THE FAILURE OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST LIBERALIZATION PROGRAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP78-00915R000800220024-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 36
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 20, 1998
• Sequence Number: 24
• Content Type: REPORT

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THE FAILURE OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST
LIBERALIZATION PROGRAM
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Table of Contents
Introduction
1
Socialist Revolution
2
Socialist Education
13
Party Rectification
18
Future of the Intellectuals
24
Conclusion
33
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THE FAILURE OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST LIBERALIZATION PROGRAM
Introduction
The Chinese Communist press has shown that the capitalists and in-
tellectuals, problerhs though they may be for the Chinese Communist re-
gime, were long established as assets which it would be necessary to use
in solving the enormous problems faced by the party as it strives toward
its ambitious industrialization goals.
Therefore, in 1956, the regime, feeling that the repressive move-
ments of its first 5 years had sufficiently subdued the opposition spirit
of these classes, began an attempt to bring them into full play in na-
tional construction. After initially encouraging freedom of interchange
in the bounds of their professional fielda. and expansion of membership
in their political organizations, the regime took what proved to be a
drastic step. In spring 1957, in concert with the initiation of a major
campaign to revitalize the Communist Party itself, it gave new impetus
and a new slant to the program of stimuJating the long-dormant non-
Communist scier-tists, educators, professional men, and industrialists.
It offered themia degree of freedom of thought and expression not limited
to their profeskonal fields, and it tied this closely into a joint pro-
gram to overhaul the party bureaucracy.
The spirit of optimism in which this spring program was launched is
expressed graphically in a speech by Liu Shao-ch'i of the Chinese Commu-
nist Party's Politburo Standing Committee. The speech was made to the Eighth
Congress of the party and reported in the party's official daily Peiping
organ Jen-min Jih-pao of 17 September 1956. Liu claimed proudly that
"The country is now united as it never was before. Through the carrying
out of thorough democratic reforms and victory in the suppression of
counterrevolutionaries, through our achievements in socialist transforma-
tion and the development of socialist construction, and also through
other steps taken by the government, our society has achieved an unprece-
dented state of stability."
With these conditions believed to be prevalent, the non-Communist
group of professionals was now to discuss not only how to put education,
industry, and scientific research on their feet, but it was also to crit-
icize party cadres and the idling of government affairs. The whole
program proceeded from the ideological admission by the party that there
were contradictions in a socialist society which had to be solved. A
single capsule version of the ideological development behind the program,
as variously presented by party leaders in speeches and by press edito-
rials would have sounded like this:
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"With the basic completion of socialist revolution and socialist
transformation, the class struggle has ended in the main, the bourgeoi-
sie has become a part of the people, and the former antagonistic con-
tradictions between classes have been supplanted by various nonantago-
nistic contradictions in the ranks of the people, which must be solved
by peaceful,AwsuasiOr means."
On bo the practical and the ideological aspects of this major
move, the p rty has pince had to reverse itself almost completely0 t
turnabout hoAppened so swiftly that the party did not even have time
rationalize, and after a month of nearly unbelievable criticism of
self and of socialism, in May, it perceived that it was now involv
a class struggle and that with problems and griCvances now surface it
confronted contradictions which had become antagonistic indeed.
Socialist Revolution
1. Class Struggle
On 11 June, while symposiums of the democratic parties were
still being held and when publications of criticisms in the press had
not yet been stilled completely, the Peiping Chung-kuo Ch'ing-nien Pao,
organ of the Communist Youth League, announced that "BoaFFUTEREEIEg
Oas not been thoroughly defeated but is a social reality which id con-
tinually in conflict with proletarian thought.... The class struggle
has not subsided but rather has taken on a different form, and the party
rectification c. ;ign is now a complex ideological struggle.... What
we are now involved in is an ideological storm.... Rightists are strug-
gling against proletarian thought and attacking the party and the work-
ing class." And Mao Tse-tung, in a careful reversal of all previous
commentary on his February speech, phrased it this way in the version
published by Jen-min Jih-pao of 19 June; "Although the violent, large-
scale class struggles waged by the masses, characteristic of the revolu-
tionary period, have ended, in the main, the class struggle is not com-
pletely over
Then, opening the 1957 session of the All-China People's Con-
gress, which was used to halt the pell-mell progress of the Chinese peo-
ple into the "new phase" of socialism, Premier Chou En-lai, in a speech
carried in Jen-min Jih-pao of 27 June, established in definite terms the
official corrections to the ideological concept which the regime had
earlier worked so hard to inculcate on the people. "When we state that
the socialist revolution has been fundamentally victorious," Chou said,
"and that the violent, large-scale class struggles conducted by the
'Sasses have ended in the main, this does not mean that the class strug-
gle has ended. When we raise the question of contradictions among the
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ranks of the people, this does not mean that there remain no contradic-
tions between us and the enemy." Chou pointed out that classes still
exist in China, since the rsons who once comprised the classes which
had been eliminated as si.q31 still partly retained their class ideologies.
"Within the frame of the Contradictions among the people," he said,
"there still persists the antagonistic character of the contradiction
between the bourgeoisie and the working class, and there is still a
severe class stru4le.... There is both an ideological and a political
struggle in this rectification campaign, and in the process of correctly
dealing with contradictions among the people, we musty under 13,0 circus&
stares, ignore the class struggle or the contradictions between our-
selves and the enemy." Chou clarified this by saying that while the
latter contradictions exist, the number 71, enemies in the country has
shrunk elonsidProba thus bringing contradictions among the) people to
the forefront. But it is not itpdssible)-he continued for one type of
contradiction to turn into the other. "Some individuals Who-are-among --
the people now could become enemies if they persist in their antisocial-
ist positions," Chou warned.
By 12 Jdly, near the end of this congress, the party was plan-
ning for the future. Jen-min Jih-pao of that date carried news of a
further development of this theme by Lu Ting-yl, the party's propaganda
chief, in his speech to the congress: "Socialist society is a transi-
tional period on the way to Communist society, and this long, transi-
tional period is required so that the legacy of the exploiting classes
may be gradually wiped out. In a socialist society, the class struggle
still continues -- a struggle as serious as the Hungarian affair has
even taken place -- as do theworld-widestruggles with imperialism....
It is certain that the class struggle in our country will be long, and
sometimes it will take a very active form.... The frenzied rightist
attacks show that our work in ideological remolding in the past has been
crude in some respects, that it has been insufficient and not well done."
On 26 July, Jen-min Jih-pao described the struggle in Shanghai.
"The struggle of the people of Shanghai against the rightist bourgeoisie
has continued for 1 1/2 months now. This political struggle, which was
incited by the rightists themselves, has been of unparalleled fury and
complexity. It is mounting increasingly and going deeply into all occtIpa-
tiotos and professions. Greater and greater numbers of people here, in
what was once China's most higray developed capitalist city, are coming
to the defense of socialist achievements against the rightist bourgeois
attacks."
The significance and urgency of the siutation was underlined in
a speech to the Peiping People's Congress by Peng Chen, member of the Pd-
litburo and mayor of Peiping, as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao of 7 August.
HO said that China was involved in "a great political and ideological
fight between capitalism and socialism, which will affect the destiny of
the 600 million people of China and the social development of the whole
country. It is a struggle of historical and international significance,
and socialism cannot triumph if we do not win it."
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The Chinese Communist press leaves the impression that the party
is surrounded now on every hand by enmity or apathy and is acting quickly
and on a broad scale to carry the struggle to all areas and levels of the
country. Jen-min Jih-pao of 26 July, speaking here specifically of Shang.
hal, put it this way: "At first, many (.,f the 'neutral people were un-
prepared and compAeteity confused. Before it could gradually pull them
in the struggle, the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee had to hold
meetings and symposiums, involving thousands of people of all strata,
especially the intellectuals, to discuss over and over again the differ-
ences betweenthe Communists and the rightists and to impress on them the
Importance of the campaign. The committee has always regarded the mobili.
zation and winning over of the 'neutral mass? as among its most important
tasks. It dispatched individual officials from various party organiza-
tions to visit 'neutral people and to hear their views. In the struggle
in Shanghai) full exposure of rightists, thoroughgoing political-
ideological criticism, and effective mobilization of the 'neutral masses'
have brought the rightists to submit to the people and admit their crimes."
The struggle appears to involve not only the re-established
traditional "enemies," capitalists, intellectuals, and students, but now
also a cross section of classes, which would seem to leave the party
little to depend on outside its own ranks and less than it would like in
them, namely, the peasants, the workers, and many party members themselves.
2. Workers
The Peiping labor organ Kung-jen Jih-pao of 8 August revealed
the infection in the factories. "The workers are a progressive class,"
it said, "and most of them think progressively, but because of inadequate
educational work among them in the past, some did not achieve a thorough
understanding of the political situation in the country and of their
class? true strength. The result has been some misunderstanding among
the workers. At the same time, workers have been influenced by the er-
roneous idelogy of capitalism. New factory workers and mi e workers have
brought in with them a lot of non-working-class ideologies."
Some developments unpalatable to the leadership were disclosed
by the same paper on 13 August to be prevalent in the trade unions.
"Rightists" in the union have suggested that the trade unions become
democratic parties, be elevated to the same level as these parties, and
begin mutual supervision with the Communist Party, the paper reported.
