CIA'S SCHLESINGER BEGINS STREAMLINING OPERATIONS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 100
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2001
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: March 4, 1973
• Content Type: NSPR

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CONFIDENTIAL
NEWS, VIEWS
and ISSUES
INTERNAL USE ONLY
This publication contains clippings from the
domestic and foreign press for YOUR
BACKGROUND INFORMATION. Further use
of selected items would rarely be advisable.
No . 32
13 MARCH 1973
Government Affairs
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CONFIDENTOAL
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Attairs
WASHINGTON POST
4 March 1973
CIA's Schlesinger egins
Streamlining' Operations
By Thomas O'Toole
Washington Post Staff Writer.
key moves in his attempts to
strengthen the CIA, whith
one source said was suffer-,
.ing from "aging and bureau-,
cratization."
Schlesinger , appointed
William E. Colby as deputy
director of plans, which is
?the CIA title for the man,
who heads the agency's co-
vert espionage operations or ,
"department of dirty tricks."
Now 53 years old, Colby was,
at One time head of the U.S.
pacification program in,
South Vietnam.
Colby replaced Thomas Ka-
ramessines, who had wanted
to retire two years ago but
:who stayed on at the in--
, The new director of the
Central Intelligence Agency
has begun the long-promised
reorganization of the vast
U.S. intelligence community
with an eye toward stream-
lining his own agency and
bringing military intelli-
gence under closer civilian
control.
At the peak of the Viet-
nam war, the U.S. intelli-
gence community employed
150,000 persons and spent $6
billion a year, a growth that '
led to duplication, inter-
agency bickering and juris-
dictional jealousies that hor-
rified President Nixon.
In his first month as di-
rector, James R. Schlesinger
has moved three choices of
his own into top jobs at the
CIA, forced out two mem-
bers of the old guard and
set about the task of bring-
ing under CIA control the
three other federal services-
that with the CIA make up
the hulk of the U.S. intelli-
gence network.
; This description of Schle-
singer's first month as CIA
director came from an au-
thoritative source, who said
that Schlesinger is acting on
the personal instructions of
the President. It was Schle-
singer who directed a mas-
sive study of the intelli-
gence community when he
was a member of the Office
of Management and Budget
in 1971, just before he be-
came chairman of the,!
Atomic Energy Commission.
Paring of the Defense De-
partment's intelligence ac-
tivities began even before
Schlesinger moved into the'
CIA. Manpower at the De-
fense Intelligence Agency,
the National ; Security'
Agency and the intelligence
branches of the four armed
services had climbed above
100,000 persons at one point.
In addition, 50,000 others
were scattered through 10
other agencies.
One source on Capitol-
Hill said that $1 billion had
been cut from the budget of
the Defense Intelligence
Agency alone, a figure that
was disputed in size only by
another source.
"It wasn't that much of a'
cut," the source said, "but it
was a gm:I-sized bite,"
Since becoming director,
Schlesinger has made five-
. '
sistence of the White House.
One published report said
that Karamessines had been
fired by Schlesinger, but
sources close to the CIA in-
'sisted this was incorrect.
The new CIA director also
pulled a pair of generals out
of the Pentagon to serve on
the newly formed Intelli-
gence Resource Advisory
Committee. They are Army
Maj. Gen. Daniel 0. Graham
and lar Force Maj. Gen.
,Lew Allen, both of whom
have served in military in-
telligence and knew Schles-
inger who had admired
them since his own days
with the Rand Corp.
t "Jim [Schlesinger] is a
tiakeover kind of guy," one
source said, "and these ap-
pointments bring in men he
'feels comfortable with, who
'will back him up when the
going gets tough."
The going is expected to
get tough quite soon, since
It is understood that Schle-
singer plans a complete
overhauling of the CIA. One.
source described the CIA as
an "old boy network" that
had been allowed -to grow
unchecked since it was cre-
ated by President Truman
In 1947. The CIA now em-
ploys 15,000 persons and has
a budget of $600 million a
year.
'--Schlesinger has already
forced two old CIA hands
into early retirement. One is
Bronson Tweedy, former
deputy to Schlesinger's
predecessor, Richard ??.,,M.
:Helms. The other is Thomas
shift gears now that there is
a cease-fire in Vietnam. He?
is said to think that the Mid-
dle, East should now be the
focus of CIA attention, par-
ticularly since ? the Soviet
Union is understood to be
moving some of its activities'
out of the Mediterranean
and into the Persian Gulf.
The new CIA director is
also said to believe that the
CIA ought to change its role
with the changing times.
One source said that Schle-
singer believes t h e CIA
must begin to gather more
intelligence about interna-
tional crime, terrorism and
narcotics traffic.
"The' international terror-
ist movement is something
that Schlesinger feels
should be watched far more
closely," the same source
said. "There are some peo-
ple in intelligence who say
it's going to take a major ef-
fort to keep these terrorists
out of the U.S., to ?? keep
them from assassinating
public figures right here on
American soil."
Schlesinger is also said to
be concerned about public
opinion of the CIA and the
role of espionage in an In-
creasingly critical world so-
ciety.
"I think Jim would like it
if the American public had a
greater understanding of
the need for intelligence,"
one source said. "I don't
think he believes he can get
the job done right if there is
hostility and opposition to
the CIA because it's thought
to be a nest of spies." - ?
Richard Helms' departure
from the CIA was said to be
as much of a sign of change
at the CIA as Schlesinger's
arrival. Helms presided over'
the CIA for the past seven
years, during which time the
United States was caught in
a series of intelligence fail,-,
ures.
The loss of the Pueblo,
the loss of a U.S. reconnais-
sance plane in North Korea
right after the Pueblo disas-
ter, the abortive raid on the
Sontay ? prisoners-of-war
camp in North Vietnam are
all cited as failures of U.S.
intelligence. The lack of in,
tclligence abont North Viet-
nam's invasion of Cambodia
in 1970 and of its offensive
in South Vietnam a year ago
are also cited as examples of
an intelligence community
grown too bureaucratic.
While Helms was admired
for his tough-mindedness, he
was also viewed with suspi-
cion by the Nixon White
House for his independence
and his alliances in Wash,-
,ington society. .
His power base in Con-
gress his friendship with
.Parrott, a deputy to Tweedy Washington columnists and
who had been 'at the CIA ' his socializing at George,
since 1961. ; town cocktail parties were
all frowned upon in the
Schlesinger is said to be- White House, where ? a low
lieve that the CIA must r file is admired more than
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C.I.A. HEAD NANTES
ESPIONAGE CHIEF
Colby Becomes Director ,of
Clandestine Operations
By SEYMOUR M. HERSH
Special to The New York Mile!
WASHINGTON, Feb. 28?
James R. Schlesinger, the new
director of Central Intelligence,
has named William E. Colby,
former head of the American
pacification program in South
Vietnam and a long-time intel-
ligence operative, as director of
clandestine operations.
Knowledgeable sources re-
ported today that Mr. Colby, 53
years old, assumed his new
top-level job this week. Formal-
ly known inside the agency as
the deputy director of plans,
Mr. Colby will be in charge of
all C.I.A. espionage activities
and covert operations, widely
known in Washington as the
"department of dirty tricks."
Mr. Colby's previous position,
executive director of the agency,
a post combining the functions
of the inspector general and
controller, has ben abolished by
Mr. Schlesinger, the sources
said, as part of his revamping
of the agency,
Two Generals Chosen
It was also disclosed that Mr.
Schlesinger has chosen two
highly regarded major generals
for his new Intelligence Re-
source Advisory Committee.
Through this committee Mr.
Schlesinger is expected to seize
over-all bureaucratic and finan-
cial control of the United States
intelliegnce community, which
is estimate to spend $6-billion
annually.
Through this committee Mr.
Schlesinger is expected to take
over bureaucratic and financial
control of the United States in-
telligence community, which is
estimated to spend $6-billion
annually.
The generals selected for the
committee are Maj. Gen. Daniel
0. Graham of the Army,, who
is director of estimates for the
Defense Intelligence Agency,
and Maj. Gen. Lew Allen of the
Air Force, deputy commander
for satellite programs.
General_ Graham, whose pro-
motion to major general be-
comes official tomorrow, has
been a sharp critic of the
C.I.A.'s Office of National Esti-
mates, one of the top intelli-
gence review groups in the
nation.
Many Are Alarmed
His appointment has alarmed
many intelligence officials, who
view it as the beginning of an
attack on what some have
celled a liberal bias in the
agency's intelligence estimates.
In a recent syndicated column,
for example, Joseph Alsop criti-
cized what he called the "spe-
cial historical bias" of the
analysts under the leadership
of the former Director of Cen-
tral Intelligence, Richard M.
Helms, who was,- named Am-
bassador to Iran last January.
Mr. Alsop's column then went
on to note that Mr. Schlesinger
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WASHINGTON POST
23 February, 1973
Joseph Aliop
"is even bringing in from the
Defense Department the most
pungent and persistent critic of
the C.I.A.'s estimating-analyz-
ing hierarchy."
"This detested figure is, in
fact, to be named the new head
of the hierarchy, unless present
plans are changed," the column
said. ?
Intelligence sources said that
the unidentified critic of the
agency mentioned in Mr. Al-
sop's' column was General Gra-
ham, who became well known
to officials in the agency after
serving a tour with it as a
colonel.
Another Appointment
It could not be learned
whether General Graham will
be named head of Mt. Schles-
inger's Intelligence , Resource
Advisory Committee, although
official sources inside the C.I.A.
did confirm that he and General
Allen would be joining the di-
rector's staff. Agency assign-
ments have never been publicly
announced by the Government.
Another member of ' that
staff, it was disclosed, will be
Dr. Jack Martin, who until early
this year was serving with the
White House's Office of Science
and Technology.
The sources said that the in-
telligence committee had re-
placed the C.I.A.'s National In-
telligence Program Evaluation.
staff, which was headed by
Bronson Tweedy and Thomas
Parrott, two key aides to Mr.
Helms who, The New York
Times reported last week, were
ordered to retire by Mr. Schles-
inger.
? The Times also reported that
Thomas H. Karamessines, Mr.
Colby's predecessor as director
of the clandestine services, had
been ordered to retire by Mr.
Schlesinger. Agency officials'
disputed that account today and
said that Mr. Karamessines had
in fact requested retirement
last year but had been asked
to stay on.
Mr. Karamessines has been
in ill health for some time.
The appointment of Mr.i
Colby, a Princeton graduate
who began his intelligence ca-
reer with the Office of Strategic
Services' in World War II, was
more favorably received by
many senior intelligence offi-
cials.
"He's the classic old espion-
age type," one intelligence
analyst said of Mr. Colby. "The
kind of guy who never attracts
attention."
Other sources questioned
whether Mr. Schlesinger's ap-
pointment of Mr. Colby would
lead to a widely expected
shake-up of the clandestine
services, which attained notori-
ety in 1967 with the disclosure
that it was secretly subsidizing
the National Student Assocta-
tion.
The CIA Analysts:
Changes at the Top
New brooms, as the say is, sweep
clean. The new director Of the Central
Intelligence Agency, James R. Schle:,
singer Jr., is an obviously vigorous
broom. Normally, therefore, the large
number of impending changes in the
CIA's top personnel would not be of
much significance to anyone outside
the CIA itself.
This is emphatically not true, how-
ever, of the change in leadership that
can be expected in the agency's huge
hierarchy of estimaters and analysts.
These are the people charged with giv-
ing meaning to the CIA's vast daily in-
come of raw data. Theirs is a crucially
Important job. For it is of no great use
merely to know, for instance, that the
Soviets have a huge missile called the
SS-9. Defense policy-makers also need
to know the missile's main characteris-
tics, and therefore its probable pur-
poses.
The government, of course, contains
other estimaters and analysts outside
the CIA?in the Defense Department,
for instance. But the CIA hierarchy is
the largest and the most powerful of
all. And it customarily provides the
chairman of the Board of National Es-
timates, at present CIA veteran John
Huizenga. ?
The point of this long explanation is,
quite simply, that -the CIA's estima-
ting-analyzing hierarchy has long had
a "line" of its own, which might even
be called a marked historical bias. An
extreme case is one of the very, top
men, reportedly soon to depart, who
was aggressively and successively
wrong about the Soviet re-invasion of
Hungary; about the Soviet missiles in
Cuba; and about the Soviet invasion of
Czechoslovakia.
Departing CIA Director Richard
Helms is far too wise and tough-
minded a man not to have observed
this peculiar historical bias in so large
a group of his former colleagues and
subordinates. To give one example, he
has always taken the Soviet military
build-up on China's northern border,
with the utmost seriousness. He' has al-
ways regarded it, in fact, as the very
opposite of a mere empty and expen-
sive parade of Russian might. In con-
trast, the CIA estimating-analyzing hi-
?ararchy long dismissed the Soviet /uni-
tary build-up as "strictly defensive,"
and has only partly retreated from
that view to this day. Thus in 1969, the
official national estimates downgraded
the Soviet build-up so completely that
the facts had to be brought to the at-
tention of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger by a'
2
dissident China-specialist, who was
about to retire from the State Depart-
ment. Whereupon the Soviet build-up,
became the mainspring of President
Nixon's intr' age balance-of-power di-
plomacy.
It may be asked, then, why Helms, as,
CIA director, so long tolerated the bias
of his analysts and estimaters. The an-
swer appears to be that Helms, a great
bureaucrat if ever there was one, had
an institutional need of another kind.
His estimating-analyzing hierarchy
had always been broadly gloomy about
the Vietnamese war, albeit grossly er-
roneous in several key factual esti-
mates about Vietnam. At the opening
of President Nixon's first term, a vi-
lent attack on the CIA was developing
from the left, both in Congress and in
the press. The attack from the left was
parried, and then caused to cease, by
letting it be known?quite truthfully?
that the CIA's Vietnam projections
had always been the most pessimistic
that were made in the government.
The factual errors were not men-
tioned, of course.
This role of the estimating-analyzing
hierarchy as the CIA's shield on the.
left is most unlikely to have escaped
President Nixon's sharp eye. It is an
Informed guess, in fact, that while the
President always much admired and
thoroughly trusted CIA Director
Helms, he strongly objected to the spe-,
cial historical bias of Helms' estima-
ters and analysts.
As a new broom, therefore, Helms'
chosen successor had the President's
backing and encouragement, Without
explicit faith the sweeping clean could
hardly be done so thoroughly by new
broom Schlesinger. Reportedly, CIA
Director Schlesinger is even bringing
In from the Defense Department the
most pungent and persistent single
critic of the CIA's estimating-analyzing
hierarchy. This detested figure is,. in
in
fact, to be named the new head of the
hierarchy, unless present plans are
changed.
This bold stroke is even capable of
producing a considerable political rum-
pus. Among the leftwing Democrats in
the Senate, in academic-intellectual cir-
cles, and indeed' in the newspaper busi-
ness,' there are a great many people
with a longing for reassurance. They
long to be told that the historical proc-
ess, so harsh for so many millennia,
has been miraculously defanged in the
age of the H-bomb. ?
Rightwing tampering with "impartial
judgment" will no doubt be charged.
But about those "important judg-
meats," the Czechs and the Hun-
garians know, better.
0 1973. Los A/1010411meg
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WASHINGTON STAR
6 March 1973
Ex-CIA Aide
Is Praised
By President
Thomas H. Karamessines
has ? retired from a key post at
the 'Central Intelligence Agen-
cy :after getting high praise
from President Nixon and
presidential assistant Henry
A. Kissinger.
After more than 30 years of
government service, Karames-
sines retired at the end of last
month. He was deputy director
for plans. ?
The agency provided letters
showing the praise for Kara-
me?isines shortly after The
Star-News reported that he
bad- been "fired" by the new
CIA director, James R. Schles-
inger.
Schlesinger himself joined in
the written remarks about
Karamessines' service. The
director spoke of "great devo-
tion and professionalism."
The President's letter, dated
two days after the story was
published, said that Karames-
sines had handled "some of
our government's most sensi-
tiv.e. tasks . . . in a thorough-
ly.professional manner."
Kissinger, in a letter dated
fotir days before the story had ?
appeared, said Karamessines .
had "handled the most deli-
cate missions with the utmost
diacretion," and declared that
the retirement "is a hard
blow."
'Ttt
5 fiii-sR 1973
Spy No. 'I
Shortly after President Nixon
named former CIA Director Richard
Helms as Ambassador to Iran, his So-
viet counterpart in Teheran, Vladimir
Erofeyev, was at a formal dinner party
with Iranian Prime Minister Amir Ab-
bas Hovcida. "What do you think about
the United States sending you a spy as
ambassador?" Erofeyev asked Hovcida.
"Well," replied the Prime Minister cool-
ly. "they are at least sending us their
No. I spy. You can't be more than spy
No..10."
? Minutes later, the Russian ambas:
sador discovered an excuse to leave the
dinner party.
GIRISTIAN SCIENCE IvDNITOR
27 February 1973
'Why Mr. Helms
left CIA
By Benjamin Welles
The Central Intelligence Agency ? bell-
wether of the six federal agencies comprising
the intelligence "community" ? is changing
the guard.
Richard M. Helms, director for the past six
years and the first career intelligence officer
to reach the top, has been named United
States Ambassador to Iran. James R. Schle-
singer, a Nixon protege who has been head of
the Atomic Energy Commission for the past
18 months, will soon replace Mr. Helms.
The ouster of Helms reflects President
, Nixon's determination to reorganize the vast,
costly federal bureaucracy. No single fief-
dom has been more elusive than the in-
telligence community?not only because of
the entrenched power of its barons but
because of their skill in hiding their size,
budgets, and activities from the public
behind a veil of "national security."
The ever-smiling Helms, for example, has
long been viewed by veteran Washington
bureaucrats as a peer. Named director of
Central Intelligence in 1966 by Lyndon John-
son, Helms quietly set to work consolidating
his own power and repairing the damage
done the CIA's image by the Bay of Pigs and
other fiascos.,
He began trimming "fringe" activities,
cultivating columnists and newsmen, and
developing a power-base in Congress '?
notably among the aging hawks in control of
appropriations and armed services. He even
won praise from a frequent critic of the CIA
? Chairman Fulbright of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee.
Such adroit maneuverings might, in the
Kennedy-Johnson era, have won White House
approval and, simultaneously, a measure of
autonomy. In the hypersuspicious Nixon
entourage, however, they merely aroused
suspicion. A A A
? "In this administration," remarked a vet-
eran intelligence expert, "the guy who works
for Nixon and who gets on well with Fulbright
is rare."
There were other signs that Helms was not
regarded, and possibly did not wish to be
regarded, as a member of the Nixon "team."
When he and his socially active wife began
appearing frequently in the society columns
there were grumbles that the President's
chief intelligence adviser was hobnobbing
with the "Georgetown cocktail set." In
contrast to the Johnson days when Helms was
virtually always invited to the policy-setting
White House Tuesday lunches along with
Rusk, McNamara, Rostow, and Gen. Earl
"Buzz"Wheeler, chairman of the Joint Chiefs
under Nixon, Helms has been reporting
through Kissinger. Moreover, there has been
criticism of Helms's "perfunctory" handling
of major intelligence problems in White
House meetings.
All this has gradually confirmed President
Nixon's suspicions that what was needed was
a tough-minded "manager" to pull together
the huge, sprawling intelligence community.
Besides the CIA with its $600 million budget
and its 15,000 employees the community
includes the Defense Department's Defense
Intelligence Agency; the code-cracking/Na-
tional Security Agency; the State Depart-
ment's Bureau of Intelligence and Research;
the Atomic Energy Commission and the
Federal Bureau of Investigation.
Pentagon spending on intelligence ? which
includes electronic intercepts and spy satel-
lites ? approximates $3 billion yearly. Add to
this $2 billion more spent every year by
overseas commanders who insist on aerial
reconnaissance, local code-cracking and
even some spy running to ascertain what's
"over the hill" in front of their forces.
Meager intelligence before the 1970 irruption
into Cambodia, before the abortive Sontay
raid, and especially before Hanoi's offensive
last March, has led the administration to
charge that the intelligence mountain too
often labors And brings forth a mouse.
A A A
Soon after taking office President Nixon
had his OMB assign one of its key officials,
James Schlesinger ? a former Rand systems
analyst ? to survey the whole field of
intelligence and propose reforms. His key
recommendation was tb separate the director
of central intelligence (DCI) from day-to-daji
operations and move him into, or near, the
White House as an intelligence "czar."
However, Henry Kissinger saw this as a
threat to his position; while Helms, a veteran
of clandestine operations, saw it as a maneu-
ver to cut him off from his "troops" and turn
him into a senior paper shuffler.
The upshot, announced by the White House
Nov. 5, 1971, in a communique so opaque as to
defy comprehension, was a characteristic
bureaucratic compromise. Helms was given
"enhanced" authority ? but no greater
control over resources.
"Presidential authority means nothing in
government without control of resources,"
Helms once told an interviewer. "The CIA
spends 10 percent out of every intelligence
dollar and the Pentagon 80 cents. I can't
order the rest of the intelligence agencies
how to spend their funds. I can only lead by
persuasion."
. Evidently Mr. Nixon disagrees. He has
already shown that he means business by
naming "managers" to trouble spots: Elliot
Richardson as Secretary of Defense; Ken-
neth Rush as Deputy Secretary of State; Roy
Ash as director of OMB; Caspar Weinberger
Secretary of HEW.
By naming Schlesinger, the man who
drafted the reforms, as head of the CIA ? and
by implication of the entire community ?
Mr. Nixon appears to be implying that he
wants action.
The next article will discuss some of the
major problems facing Mr. Schlesinger.
Mr. Welles, for many years on the staff
of the New York Times, is now an
independent commentator on what goes
on in Washington.
3
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NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
24 February 1973
r!"11
7G41
07,41ri L 1.2
vjg
.cAid til,,) n ?
: .t:
ki
By FRANK VAN RIPER
vy.7,111
?%..;
. 4
;
? Washington, Feb. 23 (NEwS Bureau) , Central Intelligence Director James R.
Schlesinger, active with blank-check authority from President Nixon, is conducting a
top-leVel shakeup of the CIA that has so far seen a number of the nation's top spymas-
ters retired or forced out. ? i
i ston?as well as several other top - shakeup as a strong indication
level CIA officials?are nearing that Nixon put Schlesinger in the
the agency's mandatory retire- job to prune the agency's multi-
meat age of GO. layered hierarchy quickly. One
White House sources would not former agent termed the action
a ?
comment on the shakeup beyond " ver' healthy sign."
saying that "the president placed : :' "The first thing it does is to
no restrictions on Schlesinger. He ? ,clean up the entire nest of Iiiy
just told him to go in and run Leaguers who have been running
the place. There have been a the place for years," he sairl.
Knowledgeable 'sources t o 1 d
HE !
T NEWS today that among
those on their way out at the
supersecret agency are Thomas
Kdramessines, chief of all
clandestine services, and Lau-
Fence Houston, CIA general coun-
sel. It could not be determined I
whether either of these men actu-; whole handful of resignations.
ally has been, or will be, fired by
Following persistent reports
Schlesinger. But sources pre-
idicted that both men would soon of White House displeasure over
submit their resiginations or ap- ? alleged unrestrained growth of
ply for retirement. the CIA bureaucracy, Schlesing-
Anxious to Retire
As head of "clandestine serv-
ices"?the euphemism for under-
cover espionage and sabotage ?
Karamessines was said to have
been liked by his men. He is .
re-
ported to have been seriously ill
recently and anxious to retire. ? Sources close to the intelli- trot intelligence noted that in
Both Karamessines and Hou-recent days "there has been some
gence community viewed the CIA
' inclination from the administra-
er's . predecessor, Richard M.
Helms, was eased out last year.
He subsequently became ambas-
sador of Iran. The President then
named Schlesinger, chairman of
Inferior Work Seen ?
Critics of the agerie/, including
former agents, have charged that
the i ntelligence community has
grown so unwieldy- inn the last 10
years that the U.S. is now getting
an intelligence product that is
inferior to MIA it got a decade
ago with fewer agents and less
sophisticated spying equipment.
the Atomic Energy .Commission, ? Eources close to the Senate
to replace him, armed services committee on cen-
HERALD, Miami
6 Februari 1973
77T -77
,
I J7/,-7,,,r) 6-a
P
By JAMES McCARTNEY
w-r.1!:i Washington Duren
WASHINGTON ? After
20 years with the CIA, Rich-
ard Helms is the nation's
preeminent, most experi-
enced spy.
And Monday he lived by
the code of the spy to the
bitter end.
Eased out, without expla-
nation, after 61/2 years as
head of the CIA, Helms had
the first opportunity of his
career to tell all at a public
hearing. But in the grand tra-
dition of the CIA, he chose to
keep his mouth shut.
HELMS has been banished
by the Nixon Administration
to the U.S. ambassadorship
in Iran ? apparently to give
the job to a Nixon loyalist.
He told Sen. J. William
Fulbright. ().,Ark.), chairman
of the Foreign Relations
Committee, that he didn't in-
tend to start talking now.
"I think if I should talk it
would be a had example for
those still in the agency," he
said.
But he did go as far as to
say that none of his boys had
any part in the Watergate
affair ? that. he said, in-
volved sonic ex-CIA agents,
with no remaining connec-
tions.
"I had no control over any-
one who left." he said. ?
Two former CIA agents
participated in the celebrated
NVatergate raid on Democrat-
le National Committee head-
quarters in Washington, E.
Howard Hunt Jr. and James
;McCord Jr.
Helms also said that the
CIA had not cooperated with
International Telephone and *
Telearii ph Corp. (ITT) for
"espionage purposes" in
Chile a? as suggest ed last
year bv. the so-called "Ander-
son papers."
IN FACT, he said the CIA,
had tile same kinds of rela-
tions with many corporations
overseas as it had with ITT
in Chile ? and he wouldn't
describe those relations as
"espionage."
Ile called them relation-
ships for "exchanging infor-
mation." -
The Anderson papers re-
ported regular contacts be-
tween ITT and a CIA official
in Washington in an ap-
parent attempt to prevent a
communist gnvernment from
taking over Chile. -
But on the whole, Helms
had little to say about his ac-
tivities at the CIA-- and
not:fling at all to say about
he reasons for his departure.
And the often-acerbic sen-
ators of. the Foreign Rela-
timis committee, who have
often delighted in the past
needling the Nixon Adminis-
tration, treated Helms with
kid gloves.
IIIS APPOINTMENT to
the Iranian ambassadorship,
tc.4
-.kr Tr
fh_ ,; ?
?T
tion that there would he some
clianes in the top CIA "
The resignation of even a few
.top-level agency figures is sig-
nificant because of the reper-
cussions each departure will
have on scores of people in what
one source termed "the unoffi-
cial CIA pecking order."
_
Feeling Shock Waves
Already the shock waves are
being felt in the agency, as at
least two aides close to Helms
who worked in his office are re-
pot-ted to be leaving.
.Administration sources, while
confirming Schlesinger's blanket
authority to run the spy shop as
he wants, noted that Schlesinger
has not sought to conduct a mass
"purge". of the CIA but ratheri
to east several high-level types
out and let their subor 1. - --
follow them out the door vol-
untarily.
arlf
4 W kl.of
? 0
1,7'.7/T1 if-44
4./if
far from the scats of power
he has occupied for so long,
was greeted, by and large, as
though it were a promotion.
The session was, in fact,
the first time that I:tell-its has
ever testified in public before
a congressional committee.
He has often briefed senators
behind closed doors.
Full right chided / felms
bit ;theta the Iranian appoint-
ment. "I have a feeling." he
said, "you know more about
the CIA than Iran is that a
fair sta lenient?"
Helms seemed . amused.
"Mr. Chairman," he replied, '
"you know as much about
Iran as 1(11)."
Senators of both parties
praised Helms for doing an
"objective" job in preparing
reports.
The unanswered, and
unasked, question at the
hearing was why, if Helms
had done so well, he had
been demoted. Some ad-
ministration officials, at
least, believe that the White
House has been unhappy
with Helms' independence at
the CIA.
SOME BELIEVE that the
4
administration would like re-
purl s more in keeping ? or
supportive ? of its policies.
No senator asked Pelnis
about that, but reporters
cornered him in a hallway
after the hearing and popped
the question.
"That," he said, "is
cocktail party chatter. ?
"The CIA has established a.
tradition of fair and honest;
reporting. And presidents
know that and all presidents
appreciate the need for that."
But is he concerned that
the tradition might now be
imperiled?
"I don't know," he said.
"We'll have to wait and sec."
Helms' successor at the
CIA, James Schlesinger, was
a budget expert at the White
house before he was appoint-
ed head of. the Atomic
Energy Commission last
year.
He was scheduled to testi-
fy at an open hearing of the
Senate Armed Services Com-
mittee two weeks ago but at
the last minute plans were
changed. The open hearing
WaS canceled. Schlesinger
testified behind closed doo.V.
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NEW YORK TIMES. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY IC MY
Institutional Dirty Tricks
By Jeremy J. Stone
WASHINGTON ? Most people be-
lieve that the function of the Central
Intelligence Agency is to collect intel-
ligence. In fact, however, as many as
one-third of its 18,000 employes are
occupied with political operations. The
Bay of Pigs, the Iranian and Guate-
malan coups, the effort to overthrow
the Albanian Government in 1949, the
secret war in Laos and other lesser
known operations have been run by
the C.I.A.'s Directorate of Plans.
It is hard to argue that the over-
throw of a foreign government is "re-
lated to intelligence" or an? activity
done for the "benefit of the existing
intelligence agencies." The courts may,
some day just throw out C.I.A.'s Di-
rectorate of Plans.
There are evidently a 'series of se-
cret directives approved by the? Na-
tional Security Council in 1948 and
thereafter authorizing such special op-
erations of all kinds provided they
were secret and small enough to be
plausibly deniable by the Government.
But even this authority is periodically
exceeded because many of the opera-
tions are too big to hide, much less to
deny when they fail.
C.I.A.'s operations are certainly hav-
ing an unfortunate effect on American
political life. The Watergate trial is an
example of the problems that result
when C.I.A. graduates enter political
life with skills and hardened attitudes
to which American society is unex-
pectedly vulnerable. But there are
other examples. Not long ago, the
C.I.A. brought suit against Victor Mar-
chetti, a former employe, to prevent
- him from disclosing?evidently in a
work of fiction ? facts about C.I.A.
clandestine operations. The court order
demanded that he submit his work to
C.I.A. for clearance. This is prior re-
straint of publication, a most danger-
ous precedent against freedom of the
press.
/ Even as an instrument of national
policy narrowly conceived, C.I.A.'s Di-
rectorate of Plans may be a net lia-
bility. C.I.A. advocates press upon
Presidents plans which they feel
obliged to approve: the Bay of Pigs
was an example. Agents engaged in
these operations in the field are no-
toriously hard to control and, in-
evitably, they give off political signals
? which may or may not be authorized
?one rarely knows.
, One of the most famous of the
C.I.A. political operations resulted in
the infiltration of the National Student
Association and about 250 other Amer-
ican domestic groups. The C.I.A. offi-
cial who sold the whole program to
Allen Dulles, and set it in motion, was
Thomas W. Braden. On Jan. 6, in a
syndicated column he now writes, Mr.
Braden called for a C.I.A. houseclean-
ing and noted: "The times have changed
and, in some Ways? they now more
nearly approximate the time when the
? C.I.A. was born. The 'feed then was for
intelligence only." He felt the purchas-'
ing of loyalty had lasted longer than
the necessity for it. This view, when
expressed by Mr. Braden, makes one
wonder if there continues to be a na-
tional consensus in support of this on-
going bureaucracy?the Directorate of
Plans.
Much about the C.I.A. has had a dis-
torting effect upon American democ-
racy. Congressional oversight has been
close to nonexistent: even the member-
ship is ' secret of one, such Congres-
sional committee. The unprecedented,
and quite unnecessary, secrecy, about
the C.I.A.'s over-all budget has led to
burying the agency's budget in the ac-
counts of other budgets; this violates
Article I, Section 9, Clause 7 of the
Constitution, under which "a regular'
'statement and account" of Government
expenditures is to be published from
time to time.
But most important, the C.I.A.'s Di-
rectorate of Plans is designed to do
things which the American democratic
system might well not approve, things
which it cannot discuss, things 'which
the Government is afraid or ashamed
to have known. Such things should
only be done as a last resort, as an
; alternative to overt military action in
a situation that presents a direct threat
to U.S. security. We ought not insti-
tutionalize "dirty tricks."
The C.I.A. has a new director in;
James Schlesinger, and the time to re,
examine these issues is ? clearly upon
us. Shall we have an agency designed
?to interfere in the internal affairs of
other countries for another quarter-
century? Or shall we return to a for-
? eign policy which the public and the,
Congress can debate, monitor and
control?
Jeremy J. Stonie is director of the
Federation of American Scientists.
BALTIMORE SUN
18 FEBRUARY 1973
Team 'players strengthen.
: ?
.State Department's voice...
By JAMES S. KEAT ' ' The ,policy disputes between
Washington Bureau of The Sun them :were' . so Serious two',
years 'ago .that John B. Con,
Washington?Quiet diplomacy nally, then the Secretary of they
has ended another cold war, Treasury,, - i moved'' in 'and'
this one within the ILS. Govern- pushed ',the --.State' Department
ment. .. ? ? . - out of the lield.for all practiCal
. ,The 'State Department has purposes.' . ' ?
broken its long silence on in-
ternational economic' affairs. The diplornats' .Of, the ,State,
What's more, it is speaking out Department', conscious of the'
.in firm tones with some unac- political 'impact of U.S. pres-
sure, on. 'economic issues,, often,
cUstomed tough language.
' What the department' 'said wanted to go. slow. The Treas-
ury, and more -often the Corn-
last week was not so important
as the fact it spoke :out at all. merce Department, advocated'
Pray 3d, the a belligerent 'stance. In Wash..;
;When Charles W.
ington pa
department spokesman, point- rlanee, it 'was another
clash between . the' "hawks'.'
'edly warned West, Europeans and the' "doves." And, as it
about the coming trade and xisually goes . in Washington,
monetary talks, he was echo-
ing the words .of.Treasury offi- the "hawks".won out.
Blit' as the 'second ',Nixon.
cials. . . term begins, the lineup is dif--
: And that was just what was
feria. George P. Shultz is.
? remarkable. At least through-. Secretary of Treasury and has
I
out the first term of the Nixon
been designated -the Presi-
,administration, the' State. De-, dents' principal aide on all
,partment .has. been at odds. economic matters. William J.
with other departments* con- Casey moved from ? chairman
cerned .With international eco of the Securities and .,:,Exchange
, .
nomics,,, the Treasury and the; Commission to the newly up-
Commerce.pepartment. : . .,,.graded post of under secretary'
" of state for economic affairs. ?
And William P. Rogers, Secre-
tary of State, has survived
.,both his old adversaries in this'
field, Mr. Connally, and Mau-
rice H. Stands, former Secre-'
tary of Commerce.
Observers of the' games bu-
reaucrats play often place too
much importance on personali-
ties in' anylazing Owe 'rela-
tionships, in the capital. In this
,-case," knowledgeable "officials
Say the 'personalities explain w.
, Some ascribe the new tone to
`Mr. Casey's arrival. The for-
mer New York corporation
:lawyer was a forceful'chair-
man of the SEC and accom-
'plished several important re-
forms in a ,tenure of only 10
Months. His appointment to
the State Department post was
a signal it would play a. more
:active role in international eco-
nomic affairs: '
Other officials say the key is
the relationship between Mr.
iShultz and Mr. Rogers. .Um
like Mr; Connally and Mr..,
Stans, both are learn players.
5
The two men' are said to work I
well together.
Mr. Rogers, aides say, was
inyolved in the secret planning
of last week's devalua-tio-ri?Of
the dollar. Officials at the State
Department are, for the first
time in years, consulting their
opposite numbers in the Treas;
;ury 'before acting on topics of
tommon interest. ,
. The result is that .the State
Department not only has found
its voice on economic matters
again, but is realying the
same message as the Treasury.
It was no accident that diplo-
matic correspondents reported
a hint that Washington's atti-
tude on keeping 300,000 U.S.
troops in Europe had some
relationship to the fate of
the trade and monetary nego-
tiations.
. Two days later, Mr. Rogers
denied there was any "lin-
kage" between the issues, but
he addd that the "health of
,our economy" has some influ-
ence .on "congressional atti-
tudes about continuing our pres-
ence in Europe."'
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 7 March 1973
5 March 1973
Schlesinger of CIA
By Benjamin Welles
qualified source. "But there's a danger. I can
show you photographs of Washington down to
the minutest details of the White House lawns
? but you still won't know what's going on
Inside the heads of the policymakers."
A A A
James R. Schlesinger, newly named head
of the Central Intelligence Agency, comes to
the job unhampered by previousintelligence
experience ? unlike his predecessor, Rich-
ard M. Helms, a life long veteran of clandes-
tine operations.
Mr. Schlesinger is a tall, craggy, systems
analyst with a habit of working in his shirt-
sleeves. If, while conferring with his col-
leagues his shirttail hangs out ? as it often
does ? it bothers him not. Calm, relaxed:
analytical, he can lose himself in a problem
while the hours slip by.
A '
Those who knew Schlesinger in his OMB
(Office of Management and Budget) days?
where he drafted for President Nixon a plan
to reorganize the national intelligence com-
munity ? praise his ability to spot the
weakness in an argument or structure ? and
quickly find ways to strengthen it. He has
already begun to humanize the secrecy-
shrouded Atomic Energy Commission, and in
his next post he is expected to rid the CIA and
its sister intelligence agencies of their ac-
cumulated fat and improve their product.
"I predict he's going to drop some of the
veteran cold wari:iors from World War II or
the Korean days and promote younger men,"
said one of his closest associates. "He'll leave
? day-to-day operation in their hands and
concentrate on matters of Cabinet-level im-
portance. Each time he goes to the White
House you- can bet he'll know his subject from
A to Z."
The three areas that Mr. Schlesinger is
,expected to focus on include first the CIA's
clandestine operations ? still reportedly
absorbing about $400 million of its $600
million budget and more than half of its 15,000
employees. Others are scientific research
and the voluminous, often controversial,
? national intelligence estimates. The latter,
insofar as they forecast Soviet and Chinese
capabilities and intentions, have an immense
impact on presidential budgetary and de-
fense policies.
In recent years the CIA, which alone is
authorized to conduct espionage abroad and,
occasionally, to topple unfriendly govern-
ments, has had its funds for "CS" (clandes-
tine services) appreciably slashed. Such
paramilitary CIA operations as the "secret"
war in Laos, begun on President Kennedy's
instructions in 1962, now are drawing to a
close; and the weekly meetings of the Forty
Committee, the supersecret White House
panel headed by Kissinger that passes on all
covert operations sufficiently important to
embarrass the United States Government if
disclosed, are said to be desultory, indeed.
"Intelligence gathering has shifted from
the spy in a foreign cabinet to the orbiting
satellites that collect hundreds of photo-
graphs plus telemetric inteicepts," said a
'The brilliant high-resolution photographs
of Russian and Chinese missile silos, nu-
clear plants, airfields, and submarine pens
that are collected day after day (when the
weather permits) by $20 million satellites
orbiting around the earth every 90 minutes
100 to 130 miles up make possible the SALT
agreements. The U.S. and the Russians, who
too have their satellites, each know what the
other has; now and a-building. But whereas
capabilities can often be ascertained through
satellites ? intentions require spies. In CIA
jargon this is called "hum-int" ? human
intelligence.
Some experts even question whether the
U.S. intelligence community has anything
"downstream" ? in development ? to
replace the spy satellites should the Russians
or Chinese one day shoot them down or
otherwise eliminate this vital security
safeguard. Apparently the community is
fearful of seeking fresh funds lest Congress or
the OMB cut back the funds already allo-
cated: $1 billion yearly for spy satellites and
as much for global code-breaking.
Mr. Schlesinger is expected, finally, to take
a hard look at the overt ? or evaluation ?
side of his CIA. Part of it, the Office of
National Estimates, produces yearly for' the
President studies ranging from a quick
analysis of the latest Central American' flare-
up to the massive survey, completed every
September, of Soviet strength and likely
actions.
Periodically domestic politics impinge on
intelligence evaluations. Secretary Laird told
Congress flatly in 1969, for instance, the
U.S.S.R. was going for a "first strike capabil-
ity"; i.e., had succeeded in MIRVing its giant
SS-9 missiles ? giving each component
warhead the same independently targetable
capability as have the U.S. Polaris 'and
Poseidon missiles. CIA disputed this at the
time ? and still. does ? but none the less
Kissinger sided with Laird's effort to pry
more defense funds from Congress.
Whether Mr. Schlesinger can now insulate
the. CIA from administration pressure and
keep its reporting honest remains to be seen.
He comes to his task, however, with full
Nixon backing; with no ties to the cold war;
with few contacts in the press and with little
interest in the social blandishments of the
"Georgetown cocktail set."
Mr. WelleS, for many years on the staff
of the New York Times, is now an
independent commentator on what goes
on in Washington.
Kissin er's
New
Assignment
By James Reston
WASHINGTON, March --Henry Kis-
singer is now quietly reorganizing his
White House staff and, on instructions
from the President, is preparing for
an intensive period of negotiations on
U.S. relations with Western Europe,
Japan and the Middle East.
His assignments from the President
in the last couple of years have carried
him into spectacular journeys to Pe-
king, Moscow, Paris, Saigon and Hanoi,
and transformed him from a Harvard
professor into a world figure, but the
days of spectaculars are over for the
time being, and the days of careful
and patient thought about the mone-
tary crisis, the energy crisis and the
Mideast crisis are now at the top of
Washington's foreign affairs agenda.
Kissinger is now preparing for these
European and Middle Eastern talks?
which are connected, because the
Arab-Israeli conflict and the energy
WASHINGTON
crisis affect Europe as well as the
United States?as carefully as he pre-
pared his assignments to Peking and
Moscow.
He has more things to deal with
now, so he has to delegate more au-
thority. He will have a new assistant
on international economic affairs, who
Will be appointed in the next few
weeks. Helmut Sonnenfeldt will be his
principal deputy for European and So-
'viet affairs, unless he is transferred
to Treasury. Richard T. Kennedy, a
,retired Army colonel, will be his assist-
ant on all National Security Council
affairs, and his deputy on all ques-
!tons will be Brig. Gen. Brent Scow-
croft, who has replaced Maj. Gen.
Alexander M. Haig, now Vice Chief
of Staff of the Army.
Kissinger, of course, is -merely a
servant of the President, and has
never pretended that he was anything
else, but his job is now changing. He
,has established a close personal rela-
tionship with Chou En-lai in Peking
and Le Duc Tho in Hanoi, and will
probably have to keep in touch with
both of them.
For example, the North Vietnamese
have been putting arms into South
Vietnam in violation of agreements
Kissinger made with Le Duc Tho, and
'Kissinger will probably have to deal
personally with this violation.
Also, somebody in the Nixon Admin-
istration has to supervise the agree-
ments to exchange diplomatic missions
between Peking and Washington, and
nobody knows more about this than
Kissinger. The Chinese left it to
Kissinger to draft the, communique
'about their last meeting in Peking
and changed only three words. It was
not Kissinger, but the Chinese, who
suggested that China have an offi-
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cial mission in Washington, much to
Kissinger's surprise.
Meanwhile, Kissinger .has been ac-
cepted in Hanoi as the first high
official from the West to visit the
North Vietnamese capital, so he will
have to maintain these contacts with
Asia, while turning his mind to the
President's new concerns in Europe,',
Japan and the Middle East.
All Kissinger needs in this situation
Is for somebody to invent the_48-hour
? day. He is being told by his friends
that he should quit while he is ahead,
that he has nowhere to go now except
down. He is being hounded by the
newspapers, the magazines and the
book publishers to write books for
millions, but he is staying on and
reorganizing his staff and turning to
the problems of the future.
Meanwhile, he is going off for a
'couple of weeks to rest, and put his
, mind to the new tasks the President
, has given him.
? It will be interesting to see what he
does with this new assignment. In
Asia, he argued for compromise, for
an end to ideology, for withdrawal
from Vietnam, for accommodation
with China, the Soviet Union and
Japan, and for a new order and bal-
ance of power in the world.
In Europe, there are new problems
of money, trade, technology and mili-
tary security.
In the Middle East, there is a fun-
damental question: Should the United
States take the lead in pressing for a
compromise between Israel and the
Arab states, and if it does, should:
, Washington guarantee the security of
Israel and put American soldiers on
Its borders?
These are the coming questions in
Washington: What is U.S. policy about
the dollar, about our troops in Eu-'
rope, about our support of Israel and
our need for oil from the Arab states,
about how long we will keep over a,
quarter of a million men west of the
Elbe, about American trade, balance
of payments, deficits, unemployment,
? wages, prices, the balance of power
) abroad and the balance between the
rich and the poor at home?
For the last couple of years, Kis-
singer has merely been asked to con-
centrate on China and the Soviet Un-'
ion, and he has done it very well; but ,
? now he is being asked to deal with the
more complicated problem of the
''United States, and he is withdrawing
. to , think about it,. and reorganizing
his staff to deal with it.
His record with Chou En-lai in Pe-
" king and Le Duc Tho in Paris and
? Hanoi is pretty good, but now he has.
' to think about Heath, Pompidou and
Brandt in Europe, and Wilbur Mills
and ,others in the Congress, and that
may not be so easy, even for Kis-
singer.'
ar u
WASHINGTON STAR
7 March 1973
CHARLES BARTLETT
Reviving the St..4-te
It may not work out, but the
White House intends at least
to try to give the State De-
partment a larger, more visi-
ble role in the policy-making
of the second,term.
