is only capable of a...one-sided
view df the historical past or of a deeply pessimistic judgment of their
future. How can it be otherwise in view.of a literary situation which
is'...in its last period?...
"Since there has recently appeared in well-known novels here a cer-
tain schematism iii portraying negative hharacters, we should learn from
Anna Seghers the art of drawing negative: characters from a historical-
aesthetic standpoint.... [Literary] theory cannot offer a recipe to,
individual authors, but it can make them aware of certain problems;
e.g., the discovery [development] of a realistic fable, about which
--.fell-known novelists in our republic unfortup.ately have very divergent
views, or the discovery of new conflicts in human life, as Anna Seghers
has done.... Even so, the actual source of art can never be theory, but
only reality. 'All works of literature,. the products of a progressive
ideological attitude..., are the result.!..of national life reflected in
the mind of the writer' (Mao Tse-tung). One thing is clear: Anna Seghers
and others have already attained the basis of a new socialist exemplari-
ness, in that they have, through the....new hero of our literature, the
consciously socialist...worker, portrayed GDR society...as ever pro
gressing.... In this, these works clearly differ ... from bourgeois and.
classic novels...."
A discussion at the April Cultural Conference, as reported in the
4 May 1960 issue of Der Z rgen, East Berlin daily newspaper, included
the following comments:
"...Our .[literary] hero is not a radiant hero. He has had a hard
past and a difficult development. Our hero stands before human problems
which demand political decisions, so that there is simply no question of
this having] a cheap opt..mism. These [heroes] are people who want to be
taken seriously.... I have heard from the Western press that we [in East
uermany] are in the midst of a process of mass leveling and that such out-
standing artists as Professors Kraemer, Arnold, and Mohr are a product
of this leveling. I must honestly admit that I do not understand this...."
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Hungary
Lenin IB.eale in "Party Democracy" and in Guarding Party Secrete
An article by Sandor. Szerenyi, titled "Lenin -- Creator, of a New
Type of Revolutionary Party," appeared in the April 1960 issue of
Partelet. The first half of this article discusses the history of
Communist Party organizational principles -- Marx's Federation of
.Communists in London 113 years ago, the social democrat parties of
the turn of the century, Bernstein's revisionism, and Lenin's strug-
gle with the Mensheviks -- and proceeds to Lenin's view of the party
as the vanguard and militant general staff of the labor class. The
author, Sandor Szerenyi, quotes at length from Lenin-Sztalin Part e-s.11,
page 91)) which stresses that the party must be purged not only of
"Mensheviks and reformists," but also of "outstanding Communists" if
they harbor any "inclination to vacillate or sway over to the side of
'unity' with the reformists." Szerenyi concludes the first half of
his article with'the observation that the victory of the Great October
Socialist Revolution proved. the correctness of Lenin's organizational
principles.
The following excerpts are from the second half of the article.
"...]n recent years, revisionists, exploiting the transitional
.errors connected with the cult of personality, have again revived the
old organizational debate. Everywhere, but especially among us, the
.revisionists attacked the party in order to deprive the working class
of its most important weapon,. because they denied the Lenin principle
of the leading role of the working class and of the party.... They
prated that 'the principle of centralism is bureaucratizing the party?
that 'party spirit and party discipline are outmoded concepts' which
impede the development of free debates and impede further development.
They protested that the Lenin organizational principles of the party
were outmoded, that they were valid only for illegal circumstances.
Their every attempt, exploiting the real errors. committed by Matyas
Rakosi and his group, was aimed at breaking party unity, turning the
.party members against the party leaders and the masses against the
party....
"The events of the Hungarian counterrevolution convinced every Com-
munist and,,, in general, all clear-sighted men, that one ofthe most im-
portant sources of errors and troubles was just that the old leadership
had turned from the Lenin principles. The troubles arose, not least of
all, from the fact that there was satisfactorily realized within the party
neither the principle of democratism, the freedom of debate of the Com-
munists, nor the principle of centralism, against the revisionist and
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sectarian-dogmatic elements destroying party unity. Similarly, the only
correct policy of principle was not sufficiently realized with the labor
class or in general with the working: people. Frequently, the sword of
the dictatorship of the proletariat was turned against honest revolu-
tionaries instead of against the class enemy and its revisionist toadies.
"The Lenin rules of party building and party life are not outmoded'.