SUch Opinions, it said, only strain the party-trade union relationship
and tend to weaken party leadership of the working class. Rightists,
the paper accused, want to destroy working-class unity and to dull the
weapons it uses in the revolutionary struggle. Such ideas are wrong,
the publication counseled, and are opposed to the larty and socialism;
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they do harm to the interests of the working class. The real needs and
interests of the class, it continued, coincide perfectly with party lead-
ership of the operation of the trade unions. Opinions and activities
which oppose this leadership interfere with working-class progress. The
paper warned workers to maintain a strong stand through the antirightist
struggle and to participate in it.
3. Peasants
"The worker-peasant alliance is the foundation of the people's
democratic dictatorship and the democratic united front. More than five
sixths of our population are farmers. Without this alliance with them,
it would be impossible to achieve socialism. During the long revolution-
ary struggles, our party established flesh-and-blood relationships with
them, and since the establishment of the people's republic, we have fur-
ther strengthened these relations.... The peasantry has assumed the
important position in the national political life 'which is its due. Al-
most all working personnel in the rural state organs are peasants." Thus
spoke Liu. Shao-ch'i at the Eighth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party,
as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao of 17 September 1956.
But while the class struggle was proceeding in the cities in
the form of outspoken political and ideological heresy and in party coun-
terattacks, in the Chinese countryside, it was manifesting itself in
other forms and on a significant scale, according to the press. The
29 July issue of Jen-min Jih-pao observed that "Rural conditions demon-
strate that although the major task in rural work today is the correct
handling of contradictions among the people, yet the class struggle has
not been eliminated, and in some localities, it is still very sharp.
We must be skillful, therefore, in separating contradictions which exist
among the people from those between the enemy and ourselves. We must
determinedly suppress the enemy in his sabotage activities.... There is
a spontaneous, expanding trend toward capitalism among the upper middle
peasants." The paper went on to say that these upper middle peasants
favor only democracy and are against any centralism in the management of
cooperatives, that they demand the right to retain all surplus grain,
and that they ask for fulfillment of personal needs before those of the
state.
"The anti-Communist, antisocialist winds of the cities have
blown to the countryside of Hupeh," Jen-min Jih-pao of 29 July edito-
rialized. It said that landlords, rich peasants, and counterrevolu-
tionaries had started rumors and attacked eadres and the masses in at-
tempts to pull down the cooperatives. It claimed that one landlord,
having listened to rightist statements, started the rumor that "the
time has come for liberation" and refused to pay the share capital he
owed his cooperative. Another told the people, the paper revealed,
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that "The Communist Party will fall and the Kuomintang will come." He
held secret meetings, the paper asserted, and planned the assassination
of the hsinag head; the party branch secretary, and hsiang cadres. A
few upper middle peasants, misled-by these people, the paper continued,
seized the opportunity to attack the cooperatives. One spread the rumor
that the cooperatives had established "offices for withdrawal from the
cooperatives." Another upper middle peasant; the paper added; who, for
2 years, had failed to pay his agricultural tax or sell his surplus
grain, convened 18 peasant families and mishandled the party branch sec-
retary, shouting, "Down with the cooperatives." In some areas, the
paper disclosed, old-style upper middle peasants withdrew from their
cooperatives. Oe landlord, it said, even planned to seize control of
a cooperative, starting a movement among members to elect him as a
director.
The periodical Cheng-chih Hbueh-hsi (Political Study) Of 13 June
carried an article which observed that between poor peasants and middle
peasants, contradictions are growing sharper and discussed how to deal
with them correctly. It demonstrated some concern for the middle peasants,
maintaining that they must be given more assistance and that more atten-
tion should be paid to their suggestions. It is important, the publica-
tion pointed out, that middle peasants be better consolidated and given
more political education. It tied all these observations in with the
need to increase agricultural production. On 29 July, Jen-min Jill- ao
mentioned a phenomenon with which the press has concerned itself for
some time, namely, landlords' settling of old accounts with peasants.
One is quoted as saying, "Before liberation you paid me only 50 tan in
land rent. Now you must pay tax and sell surplus grain for a total of
over 100 tan. Now, which is better, the landlord or the Communist
Party?" This settling of old scores was reported by the paper to be
taking the form sometimes of expropriation of land, houses, cattle, etc.,
by rich peasants.
"They spread reactionary ideas everywhere, desperately attack-
ing the party and trying to pull down its leadership and destroy the co-
operatives," Jen-min Jih-pao of 25 July complained. "Some rumored that
there was chaos in the unified purchase and marketing of grain. Others
held that the living standards of peasants since liberation had not risen
at all and exploited the contradictions between the cooperative members
and the state in the matter of grain, claiming that big cooperatives were
to blame for the small share of grain distributed. Same openly denounced
cooperative cadres, blaming them for shipping grain away to other places.
One advocated overthrowing the Communist Party by first overthrowing the
director of the cooperative."
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The 6 August issue of Jen-min Jih-pao reprinted a Chang-sha
Hsin Hunan Pao article which disclosed that speculation in grain had
been reported in all areas and had brought chaos to the grain market.
Private merchants had dealt in grain or exchanged commodities for it
4th peasants. Peasants had sold their Nod grain or their unified
procurement grain and then requested grain from the state to make up
the shortage. Some had forged or bought and sold grain marketing cer-
tificates, grain tickets, etc. Othelps had bought state grain specula-
tively. The paper observed on the same day, in still another article,
that rll this was an attempt to create discord between worker and
peasant and to upset the relationship between town and country so as to
bring back the free capitalist grain market. Upper middle peasants, it
said, were keeping excess grain rather than selling it and other prod-
ucts to the state.
The 7 August issue of Jen-min Jih-pao reported that private
trade in grain had also been engaged. inbywhole cooperativesas units. It
gave the example of a Honan cooperative which sent most of its custom-
ary production of 24,000 chin of hemp to other localities for sale,
keeping only 400 chin for sale to the supply and marketing cooperative.
It also bought hemp on the market for resale ti other areas. It even
induced members to purchase frak relatives and friends. It sent rep-
resentatives to 20 of the large cities to sign supply contracts with
various enterprises. It made its transactions in the daytime and shipped
by night, using militiamen to convoy shipments. It also made jqopt
suipments with other cooperatives in the area. In addition, the article
continued, the cooperative cheated the state by passing off inferior
goods to it. It bad earned a gross profit of over 20,000 yuan, the pub-
lication claimed.
In an editorial on the same date, the paper observed that "If
we allow speculation to develop, werrelinquish socialisles position to
capitalism and make possible the spread of capitalism once more. It has
infected a number of cooperatives in Szechwan, Shantung, and Kwangsi,
which have conducted various kinds of commercial speculation.... Once
they have taken the capitalist road of speculation, these cooperatives
will become indifferent to the state's interests.... When the state's
interests clash with those of the individual peasant or cooperative, the
latter will work for themselves. They do not understand that state in-
terests are their own interests and that undermining of the unified pro-
curement will bring market price fluctuations that will greatly damage
the state and do them no good. Withoutpartyleadership)the cooperatives may
develop into capitalist economic units or joint-stock corporations....
If this trend continues, it will result in a new class stratification,
with a few persons of means quickly growing wealthy and becoming another
exploiting class."
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The situation in the countryside may be further aggravated by
the recently announced demobilization of a substantial number of service-
men. These are men who, in the armed forces, led a relatively easy life
and enjoyed considerable prestige.
The Peiping organ of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, Chieh-
faniichun Pao, advised on 24 January that only a few mould be able to re-
turn to jobs in the cities; the vast majority would return to countryside
homes to partioipate in agricultural production. However, cultured and
technically trained comrades would find great opportunity there, it con-
tinued, although it admitted that some did not want to return to the coun-
try because of the hard life there. It urged them to be cooperative, mod-
est, restrained, and polite and to avoid conceit, jealousy, and lawlessness,
and it asked them not to consider themselves as of special merit because
of their years of service.
At the same tlme? many students, unable to resume their studies
this year because of a shortage of facilities, are being sent to the ru-
ral cooperatives. Their expectations had been set high, as the press re-
vealed, and the press has assured them that the conversion to agricultural
cooperatives has given new work to be done by the intellectuals; but this,
as also indicated by the press, is not calculated to assuage the students'
disappointment.
. Possibly adding to the general rural restlessness and dissatis-
faction as much as it will mittgate it, as.intended, is the following
phenomenon, which has been noted in various provinces since the beginning
of 1957: "Leadership organs of KWangtung Province are transferring large
numbers of cadres to the rural areas to help local party organs and agri-
cultural cooperatives with rural production and the consolidation of co-
operatives. They will carry out a widespread campaign of education and
propaganda on the present situation to stimulate enthusiasm among the
peasant masses for socialist construction add to bring about a high tide
in production.... Over 240 cadres have already been selected, more than
half of whom are section chiefs and better. They will take a short course
in cooperative policy before leaving." This appeared in the Canton Nan-
o -
faPpg Jih-pao of 22 January.
But the situation into which these cadres were sent is indicated
in the 23 January issue of the same paper. It reported that'a number of
cadres in rural areas had been dissatisfied with their work but had be-
come more active and had their "consciousness" raised through party read-
justment work. "Many party members," it said, realized the dangers in a
working style which depended on authoritarianism and the advantages of
utilizing the mass line, with a resultant improvement in contact between
them and the masses. Many began to understand the relation between in-
dividual and collective. interests.... Some, previously discontented
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with rural work, changed greatly." And Ta Kunz Pao of Peiping elaborated
on 31 May that "The complaint of food shortage by many peasants has ac-
tually been a sign of discontent with these cadres' working style."