Henry Kissinger, whose
shadow has obscured the de-
partment, is now looking for
ways to increase its participa-
tion and prominence. This is
not an exercise in self-efface-
ment but a pragmatic re..
sponse to a new phase of for
eign relations in which the
Nixon policies will mature
and flourish more certainly if
they take root in the career
institution that will be around
after the Nixon-Kissinger
,team has left town.
One sure way to bring the
State Department's bureauc-
racy into closer rapport with
the White House would have
been the assignment of Nixon
people to head the depart-
ment's bureaus. This is
such an obvious way of en-
larging the President's faith
in the department that it
seems ironic that it isn't
being done and that the assist-
ant secretary roles are being
filled once more from the
ranks of the career service
The reason is that the White
House talent search did not
turn up Nixon loyalists with
qualifications for these jobs.
The most obvious source of
the missing talent was the
Kissinger staff but Kissinger
himself refused to have aides 'S
like Helmut Sonnenfeldt lofted
into these roles. He did not
want to let it aPpear that he
was reaching out with his
people for a wider range of
influence at a moment when
he saw the wisdom of bringing
the National Security Council
and the State Department into
a closer balance of power.
But the new Nixon men,
Kenneth Rush and William
Casey, have been placed at
the top of the State Depart
ment. Rush's background of
European experience and
Casey's credentials in finance
will enable them to expand
the department's influence in
these key areas. Meanwhile,
Secretary Rogers will have
the highly visible task of en-
deavoring to sell the Indo-
chinese assistance program.
Kissinger is expected to
keep unchanged the National
Security machinery which he
fabricated in response to the
President's desires for a more
formalized approach to deci-
sion-making. His new network
of interagency committees,
from the Interdepartmental
Group to the Special Action
Group, appear to meet the
need for cross-fertilization of
the advice that goes to the
President. They involve the
bureaucracy in shaping policy
while they leave its timing
and execution to the White
House.
It may prove easier to ac-
cord the career officials
greater influence with the
President than it will be to
make the State Department
look more influential. This is
because Rogers appears so
content with the role as he is
playing it and so loath to
U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT
3.2 March 1973
VII!
is ?
Cbt),Frn
10..0) '
? ? ."
ep rtment
immerse himself in the sub-
stance of developments. What
'changes occur may be barely
visible until Rogers steps
down, presumably, to be suc-
ceeded by Rush in early Sep-
tember.
Rogers will also deter the
.process because he discour-
ages close dealings between
the Kissinger staff and the "
country desk level of the bu-
reaucracy. Reportedly fearful
of being undercut, he at-
tempts to restrain the inter
course to exchanges of memo-
randa at the top levels so his
bureaucracy is denied its
opportunity to secure a closer
understanding of the Presi-
dent's needs.
Moreover, the career offi-
cials will not acquire influ-
ence easily, even under the
new ground rules, because
they have not yet learned to
give the President the kind of
papers and recommendations
that he wants. In fact it is reli-
ably said that Nixon's mis-
trust of the bureaucracy has
been more intensified than
mollified by his experiences
to date. He still finds it hard
to learn from the profession..
als where he should be headed
in a given situation.
But the department has
been struggling hard to make
itself more relevant, and im-
portant reforms have been
accomplished under Rogers.
The lid of secret dealings is
off, the election is over and
the moment is ripe for a new
test of the department's po-
tential. ,
7474,)10, .e.=rSIO .
la 11 Li 14 te..),Zik49.1 t4ar
* * *
Friction between the Central Intelli-
gence Agency and military intern-
?gence officers has not been" eased
the change in command at the CIA.
A Defense Department source com-
mented: "We thovglit _the variance
estimates would would narrow with the ap-
pointment of James R. Schlesinger as
the new Director at CIA. But the gap
has actually widened and the trend is
disturbing."
7
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
WASHINGTON POST
5 March 1973
e(trt Urges USIA t
By Dusko Doder
washisgton Post Staff Writer
Major changes in the policies of the
United States 'Information Agency de-
signed "to reflect and encourage"
East-West detente have been proposed
in a report submitted to Congress to-
day.
Despite President Nixon's rap-
proachment with China and the Soviet
Union, the report in effect acknowl-
edges that the USIA continued Cold
? War propaganda under Frank Shake-
speare, a political conservative who
was replaced as USIA director in Jan-
uary.
The report was prepared by the U.S.
Advisory Commission on Information
.led by Frank Stanton, vice chairman
of the Columbia Broadcasting System.
The five-man presidentially appointed
commission is charged with overseeing
USIA operations.
With some 10,000 employees in more
than 100 countries and fueled by a
$200 million annual budget (which is
now being cut back) USIA promotes
the U.S. image and viewpoint abroad
through a variety of means, including
Voice of America radio.
The basic thrust of these proposals
is that the USIA, which as the report
put it, has been "sliding downhill" for
several years, should overhaul its poli-
cies, methods, approaches 'as well as
the contents of its messages to suc-
cessfully "convey this new atmosphere
of improved relations between the U.S.
and two historically hostile powers to
the rest of the world."
The report attacking Shakespeare's
.tenure at USIA. may turn out to be
Stanton's swan song. He has been head
of the advisory board for nine years
and his third term has just expired
but there is some question whether
Mr. Nixon will appoint him to a fourth'
term.
In a look at other U.S. propaganda
outlets, a special presidential commis-
cion chaired by Milton Eisenhower has
submitted to the White House a report
on Radio Free Europe and Radio Lib-
erty, two U.S.-financed radios based,
in Munich. They broadcast to Eastern
Europe and Soviet Union respectively.
The Soviet bloc has long regarded
them as principal sources of Cold
War tension.
The Eisenhower report is reliably
reported to favor a continued role for
he two stations, but under
reater supervision, to include
Inual reviews of the compati-
lay of ,their performance with
;.S. national interests.
Both reports indicate that
effort is under way to re-
ructure U.S. propaganda ac-
vides overseas and bring
,he battle for men's minds"
.1 line with Mr. Nixon's poli-
es.
The Stanton report, made
7allable here by congression-
' sources, said, "Just as cri..
s tends to feed on crisis, so
?tente can generate detente
qhout creating an exagger-
%'ed euphoria built upon un-
.alistic expectations that ig-
?lre the indispensible neces-
tY of a solid security sys-
,m.IP
A shift away from Cold War
? the report said, would
'1p perpetuate' detente by
-eiterating and emphasizing
? le more pacific means of re-
'lying international political
id economic- disputes and
inflicts by overcoming and
? idermining psychological ob-
acles and barriers, and by re-
doing the animosities and
istilities that have accumu-
? ted over the/years."
It urged that "more sensi-
ye` and substantively knowl-
igeable information ;pro-
rams" be devised, partleu-
S
elieril I eetie
rly for the Soviet ? Union,
'hina and other Communist
ations.
The White House had or-
bred some changes in VOA
?oadcasts to the Soviet Union
ad China before Mr. Nixon's
'sits there last year.
One subsequent White
rouse instruction contained in
June 29 memorandum, by
faj. Gen Alexander Haig,
hen the President's deputy
ational security adviser, in-
t..ructed USIA to conti.tue
Ischewing?polemics, ne,t. seek-
ig quarrels and not attempt-
ag to magnify small incidents
your broadcasts to the- So-
'tet Union."
These instructions, however,
?-eated considerable confu-
'on in the agency whose tone
as set by Shakespeare, a for-
ier CBS executive and long
'me supporter of Mr. Nixon.
hakespeare, a hard-line anti-
'ommunist, became USIA di-
actor after he successfully
nit the Nixon image on televi-
.on during the 1968 campaign.
Shakespeare is reported to
"lave repeatedly taken actions
hat ran counter to White
-louse strategies. His replace-
nent, James Keogh, Mr. Nix-
M's special adviser and, speech=
?writer, is fully clued in to
he the President's thinking.
The report urges the Presi-
dent "to define tightly, and
precisely" what is expected of
WADE ? FEBRUARY 18, 1973
tnjElsirrn c@pril7V.0
LILL] 6,151.111 U
rOrl
he USIA. It blames the ad-
ministration for the agenOy's
decline, which it said Was,
caused by executive budget
cuts as well as its exclusion
from the top decision-making
machinery. ?
The reduced funding, it con-
tinued, "has slowly impaired
and eroded the agency's capa-
bilities" and "raised serious
questions abou the efficacy
and further need" of the
USIA.
As the report was being
printed list week, the new di-
rector ordered new cuts on
Feb. 27 in USIA personnel by
eliminating 288 positions al-
ready scheduled and budgeted
for the fiscal year 1974, which
will start July 1. The agency
has been hit by rising costs
and a steady drop in the size
.of its staff. More than 2,000
U.S. and foreign employees
have been dismissed or retired
over the past five years.
The report said that the
VOA "is falling seriously be-
hind the rest of the world" in
its ability' to reach foreign au-
diences.
The Stanton
made a series of proposals for
policy and organizational
changes, stressing the need
for incorporating the agency
director into the top decision?
making establishment.
commission
Q. If Richard McGarrah
Helms is going to be 60
sib*, 4 on March 30, 1973, and
the Central Intelligence
Agency of which he was
director makes retirement
mandatory at 60, why
didn't-Nixon let Helms re-
main as head of the CIA
until the/ end of March? Why did he have to step him
down to such a job as Ambassador to Iran? Surely
that is no way to treat d man who has given the gov-
ernment 30 years of service. Or is it??L.O., McLean,
Va.
A. Here again is a case of a man who has not been
too popular with the current White House palace
guard. Helms was a Lyndon Johnson appointee, an
intelligent, moderate, well-bred gentleman, well-
liked by the press to which occupation as a young
man he once belonged. Undoubtedly, President
Nixon feels better having as head of the CIA a con-
servative of his own selection, James Schlesinger.
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pprove
WASHINGTON STAR
25 February 1973
or Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R00010911coq1-4
rrns
By OSWALD JOHNSTON
Star-News Staff Writer
At least three front-line offi-
cials in the Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency are re-
signing in what some observ-
ers describe as a deliberate
administration purge of the
agency most closely associat-
ed with last year's strategic
arms limitation treaty with
the Soviet Union.
According to informed
sources close to the agency,
the three officials ? all Demo-
. ? crats and all associated with
disarmament policies since
the early 1960s ? were recent-
ly informed that their resigna-
? tions, routinely submitted to
? President 'Nixon after his re-;
' election, had been accepted.
The three officials, accord-
? mg to these reports, are:
e Lawrence D. Weiler, coun-
selor to the ACDA director and
associated with the agency
since its beginning.
? James F. Leonard, assist-
' ant director and chief af the
agency's international rela-
tions bureau.
? Spurgeon M. Keeny Jr., as-
sistant director and chief of
: ACDA's science and technolo-
? ,gy bureau.
Leonard, a foreign service
officer, will presumably be
reassigned within the State
Department, with which
ACDA is affiliated. The other
two men are supergrade Civil
? Service employes.
The White House has not
commented on the ACDA
shakeup, and disarmament of-
ficials yesterday were tight-
lipped. There would be no
comment, one official re-
marked, "until the dust set-
tles."
Just how much dust is being
kicked up is still not clear.
WASHINGTON POST.
According to one account, the
White House intends to make
sure every top grade slot in
the arms control agency is
filled by a "loyal" supporter
of administration policies in
the strategie disarmament
field.
Proponents of this view not-
ed that the agency is having
Its $10 million budget slashed
by a third, and is losing 12
employes and most of its re-
search funds in the coming fis-
cal year.
? President Nixon has already
? made it plain that the chief
negotiator in the next phase of
the GALT negotiations with the
Russians will not be associat-.
ed with the arms control agen-
cy,
? The SALT negotiator, Ger-
ard Smith, setpped down as
ACDA director when he re-
signed from government serv-
ice early this year. His desig-
nated successor on the negoti-
? ating team is career diplomat
U. Alexis Johnson, who has
? long experience haggling 'with
the Soviets but little expertise
in the disarmament field.
Taken together, mese moves
indicate a clear intention by
the administration to gather
all the authority for future dis-
armament negotiations into its
own hands and remove the dis-
armament agency from a
first-line role.
The arms control agency
was created early in the Ken-
nedy administration, and for
that reason alone is thought to
be held suspect by White
House loyalists. Smith, howev-
er, was a Nixon appointee and
his position as both chief SALT
negotiator and ACDA director,
in Nixon's first term is be-
lieved to have shielded some
BOOK WORLD
18 FEB 1973
CIA
"GARBAGE?" ? latrines of
government spewing forth?" Such
imagery! And, from a retired bu-
reaucrat yet. John Bross's fetching
attack (Book World, Jan. 28) on my
book CIA: The and the Mad-
ness sweetened my Sunday.
Judging from the tmar of Bro5s's
letter and Tom Ross's review (Book
World, December 31) methinks....nr1
scribblings about the CIA pricked a
balloon or two.
I mean, whjr would a fellow obvi-
ously living in genteel retirement
sputter so vigorously if the old order
of things from which he no doubt
derives meaning for iis life's en-
deavors were not challenged?
And, In Ross's case, could it be
that he is piqued because his pet
signin
of the men whose resignations
are now being accepted.
No successor to Smith has
been named, and it is under-
stood that his deputy director,
Philip J. Farley, has been
asked to stay on as acting
director at least until a succes-
sor is confirmed in the office.
Whether Farley would then
join the others in resigning is
unclear. But ? most of the offi-
cials bearing the title assistant
director or its equivalent are
thought to be on the White
? House list for replacement.
One other probable target of'
? the shakeup is William W.
Hancock, general counsel of
the agency and another Demo-
crat. Assistant director Robert
H. B. Wade of the economic
affairs bureau is a Republican
and is believed likely to sur-
vive. Neither of these men has
been mentioned specifically in
the official reports of the
ACDA purge at present circu-
lating in Washington.
? Ever since its creation In
1961, ACDA has been identified
with the orthodox nuclear dis-
armament theorists who hold
that nuclear stability is best
achieved by limiting the na-
tion's strategic strength to the
minimum number of warheads
and missiles that will assure
destruction of the enemy's cit-
ies in a retaliatory- second
strike.
? This doctrine, known as "as-
sured destruction," has been
thesis that CIA is a monstrous invis-
ible government was debunked?
But let's cut out the cute talk.
Both Bross and Ross in all their ad-
jectival splendor failed to address
the gut issue plaguing intelligence
today?gross inefficiency. They
both tiptoed around the-issue?Ross,
hoping that March6tti will affirm his
soggy thesis of conspiracy, and
Bross, defending from the pasture
his former leader, Mr. Helms?who,
we might remind Bross, was fired
recently by the President (in that
patrician "old school way" of letting
Dick "slip out gracefully," of
course). So it seems that someone
agreed with my characterization of
9
in large part abandoned by:,
Nixon himself and by his top
adviser, Henry A. Kissinger.;
? Both claim they favor a stra-4.
? tegic capability more flexible
than would be possible under
the strict doctrine of a mas4
sive second strike attack on
'population centers.
? The assured destruction docj
trine is anathema to Pentagon
theorists. Critics of SALT I'S
allegedly excessive conces-
sions to the Soviets such as
Sen. Henry M. Jackson,
1)-Wash., blame most of RA
? weaknesses on the heavy
ACDA participation in the ne-:
go tiations
It is unclear how much of
this ideological dispute lies be-
hind the administration's re-
? cent moves against ACDA. By
reducing the agency's budget
and influence and by purging
disarmament-oriented Demo-
cratic holdovers, the White
House seems to be acting out
the misgivings of Jackson mid
the Pentagon.
At the same time, sources
close to the SALT I negotia-
tions stress that every sub-
stantial decision in the talks
was taken directly by Nixon
and Kissinger, and that
Smith's delegation, which in-
cluded representatives of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff as well as
ACDA reported daily by cable
and special telephone lines.
when the negotiating sessions
were in progress,
Helms.
C.111,-n take off those rose-
CIA lies molding,
with ie v,'L gronns with inutia
and writhes like an overdue addict
for a jolt of change. And you know
It. Don't strain your lungs coughing
about unsung successes or praising
the gentlemanly _cool of unchal-
lenged allegations.
Ross, ole buddy, give up the war
-
cry of conspiracy. CIA ain't what it
used to be, and you know it as well
as I do.
? . :t'AIRICK J. McGARVEY
'Upper Mari;.)oro, Maryland.
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
NEW YORK POST
2 February 1973
Max Lerner
As my readers know, I waste my time
shamelessly and incorrigibly on political
suspense novels. A year or two ago I
read one that seemed a bit amateurish
and clumsy but held me all the way
through.
It was "The Rope Dancer," by Victor
Marchetti, and it was a hair-raising ac-
count of double-spy shenanigans inside
the CIA. What made it the more hair-
raising was that Marchetti had been a
middle level employe of that mystery
agency, and the publishers more than
Implied that he knew what he was talk-
ing- about.
Since the charactei' who served as the
main foil to the hero was the Director
of the CIA, and since he turned out to
be a Soviet spy, you rubbed your eyes
when you 'got through, and asked,
"What goes on here?" There were few
wickednesses in the calendar of political
sins that the CIA In the story didn't
practice.
The Director-Spy, a slippery bureau-
cratic smoothy, could have been meant
as a portrait of the actual Director. I
knew Richard Helms very slightly, al-
though I might have known him better
if he had not barely escaped being my
student at Williams College.
It was impossible for me to picture
him in the role Marchetti had assigned
to his Director. But so much else in the
novel seemed authentic that the wild
possibility might never quite get out of
the addled and credulous noodle of the
suspense reader.
WHAT INTELLIGENCE?
Now Helms is out, having been re-
routed as Ambassador to Iran, and the
new Director?James Schlesinger?is an
alumnus not of Williams but of the hard
college that Richard Nixon runs for his
White House assistants.
And Marchetti? Poor Marchetti is all
strapped up like a mummy in a legal
strait jacket, and can't get out to write
another suspense novel without submit-
ting it to his former employers for
clearance. Ken McCormick, editor at
Doubleday, has written feelingly about
his plight.
It seems that when Marchetti got into
the CIA labyrinth he took monastic
vows, if .not for poverty then at least
for literary chastity and obedience. Now
the federal courts won't let him out of
the agreement he signed so unwarily 13
years ago, and the Supreme Court has
refused to review their decision.
So there he is, unable to mine his past,
because the federal courts see no crucial
First Amendment freedoms involved in
the case of secret intelligence. Evidently
once you have signed away your literary
freedom as a spy, it stays signed away.
An ex-novelist will have no trouble be-
coming a spy, and may even find it a
familiar metier; but an ex-spy can't be-
come a novelist without keeping the
Agency as editor and censor.
Maybe Marchetti is lucky at that. In
every political suspense story I have
read a really high class spy can't resign
from his profession: he knows too much
that isn't healthy to know. ?
The British writers have two ways of
.Tuesday, Feb. 27, D73 THE WASHINGTON POST
.1
r
CI
tl cases, including a coal compa-
By Jolla P. MacKenzie
ny's argument that the United
. Washington Post Staff Writer . Mine Workers must submit to
?be.' The Supreme Court agreed arbitration rather than strike
esterday to decide whether a over, a mine safety issue.
taxpayer has the right to chal.
?
?
lenge in court the secrecy of ? Agreed to decide whether
the Central Intelligence federal courts have the power
Agency budget.
to intervene in matters coy-
Government lawyers, insist-
ered by state criminal trespass
:? i. ng that the courts should not laws when no state prosecu
/even consider lawsuits de-
tion is pending.
manding CIA budget 'disclo- ? Agreed to decide whether
sure, persuaded the high court the 1968 federal narcotic law
'to review a decision that a giving treatment to some of-
l'ennsylvania taxpayer was en- fenders is unconstitutional be-
'titled at least to a day in veirt cause it denies treatment to
??
4in the question, persons convicted of two prior
The high court also: felonies.
1- ? Rejected without comment The CIA case _involves a
Ithe petitions of Texas and complaint often made by citi-
'Georgia to reconsider the Jan. zens and some members of
?-.22 ruling striking down anti- Congress?that the public has
?tibortion laws and dismissed no way to control the agency's
?en appeal which contended receipt or use of public
;that the Constitution guaran- money.
ltees the "right to life" of the William B. Richardson, a
'Imborn.? resident of Greensburg, Pa.,
decided to do something about
E/ Agreed to hear three labor' lit. He sued in federal court to I
disposing of their ex-spies. Either they
betray and kill them when they come in
out of the cold, o, else they send thern
off into the embraces of a mistress.
As for myself I recognize that an im-
perial republic must have a spy set-up.
I don't know how good the American
set-up is: probably not as good, man
for man, dollar for dollar, as the Israeli
or the Chinese.
But there are three things that dis-
may me about it. One is its cost, which
is staggering, although just how stag-
gering it is only a few people know,
because to reveal it would reveal too'
much.
A second is the taboos we throw
around it, on secrecy and controls. Even
the col..ets, as the Marchetti case shows,
give it a wide berth. Only the President
doesn't, as witness Mr. Nixon's changing
of the guard at the CIA because?so
the Washington scuttlebut goes?Richard
Helms showed more independence than
the President thought appropriate.
The third is semantic. It is a curious
fact that the word "Intelligence," in
American governmental agencies, ap-
plies only to secret intelligence about
foreign countries, to help us in the
strategies we apply to them in war and
peace. And all the time what we need
badly is a different kind of intelligence
?the knowledge of what strategies to
use in approaching our own knottiest
problems?group tensions,..-.addiction,
crime, prison management, mental dis-
eases, alienation.
I can't pretend to prescribe for our
espionage establishment.. But I have
some notions?which I.shall set down In
nty.. next piece? of what we
garner the best intelligence we can fer-
ret out on our domestic ills and
strategies.
enforce Article 1, Section 9 of
the Constitution, . which
provides:
"No money shall be drawn
from the treasury but in con-
sequence of appropriations
made by law; and a regular
statement and account of the
receipts and expenditures of
all public money shall be pub-
lished from time to time."
I The CIA Act of 1949 ex-
empted the agency from ordi-
nary budget requirements and
has been the authority for con-
cealing CIA funds in the ap-
propriations for other depart-
men,ts. Richardson said the
CIA law. clashed with the Con-
stitution.
Richardson, 53, a law school
graduate, is employed as an
investigator for the Westmore-
land County (Pa.) 'public de-
fender's office.
' A district court judge
agreed with the government
that Richardson lacked legal
standing to bring the suit be-
cause his grievance was not
unique to him but was shared
generally with other citizens.
The Third U.S. Circuit
Court of Appeals reversed this
ruling. Without reaching the
basic question of disclosure,
the court of appeals said Rich-
ardson had a right to take the
government to court over it.
Petitioning the high court,
Solicitor General Erwin N.
Griswold called the ruling "a
serious departure" from deci-
sions designed to keep tax-
payer litigation under control.
Griswold said the constitu-
tional provision had always
been eonsidered a restriction
against the Executive Branch,
not Congress. He cited World
War II expenditures for at-
omic bomb development and
other congressional acts as ex-
amples of necessary secret
statutes.
Lawyers for the American
Civil Liberties Union replied
that the meeting of the consti-
tutional provision can never be
settled in court if the govern-
ment's theory of legal stand-
ing is correct.
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POST, We Palm Beach
17 January 1973
11 CI-. ?11 r.
.1?
' By SUSAN IIIX.ON
Post Slefl Writer
Ever feel like you're being watched?
You are, according to Lyman B. Kirk-
patrick, former executive director of the
Central Intelligence Agency.
!t?VV,1,111".....tt?Ar,
At least once every two weeks, he told
the Society of Four Arts yesterday, a
Russian spy satellite flies over the United
States and photographs every inch of the
country.
"The film is probably more than 25
miles long," he said. "If there were a
Russian version of Eastman Kodak, I'd
sure like to own stock in it."
Kirkpatrick, now a professor of politi-
cal science at Brown University, was exec-
utive director of the CIA from 1962 to
1965.
"No cne thinks about Russian espio-
nage anymore," he said. "The press calls
this a period of 'detente' ? agreement.
And there are recent trade agreements
between the two countries.
"But it's quite consistent with Russian
policy for them to sign an agreement with
us. However, they'll continue to employ
their intelligence network in this country."
Kirkpatrick's words were quiet, but
"You'll never hear about Russian spy
networks in this country, until one of them
? Is destroyed. You'll never hear at all about
the ones that are successful," he said.
? The Russians, according to Kirkpa-
trick, have the largest intelligence net-
work in the world ? a "vacuum organiza-
tion."
There are two types of Russian spies
in this country; he told the audience, those
who are here legally, and those who are
operating illegally.
"You may wonder why we let people
in this country If we know they are part of
the intelligence operation," he said.
11.
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D'og,e04
JL
"Well, it's easier to-follow
those people you already know
are agents," Kirkpatrick ex-
plained, "rather than have
them hire someone you don't
know."
Many members of the
Russian intelligence are just
sent to watch the other mem-
bers, he added. "You'll find
that in Russian intelligence,
the job of one-third of the em-
ployes is to watch the other
two-thirds."
He told of a Soviet agent
who was arrested fOr trying to
buy the plans for a Navy FI4
aircraft from a Grumman
Corp. employe.
"The agent could have
saved his money," Kirkpatrick
said. "The plane had been
thoroughly written up in all
the technical journals.'
American newspapers and
magazines are a great source
of information for Soviet spies,
he commented.
. "Or an agent could back a
truck ?up to the government
printing offices awl have all
the pamphlets and booklets he
wants.
"In a way, there's no rea-
son for the Soviets to have
agents here. The United States
is the most open country in the
,world."
NEW YORK TIMES
6 March 1973
If this all sounds distinctly
un-James Bondish, Kirkpa-
trick said that's because "es-
pionage is distorted by fiction
and mythotogy."
"Very few people get ex-
citing jobs with the CIA," ho?
said. "Most of the work is
really routine. The danger in-
volved isn't nearly as great as.
the novels portray."
In fact, he added, the CIA
probably wouldn't hire some-
one who was looking for dan-
ger and excitement.
There's really no place for
a James Bond in the CIA;
Kirkpatrick said.
C.I.A. Will Curb Training
It Provides Police Forces
By DAVID BURNHAM
The new director of Central these activities violated the
Instelligence has informed Con-
gress that the agency has de-
cided to curb the 'training it
has been providing local police
departments in the United
States. '
The director, James R. Schle-
singer, announced the new poi-
icy in a letter to Representative
Chet Holifield, Democrat of
California, who is chairman of
, the House Government Oper-
ations Committee.
, ,"In keeping with the sensi-
tivity of this matter I have
directed that such (training]
activities be undertaken in the
future only in the most com-
pelling circumstances and with
my personal approval," Mr.
Schlesinger wrote.
The Central Intelligence
Agency acknowledged last
month that it had provided
training to policemen from
about a dozen city and county
police forces about techniques
to detect explosives and wire-
taps, conduct surveillance of
individuals and maintain intel-
ligence files. '
The acknowledgment of the
domestic police training activ-
ities came after Representative
Edward Koch, Democrat of New
York, wrote the C.I.A. last
Dec.2$ questioning whether suc
? training did not vklate the
1947, legislation creating the
intelligence group. This law
states, "The agency shall have
? no police, subpoena, law en-
forcement powers or internal-
security functions."
In disclosing the C.I.A.'s state
merit tht it had trained domes-
tic police departments, Mr. Koc
? called upon Mr. Holifield's com-
mittee and the Senate Judiciary
Stibcomiittee on Constitutional
Rights to investigate Whether
law. ?
Mr. Schlesinger's brief leiter
did not attempt to define "the
most compelling circumstances"
that would lead 'him to autho-
rize the agency to provide a
local police agency with special
training,
But Mr. Holifield, in a state-
ment in yesterday's Congres-
sional Record,' said that they
might involve "foreign crimi-
nals or International drug traf-
fickers."
Mr. Holifield, though arguing
that the C.I.A. should not be
absolutely barred from con-
ducting such training, said he
did not agree with the C.I.A.'s
contention that the training was
authorized under the Omnibus
Crime Control Act of 1968.
"The sensitive nature of the
agency's work, and the man-
date of its enabling legislation
to refrain from engaging in
domestic law enforcement acti-
vities, would seem to compel a
reconsideration of the recently
publicized activities in ques-
tion," the California Democrat
wrote Mr. Schlesinger.
Mr. Holifield also questioned
the C.I.A.'s statement to Mr.
Koch that the training was
always given at the request of
the local agencies. "There may
be some arguments as to
whether the initiative in every
single case was local, since the
agency may have offered some
suggestions of its own or may,
have had some requests routed
through the Law Enforcement
Assistance Administration," he
said.
Mr. Koch's initial request to
the CIA, was prompted by an
account in The New York Times
about 14 New. York policemen
who had been given training in
the handling and processing of
intelligence information.
Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
NEW YORK TIMES
8 March 1973
LAWYER FOR NIXON
TOLD F.Big HE GAVE
FUNDS TO SEEM
Gray Tells Panel ,Kalmbach
Said He Paid :$30,000 ..
at Request of .Chapin
DATA GIVEN SENATORS
Recipient Reportedly Ran
Covert Sabotage Drive
Against Democrats
? By JOHN M. CREWDSON
Special to The NM York Times
WASHINGTON, March 7 ?
Herbert W. Kalmbach, Pres-.
ident Nixon's personal lawyer,
told agents of the .Federal
Bureau Of Investigation' last
, year that he had Paid between
.$30,000 and $40,000 in Repu-
blican party funds to Donald
H. Segretti, a 31-year-old
lawyer who reportedly ran a
covert political sabotage
operation for the Republican
party during. last year's Pres-
idential election campaign.
According to information
supplied today by the acting
F.B.I. director, L. Patrick Gray
3d, to the Senate Judiciary
Committee, Mr. Kalmbach, who.
has a large private law prac-
tice in the Les Angeles area,
,told Federal agents that
Dwight L. Chapin, who was
then Mr. Nixon's appoint-
ments secretary at ?the White
House, had gotten in touch
with him in August or Septem-
ber, 1971.
The disclosure was the first
official confirmation of reports
that Mr. Segretti had been given
Republican campaign money
and by whom, and .that he had
been recruited by an Admin-
istration official.
Segretti Was Named
In Mr. Gray's words, Mr.
Kalmbach told investigators
that he had been "informed"
by Mr. Chapin that Mr. Segretti
was about to be released from
-the Army and that "he may
be of service to the Repub-
lican party."
Mr. Gray continued:
"Mr. Chapin asked Mr. Kalm-
bach to contact Segretti in this
regard, bin Mr. Kalmbach said
he was not exactly sure what
service Chapin had in mind.
He said he did not press Chapin
in this regard.
"He did contact Segretti and
agreed that Segretti would be
paid $16,000 per year plus ex-
penses, and he paid Segretti
somewhere between $30,000
and $40,000 between Sept. I,
1971, and March 15, 1972."
Mr. Gray's disclosure was
made in an extension of his
testimony last week before the.
committee, which is holding
hearings on his nomination
to be director of the F.B.I.
In the document presented to
the committee for the record,
Mr. Gray quoted Mr. Kalmbach
as saying that he [Kalmbach]
maintained no record of his
disbursements to Mr. Segretti,
received no reports as to what
the money was being usedgor,
and had no idea how he re-
ceived his instructions.
The nature of the operation
reportedly conducted by Mr.
Segretti during last year's pri-
mary campaign has never been
entirely clear, althou'gh a num-
ber of his friends and acquaint-
ances have said that he offered
them jobs "spying" on Demo-
cratic candidates on behalf of
the Republicans. A few have
acknowledged receiving money
from him in return for infor-
mation on the movements and
public speeches of various
Democratic candidates.
Chapin Termed? 'Contact'
Mr. Chapin and Mr. Segretti
were undergraduates together
at the University of Southern
California in the early nine-
teen-sixties. Mr. Chapin has
been identified in news reports
as Mr. Segretti's "contact" at
the White House. Mr. Segretti's
telephone records showed at
least one telephone call last
year to Mr. Chapin's unlisted
home telephone in suburban
Bethesda, Md.
Mr. Chapin has since re-
signed from the White Housel
staff amid reports that he was
being forced out because of his
alleged connection with the op-
eration that Mr. Segretti was
reported to have headed. White
House spokesmen have denied
that version of his resignation,
and have characterized news
reports to that effect as "hear-
say, character assassination,
innuendo and guilt by associa-
tion."
.Mr. Chapin' could not be
reached for comment on Mr.
Gray's disclosures. He is now
an executive for United Air
Lines in Chicago at a reported
$70,000-a-year salary. Mr. Se-
gretti has refused to speak with
newsmen since his reappearance
following the November elec-
tion after he had disappeared
from public view for a ?month.
Mr. Kalmbach also could not
be reached for comment.
Mr. Gray's testimony also
disclosed that Mr. Kalmpach
had told agents that the money
he used to pay Mr. Segretti had
come out of Republican party
canmaign funds that. were ob-
Iiiint?t1 from contributors before
April 7, 1972. The payments
were usually in cash, but might
have included "an occasional
check," he said.
April 7 was the effective date
of the Federal Election Cam-
paign Act. Thereafter political
organizations were required to
file periodic reports with the
General Accounting Office de-
scribing all receipts and ex-
penditures.
Payments Recalled
Mr. Kalmbach told the F.B.I.
that he specifically recalled one
payment of $5,000 and another
of $20,000 "to cover Segretti's
expenses," Mr. Gray said, add-
ing that Mr. Kalmbach denied
any knowledge of "what Se-
gretti was doing to justify these
expenses or to earn his salary."
Until February, Mr. Kalmbach
acted as an unofficial Republi-
can fund-raiser. He was re-
placed at that time by Maurice
H. Stans, who resigned as Sec-
retary of Commerce to beccine
the official finance chairman.
Mr. Segretti was interviewed
by the F.B.I. three times last
June, following the arrest of
five men with electronic bug-
ging equipment inside the Dem-
ocratic national headquarters
at the Watergate office build-
ing here.
Mr. Gray has said that the
F.B.I. was? initially led to Mr.
Segretti through the telephone
records of E. Howard Hunt Jr.,
who pleaded guilty to charges
of conspiring to tap telephones
at the Watergate in the recent
criminal trial. Four other men
pleaded guilty to the same
charges and two others, both
employes of the Committee for
the Re-election of the President
at the time of the break-in,
were found guilty.
On Aug. 18, 1972, Mr. Se-
gretti appeared before a Federal
grand Jury investigating the
Watergate case, but he was not
among those indicated. The
F.B.I. dropped its investigation
of his activities at that point be-
cause, according to Justice De-
partment sources, it was be-
lieved that he had violated no
Federal laws.
However; the Justice Depart-
ment's Fraud Division has re-
cently begun looking into the
possibility that Mr. Segretti
may have violated a Federal
statute that prohibits the dis-
tribution of unsigned or falsely
attributed campaign literature.
Reports Sent Nixon Aide
Mr. Gray told the committee
today that he had included the
F.B.I. account of Mr. Segretti's
interview in a batch of 82 re-
ports he sent to the White
House counsel, John W. Dean
3d, the man appointed by Pres-
ident Nixon to determine
through a separate investiga-
tion whether any Administra-
tion employes were involved in
the Watergate episode.
Mr. Nixon told a news con-
ference after the Dean investi-
gation was complete that he
was satisfied that no one
"presently employed" in the
White House was involved in
the bugging.
Senator Sam J. Ervin Jr.,
Democrat of North Carolina,
asked Mr. Gray today about
news reports that White House
staff members had shown Mr.
Segretti a copy of the F.B.I.
report a few days before his
grand jury appearance and
"coached" him on his testi-
mony.
Mr. Gray said that, upon
reading the reports, he had
called Mr. Dean and was "satis-
fied with his answer when he
said that he did not do this,
that he did not even have "the
F.B.I. reports with him in Mi-
ami." Mr. Dean was in Florida
for the Republican National
Convention at the time.
Ronald L. Ziegler, the Presi-
dent's press secretary, said to-
'day that no White House off i-
Icial had used confidential F.B.I.
files to help prepare any wit-
nesses for 'questioning by the
grand jury.
Mr. Gray also disclosed that
among the reports of F.B.I. in-
terviews sent to 'Mr. Dean were
three relating to members of
the Nixon campaign organiza-
tion who had specifically asked
to talk to F.B.I. agents out of
,the presence of re-election corn-
Imittee lawyers.
1 In a memorandum written
by Mr. Gray to Mr. Dean last
July, it was stated that an un-
specified number of Nixon cam-
paign workers had gotten in
touch with the F.B.I. for addi-
tional interviews, presumably
because they felt inhibited by
the lawyers.
? Senator John V. Tunney,
Democrat of California, asked
Mr. Gray whether "any at-
tempts were made to retaliate
against" the three individuals.
"I don't think John Dean
would do that," Mr. Gray re-
plied. "He's the counsel to the
President." ,
Report on Tapped Phones
Mr. Gray also said that one
of the reports sent to Mr. Dean
was an account of an F.B.I. in-
terview with Alfred C. Baldwin
3d, a former F.B.I. agent who
monitored the tapped tele-
phones from a motel room
across the street from the
Democratic national headquar-
ters.
Mr. Gray said that the Bald-
win report contained informa-
tion on the nature of the con-
versations overheard, "not who
did what to whom, but I be-
lieve that there were some
names in there."
The contents of the conver-
sations were barred from being
introduced into evidence at the
criminal trial by a Federal
appeals court decision.
Senator Tunney criticized
Mr. Gray for his willingness to
turn over such information to
Mr. Dean, but Mr. Gray replied
that the documents had been
passed along "within the offi-
cial chain of command of the
United States Government?it's
not turning them over to third
parties."
"I think we need to get John
Dean down here," said Senator
Tunney, who plans to introduce
a motion to call Mr. Dean as a
witness. Mr. Ervin said today
that he also would vote to call
Mr. Dean. Other Democratic
Senators, including Edward M.
Kennedy of Massachusetts,
Birch Bayh of Indiana and Philip
A. Hart of Michian, are expeet-
ed to support it.
"As I understand it. Mr. Dean
was omnipresent in this case,"
Mr. Tunney said, noting that
Mr. Dean had also sat in on
14 F.B.I. interviews with White,
House personnel and had
di-
rected the opening of a safe in
the White House office of Hunt,
a former part-time consultant
there.
12
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WASHINGTON POST
8 March 1973
By Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein
Washington Post Staff Writers
President Nixon's personal attorney
and his White House appointments secre-
tary arranged for the payment of more
than $30,000 in campaign funds to Don-
ald H. Segretti, an alleged political sa-
boteur, according to FBI records.
This FBI information about Herbert W.
Kalmbach, the President's personal attor-
ney, and former presidential appoint-
ments secretary Dwight L Chapin was
supplied yesterday to the Senate Judiciary
Committee by acting FBI director L.
Patrick Gray HI during his confirmation
hearings.
In a written statement supplied to the
Senate committee, Gray said: "Mr. Kalm-
bach said that in either August or Sep-
tember, 1971, he was contacted by Mr.
Dwight Chapin and was informed that
(Army) Capt. Donald ' H. iSegretti was
about to get out of the military service
and that he may be of service to the Re-
publican Party."
? Gray's statement provides the first of-
ficial confirmation that Kalmbach and
Chapin?two persons close to President
Nixon?were involved in a well-financed
political operation with Segretti, now an
attorney in California.
The Washington Post last Oct. 10 quot-
ed Federal law enforcement sources as
saying that Segretti was one of more than
50 undercover agents who conducted a
campaign of political spying and sabotage
=against Democratic presidential candi-
dates. Five days later, The Post identi-
fied Chapin as a Washington contact for
Segretti's clandestine activities. A day
after that the newspaper quoted investi-
gators as saying that the FBI had "deter-
mined that Kalmbach himself either auth-
orized or actually made payments" to
Segretti.
Following publication of that informa-
tion, The Post was criticized on Oct. 16 by
spokesmen for the White House, the Pres-
ident's re-election committee and the Re-
publican National Committee ? all of
whom accused the newspaper of reporting
"Innuendo," "hearsay" and "third-hand in-
? formation."
According to the written material sup-
plied yesterday to the Senate by Gray,
Kalmbach "said he merely acted as a
disbursing agent for Segretti's ? salary and
expenses and he has no.idea how Segretti
'received his instructions or whom he re-
ported to. . . . He said he had no knowl-
edge of what Segretti was doing to justify
these expenses or to earn his salary." '
Gray's written statements came as an-
swers to questions asked earlier in the
confirmation, hearings.
In another written answer supplied yes-
terday, Gray said that an FBI check of
telephone records showed that Segretti
was in touch with the published telephone
number of the White House, Chapin's res-
idence and the home and office of Water-
gate bugging conspirator E. Howard Hunt
Jr., who was at the time a White House'
consultant.
In response to Chapin's request, Kalm-
bach, an attorney with offices in Newport
Beach, Calif., "did contact Segretti and
agreed that Segretti would be
p9id $16,000 per year plus ex-
penses and he paid Segretti
somewhere between $30,000 and
$40,000 between Sept. 1, 1971,
and March 15, 1972," Gray said.
Kalmbach "was asked how
much was in the fund he used
to pay Segretti and he did not
answer this question," Gray
said.
Kalmbach was a deputy man-
ager of the President's re-elec-
tion finance committee at the
time he made the disburse-
ments to Segretti. ? 'Kalmbach
has been one of the Presi-
dent's chief fund-raisers for
years, second only to former.
Commerce Secretary Maurice
H. Stans, according to Repub-
lican sources.
Federal sources told The
Post last fall that Kalmbach
was one of five persons who
controlled disbursements from
a cash fund kept in Stans' safe
at' re-election headquarters
here. At least $235,000 of this
cash was Paid to Watergate
bugging conspirator G. Gordon
'Liddy while he was finance
counsel to the Nixon re-elec-
tion committee.
Liddy, Hunt and five other
men were either convicted or
pleaded guilty at the Water-
gate bugging trial in January.
The seven are awaiting sen-
tencing, which is expected to
be imposed this month.
Gray's statements on Kalm-
bach, Ohapin and Segretti
were on two typewritten pages,
along with a page dealing with
telephone records. In the
statement, Gray said that
Kalmbach "stated he was ac-
quainted with Liddy but had
only.limited contact with Lid-
dy. Such contacts took place
In' connection with Liddy's
work as legal counsel to the
Finance Committee to Re-
elect the Presidia" Kalm-
back also said that he had no
knowledge of the Watergate
13
bugging.
Kalmbach was questioned
by the FBI on Sept. 4, 1972,
during the period when White
House counsel John W. Dean
III was receiving regular re-
ports on all major interviews
conducted in the Watergate
Investigation.
During his press conference
last week, President Nixon
said that "the investigation
conducted by Mr. Dean . . .
Indicates that no one on the
White House staff, at the time
he conducted the investigation
---rthat was last July and Au-
gust?was involved or had
knowledge of the Watergate
matter."
The President's remarks
apparently referred solely to
the bugging of Democratic
headquarters and not to a
broader campaign of political
espionage and sabotage from
which the Watergate bugging
stemmed, according to federal
investigators.
When Chapin's involvement
in Segretti's activities became
known last October, White
House sources said it was in-
conceivable that Chapin could
have acted without the ap,
proval of the White House
chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman.
Both Chapin and Kalmbach
'are extremely close to Halde-
man. As President Nixon's ap-
pointments secretary, Chapin
reports directly to the Presi-
dent and Haldeman. Chapin's
resignation from the White
House staff, effective last
month, was announced by the
White House several weeks
ago. White House spokesmen
have denied published reports
that Chapin's departure is re-
lated to his involvement with
Segretti.
During his initial testimony
before the Senate' Judiciary
Committee considering his
nomination to be FBI director,
Gray said the FBI had net in-
vestigated Segretti's political
activities once It,. was deter:.
mined he had no role in the
bugging of Democratic head-
quarters.
Gray said that Justice De=
I par tment and FBI attorneys
determined that Segretti's
clandestine political activities
did not appear illegal and that
the FBI pursued only those
leads related to the immediate
conspiracy to bug and bur-
glarize the Democratic head-
quarters.
In a written answer on Seg-
retti's telephone calls, Gray
said records show that during
the 10-month period from Au-
gust, 1971, to June, 1972, about
700 long distance calls were
changed to Segretti. Gray said
earlier in the hearings that
not all these calls were
checked by the FBI.
At least 12 persons have
told various newspapers that
they were either approached
by Segretti to do political spy-
ing or were actually hired and
paid small amounts of money
by Segretti to spy or conduct
disruptive' activities against,
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8 March 1973
HtmtSo'ught
the Democrats.
In its first story mentioning
Chepin, Oct. 15, The Post
quoted at length from several
interviews with Lawrence
Young, a friend of Segretti
and fellow California Attorney.
Young said Segretti had told
him that White House appoint-
ments secretary Chapin and
Watergate bugging conspira-
tor Hunt were his two Wash-
ington contacts for his spying
and sabotage activities.
Young also reported that
Segretti told him that:
o On Aug. 19, two days be.
fore the Republican National
Convention, Segretti went to
Miami Beach, where presiden-
tial aides showed him copies
of two interviews he had with
the FBI, including one that
was not yet 24 hours old.
0 The aides briefed him on
what to say when testifying
the following Tuesday before
the federal grand jury investi-
gating the Watergate bugging
in Washington.
Democratic senators on the
Judiciary Committee have
tried during Gray's confirma-
tion hearings to determine if
these allegations are correct.