On the contrary. Their general, international validity and correctness
have been proved before the world. And if the Hungarian and the inter-
national revolutionary worker movement has achieved results (and who
would deny that it has achieved great results?) since the 20th Congress
of the CPSU'or since the defeat of the Hungarian counterrevolution, then
this is largely due to the fact that we have returned to the Lenin prin-
ciples. Never again will it happen that we will let ourselves be swayed
from the Lenin norms of party life from a consistent realization of
the principle of democratic centralism, from the principle of collective
leadership, from a maintenance of party democracy and strict party disci-
pline, from a honoring of the right of criticism, or from a following
of the necessary self-criticism, or from a consequent ideological strug-
gl. on two fronts against all sorts of erroneous, revisionist, subjectiv-
ist,'sectarian-dogmatic, or, in a word., any anti-Marxist view. And we
will do everything in'the interest of ensuring the leading role of the
party...."
Szerenyi quotes at length from Khrushchev's speech to the Hungarian
seventh Party Congress to the effect that it is improper to say that the
criticisms voiced at the 20th Congress of the CPSU were too sharp.
Szerenyi continues:
"...Learning from previous mistakes, we consistently realized in
our party the Lenin principle of democratic centralism. Not only does
the membership democratically and secretly elect all the leading organs
from below, but it also debates in a wide circle all the more important
questions. At the sake time, we have strengthened voluntary party dis
cipline. The res',lotions are binding and the party organs take care to
maintain them. Never has the guarding- of party secrets occurred so
smoothly as since the defeat of the counterrevolution.
"The ideological-political, and crgenizational unity of the party and
of the Central Committee is strong and unbreakable! We must here note
that we did not achieve this by avoiding debates. On the contrary. Com-
rade Kadar said at the National Party Conference: 'I believe that the
Central Committee has debated more [since the 1956 revolt] than in the
past 5 years put together.' But these debates take place on a basis of
'principle, in that spirit'of'Communist humanism which permeates all our"
party work: We fight not against men but against errors, patiently,
humanly,' with persuasion and not with administrative tools.
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"In addition to a consistent realization of the principle of col-
lective leadership, it .s of extraordinarily great significance in the
.strengthening of party unity that now, for the first time ifi party his-
tory, the three .iving labor generations are together -- the 1919ers,
the fighters of the years of illegality, and the young posiliberation
cadre.... Within the party we make no differences betweenfthe-former
social democrats and the former illegal Communists. It'is, against the
Lenin party building and organizational principles to makany distinc-
tion according to occupation,; origin, earlier worker movement affilia-
tion, age, or sex, or from any other viewpoint.... Our party has only
members of equal rank.... Unfortunately, such distinctions are made
here and there. But luckily,'both the leading organs and the party mem-
bers are acting ever more swiftly and ever more determinedly against
such distortions of Lenin organization principles....
"It is the task of the party to use every effort, everywhere, al-
ways, and under, all circumstances to win the masses. There must be
trust. in the masses coupled with proper distrust of the class enemy....
Even today, one of the chief obstacles in our struggle to win the masses
is the remnant here,. and there of dogmatic thinking and sectarian poli-
tics....
"Correct selection of party cadre and the arming of them with the
science of Marxism-Leninism, with the Lenin methods of party work -- this;
is an exceptionally important task. Our party cadre has developed greatly,
especially in the complex struggles of the past 3 years.... From the
viewpoint of educating the party cadre in a Lenin spirit, that statement
of Comrade Kadar is especially significant according to which Communists
need not be exceptional men, 'but only men in the true sense of the word.'...
"In his famous book titled What Is To Be Done? Lenin worked out the
ideological basic principles of a Communist party.... He clearly exposed
the deepest roots of opportunism,... the bowing down before ideas of
spontaneity.... Our party has drawn much from this teaching of Lenin.
With its aid we have smashed the various revisionist 'theories,.' not for
getting the harmful nature of subjectivism, sectarianism, and dogmatism...
2. Writers and the "Revisionist Elan"
Introduction
As, the word was originally used, in an open society, "revision-
ism" meant reformist as opposed,to revolutionary Marxism. Behind the
Iron Curtain it refers to any person or policy, now condemned, who erred
in the direction of.liberalism. In these two senses the term cannot be
meaningfully. applied to dissident trends discoverable in the open journals
f
o
c
o
c
Bl
ountries. Nevertheless, a consistent dissident trend can be
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