4. Party Members
The most delicate and most telling facet of this class strug-
gle, as exhibited in the press, is seen in accounts of its progress in
the party itself. Jen-min Jih-pao said on 28 July that "The revolution-
ary struggle on the political and ideological fronts is a critical po-
litical test for each party member. Each must now be put to the test of
socialism. Some think rightists exist only outside the party... but
this does not agree with the facts. The antirightist struggle has re-
vealed many party rightists.... The stand of some party members is
definitely weak in this stern struggle. A few carry the label of party
member but hold the reactionary stand of the bourgeoisie, turning trai-
tor when the rightists attack.... Some who join never propose really to
serve the party but will betray it the moment their own interests clash
with those of the revolution. Some do not subscribe to the whole program
of the party and will betray it when it puts into action the part with
which they disagree. Others cannot keep contact with the masses over the
long course of struggle and lose their revolutionary purpose; exposed to
the ideological influence of the bourgeoisie, they will betray the party
at the important turn.
Ne must take a stern stand about these party rightists and
draw a strict line against them, ideologically and politically, waging
a struggle against them. The few who feel we should be lenient and not
deal them counterblows are wrong. We can be no more sentimental about
them than about nonparty rightists. A fort can be taken most readily
from within and will fall even when not attacked. This will happen to
the party if the party core disintegrates and loses political leadership
of the proletariat.... Although rightists are but a small minority in
the party, and in many organizations, there is not even one rightist,
yet rightist thinking shows up to varying degrees in all problems, and
those who waver on the outbreak of any disturbance are not merely a
small minority."
The 23 July issue of Chung-kuo Ch'ing-nien Pao, in discussing
the degeneration into "rightism" of a party committee member in Tsing-
hua University asks, "How can a veteran party member and participant
in the revolution for 20 years turn rightist?" The answer, the paper
explains, is in the roots of bourgeois individualism. It may seem im-
possible, the paper continued, that one educated by the party for so
long could make reaCtionary speeches, but Marxist-Leninist thought al-
ways has a class character and party spirit, requiring loyalty to the
working class and the broad masses. Hence, political consciousness
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cannot .bela.PPiradcf2m4bQa4-0TL. Marxism-Leninism alone gnly those ,
truIy'loy011the qNlvolution Can'take.a true class stand Chung-kuo
Ch'ing-niettO eenCluded. -On alAugust,. the paper said.'that,14.ghtist
.is also trbe P4-id in the Communist Touth League.? a.0!-It'Wnot con:
, fined t als League rightists are extremely reaCtionary,-PO''
litically A ologically, and,. hate the party and socialisk.They
iharethetrait rcontinually spreading their.corruit bobrgedis rightist
ideOpay among the rest of the youth and thus are in -competition with the
! party to n the youth-over. The,Osult is that the league iatrait-
i
formed -in 6 (3-var uji. in :pposili to-the. communist Party. Mhus, the
rightists in the due are spOk en for the bdurgeois class and agent's
1.. .
of internal.decay A the league), organizations. We must struggle
against them 'to k 6e :the Comm t;XouttHLeague of bourgeois rightlp
linfluences and tfpreere its a struggle in defense of
VarxisM-teninisng s,etruggle be g. waged between two causes."
? On 14 must, the same PaPer revealed ia an editorial that
? '.rightist cadr exist not only in lower level organizations of tis
Communist Leag0Q, but also at the provincial and municipal levels,
that t r are yelzi some 4gAists in the leadership of organs
tly undtk the, agues cengVal committee. They are few., the
cot d, ? their pospons of authority and their cones-
uenta y to c duct rightAt activities in the name of the league
, . a ore serious threM tethe party and the league that
Ober e rightists.
At the same time, 'pc present cut of the Chinese Communist
clothes was showi up embarrassingly in the rural areas.
are even some pa members and cadres," asserted Jen-minAhl-
10, August,'"inc , ,ng certain hsien-level,peradnnelp who dO
recognize the cla struggle in countryaide and fail,to up-
had. socialism steam it the face of it. They are raistakeray
in-
1st and sect list when it comes td such problems as the
relatio ip of fo the future of socialism. Some have a hands
off attitude towar tivities of bad elements who disrupt order and
mirderne.be the,scc t legal system, rather than taking action against
-.#em." Zen-min ao of 5 August 'commented that "Some hsiang awl
onsider only minor, itmediate benefits for the
acid' peatants a forget their long-range Interests and those Of the
-
',0tfate.. :They cooperate to conceal produc#on, declare by indolos, and
ggerat#10A-grain,shortages so that their hangs and tooperatImas
haVe to sell'leas surplus grain and ill reeve tbte
ly..?..'tOreb on tha hsien level -and belov 'e very' koit.4-pig 'teld
-4441aAoltheAmrptses.of the conversion tr.) cooperatives, thinking its aim
-101't04ravl,de evaryone with more food to eat.... They regard z?eat7ic-
tionOfkaonsumption of grain in the, interests of the-state as a whole,
as-Unta# to the peasants." The per went On to say that the food
P
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problem is a thorough, practical test for every cooperative member and
cadre and will indicate who really supports socialism and his country.
Party members, the paper continued, who feel that the contradiction be-
tween tasks of the state and needs of the masses cannot be resolved
overlook the fact that it is a state led by the working class, and the
interests of the greatest majority lie in the building of socialism.
The paper expressed the hope that all party members and authorities will
become active in the food-grain problem and set an example to the masses
in controlling consumption and increasing sales of surplus to the state.
Jen-min Jih-pao of 29 July reported that landlords had, in some
cases, taken advantage of the confused class concepts and rightist lean-
ings of cadres and used them against the peasants. One had been duped
into preparing certificates for 41 landlords, the paper related, for the
return of houses confiscated during land reform, while another had Rs-
sisted a landlord in requesting that a government agency pay his shop
rent. It traced the rightist weakening of cadres in the face of the
class enemy to relaxation after the high tide of conversion to coopera-
tives and carelessness in the reclassification of the three categories
of people so that they could join cooperatives. In one hsien, for ex-
ample, the paper reported, 40 percent of the landlords had their class
status changed for this purpose. Cadres felt that the class divisions
had disappeared and the class struggle had ended and were confused in
trying to distinguish class enemy sabotage from contradictions among the
people, the paper concluded.
5. The Concept
The inevitable reassessment in the light of these events was
made, and during July, a fundamental step was apparently taken in the
direction of readjusting the whole concept and policy which Mao ad-
vanced in February.
Back in April, the periodical Cheng-chih Hsueh-hsi, No 4, had
asserted that "A fundamental change in the social character of China has
been brought about by the victories in the democratic and socialist rev-
olutions and that of socialist construction." The change was the end of
the class struggle and the emergence of a new main problem on which China
was to concentrate: the building of an advanced industrial nation. But
with the class struggle now obviously very much alive, the later conclu-
sion was that the country was now involved in a very different and very
familiar main problem. This was announced with none of the fanfare which
had characterized the entry into the "new phase" of socialism in spring.
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The key formulation, which appeared repeatedly in speeches and
editorials, including one in the 28 July issue of Jen-min Jih-pao, was
that "This is a great socialist revolution on the political and ideolog-
ical fronts." The editorials explained that "Socialism cannot be sta-
bilized through mere socialist revolution in the ownership of the means
of production; it requires also a socialist revolution on these two
other fronts. Without a political and ideological victory in the so-
cialist revolution, there can be no socialism. This political and
ideological socialist revolution involves everyone in the country and
puts everyone to the socialist test. The leader and organizer of this
revolutionary struggle is the Chinese Communist Party."
A decisive battle of the minds has not yet been fought on
capitalism versus socialism, and ideological consciousness has fallen
behind the basic change in the economy, observed uz-ioChing-nien
Pao on 29 July. A battle against bourgeois thought and the carrying
out of a socialist revolution in politics and ideology are therefore
necessary, the paper concluded.
The act of making official this significant ideological devel-
opment, which reversed the partys previously established position and by
which it backtracked to the status in vogue before the Eighth Party Con-
gress, was made by Lu Ting-yi, the party's propaganda chief, at a meet-
ing of Peiping teachers, as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao of 17 August.
Lu reiterated the formulation in the Jen-min Jih-pao editorial of 28 July
of a "great socialist revolution on the political and ideological fronts"
and the statement by Peng Te-huai. Politburo member, in a speech on
the 30th anniversary of the People's Liberation Army, carried in the
1 August issue of Jen-min Jih-pao,to the effect that "We are in a new
historical period in which the socialist revolution in the country has
won a decisive victory as to the ownership of the means of production,
but where there is still a fierce struggle on the political and ideolog-
ical fronts.... Political and ideologieal struggle will continue for a
long time, both here and abroad, and nonproletarian ideologies especially
bourgeois ideology, will attack us from all sides. It is therefore im-
portant that we deepen our education in Marxism4,eninism and increase
our political vigilance."
The 16 August issue of Jen-min Jih-pao further elaborated on
the prouncement? maintaining that this struggle was unaviodable during
the country's transition and that it would determine the future of China,
for which reason it should not stop halfway. If the political-ideological
leadership of the proletariat were not definitely established, the vic-
tory of the socialist revolution could not be complete, the paper asserted.
In fact, it pointed out, toleration of hostility to socialism and the pro-
letarian dictatorship would endanger the socialist ownership of the means
of production already achieved.
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Socialist Education
The party's immediate answer and the first significant step in the
relaunching of socialist revolution, as revealed in the Chinese Communist
press, is an all-embracing program of "socialist education," in which
every level of society and every occupational group will undergo the po-
litical and ideological indoctrination which the party now feels it did
not administer thoroughly enough in the past. The party has taken to
the public speaking platforms in rural villages and cooperatives, in
factories, and in universities, where thousands of cadres of all levels
have gone to conduct what the party press refers to as "the great nation-
aide debate."