Gray said that he gave FBI re-
ports of Segretti's interviews
to John W. Dean III, the Presi-
dent's counsel, who conducted
an internal White House in-
vestigation of the Watergate.
Gray said that after he read
the story about Segretti alleg-
edly seeing his FBI reports, he
called Dean and, using
"obscenities," asked if Dean
had given the reports to Seg-
retti.
Dean denied that he had
given the reports to Segretti,
Gray said, so he dropped the
subject and did not ask Dean
if he knew how the reports
might have gone to Miami
Beach, if, in fact, they did. -
Democratic senators have
criticized Gray for not pur-
suing the subject. Gray said
that he knew one part in the
allegation was untrue, namely,
that Segretti had been inter-
viewed in August. Gray said
that Segretti was only inter-
!viewed by the FBI in June and
that a grand jury subpoena
was served on him in August.
At the White House yester-
day, press secretary Ronald L.
Ziegler 'said that since Dean
would be the only person in
a position to supply the FBI
reports to Segretti, that he
would deny that any other
White House aide furnished
any FBI material to Se-
gretti.
Ziegler also said yesterday'
that Dean sat in on interviews
only after individual , White
House staff members re-
quested his presence. Among
the interviews Dean attended
was one with Kathleen
Chenow, an ex-secretary in the
White House who was inter-
viewed at the White House
months after she had resigned
from her job there.
Miss Chenow told The Post
last year that a member of
Dean's staff, Fred Fielding,
flew to Europe and brought
her back to the White House
for her interview with the
FBI.
Miss Chenow, who told the
FBI of a unique White House
telephone used by Hunt and
billed to her home, told a re-
porter last year that she did
not know why Dean attended
her FBI interview and that
she made no request that he
be present. Nor did she under.
stand why she was contacted
in Europe by Dean's staff,
instead of by the FBI, she
said.
On Oct. 17, The Washington
Post was the subject ok sepa-
rate attacks by White House
press secretary Ziegler, pres-
idential camnaign manager
Clark MacGregor and GOP na-
tional ? chairman Robert J.
Dole. The three variously ac-
cused The Post of printing
"political garbage," "unsub-
stantiated charges" and "hear-
say information" in its report-
ing on Segretti, Kalmbach and
Chapin. Neither Ziegler, Mac-
Gregor no Dole would sub-
stantively ihscuss the contents
Of The Post's accdunts, cr re-
lated reports by The
York Times and Tithe Maga-
.zine.
i Ziegler told a White House
briefing on Oct. 17 that "I
.will not dignify with comment
stories based on hearsay, char-
acter assassination, innuendo
or guilt by association," add-
ing: "That is the White House
position; that is my position."
GOP national chairman Dole
accused The Washington Post
:of "conducting itself by jour-
nalistic standards that would,
cause mass resignations on
principle from the Quicksilver
Tirnes"?a local underground
newspaper. "Thus far there
have been enormous head-
lines about political disruption
and very little proof," he said.
MacGregor, the President's
campaign manager at the time,
sai:i the accounts of involve-
ment in undercover, campaign
activities by Presidential aides
were inspired by "George Mc-
Govern and his partner in
mud-slinging, The Washington
Post."
?After a preliminary investi-
gation by the Senate Subcom-
mittee on Administrative
Practice and Procedure, Sen.
Edward M. Kennedy (D-Mass.),
the subcommittee chairman
reported earlier this year that
his staff had determined that
a widespread political spying
and sabotage campaign was
conducted during the 1972
Presidential election and it
involved White House aides
and associates of the President.
Last month, the full Senate
authorized a Sweeping investi-
gation into the gonduet of the
1972 presidential election by a
seven-member select commit-
tee headed by Sen. Sam J.
Ervin (D-N.C.). The probe
expected to focus on the Water-
gate bugging conspiracy and
related acts of political spying:
Legal Aid
Nixon Staff
' By Bob Woodward
and Carl Bernstein
Washington Post Staff Writer
Watergate bugging conspir-
ator E. Howard Hunt Jr. esked
an intermediary to contact
John W. 'Dean III, President
Nikon's White House counsel,
in the days following the June
17 Watergate break-in to as-
sist Hunt in obtaining legal
advice, according to reliable
federal investigative sources.
Hunt made the request of
Robert F. Bennett, president
of a Washington public rela-
tions firm that employed Hunt
in late June when he was in
Calilornia and being sought by
as many as 150 FBI agents,
the .tourcee said. He did not
prece the call himself because
he did not ware to be traced
to California, the sources said.
'Bennett, a Republican who
helped in the President's
fund-raising effort and heads
Robert R. Mullen & Co., never
called Dean, the sources said.
The reason he did not make
th:e call could not be learned
yesterday.
:in, the course of the. Water-
gate investigation, the sources
said, Bennett told Assistant
U:S.' Attorney Earl J. Silbert,
the Chief prosecutor in the
case, about Hunt's request.
'frliese sources variously
described Silbert's reaction as
ode of ."astonishment" and
"deep concern" upon learning
titat Hunt would presume that
he . could get legal assistance
in the Watergate case from
the White House.
lAccording to the sources,
Sabert was particularly con-
cerned about the, report be-
cause Dean was conducting an
investigation of the Watergate
incident for the White House
at the direction of the Presi-
dent. In addition, Dean was
14
tlie official who coorcUnated
all requests by the prosecu-
tors and the FBI to interview
peesidential aides and provide
information relating to the
pe.obe.
Jitint served as a White
Heuse consultant at least until
March, 1972, and had an of-
10 in the 041 Executive Of-
fice Building (the White House
o7ice complex) at the time of
the! June 17 Watergate break-
inilly, federal investigation
srinrces said that' Silbert
checked into the matter and
fo).tnd no other connection be-
tween Dean and Hunt. It is not
kikwn how far the matter was
pqrsued by Silbert.
:Reached last night, Silbert
said that.he would neither con-
firm nor deny reports on the
mptter.. Bennett also declined
comment.
In a related matter, Thomas
Lumbard, a former Treasury
and Justice Department at-
torney; ..who did volunteer
wbrk for the Nixon re-election
committee last year, has told
The Washington Post that
Dean worked closely with G.
Gtprdon Liddy, who also was
convicted in the Watergate
,b4gging conspiracy.
ILumbard said in several in-
te:rvievvs last year that prior
to, the . Watergate break-in,
"tiddy and Dean would talk
about coordinating the action
bY Nixon and the Commitee
fOr the Re-election of the
President. Their job was to
se,e that everyone kept their
noses clean on finances."
:According to Lumbard,
"Dean was the lawyer for the
President in campaign finance
work at the White House and
Liddy was his counterpart in
the Committee for the Re-elec-
tion of the President."
'Lumbard said that Liddy re-
ciented him in March, 1972, to
provide volunteer legal coun-
sel on finance matters. He
said that he worked about one
day a week in the White
.House office building for
about eight weeks last spring.
!"So Dean was investigating
a friend and coworker," Lum-
bard said. "It's like a criminal
lawyer saying, 'I've investigat-
ed this* matter and my client
IS not guilty.' ".
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WASHINGTON POST
21 February, 1973
unit Linke to itittt
By Bob Woodward
and Carl Bernstein
Washington Post Staff Writers
Charles W. Colson, special
counsel to President Nixon,
sent Watergate bugging figure
E. Howard Hunt Jr. to Denver
last March to (interview inter-
national Telephone and Tele-
graph Corp. lobbyist Dita
Beard, according to Colson's
own sworn testimony.
Sources close to the Water-
gate investigation said that
Colson's testimony was given
In a secret deposition to fed-
eral investigators during the
Watergate probe last year.
At the time of the Denver
trip, Hunt was working as a
White House consultant, a po-
sition for which he had been
hired on Colson's recommenda-
tion. Colson, in other sworn,
public testimony relating to.
the Watergate incident, has
said that Hunt was not work-
ing for him as late as ?March,
' 1972, when the visit to , Mrs.
Beard occurred.
The federal investigators
did not ask Colson the pur-
pose of the interview. Other,
Republican sources said that it
was to obtain information to
challenge or discredit a con-
troversial memo attributed to
Mrs. Beard that alleged that
there was a direct connection
between the settlement of an-
titrust cases by the Justice
Department and ITT's offer to
help bring the 1972. GOP con-
vention to San Diego.
Colson, who is out of the
coo it try on WW1 .f! II 011tie busi-
ness, could not be reached for
comment yesterday, and the
White House had no immedi-
ate response.
Hunt traveled to Denver un-
der the assumed name of Ed-
ward Hamilton, an alias he
used during the Watergate
conspiracy, the federal sources
said.
Republican sources said that
Hunt wore an inexpensive wig
during the interview with Mrs.
Beard early in the week of
March 19. A similar wig Of
dark brown or reddish color
was found in one of the two
rooms rented by the Water-
gate conspirators at the
Watergate Hotel before the
June 17 break-in.
In a telephone interview yes-
terday, Robert D. Beard, 24, the
son of Mrs. Beard, said that a
"mysterious" ma n wearing a
cheap wig and make-up visited
his mother last March to dis-
cuss the ITT controversy. At the
time Mrs. Beard was at the
Rocky Mountain Osteopathic
Hospital in Denver being treat-
ed for a heart ailment.
? "From pictures I've seen, the
visitor could have been Howard
Hunt," Beard said. "But I
couldn't tell. The man refused
to identify himself. He seemed
to have inside information about
what would happen next . . .
but it was of relatively little
value to us."
Beard described the visitor as
"very eerie, he did have a red
wig on cockeyed like he put
it on in a dark car. I couldn't
have identified my brother if he
was dressed like that."
A two-week investigation
by The Washington Post
shows that Hunt's trip was
part of an effort by Colson to
discredit the Dita Beard
memo. The work by Hunt and
Colson led at least in part to
Mrs. Beard's statement issued
March 17, charging that the
memo was a "forgery" and "a
hoax."
That statement, issued si-
multaneously , by David W.
Fleming, Mrs. Beard's lawyer,
and Senate Republican Leader
Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania,
came as a total surprise since
It was the first time in a three-
week-old controversy that
Mrs. Beard's authorship of the
memo had been directly de.
nied.
The alleged memo was re-
ported by syndicated colun.
nist Jack Anderson more than
two weeks before the denial.'
It linked the antitrust settle-
ment to ITT's offer of a $400,-
000 "guarantee" to help sup-;
port last year's Republican Na-
tional Convention. .
From federal and Republi-
can sourees, the following se-
quence of events ? has been
pieced together:
As the ITT controversy bloal
somed in March, 1972, the,:
eard Ch
? Washington office of ITT
hired Intertel, a private inves-
tigations firm; to check Into
Mrs. Beard's. background and.
the authenticity of the contro-
versial memo.
Intertel, working with only
a copy of the memo, was able
to establish that it was proba-
bly prepared on a typewriter
in Mrs. Beard's office, but that
it would be difficult, if not im-
, possible,to conclusively estab-
lish whether It was genuine or
a forgery.
Bernard Goodrich, a spokes-
man for the ITT office, ac-
knowledged last week that the
Intertel investigation was in-
conclusive. "At no time did
they give us, a report to show
it was forgery," Goodrich said.4
Intertel, regarded one of the
best private investigative
firms, also does work for bil-,
Bonaire Howard Hughes and
corporations in his financial
empire. ? . ?
The Hughes interests are
represented in Washington by
Robert R. Mullen 8.: ,Co., a
public relations firm where
Hunt was employed as a
writer. Robert P. Bennett,
president of the Mullen firm,
learned from his contacts in
the Hughes empire that Inter-
tel was probing the Dita
Beard memo.
According to one account,
Bennett was told that Intertel
had determined the memo was
a forgery and that somehow
word should be passed to the
White House.
, By another account, Bennett
was told that Intertel's find-
ings were inconclusive, mean.
log that the way was clear for
someone to come forward and
label the memo a forgery.
In any case, Bennett then
told Hunt that the nature of
the Intertel findings, whatever
they were, should be passed to
Colson.
During i this period, the
White House was growing in-
creasingly concerned about
the impact of the ITT allega-
tions, and had launched a ma-
jor effort to discredit colum-
nist Jack Anderson and the
memo. :
At this point, Colson or-
dered Hunt to Denver to inter-
view Mrs. Beard. ? "poison
didn't want anything to back-
fire, one Republican source
said.
Meanwhile, Bennett was act-
ing as a go-between between
Colson and Fleming, Dita
Beard's attorney, to arrange
for the release of Mrs. Beard's
March 17 statement calling
the memo a "forgery." ?
Colson wanted to avoid any
direct contact between the
White House and Mrs. Beard
or her representative as the
controversy became more po-
litically sensitive. One Repub-
lican source said that it was
Colson who got Sen. Scott to
read Mrs. Beard's statement
on the Senate fl000r.
Fleming said in several re-
cent telephone interviews that
Colson and Hunt were not in-
volved in is-suing the state-
ment. He did, however, ac-
knowledge that be talked with
Bennett about the matte'
Bennett said last week that he
would have : no commen on
the subject.
Mrs. lieard's March 17 state-
ment said: "I did not prepare
it. (the memo) and could not
have." Without giving a rea-
son for her ? assertion, Mrs.
Beard continued: "I have done
inothing to be 'ashamed of az.d
'my family and I-- and in a
greater sense the whole Amer
lean government?are the vie-
tims of a cruel fraud."
Columnist Anderson testified
before the Senate Judiciary.
Committee that Mrs. Beard
confirmed the authenticity of
the memo line-by-lino with,
his associate, Britt Hume, dur-
ing a Feb. 24 interview at her
home.
In another sworn deposition
taken in a civil . suit filed by
the Democratic Party in con-
nection with the ? Watergate
case, Colson said' under oath
.that Hunt worked for him
only for a few weeks in the
summer of 1971.
"Well, initially when he
came to the White House staff
he was reporting to me. That
lasted only for a few, weeks,"
Colson said. Following , those
few weeks, Colson said in that
deposition, Hunt was "at that
point, not under 'my supervi-
sion" and worked elsewhere in
the White House.
25
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'The Wash HAI giton Merry.Go-Illoganad
Chile
41
fl
By Jack Anderson
Senate investigators suspect
that the same Mission Impos-
sible team arrested at the
Watergate may also have bro-
ken into the Chilean Embassy
several weeks earlier. And
three Chilean diplomats in
New York City, the investiga-
tors discovered, have been vic-
tims a similar, mysterious
break-ins.
In a memo intended for the
eyes only of senators investi-
gating ITT's operations in
Chile, staff director Jerry Lev-
inson reported: "A source
with excellent contacts in the
Cuban community told the
subcommittee staff that Frank
Sturgis had told other people
that he 'and Martinez and Gon-
zalez, two other Watergate de-
fendants, had broken into the
embassy to photograph docu-
ments."
Levinson was cautious, how-
ever, about implicating ITT in
the alleged Chilean caper.
"The staff of the subcommit-
tee," he reported, "has devel-
oped a number of leads sug-
gesting a relationship between
ITT and the team which was
arrested at the Watergate."
But he stressed "that the case
outlined in this memorandum
is circumstantial and that
there is no hard evidence of
ITT involvement."
re
ki
THE WASHINGTON POST Thursday, March 8,1973
together from jigsaw pieces of
intelligence: "Government and
non-government sources alike
have told us that the Cuban
exile community has a pool of
talent which was trained by
the CIA and is available for
'dirty tricks! This talent has
been used at one time or an-
other by a number of federal
agencies for missions of ques-
tionable legality inside and
outside of the United States.
"Federal sources report the
Cubans to be absolutely loyal,
fanatically anti-Communist
and willing to take any risk. It
is also likely that when 'teams'
were assembled for opera-
tions, only one or perhaps two
members knew who had re-
quested and was financing the
operation.
"Washington business and
political sources report that
about eight months before the
Watergate arrest, E. Howard
Hunt let it be known around
the city that he had a 'team'
available for 'Mission Impossi-
ble' assignments and that, the
team would be willing to work
for private clients.
"It is possible that E. How-
ard Hunt, acting as the con-
tractor for the 'team,' had
more than one client and that
a second client was ITT, which
was interested in obtaining in-
formation about its negotia-
tions over the fate of its in-
vestment in the Chilean Tele.
Suspicious Case phone Company. The mem-
Here, however, is the eir- bers of the team may have
cumstantial case which the been recruited, thinking they
subcommittee staff has pieced were doing a patriotic thing to
block a 'Communist' govern- other words, that not only dis-
ment.
"ITT is the only likely con-
tractor for operations against
the Chileans. It claims to have
an investment worth $153 mil?
lion in the Chilean Telephone
Company; it knew that docu-
ments were leaking from its
files; it asked the Chilean gov-
ernment to move negotiations
from Santiago to Washing-
ton."
ITT and Watergate
We reported last we on
other strange links between
the ITT and Watergate scan-
dals. We noted, for example,
that acting FBI chief L. Pat-
rick Gray and convicted
Watergate felon E. Howard
Hunt had been involved in an
abortive effort to discredit the
famous Dita Beard memo,
which tied a $400,000 political
pledge from ITT with a settle-
ment of its antitrust troubles
The Washington Post re-
ported that Hunt, apparently
disguised in an askew red wig,
went to Denver to talk to Mrs.
Beard about renouncing the
memo. We reported that Gray,
meanwhile, turned the origi-
nal memo over to ITT for its
experts to try to discredit.
Gray refused to comment
when we called the FBI for his
response. Questioned by sena-
tors under oath, however, he
testified that he had not
turned the memo over to ITT
directly but had delivered it to
White House aide John Dean.
It was the White House, in
patched the bewigged Hunt *to
Denver but also passed the
document to ITT.
This makes the story. even
more sordid. It shows that the
White House, while denying
any involvement with .ITT,
was working closely with the
giant conglomerate , to dis-
credit the Dita Beard memo.
The Chilean Embassy bur-
glary was investigated by the
FBI, which dismissed it as rou-
tine. But Senate investigators
disagree. "Careful investiga-
tion of the circumstances
leads us to the conclusion,"
Levinson wrote, "that it ? was
not routine. ?
"Valuable office equipment
and cash were left untouched.
The Ambassador's office and
the ;office of the First Secre-
tary were both searched and
files were inspected. The
thieves walked past several
more attractive offices to get
to the First Secretary's office,
suggesting they knew where
they were going." The burglar-
izing of the New York apart-
ments of Chilean diplomats
were described in the memo
as "similar clean break-ins." ,
Footnote: Jerry Levinson
refused to comment on his
memo, which he said wasn't
intended for publication. An
ITT spokesman called the
allegations about Hunt ,"ab-
solutely and totally untrue."
He said ITT had never hire
Hunt for any purpose.
1913. United Feature Syndicate
WASHINGTON POST
22 February, 1973
Dash Named 'Water
?? By Carl Bernstein
and Bob Woodward
Washington Post Staff Writers
Professor Samuel Dash of
the Georgetown University ;
Law Center, a former Phila-
delphia district attorney and
An expert on electronic eaves-
dropping, yesterday was
named counsel of the select
Senate committee that will in-
*vestigate the ;Watergate bug-
ging and related allegations of
political espionage and sabo-
tage in the 1972 presidential
Campaign.
Dash, 47, was hand-picked
for the job by Sen. Sam Ervin
(D-N.C.), who will serve as
chairman of the special seven-
member Senate committee
that will conduct. the investi-
gation.
Dash said last night that he
views the Watergate investiga-
tion as "the most important
ever undertaken by the Senate
because it goes to the heart of
the democratic process."
In an interview with Wash-
ington Post staff writer John
Hanrahan, Dash said he does
not view the probe as a "witch-
hunt, or an effort to get any-
body." Rather, he said, he
plans to be "objective and dis-
passionate. We must see what!
stones need to be overturned;
and must not be afraid to go
after whoever we find under
them."
News reports have linked
the names of top Nixon admin-
istration figures to allegations
Of political espionage and sabo-
tage conducted on behalf of the
President's re-election.
Because of the complexity
of the Senate investigation,
Dash expressed doubt that pub-
lic hearings will be held until
at least late April.
He said he hopes that other
investigative agencies will turn
over information they have
age Unft CounaaL
gathered, but added: "I expect
we'll have to do much of the
investigating on our own be-
cause our investigation goes
far beyond" the scope of the
recent Watergate bugging
trial.
The selection of Dash was'
unanimously approved yester-
day by the four Democrats;
and three Republicans on the
committee during a cloSed-
door meeting.
Capitol Hill sources de-
scribed the session as harmon-
ious and reported that Ervin
was formally designated chair-
man and Sen. Howard Baker
Jr. (R-Tenn.) vice chairman of
the committee by unanimous
votes.
As counsel of the select
committee, 'Dash will coordi-
nate a far-ranging $500,000 in-
vestigation authorized by the
full Senate last month. The
Republican minority on the
committee still has not settled
on a choice of minority coun-
sel for the probe, sources re-
ported yesterday.
After the three GOP com-
mittee members have made
their choice, probably after
consultation with the Senate
Republican leadership, that
nomination, is expected to be
approved by the full commit-
tee with no Democratic oppo-
sition.
In turning to Dash to coordi-
nate the Senate investigation,
Ervin picked a former prose-
cutor who is one of the na-
tion's leading exponents of
criminal justice reform and a
recognized expert on political
espionage.
In 1957,. Dash conducted a
'nationwide study of electronic
eavesdropping, which led to
his authorship of a book called
"T h e Eavesdroppers," pub-
lished by Rutgers University
Press in 1959.
Dash, in testimony before a
Senate subcommittee in 1959,
said that he found illegal wire-
tapping by law enforcement
agencies in every major city
he studied. As a former prose-
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clam', he had favored the use
of wiretapping in sonic cases
If strictly court controlled.
In July, 1971, he sharply
criticized then Attorney, Gen-
eral John N. Mitchell for au-
thorizing "a lawless system of
law enforcement," according
to a United Press Inter-
national report at the time. ?
Last night. Dash described
those remarks about Mitchell
as "a .lawyer's criticism," and
said they were not political in
?nature. He said he forsees no
conflict between the criticism
and conducting impartially the
WASHINGTON STAR
15 February 1973
in in which Mitchell
is likely to figure. According to
news reports, Mitchell and
other presidential aides ap-
proved the disbursement of
funds that financed undercover
activities against the Democrats
.in the 1972 campaign.
Dash, in his 1971 remarks,
.had singled out for particular
criticism Mitchell's contention
ithat court authorization is un-
necessary for wiretaps in na-
/itional security cases. On June
.19, 1972, the Supreme Court
.ruled that Mitchell's contention
as
By BARRY KALE`
Star?Newe Staff Writes
The government says it
would love to turn over certain
documents from the Water-
gate trial to a special Senate
committee investigating the
same thing, but doesn't think
it can legally do so.
Rather than flatly refuse a
Senate request for the infor-
mation, however, the govern-
ment ? acutely aware of the
publicity surrounding the case
? has thrown the matter into
the lap of Chief Judge John J.
Sirica of U.S. District Court,
who presided over the recent
trial.
Asst. ,U.S. Atty. Earl J. Sil-
bert, who headed the success-
ful prosecution of the seven
Watergate defendants, filed a
"motion" yesterday noting
that Sen. Sam J. Ervin.
D-N.C., who will head the Sen-
ate investigation, has request-
ed certain documents.
In a letter sent to Sirica on
Monday, a copy of which is,
attached to the government
papers, Ervin asks for "copies
of the minutes of the grand
jury convened to consider
matters relating to the break-
in of the Watergate, as well as
the sealed .portions of the trial
transcript.'
The government has "no
objection" to the release of the
grand jury minutes, Silbert
says in the papers, and then
goes on at length to say why:
"Indeed, because there are
those who have publicly ques-
,
waS unconslitut ion a I, and '
ordered an end to wiretaps not
specifically authorized by the
courts.
Ironically, the court's deci-
sion came two days after five
men were arrested inside the
Watergate headquarters of
the Democratic Party during
,a mission to wiretap and bug
the Democrats' offices.
, Last month, seven men ?
Including two former White
.House aides and the former
'security coordinator. of Presi-
dent Nixon's re-election com-
mittee ? were convicted or
tinned the integrity of the in-
vestigation and prosecution of
the Watergate case, and be-
cause of the unique nature of
this case, the United States
favors their disclosure to the
committee so that the nature
of the investigation, previous-
ly disclosed only through the
necessarily limited forum of a
jury trial, will be subject to
scrutiny and thereby aid the
ends of justice, and so that the
facts uncovered by the investi-
gation will be available to a
committee of a publicly elect-
ed body."
"However," the papers con-
tinue, " . . we feel obliged
. . . to point out to the court
for its guidance the limitations
imposed by the law with re-
spect to disclosure of grand
jury minutes."
There are, Silbert wrote,
only three known circum-
stances under which grand
jury testimony can be dis-
closed: To government attor-
neys for use in performance of
their duties; to the defense
upon a showing that grounds
for dismissal of the indictment
may exist because of actions
before the grand jury; or by
order of the court "preliminar-
ily to or in connection with a
judicial proceeding."
None of these situations
seem to apply in the case of a
congressional investigating
committee, the papers say.
"There is no precedent for/
such a release. In fact? our
research has not uncovered
ter te
any case in which the issue
has been raised or resolved."
Therefore, although the pa-
pers are labeled as a "mo-
tion," no request is made as is
usually the case in a motion.
Rather, the matter is left up to
Sirica to decide.
Silbert also made no objec-
tion to turning over portions of
the sealed trial transcript, and
apparently found no problem'
in doing so. He suggested only
that a list of names Sirica re?
ferred to the prosecution dur-
ing the trial for possible grand
jury action be kept secret in
order to protect the privacy of
those on the list.
It is a difficult situation, be-
cause everybody, with the pos-
sible exception of the defend-
ants, seems sincerely interest-
ed in cooperating with the Sen-
ate investigation.
Sirica made it clear several
times during and after the
trial that he was not satisfied
with the government's presen-
tation of the ease and stated
flatly that he did not feel all
the facts had been brought
out. It was in this vein, he
said, that he gave the prosecu-
tion that secret list.
If for no other reasons than
those stated in the motion, the
government is anxious to
make it clear that it is cooper-
ating fully.
Silbert had been agonizing
for days over the problem re-
alizing that the government's
refusal to turn over the re-
quested document would
probably result in further
pleaded guilty to all charges
stemming from the incident.
According to federal investi-
gators, the Watergate bugging
stemmed from a widespread
campaign of political espio-
nage and sabotage that was
conceived in the White House
and directed by presidential
aides at the Committee for the
Re-election of the President.
Both the White House and
the President's re-election
committee consistently have
denied any official involve-
ment 'in the' hugging of the
,.Democrats' headc,uarters:
charges that the investigation
had been a whitewash.
The Senate is gearing up for
a full-scale probe of the Water-
gate affair ? the break-in and
bugging of Democratic Nation-
al Committee headquarters ?
and allegations that the Nixon
administration was waging a
large-scale campaign of politi-
cal sabotage and espionage
against Democratic candi-
dates.
A select committee of four
Democrats and three Republi-
cans, headed by Ervin, was
established Feb. 7 for just this
purpose, with orders to report
back to the Senate within one
year. Illegal or unethical prac-
tices by any political figure,
including Democrats, will be a
target for the committee's In-
vestigation.
Just when the committee
will begin holding hearings
has not yet been decided, but
it is not expected to start be-
fore the middle of next month.
The White House yesterday
denied a report that convicted
Watergate defendants E. How-
ard Hunt Jr. and G. Gordon
Liddy received information
from national security wire-
taps from members of the
White House staff while the
two were working as White
House consultants.
The denial followed a story
i n yesterday's Washington
Post, quoting inf or med
sources and saying that the
two received such information
during parts of 1971 and 1972.
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27 February, 1973
Newsanen Subi3
atergate
Republican attorneys in the
civil Suits arising from the
Watergate'. bugging yesterday
Issued subpoenas seeking testi-
mony and notes from 11 re-
porters and officials of The
Washington Post, The Wash-
ington Star-News, the New
York Times and Time maga-
zine-
Kenneth Wells Parkinson,
attorney for the Committee
for the Re-election of the Pres-
ident, said subpoenas were
also issued for Walter Sheri-
dan, a former Justice Depart-
ment aide who did investiga-
tive Work for the Democrats;
Paul W. Leper, a D.C. police-
man, and Frank Wills, a build-
ing guard at the Watergate.
Three civil suits grew out of
the arrest of five men who.
along with two others, were
subsequently convicted or
pleaded !guilty to charges of
conspiracy, burglary and ille-
gal wiretapping and eaves-
dropping at the Democratic
National Headquarters, in the
Watergate.
In one suit, former Demo-
cratic: Party Chairman Law-
rence F. O'Brien is seeking
$3.2 million in damages from
two of the Watergate defend-
ants and from Maurice Starts,
the former Commerce secre-
tary and finance chairman for
the Committee for the Re-elec-
aion of the President.
enaed
"?otes
In the other two suits, Stans
is suing O'Brien for $5 million
for libel and $2.5 million for
willful and malicious abuse of
process.
Subpoenas were issued yes-
terday for Katharine Graham,
publisher of The Washington.
Post:. Howard Simons, The
Posts managing editor, .and
Post reporters Carl Bernstein
and. Bob Woodward and for-
mer reporter Jim Mann.
Also subpoenaed were re-1
porters Jeremiah O'Leary,1
James Polk, Patrick Collins
and Joseph Volz, all of the
Star-News, John Crewdson, of
The New York Times, and
Dean Fischer, of Time.
Benjamin C. Bradlee, exec-,
utive editor of The Post, said
it would be up to lawyers to
determine what response The
Post will make to the subpoe-
nas.
Charles B. Seib Jr., man-:.
aging editor of the Star-News,
said his newspaper expects to:
consult with lawyers before
deciding en a response.
James C. Goodale, a senior'
vice president of The New
York Times, said, "we're obvi-,
ously against tthe production,
of notes" but that The Times'
also had not determined what
response to make. Henry Ana-
tole Grunwald, managing ed-.
itor of Time, could' not be
reached last night.
TUE WASHINGTON POST Monday, Feb. 19, 1973
77a,;11,eiriagtona NITernoyotrilc,D.Roma0
By Jack Anderson
Thai Connection
A report now in preparation
'will charge that the U.S. isn't
really trying to cut off drug
smuggling from Thailand, be-
cause Thai leaders are too
deeply implicated and might ,
retaliate by closing U.S.
mili-
tary bases.
The report will be submit-
ted to the House Foreign Af-
fairs Committee by Rep. Les-
ter Wolff, (D-N.Y.), who has
? been investigating the drug
problem in Southeast Asia.
He came back from an in-
spection tour last year to re-
port that some top Thai offi-
cials were operating a fleet of
trawlers, which was moving
tons upon tons of opium to
Hong Kong for. shipment to
American addicts.
He is now back from an-
other tour of Southeast Asia,
where he found the Thai
smuggling operations rela-
tively unchanged. The That
opium, he will charge, is han-
dled by dealers who are virtu-
ally immunue from legal Oil.-
ference. They include some. of
the most powerful men in. the
country, who the U.S. dopin't
wish to offend.
He also has 'Proof, lie will
say, that illegal drug labs_Lare
still operating in Thailandade-
spite State Department 'dejii-
als. His report will also be
critical of the government's
strategy of. buying up opium
crops. The practice does little
to stop drug smuggling and is
excessivley expensive, he
charge.
The 'report will claim that
most of the money allocated
for the war on drugs has gc;rie
into cutting off. the Turkish
opium supply, with little left
to fight smuggling in other
areas. Meanwhile, the "Thai
Connection" blossoms like' a
poppy in the sun.
Wolff will point out, for-in-
stance, that the U.S. sends
millions to keep 45,000
tar' men in Thailand but Can't
scrape up enough money to
keep more than. 35 narcotics
.agents to protect the nation
against Asian drug smugglers.
Finally, the report will roe-
annmend that ? American "aid
to Thailand be shut off unless
the country cooperates 'in
smashing the drug smugglers'.
(i) 1973, United Feature Syndicate
Thursday., March 1, 1973
. . .
THE WASHINGTON POST I
0
11
enge zta,
laded, Asks:
By Lawrence Meyer
? Washington Post Staff Writer
? Layers for the Democratic
National Committee filed an
amended version of their
Wafergate bugging suit
against officials of President
Nixon's re-election committee
and others, doubling the $3.2
Million sought last fall and
adding two more defendahts
in the action.
'In addition, a memorandum
? filed :with the suit yesterday
asserted that the Democrats
will: 'exPlore the possible in-
volvement of several former
and current top administra-
tion 'officials, including John
Mitchell, John Ehrlichman
and-II: R. Haldeman.
The Ilew version of the suit
---origanally filed in June ask-
ing $1: million in damages,
amended in September asking
$3.2, Million and now asking
$6.4: million?adds the names
of Jeb .Stuart Magruder and
nerbeit L. Porter, both for-
mer officials of the Committee
for the. Ile-election of the Pres-
ident:: ?
? Maurice Stans, finance
chairmen of the re-election
coramtttee, again is named as
a 'defendant, along with for-
mer ? committee treasurer
Hugli W. Sloane Jr. The seven
men,-including former White
House- aides E. Howard Hunt
Jr. and :G. Gordon Liddy, who
either" pleadedguilty or were
convicted on charges of con-
spiracy,, burglary and illegal
wiretapping and eavesdrop-
ping stemming from the June
break-in at the Democrat's
.Watergate headquarters also
are :bathed in the amended
:Robert S. Strauss, the new
chairinan of the Democratic
National Committee, was
added is a party bringing the
action in the amended version.
The: new version charges
that the defendants "em-
ploYee: Liddy, Hunt and
former committee security di-
rector-James W. McCord Jr.,
who was one of the seven con-
victed-on criminal charges, to
carry our "information-gather-
16
ing Operations by any means
available," including burglary
_and, ilfegal wiretapping and
eavesdropping.
The :new amended version
charges, that Magruder, por-
ter, ?Seans and Sloan "are re-
sponsible for the action of
their employees and agents,"
Liddy,-Hunt, McCord and the
four :men arrested with Mc-
Cord inside the Democratic
heaquarters.
Porter and Magruder were
quoted in a statement re-
leased-by the re-election com-
mittee; -yesterday as saying,
"Our: addition as defendants
In the: suit months after the
incident is simply a smoke-
screen: -Neither of us had ad-
vance: knowledge of the Water-
gate: incident . . . Each of us
has -testified to that effect at
least twice----before the fed-
eral grand jury convened to
investigge the case and be-
fore: the trial of the seven
defendants in the case. Those
who filed this suit are simply
trying to get sensational news
from dilatory court actions."
In addition to exploring the
"p ossible involvement" of
White House aides Haldeman
and Ehrlichman and former
Attorney General Mitchell, the
memo filed with the suit lists
these other officials whose
"possible involvement" will
be explored: Charles W. Col-
son,- a White House aide;
M. Douglas Caddy, a friend of
Hunt; Dwight Chapin, Presi-
dent Nixon's former appoint-
ments secretary; Morton B.
Jackson, a Los Angeles law-
yer; Herbert Kalmbach, Pres-
ident ; Nixon's personal law-
yer; Frederick C. LaRue, Rob-
ert Mardian, Robert C. Odle
Jr., Glenn J. Sedam, all pres-
ent or former committee of-
ficials; William E. Timmons,
'White House congressional
liaison; Kenneth Clawson,
deputy director of communica-
tion; and Donald Segretti, de-
scribed by federal sources as
a key figure in an alleged es-
pionage campaign against the
Democrats.
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WASHINGTON POST
3 March 1973
Watergate C
? .1 By Carl Bernstein
?
and Bob Woodward
, Washington Post Staff Writers
-?A notebook and an address
liciok that Watergate bugging
conspirator E. Howard Hunt
Jr. said were left in his White
House office have never been
received by the FBI, according
to federal investigators.
Hunt's attorney, William 0.
Bittman, said yesterday that
."the entire circumstances of
theit disappearance are pecu-
liar."
Bittman said both items con-
tained names and addresses,
and that federal prosecutors
had told hint they hoped the
books might lead investigators
to other persons involved in
the Watergate conspiracy.
According to testimony at
the Watergate trial, items in
Hunt's office were removed by
White House aides two days
after the June 17 break-in at
OUSTON POST
1 9 FED 1973
'CBS
?ir
Nise
te 4froks Missing
Democratic headquarters and
given to President Nixon's
counsel, Johri Wesley Dean
More than . a week later,
Dean turned over to the FBI
all the material except unspec-
ified items that he said were
clsssified, according to federal
investigators. The notebook
and address book were not in-
cluded in the material re-
ceived by the FBI, the investi-
gators said.
The purported existence of
the two items came to the at-
tention of investigators on
Oct. 11, when Hunt filed a
motion in U.S. District Court
contending that the search of
his office by White 'House
aides was illegal.
In a sworn affadavit filed
with the motion, Hunt de-
manded the return of the con-
tents of his office, including
one "Hermes" notebook and
one "Name-Finder" notebook
containing "personal informa-
tion ..."
When investigators realized
they had received no such no-
tebooks in the material fur-
nished by Dean, Assistant U. S.
Attorney Earl J. Silbert re-
portedly contacted officials at
the White House.
"The White House claimed
they never saw the note-
books," one federal investiga-
tor familiar with the matter
said. "W e didn't know what to
think. We still don't."
According to Bittman, he in-
tended to call Dean and other
members of the White House
staff as witnesses in a pretrial
hearing on Hunt's motion de
manding' the return of the
notebooks.
"At that time we thought
the FBI had them and had
used them in their investiga-
tion," Bittman said. "I was go-
ing to argue that the govern-
ment's whole case was tainted
chdms ofTahhas
naval inte.d.721.?E-ence
-NEW YORK. el ?CBS said
Sunday a Navy-trained dol-
.phin has been used to place a
detection device in a fore4,n
harbor to find out what kind
of atomic fuel the Russians
are using in their nuclear
sub in'a rines.
Newsman Morley Safer said
on the Columbia Broadcasting
System's "60 Minutes" pro-
gram that the planting and
retrieving operation is one of
a number of tasks being done
by the Navy's "biological
weapons systm" of trained
dolphins, whales and sea
lions.
Safer said the dolphin that
placed the detecting device
went back weeks later and
retrieved it "for American in-
telligence analysis." He gave
no further details.
CBS said the Navy has
classified ? almost all informa-
tion on its S30-million sea
mammal program "toi se-
cret."
The head of the program,
Harris Stone, special assis-
tant for intelligence for the
Bureau of Naval Operations,
said in an interview on the
program that reports of a
"kamikaze porpoise" trained
to carry explosives and "go
out and blow up Fumbarines"
was nothing but "science fic-
tion."
CBS said, however, that it
had learned that "the Navy's
dolphins have been trained to
attack enemy divers, to ward
off sharks, to place explosives
and monitoring devices on
ships . . ."
The Pentagon had tia com-
ment qn the CBS report.
However, .the Defense De-
partment disclosed last Sept.
5 that the Navy had 'trained
whales to recover such ob-
jects as torpedoes from the
ocean floor. A 1.200-pound
whale and a 5,500-pound killer
? whale were used in that test
off Hawaii, where they dived
to a depth of 1,654 feet...
The Navy previously had
experimented with propoises
and sea lions to detect enemy
mines, and frogmen.
James Fitzgerald, identified
as a pioneer in dolphin re-
search for the intelligence
community and the Navy,
told CBS that researchers
have been able to program
dolphins "and keep them un-
der control for distances up
to se.veral miles.
"As an operating vehicle,"
Fitzgerald added, "you can
carry a payload of the order
of 100 pounds'. . . You can
deliver and retrieve objects;
place and position them. you
can use acoustics homing,
acoustics beam riding, you
can use a radio-link or you
can have an inertial device in
the. gadget that they're towing
which can tell, them to go
right or left or they're on
?
course." ?
. Fitzgerald and 'diver Ray
Harmon told Of dolphins pro-
grammed to deploy them-
selves around a ship for its
protection ? against enemy di-
-vers. ?
?.
. .
Fitzgerald said a dolphin
can, after detecting a swim-
mer near the ship, go to the
ship and pull an alarm, then
force the swimmer to surface
and "capture him for inter-
rogation."
? Harmon told of playing the
role of enemy diver in one
such operation.
"I was a subject. for the
mock invasions," Harmon
because their information had
come from material (the
notebooks) obtained in an ille-
gal search. I was going to call
Dean and other people at the
IA lite House to show that
nt was still using his office.
in `June and that he had not
at ndoned his property in the
WI e House."
T ? L.' White House has re-,
peat.2(11)'s,-iid that Hunt last
worked th \.'s, on March 29 and
?based on contention?
federal proset.>\-c argued
that Hunt's repre-
sented "abandoned , ,erty"
that was legally confia.. on
June 19.
Bittman said the issue
came moot, however, "whiCk,
we found out the FBI never \
got the notebooks. When we
asked to examine the contents
of the search they weren't
there, All, I can can say is .
that the Whole thing was very
strange. I don't know where
they went."
The role of White House.
counsel Dean, who conducted;
an investigation that Presi-
dent Nixon said absolved all
current administration, offi-
cials from involvement in the
Watergate bugging, has be-
come an issue in the confirma-
tion hearings of Acting FBI
Director L. Patrick Gray.
In its Feb. 12 issue, News-
week magazine quoted "a
source close to the Watergate
defense" as saying that Dean
"actually removed documents"
from Hunt's office that "might
have led the G-men to admin-
istration topsiders." The same
report said Dean received or-
ders "to try, to prevent federal
investigators from tarnishing
any figures in the President's'
inner circle."
said. "We would try and pen-
etrate the dolphin perimeter
that they had set up. They
would pick us up without fail,
run us to the surface on their
noses and corral us into an
area ? without getting up a
sweat."
Harmon said the dolphins
surfaced the divers by mak-
ing the in "so uncomfor-
table . . . to be where you
are they will make you move
in any direction they want
you to."
Their methods,- he added,
I nclude pulling off face
in tearing regulator
hoses and pulling off swim-
fins.
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WASHINGTON POST
6 March 1973
The Watergate Subpoenas
Attorneys are going to court today in an effort to
win a delay in the return dates of subpoenas which
.would require reporters and executives of four publica-
tions (including this one) to make available massive
amounts of material and information?some of it highly
confidential?in connection with their coverage of the
,a-called Watergate Case. The ultimate objective of the
'attorneys is to persuade a Federal District judge to
quash the subpoenas altogether, on grounds that com-
pliance with their incredibly sweeping demands is barred
'by the First Amendment. It will hardly surprise you to
learn that this newspaper Is in agreement with the argu-
ments its legal counsel will be making to the court, and
it Is not our purpose here to pursue this argument or
'to plead with the judge as to how to rule. We would,
however, like to set down what we believe to be the
heart of this matter.
? ? By way of background, the subpoenas in question grow
:out of a civil suit for damages filed by the Democratic
Party against the Committee to Re-Elect President Nixon
.and a countersuit for libel filed on behalf of Mr. Maurice
Stens, former Secretary of Commerce in the Nixon
'Administration and financial chief of the Nixon cam-
paign. The Democrats are claiming the damages as a
.consequence of the break-in at Party headquarters at
the Watergate, and Mr. Stens is arguing that the attempt
to pin the blame on him for this is libelous; in other
words, what we have in these civil suits is a partisan
political shoving match.
If the legal action is political in its origins, it is very
nearly ludicrous with respect to the character and the
targets of the subpoenas which have been served at the
request of counsel for Mr. Stans. Why, for example, are
-this newspaper's publisher and managing editor included
'among those ordered to give testimony in this matter
and also to bring a mind-boggling collection of material
_along with thern, while in the case of the three other
:publications involved (Time Magazine, the New York
Times, and the Washington Star-News) only the staff
:members who reported and wrote the stories on he
.Watergate affair have been called? One can only guess
:at the answer, but our guess is that Mr. Joseph Alsop
"had, it about right in a column on the opposite page
?yesterday. It was his supposition that these "dragnet"
'subpoena i could not have been issued by the Republicans
without at least implicit White House sanction and that
'somewhere at the bottom of it all is a spirit of reprisal
ron the part of the White House which, in turn, derives('
%from the attention given during the fall election cam-
paign by the press in general, and this newspaper in
particular, to the Watergate and related reports of po-
litical espionage and sabotage.
If that were all there were to it, of course, it would
amount to nothing more than a petty act of revenge.
But that is not all there is to it, as Mr. Alsop also pointed
out:
"The dragnet subpoenas amount to a demand for
full disclosure of the inner workings of the news-
paper business, including reporters' sources . . . the
subpoenas will rightly be resisted up to the Supreme
Court, if necessary, but at heavy expense for all the
, incidental costs of resistance. For these reasons, the
dragnet subpoenas constitute an unquestionable,
gross and unjustifiable invasion of the freedom of
the press."
That is exactly our view of it; whatever the relative
consequence of this partisan exchange of civil suits, the
constitutional issue raised by these subpoenas is as clear
and as _profound as any that has yet been forced by a
court test, despite the great flood of subpoenas against
(
newsmen in the last few years. In fact, nothing could
better illustrate the crucial significance of confidential
relationships between reporters and sources in investi-
gative reporting than the Watergate stories first broke
in this newspaper. For one thing, in almost every case
there was necessarily heavy reliance on anonymous
sources?on information that could not be attributed by
name to the informants for all the obvious reasons which
cause investigators, prosecutors or others in such sensi-
tive situations to consider their careers and their wel-
fare when revealing information which is certain to em-
barrass if not incriminate people of power in high places.
What is more, just about every allegation in these
news stories that bore on the criminal case just tried
was subsequently confirmed by court proceedings?
so that there is no question here of irresponsible or
reckless reporting, even if that had strict legal rele-
vance. On the contrary, what the public got was an
accurate account of the particular nature and workings
of the campaign to re-elect the President. It got this
account despite the best efforts or the White House and
the President's campaign managers to delay investiga-
tions and to suppress the facts. And it got this account
,only because sources were willing to talk in confidence
to reporters, secure in their faith that these confidences
would be respected. That is the nub of the threat posed
by these subpoenas: if judges and prosecutors and de-
fense lawyers can force reporters to reveal their confi-
dential sources and make public information not pub-
lished (because very often it was given on that condi-
tion) then the flow of information from confidential
sources will dry up and a vital source of news?which
is to say, information?which the public is entitled to
know about will disappear.
It would be the height of irony if out of the reporting
of the Watergate story--7-which was something of a clas-
sic of its kind for the enterprise and energy that went
into it, for its caution with fact and its care?should
come a court ruling or an ultimate court oPinion which
would make this sort of news reporting incredibly more
difficult if not impossible.
20
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THE WASHINGTON POST
Thursday, March 3,1973
W ter ate Cons
,0
By Lawrence Meyer
Washington Post Staff Writer
James W. McCord Jr., the
former security director, for
President Nixon's re-election
committee who was convicted
in the Watergate bugging trial
in January, posted $100,000
bond yesterday and was re-
leased from the D.C. jail.
McCord, who has been inpri-
soned since his conviction, left
the U.S. District Courthouse
yesterday without speaking to
reporters. Bernard Shankman,
one of McCord's lawyers, said
the money for his bond was
put up by "friends."
? As McCord was being re-
leased pending his sentencing,
his lawyers filed a motion ask-
ing for a new trial ?on the
grounds that Chief U.S. Dis-
trict Judge John J. Sieica com-
mitted nine errors in the
course of the three-week trial.
In a separate but related
matter, attorneys for the Dem-
ocratic National Committee in
a civil suit stemming from the
bugging and break-in of its
Watergate headquarters,
asked U.S. District Judge
,Charles R. Richey to order the
white House, the Justice De-
partment and other govern-
ment agencies to turn over
I documents relating to the inci-
dent.
According to informed
sources, McCord posted $100,
000 with a surety company,
which In turn gave him bond
as Sb-lea required on Feb. 5.
One other of the seven
Watergate defendants, former
White House aide E. Howard
Hunt Jr., also posted $100,000
after pleading guilty, to
charges of conspiracy, bur-
glary, illegal wiretapping and
eavesdropping.
OR
411
with G. Gordon Liddy, also a
former White House aide and
finance counsel for the Com-
mittee for the Re-election of
the President. Liddy Is being
held in the federal peniten-
tiary at Danbury, Conn., pend-
ing sentencing.
The remaining four defend-
ants, who are all from Miami,
pleaded guilty during the
trial. They are in D.C. jail also
awaiting sentencing. Sirica is
expected to sentence all seven
men before the end of the
month.
McCord's motion for a new
trial, filed by Shankman and
Gerald Alch, charges that Siri-
ca's conduct of the trial
"reflected an extension of the
judicial role of the Court in
the area of prosecution and in-
vestigation."
Throughout the trial, Sirica
expressed his intention "to get
to the bottom" of the Water-
gate case. He pursued this in-
tention by questioning all five
defendants who pleaded guilty
as well as two key prosecution
witnesses.
McCord's motion alleges
that Sirica also erred in read-
ing to the jury a portion of his
examination of ene witness af-
ter the judge had questioned
him out of the jury's presence.
Other alleged errors cited in
the brief included Sirica's fail-
ure to question each prospec-
tive juror Imilvhittally to see
If their judgment had been
prejudiced by pretrial public-
ity and his refusal to grant a
mistrial after five defendants
had pleaded guilty.
The other alleged errors
concern Sirica's instructions
to the jury, interruptions he
made during opening and cls-
9
0
yers, and his refusal to allow
Alch to argue that McCord
had a legal right to bug the
Democrats.
4In the civil suit, brought by
the Democratic National Com-
mittee and others against re-
election committee finance
chairman Maurice H. Stans,
McCord, Hunt, Liddy and
other committee officials, law-
yers for the Democratic Party
yesterday asked the Court to
order the committee to open
its financial records for in-
spection as part of the suit.
In addition, the Democratic
Party lawyers are seeking doc-
uments from the White House,
the Justice Department and
the United States attorney for
the District of Columbia.
From the White House, the
Democrats are seeking "all re-
pelts, memoranda and other
documents prepared by John
Dean III or by any other mem-
ber or members of the White
House staff. . In relation" to
the Watergate break-in.
Dean, counsel to President
Nixon, conducted an investiga-
tion after the incident that,
the President said, concluded
that no one then employed at
the White House was involved
in the Watergate incident.
In addition, the Democrats
asked the White House to turn
over any other reports in their
possesHion concerning 1 ite
Watergate inci(Ient, any Inven-
tory of objects left by Hunt In
the Executive Office Building;
any documents that contain in-,
formation Hunt obtained con-
cerning any elected Democ.:,
tatie official or party officer,
and any reports, memos or
other documents prepared by
any White House official con-
similar activities" conducted
by Hunt, Liddy or others.
From the Justice Depart-
ment, the Democrats are seek-
ing the results of its investiga-
tion, including anything de-
scribing "the possible invo/ye-
ment of past or present mem.
bers of the White House stair
in the Watergate incident or
other political espionage dit.'
rected against the Democrats.
The U.S. attorney is asked
to turn over minutes of a
grand jury investigation that
led to the indictment of the
seven men. In additoon, tele.
phone records, credit card re:.
cords, financial and travel ;.re.
,cords for the defendants and
committee officials are sought,:
In addition to asking the
Nixon re-election committee td
disclose all contributions Of
more than $100 made between.
Dec. 31; 1971, and June
1972, and committee expetidi-
tures, the Democrats are seek-
ing records of transactions ,be:
tween Robert L. Vesco and the
re-election finance committee
or anyone acting for either
party.
V'eSco; the-subject of a Seen-
rites and Exchange Commis-
sion investigation, gave a 'pei?
ciet $200,000 contribution-0
the reelection c ommitte
April 10. The, $200,000 contri-
bution' ane another $56,000
that he gave was returned- to
Vcsco last Jan. 31.
WASHINGTON POST
McCord was convicted along ing statements by defense law- cerning political espionage "or I 16 February, 1973
Rand Corp. Admits day in Putting
"Pentagin apers in Control System
By Sanford J. Ungar
Washington Post Staff Writer
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 15 ?
The Pentagon Papers were at
the Rand Corp. for over a year
before they were entered into
its "top secret control sys-
tem in May,-1970, Rand offi-
cials acknowledged in federal
court here today.
Testifying as a prosecution'
witness in the trial of Daniel
Ellsberg and Anthony J.
Russo Jr., Richard Best,
Rand's top security officer,
conceded that this delay was
in apparent disregard of De-
fense Department and Rand
Corp. regulations for the
ha.ndling of _classifie.d ma-
teeigtproved For Kelease
Ellsberg, serving as an of- pens) in his hand and said,
'Would you like these?' "
Within an hour, Moorsteen
said, after he had called then
Rand president Henry S.
Rowell and security officers,
Jan Butler, Rand's top secret
control officer, "came by
with a little cart and picked
them up from me."
ficial courier, had brought
portions of the then-top se-
cret Pentagon Papers . from
Rand's Washington office to
its headquarters* in Santa
Monica, Calif., on March 3 and
Aug. 28, 1969.
But . another prosecution
witness, Rand consultant
Richard H. Moorsteen, testi-
fied that it was he who en-
tered them into the defense
contractor's security system
? and oft on May. 20, 1970.
Moorsteen said it was on
that day that Ellsberg, still
working at Rand, "came
across the hall to my office
iguntitiaindinar .of
During the interval between
the papers' 'arrival in Santa
Monica and 'the day Moor-
steen turned, them over to
Miss Butler. the prosecution
contends, Ellsberg removed
them from Rand and, with the
help of Russo and others, ph?,
tocppied them at a Los An-
ValitakiN1 ileaCtirr4
NEW YORK kii,paved For Release 200:11e/RifilA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
NEW YU
17 February 1973 19 February 1973
ACCESS TO PAPERS
AT RAND OUTLINED
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special 0 The New York Times
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 16?A
former friend and colleague of
Daniel Ellsberg at the Rand
Corporation testified today that
he knew of no "special ar-
rangement" at Rand regarding
the Pentagon papers.
The Government witness in
the trial of Dr. Ellsberg and
Anthony J. Ritsso Jr. was Rich-
ard H. Moorsteen, now a Rand
consultant and also a foam rub-
ber manufacturer in San Diego.
Mr. Moorsteen did say that
only a "narrow" list of people
had access to the papers at
Rand?five persons in all?but
that nonetheless as far as he
was concerned the papers were
always within the regular se-
curity machinery.
It is the contention of the
defense that the copy of the
Pentagon papers that Dr. Ells-
berg in turn later copied and
helped make public was in fact
the private papers of three De-
fense Department officials who
had sent them to Rand for
storage, but who gave Dr. Ells-
berg and Mr. Moorsteen primary
access to them. They were not
in the regular Rand security
system, the defense says.
A Model Employe
Mr. Moorsteen, however, tes-
tified that this was not his
understanding. He depicted
himself as a rather model Rand
employe, a bit roguish perhaps,
who came to work late?"ten-
ish," he said laughingly?and
who broke a few minor security
regulations, all abotit as serious
as a schoolboy caught smoking.
Otherwise, he was very "metic-
ulous" in handling classified
documents.
He implied, without actually
saying so, that his friend Dan
Ellsberg was not quite such a
good boy while at Rand.
Mr. Moorsteen is a tall, thin
man in his late 40's with' black
hair. He has black-rimmed
glasses, and he wore a tweed
jacket, flannel slacks, a red tie
and a red and white striped
shirt.
The three Defense Depart-
ment officials who sent a copy
of the papers to Rand for
storage were Paul C. Warnke,
then Assistant Secretary of De-
fense for International Affairs,
and two of his top assistants,
Leslie Gelb and Morton H.
Halperin, and it was they who
gave Dr. Ellsberg special access
to their copy.
Access Given in Letter
In a letter written on Oct. 6,
1969, to Henry S. Rowen, presi-
dent of Rand, a letter now- in
evidence, Mr. Halperin and Mr.
Gelb also granted access to
their copy of the papers to Mr.
Moorsteen.
But Mr. Moorsteen swore to-
day that he never knew of the
existence of that letter. He
learned months later from
Rand's top security control offi-
cer, Jan Butler,. that he had
access, he said, in a contradic-
Official Secrets
By Anthony Lewis
LONDON, Feb. 18?Alan Grimwood,
a pbstal clerk in Chingford, Essex,
wrote to the local paper the other day
to explain that slow service in the
town post office was caused by a
shortage of help. When his letter .was
published, he was accused of violating
the Official Secrets Act.
The Sunday Times of London got
'hold of a report by consultants to the
British Railways Board raising the idea
of a drastic cut in rail services. When
the paper ran a story, detectives from
Scotland Yard visited the editor and
said that he might have committed
a crime.
To Americans brought up in the
tradition of free speech, those incidents
must seem absurd?worthy of a
banana republic, as a British legal
journal said. Obviously, we would say,
nothing like that could happen in the
United States. But it could.
At this very moment the United
States Government is trying to create
its own replica of Britain's much-
hated Secrets Act, making it a crime
to publish the most trivial fact of
official life without permission. That
-is the purpose, and would be the re-
sult if it succeeds, of the prosecution
of Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo.
The charges in the Ellsberg-Russo
trial of-course relate not to something
trivial, like a village post office, but
lo the Pentagon papers. People may
therefore assume that there must be
a law directly covering the alleged
conveying of that official history of
the Vietnam war to the press.
But there is no such law. Congress
has never been willing to pass a
statute plainly and squarely forbidding
leaks to the press by Government
officials. The Justice Department in-
stead is trying to bring the facts of
this case under three other statutes.
. The first is the Espionage Act.- As
its name indicates, this law is directed
generally at espionage, not leaking.
The particular section invoked against
Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo has been
used in the past against persons al-
- leged to have passed information to
p. foreign agent. There is of course no
'such charge against these defendants;
the Justice Department is 'trying to
persuade the courts that mere dis-
closure of defense information is
enough to constitute a crime under the
Espionage Act.
Second, Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo
are charged with violating the general
Federal statute against conspiracy.
This section of the criminal code was
recently described by the Chief Judge
of the Federal District Court for North-
ern Illinois, William J. Campbell, as
the "darling of the lazy or publicity-
tion to the defense's contention.
He testified under cross-
examination by Charles R. Nes-
son and Leonard L Weinglass,
defense attorneys, that on May
20, 1970, Dr. Ellsberg's last day
at Rand, Dr. Ellsberg brought
AT HOME ABROAD
seeking prosecutor;" he urged its
repeal. ,
Specifically, Dr. Ellsberg and Mr.
Russo are accused of conspiring to
"defraud the United States" by "im-
pairing, obstructing and defeating its
lawful governmental function of con-
trolling" classified information. In
other words, instead of a specific
statute, we have a vague creature
called a "lawful governmental fun-
tion" r ?wihst which it is a crime?a
bootstrap crime?to conspire.
Third, the Pentagon papers defend-
ants are charged under the general
statute against stealing Federal prop-
erty. The "property" supposedly in-
volved is not the volumes of war
history themselves but the information
they include.
If the courts accept this ingenious'
legal theory, it will then potentially be
a crime to acquire any information
from the Government, however trivial,
without the specific approval of some
official. The United States will then
indeed have an Official Secrets Act on
exactly the model of the British law
, regarded as so sweeping and silly that'
an official committee has recom-
mended its reform. '
It is no accident that the Federal
statute books lack any clear, direct
law against publishing official infor-
mation. Congress has had ample op-
portunity to pass such an act. It has
not done so, and the reason is easy
enough to understand. Leaking is a
widespread phenomenon, deeply rooted
in the American system of govern-
ment, and using the criminal law' to'
stop it would raise grave difficulties.
The Justice Department's attempt
to construct a. law against leaking
from existing statutes, without fresh
Congressional consideration', raises
very great dangers of centralized in-
formation -control. There Is one partic-
-ular danger that ought to be under-
stood by the press.
If the Nixon Administration prevails
with its theory that Government in-
formation is "property," or otherwise
gets and sustains a conviction against
Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo, then leak-
ing will be a crime. Under the Supreme
Court decision in the Caldwell case .
last year, reporters may be forced to
testify about alleged crimes. That
means that any leak disliked by some
future Administration could lead not
only to investigations of the press but
to forced testimony?or jail terms.
The American press has been gen-
erally complacent so far about the
prosecution of Daniel Ellsberg and
Anthony Russo. If it understood the
implications, I do not think it could be.
the papers into his office and
asked him if he wanted them
and that he had replied, "I said
I'll check." and that he had im-
mediately called Mr. Rowen.
This call, he said, led to the
papers' being injected into
Rand's security system.
22
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NEW YORK TIMES
7 March 1973
Ellsberg Witness Asserts
Military Falsified Reports,
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New Yolk Timeg
LOS ANGELES, March 6?Al Navy officer for "three years,
four months, eleven days" be-
fore joining the C.I.A. in March,
1963.
He is a tall, slightly pudgy
man, and he was wearing a
blue suit and a red tie when
he testified. The ttails of his
white shirt hung out as he told
the jury, "I'm a researcher and
Central Intelligence Agency an-
'alyst testified today at the
Pentagon papers trial that he
had attended conferences, in
Saigon and Hawaii and at the
agency, in which the military
purposely diminished estimates
of enemy strength in Vietnam. not a spy, which is why I can
The witness, Samuel A. come up here and talk."
Adams, said that there were He said that between October,
"political pressures in the mili-
1965, and April, 1972, he
worked almost exclusively in
the agency doing research on
the Vietcong, both at the agency
offices in Langely, Va., and in
Vietnam, "trying to dope out
what made those guys tick,
keep going in face of what we
could throw at them."
At one point, Mr. Adams used
a green marking pen to show
upon a large pad on an easel
how the military subtracted
various "components" of the
enemy ? the guerrilla forces,
for instance ? "purposely" to
lower the order of ,battle esti-
tary to display the enemy as
weaker than he acttfally was."
He did not say why, but the
defense contends that this was
, done to make it appear that
the Army was winning the war.
. Mr. Adams said that the
monthly estimates of the
. enemy's military strength,
? called the order of battle; were
prepared for the press and for
- the White House and that they
were so inaccurate that after
the enemy's Tet offensive in mates.
1968, two official sets of esti, He said that at the various
mates had to be put together conferences held at the agency
;
each month, one by the Army and in Hawaii and Saigon,
,, which he' called "the Pentagon
the other by the agency. East," the "intelligence com-
The Adams testimony per- munity" debated with the mili-
tains to a 1968 Joint Chiefs of tary the accuracy of the order
Staff memorandum, eight pages of battle estimates.
of which are among the 20 At one such conference, he
,"top secret-sensitive" document
in this case.
A Government witness, Lieut.
Gen. William G. Depuy, assist-
ant to the vice chief of staff
of the Army, has testified that
disclosure of those eight pages
damaged the national defense,
was of advantage to a foreign
nation and could have helped
Hanoi during the Vietnam war.
An example of the informa-
tion that could have ' helped
?Hanoi, General Depuy said, was
the American estimates of the
enemy order of battle.
Mr. Adams said that he be-
lieved the memorandum, writ-
ten after the early Tet offense
in 1968, "would be virtually
'useless" to a foreign nation.
The memorandum gave the
enemy order of battle at 240,-
000 troops, which Mr. Adams
said "was not the best estimate
of how many foemen there
were."
He told the jury that an
order of battle was "our esti-
mate of how many baddies
there are against us."
Harvard Graduate
Mr. Adams, 38 years old, is
a direct descendant of his
colonial namesake He is a Har-
vard graduate who attended
Harvard Law School for two
years and who, served as a
said, the Army's top public re-
lations general was present,
which "was unusual." Also at-
?tending, Mr. Adams said, were
representatives of Gen. William
C. Westmoreland, then com-
manding officer of the Army
in Vietnam, and of the National
Security Agency, the Defense
Intelligence Agency and the
State Department.
Mr. , Adams was questioned
by Charles R. Nesson, a Har-
vard law professor who is one
of the defense attorneys. The
analyst said that in view of
the damage the enemy inflicted
during the 1968 Tet offensive,
the Army's official order of
battle estimates were "inher-
ently unbelievable? and that
"it is my belief the 240,000
figure was purposely low."
He said that he based that
belief on his own studies, based
on information from captured
enemy documents, among other
things, and "from statements
by General Westmoreland,
where he said at a news con-
ference [in November, 1967]
that the enemy is running out
of men, more specifically out
of guerrillas."
The order of battle referred
to in the 1968 joint Chiefs of
one quoted by General Deputy
said:
"The enemy has been hurt
badly in the populated low-
lands, is practically intact else-
where. He committed over 67,-
000 combat maneuver forces
plus perhaps 25 per cent, or
.17,000, more impressed men and
boys, for a total of about 84,-
000. He. lost.. 40.000 killed. at
Approved For Reiease 2001/0
NEW YORK TIMES
8 March 1973
ARMY IS DEFENDED
efil ITS TROOP DATA
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New York Times
LOS ANGELES, March 7?
The Government attempted to-
day at the Pentagon papers
trial to shore up the accuracy
of the Army's estimates of en-
emy troop strength in Vietnam
and at the same time to dis-
credit a Central Intelligence
Agency analyst who challenged
those estimates.
Thus the Government found
itself fighting in court to give
credence to statistics that the
Government itself stopped using
after the Tet offensive in 1968.
The issue was ?the Order of
Battle, the estimates that an
army gives of the number of
troops opposing it in combat.
Yesterday, Samuel A. Adams,
the analyst, who was the third
defense witness, testified that
there were "political pressures
In the military to display the
enemy as weaker than he actu-
ally was." The ? defense con-
tends that this was an effort
to make it appear as if the
Army was winning the war.
Mr. Adams said that after
the Tet offensive in 1968, two
Orders of Battle were prepared
each month, one by the Army
and one by the Central Intelli-
gence Agency. The latter was
used by ? the Government be-
cause it was more accurate, he
said. ?
Today, on cross-examination,
David R. Nissen, the chief
prosecutor, asked Mr. Adams
whether it was not true that
be objected to the Army's Or-
least 3,000 captured, and per-
haps 5,000 disabled or died of
wounds. He had peaked his
force total to about 240,000 just
before Tet, by hard recruiting,
infiltration, civilian impress-
ment, and downwards on serv-
ice and guerrilla personnel."
.
Mr Adams said that the cor-
rect order of battle would have
shown at least 400,000 enemy
troops, not 240,000.
The analyst said that he had
read about General Depuy's
testimony in The New York
Times and that he had recalled
writing reports showing that
the general's figures were
wrong.
' Earlier in the trial, after a
battle between the defense and
the Government, Federal Dis-
trict Court Judge William Mat-
thew Byrne .Jr. ruled that the
Adams reports must be turned
over to the defense because
they were exculpatory material.
That is, they were evidence
in the possession of the prose-
cutionthat would tend to prove
the innocence of the defen-
dants, Daniel Ellsberg and An-
thony J. Russo Jr., who are
accused of six counts of espion-
age, six counts of theft and one
count of conspiracy. The judge
refused to allow Mr. Nesson to
question Mr, Adams on what
the defense contends were the
Government's attempts to sup-
press those reports.
/at t.iA-KUl-' I (-004.321-(li
der of Battle in 1967 and that
the national intelligence esti-
mates of that year still sup-
ported the Army.
Yes, the analyst agreed, that
was true.
Mr. Nissen asked if Mr.
Adams's complaints about the
Order of Battle had been in
"your organization" heard by
"very competent and senior
people" who were .apparently
willing to go along with the
Army's figures.
Again, Mr. Adams agreed
that this was true, but he re-
iterated that the national intel-
ligence estimates changed "aft-
er the Tet offensive" to use
the C.I.A. figures, not the
Army's.
Mr. Adams was asked what
he meant by "political pres-
sure" and whether "the Presi-
dent" or other high-ranking of-
ficials were forcing the use of
lower Order of Battle estimates,
and he answered that he had
"heard discussions of that."
He said that on "two occa-
sions I was told in private by
[Military] officers that what I
was espousing was true" but
that in public the officers kept
repeating the lower Order of
Battle estimates.
Mr. Adams said that he knew
not only from his own C.I.A.
studies, but also from the
Army's use of figures that the
Army was fabricating the Order
of Battle figures. This was
done, he said, by not putting
into them all the components
that the agency used.
He gave this example. The
Army's criteria for adding en-
emy troops to the Order of
Battle were information con-
tained either in captured en-
emy documents or in prisoner
of war interviews.
But, he said, "pilots flying
over an area would report anti-
aircraft flak, but the military
wouldn't put it [the antiaircraft
troops below] in -their Order of
Battle because there was no
captured document or prisoner
of war report."
"It was my feeling that if you
see someone shooting at you,
you put it in the Order of Bat-
tle," he added.
To show the various enemy
forces that the agency consid-
ered part of the proper Order
of Rattle, Mr. Adams wrote
them out yesterday on a large
piece of paper on an easel, and
this led to the judge's admon-
ishing one of the defendants,
Anthony J. Russo Jr.
Mr. Adams had written on
the paper, for the jury to see,
the following components:
main/local forces, combat sup-
port, irregulars and political
cadre.
During a court recess, Mr.
Russo added a fifth item, "the
people." Mr. Nissen complained,
and Federal District Court
Judge William Matthew Byrne
Jr. asked who had added an
item.
"I wanted to flesh it out,"
Mr. Russo said.
"This case is not being tried
in a humorous vain," Judge
Byrne replied.
"I apologize to the court,"
said Mr. Russo.
The jupdge then told him
that if he did such a thing again
he would not get off with a sim-
01110001-4
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WASHINGTON POST
9 March 1973
Joseph Alsop
nalyzing the CI
Unwittingly, the country has just
,,?
been given a prime sample of the gar-
age that people like Daniel Ellsberg
have been peddling as historical truth..
The 'garbage sample also shows why
President Nixon has put in James
Schlesinger Jr. as director of the Cert.
trill: Intelligence Agency, to effect a
forceful clean-out in some areas.
;The particular pail of garbage
ierVed up at Ellsberg's trial was the
testimony of Samuel Adams, an ex-CIA
analyst and estimater. Adams darkly
testified that in 1968, "there were polit-
ieal pressures from the military to dls-
pimi the enemy as weaker than he ac-
tually was." Normally, one must add,
,
nothing could be more stale than an
old 'row about just how many North Vi-
? etnamese and Vietcong troops were in
the field in 1968.
...This particular old row is worth ex-
amining, however, because it tells such
a lot about ,what may be called the
Ellsberg-type in 'government, and also
about the operations of a crucial but
obscure part of our government. The
sfory begins, then, in late 1965 or early
1966, _when President Lyndon Johnson
declared, in effect, "Now we're in a
guerilla war, I want someone to tell
inejust how many guerillas there are."
No one in the U.S. government has
ever thought of responding to this
kind of .presidential command with
bleak" honesty, by saying: "I'm sorry,
Mr.President, we just don't know." At
that time, of course, no one did know,
for at that time in Vietnam, our forces
pie "warning."
Judge Byrne said that Mr.
Russo was also being unfair
to his co-defendant, Daniel
Ellsberg, who was being "put
in jeopardy." All this occurred
bpefore the jury returned from
the recess.
The cross-examination of Mr.
Adams will continue tomorrow
morning.
The next defense witness is
scheduled to be McGeorge
Bundy, special assistant to
Presidents Kennedy and John-
son for national security af-
fairs, who is now president of
the Ford Foundation.
nalysts
were not fighting guerillas?which is'
how you find out how many there are.
We were instead fighting the enemy's
big units, a necessary first stage. -
Nonetheless, an incomparably ridicu-
lona estimating process at once began
among the civilian analysts in the CIA,
arid also among the military analysts
iri. Saigon 'and the Pentagon. The sys-
terrc in both cases, was to start with
the Ideal "table of organization" fin-
pesed bylIanoi in the Sohth. This indi-
cated the numbers of guerillas Hanoi
regarded as desirable at every level,.
hathlet, village; district and finally prov-
-With some difficulty, the numbers of
hamlets, villages and districts in South
Vietnam were ascertained. Multiplica-
tions were then made, on the basis of
the'' ideal table of organization. The'
military analysts' result was 180,000,
guerillas. The CIA result was 300,000;
guerillas. This was because the CIA'
analysts, anti-war, and anthmilitary;'
toe, insisted upon including a huge
number for the almost purely imagi-
nary "secret self defense forces."
The first sequel was one of the most
ludicrous bureaucratic wars in the of-
ten-ludicrous history, of the intelli-
gence bureaucracy. Meetings were
held on both sides of the Pacific, as
Adams indicated at the Ellsberg trial.
Charges were hurled at the military by
the civilians, and vice versa. Appar:.
ently, Adams participated. So did one
of the men CIA director Schlesinger
has now brought into the agency from
outside, Maj. Gen. Daniel Graham?
but,Graham was on the side of com-
parative common sense.
One has to use the word
"comparative," because of the second
sequel. After the Tet offensive in 1968,
the task of fighting guerillas was belat-
edly taken in hand in Vietnam. It soon
became apparent that the number of
guerillas had been enormously exag-
gerated. This was shown in other ways,
too, such as the heavy, steadily increas-
ing use of North Vietnamese replace-
ments at all levels in the Vietcong mil-
itary apparatus. North Vietnamese
would never have been used in this
manner, if southerners had been 0)3-
, tainahle.
Dy agreement, therefore, the CIA
and the army quietly reduced the guer-
illa total on the official "order of bat-
tle" to only 60,000 men. Thus the mili-
tary analysts had been wrong by a fac-
tor of three, and the CIA analysts had
been wrong by a factor of five. It is at
leak better to be wrong by three in-
stead of five?which is why the Adams
testimony is garbage.
The foregoing, one must add, was
only one of the passionate errors that
the CIA analysts produced in the Viet-
namese war. Another specimen was
the famous estimate that Hanoi was
putting only minimal supplies through
the Cambodian port of Sihanoukville.
This estimate was later shown to be
wholly false by the CIA itself.
These errors resulted, in tura, from
a peculiar historical bias. Here con-
sider the former colleagues of Samuel
Adams, who were obstinately wrong
about the Soviet re-invasion of Hun-
gary, about the Soviet missiles in
Cuba, and about the Soviet invasion of
Czechoslovakia?all,, presumably, be-
cause they did not wish to believe that
such dreadful things could happen. It
can be seen, then, why CIA Director
Schlesinger has been given a job to do.
?el 1973, Los Angeles Times
NEW YORK TIMES
23 February 1973
Fingerprints Found on Papers,
Witness Tells Ellsberg Trial
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Soecttal to The New lot k 'flows
LOS 'ANGELES, Feb. 22 ? the documents in Mrs. Res-
Deemer E. Hippensteel, a re- nick's advertising office in Oc-
tired F.B.I. agent, testified to- tober,, 1969, and she and Vu
day that he had found the fin- Van That, former South Viet-
nam Ambassador to the United
States, have been named as co-
conspirators in this case, but
not co-defendants.
, More Tegtimony Tuesday
Mr. Hippensteel is scheduled
to testify again on Tuesday
about Mr. Thai's fingerprints'
being on the documents, if by
that time the Government can
get past the legal technicalities
that so far have kept Mr. Thai's
name out of this trial.
Tuesday's testimony will con-
clude, for the time being, the
Government's case against Di.
gerprints of Daniel Ellsberg,
Anthony J. Russo Jr., ?Lynda
Sinay Resnick and Dr. Ells-
berg's son, Robert, then 13
years old, on the Pentagon pa-
pers that were removed from
tit e Rand Corporation. '
The Government is contend-
ing that Mr. Russo, Dr. Ells-
berg's codefendant in the Pen-
tagon papers trial, and Mrs.
Aesiiick and Robert EtIsberg
Ellsberg were "persons not en-
titled to receive" the Pentagon
,papers and two other top-secret
documents involved in this tri-
al, but 'that they did receive
them from Dr. Ellsberg.
Dr. Ellsberg made copies of
Ellsberg and Mr. Miss?, who
are accused of eight counts of
espionage, six counts' of theft
and one count of conspiracy.
The defense would like to
keep Mr. Thai's name in partic-
ular out of the case because it
does not want the jury to be
reminded that Dr. Ellsberg and
Mr. Russo are accused of show-
ing the papers to a foreign na-
tional.
The defense will start on
Tuesday to present its case to
the jury. This will start with
an opening statement by Leo-
nard I. Weinglass, an attorney
for Mr. Russo, who reserved
his right to open when the
trial first started.
24
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NEW YORK TIMES
27 February 1973
2 COUNTS DROPPED
IN EBBEN CASE
By United Press International
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 26 ?
Federal District Court Judge
Matthew M. Byrne dropped one
espionage charge each against
'Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J.
Russo today, but he declined to
order a directed verdict of ac-
quittal in the Pentagon papers
trial.
After brief testimony from a
final prosecution witness to-
morrow, the lawyers for Dr.
Ellsberg and Mr. Russo are to
start presentation of their case,
with 35 witnesses to be called
over a seven-week period.
The two counts of the indict-
ment that Judge Byrne ordered
stricken dealt with disposition
of the papers concerning the
evolution of the Vietnam war:
He ruled, in effect, that the
prosecution had not proved its
case in those counts so far as
criminal intent was concerned.
Judge , Byrne's ruling left. 13
counts remaining against the
defendants, charging conspir-
acy, theft of government docu-
-meats and espionage.
Judge Byrne rejected defense
arguments that the testimony
id 10 Government witnesses
was not sufficient to prove itsj
case.
The defense had contended'
that information in the Penta-
gon papers was stale, that the
Governmen had no right to con-
trol dissemination of the docu-
ments and that Dr. ,Ellsberg had
personal, privileged access to
the study.
?
The defense case will begin
with testimony from Rear Adm.
Gene Larocque, retired, head of
the Center for Defense Informa-
tion, a private Washington
group that studies' dissemina-
tion of information on defense
matters to the public.
The second defense witness
will be Samuel A. Adams of
Leesburg, Va., an agent for the
Central Intelligence Agency,
who has submitted a memoran-
dum declaring that testimony of.
an Army general about the sen-
sitivity of papers leaked by Dr.
Ellsberg was inaccurate.
THE WASHINGTON POST Wedneday, Feb. 28,1973
6
ee
IIs .e
By Sanford J. Ungar ?
- WashIngton.Post Staff Writer.
LOS ANGELES, Feb. 27?
Daniel. Ellsberg and Anthony
J. Russo Jr. disclosed the top-
secret 'Pentagon Papers be-
cause the documents were
"needed by .the country" in
evaluating the war in Viet-
nam, one of their attorneys
told a jury .in federal court
here today.
'Launching the defense case
in the Pentagon Papers trial,
Leonard I. Weinglass insisted
that Ellsberg and Russo had
commited no crime at all by
their acts. .
.Indeed, Weinglass told the
jury, "It is the government
which bent the law" by charg-
ing Ellsberg and Russo with
conspiracy, espionage and.
theft of government property.
.He promised that the de-
fense will present "a long list
a knowledgeable -and expert
people" as witnesses to ,sup-
port that view and to explain
the "relatively simple" issues
in the controversial case.
Most of those witnesses, he
said, will be former officials of
the Kennedy and Johnson ad-
-ministrations and retired mili-
tary men who will contend
that the PentagOn Papers had
absolutely no relationship tc
the "national defense." .
Sources close to the defense'
said that among the prospec-
tive witnesses are John Ken-
neth Galbraith, former U.S.
ambassador to" India; Theo-
dore Sorenson; White House
counsel to the late President'.
John F. Kennedy; and Morton
H. Halperin, who was deputy.
assistant secretary of defense
in the Johnson administration
and worked on the National
9
ef ii. se
Security Council staff early in
the Nixon administration.
But Weinglass told the ju-
rors they would also hear
from people currently in gov-
ernment, including Ren. Paul
N. (Pete) McCloskey. Jr. (R-
Calif.) and Samuel A. Adams,
analyst for the Central Intelli-
gence Agency.
The defense attorney began
his opening to the jury only
moments after the prosecution
formally rested its case
against Ellsberg and Russo
this morning.
The final prosecution evi-
dence came from an FBI fin-
gerprint expert, who testified
that he had found on the Pen-
tagon Papers the fingerprints
of Vu Van Thai, a former
South Vietnamese ambassador
to the United States and a
close friend of Ellsberg's
while both were working at
the Rand Corp. in Santa Mo-
nica.
U.S. District Court Judge W.
Matt Byrne Jr. permitted the
testimony about Thai?named
as an unindicted co-conspira-
tor in the case?only after
'chief prosecutor David R. Nis-
sen produced a properly au-
thenticated set of the former
diplomat's fingerprints.
An earlier set had been re-
jected by the judge, and the
new fingerprints were flown,
here from Saigon over the
weekend.
Weinglass, his characteristi-
cally shoulder-length hair
cropped short for the occa-
sion, spoke to the jury in slow,.
unemotional tones from a lee-
tern in the middle of the
courtroom
He made it clear from the
outset that the defense would i
t.not dispute the essential fact,
,tit?the heart of the prosecution'
ers9
S4yS-.
ease?that Ellsberg and Russo
photocopied the Pentagon Pa-
pers at the office of Lynda Si.
nay, a Los Angeles advertising
woman, in October, 1969.
But Weinglass insisted that
the papers and other top se-
ere documents covered by the
indictment do not fall into the
"very limited and narrow" cat-
egory of information whose
disclosure is banned by the
Federal Espionage Act, in-
formation "relating to the na-
tional defense."
What military information
is contained in the documents
was either "stale" of already
"in the public domain" in
1969, he contended.
But the real importance of
the Pentagon Papers, he told
the jury, was found in the
"insights" ? they contained
'about "how and why" the,,,I
t United States became , in:
.volved in Vietnam?what they,
telt' about "the political and-
social revolution" in Vietnam.
and about the "troublesome...
role" of the United States
there.
"All of this information wai
necessary to the ongoing de-
bate about Vietnam" in 1969;'?
when Ellsberg and Russo plio?::
tocopied the papers, he said. .,.
Sounding a common defense;
theme in the case, the attor-
ney also contended that the ?
documents were "improperly
classified top secret" even
though they contained inform?
ation that did not require clas-
sification.
As for the theft charges?
Weinglass asserted that the..
defense could show that the.
Pentagon Papers were not
"government property" at ally,,
but belonged to three retiring..
Defense Department officials. ?
2S
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latoIZT
1 March 1973
Witness Saysa
"ED
By Sanford J. Ungar
Washington Post Staff Writer
Lgs ANGELES, ? Feb. 28?
The first defense witness in
the Pentagon Papers trial, a
retired admiral, testified today
that disclosure of the top-se-
cret documents could not have
caused "injury to the United
States" or "advantage to a for-
eign nation."
Rear Adm. Gene LaRocque
said that operational plans dis-
cussed in the papers were
'hopelessly out-of-date and ut-
terly useless" , by the time
Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony
J. Russo Jr. photocopied the
documents in late 1969.
But when he was asked to
describe the subject of one of
the operational plans, Admiral
LaRocque invoked its security
classification as a reason for
not doing so.
"No sir, I'm not at liberty to
discuss that," the witness told
Leonard I. Weinglass, Russo's
attorney, who questioned hirn
about "Operational Plan 32"
of U.S. Pacific Forces. "That's
a top secret document."
(An essential part of Ells-
berg's and AuSso's defense
against charges of conspiracy,.
espionage and theft of goy-
kirnment property is their
claim that the Pentagon Pa-
pers were improperly classi-
fied top secret.)
LaRocque, who retired last
April after 31 years in the
Navy, is director of the
Center for Defense Informa-
ton in Washington, an inde-
pendent research organization
which studies military issues.
The former commander of a
destroyer , division an& a
guided missile cruiser and
once a lecturer on strategic
planning at the Naval War
College, he is Ellsberg's and
Russo's answer to Lt. Gen.
William G. dePuy, assistant to
the Army vice chief of staff.
DePuy, as a prosecution wit-
ness, told the jury that the
U.S. "national defense" could
have been seriously affected
by 'disclosure of one of the
documents duplicated by Eils-?
berg and Russo, a 1968 report
by Gen. Earle C. Wheeler,
then Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, assessing the
results ? of the . Vietnamese
Communists' Tet offensive.
But LaRocque disagreed in
every detail. ?
He testified that the
Wheeler report was probably.
"of little use" to foreign intel-
ligence analysts, and he char-
acterized the document as a
brief in support of a request
for more ground troops by
Gen. William C. Westmore-
CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
ers - liteAy Useless9
land, then U.S. commander in
Vietnam.
The retired Navy officer ob-
served that another report,
written by 'Westmoreland and
released publicly by the Gov-
ernment Printing V Office in
early 1969, Contained "more
extensive" information on the
military situation in Vietnam
than the classified documents
disclosed by Ellsberg and
Russo.
Like some of the other mili-
tary officers who have ap-
peared in the case, Lartocque
kept his eyes almost con-
stantly trained on the jury
box and gesticulated. With his
hands , as he tried to reduce
complex technical concepts to
everyday vocabulary.
.As he testified, the jurors
were permitted for the first
time to read copies of one vol-
ume of the Pentagon Papers.
Some jurors seemed so- ab-
sorbed in their reading that
U.S. District Court Judge W.
Matt Byrne Jr. had to inter-
rupt them and remind them to
listen to the testimony.
The questioning' of LaRoc-
que was suspended before
chief prosecutor David R. Nis-
sen began his cross-examina-
tion because defense attorneys
had not yet made. their com-
plete exhibit list available
the , proesecution. Byrne or-
dered that they do so by Thurs-
day morning.
At a hearing later In the
day, the judge again' refused
NEW YORK TIMES
2 March 1973
Id Made i6
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New 'York Times
LOS ANGELES, March 1?
The chief ' prosecutor in the
Pentagon papers trial set out
today to undercut the first de-
fense witness, who had testi-
fied against the prosecution
argument that publication of
the papers had damaged the
national defense or proved
helpful to the enemy.
Developing a battle of words
and wills, the prosecutor, Da-
vid R. Nissen, cross-examined
retired Rear Adm. Gene La-
Rocque.
Admiral LaRocque is now the
director of the Center for De-
fense Information, a private or-
ganization that collects defense
information and disseminates it
to the public. He had formerly
commanded ships and had been
on the planning directorate ?of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff. He
was called as a defense witness
to rebut the testimony of two
generals.
They had testified to the ef-
fect that disclosure of the Pen-
tagon papers And other docu-
ments in this case had damaged
the country's national defense
and could have been helpful to
Hanoi during the war in Viet-
am. ? ?
Purpose, of Center
On Tuesday 'and yesterday
he had testified on direct ex-
amination that both those prop-
ositions were wrong. A short
man, wearing a pale blue suit,
the admiral has a habit of tak-
ing off his glasses, leaning for-
ward in the witness chair and
squinting at his questioners, as
if to say that no normal man
could doubt either his word or
his judgment. .
Mr. Nissen started off the
;cross-examination today by im-
plying that the Center for De-
to permit the prosecution' to
use the military pay scale as
its proof that the Pentagon
Papers were government prop-
erty. worth more than $100.
Nissen claimed this was ap-
propriate evidence because a
number of military officers
worked on the Defense De-
partment tisk force that corn-
piled the Pentagon Papers.
The theft statute V under
which the ? defendants are
charged 'requires that the
property allegedly stolen be
worth at least $100.
Byrne's ruling left the gov-
ernment without any evidence
on that point, but the judge
nonetheless rejected a new de-
fense motion to diSmiss the
theft counts in the indictment.
hint Ellsberg Witness
fense Information was some-
how unpatriotic. His first ques-
tion, .for instance, asked the
admiral if "the purpose of the
center" was not "to challenge
the national defense of the
Government."
It is "to explain the national
defense," the admiral replied.
Does not the center take po-
sitions in opposition to the de-
fense policies of the country?
Mr. Nissen asked. ?
The center makes "objective"
studies of the country's de-
fense policies and weapon sys-
tems and 'makes both sides
[of the questions] available to
the public," Admiral LaRocque
answered.
The prosecutor than asked
the admiral if it was not true
that the center opposed nuclear
aircraft carriers, the Navy ship-
building program, foreign mili-
tary assistance and foreign aid,
and the admiral answered that
the center "is not opposed to
any of those programs."
Preparation of Witness
A witness is allowed to refer
to notes when he is testifying,
and seldom, if ever, does a wit-
ness testify without first having
been prepared by attorneys,
often for hours on end.
Admiral LaRocque had been
prepared by the attorneys for
Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J.
Russo Jr., who are accused of
six counts of espionage, six
counts of theft and one count
of conspiracy.
Mr. Nissen asked the admiral
about every telephone conver-
sation and meeting he had had
with defense attorneys or con-
sultants; he asked him about
the notes he used 'during his
testimony, and about a weighty
notebook called "Trial V Note-
book for Witness Preparation"
that the defense has prepared
for its witnesses to read.
26
"I see many pages with hand-
writing on the back," Mr. Nis-
sen said as-lie- arid the,admiral
looked over the nqtebook to-
gether before ,the ..jurY. "There's'
two pages [of.ha,ndwriting],"
the admiral
Notes Destroyed
The; implication of Mr., Nis-
en's cross-examination was
that the admiral and the de-
fense had done many clandes-
tine things together to prepare
for this case. At one point Mr.
Nissen asked the admiral what
documents he had carried out
here from Washington. .
"I brought along a cop of
the Constitution of the United
States," the admiral replied. At
another point, the admiral did'
admit that he had flushed some
of his notes on the case 'down a
toilet bowl. Mr. Nissen pounced
on this, and asked him if he
always flushed his writings
away. . .
He answered: "Any notes I
make, from my long experience
in the Navy, you learn to tear
them up in little 'pieces and
flush them down the toilet."
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NEW YORK TIMES
3 March 1973
ELLSBERG TRIAL
HEARS 1\l'CLOSKEY
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New York Times
LOS ANGELES, March 2?
Representative Paul N. McClos-
key testified today at the Pen-
tagon papers trial that dis-
closure of one of the volumes
of the papers "could not have
been used to the injury of the
United States or to the advan-
tage of a foreign nation."
The ? California Republican
was the second witness in be-
half of Daniel Ellsberg and
Anthony J. Russo Jr., and he
was allowed to testify as a
former Marine colonel and as
a member of Congress on
whether the national defense
had been damaged.
But United States District
Court Judge William Matthew
Byrne Jr. refused to let him
testify at length on the Gov-
ernment's system of classifying
documents.
Mr. McCloskey is a member
of the House Committee on
Government Operations and
chairman of its Subcommittee
on Government Information.
As subcommittee chairman and
as an outspoken critic of the
war in Vietnam, he has, he
testified, been studying the
Government's policy on classi-
fying information.
He said that he believed the
Freedom of Information Act
should be overhauled.
He said under direct exami-
nation by Charles R. Nesson,
a defense attorney, that the
Pentagon papers volume about
the first Marine landing in
Vietnam came to his attention
in the spring of 1971, and that
he read it then.
"There is nothing in this
volume that could have been
used to the injury of the United
States and to the advantage of
a foreign nation," he said.