Jen-win Jih-pao of 26 July put it this way: "The form of the strug-
gle is no longer that of the mass counterattack applied at the inception
of the movement, but it has evolved into a more penetrating and thorough
criticism. Organizations are now adopting the form of meetings for per-
suasion and deb.' e. Futan and other universities have had good results
from such debate meetings, inwhichthe subject is tl-e views of the rightists
and during which the rightists defend themselves.
1. The Workers
Kung-Jen Jih-pao of 8 August summed up the need, saying that it
is important to conduct a socialist education campaign among workers and
staff members in enterprises by mobilizing them to take part in the anti-
rightist struggle. It declared that there is no doubt that such an ex-
tensive drive will bring about self-education of the workers and raise
their political awareness.
Accordingly, conferences have been held to discuss the problems
of democracy and centralism and of freedom and discipline so as to teach
younE,:r workers to distinguish right and wrong, according to Jen-min Jih-
pao of 2 August. This socialist education has produced a keener interest
in production, the paper said, with the result that production goals in
many units have been e;tceeded. The few workers who have been dissatis-
fied with welfare conditions have now decided to drop the problem for
the time being and to struggle against rightists. The education program
emphasizes the idea that "socialism is a high tower that must be built
from the bottom, and welfare must be achieved gradually," the paper con-
cluded.
The 1 August issue of the paper also reported that in Kirin,
workers and employees of industrial enterprises were receiving a pene-
trating class education in the struggle against rightist elements there.
They had begun "'reasoning struggles" with those identified as rightists
in various units, the paper related. Party committees were reporting
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mistaken rightist statements to the workers and stressing the importance
of counterattack, the paper continued. Following such reports, according
to the article, workers call meetings and conferences, which are the main
form of class education, and "The role played by the older workers in
worker self-education is especially noteworthy. Meetings of these workers
are held in all units, where the older workers point out that socialism
under party leadership is the only correct road for the Chinese people,
present personal experiences, and compare the new society with the old."
To influence the workers, the paper observed, reports,speeches, black-
board news, broadcasts, and drawings are used. Workers re-examine their
previous erroneous thought, and soldiers demobilized for industrial work
apologize for demands they have made for high pay, welfare benefits, and
housing space. Workers in symposiums, the paper said) write letters of
resolution to support party leadership with deeds and to protect socialist
construction. Thus, the publication concluded, class education is a forbe
which impels upward the movement to increase production and practice
economy.
Central Committee Secretary Li lisueh-feng, in a speech reported
by tbe Hsin-hua She (New China News Agency) on 21 August, said that a
great debate would begin in industrial enterprises. It would stress the
leading position of the working class and resolve personal problems of
the workers, such as the relation between welfare and production, democ-
racy and centralism, the individual and the collectiveiand the worker
and the peasant. "Through this debate," he said, "we must purifY the
workers on the basis of a purified working class ideology."
2. The Peasants
As to the peasantry, which constitutes over 80 percent of the
population, a 10 August Jen-min jih-pao editorial commented as follows:
"We must now carry out widespread socialist education among the rural
masses to consolidate socialism and overcome capitalist tendencies....
The process of gradual consolidation the cooperatives are undergoing may
take a long time, during which we must conduct a struggle on both the
economic and the political-ideological fronts.... We must educate the
vast majority of cooperative members to become enthusiastic about their
socialist motherland and the efforts of their cooperatives, to become
more socially conscious and freer from capitalist influence, and to be-
come active in the struggle against the bad elements who try to destroy
socialist endeavors.... In areas where socialism's ideological strug-
gle against capitalism was neglected, the antisocialist forces emerged
and became recklessly active. Landlords and rich farmers are still
undergoing reform, and it will take a long time to transform them
psychologically and actively into socialist workers."
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On 12 August, Chung-kuo Ch'ing-nien Pao asserted that the de-
cision by the party to conduct socialist education in the rural areas
is only the beginning of a movement to intensify political work in these
areas.
An editorial in the 7 August issue of Jen-min Jih-pao pointed
out that to strengthen party leadership over the cooperatives, so that
they can proceed along the socialist road, it will first be necessary
to conduct a thoroughgoing education of rural party members in socialism
and patriotism and to heighten their class consciousness. Their one-
sideu view that everything which benefits some of the masses is good
must be criticized in both party and government organs, the editorial
maintained.
"The general task," declared Jen-min Jih-pao on 5 August, "is
to apply criticism to the erroneous thinking prevalent among the peas-
antry and the rural cadres. First to be criticized should be the in-
dividualism which ignores the needs of the state, a trait ingrained in
the peasant.... We face the serious ideological work of explaining to
them that placing personal and departmental interests above those of the
state and socialism will result in the elimination of socialism, of party
leadership, and of the future of the peasants themselves."
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3. Ilethods in the Countryside
The 10 August Jen-min Jih-pao reported on the Central Committee
directive which ordered that the countryside campaign of socialist education
be initiated in the form of a "big debate." The subject of this debate,
basicallA will be "Whether to Take the Capitalist.or the Socialist pattk,
the paper disclosed. The campaign is designed to bring understanding to
peasants and cooperative cadres on the right and wrong of fundamental.
which have emerged in the rural areas throughout China and to ex-
plain the correctness of state policies on these questions, the paper
elaborated. The main questions to be discussed, according to the directive,
are (1) the superiority of cooperatives, (2) controlled purchase and market-
ing of farm products, (3) the worker peasant relationship, and (4) supres-
sion of counterrevolutionaries and compliance with laws. The debate will
be conducted by working units sent by party committees into the villages
and cooperatives to "strengthen criticise of capitalist, individualist
thinking among peasants and to identify love of family with love of country
and love of cooperative, the paper asserted. The debate should include all
members of the local population, the directive was quoted as saying; and
should provide everyone with a chande for full expression of opinion. Er-
roneous ideas should be treated gently and persuasively, except for reac-
tionary, provocative comments of landlords, rich peasants, and counter-
revolutionaries, which should be counterattacked viorously. The directive
was quoted by the paper as referring to the great debate as a "rectification
in the countryside."
In Kansu Province, 54,000 people of various government organs, mass
organizations, and schools were formed into a front which engulfed 1,400
rightists in villages and factories during arguments at meetings, according
to Jen-min Jih-pao of 5 August. The people are organized, and cooperatives
produce "hard facts" on economic and cultural development before and after
liberation, the paper declared. The v,asses "take stock" of general achieve-
ments so far, and the superiority of the cooperatives is emphasized. The
relation between peasants and workers is discussed, and the correctness of
government purchase and collection of grain is shown, the paper enumerated.
Activists compare the old days with today, and this is discussed, the paper
concluded.
In Hupeh Province, according to Jen-min Jih pao of 29 July, peasants
were urged to expose and oppose the activities and statements of those who
aimed at restoration of capitalism. One cooperative held a meeting to ex-
pose such "absureideas, the paper explained, and pointed out that the co-
operative's director worked hard for it and its members, who were all paid
according to their work. Members at the meeting argued against the state-
ment by a landlord that the director was the owner, and the members were
his slaves, the paper related. They divulged this landlord's past record
and forced him to confess his guilt. At one meeting, the higher living
standard was advanced in refutation of those who praised the statements of
Ko Pei-chi. The masses agreed that the answer to these elements lies in
better production, the paper commented.
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On 13 August, the s:'-me publication told of how peopLe of a hsiang
in Shensi Province held a mass meeting to expose and condemn a rich farmer
who had engaged in illegal grain transactions. After the masses demanded
it, he was arrested by the hsien procurator's office, the report asserted.
4. Rural Results
Immediate gains which the party hopes to realize from this rural
program lie in the area of a pressing, current need. The 5 August issue
of Jen-min Jih-pao claimed that with the intensification of ideological
education in the countryside, the result will be a significant increase in
the amount of food grain procured. In one hsiang in Shangtung, it related,
such education brought about a basic change in the people's attitude toward
selling their surplus grain, and the local goal was exceeded, demonstrating
"the fact that a problem of ideology is involved" in the question of food
grains. "When the people revert to capitalistic thinking," the paper declared,
"the problem becomes acute, but when they progress to socialism, the problem
shrinks."
5. The Universities
In his speech to the All-China People's Congress, as reported in
Jen-min Jih-pao of 27 June, Premier Chou En-lai pointed to the need for
strenghtening political and ideological education in the schools, which had
been demonstrated by the events during the "great blooming." He especially
emphasized the need for ideological remo]ding among the teachers, who are
responsible for training the next generation. They should continue their
own voluntary self-education, he said, but added, "It is not easy to arm
oneself with proletarian ideology and to take a strong stand in the midst
of violent class struggle, to separate right from wrong, and to be able to
lead students on the correct path." Teachers and educational departments
at all levels, he said, must improve political and ideological education
for students, basing it on the students' ideological status.
In a speech reported by the 19 August issue of Jen-min Jih-pao,
K'ang Sheng, Politburo member, announced the initiation of socialist edu-
cation in the universities in the form of "a course in socialist ideological
education in the curriculum." This course, he said, would differ from the
regular extracurricular methods of political education, which would be con-
tinued, in both content and form. It will be established in every year of
higher education. "This course," he explained, "will constituue class edu-
cation in the socialist revolutionary movement and must not be thought of
as an ordinary course in the curriculum. It is part of the rectification
movement, of socialist education, and of the great nationwide debate."