Mr. McCloskey, in a sense,
is the first celebrity witness
at this trial, and the 10 women
on the jury beamed at him
when he appeared in the court-
room.
View on National Defense
Earlier, Rear Adm. Gene La-
Rocque, retired, .the first de-
fense witness, said under
cross-examination that "noth-
ing the United States did in
Vietnam or happened to it in
Vietnam in any way had any
bearing on the United States'
national defense." He re-
iterated his view this way:
"Nothing the United States
did in Vietnam had any rela-
tion to the national defense."
Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo
are on trial on six counts of
espionage, six of theft and
one of conspiracy. To prove
espionage, the Government
must first prove that their ac-
tions damaged the national de-
fense.
All of the documents in this
case pertain to America's in-
volvement in Vietnam, and
two Army generals have tes-
,tifed for the Government that
f disclosure of those documents
did damage the national de-
fense.
, Admiral LaRocque, now di-
rector of the Center for De-
NEW YORK TIMES
21 February 1973
Secrets of Freedom
By C. L. Sulzberger
Democratic governments are puz
zled by contradictions between the de-
sire to inform their populations freely
,and completely while preserving from
public disclosure legitimate secrets
deemed essential to national security
ml a nuclear-missile world.
The inherent contradictions can
never satisfactorily be resolved.
France, for example, has kept on the
books for more than a century and
during three republics statutes, that
would be considered repressive cen-
sorship by many Americans. West Ger-
many, with relativelY recent memories
of dictatorship, tends to lean over
backwards -in favor of freer news
media.
The British, most governable of
democratic peoples because they are
both pragmatic and patriotic by long
tradition, have been trying to elabo-
rate safeguard legislation for more
than sixty years. The so-called Offi-
cial Secrets Act actually comprises
three separate laws of 1911, 1920 and
1939. It bans disclosure of information
"prejudicial to the safety or interests
of the state" or possession of any
official document by anyone who "has
no right to retain it."
This strict interpretation has some-
times produced such ridiculous exag-
gerations as preventing press mention
of King Edward VIII's romance when
the whole world knew about it. The
London Sunday Telegraph won an ac-
tion brought against it by the Govern-
ment for publishing a patently over-
classified report. Now a quiet inquiry
is under way on whether modifications
of existing law are desirable.
The U.S, Government has had little
success in its own attempts to bridge
,the gap between public freedom and
national security. Despite the First
Amendment to the Constitution which
prohibits any law abridging presS free-
dom, two attempts were made (in 1798
and 1918) to legislate against reveal-
ing what was officially deemed secret
by banning violations as "sedition."
Under existing statutes, as inter-
preted by the courts, the Government
has occasionally attempted to prose-
cute disclosures of classified informa-
tion as "espionage." This is manifestly
absurd. Nevertheless, it is obvious cer-
tain secrets such as names of under-
cover agents abroad,' movements of
atomic submarines, the exact design
or specification of some weapons, or
the targeting program of strategic
arms should not be public property.
A new effort to face this problem
is now being prepared by the execu-
tive branch, which has an interagency
committee representing the Depart-
fense Information in Washing-
ton, was asked by Mr. Nissen
to suppose that the United
States troops had been de-
feated in Vietnam. Would not
that, he was asked, bear on the
national defense?
"I cannot speculate about
that," he said, adding, "The
troops of the United States
were not defeated in Vietnam."
FOREIGN AFFAIRS '
ments of Defense, State and Justice;
'the White House, the Atomic Energy
Commission, the Central Intelligence
and National Security Agencies, seek-
ing to agree on revision of protective
laws.
Their ideas are to be included in a
, complex legal reform bill which, if .
drafted in time, is to be presented to
Congress next month. The problems
involved are so complex that few ob-
servers expect legislative approval in
much less than three years.
The Justice Department wants to
simplify 'existing procedures by: (I)
having less official information clas-
sified; (2) insisting on swifter declas-
sification procedures; (3) creating an
administrative set-up to deal with vio-
lations of classification. The criminal
laws are being re-examined with re-
spect to security leakage. Point (3) of
the program is being studied by the;
interagency committee which is headed
by John Eisenhower.
The Administration is understand-
ably touchy about relations with the
news media, which it is often accused
of curbing?and it is not the first
Administration to suffer from such
? reproaches. It also acknowledges that
the habit of classifying official docu-
ments has been grossly exaggerated.
Attorney General Richard G. Klein-
dienst recently told me: "Our laws are
often taken advantage of by bureau-.
crats to conceal mistakes under
wrongly used classification stamps. It
is necessary to define more precisely
the areas of real security and then to
enact specific laws to protect these;
but in accordance with First Amend-
ment safeguards of a free press."
Judgments involved concerning "real
security" and total "freedom" enter a
gray area of dispute in which even
different executive departments dis-
agree. The Pentagon has rigid ideas of
defining matters to be considered of
paramount national interest.
Congress will have an excruciatingly
difficult time in deciding what may '
properly be termed secret and how it
should be kept. In an era of electronic
bugging devices, copying machines and,
tape recorders it is harder to insure
against leakage and in an American
society where all forms of censorship
, are repugnant it is a delicate task to
except certain types of information.
All one can hope is that when the
legislature has finally acted, the .
United States will find it is leaning
neither toward excessive restrictions .
nor toward total license that could
destroy freedom's capacity to defend
itself.
,forces, one to defend the nothing that had happened in
United Staesa dn its territories, Vietnam involved the national
and one that is deployed by defense. He answered:
the President around the world "On the bais of our state-
for other purposes. By his defi- ment of purpose in Vietnam by
nition, only the former force President Johnson, who' said
is used for national defense, we were there to help South3
he said. . Vietnam. McNamara clearly
Then Leonard I. Weinglass, indicated it was a Vietnamese
a 'defense attorney, asked him war. General Wheeler said the
: on redirect examination for the purpose of North Vietnam was
He said that the United ; to take over South Vietnam."
" basi doe his opinion that
had asked the I
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NEW YORK TINES
5 March 1973
Ellsberg Trial: Now the' Focus Is on Seczecy
By MARTIN ARNOLD '
Special to The New York Times
?
LOS ANGELES, March 4?
'From the start, many constitu-
tional authorities have seen the
Pentagon papers trial as a
major test of the Government's
authority over information and
the public's access to it. But un-
til Friday, when defense testi-
mony began on the Govern-
ment's system of classifying se-
crets, the crucial
First Amendment
News implications Of the
Analysiscase had been
somewhat ob-
scured. They had
been touched upon by lawyers
for Daniel Ellsberg and An-
thony J. Russo Jr. in their open-
ing statements to the jury.
Now, in the coming days, the
defense will open as broad an
attack against the classsifica-
tion system as the trial judge
will allow.
The First Amendment arises
in this case in the Govern-
ment's melding of the classifi-
cation system, as defined by an
Executive order, with the Fed-
eral espionage, theft and con-
spiracy statutes. The Govern-
ment has never attempted this
marriage before, and many
lawyers believe that if the de-
fendants are convicted, and that
conviction is upheld, it will set
legal precedents that could give
the Government a degree of
control over information that
it never had before.
World War II and the cold
war, the Korean war and the
Vietnam war have so accus-
tomed Americans to the concept
of Government secrets and have
so popularized the phrase "top
secret," for instance, that many
admiral whether, if the United
States had used the weaponry
in Vietnam that it would use
to defend the United States,
the admiral would then say
that the national defense had
been involved in that war.
"No, because to defend the
United States you have to have
a creditable foe against the
United States," he answered.
"We were not threatened by
North ? Vitnam. We went
through a very tortuous period!
resolving whether we should be
involved in that adventure or
not, and the national defense of
the United States was not in-
volved in Vietnam when we had
that option."
28
Approved
persons apparently believe
there are laws governing what
the Government labels top se-
cret information. But there is
no such law.
Congress has never passed
an official secrets act making
it a crime to disclose or pub-
lish any matter classified as
top secret, largely because its
validity under the First Amend-
ment might be questionable,
but also because of the pos-
sibility that such a law would
permit the Government to hide
embarrassing information mere-
ly by stamping it "top secret."
The Atomic Energy Act, con-
trols dissemination of what is
called "restricted" information
on nuclear matters and a Fed-
eral statute controls the disclo-
sure of communications intel-
ligence, that is military codes,
but Dr. Ellsberg and Mr. Russo
are not accused of either, and
the judge has ruled the com-
munications code statute out of
this case.
The defendants are accused
of six counts of espionage, six
of theft and one of conspiracy.
The Espionage Act, as its name
implies, is directed at espion-
age, not at leaking information,
and the particular section in-
voked against the defendants
has been used in the past only
against persons alleged to have
to a foreign country informa-
tion that would damage the na-
tional defense.
In this case, however the
Government is in essence try-
ing to convince the judge and
the jury that the disclosure of
documents marked "top secret"
is damaging to the national de-
fense and helpful to a foreign
country merely because they
are marked "top secret."
?
NEW YORK TINES
6 March 1973
ELLSBERG 1:UDGE
BARS A DEFENSE
By MARTIN ARNOLD
Special to The New York Times
LOS ANGELES, March 5?
The judge in the Pentagon pa-
pers trial ruled out today the
"justification defense," under
which the defendants would
have argued that the motiva-
tion for disclosing the secret
study of United States involve-
ment in Vietnam was to get
information to Congress.
Howover, Federal District
Judge William Matthew Byrne
?Jr. told Charles R. Nesson, a
defense 'lawyer, to prepare a
memorandum of law on the
matter, indicating that he
might allow the defense at a
later time.
The "justification defense,"
which is widely accepted in
some cases but rare in this
type of trial, holds that any
evil committed by the defend-
ants was not as great as the
evil that was avoided because
of their acts.
This concept of top secret
designations rests not on law,
but on Executive Order 10501,
which was issued by President
Eisenhower on Nov. 5, 1953,
and has since been superseded
by an act issued by President
Nixon, but was in effect at the
time that Dr. Ellsberg and Mr.
Russo allegedly committed the
crimes.
The qovernment goes even
further \ in its theft charges.? It
contends that because the in-
formation contained in the
Pentagon papers was classif....1
top secret under Executive Or-
der 10501, it owns that infor-
mation, and that the informa-
tion itself, as distinct from the
paper it was printed on, was
therefore subject to theft.
In the conspiracy count, the
Government contends that the
defendants conspired to "de-
fraud the United States" by
"impairing, obstructing, and
defeating its lawful governmen-
tal function of controling the
dissemination of classified Gov-
ernment studies, reports, mem-
orandum and communications."
Again, there is no statute
that defines the classification of
documents as a "lawful Govern-
ment function" and again the
Government has never made
such a contention in any pre-
vious case. If it is upheld in
this case, the Justice Depart-
ment could then invoke the
general conspiracy laws against
Government officials and news-
men who act together to pub-
licize classified matter.
Since the trial judge has re-
fused thus .far to allow the
"right to know" issue to be
raised before the jury, it must
be done indirectly, and that
will be through the defense at-
tack on the classification sys-
tem, which will take place this
week if all goes as scheduled.
Thus, the defense will try to
present testimony to show that
the classification system is
overbroad, and that once a doc-
ument is classified it is seldom
declassified, despite the passage
of time and events.
The defense will also seek to
introduce evidence to the effect
that responsible Government
officials, from the President
down, regularly leak "top se-
cret" information to the news
media when it suits their pur-
pose to do so, and they are not
arrested when they do.
Many of the documents in
this case were classified under
the doctrine of derivative clas-
sification, and that is not even
mentioned in Executive Order
10501, let alone in any statute,
It is merely in the Defense De-
partment regulations, and it
works with a pyramid-like ef-
fect.
That is, derivative classifica-
tion is a doctrine that provides
that if you produce a study or
a report that is based on just
one sentence of research that
has previously been classified,
then that report must also eb
classified.
The defense will not contend
that the executive branch does
not have the right to classify
documents; it will argue only
that the documents in this case
were not properly classified and
that such classification has
nothing to do with .the statutes
under which Dr. Ellsberg and
Mr. Russo were indicted.
The Government has ac-
knowledged that it is trying
to skirt the First Amendment
issues in this case and so far
the trial judge has not allowed
much testimony that touches on
those issues. But he has said
that he will allow testimony
on whether the particular docu-
ments in this case were, one,
properly classified at the time
that the offenses were allegedly
committed and, two, whether
they were indeed classifiable.
That is only the beginning
of this phase of the trial.
Mr. Nesson gave two exam-
ples. One was a case in which
survivors in a lifeboat were
acquitted of cannibalism after
they ate their fellow passen-
gers to avoid starvation.
The other involved the hypo-
thetical situation of a man who
was walking down the street
and saw a woman being raped.
Nearby was a blind person
with a cane. The man grabbed
the cane from the blind per-
son, thus committing a crime,
and beat up the rapist.
'Would not the grabbing of
the cane fall under the justifi-
cation defense? Mr. Nesson
asked the judge.
In this case, Mr. Nesson
wanted to introduce the justi-
fication defense through the
testimony of Representative
Paul N. McCloskey Jr., Repub-
lican of California.
In a memorandum support-
ing the use of that defense,
Mr. Nesson said that "the war
in Vietnam was unquestionably
an evil of the greatest magni-
tude" and that the 18 volumes
of the Pentagon papers in-
volved in this case "contained
much information about the
war of which Congress hadi
been deprived and which Con-
gress needed to properly per-
form its constitutional func-
tions."
"The executive branch!
wrongfully withheld the Viet-
nam study from Congress," Mr.
Nesson's memorandum went on
and "the defendants undertook
to deliver to Congress the in-
formation contained in the Viet
nam study" because they "be-
lieved, rightly, that Congress
could get the information in
no other way."
"The defendants acted with
awareness of two great evils,
the prosecution by the execu-
tive branch of the war in Viet-
nam and the executive branch's
subversion, through informa-
tion control, of the powers and
responsibilities of Congress,"
Mr. Nesson wrote.
Mr. McCloskey, in another
memorandum to the judge, sup-
ported the defense's position
and gave details of how Con-
gress had been deprived of the
information. He was prepared
to testify, Mr. Nesson said, that
the acts of the defendants were
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"precisely tailored to the evils
they saw."
The defendants, Daniel Ells-
berg and Anthony J. Russo Jr.,
are accused, in part, of "con-
spiring to defraus the United
States" of the information con-
tained in the Pentagon papers.
Leonard Weinglass, another
defense attorney, argued that
there was no law, only an Ex-
ecutive order, against leaking
classified documents and that
the "justification defense" was
contemplated against the order.
Mr. McCloskey did get to
testify on his second day of
direct examination that "mem-
bers of Congress, committees
of Congress, the Congress itself
is entitled to receive top secret
material, and we do almost on
a daily basis when Congress
is in session."
Information Flow
Mr. McCloskey, the second
defense witness, had been called
to testify as a Congressional ex-
pert on the flow of Government
information and, as a former
marine colonel, as an expert on
one volume of the papers. That
volume tells about the marine
landing in Vietnam in 1965.
Mr, McCloskey testified on
Friday that disclosure of that
volume in 1969 could in no way
have affected the national de-
fense. and so today, on cross-
examination, David R. Nissen,
the chief prosecutor, started out
to impeach him as a witness.
Mr. Nissen asked him a series
of questions about his military
career and focused on maneu-
vers Mr. McCloskey took part
in in the summer of 1965 just
south of here at Camp Pendle-
ton.
Mr. McCloskey was pressed
'into service during the opera-
tion, Called Silverlance, more or
les c as an actor. He played the
part r,f an ambassador to a
mythicvl country, Camelot, for
the purpose of training marines
on how to act in a friendly na-
tion such as South Vietnam. Mr.'
Nissen elicited this to present
teh implication that with such
military training, Mr. McClos-
key could hardly be taken seri-
ously when he testified about
the national defense.
WASHINGTON POST
16 February, 1973
evice at I fill e ring:
u ' or News Tr nsmitter?
By Mary Russell
Washington Post Staff Writer
A "sophisticated transmitter"
has been found in the main
hearing room of the House
Forergn Affairs Committee.
The device, not quite the
size of a cigarette pack, may
have been intended as a "bug."
Or it may simply be a pocket
transmitter that a broadcaster
left behind. ?
The device was discovered
Monday' morning lying on a
table used-. by the press when
Covering committee hearings.
It was first thought to be a
"bellboy" paging device
brought into the room by
someone accompanying Secre-
tary of State William P. Rog-
ers ? who testified before the
-committee on Thursday, Feb,
.8. ? Later it was ? discovered to
be a "sophisticated transmit-
;ter with self-contained micro-
phones and batteries" and was
'turned over to the FBI
Committee sources say? the
device was attached to the un-
derside of the table and was
jostled loose by a member of
the cleaning crew who then
picked it up and placed it on
top of the table where a staff
member found it.
? Rep. H. R. Gross (R-Iowa),
a member of the committee,
;said he had been informed the
'device was taped underneath
the table. Other committee
sources say it was strapped
beneath the table. FBI sources
WASHINGTON STAR
21 February 1973
would say only that no tape
marks were found on the de-
vice.
An FBI spokesman refused
to say whether the device was
a bug, saying only that the
bureau "had reached no final
conclusion on that." The
spokesman did acknowledge
that the matter was under in-
vestigation as a possible viola-
tion of the Interception of
Communications Act, the same
law under which seven men
were charged with planting
bugging devices at the Demo-
cratic National Committee's
Watergate headquarters last
June.
Committee sources said that
no closed hearings were
scheduled in the next few
weeks except for a Feb. 20
organizational meeting. The
last closed hearing was on Oct.
12 when a Spokane, Wash., ex-
position was discussed.
Other than Secretary
Rogers' testimony in open
hearings last Thursday on the
Vietnam peace agreement, the
hearing room was used briefly
last Wednesday night by some
committee members and King
Hussein of Jordan.
King Hussein was attending
a reception across the hall and
then went into the room with
his security men and some
members of the committee.
The members and the king sat
around a table and chatted
informally for a few minutes,
a committee source said.
He did not know whether
the conversation was of a sen-
sitive nature.
An authority in the techni-
cal aspects of broadcasting
said yesterday the device, 'as
described by chairman Mor-
gan, sounds like one often used
by television crews and re-
porters.
Committee Chairinin
Thomas E. Morgan (D-Pa.) .de-
scribed the device as a rec-
tangular metal box about 4
by 1% by 3/4 inches. ?
Because it was first thought
to be a State Department pag-
ing device, Morgan said,'its,
discovery was called to the
attention of the Congressional
Relations Office" of the de-
partment. Later in the ' day
the security people who had
accompanied Rogers to the
hearing were also informed:
State Department security
people picked up the device
Tuesday morning 'and returned
it at 5 p.m. "with the informa-
tion that it was not a bellboy
but an electronic transmitter,"
Morgan sa,id.
Morgan then asked 'that
the FBI be called in and .re-
quested the bureau to "sweep"
all the other committee rooms
for "the possible presence. of
any other devices." None .was
found.
Morgan said he, has asked
the FBI for a complete report
upon completion of its investi-
gation.
The chairman of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee
says that the battery in a "so-
phisticated transmitter" dis-
covered in the Committee
Hearing Room on Feb. 12 was
dead.
Rep. Thomas Morgan,/
D-Pa., made the disclosure
after a closed meeting of the
committee in which he briefed
members about the investiga-
tion into the discovery of the
device. ?
The FBI is investigating the
discovery at Morgan's request
and is reporting to him on its
progress every two days, he
said. .
, Morgan and other commit-
tee sources refused to specu-
late on whether the dead bat-
tery in the cigarette-pack-size
device indicated that it had
been in the committee hearing
Approved For Release 2001/08/07 :
room in operable condition for
an extended period of time.
Morgan said he did not think
that the device was placed in
relation to the visit of Jordan's
King Hussein on Feb. 7. He
said Hussein's informal con-
ference with committee mem-
bers in the hearing room was
a spontaneous affair after a
reception across a hall.
The following day, Secretary
of State William P. Rogers ap-
peared in open session before
the committee, and any bug-
ging of that session would
have been pointless.
Committee sources con-,
firmed that the device was
found by a cleaning woman
Feb. .12 on the hearing room
floor beneath a press table.
The device apparently was
placed on top of the table by
CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
ad
the woman and later turned
over to the FBI.
If the FBI has given Morgan
any clues as to the origin of
the device, he apparently did
not share them with commit-
tee members
day's briefing.
during
29
yes ter-
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U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Feb. 5, 1973
.,irmeterme., n
lia
?
G6 TH
RN.
F, ;Roy Gc)v
CURTAN
RUNT SE
I.=31
iM21
is
It's easier now to get a look into those official papers that bureaucrats try to
hide under "Secret" stamps. A federal law and a Nixon order have expanded
the public's "right to know." But problems remain.
A VAST wealth of information?long kept
bidden in files of the federal bureauc-
racy?is finally being pried out for pub-
lic scrutiny.
Increasingly, despite often-vehement
resistance from officials, records that
once were secret are made available to
Americans who ask for them.
This is important to individuals and
business firms in many ways.
A taxpayer who is fighting an income-
tax ruling, for instance, can now de-
mand?and get?access to handbooks and
other documents of the Internal Revenue
Service that may help .his case.
A businessman, appealing an unfavor-
able decision by the Federal Trade
Commission or any other regulatory
agency, can examine internal memoranda
and other papers used by the agency in
reaching its decision. This could help
him challenge the agency's ruling.
A conservationist, opposing a construc-
tion project, can get copies of the envi-
ronmental-impact report that is required
on federally funded projects. Informa-
tion in that report could be important
to the conservationist's charges that the
project would harm the environment.
A consumer, questioning the quality
of a product sold to the public, can de-
mand to see the results from Govern-
ment tests of the product.
A historian, seeking military or diplo-
matic documents stamped "Secret," can
force a review of their classification and
perhaps obtain their release.
The public's right. Mainly responsi-
ble for this increased availability of
Government information are two events.
of recent years which greatly expanded
the public's "right to know."
First: Congress in 1966 passed a
Freedom of Information Act. This law
reversed a long-standing policy of re-
leasing Government records only to those
"properly and directly concerned." Fed-
eral courts have interpreted the new law
? as severely restricting .the power of Gov-
ernment officials to withhold information
from the public.
Second: President Nixon, in March of
1972, ordered the first overhaul in two
decades of the U. S. system of protecting
military and diplomatic secrets.
The "right to know" that these actions
assert is not spelled out in the U. S.
?Constitution. It is based on an idea that
President Nixon put in these words:
"Fundamental to our way of life is
the belief that, when information which
properly belongs to the public is sys-
tematically withheld by those in power,
WWI
THE WIWI= SIT IINIFOZZNATTON
TEAT 7FiCSIA11,0 CiLW WIIVIEE@ILD
Under the 1966 Freedom of In-
formation Act, federal officials may
refuse to disclose nine types of
records. Even these may be re-
leased at the discretion of those
in charge.
Records that may be withheld
include those concerning:
1. National security or foreign
policy, specifically those that are
required by executive order to be
kept secret.
2. Internal personnel rules and
practices of an agency, such as its
reasons for hiring, firing and pro-
moting employes.
3. Matters required by law to
remain secret, such as an individ-
ual's tax return.
4. Trade secrets and other con-
fidential commercial information,
such as formulas or sales data.
5. Internal memoranda and let-
ters between consulting officials
of one or more agencies. These
are legally available only to some-
one suing the agency.
6. Personnel, medical and oth-
er files, the disclosure of which
would constitute a clearly unwar-
ranted invasion of privacy.
7. Investigations, which may
contain unproven rumors and the
names of informers.
8. Reports relating to regula-
tion of financial institutions.
9. Geophysical information, in-
cluding maps, concerning the lo-
cation and description of oil, gas
and water wells.
the people become ignorant of their
own affairs, distrustful of those who
manage them, and?eventually?incapa-
ble of determining their own destinies."
It was to prevent the improper with-
holding of information that Congress
passed the Freedom of Information Act.
It grants "any person" clear access to
"identifiable" public documents.
Under that law, a person need give
no reason for wanting to see a docu-
ment. And each federal agency is re-
quired to adopt "clear and workable"
regulations explaining how the public
can get copies of the agency's records.
Disclosure of information is to be the
general rule?no longer the exception?
according to guidelines laid down . by
the justice Department's Of-
fice of Legal Counsel. All in-
dividuals are to have equal
rights of access to the rec-
ords, and the burden of proof
is put on the Government to
justify the withholding of a
document, not on the person
who wants it.
The law allows the Gov-
ernment to withhold only
nine types of records?and
even they may be released at
the discretion of officials in
charge. The records exempt
from mandatory disclosure
include mainly papers per-
30
taming to national security,
law-enforcement investiga-
tions and trade secrets, and
internal memoranda. See the
complete list below.
Easing the burden. To
help citizens obtain infor-
mation to which they are
entitled, the Government is
taking a number of actions.
Federal Information Cen-
ters, where persons can get
answers to questions concern-
ing Government, now serve
the nation's 73 most populous cities. The
centers are located in 36 key cities, and
37 other cities are linked to them by
toll-free telephone service. For a list of
these cities, see page 50.
The Government Printing Office pub-
lishes and sells more than 24,000 books
and pamphlets of virtually every size
and description. These publications can
be purchased either by mail or at any
of the Printing Office's 20 bookstores
around the country.
Nearly every federal agency has set
up reading rooms, where the public can
inspect records. Large agencies, such as
the Department of Health, Education
and Welfare, have reading rooms in 10
regional headquarters.
If a person seeking a federal docu-
ment is turned down at first, he may ap-
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
peal to the head of the agency. If the
decision is again unfavorable, he may
sue in court to demand the document.
Under this law, thousands of docu-
ments have been released voluntarily to
interested parties. But many were re-
leased only after court action.
Victories in court. Since the law
became effective in 1967, some 200
freedom-of-information suits have been
filed. In roughly half these cases, the
Government has been ordered to pro-
duce the requested document. Examples:
The Consumers Union, publisher of
"Consumer Reports" magazine, won the
right to see raw scores from hearing-aid
tests conducted by the Veterans Ad-
ministration. The union wanted the
scores for a magazine article on hearing-
aid quality.
Ralph Nader's Center for the Study
of Responsive Law?investigating the
safety of handling pesticides?extracted
reports on the subject from the Agricul-
ture Department.
American Mail Line, Ltd., a steamship
firm, forced the Federal Maritime Sub-
sidy Board to turn over a memorandum
used by the Board in denying the com-
pany a 3.3-million-dollar subsidy.
In cases involving access to informa-
tion, courts?with some major exceptions
?have tended to lean toward the pub-
lic's right to know and have narrowly
defined the Government's power to with-
hold information.
Courts have generally rejected broad
interpretations of the exemptions for
trade secrets and other commercial or
,financial information.
Courts have also leaned toward the
public in this controversy: Should an
agency's internal memoranda be made
public?
The Government contends that such
disclosure would inhibit "full and frank"
advice from a Government technician to
his boss. But courts have ruled that if a
memorandum is the basis for the agen-
cy's final action, it becomes a public
record and should be revealed.
On the other hand, courts have con-
sistently refused to order the Govern-
ment to produce information relating to
defense and foreign policy.
The Supreme Court, on January 22,
upheld the President's power, under the
Freedom of Information Act, to classify
documents for security reasons without
his classification's being subject to review
by a court.
That decision rejected attempts by 33
members of Congress to force the dis-
closure of secret reports on an under-
ground nuclear test in Alaska in 1971.
Courts also have leaned heavily to-
ward the Government's side in the pro-
tection of investigatory files and most
records concerning personal matters.
No penalty. Critics have charged
that enforcement of the Freedom of In-
formation Act is weak. There is no sin-
gle agency to administer it ,thrnughout
the Government, and there is no penal-
ty for officials who improperly withhold
information. In addition, the appeal sys-
tem is time-consuming and expensive.
The House of Representatives' Gov-
ernment Operations Committee, which
held extensive, hearings on the subject
early in 1972, concluded that the law is
being impeded by widespread delay
and evasion on the part of federal offi-
cials. In a report published last Septem-
ber, the Committee said:
"The efficient operation of the Free-
dom of Information Act has been hin-
dered by five years of foot dragging by
the federal bureaucracy."
The Committee found that major fed-
eral agencies took an average of 33 days
to respond to an individual's first re-
quest for information. If the request was
denied and the person appealed the
decision, the appeal process took an ad-
ditional 50 days.
Persons seeking records are often dis-
couraged by the high fees many agen-
cies charge for compiling and copying
requested data.
As an example, Harrison WeIlford,
attorney for Ralph Nader's Center for
the Study of Responsive Law, won a
two-year court battle requiring the Ag-
riculture Department to furnish research
reports about the safety of handling pes-
ticides. Then he was told that the re-
ports were filed in folders containing
confidential information about the manu-
facturers, and that he would have to
pay $91,840 to cover the cost of sepa-
rating the releasable reports from the
confidential information.
"At that point," says Mr. WeIlford,
"we decided to try to find other means
to get the information."
Best-kept secrets. Perhaps the most
voluminous?and certainly the most pro-
tected?files are those containing military
and diplomatic secrets. To "lift the veil
of secrecy" from these files, President
Nixon last year issued Executive Order
11652, replacing President Eisenhower's
1953 order. Mr. Nixon's instruction has
two objectives:
First, to reduce the amount of mate-
rial classified Top Secret, Secret or
Confidential. These terms are defined
elsewhere on this page.
Second, to declassify the files earlier
and more systematically than in the
past.
To make sure the new order is carried
out, the President set up the Inter-
agency Classification Review Commit-
tee, headed by John Eisenhower, son of
the late President.
The task this committee faces is mon-
umental in size. Officials at the National
Archives say there are more than 760
million pages of classified documents
dealing with the period 1942 through
1962 alone. David R. Young, executive
secretary to the review committee, esti-
mates that this mass is growing at the
rate of nearly 200,000 pages a day.
Behind these bulging files is a legion
of secrecy-minded bureaucrats, who
often classify information for reasons that
are, at best, obscure.
Instances are reported of officials'
classifying newspaper clippings. A
memorandum suggesting that use of the
Top Secret classification be reduced was
once circulated in the Pentagon?and
"believe it or not, that memorandum it-.
self was marked Top Secret," a security
officer reported. This officer estimated
that only one half of 1 per cent of all
classified material in the Defense De-
partment actually contains genuine mil,
itary secrets.
Why are Government officials so eager
to classify their records? President Nixon
recently suggested tone reason when he
said: "Classification has frequently served
to conceal bureaucratic ? mistakes or to
prevent embarrassment to officials and
Admin;strations."
Fewer classifiers. To curb abuses;
the number of federal officials author-
ized to classify documents has been re-
duced sharply?from 43,586 to 16,238.
In the Central Intelligence Agency, the
number authorized to stamp. Top Secret
has been cut by 86 per cent.
Now, for the first time, agencies are.
required by the Nixon Administration to
compile and maintain complete lists of.
employes who are authorized? to wield
classification stamps.
The White House also has tightened.
the. rules concerning the kinds of infor-
? rnation which can be classified. In the
past, material could be classified if its
originator had even the remote expecta-'
tion that disclosure could cause damage
to national security. Now, under Mr.
Nixon's instruction, such informtion can
be classified only if disclosure - "could
reasonably be expected" to endange,r. na-
tional security.
Also, in the past, classified informa-
tion remained classified for 30 years?
often long after it ceased to be (..\Inger-
ous to U. S. interests. Now, the new
Nixon order requires automatic declavii-
fication after 10 years unless reasons
given in writing' for keeping the infor-
mation on the hidden lists. Even then
a person can challenge the ,classification
and demand itsireview.
Cosily task. Declassifying the ex-
isting files will take decades?and be
expensive. Just to complete the review
of World War II records by 1975 will
cost an estimated 4 million dollars?and ?
Congress has appropriated only 1.2 mil-
lion for that purpose.
Still, officials believe the Nixon order.
has improved access to classified docu-
ments. David Young reports that; of 177
requests for declassification in the first
three months of the new system, 83 re-
quests were granted in full and 4 in
part. Another 52 have been denied and
38 are still pending.
Requests granted include those for
release of papers relating to the ex-
change of Soviet spy Rudolph Abel for
the CIA pilot Gary Powcrs, and the
1957 visit to Moscow by the Tate German
Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.
Complaints continue, however. Lloyd
C. Gardner, a Rutgers University_his-
torian, has been trying in 'vain for 10
years to get State Department papers.
on origins of the Korean War. He says:
"For misdirection, subterfuge and cir- ?
cumlocution; there has been,; nothing .
like this bureaucratic performance since
the old-fashioned 'shell game."
"The New York Times," after being
turned down on 28 out of 31 requests
for foreign-policy information, charged
that the, new 'system actually reduces
access to classified documents because
now an inquirer must specify the docu-
ment he 'wants to see?and few outsiders
can know .precisely which document
contains the information they want.
Despite all the recent changes,
is general agreement that it is still a
complex, expensive and time-consuming
job? to get information from Government
files?civil or military. ?.
This has led to. growth Of an industry
'in Washington: ? ?
More than 15,000 lawyers and ether
representatives 0.1,600 bUsiness and pro-
fessional associations are employed at
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digging but hard-to-get information
sought by their employers.
Nevertheless, the balance is clearly
shifting?away from . the Government's
desire to keep its files secret, and to-
ward the public's right to knew.
Under an executive order is-
sued by President Dwight Eisen-
hower on Nov. 5, 1953, informa-
tion requiring protection in the
interest of national security can
be classified in three categories
?with access depending upon
the security classification of a
Government official or, in limit-
ed cases, a private citizen in-
volved in Government work.
TOP SECRET: "Shall be ap-
plied only to that information or
material the defense aspect of
which is paramount, and the un-
authorized disclosure of which
could result in exceptionally
grave damage to the nation,
such as leading to a definite
break in diplomatic relations af-
fecting the defense of the Unit-
ed States, an armed attack . . .
or the compromise of military
or defense plans or intelligence
operations, or scientific or tech-
nological developments vital to
the national defense."
SECRET: "Shall be authorized
. . . only for defense informa-
tion or material the unauthor-
ized disclosure of which could
result in serious damage to the
nation, such as by jeopardizing
the international relations of the
U. S., endangering the effective-
ness of a program or policy of
vital importance to the national
defense, or compromising . . .
defense plans, scientific or tech-
nological developments impor-
tant to national defense, or
information revealing important
intelligence operations."
C NF1DENTIAL: "Shall be
authorized . . . only for defense
information or material the un-
authorized disclosure of which
could be prejudicial to the de-
fense interests of the nation."--
W:::12,17,1111 G7)?`22.
L71 10D2 1111::12
Need information from or about
a Government agency or depart-
ment? If it is not convenient to get
it directly from the agency's head-
quarters in Washington?
Federal Information Centers
have been set, up in 36 major cities.
In addition, residents of 37 others
may dial these centers toll free.
At the centers?listed in the tel-
ephone directory?federal employ-
es either provide the answers
sought or refer the inquirer to an
agency which can do so. Cities
with such centers and those with
toll-free connections to centers (in
,parentheses) are:
NORTHEAST: Boston (Providence);
Buffalo (Rochester, Syracuse);
Newark (Trenton); New York City
(Albany, Hartford, New Haven);
Philadelphia (Scranton); Pitts-
burgh.
SOUTHEAST: Atlanta (Birmingham,
V 4N
Charlotte); Baltimore; St. Peters-
burg (Jacksonville, Tampa); Miami
(Ft. Lauderdale, West Palm Beach).
NORTH CENTRAL: Chicago (Mil-
waukee); Cincinnati (Columbus,
Dayton); Cleveland (Akron, Toledo);
Detroit; Indianapolis; Kansas City,
Mo. (St. Joseph, Topeka, Wichita);*
Minneapolis; Omaha (Des Moines);
St. Louis.
SOUTH CENTRAL: Ft. Worth (Dal-
las); Houston (Austin, San An-
tonio); Louville; Memphis (Chat-
tanooga, Little Rock); New Orleans
(Mobile); Oklahoma City (Tulsa).
MOUNTAIN: Albuquerque (Santa
Fe); Denver (Colorado Springs,
Pueblo); Phoenix (Tucson); Salt
Lake City (Ogden).
PACIFIC: Honolulu; Ls Angeles;
Portland; Sacramento; San Diego;
San Francisco (San Jose), and
Seattle (Tacoma).
THE WASHINGTON POST Tuesday, March 6,1973
The Wathngt?n Dilenry.Go-llouraid
CM on the Frail ab a Boo
LOGla
By Jack Anderson
The cloak-and-dagger boys
at the Central Intelligence
Agency -are trying to get an
advance copy of a book which
is highly critical of the CIA's
"dirty tricks department."
The author, ex-Air Force
Col. 'I,. Fletcher Prouty, was
the Pentagon support officer
for the CIA over a nine-year
period. He did' everything
from supplying them with
James Bond weapons to ship-
ping three dozen lobsters to
a CIA bigwig. And he has
Written a book about, it, "The
Secret Te'am."-
To get the unedited galleys,
the' CIA library approached
the , distinguished Sidney
Kramer bookstore only a few
blocks from the White House.
A 'representative of the 'book-
store immediately called
,Prouty and suggested he' could
"help the sale" of the .book
by providing a copy , of the
galleys.
BUt Prouty had her* -inin-
telligence too long to be an
easy touch. He agreed to meet
with the Kramer ?represent-
ative and then secretly re-
corded their conversation.
Here is a partial transcript:
"Do- you represent others?"
asked Prouty.
"I can tell you who wants
this," confided' the ermissary.
"They're on our backs?the
CIA." ,
"They are?'.! .
"Evidently - someone. was
going to present 'them with a
copy the day before yester-
day," said the representative,
but the deal fell through.
Prouty refused to turn over
the galleys to the CIA, which
had a messenger waiting for
them at the bookstore. We can,
provide the CIA, however,
with some of the highlights:
CIA Secrets
0 The CIA, Prouty charges,
trained agents in the Maine
woods because of the similar-
ity to the Russian fir forests.
Then it flew them to Norway
where they were hopped into
Russia on a light pontooned
plane which landed on a hid-
den lake. ?
0 The CIA skillfully' man-
aged to keep out of the Pen-
tagon Papers almost all men-
tion of its. assassination and
other :"dirty Cricks" oper-
ations in .South -.Vietnarn, al-
leges Prouty. Instead, the' CIA
larded the Papers with. ex-
amines, of how, good .its in-
telligence proved to be.
.0 In 1959, one of CIA .Chief
Allen 'Dulles' spy planes al-
legedly was shot down ? over
Russia.- The crew Was cap-
tured, questioned by Soviet
intelligence and later ? quietly
returned to the United States,
(They were debriefed after
their return, by, among others,
James McCord, a former CIA
mail convicted in , the Water-
gate scandal.) ?
0Even though the late Presi-
dent Kennedy ' "ordered the
Joint Chiefs to keep a tight
rein on covert CIA military
operations after the Bay of
Pigs debacle, -the: CIA circum-
vented the order in Vietnam
and the Pentagon supinely let
them get away with it, says
Prouty.
Footnote: In an earlier in-
cident, the CIA went to court
to block a book by one of its
former employees, Victor Mar-
chetti. But Prouty was never
on the CIA payroll. When we
asked the CIA whether an at-
tempt would be made to sup-
press Prouty's book, a spokes-
man said: "There are no plans
whatsoever to do anything
about the book."
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.GEN?ERAL
FEBRUARY 3, 1973
THE NEW REPUBLIC
Legal Drugs, Illegal Abuse
Amphetamines and Barbiturates
by Peter J. Ognibene
A story in The New York Times several weeks ago
caused quite a stir on the cocktail party circuit. It
implied that a prominent New York City physician
had administered amphetamines intravenously to
President Kennedy in Vienna when he met Khrushchev
there in 1961, and at other times. The physician al-
legedly gave similar preparations to other patients,
many of them prominent in politics and the arts.
Amphetamines, or "speed," are a significant source
of drug abuse among young persons, but they have
also been misused by their elders. Until the recent
clampdown led by the Bureau of NarcotiCs and Dan-
gerous Drugs, American pharmaceutical manufactur-
ers had been producing some eight billion doses of
amphetamines each year. First marketed in the 1930s
under the trade name Benzedrine, amphetamines have
been used to treat narcolepsy, a rare disease whose
victims fall asleep involuntarily and frequently. They
have also been used to treat hyperkinetic children,
another rare affliction. Treating these two disorders
would justify the production of thousands of amphet-
amine doses a year, not billions.
Most legally prescribed amphetamines have gen-
erally been used for a less serious medical problem.
Because they are an appetite depressant, many
physicians have prescribed them for obese patients.
In most instances, they have had only modest results:
the average weight loss has been on the order of a few
pounds. A controlled diet and exercise are more
effective ways to lose weight. "Diet pills" are central
nervous system stimulants, and some people who had
them prescribed for obesity have used them as pep
pills. They were also used that way by the armed
forces of the United States, Great Britain, Germany
and japan during World War II to combat fatigue and
extend alertness, and, the American military con-
tinued their use after the war. In 1970 the House Select
Committee on Crime reported "that one of the largest
purchasers [of amphetamines] is still the US military
establishment."
Unlike heroin, which i.illicitly produced and thus
never medically prescribed, amphetamines have been
introduced to many people by doctors who regard
them as wonder drugs of a sort. "lieroin," one govern-
ment official who is responsible for controlling illicit
drug traffic commented, "has the mystique as 'the
killer drug,' but amphetamines and barbiturates are
worse because they are available, medically respect-
able and You don't know you're getting hooked."
Estimates of the number of heroin addicts (500,000-
600,000) can be made on the basis of heroin-connected
deaths, hepatitis cases and related phenomena, but
amphetamine abuse is. harder to measure because;
except for the declining number of "speed freaks"
who inject the drug intravenously, most abusers are
pill poppers. Some who become dependent on them
while under a doctor's prescription may be maintained
on the drug by further prescriptions by doctors who
are unaware of the drug's danger. (Some doctors,
for instance, still do not believe amphetamines are
addictive.) ?
Dr. Sidney Cohen, former director of the division
of narcotic addiction and drug abuse at the National
Institute, of Mental Health, has told Congress that "the
use of hundreds of times the average dose of amphet-
amines is physically addicting, meaning that tolerance
builds up, and definite withdrawal symptoms occur
when the drug is discontinued." Over extended
periods of time, Cohen warned, "the use of very high
doses of amphetamines . . . may lead to brain-cell
changes." High doses may also lead to serious
psychological problems and violence. Dr. Joel Fort, a
professor at the School of Social Welfare at the Uni-
versity of California at Berkeley, believes that "on a
typical run [prolonged heavy use] of speed, there
develops severe paranoia (paranoia characterized by
delusions and hallucinations, violence, etc.), a marked
tendency to violence sometimes tragically leading to
murder, and serious physical deterioration." A com-
mon hallucination is that "bugs" are crawling under
the user's skin.
After prolonged use of speed, users "crash" and
can sleep for more than a day. To counteract the fatigue
and depression which follow, many turn to "downers"
such as barbiturates or heroin. The "needle culture"
of the speed freak makes the transition to heroin an
easy one,. and it was a step many of them took a few
years ago when speed became less fashionable and
heroin was relatively cheap and in large supply.
The Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs and,
more recently, the Food and Drug Administration
have tightened federal controls on amphetamines and
amphetamine-like drugs. Production has been cut by
83 percent, and the drugs are now subject to the
strict regulations regarding security and record-keep-
ing under Schedule 11 of the Controlled Substances
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Act. One government official told me, with more than
a little satisfaction, that the cut in manufacturing
quotas for amphetamines has resulted in "a dying
industry." He also noted that "doctors are not pre-
scribing amphetamines as freely as they one did."
The FDA is currently sending a "drug bulletin" to
some 600,000 physicians and other medical profes-
sionals to encourage limiting the use of these drugs.
(We have still to follow the example of Canada which
on January 1 prohibited physicians from prescribing
amphetamines and pharmacists, from dispensing them
except for narcolepsy and other rare diseases.)
Three years ago, the House Select Committee on
Crime found that Bates Laboratories of Chicago "had
shipped 15 million amnhetamine tablets . . to a post
office box for an alleged drug store in Tijuana, Mexico."
If one had taken literally the street address for this
nonexistent drug store, it would have been located at
"the 11th hole of the Tijuana Country Club golf
course." The committee estimated that "more than
50 percent of these drugs manufactured in this
country find their way into the illicit traffic" and that
"more than 60 percent of the amphetamines and,
methamphetamines presumably exported to Mexico
find their way back into the bootleg market in the
United States." When one pharmaceutical firm,
Strasenburgh Prescription Products of the Pennwalt
Corporation, sought to renew its license to export
amphetamines, BNDD ordered it to "show cause"
why its application should not be denied. In this order
BNDD alleged the company Was ineffective in con-
trolling its Mexican subsidiary, citing, in this instance,
that .1.2 million doses of amphetamines from this sub-
sidiary had been seized from illicit traffickers over a
nine-month period. Strasenburgh subsequently
dropped its renewal application. Other companies
have curtailed amphetamine exports: some because of
government pressure, others because of a belated
recognition that the drugs were being diverted into
illicit channels.
Amphetamine abuse seems to be on the decline.
Some users have switched to another central nervous
system stimulant, cocaine, which was popular in the
19th century and is now enjoying a comeback. Others
have turned to heroin, but most have probably found
barbiturates. Unlike amphetamines, whose legitimate
medical uses are few, barbiturates have dozens of
important uses. Although they are being abused on
a larger scale than amphetamines ever were, the
legitimate needs for barbiturates require billions of
doses per year compared to the thousands of doses of
amphetamines needed to treat two rare diseases.
Hence, these drugs cannot be controlled by drastically
cutting production quotas.
The person who takes speed and then discontinues
its use before the addiction-psychosis-brain damage
cycle is run can generally make a complete recovery.
Although young drug users passed the word that
"speed kills," death from an overdose of amphetamines
is rare. Death from an overdose of barbiturates is not.
Since the turn of the century; scientists have found
more than 2500 derivatives of barbituric acid, some 50
of which have been put to medical use as "sedative-
hypnotics." All of them are central nervous system
depressants, and some of the long-acting ones, such
as phenobarbital, are important in treating epilepsy
: CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
and in controlling high blood pressure and peptic
ulcers. The short-acting ones are commonly used as
sleeping pills, and because their effects can be felt
within minutes, they are the drugs of choice for
abusers of barbiturates. This abuse potential led
BNDD to recommend that nine of the short-acting
barbiturates be put under Schedule II of the Controlled
Substances Act to increase the security under which
the drugs are manufactured and distributed. The
recommendation, which was sent to the FDA last
November 16, requires the concurrence of the secretary
of Health, Education, and Welfare (and the director of
BNDD) to put these drugs under Schedule II. One
inevitable consequence of such action would be lower
production of barbiturates: a move which could be
opposed by some of the powerful pharmaceutical
companies even thoi,n it is the laxity of their present
controls that has permitted millions of doses of bar-
biturates to be diverted from legitimate channels into
the illicit market.
Heroin and amphetamines have been characterized
as "hard" drugs, whereas barbiturates have come to
be called "soft" drugs. This erroneous distinction?no
doubt .a part of the heroin mystique?is dangerously
misleading: there is nothing "soft" about these drugs.
Although their effects are similar to those of alcohol,
barbiturates are potentially the most lethal of all
abused drugs. A small dose reduces social inhibition
and produces a mild "high." A somewhat larger dose
intoxicates and results in a loss of judgment and
physical coordination. The next stage is a loss of
consciousness from which the individual can be
aroused. A higher dose produces a coma, and a suffi-
ciently high dose results in death. With alcohol, the
user generally passes out before he can drink enough
to go into a coma, but with barbiturates, a killing dose
can be ingested before even the first effects are felt.
Barbiturate overdose, not surprisingly, has long been
a leading method of suicide, but accidental death from
such is .also common. It will probably become even
more prevalent if abuse of these drugs continues to rise.
In December, Senator Birch Bayh (D, Ind.), chairman
of the judiciary subcommittee to investigate juvenile
delinquency, issued a report: "Barbiturate Abuse in
the United States." The subcommittee found that an
increasing form of drug abuse involves mixing alcohol
and barbiturates. Because one potentiates, or inten-
sifies, the other, a small dose of barbiturates can have
a more serious effect when taken with alcohol than
when taken alone. Dr. David Lewis of the Harvard
Medical School told Bavh's subcommittee that "death
has been reported with as little as 300 milligrams of
the short-acting barbiturate plus a couple of ounces of
hard liquor." (A typical pill might be 100 milligrams.)
In other words, taking alcohol with barbiturates
drastically compresses the boundaries between a dose
that merely intoxicates and one that can kill. In spite
of the well-publicized "horrors" of heroin withdrawal,
it is rarely fatal. But going "cold turkey" from a high
level of barbiturate addiction may lead to convulsions,
psychosis or even death. ?
Because heroin is expensive and lacks potency when
taken orally, it is used intravenously. Short-acting
barbiturates, by contrast, are effective within minutes
after they have been swallowed. Some young drug ex-
perimenters, apparently unaware of this potency,'
have tried to inject barbiturates, often with horrible
34
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results. The danger of an overdose is, of course,
increased, but mistakes. in making the injection ? a
likely result when earlier doses have impaired the
user's motor functions?can maim, if not kill. If the
vein is missed and the drug is injected under the skin,
a painful abscess will result. If an artery is accidentally
hit instead of a vein, gangrene can result. Dr. Max
Gaspar, clinical professor of surgery at the University
of Southern California School of Medicine, told the
Bayh subcommittee that "six of the patients, or 30
percent of the first 20 we saw [who .had injected bar-
biturates into an artery] have had amputations of part.
of the hand or foot."
Barbiturate abuse is also associated with violence.
One barbiturate user told Dr. Roger Smith, the
director of the Marin Open House (a drug treatment
center), about the effect of mixing "uppers" and
"downers": "Once you've got enough goofers [barbi-
turates] so you're ready to kill some cat, you have to
shoot up the crank [amphetamine] so you get the
energy. to do it." Those who saw a recent NBC docu-
mentary, "Thou Shalt Not Kill," about two convicted
murderers on death row in a Utah state prison, may
remember that they described their murder spree
with no signs of remorse. Those murders took place
over several days in which they were drinking heavily
and popping pills. The pills were pentobarbitals.
Illicitly manufactured barbiturates are essentially
nonexistent because these drugs are easy to obtain
and inexpensive. Some children need only reach in-
side the family medicine cabinet; others buy them on
the street for a quarter apiece. The drug manufacturers
are now making more than 10 billion doses a year, or
50 for every man, woman and child in the United States.
Two years ago BNDD required that thefts of bar-
biturates be reported, and in the first report (for the
12-month period ending April 1, 1972) more than
seven million doses were reported stolen. BNDD
audits for a two-year period (ending April 1972)
showed an additional six million doses which could
. not be accounted for. Indeed, the normal route of
legitimate barbiturates (from manufacturer to whole-
saler to pharmacy to doctor or patient) and the lax
controls of Schedule III make diversion of these drugs
a relatively simple matter for drug traffickers with
plenty of bribe money. Like BNDD, the Bayh subcom-
mittee would put the nine short-acting barbiturates
under Schedule II of the Controlled Substances Act.
The move, while, no panacea, would seem justified.
/V.P.A. Ar
uch has been written about treating addiction to
heroin and other opiates, but less work has been done
on the problems of amphetamine or barbiturate de-
pendence. Although most government experts now
concede that heroin addiction is past its peak and
barbiturate abuse is on the rise, the federal drug
treatment and prevention effort still seems to be
directed exclusively to the heroin problem and the
creation of more methadone maintenance treatment
facilities. That heroin is still a serious problem and
that more methadone facilities are needed are non-
debatable, but there seems little justification for ignor-
ing other forms of drug abuse which are every bit as
lethal. An official at the Special Action Office for Drug
Abuse Prevention conceded that his agency was doing
little to help the barbiturate addict but said that
something would be done within the next six months.
Without questioning his agency's good intentions,
one sees little preparation for a federal effort to curb
amphetamine and barbiturate abuse. There seems to'
be a dearth of ideas about how to do it and what facili-
ties will be needed. One SAODAP cifficial suggested
that existing hospitals were sufficient, but another
official in the same agency who has directed narcotics
treatment programs said it was "hard to get hospitals
to take barbiturate addicts" because many doctors
consider such addiction to be an "illegitimate medical
problem."
Burglary and theft by heroin addicts are serious
problems in every metropolitan area, and so there is
strong public pressure to get addicts off. the street.
Methadone maintenance is one way, incarceration
another. On the other hard, amphetamines and barbi-
turates are inexpensive, and those addicted to them
rarely have the criminal "talents" .of members of the
heroin subculture; little property crime is associated
with their abuse. The violence and property crimes
these drugs do cause are usually contained within the
users' subculture. Put another way, a speed freak is
not likely to steal your color TV but a heroin. addict-is.
Nonetheless, amphetamines and barbiturates have
been taking a heavy toll in human misery, and a
humane government should act to alleviate it. It re-
mains to be seen whether this administration will
commit itself to helping these addicts with the same
zeal it has ? applied to getting heroin addicts into
methadone maintenance where they are no threat to
private property.
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The New York Times Book Review
February 4.1973
icit and Illicit Drugs
The Consumers Union Report on Narcotics, Stimulants, Depressants, Inhalants,
Hallucinogens, and Marijuana?including Caffeine, Nicotine, and Alcohol.
By Edward M. Brecher and the editors of Consumer Reports.
623 pp. Boston: Little, Brown & Co. $12.50.
Drugs and the Public s
By Norman E. Zinberg and John A. Robertson.
288 pp. New York: Simon & Schuster. Cloth, $8.95. Paper, $2.95.''
Heroin(
By Richard Ashley.
268 pp. New York: St. Martin's Press. $6.95.
e American Heroin Empire
Power, Profits, and Politics.
By Richard Kunnes, M.D.
250 pp. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co. $5.95.
y PETER STEINFELS and
ROBERT M. VEATCH
America has not one but several
drug problems. That should be the
first lesson of a book like the Con-
sumers Union Report, "Licit and
Illicit Drugs." One can catalogue
them, as it does, by drug:
Five hundred and fifty billion
"doses" of nicotine smoked yearly.
One estimate has it that 250,000 to
300,000 smokers die prematurely
every year.
Five million alcohol addicts?a con-
servative calculation ? and perhaps
as many as 9 million drinking
their way to irreversible brain and
liver damage. No other drug is so
commonly a factor in homicides and
suicides. Over half the highway
deaths and over half the arrests made
generally in the United States are
alcohol-related. And traditionalists
may be reassured: among high school
and college students, alcohol remains
the "drug of choice," beating out
marijuana by roughly the same over-
whelming margin President Nixon
gained over Senator McGovern.
Marijuana, nonetheless, goes up in
smoke at the rate of about 5 million
cigarettes a day. In 1969, the director
of the National Institute of Mental
Health estimated there were 2 to 3
million "social users" of marijuana
and 800,000 to 1,200,000 "chronic
users."
Figures on use of LSD, ampheta-
mines, cocaine, and barbiturates
fluctuate like the stock market; cur-
rently, rumor has it that ampheta-
mines are bearish, barbiturates bull-
ish, and LSD a long-run steady
gainer.
Heroin addicts? Estimates have
ranged from 70,000 to 700,000 \ to 3
million. Several respectable estimates
are grouped around 250,000-315,000.
Peter Stelnfels and Robert M.
Veatch are, respectively, Associate
for the Humanities and Associate for
Medical Ethics at the Institute for
Society, Ethics and the Life Sciences.
If the higher estimates were accurate,
most of New York would have to be
stolen three times over to support
those habits. But how many "users"
are there who are not "addicts"? No
one knows. One legacy of our nar-
cotics policies is that we now have
no idea of the dimensions of the
problem.
The common contention of these
four books is that our drug problems,
at least those involving illegal drugs,
are as much the creation of the public
policies meant to solve them as they
are the result of the drugs them-
selves.
"Licit and Illicit Drugs," a Con-
sumers Union Report, purports to deal
with all nonmedical drug use; but it is
not to detract from the considerable
accomplishment of Edward M. Bre-
cher and the Consumers Union edi-
tors to suggest that their inclusion of
drugs like alcohol, caffeine and nico-
tine is less out of concern for these
"licit" drugs in themselves, than for
purposes of framing the question in a
manner taking full advantage of their
readers' favored vices. That sort of
editorial value judgment may escape
some readers who, under the spell of
the Consumers Union name, naively
believe that evaluating drugs and
social policies can be as "objective"
an enterprise as evaluating vacuum
cleaners.
But Mr. Brecher should not be
blamed for such readers. Of the four
books, his is much the best at de-
fining terms (a lucid examination of
the meaning of "success" in addict
treatment programs, for example); at
reviewing research and reporting it,
even when inconclusive or contrary
to his own views. His book is not
without errors or questionable judg-
ments. In a field so boobytrapped
with mythology, controverted points
and sheer unknowns, no book could
be?unless it eschewed declarative
sentences altogether. "Licit and Il-
licit Drugs" remains a remarkably
clear, comprehensive and common-
sensical book in a very difficult area.
Although "Drugs and the Public,"
36
by Norman E. Zinberg and John A.
Robertson, also purports to consider
drug use generally, it is written large-
ly in the context of the debate over
legalization of marijuana, which the
authors see as something of a test
case for forming a new public con-
sensus about drugs. The book may
seem pale in the harsher light of
today's concern with the heroin
question; but it makes a number of
special contributions: its emphasis
on "set and setting"--expectation
and surroundings?in determining the
effect of a drug; its review of re-
search problems; its discussion of the
British hysteria over marijuana, an
'
interes ig addition to the usual pre-
sereaLion of the calmer British r&
rponse to heroin.
Richard Ashley's "Heroin" at-
tempts a comprehensive statement of
the heroin issue that parallels the
Consumers Union Report in many
ways and occasionally enlarges upon
it. Ashley emphasizes the vast
reaches of our ignorance about hero-
in addiction, and yet his book is fired
by an anger at the dogmatism, short-
sightedness, and cruelty of our drug
policies, an anger that sometimes
colors his presentation with a dog-
matism of its own.
Richard Kunnes's book "The Amer-
ican Heroin Empire" might well have
been titled "A Radical Reader on
Heroin"?were that not unfair to
radicals. Large chunks of his book
are simply page after page of ver-
batim quotation from whatever news-
paper and magazine articles the au-
thor has encountered on the subject.
Dr. Kunnes has apparently kept him-
self blessedly free of any contact
with the technical literature on her-
oin. His idea of proof for an assertion
is simply that it can be found some-
where, anywhere, between quotation
marks. The result is a book full of
half-truths, untruths, innuendoes,
anecdotal evidence and unverifiable
statements?a disservice to the thesis
it announces, that the heroin prob-
lem cannot be analyzed apart from
the political, social and economic con.
text in which it has arisen.
Of the many issues which these
books treat in common, three deserve
special comment: the question of
morality and life styles, the question
of addiction and the medical model,
and the question of future heroin
policy.
In "Drugs and the Public," for in-
stance, Zinberg and Robertson rec-
ognize the concern with life style
and symbolic meaning which is at the
heart of much public feeling about
drugs. They aim, in fact "to un-
ravel the more emotional responses
to .nonmedical drug use" and "see
why they have heated up the drug
issue"; they do not wish to wring
legal change from an unresponsive
majority, but to establish it on a new
consensus.
'And yet one feels certain that so
long as their own individualist and
utilitarian predilections force them
to treat moral factors as "emo-
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Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000160110061-4
tional" or "irrational," their goal
will elude them. Whenever the word
"moral" or "morality" appears in
their text, it almost alway denotes a
less than real reality, contrasted
with "utility" and destined to give
way before it, rather than giving
"utility" some of its meaning.
According to the authors, mari-
juana use has become a critical sym-
bol in the struggle between an emerg-
ent youth, "vociferously sacrilegious
in their critique of social institu-
tions," and "older and more trad-
tionally American social groups."
This, the authors conclude, "explains
the often irrational opposition to
marijuana reform." Yet if this Kul-
turkampf between generations is all
that the authors' description makes
it, why is the elders' opposition on a
critical symbolic point "irrational"?
It seems to make perfect sense. Un-
less, of course, symbols are un-
important.
Zinberg and Robertson admit that
legalizing marijuana would lead to
its widespread use, "ultimately
changing the drug habits of the coun-
try." Yet they hold no brief for
"permissiveness." In such a bind, can
the good from using drugs or
banning them be limited narrowly to
medical and psychological benefits?
Do not the more intangible benefits
and damages represented by the
styles of life have to be included?
A participant at a recent conference
on psychoactive drugs declared that
what the group was really discussing
was the future of the human char-
acter. Much of the public vaguely
seems to agree, and its uneasiness
will not be allayed unless the issue
is more candidly confronted.
A second theme recurrent in the
discussion of drugs is the substitu-
tion of medicine for law enforcement.
Frustrated with the obvious deficien-
cies in treating addiction as a crime,
authors grope for any feasible altern-
ative. The "medical model" is ready
at hand, and these books, like many
before them, speak loosely, and in-
consistently, of "the British medical
model," treating addiction as an "ill-
ness," replacing the policeman with
the physician. Ashley, for example,
approvingly describes the work of
the Rolleston Committee, architects
of the British heroin policy, as creat-
ing a system in which "physicians, not
policemen, were made the arbiters of
drug addiction treatment." The Con-
sumers Union Report, recoiling from
the shadow of government control,
insists that physicians should have
ultimate authority over admissions to
methadone maintenance programs.
Traditionally, the full-scale "medi-
cal model" suggests that the condi-
tion being treated is organic or pos-
sibly psychological; the person being
treated is labeled "sick," which im-
plies that he should be exempt from
normal social responsibilities, that he
is not responsible for his condition,
and that he has a right to medical
treatment.
Obviously, there are ambiguities in
the medical model, different elements
which different authors would be
more or less wilting to accept. (The
Approved
public health variant, moreover,
sometimes invoked against an "epi-
demic" of "contagious" drug abuse,
introduces a specific element of
coercion.) Certainly the medical
model offers a long tradition of legal
drug use in which to integrate the
employment of narcotics. But the ef-
fect, of course, is finally to place
control of the addict in the hands of
the physician, who legitimizes the
sick role. It is not clear that physi-
cians are qualified for this "gatekeep-
er" task, nor that it should be theirs.
The much-hailed British medical
model was never qufte that: surely
no other disease rated a card file on
individual "patients" in the Home
Office. The polarization of criminal
and medical models begs for further
refinement.
As for the prospects for reform in
the area of heroin laws, Zinberg and
Robertson writing only a little earlier
than the others, concluded that it is
unlikely: "Heroin maintenance . . .
is not being seriously considered by
policymakers." On the other hand
Brecher and Ashley (and Kunnes, to
a limited extent) all recommend some
form of heroin maintenance; it seems
that the question has indeed been
inscribed on the public agenda.
The first reason why this has
happened is that, as Brecher and
Ashley document so thoroughly, all
efforts to "cure" heroin addicts of
? their addiction have failed miser-
ably. "The first and most important
step in solving the heroin problem,"
declare the Consumers Union edi-
tors, "is to recognize at long last
what addiction to heroin means.
Society must stop expecting that
any significant proportion of addicts
will become ex-addicts by an act
of will, or by spending five years
in prison, or a year or two in a
prison-like . . . 'drug treatment cen-
ter,' or even in a 'therapeutic com-
munity' . . . . Almost all addicts,
it is true, do stop taking heroin
from time ?to time. But almost all
subsequently relapse. Among those
who do not relapse, roughly half'
become skid-row alcoholics." No
realistic program can be built on
the few conspicuous exceptions.
But the second reason why the
heroin problem may now face a dif-
ferent future is that it has acquired
a past. "Sense can bp made of the
drug scene only in a historical set-
ting," writes Brecher in "Licit and
Illicit Drugs." and he compares his
eye-opening discovery of "The Opi-
um Problem," a classic (1928) his-
torical study by Terry and Pellens,
to Keats's first encounter with
Chapman's translation of Homer.
There is a danger in viewing all
our national issues in the light of
the One Great Issue of recent years;
but the history of America's efforts
to suppress narcotics reads like
some shadow Pentagon Papers. Ash-
ley suggests the metaphor of the
Gulf of Tonkin resolution for that
ambiguous bill, the Harrison Nar-
cotics Act of 1914, which the drug
bureaucracy expanded into a plat-
form for its all-out war against the
devil drug. Every failure to gain
victory by police action only called
forth another escalation?new cru-
sades, more arrests, longer sen-
tences. Officials deluded the public
with propaganda, and themselves
with phony statistics. Politicians-and
ex-addicts hawking new weapons or
new strategies repeatedly hailed the
light at the end of the tunnel. No one
dared ask: Why are we fighting
this war, and do we want to? Mean-
while, we worsened the situation in
order to save it.
History's other lessen is the re-
minder that in 1914 the United
States probably had more narcotics
addicts per capita than it does to-
day?but without the accompanying
vice, corruption, crime and violence.
Addiction was considered no bless-
ing, to be sure; but it was the kind
of curse under which both eminent
and humble citizens managed to live
out their lives (the typical avlict
was a white, affluent woman o'er
40); and not the catastrophe of toda:.
The question that arises, then, is
whether methadone maintenance is
a temporary "Vietnamization" of ?a
solution, or whether it is a solid
negotiated settlement. Brecher and
the Consumers Union editors en-
dorse swift expansion of methadone
programs together with experiment-
al efforts at . heroin maintenance.
Ashley rejects methadone and opts
for having private physicians pre-
scribe heroin. Kunnes still seems to
hope in slow heroin or methadone
withdrawal when combined with
radical political education.
The debate turns on both techni-
cal and political issues, which could
be more thoroughly aired than they
are in these books. Does methadone
maintenance threaten new forms of
.government control? (The authors
who say yes, like Ashley, often don't
recognize that the same arguments
apply to heroin maintenance.) Can
addicts be stabilized on heroin? Is
the long action of methadone so im-
portant for avoiding the ups and
downs of the heroin cycle? Is the
real advantage of methadone simply
the ethical and political acceptabili-
ty of not supplying people with
euphoria? But what if a sizable per-
centage of addicts want their eu-
phoria? What about diversion to the
black market, and the problems of
users who may or may not be ad-
dicts? This is where the debate
should be, not pursuing a will-octhe-
wisp like life imprisonment ?for
pushers.
Neither the recommendations of
"Licit and Illicit Drugs," nor those
of the ether books, will solve the
drug problem; they may solve what
has been called "the drug problem
problem." They will not?as some
liberals hope?remove crime from
our streets; poverty, injustice and
corruption from our cities; foolish-
ness from our children; and weak-
ness from our fellows and our-
selves. We will have simply ceased
to exacerbate these conditions. His-
tory may have taught us the bene-
fits of modesty. Ll
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THE GUARDIAN MANCHESTER
28 February 1973
r65-\
When the peasants of Ketama in Morocco started growing kif instead of crops 2 1",,cv-,3 2nele
in Megal hashish became switched on. Butt while the smugglers stand to make a foctNne
the boom, reports HENRY AUBIN, the Moroccans are losing out financially and ccAhavally,
" LIFE IS better now," said the smil-
ing, wizened Rifian tribesman, waving
his arm toward the terraced hillside
where his wife and daughters were
harvesting the plots. "Now that we
have changed our crops w,e are all
oicher." The hillside was cultivated
I with a head-high plant which, from a
distance, looked like corn. But it was
kif, the illegal, marijuana-like plant
which yields hashish, several times
more potent to smoke and more profit-
able to smuggle than regular pot.
From this peasant's fields, and from
thousands like it in the rugged Rif
mountains surrounding the town of
Ketama, hashish flows .to North
America and Euppe by the ton. Some,
individual traffickers have purchased
up to 11.0001b. of the drug for ship-
ment to North America.
The Moroccan Government, closest
ally of the United States in North
Africa, officially prohibits the cultiva-
tion, use, sale or transport of kif and
hashish. But, in fact, it makes no
effort to enforce its drug laws within a
sanctuary zone of at least 1,000. square
miles around Ketama. The US.
Embassy in Rabat is aware of this,
yet expresses satisfaction with Moroc-
can drug control efforts ; and the US
_Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous
Drugs (BNDD), from its year-old, one-
man outpost in Rabat which monitors
.drug traffic to America from North
Africa, asserts that no significant .
amount of Ketama hashish reaches the
United States:
But the international traffickers who
stream here from the West disagree.
Some call Ketama the biggest source
,of hashish west of Lebanon. ?
? The hashish boom here is recent. In
the niid-1960s several Algerians, accom-
panied by Frenchmen, visited ,the
Ketama area and saw it as a potential
;gold mine. They saw that kif already
grew abundantly here, though on a
much smaller scale than today, without
interference from the authorities. The
-Rifian peasants did not know how to
,,make hashish from kif, but the visitors?
knew that once they began to make it,
they would have little trouble getting
-it to the West, where the demand for
Intoxicants stronger than marijuana
Thvas high.
; This was true because hashish is
compact and easier to smuggle than
'regular pot. Hashish (or hash) comes.
irr compressed bricks, whereas kif
..or marijuana is bulky, ? consisting
: of crushed leaves and twigs.
The Ketama a r e a, perched on
:.the north-western shoulder. of Africa
near the Straits of Gibraltar, is ideally
accessible to its Western markets.
'Within a day's drive of Ketama, a
:trafficker can reach three ports with
ferries to Spain or France, two ports
with freighters to North America and
northern Europe, four international
airports and?for particularly big
hauls?several isolated fishing villages
on the Mediterranean where boats are
available .for smuggling operations.
The Algerian-French entrepreneurs_
gathered large amounts of kif from the
peasants and began transforming it
into one of the world's strongest,
smoothest varieties of hash. After that,
said the old Rifian tribesman, "We
saw how much money the Algerians
were making. They had a little factory
in which they made the hashish from
the kif flowers. We all went, over to,
watch. It was easy to learn.".J
The process 'is simple : the kif
flowers are sifted through a wire
screen, producing a coarse brown
powder. This powder is then rubbed
through a cotton cloth. Some of this
extract Us pressed into bricks 'to be
sold to ? traffidkers; some is ribbed
through the cloth a second time before
pressing, and some is filtered a third
time.
Each of these siftings corresponds to
one of the three main grades of
Ketama hash. The top grade sells
here for about $80 a kilo, second
grade for $65, and third grade for $55.
In the United States, the price for
top grade is about $4,000 a kilo.
" I used to grow maize," said the
tribesman, speaking a mixture of
Refian\ Berber dialect, Arab, Spanish,
and French. "In 1969 I switched to
kif. Some people in these mountains
switched ?a year before some a year
after. But now we've all switched.
When I grew maize, I did not make
much money. To make enough money
I had to work on the roads for the
Government. Or I had to work at the
lumber mill. Sometimes I took kif with
me and went to Casablanca and Essa-
ouira (cities about 300 and 500 miles
away), where I sold it." In those days,
most of his customers were Moroccans.
t In all, he calculated, he used to earn
about $300 a year, typical for this
area which is one of the poorest in
Morocco. "But since) I've been grow-
ing nothing but kif and making hashish,
I've not had to get jobs." After
expenses, he said, he's more than
doubled his annual income, to about
$700. From his point of view it's a
lot. "We used to have nothing," he
said. " Now we have something."
His tea service was new. He and
his family slept on new mattresses
instead of on reed mats. He could
afford- cigarettes. His adobe house
has a new tin roof. And though he
himself wore the djellaba, or hooded
robe, of the traditional peasantry, his
sons wore Western-style tee-shirts and
bell-bottomed slacks.
Hashish' . production is rapidly
increasing ; peasants say last Septem-
ber's harvest was a record. " Soon I
will make , more money," the old
man said, leading his visitor to two
new garage-sized adobe buildings a
'few yards from his home. "These
will be my factories," he said.
As soon as the harvested kif had
dried in 'the sun, he said, he would
hire 10 to 15 persons, mostly old men
and boys, at $2 a day to process
the kif into hash. "There is so much
kif this year," he said, ",that my
family and need help in making it,
into hash." Inside one of his garages
were five Polyethylene sacks stuffed
with khaki-coloured kif flowers. Four
of the bags were three feet high and
about .five feet around ; the fifth was
five feet high and nine feet around.
The peasant said the contents, 2,000
kilos of unrefined hash, were only
38
about half of this year's crop. It takes
about 100 kilos of kif to make a single
kilo of refined hash.
"Hashish is very good," the old man
said. But he could not afford to smoke
it himseh. Moroccans generally prefer
the traditional, less concentrated kif,
which gives a gentle high?and even
that is smoked sparingly, and by a
distinct minority, in most areas.
The peasants' profits from hashish
are dwarfed by those of the European
and American traffickers. Yet there
seems to be little resentment or
f eeling of exploitation here. One
reason for the disparity in profits is
that the hashish-producing peasants,
fragmented into several tribes and
hundreds of hamlets, have yet to
organise an effective price system.
The desperate competition among
the suppliers is evident along the three
twisting roads that lead into Ketarna.
As far as 40 miles from the town, in-
coming cars encounter knots of ragged
boys who stand in the road to halt
traffic and thrust samples of hash
through car windows, shouting prices
alternately in German, French, and
English.
Ketama itself consists of a filling
station, a police station, enough ram-
shackle buildings to accommodate
;about 20 persons, and one de luxe, Gov-
ernment-affiliated hotel. Many of the
town's residents are young middle-
men?often the sons of the 'peasant
producers?who accost traffickers and
tourists in a variety of languages.
"Hey, man," said one young Rifian
berber who wore love beads and long
hair, affecting ;hippie jargon, "can I
lay some sweet hash on you? "
The town's trading centre is the
four-star, 67-room Hotel Tidighine, pri-
vately operated by the alaroc Tourist
chain but controlled by the Govern-
ment through its investments. Middle-
'men cluster on its 'outside steps
accosting guests, and have the run of
the lobby. They also solicit customers
at the bar, in the dining room and even
in the " guests only" swimming pool,
where they discreetly exhibit sample
bricks of ha.shish.
. Asked if anyone has ever been
arrested at the hotel, an employee
laughs. Enforcing the law is a police
problem, he says, not a hotel problem,
and the police here don't mind.
At the police station, officers insist
that the fields of kif seen from the
highways do not exist. "Monsieur, you
are mistaken," a sergeant said sternly.
" It is strictly illegal to, grow, sell or
transport kif in this country, and the
law is strictly observed."
Minutes later, the sergeant and other
officers looked on within earshot as
four dealers greeted the visitor with
the day's prices. "Ketama's far out,
man," says one Detroit hippie. "I
never thought I'd see it, you know,
marijuana blowing in the breeze like
that, rows and rows of it. They got
a really friendly place, you know, even
the cops. It's like an industry."
The sanctuary-like character of the
region ends abruptly, however, some
20 to 50 miles outside Ketama, depend-
ing on Which way the traveller is going.
Police roadblocks and searches are
among 'the problems a dealer may
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encounter as he tries to leave the area.
"The rule of thumb," said a dealer
from New York, "doesn't make much
sense but it goes like this : you can
grow kif in Ketame, you can process
it into hash, and you can buy it there
without worrying about it. But if you
try to take it out of there you can get
caught?though it's not likely. It's
sort of like being allowed to counter-
feit money but not to spend it, and
that's a pretty hard system to enforce.
It's a 'weird arrangement, but I'm not
complaining." He was working solo on
a shipment to Los Angeles that he
said would net him about $60,000.
Experienced traffickers reportedly
have little difficulty getting their ship4
ments past the police. Some use
_
bribes, some take back roads and
others hire Moroccans to take the hash,
outside the Keta-ma ?area. According
to one close observer, " Most of the
-people who get arrested are casual,
amateur types who haven't paid off-
the right people.".
Large shipments of a ton or more
are sometimes organised by teams of
European or American dealers, four
or five men each driving his own car.
Secret coinpartments?usually on the
underside of the cars?are loaded with
hashish in special garages provided by
middlemen' in Ketama, (The cars are
concealed there from informers who,
under a widely rumoured arrangement,
get a cut of the bribes and the hash
seized at roadblocks when they tip off
police to a big shipment.) The hash-
laden cars are then driven over un-
paved, unguarded roads to isolated
fishing villages on the Mediterranean
coast, 40 miles north, Where the bricks
are transferred to yachts or fishing
boats bound for Europe.
Arrests of persons with drugs are
frequent ? 72 Americans last year,
according to US consular officials?but
the big groups are rarely caught, and
penalties are generally light.
"When you get to Morocco," says
one American hippie, " Forget every-
thing you've ever heard about rotting
for years and years in some Third
World dungeon.' An American caught
With only enough hashish for personal
use can expect a few nights in gaol
and a $75 fine at the most. A first
offender arrested with a smuggler's
portion can expect a maximum
penalty of eight months inside and an
$300 fine.
Only one US professional has been
caught in recent years, and he had
only 33 kilos in his possession. The
trafficker; Robert Ryon, a 32-year-old
Californian, was betrayed' by a Moroc-
can contact who had brought the hash
to him from Ketama to Casablanca.
Ryon is serving a two-year term, three
times that given any other American,
because of his alleged connections with
a foreign heroin ring.
The big-time buyers are greatly .out-,
numbered in Ketama by amateurs.
Scores of them, often backpackers or
hitchhikers, pass through the area
daily?especially during the summer
tourist season?and make relatively
small purchases. They are the ones
who invariably get stopped.
"To the hest of -my knowledge,", says
an American diplomat, " every Ameri-
can arrested so far this year has been a
long-hair type between the ages of 18
and 25. Never fails."
The lesson is obvious : smugglers
who look straight do not generally get
hassled. Most of the big-timers know
this. One Ketama source notes that all
.his major customers are clean-cut
types, often over 30. They pass as
middle class tourists.
Those amateurs who try taking their
Ketama hash out of the country are
often more earnest than shrewd. Some
examples :
?A. young New Yorker filled a used.
car engine with 16 kilos of hash and
tried shipping it ,via air freight to
California from the Casablanca airport.
The postal officials accepted the pack.
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age, then became suspicious and
grabbed the bearded youth ?before he
got out of the airport parking lot.
?A 23-year-old Brooklyn hippie tried
mailing six kilos home in a camel
saddle. He was caught, but he said it
was his second effort : the first time it;
had worked. '
?A Georgetown university law
student was arrested last summer with
10 kilos in his car as he left the sanc-
tuary area round Ketama. His main
error : he also had a pistol with him,
a serious offence in Morocco Where
civilians are -forbidden to card fire-
arms. ? His- bribe offer was spurned,
and was in fact added. to the list of
charges against him.
?An American about to board a
home-bound . freighter in Casablanca
was caught with a 30-kilo burlap bag
of hashish on his shoulder. He was
unaware that Moroccan Customs
officials sporadically search people
departing the country as well as enter-,
ing it, unlike Customs in Europe or
the US. .
?A young man paid prison authori-
ties in Casablanca $6,500, he said, to .
lose his records and rdease him after
serving eight months of a three-year
,smuggling sentence. Sure enough, he
was freed at that time anyway, regard-.
less of his bribe, since eight months
is the maximum time served by ,a first
offender.
For many Moroccans the hashish
boom is most important for its indirect
cultural effect on their country. The.
abundance and cheapness of drugs, as
well as the lightness of the penalties,
is helping to draw tens of thousands
of young Westerners to Morocco every
year. ?
There are other factors, too, for
Morocco's sudden popularity : the warm
climate, the low-key lifestyle, the
friendly people and Arab culture. But-
at the camp sites springing up around
the countryside and in the houses that-
hippies are renting by the dozen in the
cities, drugs are integral.
The main cities for the consumption
of hashish and kif,?almost all of which
originate from the Ketama area, are
Marrakesh, Tangier, and Essaouira.
Here, stacks of hash pipes, chillums
. and other smoking para-pheralia are
as common as postcard racks. There
are also "free smoke" cafes where
foreigners can light up without risk.
Because of the large numbers of
drug-oriented young Westerners, and
because of the 'fascination they exert
on young Moroccans, their impact on
this traditional Islamic culture is in-
creasingly apparent. Many Moroccan
teenagers ape the visitors, wearing long
hair and !bellbottoms. They seek their
friendship, looking up to them as a
kind of cultural and social varsity. -
Increasingly, traditionalists are com4
plaining that the young generation' is
neglecting Islam, turning its back -on
Morocco's true cultural identity and
trying to turn into pseudo-Westerners.
They corn-plain that smoking drugs and
drinking alcohol which used to be
exceptional, are now becoming general.
The Government of King Hassan X,
,himself widely regarded as a mad,
European-style swinger, has a mixed
response to all this. At Ceuta, hip-pies
are required to get haircuts before
entering the country; but hair is
ignored at other border crossings. Last
summer -the Government sponsored an
international jazz festival at Tangier,
which only increased the influx of
Westerners and their influence.
The opposition newspaper, L'Opinion,
recently called on the Government to
step up its " quasi-campaign " against
the drug culture. But it did not employ
the anti-drug arguments of Western
conservatives; hippies pose a quite dif-
ferent kind of problem in the Third
World.
What validity the counterculture
might have as" a recourse from the,
values of industrialised society, the
newspaper suggested, did not hold true
in this underdeveloped kingdom. What
Morocco needs of its young generation
is dynamism and hard work to -bring
the country up out of poverty. Drugs,
it said, are only a way to escape reality.
? "Hippies . . . -are a dangerous pheno-
menon which the authorities tolerate
. . . in distracting our youth from its
true problems," the pa-per said, adding:
" In cafes one can find them engaged
in destroying all which is good in our
:youth. They are teaching them a
language which has nothing in common
with our reality. They are popularising
destructive ideas (and are) propagat-
ing drugs?kif and hashish?in the
midst of our, youth which we are
impatiently waiting to take in hand the
destiny of this country." ?
There is an apparent discrepancy
between -the vigilance voiced by Presi-
dent-Nixon against drugs of the mari-
huana, or cannabis, family and the
attitude encountered at the embassy:
here in Morocco. There is also a dis-i
crepancy between what the pro4-overn-
ment newspapers here hail as King
Hussan's struggle against kif and What
goes on in the field.
"-There's little sense of moral out-
rage - by Morocco towards pot," one
junior US diplomat Observes. 'In:
Spain, where they imprison kids for
five years for having -a few -grams -of
drugs, and in a lot of countries, people
see pot almost as a threat to their
way of life, but- kif has been in
Morocco a- long time and there's not
muCh outrage.'
There is a tone of ,a1ighteousness in
the voices -of some foreign traffielkers
as they discuss their dealings in
Morocco. As one young, bearded New
Yorker, a Solo operator, put it, "The
question is, who's getting hurt by all
this ? Nobody. My people in the States
aren't getting hurt?they love the stuff,
.and they aren't getting their health
messed up like with alcohol or heroin.
"And my iuppliers, the peas-ants,
they aren't getting hurt. They're poor'
and they're making more money this
way' than they could any other. And
me, I'm getting real rich. Morally this
is a clean operation."
One young engineering student from
Southern Morocco, who says he got
radicalised during his studies in.
France, isn't so' sure. "Ketama," he
says, "is the same old story. It's very
much like a nietaphor for the indus-
trialisation pattern you see everywhere
in Morocco. The Western businessmen
come in and build a tyre factory or a
bank or a Holiday Inn, and they let
Moroccans work there in the lower
positions?and maybe in a few token
executive positions.
"But the bulk of the profits leave
Morocco. They flow to -the West. Very
little stays here, but our Government
accepts the arrangement because it
helps the unemployment problem and
we make a little money off taxes. It's
one way the gap between the rich
countries and the poor countries gets
bigger.
" Ketama's a lot like that in an
unstructured way. Westerners make
millions. The peasants who make the
hashish live in poverty. It's the same
kind of exploitation.r?Washington
Post.
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BALTIMORE SUN
4 March 1973
I Chinese gangs
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Hong Kiang (Reuter)?Chi-
nese gangsters are smuggling
heroin throughout Southeast
Asia and into the United States
and Europe.
The so-called "Chinese
connection" starts in the hills
of southern Burma and
stretches through Bangkok,
Thailand, and Hong Kong to
.the Chinatowns of New York
, and London.
It branches through Saigon
and Manila and operates with
all the secrecy and skill of the
Mafia.
Top Hong Kong government
officials and veteran narcotics'.
investigators see little prospect
of any improvement in the situ-
ation.
In the rugged Shan states of
southern Burma, opium poppy
growing is controlled by a Chi:.
' nese-Burmese identified. by
senior American diplomats as
Lo Hsing-han.
Reports of Burmese govern-
ment operations against pop-
py-growing Lahu tribesmen
were *elcomed here but inves-
tigators said that the Rangoon
government had not made a
concentrated attempt to ban
opium cultivation.
"The terrain is so difficult up
there," says one anti-narcotics
agent, "that you can hardly
land a helicopter. You either
walk or ride a donkey."
From ?Burma, the opium is
transported secretly through
northern Thailand to Bangkok,
despite Thai government cam-
paigns to stem the flow and
American technical and finan-
cial assistance.
Officials in Hong Kong say
the supply of drugs from Thai-
land has not been reduced in
recent months.
? Chinese-Thai gangsters,
mostly from the Chiu-Chow re-
gion of the south China coast
and linked by Mafia-style loy-
alties, control the Bangkok op-
eration, according to the inves-
tigator. ?
They convert the opium into
"999" brand morphine and
.send a trusted lieutenant by
ters run heroin trade efficienlii
ail- to Hong Kong to negotiate
a sale. At the same time, the
morphine (or in some cases,
raw opium. or manufactured
heroin) leaves Bangkok aboard
, a Thai trawltr that chugs
slowly up the, south ?China
coast.
After he makes a sale with
. one of about 10 Chiu-Chow gang
bosses in Hong Kong, the man
from Bangkok sails out of
Hong Kong harbor in a junk to
a secret rendezvous with the
Thai trawler, often in unpa-
trolled Chinese territorial wa-
ters near Hong Kong.
? He produces one half of a
torn bank-note and matches it
with the half held by the traw-
ler captain, whom he has
never seen before.
The drugs are transferred to
the junk, and later to smaller
sampans. The trawler sails
back to Bangkok and the
Thai-Chinese flies home, his
work completed.
Within hours, the junk and
? sampans have slipped quietly
into the harbors of Hong Kong
s or Macao, Portugal's 6-square
mile territory 40 miles across
, the Pearl River estuary.
Eventually, after a series of
secret exchanges between con-
tacts who do not know each
other, the morphine A deliv-
ered to a 'heroin factory in
Hong Kong.
These factories, which can
operate .in one room of an
apartment with little fear of
detection, serve both the Brit-
ish colony's addict population
of about 80,000 And a growing
export market.
On the streets, the deadly
white powder, often 90 per cent
pure heroin, is retailed by ex-
perienced peddlers and often
by street gangs known as
"triads," who also specialize
in extortion and brothel-keep-
ing.
' James .Chien of the Society
for. the Aid and Rehabilitation
of Drug Addicts says that most
? addicts he handles "are sold
on the idea that the traffickers
enioy 'a certain protection."
Dr. L. K. Ding of the Dis-
charged Prisoneis Aid Society,
claims bluntly that "it is open
knowledge that the police are
protecting drug pushers."
But the police anti-corruption
branch says it has not found
any evidence to back up this
charge.
? Hong Kong addicts place
. their heroin powder on tinfoil,
burn a match beneath it and
inhale the fumes in their
mouth either 'through a paper
tube called "chasing the
dragon," or a matchbox cover
known as "playing the film:al
organ." ?
Others put heroin grains on
the end of a cigarette, point the
cigarette skywards, light it
and inhale. This method is
described as "shooting the
ack-ack gun."
Addiction has taken such
deep root in the colony that
the prison commissioner, Tom
'Garner, says 76 per cent of all'
admitted convicts- are found'
to be addicts and 48 per cent
? are arrested on drug offenses. I
About 10 per cent of Mr.
Garner's convicts have spo-'
radic access. to heroin even:
when in prison.
Hong Kong's energetic Nar-
cotics Bureau and Preventive'
Service have beep making
large seizures of morphine,
heroin and opium but report
that the street price rarely
increases.
No one knows how much
heroin leaves Hong Kong for
. the United States and Britain.
The colony is virtually a free
port with little control over;
goods, being exported, and it isi
virtually impossible to identify
the source of heroin captured
in other cities.
But, an experienced interna-
tional investigator here says
? Hong Kong may be supplying
up to 10 per cent of all America's heroin imports.
. American agents have ar-
rested a Hong Kong Chinese,
allegedly carrying heroin away:
40
from a freighter docked in
Miami and they have also de-
tained a man identified as the
"unofficial mayor" of New
York's Chinatown.
The United States-based
Mafia has rarely, if ever, ven-
tured as far as Hong Kong to
buy heroin. "They don't have
Ito," the international investiga-
Ito/. said. "They can buy from
I the Chinese in the United
iStates."
In Britain, authorities have'
arrested several Chinese with
links to Hong Kong, including
one man found with what was
said to be "enough heroin to
supply the known 'British mar-
ket for two years," and handedi
down stiff jail terms. v
One top Hong Kong narcotics
expert says he believes sub-
stantial quantities of heroin.
are being smuggled regularly
into Britain, possibly with
.stop-overs in West Germany or
,Belgium.
The "Chinese connectionl
has been linked to the exten-,
.sive heroin trade in Saigon. In
Marinla a Chinese-Filipino was
recently executed by a firing
squad after being found guilty
of operating a heroin factory.
The investigators here be-
lieve that one solution to the
problem might be the estab-
lishment of an opium-buying
monopoly in Thailand.
According to this theory, the
monopoly would buy up all
available opium at acceptable
prices and help farmers to
substitute other cash crops for
v the deadly poppy. It would also
pick up a great deal of Bur-
mese?opium.
But, no one here is optimis-
tic. "It is fairly safe to assume
that we are going to have this
problem . for soine time to
come," says a drug rehabilita-
tion expert, Dr. J. B. Holin-
rake. "If the present trends
continue, the problem is going
to get worse, especially for the
younger segment of our popu-
lation," he said.
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THE WASHINGTON POST
' Sunday, Feb.18, 1973
Opit
Is Ced
Hopeless
By Anne Head
London Observer
PARIS ? The American
? campaign to cure heroin ad-;
. diction by stopping the
growth of opium poppies Is
?like trying to cure alcohol.:
ism in France by pulling up
vineyards, says economist
Michel Lambert!, coauthor.
of a new book on the eon..
nomic and political struce
tures of the major opium.:
producing countries.
The book, "Les Grandes
Manoeuves de l'Opium," by .
Lamberti and journalist
Catherine Lamour, has been
widely discussed in the
French press. It says that
? the economic situation of
all current opium-producing
countries is such that they
must take the ,position that -
their own survival must
come before the lives of ad-
dicts in Europe or the
United States.