It will stress criticism of bourgeois thought and the non-Marxist viewpoint
through proletarian thought and Marxism-Leninism. He warned that teachers
used to teaching Marxism-Leninism out of books might not be able to drop
pedagogical methods easily and teach Marxism-Leninism in the class struggle,
as would be necessary.
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Party Rectification
In this changed climate, then, what of the party's campaign to rectify
the working style of its members, the core of the original composite pro-
gram? The original campaigt was designed for an ideological situation much
different from that of "socialist revolution" and a condition of popular
relationships quite foreign to or of class struggle.
1. Original Purposes
In early 1957, the press left the firm impression that the party
was qonvinced that it was confronting a new stage in socialism, which asked
for a liew approach, and that it was seriously attempting to turn its cadres
out of old ruts of thinking. nfronted with problems, China's biggest prob-
lem would be solved if partyNoia government cadres could be revitalized and
taught how to eliminate some troubles, handle others, and avoid creating still
more. In response to the question why another rectification movement was
being launched, and what the tifference was between it and the previous one,
the periodical Chung-kuo Ch'ing-nien (China Youth), organ of the Communist
Youth League, replied in its 16 May issue:
"Today we face a new situation. With the class contradictions in
the country fundamentally solved and those among the people beginning to
emerge, we come up to a new task: greater unity among China's 600 million
people and the utilization of all possible assets in the struggle for the
great socialist cause. But while the situation has changed, the ideological
status of many cadres has not kept up with it. They have not discerned the
emerging contradictions among the people, and they are not used to the neces-
sary methods of handling these. Thus, to speed the development of socialist
construction, the party is beginning another party-wide rectification move-
ment. It is directed against bureaucracy, subjectivism, and sectarianism,
and therefore it has new facets, as well as some in common with those of
the previous movement. The range of problems encomploped by this present
campaign is, of course, wider than the range in the previous one, since the
party is now ruling party and is leading the people in socialist construction.
Also, the purpose and result of this movement must be different. The pre-
vious one brought victory in the democratic revolution. The present move-
ment will guarantee success in socialist construction."
In that context, as Jen-min Jih-paolaut it on 2 May, there could
only be one attitude for the party cadre: ."An attitude which is conscious;
analytical, and self-critical and which discerns, on the one hand, the unity
and unanimity in socialist society and, on the other hand, the contradidtions
among the ranks of the people; an attitude which sees the necessity for con-
centration within a given scope; an attitude which acknowledges errors and
shortcomings in leadership; and an attitude which sees the need to broaden
democratic life and criticism and self criticism in socialist society." The
editorial saw the possibility, without this attitude, of a tendency toward
aristocracy and autocracy of a kind which would impede and stifle progress.
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The periodical Li-lun Hsueh-hsi (Theoretical Study) of 1 January said that
"We must put an end to the separation between the party and state, on the
one hand, and the masses, on the other, arid overcome bureaucracy and waste.
Both people and party cadres must express their constructive and creative
potential. There is an increasing tendency toward bureaucratic disregard
of realities and toward neglect of the people, a weakening of the tradition
of endurance and frugality, while pursuit of luxury and extravagance appears
everywhere.'Obis results in dissociation of party and state personnel from
tHPpeople and reality, a way of life which wastes the state's construction
capital and leads to subjectivism."
What the regime was aiming at was a goal quite high, given the
circumstances. The same issue "",the periodical described a good party
member and leader as one who aim i at obtaining a thorough knowledge of the
people's living and working conditions, understands the people, and shows
concern for their problems. He lives in a frugal style, shares in the
masses' hardships, is willing to accept their criticisms, and refrains from
appearinge4obbish. He consults the people on all matters that concern them,
and they, in turn, will communicate with him. Elsewhere in this issue of
the periodical, a ruling giving party members the right to express creative-
ness was discussed. It described creativeness as a corrective for bureaucracy
and for blind carrying out of orders without regard to conditions. Creative-
ness is best expressed, it said, in initiative shown in developing efficient
working procedures. The creative person keeps a sharp eye on actual condi-
tions, and he does not apply provisions in party directives too literally;
yet ne does not dispense with party guidance or instruction. The right of
creativeness can be exercised correctly only by thoroughly learning and
understanding party policies.
Chen&chih Hsueh-hsi of 3 May expanded on the kind of cadre the party
woul,:, like to cultivate through party rectification. It asked, "Precisely
what should a party member do when he has clearly understood the different
contradictions and the method of handling each?... When the leadership sup-
presses the correct demands of the masses, he should firmly support the masses'
views.... When one-sided views of the masses produce unreasonable demands,
leading to contradictions or disputes,...he must stand fast and patiently
persuade them to relinquish such demands.... But things are not always simple.
When one facet of a question is right, it is not necessary that everything
elite about it ;Is right, and for a party member to tell the right from the
wrong side is not always easy. He must rely for this on both the party or-
ganization and the masses. He must penetrate the masses, find out what they
need, separate correct from incorrect views, support only that which is right,
transmit mass demands to the party, and solve problems with the wisdom of
the people. He should also know correct from incorrect attitudes of leader-,
ship."
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2. Early Implementation
The development of the campaign in the early months, as reflected
in the press, gave evidence of a desire to implement the fundamental idea
of the new party rectification. The Central Committee directive on the move-
ment, as published in Jen-min Jih pao of 1 May, instructed that rectifica-
tion begin in hsien-level party organizations and higher, and in large fac-
tories, mines, and universities, with these organizations looking into the
thought and working style of their leading cadres. Meanwhile, provincial
and municipal-level party committees were told to select special committees
to initiate the campaign to acquire experience which would assist in gradual
popularization. All units were told to organize leadership groups for the
campaign, and personal responsibility and leadership were to be assumed by
party committee secretaries. The campaign was to be coordinated with the
improvement of work and the solution of contradictions. Party committees
were to formulate their own leadership methods and working plans for the
campaign and submit these to the central Committee within 2 weeks after
receiving the directive.
The directive publication was followed by many press reports of
meetings which decided on immediate,t0POWation of plans for development
of the campaign in all areas and atallgovernment and party levels.
The 2 May issue of the Ea4r0011* Kiangsi Jih-pao reported the
proposal of a four-step program brVIO:.:':Xiangsi'Provincial Party Committee
to expand the rectification moveMent...,:ttifisslared that there must be no
delay in starting the movement ot,,i4:-Colgprehending the documents and that
it would be necessary to developrettifleation from top to bottom, beginning
at the provincial, municipal, and special-district levels, proceeding to
the hsien and ch'u levels, and culgUating in the hsiangs. Rectification,
the proposal urged, must embrace- immediate, essential work and avoid con-
flict between the movement and disclosed that the committee had selected
people to draw up concrete plane to be passed on by the committee itself.
Jen-min Jih-pao of 31 MO urged that all shortcomings and mistakes
exposed in the course of the campaign be corrected expeditiously. It said
that no one should await a settlement of problems at the end of the move-
ment, but that units would find through study of problems brought up that
most could be solved immediately. The paper warned that if problems were
not solved as they appeared, people would get the Impression that depart-
ments had no intention of correcting their faults, and the progress of the
socialist undertaking would be impaired.
An official party view of what happened to the.original rectifica-
tion compaign appeared in an editorial in Jen-min Jih-pao of 26 July: ."After
the party organizations in Shanghai had initiated the movement, the municipal
party committee held a series of forums of the various classes so that all
might present their views. Simultaneously, it began to take steps to improve
party and government work. Democracy was active, the people's enthusiasm was
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tligh, and the program was proceeding normally. However, the bolder right-
ists, losing their reason in the face of their desire for gain, began to
start fires everywhere. They completely overlooked principles which the
party had repeatedly laid down on the conduct of the campaign.. .forced the
campaign off the track, and influenced many universities, organizations,
and factories. It was at this point that the party had to intervene."
3. Party Intentions
Even at the time of the All-China People's Congress, which was
employed as a brake on the careening course of criticism, the two big
voices heard then gave indications of a desire to continue the rectifi-
cation movement. Mao Tse-tung, in his speech published in Jen-min Jih-
pao on 19 June, affirmed the necessity to stamp out bureaucracy, improve
ideological and political education, and handle contradictions properly,
thus getting at the cause of disturbances. He said that if disturbances
should occur through poor work on the part of the party, it should not
only lead those involved onto the right path, but the disturbances should
be utilizd, to improve work, educate both cadres and masses, and find
solutions to problems neglected in the past. The party should work care-
fully and avoid, oversimplified methods in dealing with disturbances and
not close out problems before they are actually settled. It should turn
such events to its advantage in ridding itself of bureaucracy, he said.
Chou En-lai, in his speech to the congress, as published in Jen-
min Jih-pao of 27 June, emphasized that "The party's rectification campaign
is also going on in state organs and has the purpose of effectively overcom-
ing bureaucracy, sectarianism, and subjectivism. All constructive criticism
of such erroneous thinking and working styles will be welcome, even when
prejudiced and one-sided. We will accept from it all that is beneficial
and use it to improve our work. In the rectification campaign in both the
party and the government, contradictions among the people will be steadily
resolved as they emerge, and mistakes will be corrected." He coupled this,
of course, with the warning against using rectification to sow discord or
sabotage socialism.
On the opening day of the congress, on 26 June, Jen-min Jih-pao
also contributed in this regard: "Although we have made certain achieve-
ments, we have made certain mistakes. It would be foolhardy to displise
our illnesses and not see a doctor. The party is carrying out E rectifi-
cation of its working style and is listening to criticisms on every hand....