Iran, which stopped pro-
duction in 1955 but started'
again in 1969, is cited by?
other states who are being -
urged to stop production by
the countries with drug
problems. The Iranian rep?,
resentative to the U.N. Nar-
cotics Commission said:
"Our economic situation has
berome so alarming we have
been forced io take a 11111-,
lateral decision" to resume
production.
Lambert!, after two years
of intensive study and visits
to all the opium-producing
countries, says: "Even if .
production is stopped or ef-
fectively controlled in one
country, any underde-
veloped country with a '
large unemployed labor
force can start production.
This could be the case, say,
for various South? Ameri-
can countries, or Mexico."
American financial con-
tributions to Turkey, as
.part of the considerable
political pressure to stop
the cultivation of the opium
poppy after 1972, offer no
encouragement to other ?
opium. producing countries.
Turkish authorities had esti-
? mated that stopping produc-
tion would cost the country.
32 million; U.S. assistance
has amounted to $35 mil?
lion.
Drug Companies
The authors say that ma-
jor European pharmaceuti-
cal firms are also beginning
to be wary of the American
campaign, fearing that re-
duction in the sources of
legal opium will do nothing
to reduce illegal supplies,
and that official prices will
soar. They point out that ,
the patents for existing
near-4ibMtutes to morphine..
and codeine are held by
American firms, whose con.-
tinued investment in re.-
search is superior to that in
Europe.
The authors say that prep-'
sure from pharmaceutical
firma on various European'
governments has been such
that representatives of these
governments have unoffi-
cially informed the Turks
that if they continue opium
production next year their,
production would be bought
by the European market.
As long as a country has
not signed the United Ne- ?
tions 1953 protocol for the
control of opium production ,
there Is no real means of
stopping production "aimed
at a home market," although
a considerable part of that
production may find its way
to the illegal export market.
The book. describes the
immense profits involved.
The average price for 22
? pounds of opium ? whether,
paid to a Turkish, Afghani-.
sten or Laotian farmer is,
about $500. This produces!
?2.2 pounds of heroin. The
'average market price of five,
, milligrams of heroin mixed
with lactose is $5 In New
York, so between producer ?
and consumer the Initial ,
value has been multiplied
2,000 times. Financial back-
ers for such eventful profits
are not bard to find.
Hugo rrorlta
In the American market,
the financiers have no ac-
tual dealing with the drug.,
An American source cited,
In the book says that
"shares" of $100,000 are'
normally advanced which
within six months can pay
back as much AS $2 million.
It is estimated that between.
10 to 15 tons bf heroin,.
originally costing around
$5 million, makes a turn1
over for the American deal-
ers Of $9.8 billion. The U.S..
government's budget for
1972 to combat narcotics
amounted to $315 million.
The bOok argues that the
major opium producing,
countries ? Laos, Thailand,
Burma, ? A.fghani4an and
Turkey ? have internal po-
litical and economic' prob..
Jew, which in the long run,
will. outweigh any pressure:
exercised by the United
States. ,
Tribal disputes and poll.:
? :tical tension between Af-''
ghanistan and Pakistan'
make neither anxious to In-
terfere with Pushtu prob-
lems. The tribes are not
intimidated by local pollee
controls.
NEW YORK TIMES
25 February 1973
0
ng
y the
entagon
WASIINCTON?Ever since Senator
Gerald Nye's investigating committee
turned the spotlight in the 1930's on
"the merchants of death" ? the
world's munitions makers?the United
States has vacillated on whether it
should provide arms to foreign
countries.
Up to World War II, it was regarded
as morally repugnant if not un-
American to foist weapons on other
nations. But the, Marshall Plan and
the Cold War changed all that:
Wasn't it in the national interest to
supply arms against the Communist
tide? Then, as the allies got on
their feet economically, the United
States in the 1960's launched an ag-
gressive program to sell arms rather
than give them away. Critics charged
that this was making the United
States, for no good reason, into "the
world's, number one arms salesman,"
and the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee succeeded in imposing Con-
gressional restrictions on arms sold
abroad on Government credit.'
Now, under the Nixon Administra-
tion, the pendulum is swinging back
toward promotion of foreign military
sales. And last week it was disclosed
that the Shah of Iran had contracted
to buy more than $2-billion worth of
American arms?including helicopter
gunships and supersonic jet fighters
?4n the biggest single arms deal
ever concluded by the Pentagon.
The Iranian deal illustrates the pros
and cons of the arms-sales debate
that resounded in Congress in past
years and is beginning to be heard
again.
A basic argument against massive
arms sales is that the United States
is pushing arms in developing nations
that might better channel what money
they have into economic programs.
The Iranian Government, for example,
has vast oil revenues?yet the per-
.. .
'tapita income of Iran's peasants is
$350 a year.
Maybe so, counter the arms-sale pro-
ponents, but who is the United States
?to tell the Iranian or any other gov-
ernment .not to buy arms? Besides,
they 'argue, by selling arms the United
:States' gains enough leverage to dis-
suade the purchasing country from
going overboard in its military
spending.
argument made against
.promoting arms sales abroad is that
it' tends to exacerbate regional ten-
sions and set off arms races. There
, may be some statistical support for
this 'contention in a recent report.to
Congress by the United States Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency. The
report shows that world arms trade
increased from $2.4-billion in 1961 to
$6.2-billion in 1971, with most of the
growth, going to regions of conflict or
confrontation. American arms exports
climbed from $1-billion in 1961 to
$3.4-billion in 1971. (During this same
10-Year period,? Soviet arms exports
grew from $833-million to $1.5-
billion.) '? ?
The State and Defense Departments
reject this line of argument by saying
that arms sales are controlled by the
United States so as to prevent arms
races and to meet only the valid
security, requirements of the receiving
countries. In selling to Iran, officials
say, the United States is reinforcing
a "point of stability" in the volatile
and strategic Persian Gulf region.
What will the Shah do with all the
arms? The official explanation here is
that he wants to build up a "credible
deterrent" against Soviet adventurism
on his northern flank and Soviet-sup-
ported Iraq to the west.
Seasoned observers, however, place
more credence on less sophisticated
reasoning. Ever since World War II,
the underlying purpose of arms trans-
fers has been to bolster, befriend
and sometimes pay off an ally. The
Iranian sale maintains a pro-Western
ally in the oil-rich Middle East. The
United States is. providing some $2-
billion in arms to modernize the South
Korean forces ? officially so South
Korea can stand up to North Kore
but also in direct repayment for
South Korean contribution of two di
visions during the Vietnam war.
Then there's the business angle.
When pressed on the justification fo
the arms sales, policy-making official
in the Pentagon and State Departmen
come around to the argument that
the United States does not sell th
arms, some other coontry will. Thus
they point out, Congress imposed re
strictions on military sales to Lati
America starting in 1966. In the pas
five years, Western Europe and Cana
da have sold more than $1-billion i
arms to Latin-American countries
the United States about one-thir
that total. Before the Congressiona
restrictions, the ratio was almost ex
actly the reverse.
L'enator Fulbright, chairma
of the Foreign Relations Committee
had a tart comment on that last wee
The United States, he said, had be
come an "arms salesman" in order t
stop Communism, but is now con
tinuing in that role in order to en
hance its balance of payments. No
so, retorted a top State Departmen
official, Curtis W. Tarr, the purpos
of arms sales is to "deal with th
valid security requirements" of in
vidual countries; the "business oppo
tunities" are just a "byprcciuct."
What was never clearly explaine
in the former rounds of the arm
sales debate and is yet to be e
plained in the new round is ho
"valid security requirements" a
determined.
? ?JOHN W. FINNE
la
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WALL STRZET JOURNAL
I MAR 1973
Liquid Assets
Middle East Oil Funds
Play an Increasing Role.
In Monetary Turmoil
WASHINGTON POST
7 March 1973
Joseph Alsop
Global Wealth
Shifting From
West to East
The mystery of crises on the world
money-market is so deep, for most
Americans, that the drama chiefly ex-
cites the experts. But it is time to note
that something akin to "The Decline of
the West," that Oswald Spengler wrote
about, lies behind the latest round of
trouble for the U.S. dollar.
To get the current facts out of the
way first, the present money crisis
looks like ending with the dollar losing
a lot more of its value against the
world's stronger currencies. Add the ,
probable new drop to the dollar-deval-
uation that took place a bit earlier.
You then get the following approxi-
mate but quite likely total losses of
value:
About 40 per cent of the dollar's for-
mer worth as against the Swiss franc.
Nearly 40 per cent of the dollar's
former worth as against the Japanese
yen.
And about 32 per cent of the dollar's
former worth as against the West Ger-
_ . .
?t;
market, like an excesss of bilge in the
hold of an unstable ship. By the same
estimates, this figure will reach $36
billion in three more years!
If you think about the matter histor-
ically, you can see that this is an in-
:tensely precarious, even untenable sit-
uation for the long run. The oil-rich
Arab states, please remember, are uni-
formly weak militarily. With the possi-
ble exceptions of Kuwait and Saudi
Arabia, these slates are also unstable
politically. Their accumulation of such
enormous wealth is like the accumula-
tion of neat packages of billions upon
billions of dollars on the open streets
of the toughest neighborhood in a
crime-ridden city, with no policemen
within miles.
For the short run, meanwhile, these
immense sums the oil-rich Arabs are
accumulating must realistically be sub-
tracted from the former wealth of the
Western powers. Only 20 years ago, '
the U.S., Britain, France and other
Western countries would have been
raking in four fifths of the profits now
going to the Arabs'who happen to sit
on the world's main oil-sources.
This drastic shift, of a vital locus of
wealth is only one part of a much
larger story, moreover. Another part
of the same story is the immense suc-
cess of the Japanese economy in the
last two decades, and Japan's conse-
quent absorption of huge markets for-
merly Western-dominated. It should be
noted, too, that Hong Kong and Singa-
pore, Taiwan and South Korea, have
all been following in Japan's footsteps.
Nor is that the story's end, by any
means. Like the famous cloud no big-
ger than a man's hand_ whioh,
Despite Earlier Assurances,
Arabs Helped Sink Dollar;
Iraqi Aide: 'We Profited'
'How Can You Blame Them?'
By CHARLES N. STABLER and RAY VICKER
Staff lecportcrs of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
The prospects for any lasting stability in the
world's monetary system seem dubious indeed.
And a major reason is the role played by Mid-
dle Eastern nations in the turmoil in gold and
foreign-exchange markets. ? .
This is the gloomy conclusion of some inter-
national economists and other analysts, who
have watched with alarm as oil money flooded
first . into Swiss francs, then into German
marks and now into gold. How ? '
volatile money is involved in the current crisis
can't be determined, but, whatever it is, the
volume is bound to rise in future years. This
means that a major and growing source of in-
stability is being added to an international
monetary system already tottering under mas-
sive money flows from international corpora-
tions and speculators. And, most analysts
agree, there isn't much, if anything, that can
be done about it.
"The, problem poses nearly .impossible di-
lemmas," says Walter J. Levy, a New York pa-
trolcum-industry consultant. "Any way you try
to sterilize the money (from oil sales) or put
rules on (the oil nations') use of these funds
will just mean that they won't increase produc-
tion" to meet the world's growing energy
needs.
Oil on Troubled NVaters
The Middle Eastern threat to the world's
monetary system had been anticipated by
many analysts. But prior to the recent flare-up
of money troubles and the devaluation of the
dollar Arab leaders had been making soothing
statements. They would not, they said, use
thoir ftmrlc .
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ong, until the next money crisis."
Like international money managers every-
vhere, most Arab officials are closemouthed
bout their operations. But some are willing to
alk.
"We profited from the devaluation of the
ollar," an Iraqi government official says in
aghdad. In Kuwait, which reportedly threw
undreds of millions of dollars on the market
n the days leading up to devaluation, a govern-
cut agency now says: "Precautions had been
aken in anticipation of possible devaluation."
miler reports conic from Jedda in Saudi Ara:
'a. In Tripoli, a Libyan source says, "We have
een protecting ourselves.".
ie Art of Self-Protection
In foreign-exchange trading, protection
leans cutting the risk of loss caused by a re-
uction in the ? Value of foreign funds held,
mostly dollars. 'N'hen the dollar appears Weak,
hese assets are exchanged for stronger cur-
elides, such as the Swiss franc ? or mark,
len, if devaluation occurs, the upward revel-
ation of the strong currencies results in a
rof it. This profit affects the loss on dollars
till on hand or on those sold earlier at low
rices.
Kuwait, for example, has the equivalent of
2.5 billion in officially held foreign-exchange
ssets. But, according to the finance ministry,
nly about $300 million was "fully exposed" to
devaluation of the dollar.
Reserves of Middle East nations are held as
eposits with commercial banks, in Eurodollar
nvestments, in gold and in financial instru-
cuts of various governments and agencies.
ecause the U.S. has frowned upon central-
ank investments in Eurodollars?that is, dol-
ars on deposit abroad?big European central
anks have all but withdrawn from this mar-
-et. But, central banks of smaller nations have
aken their places.
One major American bank recently made a
onfidential survey of the Eurodollar market.
t concluded that as much as $15 billion of the
$80 billion total outstanding had come from
central banks. A little under half that total
may be from Middle Eastern and North Afri-
can countries, one official of this bank says.
Money in the Eurodollar market may be
ransferred fast into a strong currency in any
oney crisis. Because any such money gocs.
hrough commercial banks, it is almost impos-
ible for any outsider to evaluate totals. A Mid-
le Eastern nation, for instance, may have
unds with a dozen Afferent banks from First
'ational City Bank to Union Bank of Switzer-
and in Zurich . and from, Bank of America
o Deutsche Dank in Frankfurt.
If there is any dollar dumping, a foreign-ex-
ha nge dealer may not know the source of it;
e is usually dealing wilh commercial banks.
ncoming ? dollars may be received by the
eater as if they were holdings of the banks
ether than of their clients. Moreover, banks,i
Ondful of the huge amounts of business that
ay'be coming their. way In the future from'
he Mideast, fear being connected in any way
ith discussions of customer habits and ineli.
ations.
When one London branch of an American
bank is asked for information, a spokesman
pleads, "Don't even call us a New York bank.
Say we are in Philadelphia." Then he relents to
add: "All right, make it New York, but please
don't call us a big New York bank."
Central-bank holdings, of course, represent
only a. part of the money in the Mideast. There
are substantial private holdings in the Persian
Gulf, in major Saudi Arabian cities and in Leb-
anon. One estimate, made by the Financial
Times of London, places Kuwait's total foreign
holdings, at about $6.6 billion, for instance.
Middle Eastern money is of special signifi-
cance because that area can claim to be the
world's fastest-growing store of capital. And
the outlook for further gains in revenues from
oil is staggering.
Economists at New York's Chase Manhat-
tan Bank estimate that crude-oil production
from the Middle East will double by 1985, ris-
ing to 40 million barrels a day, says John D.
Emerson, a bank vice president. Saudi Arabia,
probably destined to be the world's largest pro-
ducer of oil, received about $13 billion in oil
revenue between 1960 and 1972. During the next
13 years, from 1973 through 1985, "a conserva-
tive estimate of Saudi Arabian receipts from
oil is $150 billion," Mr. Emerson says.
Problem: How to Spend Money
Acid ? in Kuwait and the Persian Gulf states
including Abu Dhabi and Dubai, and expected
oil revenues would rise from $27 billion during
the last 12- years to $227 billion this year
through 1985, Mr. Emerson calculates.
Some of the revenue being collected by
these Middle Eastern oil nations can be spent,
of course, on domestic economic development.
But Mr. Emerson pays, "There are limits to
the rate at which a country with a small,
poorly?educated population can spend money."
. If one assumes that these countries can
spend, say, 50% of their annual oil income on
economic development and investment, their
reserves of gold and foreign exchange will rise
to well over $100 billion in 1985.
"Entire world reserves currently amount to
$150 billion," Mr. Emerson says. He adds that
he isn't trying to make an accurate prediction
of how much Middle Eastern gold and foreign-
exchange reserves will actually amount to but
Is "only trying to show you the extent to which
their power and influence in the world of fi-
nance will
And political influence will grow, too, some
analysts fear. Already, Japan, which is even
more dependent on Middle Eastern oil than the
or Europe, "apparently feels it has to be
very cognizant of Arab feelings when its dele-
gates vote in the United Nations," one econo-
mist says in New York.
Some efforts are already underway to re-
duce the world's dependence on the Middle
East for oil or somehow corral the financial
and political problems this reliance brings. One
Idea: The U.S. could improve its bargaining
position with the Middle East by building
enough mammoth tanks or other facilities to,
store a two-year supply 4 fuel. The cost of this
move would add an estimated 40 cents a barrel
to the present $3.50a-barrel price of oil. Thus,
although expensive, the move would allow
more effective bargaining on future supplies
from Arab countries- and would provide time
for the development of other energy sources. ?
More immediately, private and official insti-
tutions in the West are trying to tap the Middle
Eastern money pool for investments. This
move is in line with Arab desires and would re-
move some capital from the "hot-money"
flows that periodically disrupt foreign-ex-
change markets. However, for various political
and economic reasons on both sides, prospects
are slim for sopping up a substantial amount of
oil money in this way.
World Bank and the Arabs
The International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (World Bank) sees the 'Arab
nations as a source of funds for relending to
'other nations. Robert McNamara, who heads
the bank, recently visited several Arab nations
to make such a pitch. ,
Venezuela is urging its partners in the Orga-
nization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
(OPEC) to join in creating an ,OPEC bank.
"The time has arrived for OPEC members to
have a bank of their own for financing eco-
nomic and oil development in their respective
'countries," says Hugo Perez In Salva, Venezu-
' ela's minister of hydrocarbons.
Bank of America and private-Middle East
? investors have set up the Bank Of Credit and
Commerce-International, in Luxembourg. Inter-
national Maritime Banking Of London has
opened a Beirut office to cover the Middle
East. Britain's National Westminster Bank re-
cently opened an outlet in Bahrain, in the Per-
sian Gulf, to cover the area, Morgan Guaranty
has purchased an interest in a Beirut bank.
The second-largest bank in Beirut is Moscow'
Narodny Bank, the Soviet Union's bid for gar-
nering some of the financial traffic in the Mid-
dle East.
In Beirut, a key Mideast banking center, r
of the country's 73 banks are foreign-owned or
!affiliated, with several big American banks
represented. .
Union de Banques Arabes et Francalses?a
consortium established with Credit Lyonnais,
Paris, and 22 leading Arab banks?has estab-
lished branches in London and Rome. Shortly it
plans to open another in Frankfurt. Recently,
this consortium extended a $10 million medi-
um-term loan to the Brazilian state of Rio de
Janeiro for highway construction. This was a
, typical type of deal for putting sonic of the
1Mideast money to work. Banque Franco-Arabe
? ?a consortium of Societe General of Paris and
several private banks in the Persian Gulf?is
promoting trade between Europe and the Mid-
east.
This month another consortium, Compagnie
Arabe el Internationale d'Investissement, was
formed at Luxembourg, with European and
Arab banks as members. Its prospectus says it
intends to "contribute to the solving of finan-
cial and investment problems which, on ac-
count of their new size, will require broad, di-
versified and powerful international associa-
tions." '
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Monday, March 5,1973 THE WASHINGTON POST
? ? ?
Ar h
By Ronald Koven and
David B. Ottaway
Washinaton Post Staff Writers
Arab oil money played a
large part in the monetary cri-
sis which forced a second de-
valuation of the dollar last
month, according to both Arab
and U.S officials.
Some well-placed Arab
sources claim that as much as
half of the $6 billion in specu-
lative money that flowed to
Frankfurt in mid-February
consisted of Arab-owned .Euro-
dollars. U.S. sources view that
.as somewhat exaggerated, but
they readily concede . that
Arab money accounted for at
least $1 billion.
? The last official estimate of
the Bank for International
Settlements is'that the Middle
Eastern countries hold $7.5 bil-
lion of the $80 billion ,in the
Eurodollar market, made up
of dollars circulating in Eu-
rope and not repatriated to
the United States.
There has been growing con-
cern in the U.S. government
that the Arab oil-producing
states, whose steadily mount-
ing official bank holdings are
now calculated at, about. $12
billion, might be tempted to
use their monetary clout for
political ends. Their reserves
are expected to double in the
next three years.
Private holdings of the Arab
ruling faniilies are thought to
be roughly equal to the official
government reserves in many
of the oil states.
Despite urgings by radical
Arabs that the oil money be
used deliberately to pressure
the United States into chang-
ing its Middle East policy, it is
generally believed that, with
the possible exception of
Libya, the Arab money was
moved in February in re-
sponse to the normal instinct
of monetary self-presevation.
It is widely conceded that
the major U.S. oil companies
also played a large part in the
Frankfurt speculation and
that the Arab governments
simply followed their lead in
their instance.
There is some dispute
whether Saudi Arabia, the su-
? perpower of the oil exporters
and perhaps Washington's
closest Arab ally, took part in
the attack against the dollar.
? Saudi sources insist that
II Mone
they simply took a heavy loss
on the devaluation, keeping
their $3 billion in reserves
where it was bound to suffer
in any devaluation. But other
knowledgeable Arab sources
contend that the Saudis also
tried to protect their dollar
holdings, along with most of,
the other Arab governments.
U.S. sources tend to believe
that Libya, the most politi-
cally motivated ?of the large
Arab fund holders, was one of
the most active speculators.
The Libyans are known to
have attacked the British
pound in the past for purely
political reasons.
Pinning down the source of
such "hot money" flows, how-
ever, is very difficult.
If an order to switch from
dollars to West German marks
comes from, an Arab account
in Beirut through a corre-
sponding Swiss bank, there is
no way for money changers in
Frankfurt to know exactly
who placed the order. There
is hard evidence, however,
that Arab officials in Beirut
are trying to keep track of
who does what, and the Arab
League is known to have con-
ducted a detailed study of the
subj ect.
It is far too early even to
make an educated guess of
who is behind the latest attack
on the dollar in which the
West German central bank
was forced on Thursday to,
buy up almost $3 billion, the
record for a single day.
The problem of determining
who the speculators are will be
a key consideration in a forth-
coming Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Commitee investigation
to be conducted by the sub-
committee on multinational
corporations headed by Sen.
Frank Church (D-Idaho).
Sources close to the prepa-
rations for that inquiry are ex-
pressing shock that the U.S.
government has so little hard
information on who has been
speculating against the dollar.
But banking 'sources say
that, of the major U.S. and
foreign corporations operating
across national boundaries,
the oil companies are the most
prone to play the money mar,
kets. This is because they /
must pay huge sums to the
Arab oil states, and the com-
panies try'to settle their debts1
urt
in the most advantageous way.
. Thus, if there is $100 million
to be paid to Kuwait in three
months, for example, an oil
company might be tempted to
buy marks now in 'anticipation
of a dollar devaluation or an
upward revaluation of the
mark.
' If the bet is correct, the
company could make a tidy
profit, buying back the $100
million it needs to pay Kuwait
and pocketing $10 million in
marks in addition in a 10 per
cent devaluation.
This practice, known as.
"leads and lags," is a conta-
gious example for the Arab
treasuries, whose officials
have often been tutored by
the Western oil companies.
An Arab League study by
Prof. Youssef Sayegh, head of
the economics department at
the American University of
Beirut and a prominent Pales-
tinian, concluded, however,
that there are. some limita-
tions to the use of oil money
as a political weapon.
He cited the case of a huge,
politically motivated transfer
(more than $1 billion accord-
ing to one estimate) of Libyan
funds from Britain to France
in late 1971.
Sayegh said that most of the
Libyan money found its way
back to British banks within a
week because there was essen-
tially nowhere else for it to be
absorbed. "The Arabs are pris-
oners of their own funds," he
concluded.
The militant Libyan govern-
ment, with official reserves
now estimated at more than $3
billion, is considered so far to
be the only Arab state with
both the resources and the in-
clination to use its money
holdings for political pur-
poses.
, Equally militant Iraq:, a
country now in heavy finan-
cial difficulties, is potentially
more troublesome for the
monetary system than Libya,
however.
ids
0_1_0 r
While Libya's oil reserves
are limited and its production
has been cut back, Iraq is now
considered to have the second
largest reserves in the Middle
East after Saudi Arabia. It
plans to expand its production
after just settling a national-
ization dispute, with Western
companies. Until recently,
non-Arab Iran was tradition-
ally ranked as the Middle
East's, second largest oil
source. But recent official
estimates are that Iraqs oil
potential far outstrips Iran's.
For the moment, however,
Western worries about Arab
oil money's place in the inter-
national monetary system are
largely confined to the manip-
ulations of the coffers of such
traditionalist kingdoms and
sheikhdoms as Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, Abu Dhabi, Bahrein
and Qatar.
Their current monetary tac-
tics are still thought td be
purely motivated by profit-tak-
ing and self-protection. That,
as recent events in Frankfurt
have proven, is threat enough
to force the burning of the
proverbial midnight oil in the
chanceries of the West. '
It is clear, however, that
those traditionalist Arab
states are becoming conscious
. of the leverage they can have
on the monetary 'system at
crucial moments.
When the United States had
its first devaluation, in De-
cember 1971: the Arab states
were jiist beginning to build
'i'up their reserves. Since then,
official Saudi dollar holdings
!have nearly tripled. With
Imore to lose than before, the
'Saudis and others are demand-
ing to know whether their
'friendship' with the United
States will continue to cost
them money every time there
is a devaluation, not to speak'
of the cost to their position in
the Arab' world if Washington
continues to ' back Israel
against the Arab cause.
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NEW YORK TIMES
18 February 1973
By Heinrich Boll
COLOGNE?The hopeful process one
calls "worldwide easing of tension"
helps least those who, under constant
risk of denunciation or imprisonment,
most enthusiastically support it: writ-
ers, academics and intellectuals.
We hear that the Soviet Union is
seeking better relations with Spain;
Greece will soon recognize the German
Democratic Republic. Will- the conse-
quences of this rapprochement be that
Colonel Papadopoulos puts in a good
word for East German author Wolf
Biermann or. that Erich Honecker of
East Germany has a few kind words
for the imprisoned or censored Greek
authors? Will Generalissimo Franco
intercede for Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
and for Vladimir Bukovsky or Mr.
Kosygin for Spanish publishers and
writers Castellet, Cirici, Cucurull,
Fauli, Manent and Triadu (each was
recently fined some $3,000 and had
his passport revoked)?
Will President Nixon stand up for
Indonesian author Toer and for the
100,000 political prisoners in Indo-
nesia? During the discussions with the
Czech Government regarding a treaty
will the Government of the German
Federal Republic put In a word or two
for the Czech authors who appear to
be condemned to terror and starva-
tion?
I fear all these questions must be
answered in the negative for, within
each of these systems which are per-
secuting them, whether in Spain as
"Reds" or in Czechoslovakia as
"Friends of the Imperialists," all these
authors, academics and intellectuals
can be considered the progressive in-
telligentsia who were once good
enough to be used as advance men and
advocates of a less rigid dogma. Now,
politically, they are totally "irrele-
vant."
Meddi'L
Although we know that without
them and their uncounted predeces-
sors nothing, absolutely nothing on
this earth would ever have been
achieved, they can still be left to lan-
guish. Trade is established, profitable
investments become possible, and if
something should go sour, the intel-
lectuals will always be there as con-
venient scapegoats.
Amnesty International, International
PEN, organizations of writers and
scholars all receive ever more frequent
reports of imprisoned, censored, ac-
cused intellectuals; each individual
case deserves public attention. It is
questionable, though, whether these
lonely appeals and resolutions mean
anything if the politicians refuse to
heed appeals from these organizations.
The danger exists that conscience
will become no more than a faded
flower in the lapel of various ideolo-
gies if the politicians choose not to
understand that they alone can convert
the moral 'thrust into political reality
and if they do not finally abandon the
hypocritical concept of "noninterven-
tion in the internal affairs of other
states." At. international conferences
where military and economic help are
discussed, who ever thinks about Para-
guayan writer Rubdn Barreiro Seguier
or Uruguayans Jorge Musto and Carlos
Nufiez or the hundreds of young men
and women in Turkey who have been
crippled from tortures?
It's part of the perversity of the
intellectual situation that precisely
those forces which profit from trade
with the Socialist bloc or the under-
developed NATO and SEATO countries
still publicly denounce those who sup-
port easing of tension and greater
openness between differing political
systems.
Meanwhile, rather than shrinking,
the number of imprisoned authors
grows weekly, almost daily?and in-
NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1973
'You Have Bec
By David H. Hackworth
COOLANGATTA, Australia?Ameri-
ca, what has happened to thee? Once
you were morally impeccable and
'stanchly proud; a model republic
with your citizens having unbounded
power; a symbol of freedom, the hope
of the downtrodden and a shelter for
the world's poor and oppressed; one
nation under God where free men
lived in equality, peace and justice;
a country not divided by hate and
weakened by your citizens' apathy.
Your streets were safe.- and rivers
clean and the sky over you Was pure
and blue; and your mighty Constitu-
tion was a document that protected
your citizens and served as a. torch
that illuminated bigotry and slavery
in the world's dark lands.
What happened? Why have thou-
sands of talented Americans left your
shores to settle in distant lands? Why
have millions of your good conscien-
tious citizens slipped away from you
and copped out in that apathetic twi-
vestments continue to flow to Brazil,
to Turkey, to Greece. Everything is
"normalized," except in the prisons
and camps. It would be, of course,
"emotional" to test those Western
liberties which are supposedly still de-
fended in Greece.
It was a great encouragement when
finally at least one politician (who
was later joined by others) found the
courage to energetically and clearly
break through the principle of "non-
intervention." Swedish Prime Minister
Olaf Palme did so when the American
.Air Force with intensified brutality
wanted to bomb North Vietnam into
peace. Olof Palme's courage is catch-
ing on; it would be a consolation for
us authors and intellectuals if his cour-
age would spread over the world, if
We could find support from the poli-
ticians of the world in regard to our
appeal for the- indivisibility of liberty.
We authors are born meddlers; we
meddle in the administration of justice
and cultural policy in the Soviet Union,
in Czechoslovakia, in Spain, in Indo-
nesia, in Brazil, in Portugal, and we
meddle in the frightening develop-
ments in Yugoslavia, where once
again scapegoats are being sought and
where another hope is to be laid to
rest. And we will also meddle in the
People's Republic of China, in Cuba
and in Mexico. It sounds idealistic, but
it is not. Meddling is the only way to
stay relevant.
I plead for meddling, even in the
affairs of my own country, the German
Federal Republic. And I would like
to take this opportunity to mention the
PEN Emergency Fund for Writers in
Prison and Their Families. The fund
is administered by the Dutch PEN
and has an account at the AMR? Bank
in The Hague.
Heinrich Boll, novelist and essayist,
is the 1972 Nobel !aureate in literature.
rile Someone Else'
ight land of the Silent Majority? Why
have so many of your precious youth
lost faith in you and . become disen-
chanted nomads?
Is it because you have become
someone else? Is it because you have
. strayed from the path that your
founders hacked with bare hands out
of granite? Is it because you no long-
er have a purpose? Is it because you
are now so powerful you have little
respect for those lands less strong?
Is -it because you have become
a bully who flexes his military mus-,
cies or jingles his.purse at the nations
that will not fall in line with your
selfish programs? Is it because bum-
bling bureaucracies manage you rath-
er than your citizens govern you? Is
it. because you have placed your for-
eign policy in hands of intellectuals
who talk in riddles about balance of
power, high risk U.S. involvement,
and Cold War strategy?
America, I love you. I have repeat-.
edly risked my life fighting your bat- ?
ties. I carry the heavy burden of being
responsible for the death of many of
, your youth lost during the last two
decades of sorrowful adventures. I
once believed that you were all the
good things inscribed in marble in
your capital. But I no longer have
that unrequited faith. I am one of
your disillusioned sons. I believe you
have misplaced the virtues that made
you a symbol of freedom.
I am ashamed of your military ad-
ventures. I am disgusted by your sup-
port of foreign dictators who oppress
their people. I am disillusioned by
your willingness to compromise your
principles for the sake of expediency.
I am filled with despair that you con-
ducted the most massive bombing in
world history on a small Asian nation
at Christmas time as part of an insane
war that ripped you asunder.
Liberty and freedom no longer seem
part of you. Electronic snooping de-
vices invade your homes. Your jour-
nalists are imprisoned for refusing to
divulge their sources. A major politi-
cal headquarters is ransacked and
bugged by its opposition with hardly
a murmur from your citizens. Sham
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WASHINGTON STAR
23 February 1973
CARL T. ROWAN
S. 41t
The very headlines seem to
shout that a new era has
dawned for this country in its
relations with the rest of the
world:
KISSINGER TOPS FRONT
PAGE IN PEKING ... U.S.
AND CUBA SIGN ANTI-HI-
JACKING AGREEMENT ...
EGYPT SENDING TOP
AIDE TO CONFER WITH
NIXON.
Here, within the span of a
couple of days, are major
diplomatic initiatives with
three countries with which we
have not exactly been on
speaking terms ? two of them
Communist and one viewed as
a "client" of the Communist
bloc.
It adds up to a remarkable
Nixon achievement that he
has moved this country so far
away from the old notion that,
primarily through military
force and military alliances
cemented by obdurate anti-
Communism, the U.S. could
"contain" Chinese influence
in Asia and circumscribe the
Soviets in Europe.
One simply must assume
that full diplomatic relations
with Peking are going to be
restored during Nixon's presi-
dency, and probably a lot
sooner than most Americans
think. This step is inevitable;
it makes good sense consider-
ing the thrust of Nixon's "low
profile" policy in Asia, and
there does not seem to be
much to recommend undue
delay in taking that step.
If the People's Republic of
China gave a big assist in
producing the truce in Viet-
nam, and there is strong evi-
dence that it did, then Nixon
ring Its R
surely hopes that China will
also help ensure that South-
east Asia is kept calm enough
for the U.S. to rest easily with
a low-profile, We-won't-inter-
vene policy in the years
ahead.
It may gall even Nixon to
have it said that his policies-
seem to rest on a late accept-
ance of old arguments by
Charles de Gaulle, Jawahar-
lal Nehru and others, that the
isolation of and hostility to-
ward China lay at the heart of
most of the upheaval in the
Far East..
If rapprochement with
Peking does make for more
tranquility in Asia, the new
Nixon policies will be vital to
countries like Thailand, Ma-
laysia and even Indonesia.
Thailand still faces a grim
threat of a China-backed
"war of liberation," and both
Malaysia and Indonesia still
face mild, lingering threats of
Communist subversion.
Because Cuba is smaller
and weaker (and there is a
tendency to treat the small
and weak with greater
contempt), we have continued
a harsh hostility toward
Communist Cuba even while
developing cozier relation-
ships with Russia and China.
But you can wager, if that
anti-hijacking agreement is to
have practical meaning, the
U.S. will have to adopt a
friendlier posture toward the
Castro regime.
This may not mean a resto-
ration of diplomatic relations
with Cuba during Nixon's
tenure, but it could. Surely it
must mean that the U.S. will
trials have occurred to silence your
dissenters and make a mockery out of
your judicial system. Your citizens
who loudly disagree with your ven-
tures are maligned by your cunning
character assassins, incarcerated on
trumped-up charges, and cruelly set
?
upon by your governmental agencies.
?
Your citizens seem to have lost much
of their personal liberty and privacy.
Yes, America, you have had great
leaders to guide you out of the wil-
derness. Men whose wisdom, vision,
courage and humility made you once
the richest, most powerful and re-
spected nation in the world. But the
difference between today and yester-
day is that those leaders who made
you great also carefully listened to
your citizens and then you had a gov-
ernment of the people, by the people
and for the people. Leaders were se-,
e in the World Areaa
no longer twist arms so re-
lentlessly to dissuade other
nations from bringing Cuba
back into the hemispheric
fold.
The restoration of truly
friendly, cooperative rela-
tions with Egypt and other
Arab countries may turn out
to be even more difficult than
working things out with Cina
or Cuba. The Israeli-Arab
dispute is fraught with so
much emotion that it seems
beyond solution. Clearly, as
long as that conflict lasts,
Israel will be the client of the
United States and angry
Egyptians, Syrians, Iraqis
will seek the backing of the
Communist bloc.
Yet, Egypt's sending an
emissary to Washington of-
fers evidence that Nixon has
made a fairly convincing
demonstration that the United
States wants a fair settlement
and lasting peace in the Mid-
dle East.
Surely, considering the en-
ergy crisis that lies ahead for
this country, Nixon and mil-
lions of other. Americans
would like a return to full and
friendly relations with oil-
producing countries in the
Middle East and elsewhere.
Yet, a lot more than oil and
energy are involved. Ameri-
cans have sensed new levels
of interdependence with other
nations, whether the issue is
' pollution, monetary policies
or our need for vast supplies
of a variety of raw materials.
? This is simply not the time
for this country to maintain
age-old spats with China,
Egypt or any other country.
We all should take comfort
from the evidence that our
. government is now willing to
bury a few ideological hatch-
ets and concentrate on areas
of mutual interest and hope.
lected because of their ability and
because they could be trusted to fol-
low the will of the people.
God bless you, America. I hope that
you can get it all together so you will
again be known as the land of .the
free and the home of the .brave. So
goodbye,' America. I have followed.
the westward quest of 'my ancestors
who many years ago left the British
Isles in search of liberty, justice and
,freedom. I have found these qualities
alive in Australia, a young vigorous
country that holds these principles
high and is very much like you were,;
America, before you shrugged.
David H. Hackworth is a retired U.S.
Army colonel who was one of the.
most decorated officers in Vietnam.
He is now working as a waiter in an
Australian resort.. ?
46
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HUMAN EVENTS
3 March 1973
?''.
1:; r-P; p rt;-7) r7,1 r n ,1
13
ii?
. ? t, r? fi ,1'7,.
I to ti
? The Vietnam war probably represents
the most grievous self-inflicted wound
the United States has ever sustained,
?but its international liquidation on es-
sentially just and successful terms well
justifies Georges Clemenceau's famous
aphorism that war is a Series of disasters
thqt ends in victory.
Our zigzag track into, through and
finally out of the Indochina morass
will fuel a century's worth of analyses;
'dissertations, dissections, theses, term-
papers and 'controversies rich in might-
have-beens, but certain main lessons and
conclusions as to the war already stand
out.
By COL. ROBERT D. H.EINL,JR.. ?.?
lation?North Vietnam still proved 'able
to meet its manpower needs at all stages
of the war while absorbing all the killing
modern firepower could deliver.
.1?Io Chi Minh spoke correctly when
? he prophesied'. "You will tire of ?
killing us before we tire of being.
killed."
An equally fundamental U.S. mis-
perception, at least until 1970, was to re-
gard the war as a conflict to be waged
exclusively in and for South Vietnam?.
in other words, a. Vietnamese war. On
the other hand, as early as 1946, speak-
ing in the Hanoi opera house. Ho Chi
N.linh openly 'enunciated what was to be
? Joseph Alsop has referred to Viet- the undeviating Commimist strategy and
nam as "the worst-managed serious objective, that the war was for all Indo-
war in U.S. history" And there are china.
few, who would dispute that judg- American refusal to recognize the
ment-in-chief. evident facts of Hanoi's strategy?the,
enemy's invasions, occupation .and blat-
ant military exploitation of Laos and..
Cambodia?our Cambodian trans-bor-
der operations, committed U.S. forces
to a hobbled war in which, until frontier
doors swung one way only, into South
Vietnam, and never the' other away into
Communist sanctuaries.
The conduct of the war was both
botched and blotched with strategic error
and misperception, with failures and
deficiencies of command, with major
mistrikcs of method and tactics, and
with self-defeating factors artd con-
straints which alone nearly hast the
war outright. Besides being a graveyard
of people, Vietnam was also a graveyard
of reputations.
. Despite all blunders, despite domestic
dissension and defeatism, despite world
efforts of Hanoi's powerful friends?de-
spite everything. really, that could gol
wrong, and mostly did .?a number of in-
tertorking. ultirnateiy powerful fac-
tors nevertheless combined to bring us
through the major Vietnam crises of 1965,
1968. 1970 and 1972, and now around
the corner.
?
Considering its abysmal- track record
throughout much of the war, Ameri-
can strategy, particularly under the
Nixon Administration, ultimately man-
aged to recoup failures thatt ought to
have guaranteed defeat. attic! shambles.
The biggest strategic mistake of ?the
war, among several, was one which
Douglas MacArthur and many another
professional soldier had warned against,
time out of mind. Rule?No. 1 for the
United States, echoed and re-echoed the
-strategists. was to avoid a land ? war in
Asia against Asia's limitless manpower.
Yet that is exactly what we walked into.
Despite ? more :than 925,000 battle
deaths?close to 4 per cent of total popu-
Approved
? '
Obscurity,, of,. aim, feeding logically
into failure of strategy, enveloped
, ,U.S. operations from the start.-
To know or formulate U.S. aims in
Vietnam, even now, is hard enough;
in 1965, when clear knowledge of the
objective should have been the initial
benchmark for strategy, the aim (aside
from rescue of the South Vietnamese
A RVN from total disaster) often seemed
to be to find the enemy and fight him,
with no political objective stated,' let
alone comprehended, for this most politi-
cal of wars.
Because there were : no clear, aims,
the soldiers rarely had a sufficiently pre-
cisc idea of what they were trying to. do,
and they were kept in that ignorance by
Lyndon Johnson's White House and
Robert McNamara's Pentagon, both of
which minutely over-supervised oper-
ations, monopolized decisions and,
sometimes, it seemed, positively be-
grudged the right of the military to have
ideas about the war. Col. Hein, has been studying the Vietnam war
front the outset. Ile pieced toerther this Critique
Coupled with and exacerbating the / /, fy role in the conflict over CI period
effects of the foregoing fundamental et years from interviews, research and tours of
deficiencies in strategy was another the Far LOU. A graduate of Yale and a Marine
Corp;t combat veteran of lYorld ll'ar 17 and Korea,which 'probably bears the blame, more 'Col.? fiend-is
a recogni:ed vspert iii
than any single factor, for the intolerable affairs and a renowned mill/0A. historian and lec-
turer.
For Release 2001/08/07 : da-RDP77-00432R00010011000114
prolongation of this longest of American
mars.
, The false strategic theory known in
,its stylish days of the 1960s as "grad-
'uated response" not only added years to
the war .but undoubtedly underlay its
'no-win mind-set, unique (and uniquely
,discouraging) to the American temper-
ament: . '
was tne notice that precisely mea-
sured armed force. ,Or military vio-
knee, incrementally administered to
a theoretically- rational. enemy,
one notch at a. time, would bring him
to a point where he recognized the
price as too high. Bet ween hard
covers or in official position-papers,
? ?the idea looked good. In actuality,
it proved disastrous.
The results of graduated response, to
cite examples, were that we bombed the
North but avoided the Hanoi-Haiphong
targets that would hurt the enemy very
much.. We never executed Inchon-like
amphibious thrusts against North Viet-
nam's vital communications centers (e.g.,
Vinh, practically the' Grand Central
Station for the Ho Chi Nlinh trail).and
other such points north of the DMZ.
Not until seven years after the Joint
Chiefs of staff unanimously recommend-
ed it (and the foregoing tough military
actions .as well), did we finally mine Hai-
phong and blockade North Vietnern.
The exaggerated fear of vague conse-
quences that made graduated response
seem an essentially ineffective s:rategy
seem alluring was epitomized in .1966
when Averell Harriman scolded a senior
U.S. general for suggesting that Hai-
phong should be mined. "What!" Har-
riman burst .out, "and either trigger
World War III or have a ,million Chi-
nese in North Vietnam within six
weeks!"
Vietnam--as the above rebuke would.
suggest--was the first minutely civilian-
run war in American history. Civilians
in the White House and the Pentagon,
mischievously aided by -.instantaneous
worldwide communications, took over
every significant and not a few insignif-
icant details of mititary operations from
the unfortunate soldiers who understood
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only .too well th if:anythingnt: -nervous
wrong, they alone
sible; rather . th art the-,bfig!ht*
assured youn a pi pergi.n3a1,,..4ipk.ciyili411,
isticians and', sociiik4ienti:sts.d.`,. "kis
s Ott-linters.'-'AU any given
dike glto the 1 2.1ria n th
e -aerage time on "Stati6n--df
I, Ad
? 11 there was one'. tir'ossly---wrong-way
to run, war, it was -typified by the lat_e,
President Johnson telephoning *battalion,
commanders in the field.; Making, indi-
vidual target selections for fighter-
bombers and bragging to ? roportars,
"They don't dare bomb an outhouse
without my say-so."
Closely allied to intolerable civilian
oversupervision of the professionals was
false and insistent reliance?typified by
Robert S. McNamara and those around
him?on statistical indicators to arrive
at misleading conclusions as to the prog-
ress of the war.
. The notorious body-count (as if wars
were won by human butchery rather than
achievement ? of strategic objectives)
exemplities the self-deceiving passion
for quantification which enveloped the
civilian managers of the war and pro-
voked one Army chief of staff (Gen.
Harold K. Johnson) to protest what he
called "this scoreboard war."
If high command in Washington (at
least until Richard Nixon arrived) was
muddled and mismanaged, what can one
say about the ineffectual command ar-
rangements in Vietnam where, despite
the Himalayan disparity of roles. con-
tributions and national power, the
United States never imposed a single
combined command to direct and co-
ordinate American and South Viet-
namese forces and operations?