Some think that because we must affirm our achievements and criticize the
rightists, it is impossible for criticism and self-criticism to be carried
out at the same time. This is a misunderstanding. Active and well-meaning
criticism of defects, which helps speed up our socialist endeavors, is dif-
ferent from antisocialist slanders, and the better we can freely develop
such criticism, carrying out self criticism at the same time, and can point
to mistakes, to their causes and their rectification, the better we can
improve our work, the closer we can unite all nationalities in the country,
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and the more thoroughly we can isolate the rightists." The tone of the
editorials through July also made it seem as though the party were trying
to recoup something of its original program out of this situation, although
its efforts were mainly directed at stopping the tide which had mounted.
On 7 August, Jen-min Jih-pao reported a speech to the Peiping
People's Congress by Peng Chen, a member of the Politburo. "We welcome
all suggestions, he said, "when they are made in good faith and are con-
structive, not destructive. Many suggestions for improvement of our Work
have been accepted." He criticized the working style of party members in
Peiping, observg that the same mistakes are to be found in the leader-
ship. He itemiigd the six most important shortcomings and discussed them
at some length. "Working style should be conscientiously reformed," he
said, "adopting methods used in the rectification campaign to fend off the
rightist attacks. We must overcome shortcomings in work to complete the
undertakings in the city and to speed up development of the enterprises,
gradually developing the working style of the masses to achieve a pure so
cialist capital."
4. Changing Concept of Rectification
In the changing ideological and practical climate,-of course, the
idea and function of rectification underwent changes. Formerly a single
party Objective, at the All-China People's Congress, it acquired a dual
aspect. The party now began to refer in one breath to this twofold objec-
tive. Chou En-lai, in his speech to the congress reported in Jen-min Jih-
pao of 27 June, remarked that "We Chinese peoplf are forging an even
stronger unity through our rectification campaign against bureaucracy, sec-
tarianism, and subjectivism and through our victorious struggles in ex-
posing and repudiating the antisocialist rightists." With Lu Ting-yl,
the two aspects seem to merge into one campaign in his People's Congress
speech, as reported in the 12 July issue of Jen-min Jih-pao. "The party
rectification campaign is also a struggle against bourgeois ideology.
Bureaucracy, sectarianism, and subjectivism are bourgeois tendencies. No
bourgeois party would ask others to expose its awn faults. Only the po-
litical party of the working class dares to do this, since only a party
of the working class can root our bureaucracy, sectarianism, and subjectiv-
ism.... We have no justification for concealing our mistakes and short-
comings or for refusing to rectify them. The rightists must be criticized
unmercifully, and the rectification campaign must be continued with deter-
mination."
What happened in July to the concept of rectification can be seen
in the State Council decision on the rectification campaign, carried in
Jen-min Jih-pao on 27 July. It said, "Under the leadership of the party,
our people are at present engaged in a rectification movement and an earnest
struggle against the bourgeois rightists to save the socialist revolution
and the fundamental state system.... In units conducting a rectification,
all members must participate actively in the campaign and the struggle. In
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it, they should take a strong.stand, clearly distinguishing between right
and wrong, and revealing and criticizing rightist statements and activities,
thus increasing their own political awareness and earnestly trying to over-
come defects and improve work toward the success of the socialist revolu-
tion and socialist construction."
By mid-August and the launching the socialist education program,
rectification had undergone a further change. Kang Sheng, Politburo mem-
ber, in a brief reference in a speech reported by Jen-min Jih-pao on 19 Au-
gust, said that "Besides continuing our efforts to solve all outstanding
problems, we must, henceforth, conduct the rectification movement and so-
cialist ideological education."
5. Current Implementation of the Movement
The rectification movement was, to an extent, apparently being im
plemented, judging by the press. In referring to the great countryside de-
bate, for example, Jen-min Jih-pao of 10 August remarked that in the course
of this debate, "if the working style of a few cadres is criticized with
facts," the party committees, which should be participating, should study
the criticisms and take corrective steps to improve work and strengthen
mass unity. A Jen-min Jih-pao editorial of the same date referred to the
"great debate" among the rural masses as "rural blooming, contending, and
active debate." It went on to point out that "We must expose the real
problems of the countryside by hearing all opinions, then select good
ideas for implementation, and also criticize the wrong ones. We must de-
terminedly solve problems through reasoning and must improve our work.
Those who think such debate suitable only for higher-level government or-
gans and school, and not for rural areas, show a lack of confidence in
the strength of party leadership and the fundamental wisdom of the masses."
Central government organs, too, were seriously considering the
constructive opinions advanced by the people during the antirightist struggle
in the spirit of simultaneous conduct of the rectification movement and cor-
rection of faults, according to Jen-min Jih-pao of 24 July. Special groups
had been established in units of these organs, it said, to discuss and an-
alyze the masses' views and had handled properly a number of the problems
which it was possible to solve immediately. Several other press items re-
ported in August that provincial organs were similarly improving their work
in the course of rectification and that factory workers had presented opin-
ions and criticisms in campaigns started in enterprises.
Thus, the party has held fast to the idea of rectification throughout
the "antirightist struggle" and seems bent on keeping it alive in some form,
including possibly some limited and controlled assistance from outside the
party. Yet, in view of the known attitudes of party cadres to this sort
of thing, and in view of the inevitable reservations nonparty people of all
classes must now have toward freely expressing their thoughts, any revival
of the rectification campaign would seem of necessity to be a watered-down
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version of what was originally planned and will probably have to proceed
without serious or significant critical "help" from outside the party.
If this is true and the party nevertheless pursues its goal of "rectifi-
cation of its working style," then, perhaps, it will continue more along
the lines of the classic Chinese Communist Party rectification, stressing
ideological remolding in the party, reaffirmation of discipline, and con-
solidation of the whole structural organization of the party.
Lu Ting-yi, in an article in the 5 March issue of Jen-min Jih-pao,
stressed this last aspect. He observed that in the past 15 years, the
party membership had grown from 800,000 to 12 million and that many mem-
bers had not joined ideologically or unreservedly. Six tenths of the
membership joined after the national revolutionary victory, he asserted,
and had not experienced the ideological reform of 1942. Many of these
did not understand subjectivism, and many more carried over ideologies
from the 444 society, he pointed out. As for the older cadres, who came
through the revolutionary struggle, many had "soiled themselves" with
bureaucracy, now that the party was in power, had become vain in their
achievements, and had detached themselves from the masses and from reality,
he said. This, he insisted, called for a movement for correction of the
ideological attitude 1111 the working style of cadres of the entire party.
On 13 January, Cheng-chih Hsueh-hsi had asked, "What is rectifi-
cation of the working style?" It had given this answer: It is a method
by which the party educates its cadres by means of Marxism-Leninism to
overcome all nonproletarian thought. It comes from the rich experience
gained through the summing up by the party center and by Comrade Mao of
the ideological work done in the past."
Future of the Intellectuals
In the face of all of the foregoing, a question arises concerning the
fate of the intellectuals and the capitalists, who were to assist the party
in its rectification, and the future of their political organizations, the
democratic parties of the united front. It would be unusual, indeed, if
the attitude and policy of the regime toward them did not undergo a change
of some kind. The concept of the united front changed drastically during
the period from Chou En-lai's proclametion of emancipation for the intel-
lectuals in January 1956 to the high point of its expansion in May 1957,
and it appears due now for another serious reassessment. The naturO?of
the party's coexistence, if not its length of tenure, is in quest4040 as
is certainly the concept of "mutual supervision." Yet the regide,invested
a good deal of time and energy in bringing the clue Of educatedveople
out of dormancy and trying to mobilize it behina the "great effort." It
would require very little at this point to thrall' it back into the situa-
tion which prevailed in the repressive daft of
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1. The All-Schools Policy
It might be fairly concluded at this point that the policy of "Let
All Schools of Thought contend" is a thing of the past, at least as concerns
real implementation of it. It originated in early 1956 as a means of ac-
tivating the body of long-repressed non-Communist intellectuals and the na-
tional bourgeoisie, a significant pool of talent for the industrialization
drive in a country where educated or technically .rained people are scarce.
As then initiated, it was limited to the professional and scientific fields,
but it was nonetheless a real innovation, which, at the time, was met with
much doubt and hesitation. In this form, it was in operation for a year,
when, in February 1957, it stood ready for a new applicatiorn a means of
bringing problems to light so they might be dealt with by the regime, with
the articulate intellectual class as the vehicle. With this added function,
the all-schools policy, as part of the new spring program, received an im-
petus it had not had before and produced the truly free discussion which
was instrumental in throwing the nation back into "socialist revolution."
Before this could happen, however, the regime had to overcome deeply
ingrained reservations on the part of both intellectuals and Communist Party
cadres, and it worked hard at producing a climate of encouragement, as was
demonstrated in the press, following Mao's speech. This effort culminated
in the now historic invitation issued by the director of the party's United
Front Department, Li Wei-han, as reported in Jen-min Jih-pao of 9 May g "Peo-
ple from all walks of life are hereby requested to present their views on
the party and the United Front Department and to criticize all steps taken
by the party to assist it in its campaign to rectify its working style. This
is the first time in the party's history that the united front is being
utilized to promote a rectification program, and we earnestly hope that
everyone will make criticisms.... We hold to the principle of independence,
equality, and freedom in interparty relations and maintain that along with
cooperation between parties should go authority and responsibility. We in-
sist that the democratic parties play a greater role in state affairs. On
these problems, and on others, such as the work of the democratic parties'
basic-level organizations, we ask everyone to present his views." It is
not likely that anything like this will happen again for a considerable time.
An interview with Kuo Mo-al, chairman of the China Federation of
Literary and Art Circles, publisher/in Kuang-ming Jih-pao of 28 June, con-
tains sufficient internal contradictions to support the view of the policy's
demise. He said that as far as he was concerned, the slogan "The Speaker
Will Not Be Charged With Guilt for His Statements" was still being observed
100 percent, since those who were being charged with guilt for their state-
ments were indeed guilty, and the slogan applied only to innocent speakers,
not guilty ones. He pointed out tbat well-meaning criticism was still being
accepted, even though harsh. Moses Wald not bt removed because of thorns.,
he insisted, but although weeds have freedom of growth, the regime also has
the freedom to eradicate them. The all-schools policy is a long-term one,
he explained, and counterblows were considered merely a severe form of con-
tention. The policy could be carried out in a proper and healthy manner
only by eradicating all poisonous weeds, after which flowers might bloom
more beautifully. With nonsense thus eliminated, he concluded, the schools
might contend more profitably.
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Yet, Mao, in his speech published in Jen-min Jih-pao on 19 June,
spoke somewhat more liberally. He said that "the purpose of the policy of
letting many schools of thought contend is to encourage the thriving of the
arts and the progress of science, so as to stimulate socialist culture in
our country.... It is harmful to artistic and scientific growth when, by
administrative measures a given school of art or thought is imposed and
another prohibited. In the arts and sciences, questions of right and wrong
should be settled through free discussion in the course of actual work....
To find out whether an idea is right or wrqpig often requires a period of
trial.... Often really good ideas have been seen at first as poisonous
weeds.. .thus, not only suppression, but also lack of perception, can halt
the growth of new ideas.
Marxism) too, must develop through struggle, and it can definitely
be criticized, since it is accepted by the majority of our people as their
guide. Being scientific truth, Marxism fears no criticism, since it would
be worthless if it could be destroyed in argument. Idealists and those who
harbor bourgeois ideas are criticizing it daily. Marxists must steel them.-
selves in the face of criticisms and struggle. Fighting wrong ideas is like
vaccination.... Hothouse plants are not vigorous. The policy of allowing
all schools of thoughtio contend will not weaken but strengthen Marxism's
leading position in the ideological field. As to out-and-out counterrevolu-
tionaries and wreckers of socialism, the answer is simple: we deprive them
of freedom of speech. But with incorrect ideas among the people, it is an
entirely different matter. Can we ban their ideas and allow them no op-
portunity to express them? You can ban their expression, but the wrong
ideas will nevertheless be there.
"The bourgeoisie will inevitably give expression to its ideologies...
In every possible way on political matters. You cannot expect them not to
do so. We should not use methods of suppression to prevent this, but rather
we should allow them to express themselves, at the same time arguing with
them and making well-considered criticisms of them.... Mistakes should be
criticized and poisonous weeds fought against wherever they crop up." Mao
here presented the six criteria of right and wrong, in political words and
actions, of which "the most important are the socialist path and the leader-
ship of the party." Of them, he said that they are intended "to promote,
not impede free discussion of problems among the people. Those who dis-
approve of the criteria can still present their own views and argue their
case. When the majority has clear-cut criteria to go by, criticism and
self-criticism can be conducted along proper lines, and these criteria
can be applied to determine whether words and actions are fragrant flowers
or poisonous weeds. They are political criteria."
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In his speech to the All-China People's Congress, as reported in
Jen-min Jih-pao of 27 June, Chou En-lai laid down a blueprint for the
future for scientists, in which he said, "There are two aspects of leader-
ship over scientific work: leadership in science and leadership in po-
litical ideology and administration. We have never approved of interven-
tion by administrative order in dealing with academic questions. Our
policy there is to 'let all schools of thought contend,' a policy of solv-
ing academic questions through free discussion among scientists and through
objective practice. Leadership by the party and government becomes more
essential in the spheres of political ideology, guiding principles, pol-
icies, and plans." He also asserted that the initiative and creative
genius and artistic workers and of the people must be brought into full
play under theTjaidance of the principles of "all schools" and of "learn-
ing from the old to create the new."
Recent implementation of the policy has been coniined to partici-
pation by factory workers and peasants, as noted in the press, and appears
in the context of the "great nationwide debate," participation in which
the press refers to as "blooming, contending, and debating." Chung-kuo
Ch'ing-nien Pao of 24 August urged Communist Youth League organizations
in the countryside to calm apprehensions which rural youths have over such
contending and to encourage them conscientiously to express their opinions
in the great debates.
As early as last April, democratic party members at a meeting in
Anhwei Province came to a conclusion on what the party probably had in
mind on this policy, one which may come very close to the present official
conception of "letting all schools contend." The 19 April issue of Anhwei
Jih-pao reported that "One discussion group suggested that some people felt
contention must be based on the leadership principle of Marxism-Leninism,
while others felt that this was too binding and tended to restrain free
contention. However, after thorough discussion, most people agreed that
Marxism-Leninism not only does not limit the policy of letting all schools
contend, but also is even a moving force in the promotion and development
of science and the arts."
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2. Restrictions on Intellectuals
On 22 June, as the party's drive against them was getting into
full swing, a ntaLIELTIapg_glhl-pao editorial observed that "The problems
which the intellectuals now face are those of their stand, their world
view, and their need to undergo a process of continuous ideological re-,:
fOrm....The current nationwide struggle agatnst the rightists i6 a golden
opportunity for them to carry out this self.rreform." A 25 June editorial
in Ta KUnE2412 gave industrialists and businessmen their guide. They must,
first of all, face reality, it said, and by reality was meant the reality
of the state and of the businessmen themselves. The people had realized
that socialism could be achieved only under the leadership of the prole-
tariat and its vanguard, the Communist Party; if the industrialists and_
businessmen did not grasp this reality but tried to revive capitalism,
there would be absolutely no future for them, the editorial warned. Their
capitalist ideology had still not been completely transformed, it claimed.
They must see to this, and they must also discard their economic exploita-
tion in the form of receipt of fixed interest, income involving no actual
labor. Study would be necessary, but most important of all would be trans-
formation of their ideology, feelings, habits, and practices through labor-
ing together with workers, the editorial concluded.
, One clear pointer to the future is, contained in the decision that
henceforth, jobs for university graduates will be given out only after they
have taken a political examination. This was rendered by the State Council
and reported in Jen-min Jih-pao On 31 July. Examinations as currently being
given review the graduate's conduct during the antirightist struggle) in-
cluding his words, actions) and opinions, the article explained. Ma Shih7
an, vice-president of Peking University, was quoted by the article as ex-
plaining that "The political condition of cadres is important to socialist
construction, and we cannot allow politically doubtful people to take on
certain duties."
In another decision, the State Council issued a decree establish-
ing new reform institutions to educate social misfits and lawless elements
through labor, as reported by Jen-min Jih-pao of 4 August. These institu-
tions will be mainly factories and farms set up for the purpose. People
sent to them will be paid wages in line with their work and will receive
training toward the acquisition of trades and skills) with the object of
adjusting them to society and of making them useful, law-abiding, patriotic
citizens, the decree explained. Inmates will consist of petty criminals)
counterrevolutionaries, and other antisocialist elements expelled from
government organizations or other enterprises, as well as others so ex-
pelled for refusal to perform assignments) etc., or people who repeatedly
disturb the work of others, the decree was quoted as saying.
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The 4 August issue of jszai.prila observed in an editorial
that these types of people exist not only in society, but also in govern-
ment and social organizations, as well as in enterprises, in both urban
and rural areas. "They are a negative element left by the old society
and need more time to reform, it said. Although they constitute only a
very small segment of the people, the paper pointed out, the harm they do
to the state and the people merits serious attention. "If we do nothing
about idlers and harmful people," Vrea paper continued, "their bad influ-
ence will spread and disturb the sosial order.... Careful study by the
government has shown that it is advisable to train, educate, and reform
them through labor. This will assure them of a livelihood and a future.
This method requires them to earn a living through their awn labor....
Training, education, and reform by labor are not the same as the method
of reforming criminals through labor..4 They involve the establishment
of administrative measures and compulsory rules of discipline for these
persons by the organization concerned. An inmate who makes a good record
during his period of training, education, and reform and who has qualifi-
cations for employment may request release. The unit or individual who
sent the inmate originally may also request his release by taking respon-
sibility for his control and education."
3. Coexistence of the Democratic Parties
The 3 August issue of Kuang-ming 41h-pao discussed the future of
coexistence with the Communist Party. It remarked that 'The desire for
long-term coexistence and mutual supervision must be mutual. It Is not
enough for the Communist Party to want it; democratic parties must4.A-
play a real desire for it and tr001090themselves along socialist
lines.... How can the democratic partieS have people's trust and confi-
dence or practice coexistence and mutual supervision? They can make no
progress in anything, much less exist as parties serving socialism, if
rightists are in control of their organizations.... The workers will not
stand for rightist utilization of the democratic parties for reactionary,
antiparty, and antisocialist activities.... To achieve long-term coex-
istence and mutual supervision, the parties must put into practice the
six criteria in Chairman Mao's speech."
If the rightist struggle in the democratic parties is conducted
thoroughly, asserted Kuangfslng Jihmmo of 29 July, the politics, organt-
zation, and future work of these parties will be in step with socialism,
and the parties can then work for the people and serve the homeland. If
they carry out their rectification movements deeply and completely, they
can be more certain of a strong socialist political position. Since the
recent experience has shown that bourgeois rightists use these organiza-
tions as bases for attacks on the Communist Party, the paper continued,
the supreme importance to the democratic parties of a strong antirightist
struggle has been demonstrated. The social foundation of the parties is
the national bourgeoisie, the upper petty bourgeoisie, and their intellec-
tuals; thus these parties have a bourgeois world outlook in varying de-
grees, the paper maintained.
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"In some cases," it continued, "rightists have controlled and
changed the character of democratic parties, placing them in what is an
antiparty, antisocialist position, making them enemies of the Communist
Party, and endangering the nation's interests. The most pressing problem
of the democratic parties today is the crushing of this conspiracy. They
must settle the question of their stand through the stern class struggle.
For the democratic parties, it is a question of life and death and will
show whether they can pass the test of socialism." The article went on
to emphasize that the democratic parties must not underestimate this task
or think that a few reorganizational measures will suffice. The problem
will be solved only when the parties cease to be a market for rightists,
for which it will be necessary to turn the majority center elements to
the left, not halting before this is done, the paper counseled. Also, to
solve this problem, the democratic parties must press the struggle to
their basic levels, not only combating rightists, but, even when no right-
ists are uncovered, also publicizing the experience of the struggle and
the rightist state of mind. The most important task of the democratic
parties, the paper concluded, is to remold the thinking of their lower-
level organizations.
On 15 July,12211.s2j11,ma itemized its awn errors in its
role as organ of the democratic parties, and in so doing, set a standard
to be followed for thc future. It had, it said, distorted the policy of
long-term coexistence and mutual supervision, overstressing the democratic
parties' role in state affairs and overemphasizing "supervision" of the
Cammunist Party, thus encouraging the democratic parties to resist their
leadership. It had shown little interest in political and ideological
work, one of the important tasks of the democratic parties, it admitted,
and had implied that only the democratic parties themselves could repre-
sent the intellectuals and should supervise the Communist Party in their
awn interests. Thus, it pointed out, it had attempted to change the demo-
cratic rties' role as the Communist Party's assistants. Its reporting
on the k of regard for the duties of lower-level democratic party organ-
izatio nd leaders, and on the inadequacy of their functions, although
based on some facts, was exaggerated and avergeneralized, it continued.
The implication of much of its reporting on the various symposiums, it
observed, was separate from and opposed to the intellectual masses and
these needed a champion. It had greatly exaggerated the abnormality of
interparty relations and had incited enmity between the Communist Party,
on the one hand, and the intellectuals and the masses, on the other, in-
ferring that the Communist Party mistrusted the intellectuals and dis-
torting the true nature of the great mass of intellectuals today, it
confessed. In conclusion, it observed that the paper, as one sponsored
by the democratic parties, is revolutionary and socialist, and the demo-
cratic parties are socialist democratic parties under the leadership of
the Communist Party.
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4. The "Intellectual of the Working Class"
At a meeting of Peiping teachers,Lu Ting-yi advanced the new con-
cept of the intellectual which apparently is to accompany the re-entry of
China into socialist revolution. He declared; according to Jen-mirh-mci
of 17 August, that "History has given us the great task of developing a
large, powerful intelligentsia of the working class ,without which so-
cialist construction will be impossible. The working class must have its
own technical cadres, professors, writers, teachers, scientists; journal-
ists, artists, and Marxist theorists. Such a new intelligentsia may in-
clude all intellectuals from the old society who have really transformed
themselves and who truly maintain the working-class stand.... To become
a working-class intellectual, one must think like the working class and
oppose the thinking of the bourgeoisie.... To train intellectuals in a
socialist society by bourgeois methods is to isolate them from the masses,
from reality, and from the leadership of the Communist Party and to make
of them bourgeois intellectuals.... Although this method seems to demon-
strate concern for the intellectual, it actually does him harm and can
never produce for us the large, powerful working class intelligentsia we
need for our great task.... We will rather employ the proletarian method
of encouraging the intellectual to join the workers and peasants, perform
practical work, live among the people; place himself under the leadership
of the basic party organizations at All times, and be supervised by the
masses of the people."
5. nature Utilization
In his speech to the 1957 "antirightist" session of the All-China
People's Congress, as reported in Jen-min Jih-aa of 27 June, Chou En-lai-
spoke at some length about the non-Communist intellectuals. He declared
that "Admittedly, there are a few highly qualified intellectuals, as well
as some workers and employees, whose living standards have not risen yet
to the level they were on before the war, although they are better than
they were in the years just before liberation. But since the living
standards of workers and peasants as a whole are still somewhat low, a
rapid rise in the living standards of the intellectuals is not possible."
Chou also admitted that in some departments of government, there have
been cases where party organizations have monopolized the work and taken
over administrative control and that on certain questions; the party had
bypassed the administration and directly interfered with the work. This
sort of thing, he said, benefited neither the work of the party nor the
work of the government and should be corrected. He agreed that there were
facts to support the contention that nonparty functionaries in government,
schools, and enterprises did not have the authority that should go with
their podta. He maintained that there were cases, however, where Commu-
nists and non-Communists cooperated closely.
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He admitted that "Some party organizations and members show in-
sufficient respect for the authority and functions of nonparty people,
discriminating against them or remaining at a distance, a serious sec-
tarian fault.... But some non-Communists do not put sufficient effort
into the duties that go with their positions or remain aloof from party
members and organizations. At the same time, the party leaders involved
in these cases frequently make no effort to approach and help them. Both
these situations require serious attention and efforts to correct them."
The obvious difficulty of alleviating this problem) however, in
the face of the feeling recently engendered, together with the ng back-
ground of party contempt and distrust for the intellectuals, was appar-
ently acknowledged by Chou when he saidg' "The key to settlement of this
problem is first in education of their members by party organizations
toward the uninhibited exercise of the united front policy. They must
overcome sectarianism and learn to respect, join with, and assist non-
party people in their work, listening humbly to the letters' opinions
and criticisms and absorbing their professional skills and experience
so as to improve both themselves and their work. Working methods which
harm unity and increase misunderstanding must be changed. Meanwhile,
nonparty people should carry out their functions bravely, shedding any
antagonism they may have toward cadres from the working class or peas-
antry, and forgetting their suspicions ofparty members. In working with
party members, they should be sincere and Open-minded; they should criti-
cize defects in work wherever they occur and put forward any proposals
they may haveo"
And ih Mho's speech, published on 19 June in Jen-min Jih-Es20
also as part of the move to halt "rightist" criticisms by the intellec-
tuals, he spoke of the several million intellectuals from the old society
who had come to serve the new, and of how they may best meet its needs.
He referred to this problem as an example of a contradiction among the
people. "China needs all the intellectuals it can get," he emphasized,
"to perform the gigantic task of socialist construction. We must trust
intellectuals who are really willing to serve the socialist cause; we
must genuinely improve our relations with them and assist them in solv-
ing their problems so they can put their abilities to full use. Many
of our party members cannot get along with the intellectuals they are
haughty toward them) lack respect for their work, and unnecessarily in-
terfere in scientific and cultural problems.... To change completely
the intellectuals' world outlook will take a long time, and we must
bring it about patiently. Some intellectuals will naturally show reluc-
tance at accepting Marxism-Leninism and Communism ideologically. We must
not expect too much of them. We should give them opportunities for appro-
priate work as long as they fulfill the state's requirements and engage
in legitimate endeavors."
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Thus, although at this point, the intellectuals may have little to
look forward to politically and materially, there appears to be at least
one ray of light for them, which comes from the same window that was origi-
nally there, a window of really concrete hope because it is dictated by
necessity.
ConclusiOn
In an effort to stimulate and revitalize both its own membership and
the pool of intellectual talent in China in order to achieve a solution to
the nation's mounting problems and to hasten the realization of its indus-
trialization goals, the Chinese Communist Party, in early 1957, initiated
a program based on an ideological development which (1) acknowledged the
existence in socialist society of fundamental problems, or contradictions,
and (2) declared the class struggle to be over with the then completed
socialist revolution and transformation. The program took the twofold
form of "rectifying" party personnel and improving personnel performance,
on the one hand, and of granting the intellectuals more professional free-
dom and a role as critics of state affairs, on the other. This program
had serious repercussions when the intellectuals took advantage of their
new freedom to make fundamental and detailed criticisms of party organiza-
tions and members, socialism as a whole, and even Marxism-Leninism itself.
As a result, the party reversed itself quickly. The main tasks, party
rectification and dealing with contradictions among the people, were sup-
plemented by an all-consuming drive to subdue the "rightists." The party
declared that a fierce class struggle still existed, and would continue to
exist for some time, and revealed that among the class enemy were many
workers, peasants, and party members. It announced the new situation to
be one of socialist revolution on the political and ideological fronts,
since only economic revolution had actually been completed. It launched
a pervasive program of "socialist education" of all classes in all areas,
recognizing that political and ideological indoctrination has not been
thoroughly accomplished in the past.
The goal of party rectification persisted, since the pressing rea-
sons for it were still there, but it did so in the form of a confused mix-
ture, with changing targets of the day: rectification of the democratic
parties, the drive against "rightists," socialist education, etc. The
policy of allowing expression to diverse schools appeared to remain for
a considerable time a shrunken remnant of what had originally been in-
tended. As for the intellectuals, who, in China, include people with a
high-school education, as well as the capitalists, their abilities and
the need which had dictated, in the first place, the nearly-heretical
use of them, were apparently still the controlling factors. The party
seemed interested, not in retribution, but in making absolutely certain
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that these people and their parties did not again become the vital, active
political element they had briefly shown they could be. But both utiliza-
tion of them and rectification of the party were definitely in the back-
ground, while indoctrination and the consistent pursuit of the "antiright-
ist" drive were in the fore.
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