That Gen. Creighton Abrams had
to rely on advice and persuasion and
some backstage arm-twisting to se-
cure the most elementary cooperation
of South Vietnamese forces?for ?
their own good and for their own na-
tional survival?is an anomaly that
will astonish military students for
generations to come.
repeate observatton.,-of
one of the:wat's%Arue-.authentic herOes;-
the-:,litelJOhn..Patil Vann ,'who a-aye' his
life;cfeTenclina --Ithef-Ceatral Hiahlarids'
against 'the' final "COmmunist invasion;
though we fought fOr. 10-years,?we never
had 10 years' accumulated experience,
but the regularly repeated mistakes of
10 separate one-year tours.
Put in still other .words, because
of the rotation system, every U.S.
unit in Vietnam had a 1.00 per cent
built-in casualty rate per year.
This lack of institutional memory and
continuity in policy, leadership-, tac-
tics?in short, every aspect of war-mak-
ing and pacification?practically guaran:
teed the too-often disjointed, form-
less, inconsistent and spasmodic way in
which the United States sometimes
seemed to pursue the war.
Together with civilian* interference,
strategic aimlessness and . mispercep-
tions, defective personnel, the military
effort in Vietnam was bogged down by
enormously overstaffed headquarters
and bloated logistic installations which
devoured resources, manpower and mili-
tary momentum. .
At a time when we were fielding
500.000 American soldiers in Vietnam,
no more than 90,000 of these at most
I were combat troops. The U.S. war
I effort, in other words, was all tail and
\
no teeth.
, ? The sviollen, sprawling American
headquarters, MACV (Military Assis-
tant Command, Vietnam) outside Sai-
gon, was called "Pentagon East," its
air-conditioned corridors swarming with
staff officers wearing starched fatigues
to create the . illusion that they were
discharging combatant functions.
In human terms, the greatest .mistake
of the war .will probably be considered
the Johnson Administration's decision
to tight a distant, overseas' war (what in
the old days would have been called "a
colonial war") using a conscript army. i
This single error imposed constraints,
handicaps and ultimately cancerous I
national divisions onto the country and
our entire conduct of the war. ?
If one single lesson, among so many,
magisterial military historian, once
mordantly observed- that whereas most
Weitern , nations Fight tO destroy their
enemy, the.:,.ctintrtunis'ts' - wage --war to
Closery. re-bled :AG .:our. built:4c
. .
War conventional.,approach..to this least':
. .
conventional,of -.wars was typical Ameri-
.
can over-reliance on:air power to. achieve.
and solve everything.
..To. be sure, the carefully thought-
Out, well-execu. ted final bomber offensive
against Hanoi and Haiphong certainly
desc.rveS' central credit for ending the
'.var. In a literal sense, the final air
onslatiOit was truly Clausewitzean?"a
continuation of politics by other means"
which achieved the clearly political ob-
jective of bringing about conclusive
and serious negotiations to settle the
war. -
Not so much can he said for our often
aimless, usually extravagant, almost in-
variably cost-ineffective single reliance
on aviation as the favorite firepower-
purveyor of the United States.'
In a war that amounted to a I
, zero-sum contest for one. population,. I
the military aircraft proved a sin-
gularly ineffective weapon; In the .
-words of one observer, "bombing
? never won a convert." -
For reasons that are difficult-to justify
intellectually or professionally, 'the
vulnerable, costly manned aircraft (pric-
ing out above 32- million apiece with '
a million-dollar pilot) was used time
and again to attack targets that other
cheaper and frequently more effective
weapons could have handled.
One example was the comparatively
marginal and secondary role assigned to
naval bombardment in favor of air at-
tacks. Despite .the fact that many hun-
dreds of important targets in North Viet-
nam lay within easy range of the monster
16-inch Naval gun, we waited over three
years to reluctantly recommission one
battleship (total cost equal to that of
six crashed F-4s), and then foolishly
mothballed it prior to the massive Com-
munist 1972 offensive when the 'need
was greatest.
The Leavenworth-trained. general Yet it would be wrong-headed not to
staff officers who (subject to the whim underscore, in defense of air' power, that
and nbberation of Washington civilians) control of the air (whether economically
tried to run the war from "Pentagon or correctly exploited at all times or
East" seemed to suffer from. a running I not) was, with control of the sea, per-
deficiency of professional Imagination. -haps our greatest winning asset and one
Their Clausewitz-indoctrinated, often of only very few such.
rigid and narrow view of war fathered ,
the elephantine "search-and-destroy', Over-absorption with the necessary
might be ineradicably drawn from the big-war conventional tactics of the West- ' military contest against Hanoi's regular
Vietnam experience, it is that no war moreland :years, together with disdain, formations--the deadly serious big war
can long be pursued by a democracy for "the other war" of pacification and( along the DMZ in 1966, 1967 and 1968,
unless it is acceptable to those called their neglect of the humble -Vietnam-nese
upon to fight it in the ranks. ARVN. . .
Arising directly from this looming In such minds (but of course it would
mistake was another defeating constraint be unfair to say that all our planners or
which permanently limited the efficiency ? comManders thought that way, or the
of all military operations?the 12-month war would never have turned out as it
overseas tour. Unlike World War II,. has), Vietnam was perceived as a war
where troops stayed overseas for the f against. the enemy rather than what it
duration, the Vietnam war was per-: truly was?a war for the people.
petually being waged by beginners or by (Maj. Gen. J,F.C. Fuller, Britain's
48'
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for example?led American soldiers to
slight the other war, that of pacifying
the countryside, winning the support of
the rural population and overmastering
the Vietcong.
One salient aspect of this neglect
of pacification fromahe outset (in sharp
contrast to the skilled and experienced
British counterinsurgency -campaigns
in Malaya and later in Borneo), was
neglect to recognize the central role in a
a
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guerrilla war Of n cfraCtive, highly ARVN stopped them in their tracks and
trained national police. saved the,Southa
it WaS Well . 0 rCe., 'tea sOn ARV lal in 1972
? ? tI ? ??,,itscif: So 'dependent on -Arneri.-
...
neglect of the.police.-funetion in South -, 2. aaie: ?aiapoWera Was. thee'other, .major plan-
Vietnam mita 'after:the .rude.s.'shock:'`, .ning.?-),take _ for-aWh'icli: VIS... idaisers ;
.
of T et 'in 1563; Whicla gene the Viet- 'a .anitot ale, held. 'bianieworthy.!' This WaS.'
cong a free run tliat nearly toppled , . the "failure to foresee the need for, a
Saigon. a South Vie'tntarr;8e aiir force -Sidlic:ieritly,
Closely allied to American n?eglect of ,powerftil, and versatile-to meet require-
. . , . . .
. .
police training and development' was a merits ..oi the other services and the.Pres-
parallel failure to concentrate, first cnt national situation.
and foremost in this kind pf political The relative retardation of the Viet-
war, on intelligence. Here again, to be namese air force ?however ?aell it per-
sure, we encounter the 'reflection of in- formed' within . given limits during the
bred weakness of the U.S. military Sys- 1972 crisis?accounts in the main for our
tem in. which the G-2 intelligence special- continuing requirement to retain strong
ty is too often a professional deild-end. American. aviation units in Thailand to
Besides initial failures to develop an prevent the MIG-equipped.North Viet-
effective national police ftinction, backed namese from cane day storming into the
by a massive counterinsurgency intel- South, attaining air supremacy and start-
ligence effort such, as was belatedly ing a new war.
' No past war in American history-
- possibly in all o and resist. The poisonous effect upon
histry?his been
waged by a great 'pri.lier tinder such the morale and discipline of the Army
a burden uf constraints, self-imposed of hostile, over-educated, resentful
handicaps And self-defeating limita- draftees surfaced most clearly in the sue-
tions.
mobilized by Robert. Korner (another of
the war's forgotten heroes,. who first
grasped and energetically attacked
the fundamental 'problems of pacifica-
tion), American advisers committed two
long-term mistakes . with regard to the
regular'. South . Vietnamese military
forces.
The first serious. mistake in Ameri-
can advice and military assistance to
South Vietnam dates back to the earliest
days of the Diem regime. This error was,
to organize and prepare the South
Vietnamese ARVN for another Korean
War and in .the process turn out a mir-
ror-image copy. of the U.S. Army con-
ceptually unsuitable to Vietnamese
needs.? ?
In the mid1950s. it was all too easy
to view the two Vietnams as another pair
of Koreas and to visualize the coming
struggle as another Korean-type Com-
munist smash-and-grab involving overt
invasion and a subsequent war of posi-
tion. .t , ? .
? ?Nothing remotely like this happened
and for this, as vel1 *as many other rea-
sons, the performance of the A RYN was
anything but brilliant against the fine
honed Viet 'Minh veterans with the new
_name of "Vietcong," who had just humil-
iated France's best army.
After U.S. ground forces intervened,
the ARVN found itself shoved aside,
not to be seriously rebuilt 'and trained
until after Tet in 1968, when Gen.
Abrams took this effort in hand. -
The ultimate proof of Abrams' (and
of course the ARVN's) success came
in 1972 when?with American air ahd I
naval support to be sure?A RVN sol-
diers and Marines resolutely fought'
the flower of Hanoi's iron regulars.
Despite Communist Gen. Vo Nguyen,
Giap's contemptuous head-on strategy
that called for the capture of Hue by;
May 1, that obliterated an An Loc but
never took it that never won Kontum or
Pieiku, and never came near miffing
South Vietnam in two?despite the mas-
sive Ardennes-like invasion of the South
for the mass destruction of national
will.
?. ? Future historianS.:will be struck if not
amazed at ...the 'consistently. high (and
quite ,undeserved) credibility- and sym-
pathy accorded ,Conimtinist ?Ha-noi, as
opposed to the:. v1110.66011 ariddisUe
lif meted out by American., media to-
Wards their own government and.sOldiersj
? ? .UntjueSticin'a'bry, many of the grave
diffieulties.. encountered in a totally
visible War arose from the lack of
censorship which in turn derived from
the absence of declared war. In this
connection, older readers will remem-
ber, for example, that the World War II
public never saw a picture of a dead
American GI until after the Normandy
landings in 1944.
' Another consequence of undeclaredl
war was the decision not to mobilize I
reserves and thus to rely on draftees to
fight a war which most came to detest
?
Some of these?for example, the
enemy's savage resort to hostage war-
fare, using U.S.S. POWs?were unavoid-
able. Others-a-national defeatism, failure
to proceed straightforwardly with de-
clared war, the bankrupt strategy of
graduated ,response--were our own
doing.
No matter how the war finally ended,
it was a defeat for the United States
in terms of its psychological aspects.
.Because the Communists thoroughly
understood and proficiently. manipulated;
.world and American domestic opinion,
they- scored point after point and at
certain times (such as the student uproarl
in mid-1970) brought the country close
to unsurrection.
Besides exploiting American de-I
featisrn arid propagating the notion
(which only our. ultimate .stern ac-!
.tioas in 'mining and bombing the North
dispelled) that Hanoi had no breaking-
point, Communist propaganda success- I
fully perpetrated ? the worldwide dike-
bombing hoax and a host of lesser atro-
city counts with which (as in the case
of the equally false_ Korean germ-war-
fare charges) the United States will re-
main smeared for a generation,
* * ? *
The most diffitult single constraint on
the war effort was the unremitting hos-
tility. of American news media, and par-
ticularly abat of U.S. major television
networks.
? Underlying this bitter conflict lies the
whole unsolved question or fighting un-
'declared wars in an open society operat-
ing under the 1st Amendment.
The. -United States came near to
defeating itSelf by telerision, which, -
'we should somberly realize based on
comes close toerience,
cession of post-I969 unit mutinies in the
face of the enemy and in the repeated
murder (known as "fragaing") of strict
or unpopular officers or N-CO's.
Perhaps the hardest lesson for the
United States to learn in Vietnam was
the realization of how difficult it may be
for a great power to bring its full
weight and strength t.o bear in a dis-
?tant, politically tangled and obscure
overseas war of limited objectives. It was
this very perception which once promp-
ted the Duke of Wellington to say, "For
a great .nower, there can be no such
thing as a hid ear.''
e a.ar.
After this long litarty of mispercep-
tions, national illusions, poor decisions
and near disasters, the question may .
well be asked: How did the United States
manage to come through as well as it I
has?
The positive factors, few indzed, yet i
sufficiently weighty to have tipped thel
saes, seem to be as follows:
- I
0 Absolute control of the air and thel
sea. While the Communists enjoyed and
exploited their trans-border sanctuaries
deep in the jungles of Laos and Cambo..
die, the United States had its own,
sanctuaries offshore on blue water: Air-
craft carriers that Vietcong sappersl
could never harass, floating naval artil-
lery (though never enough of it) with in-
vulnerable battery-positions and un-
limited can-position ammunition.
Moreover, because 90 per cent of what
Hanoi required to sustain war reachedl
it by sea, our control of the sea and our '
power to deny it to Hanoi's suppliers, as
we did by mining Haiphong and the
other ports, may well be viewed as the
ultimately decisive factor in the war.
0. American technical innovation and
superiority. This characteristically;
American advantage comprehends -fire-
power (laser bombs, automatic wea-
pons, beehive ammunition, all types of
by 14 veteran Communist divisions the Vietnam exp "smart" ordnance) massive use of heli-
Approved FoTeliM&:g 200-4/98KIF?.c0IALRIbP77P-019432ROthat004400014.1 in Korea. one wart
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earlier, by the U.S. i\larines--sensors,! nam could no..longer beallol.ved to con-i
we:ither moc it
atiem,,moder...roines,.217.1:2- poisOned',4pple Of dikord in
. .
lotiess11cr Ut- (RPV-4,7."eleCtranic-War rid tfftirs
-
fare in a hUndred-g.uist.s.s;ankshapesti..;
perb corn m u nicafi-ongenet strOer.
ior m?bility and:--eruShing. logistie;.S6-;
?.
periority. ? -
G Ultimate success 'of tWo , twin ;but
distinct U.S. progtarnsLVietnamiza-
Lion and .pacification. Vietnamization
meant the transfer of the war to a suf-
ficiently trained, equipped, motivated
and battleworthy ARVN which could
then assurne the burden of defending
South Vietnam. This has been accom-
plished.
O Pacification Meant the process of
defeating Vietcong terrorism and sha-
dow government throughout South Viet-
nam and winning the support and confi- I
dence, in particular, of the rural popu-
lation. The very success of this com-
plex, many-faceted and highly. sophisti-
cated program Was what prompted, in
fact inexorably compelled, Hanoi to
throw in its last reserve, its regular
army, into overt invasion of the South.
Only when the Communists recog-
nized that time was running against them
in the pacification struggle did they
determine to stake everything on a final
throw of the iron dice.
O Hanoi's reckless penchant for big
war. From the moment Vo Nguyen Ciiap
crushed the French?the first defeat
in history of a modern army by Asian
guerrillas?North. Vietnam allowed it-
self to be seduced into illusions of
military omnipotence. These illusions
led to the Communists' most funda-
mentally bad decision?that to challenge
the United States frontally in 1964-
.1965.
Following this gravest mistake came
two other amost equally serious Com-
munist errors: Headlong commitment
of the hoarded flower Of the Vietcong
to the Tet offensive in 1968 (coupled I
with the disastrous failure to replay I
Dien Bien Phu when encircled U.S. Ma-
rines at Khe Sanh refused to emulate!
French mistakes); and, in 1972, the final;
reckless and irretrievable North Viet-
namese invasion of the South in a cam-
paign which, 300 days later in the end,
came close to costing Hanoi its effective
regular army.
In summary, and no doubt in oversim-
plification, it might be said that the
winning equation for the United States I
could be formulated in these terms:
Vietnamization plus pacification plus
destruction of the Vietcong (1968), plus
frontal defeat of the North Vietnamese
regular army (1972), plus blockade,
plus final bonlber offensive (December
1972) equals attainment of U.S. ob-
jectives.
What the foregoing equation omits?
because limited to military factors?
is the ovcrwhelminfy, success of Nixon-
Kissinger diplomacy in forging a consen-1
sus among the great powers that Viet-.
..-Vithetit that :,esi,ential- ptecondition
the-Atncricari Agony !ndochtnould
stiTl be'deaggingbnY" '
'A -feW-coneluSionSaS to the warl-;-.rriis.
CellancOus.and-fraginentarV _beea-us'dwe
a- re Still so near the event?warr'ant
statement even at this point-blank range:.
o Vietnam. cannot be regarded as a
typical guerrilla war or a theoretical
model of future wars of national libera-
tion. It was America's peculiar mis-
fortune to involve itself gratuitously in
a uniquely difficult situation which it
would be nearly impossible to duplicate
in other times or places.. For those
who launch wars of national liberation,
the wreckage of Vietnam should under-
score a rueful but typically blunt re-
mark by Nikita Khrushchev after Korea:
"it was easy enough to start the Korean
War. It was not so easy to stop it."
0 Despite. massive Communistpro.pa-
ganda to the contrary. Vietnam was not
a true civil war. At most?while the
authentic indigenous Vietcong of the
South still played a role, before their
virtual liquidation at Tet 1968?it rep-
resented an externally fomented revolt
within the' South. Vietnam, in fact, was
no more civil war than was Korea, and
openly ended the way Korea began, with
overt invasion by Hanoi's regular army
across the DMZ in March 1972. Pro-
found differences divide the two Viet-
nams and if is a historical fact, too often
disregarded, that, during the. past 800
years, less than a hundred altogether
have seen all of todays Vietnam unified
under one government. _
0 Vietnam may well prove to be the
last large rural insurgency based in the
countryside rather than the cities. Until
the mid-1960s, guerrilla wat was regar-
ded, classically speaking, as a rural
phenomenon. Since..that.time, urban ter-
rotism has taken deep root in the cities'
(as irr.Northern.,Ireland) and looks like
the' wave -of the futu ets revoliitionare
war: .
? In its ,c-lsmg--.At.;}...s,'N'te't..ri-arn- seems
,
thav
answeted (Orr at least indicated
an -ansWer-to):-,Rniiiong-argued question
'as to 'hay:Well: ...-;-rii-etican big bombers
nueleat w,!apons
against a'sophistiCated air defense.
The survival with low3'attrition .of U.S.
1352s against the world's most advanced ,
Russian-model air-defense system (that
of Hanoi and Ilaipliong1, including not I
rnerei,i SA-2 missiles, as widely re:-.ort-
cd, but also the new and cared low-alti-
tudeSA-3,certainlysemisto indicatethat
more modern B52s, let alone the oncom-
ing B-1 super-bomber complete with
such ? electronic decoys as the SCAD
(available in 197-1), are by no means
obsolete as nuclear-delivery vehicles.
? Finally, the turning-points of the
war can now be clearly identified as:
1965 (U.S. commitment of ground forces
to save South Vietnam):. 1968 (destruc-
tion of the Vietcong at Tet); 1970 (the
closing of Sihanoukville in Cambodia
and neutralization of Cambodian sanc-
tuaries; and finally, 1972 (destruction of
Hanoi's ofTensive capability to wage big
war).
Who Won the war?
Nobody.
Who lost?
Everybody.
?
Perhaps Benjamin Franklin had it
right when he wrote: "I never knew a
good war or a bad peace."
? Or, in the end, looking to the future,
might we not turn to William Tecumseh
Sherman? "The only legitimate object
of war," he somberly said, "is a more ;
perfect peace."
? NEW YORK TINES
3 March 1973
Saigon Newspaper Fined
Over Veteran's interview
SAIGON, South Vietnam,
March 2 (Reuther)?A Saigon
newspaper reported today that
it had been fined one million
piasters, or about $2,300, for
contravening the Government's
press laws.
The daily Doc Lap said in
a front-page story that it had
been convicted for publishing
an interview with a disabled
South Vietnamese veteran in
which the man complained
about the length of the war
and his own fate.
Saigon military court ruled
that the article should have
not the blame on the com-
munists for the war. The story,
said the court, could lead peo-
ple to believe that the South
Vietnamese Government was
responsible for the disabled
soldier's suffering.
The court found the article
detrimental to national security
5o and the publisher of Doc Lap,
hoang chau, was given a
year's suspended prison sen-
PPRDP77-00432R000 10 110001-4
Approved For Release 2001/08/07
?
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By SYLVAN FOX
Special to The New York Times
SAIGON, South Vietnam,
March 2?A group of recently
released political prisoners, re-
portedly spirited into Saigon se-
cretely, described today how
they were beaten, tortured and
ultimately crippled during
years of confinement at the
Government's island prison on
Con Son.
One of them, a young man,
in describing his year-long
detention in the tiny cells that
have come to be known as
tiger cages, said:
"During that time not a sin-
gle day passed that we were
not beaten at least once. They
would open the cages and they
would use wooden sticks to
beat us from above. They
would drag us out and beat
us until we lost consciousness."
The prisoners' stories, told in
a hospital room to which they
had been brought by friends
and relatives, reflected the
plight of thousands of political
prisoners held by the Saigon
Government who have become
the forgotten people of the
Vietnam cease-fire agreement.
Large Group Unaffected
While the accord provides
for the exchange of a small
number of political prisoners
identifiable as belonging to one
side or the other, no provision
is made for the thousands of
non-Communist, anti-Govern-
ment prisoners held by Saigon
because it considers them polit-
ically dangerous.
No one is certain how many
the ?Government holds. Some
estimates put the figure at 20,-
000 to 30,000; others gr as high
as 200,000.
Saigon says it holds only
about 5,000 "political pris-
oners," who, as captured Com-
munist civil servants, come un-
der the provisions of the Paris
agreement on the return of
civilian detainees. The Com-
munists say they hold only 200
such prisoners. Each side dis-
putes the other's contention. ,
No provision of the accord!
appears to cover those held by!
Saigon who are non-Cortununist
and anti-Government and who
do not want to be handed tO
the other side but merely want
their freedom.
The four former prisoners in-i
terviewed today said they were;
members of a group of 124 re-
leased on Feb. 16 from Con Son,
which is about 60 miles off the
Southern coast.
Center of Controversy
The island became a center
of controversy in 1970 when
two American congressmen re-
vealed the existence of the ti- I
ger cages; small concrete
trenches with bars on top in
which five to seven prisoners
were cramped in a space about
five feet wide, six feet long
and six feet deep.
The former prisoners said
they were flown to Bien Hoe,
about 15 miles northwest of
Saigon, and held in a police
station there until Feb. 21,
when they were released with
orders not to go to
However, at Ieast-11' Were
brought' here by friends and
family and deposited in the rel-
ative?if temporary?safety of
a Saigon hospital.
Those interviewed assumed
they had been released because
they were disabled and sick;
all said they were convinced
they would soon be rearrested.
A Government spokesman,
told of the interviews, said he
could not comment without
knowing the identities of those
involved. He said he did not
know of any recently released
political prisoners.
According to the former pris-
oners, they had each spent
about five years in custody
without being tried or granted
a hearing.
They denied they were Com-
munists, although two said they
were stfpporters of the Com-
munist-led National Liberation
Front.
One who said he was neither
a Communist nor a supporter
of the front was a slightly built,
round-faced man aged 23 who
described himself as a Buddhist
activist. He said he was a stu-
dent ?at the Hung Dao high
school in Saigon at the time
I vomited blood or until the
blood came out of my eyes or
?ars,"., having soapy water
of his arrest in December, 1967.
He said he was picked up
by the police along with friends
who, like him, had been active
in what he called the anti-
Government "Buddhist struggle
movement."
Asserting that he was unable
to walk as a result of his,treat-
ment while in custody, he re-
lated that after his arrest he
was taken to the national police
headquarters in Saigon and
"beaten and tortured on and
off for a Whole year."
He described tbe- tortu're as
being beaten with sticks "unt
The New York Times/March 3,1973
Con Son, where political
prisoners are held.
forced into his nose and mouth,
and being subjected to electric
veki)fror Release 2001/08/17 : CIA-RDP77-00432R6-60100110001-4
His torturer's accused him of
participating in anti-Govern
meet activities, he added, and
"said they tortured us to punish
us."
Manacled and Suspended
Another form of torture em-
ployed by the police, the young
man said, was to manacle pris-
oners' hands behind their
backs, then hang them from the
ceiling by the manacles until
they lost consciousness.
After a year in custody in
Saigon, he said, he was taken
to the Chi Hoa Prison in Saigon
and installed in what was
known as "the movie holfse" be-
cause it was "like a big box
and it was dark like a movie
theater."
"There they chained our feet
and attached the chains to a
pole," he continued. "There
were between 50 and 100 pris-
oners. We had nothing to lie
on, and it was filthy and dirty
and cold. Every day they would
open the door and send in a
bunch of common criminals
who would beat us with sticks
and kick us."
Describing life in the tiger
Icages, the young man said that
several prisoners died but he
could identify only one by
name.
A week after the Congress-
men went to Con Son, he said,
the inmates were put in what
he called the stables?a row
of structures that had housed
water buffalo.
"Ddring the time we were
kept in the stables they con-
tinued to beat us viciously,"
he said. "One of my friends,
Tran Van To, suffered a bro-
ken arm. Another man, Ngu-
yen Ngo Thuona, was fero-
ciously beaten on head."
In December, 1970, the for-
mer prisoner related, he and
about 80 other sick and dis-
Labled prisoners were flown
!back to Chi Hoa. "I guess I
Was going crazy at that time,"
he added, saying that he was
also paralyzed.
*..He remained in Chi Hoa un-
til June, 1971. The treatment
there was better ,at that time,
he said, though "once in a
while they would beat us just
a little."
In June, '1971, he and others
at Chi. Hoa - were informed that
they were-being., returned to
Con Son_ .: ?..
"We tried to resist," he said,
-,"saying we Were Still-sick and
rieeda to'.redover.
?"''' Vie 1 of -at Still
could not walk and many were
? still very sick."':
? - Birt, according tolls account,
':7filk jailers. responded, by bring-
- ing in the- policemen and com-
mon criminals who4hrew tear-
gas ? grenades'.-intt- the cells.
"We all choked and lost con-
sciousness" he said.
They were put on a ship to
Con Soo. By then the old tiger
cages had been replaced by
new ones built by an American
contractor and paid. for by the
United States.
The former prisoner said that
while the cages were about the
same size as the old ones, each
cage housed only one person.
As a result, he added, "the
jailers would not beat us .from
above but would open the steel
bars, jump in and beat us."
Diet: Rice and Water
Throughout 1972 and in the
first two months of this year, he
said, his daily food ration
consisted of "a few spoonsful
of rice and a little water."
The most recent beating took
place last Jan. "6 in Row A
and B of the tiger cages," he
said. "About 70 prisoners were
seriously injured then." He ex-
plained that the beatings oc-
curred "because we asked for
more food and more water."
According to the former pris-
oner, a man named Le Van An
was beaten to death in one of
the mass beatings last May. He
also asserted that in the beat-
ing Jan. 6 a Buddhist monk 1
named Thich Hanh Tue was
beaten almost to death.
"The prisoners asked that
the monk be 'given treatment," '
he said, "but they ignored the
request and a few days later
he died."- ?
When he and the others
were released,, the young man
related, most were transported
to various parts. Of the coun-
try, but 25, including him,
were kept at Bien Hoa.
Other prisoners at the Sai-
gon hospital corroborated the
account with only minor per-
sonal differences. All told of
torture, beatings and malnutri-
tion.
"Each of "us went through al
similar ordeal," a 38-year-old,
former prisoner commented.
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WASHINGTON' STA R
5 !larch 1973
cHA R WAt. N
Wars end untidily and Viet-
nam is no exception. Recent
testimony before a congres-
sional committee indicates
that prisoners of World War II
may still be lost in the vast
Soviet penal system.
Juridicially we enjoy no
more than an armistice in
Korea. The Armistice Com-
mission is still meeting 20
years after hostilities
stopped.
The "German question" has
never been settled. A curtain,
made of bricks, stones and
mortar in some places, still
separates the East from the
West in Europe.,
So it is little wonder that
barely a month after the
scease-fire in Indochina, fight-
ing is still going on. It will be
surprising a year from now,
due to the "leopard spot"
nature of the cease-fire, if
, there are not continuing
clashes on a fairly general
scale. The wind-down of a 20-
year war cannot be expected
overnight when none of the
antagonists consider them-
selves defeated.
As has been demonstrated
time after time there are two
practical ways of relating to
Communist-controlled court-
tires. One is to have no rela-
tions at all, The other is to
find special areas of mutual
benefit and exploit them.
Exploitation can rarely be
sustained if means of bringing
pressure are absent. Thus,
when the Communists made
trouble about returning pris-
oners of war, the United
States ceased clearing mines
from Haiphong, boycotted the
Paris conference,and sus-
pended troop withdrawals.
The means must be at hand
to bring pressure,. as was so
dramatically illustrated when
the U.S. heavily bombed the
North. It follows that the
means of bringing pressure
must be present during the
cease-fire period if the mili-
tary clashes are to taper off
and become insignificant in a
final settlement in Vietnam.
Call it reparations,buying
off Hanoi, or whatever else, a
U.S. commitment ot the re-
construction of North Viet-
nam is pressure in the form of
inducement. Once granted,
the taking away of direct aid
becomes a factor which must
be taken into consideration in
Hanoi's formulations of poli-
cy.
This is why the Nixon ad-
ministration is so strongly
committed to the obviously
unpopular project of helping
to rebuild North Vietnam.
Without some such means of
bringing pressure, now that
all military forces are pulled
out, the United States can talk
a good case for reconciliation,
without being able to do much
about it.
The means of bringing pres-
sure already exist with re-
spect to South Vietnam. Presi-
dent ! Thieu's government
probably could not survive
the withdrawal or substantial
reduction of American aid
and support. This evident fact
will lie behind President
Nixon's forthcoming confer-
ences with Thieu at San Cle-
mente.
The President cannot ex-
pect to ha-ve the same degree
DAILY TELFGRAPH, London
2 March 1973
TWILIGHT INDO-CHINA
LITTLE COMFORT for the use of democracy, either in
Vietnam, the rest of Indo-China, or indeed anywhere else in ,
the world has emerged from the Paris conference. From ;
the start its allotted role of guaranteeing.the cease-fire and 1
peace settlement- of just. over ja month ago was unreal to
the point of fraud .:;.None of the outside countries dragged
in to present some-Sort of. diplomatic fa?e had the least 1
ability to influence future. events, and all most sensibly
shied away froniany'tarigible Commiinients.
The conference's other 'intended role was that of
watch-dog for the implementation of the agreements. This
too seems to have gone by the. board, as the number of. 11
votes needed to bring it together again was fixed by the
Communist.participants at a figure that is unlikely ever to I
be achieved. Yet in: present circumstances the. final
disappearance of any form of Indo-China conference will '
be a sensible aCeeptance of harsh realities.
>
: The fate of Indo-China now depends mainly on the
ability of the legitimate democratic Governments to hold
b 1
their own against the North Vietnamese- army. - This in
turn depends on the extent to which China and Russia 1
provide or deny the necessary arms. So' far as America is 1
concerned, once her prisoners have been restored and her
remaining few troops once and for all withdrawn, she will
be loath to get involved again.'..'P'residen't c NIXON'S main
hope?and that of the-South ,Vietnamese, apart from. their.
military and political capabilities--lies in the: Russo-Sino-
American triangle. china wants to keep Russia out, and
to develop her rapprochement With America to prevent
Russian global expansion.- Russia may 'think it' counter-
productive elsewhere to make a monkey of Mr Nixorr in
Indo-China. In this situation it might conceivably, pay
Hanoi to settle for American aid- for the time being. ,
of leverage with Hanoi, which
also has the support of Russia
and China, but substantial
U.S. help is not something!
Hanoi would lightly forego. !
The President has sought to
diminish public and congres:!
sional objections to such aid !
by stating that it would come.
from the national defense and,
foreign assistance budgets. It
would be his argument that'
domestic programs would not I
therefore be any less as al
result of aid to Hanoi."
This argument is not likely!
to be too persuasive with op-
ponents of aid to Hanoi such!
as Sen. George McGovern or!
those who wish to internation-
alize it to the extent that iti
could not easily be used as an
instrument of American poll
cy, such as Sen. J.W.
bright. - !
Their aim is the opposite of,
the President's. They wish to
terminate once and for all
American involvement in In-
dochina. The President wish-
es to continue to influence the
course of events there as the
leading Pacific power.
NEW YORK TIMES
5 March 1973
Largest Cambodian Paper
Is Closed by Government
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia,
March 4 CAP)?,The Lon Nol
Government closed the nation's
largest and most popular daily
newspaper, Koh Santepheap, to-
day.
The Information Ministry
charged the daily, which has a
circulation of 230,000, with a
breach of national security in
an editorial today that com-
pared a pro-Government dem-
onstration Friday to similar
rallies in the days of the
ousted head of state, Prince
Norodom Sihanouk.
The paper said that the Gov-
erment staged the rally to
camouflage growing popular
discontent- with the Govern-
ment's inability to tackle cor-
ruption and inflation.
But many here believe that
the ,real reason that the paper
was closed was its popular
serial, "Bloody Revolution In-
side the Palace." A historical
allegory, the serial traces the
successful coup d'etat of the
royal Nil family, a tale that
most Cambodians recognize as
a thinly disguised version of
Prince Sihanouk's overthrow
and Marshal Lon Nol's ascen-
sion to power.
The newspaper was the 16th
closed - since the Government
imposed a strict press code in
May. The code has practically
outlawed direct criticism.
52
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WASHINGTON POST
1 March 1973
seil-ass Las
By Peter .0.540S.
Wnshingtou Post Staf ,Writer
SAIGON, Feb. 23?The agreement to
end the Vietnam war, celebrated as peace
with honor by President Nixon, . has
turned out in its early stages to be little
more than an excuse for American .diseri-
gagement from a continuing bloody con-
flict.
As long as American prisoners were,
Lever on American Policy
Neics Analysis
released on schedule and the withdrawal
of U.S. forces proceeded quietly, the:
countless violations of the Paris accord
by all of the Vietnamese contestants- at-
tracted no great international attention
and concern, at least as viewed from here.
In an effort to keep the American de-
parture going smoothly and give- .condi-
tions in the Vietnamese countryside ? a.
chance to settle clown, the extent- of the
problems has been -minimized by--many
U.S. officials. Gloomy reports were
easily submerged beneath the hoopla of
POW homeenmings and- Henry Kissin-
ger's travels to Peking and Hanoi:
But 1,4, Folding up_ this week's prisoner
release, the North Vietnamese brought.
events to a head. They have, in effect,
reminded the United States that f'this is
still your war, too."
"We have the impression that the U.S.
delegation is solely concerned with the
release of American prisoners of war,"
a North Vietnamese spokesman said Tues-
day, expressing a feeling shared by Viet-
namese of all allegiances.
Putting it another way, Hanoi was tell-
ing the United States that in its haste
?to end a long and much regretted involve-:
ment in Vietnam, it. has. overlooked the-
fact that the agreement to
bring peace has failed so
far in its objective; even in
the imperfect way that had
been predicted;
The North Vietnamese
have used the POWs as
their only leverage in bring-
ing U.S. influence to bear
on the present situation in
which hundreds of North Vi-
etnamese and Vietcong
cease-fire delegates. are be-
ing held virtual captives in
South Vietnamese,, com-
pounds while the fighting
goes on.
The Communist ploy was
an artful one and it may
brink short-term improve-
ments as the South Viet-
namese respond- to Ameri-
can pressures to end blatant
'harassment of the other
side, But the inevitable mo-
ment will still arrive when
the United States is. , gone
and the Vietnamese :them-1
selves will have to come to,
terms.
What will happen Ath
Aptiroved
lomn as large as ever.
Dbubts about the future
l
There has been nothing
visible . here in the month!
since , the agreement was,
signed that shows a genuine
willingness to do as Article
11 of the accord instructed,
"achieve national reconcilia-
tion and concord, end ha-
tred and enmity, prohibit
all acts of reprisal and dis-
crimination against individu-
als or organizations that
have collaborated with one
iside or another."
. President Thieu's govern-
ment and t h e Vietcong's
Provisional Revolutionary
Government have managed
to agree on political discus-
sions near Paris, thousands
of miles removed from what
takes place here.
Perhaps those talks will
make headway towards a
.meaningful political accom-
inodation... The mere fact of
ranking officials from the
two sides meeting raises a
shred of hope.
Meanwhile, Thieu, backed
by his - army and police,
maintains the position that
the Vietcong are enemies ofl
the state.
One of the first things
that 'returning South Viet-
nathese POWs are required
to, do; for example, is chant
in unison: "Overthrow the
Communists. Republic of Vi
etnam Forever."
The raising of a Vietcong
flag is regarded as a provo-
'cation to be met with maxi-
mum available force.
Thieu is keeping such a
tight and threatening grip
on political expression tha
even his non-Communist op
ponents are afraid to mak
any moves that might b
wrongfully, construed. Gen.
Duong Van (Big) Minh's? at-
'tempt the other day to
speak out on behalf of what
he called South Vietnam's
"third entity" had ? to be
,billed as a . reception fo
friends because a press con
ference would risk reprisals:
Minh, in a somewhat for;
lorn appeal to the. intern
tional conference on Viet
-nem now meeting in Paris
correctly observed that ,none
of the guarantees of per.
sonal freedom theoretically
insured by the-agreement? is
actually being observed.
The agreement solemnly
pledged there ? 'would b
"freedom of speech, free-
dom of. the press, freedo
-.of meeting, freedom of or-
political activities, freedom
of belief, freedom .of rnov
.emeht, freedom ,oriesidence,
.freedoin.:of :work,: right to
Speoperty owrie`rsnip.and.right
to free eriterprise.'''.
fl was'-extdrernelY 'Unrealis-
tic, :Vietnamese and Ameri-
'tan observers now agree, to
promise reforms which did
not have the slightest
chance. If anything, the
South Vietnamese govern-
ment has become more re-
strictive since the agree-
ment took effect, rather
than less. .
Even so, a semblance of a
true cease-fire, the core of
the accord, was expected.
That has not happened ei-
ther.
The scale of combat has
diminished in the past few
days, according to informed
diplornatic assessments, but
it "is still reckoned to bei
greater than it was during
many periods of the war.
'One reliable intelligence es-1
timate places the current
level of activity at about!
what it was in October 1972. I
-Aviation Fuel
Commercial suppliers. ofl
fuel to the South Vietnam-
ese air force say that con-
sumption by government
war planes is as great as be-
fore' the cease-fire, even
though all bombing missions-i.
are supposed to have ended.
U.S. officials in one impor-
tant province northwest of
Saigon said last weekend '
that South Vietnamese air,
strikes there were still rou-i
tine.
Artillery fire is another
index of warfare. Diplomat&
sources, with access to;
highly classified South Viet-
namese reports, say that in
the northern military region
-alone, government- ? troops
have been firing an average
of 35,000 rounds a day.
Official casualty figtires.1
continue to show both goy-
ernment and Communist
killed in the same numbers
as before.
With the successful end:
the South Vietnamese drive
to retake the coastal town of
Sahuynh in Quangngai
Province, there are no
longer any major ongoing
battles. But scores of skir-
mishes are taking placerev-1
cry clay. According to U.S.1
officials in at least one prov-i
ince, government command-4
ers are still ordering theiri
troops to shoot Commnists,
on sight.
The Vietcong are also vio-
lating the cease fire by tak-
ing potshots at helicopters.
closing roads ostensibly in
government hands and by
shelling government units
in many areas, military
sources say.
For Releagtn2001108/69eIVFA-R . 77-0W2ROMOgeoetlea'n. vsz:
Approved For Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
NEW YORK TIMES
.1 March 1973
cials ,and rother WeStern in-
telligence: experts is that thel
communists had intended a
substantial standdown
throughout the country for
at. least the period of the
American withdrawal. Their
big final effort, it is said,
came before the start of the
cease-fire, when they pene-
trated hundreds of hamlets,
attempted to seize. Tayninh
Province on the Cambodian
border and captured Sa-
huynh. ?
The South Vietnamese ar-
gue privately that they have
a right to take back what
had been theirs. Now that
that has been accomplished,
the justification for ongoing
attacks is beginning to look
threadbare, even to U.S. of-
ficials willing to give the
Thieu government the wid-
est possible margin of
doubt.
The extent of the fighting
might not be as discourag-
ing if the international su-
pervisory apparatus w a s
showing any signs of life.
The International Commis-
sion of Control and Supervi-
sion has settled into a kind
.of lethargy, carrying out bu-
reaucratic functions but still
unable to monitor the coun-
tryside.
"It is not our job to go out
in cross tire and get killed,"
Ambassador Michel Gauvin;
the chief Canadian delegate
to the ICCS, observed last
week.
Today, the, ICCS ground
ed all its flights because s
many of the aircraft were
being shot at.
On Sunday at the White
House, Dr. Norman Vincent
Peale told the worshipers at
a service there: "The guns
are being silenced all over
; the world ... a generation
of peace- does indeed
ahead." In Saigon, however, I
you can still hear the guns'
firing. " ? I
Not Much
A Peace
By 'Torn Wicker
The first month of "cease-fire" in
South Vietnam has not been gratify-
ing for anyone, except for the release
of the first group of American prison-
ers. Fighting continues at unacceptable
levels, international control is nowhere
really in evidence, and not even a be-
ginning has been made on the longer-
range question of the political devel-
opment of Vietnam.
In these circumstances it is not sur-
prising that difficulties also developed
over the release of more P.O.W.'s and
the further withdrawal of American
troops. That was the central exchange
between Hanoi and Washington, and
it could hardly have been unaffected
by the other failures and disagree-
ments.
President Nixon is clearly right that,
so long as he keeps the agreed sched-
ule for troop withdrawal, Hanoi is
legally obligated to keep to its sched-
ule for releasing American prisoners:
On the other hand, if the North Viet-
namese Government believes that the
over-all agreement is, not being ad-
hered to by the Saigon Government
and its American supporters, a delay
in releasing its prisoners is the most
effective bargaining device it?has, arid[
legal obligations are not likely to deter'
its use.
Short of a resumption of military
action, Mr. Nixon's, best defense
against that tactic?since the small re-
maining American force in South Viet-
IN THE NATION
nam probably- is of little interest to
Hanoi?is to see to it as best he can1
that the total agreement is reasonably
kept. But that is, not going to be ,easy,1
for several reasons. . -
One is the sheer difficulty of polic-i
ing everything that happens in South
Vietnarri, a difficulty that would be
considerable even if there were
smoothly functioning. control machin-
ery. There is no such machinery and
no one?as the Canadian participants
are complaining?to. hear .or to act
upon the reports of;such organizations
as there are.
?
Both Saigon and the Vietcong, with
their North Vietnamese backers, seem
to have sought as much last - minute
military advantage as they could get,
particularly in villages and territory
they can claim to have "under con-'
trol"; naturally enough, therefore, both
also have resisted the other's efforts.
In the absence of effective policing,
that kind of see-saw struggle could go
on quite a while.
The basic reason is that neither'
Saigon nor its Vietnamese adversaries
have really acquiesced in a peace
agreement, putting an end to their
long struggle and signaling collabora-
tion in future politicaldevelopment;'
rather, Saigon.is an unwilling partici-
pant in what was basically a deal
between Hanoi and Washington to get
the Americans out of the war, and to
leave Vietnam to a Vietnamese solu-
tion. The struggle for that solution
continues.
That is why it has seemed some-
what premature on Mr. Nixon's part
-to ' insist that he has achieved a
"peace .with honor" that can lead
the world to a "generation of peace."
It was understandable that he should
want to put the best face possible on
what he believes was the best agree-
ment he could 'make; nevertheless, it
seems clearer every day that a real
peace has not been achieved, and
that even the cease-fire may not be
possible to reach, let alone sustain.
To say that is to raise more ques-
tions about Mr. Nixon's rhetoric than
about the arrangement finally con-
cluded at Paris. Critics of the war
and students of Southeast Asia have,.
long insisted?some since before Amer-
ican combat troops entered the war?
that the future of Vietnam was a'
matter for the Vietnamese to decide,:
both historically and under the inter-
national procedures agreed upon at
Geneva in 1954.
1:11
American policy, which never ac-
cepted the Geneva agreement, came
to insist, instead, that South Vietnam'
was a legally constituted nation being;
subverted and invaded ,by another.
power; and that view is implied even
in the documents that finally produced'
the cease-fire.
The events surrounding the Paris
negotiations suggest, however, that,
this implication was designed more,
nearly to serve Saigon's political needs.
than to reflect actual American policy
in the 1970's. No matter to what'
extent the South Vietnamese have
been armed, aided and exhorted, the
fact remains that the Paris agree:
meats leave it to the Vietnamese to
work out the political future of Viet-
nam.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the
fighting continues and that neither
Vietnamese side shows much willing-'
ness, as yet, to cooperate with the'
other, even in peace-keeping measures.'
The Americans?at"least those in:
Army uniforms?are going home, and:
Mr. Nixon is claiming credit as a
peacemaker, but for the Vietnamese,1
the real struggle lies ahead. The!
chances are not bright- that it will
be political rather than military.
514
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THE GUARDIAN MANCHESTER
3 March 1973
eau ht
The fate of Saigon's ' political' prisoners is
one of the central issues between the South
Vietnamese Government and the Communists.
Under the Paris Agreement, signed yesterday,
these 'civilian detainees' should be released,
along with those civilians held by the
Communists. South Vietnamese prisons are
not normally open to journalists, but
MARTIN WOOLLACOTT talked to prisoners
in the prison ward of Quang Ngai hospital, -
in Central Vietnam.
T 11-1E PRISON WARD was
packed with people?
girls and women, two nursing'
mothers with their babies)
:men and boys of all ages
from 13 to .60. Some lay
motionless on the beds; star-
ing at? the ceiling. One
-woman twitched and shivered
under a. blanket. Others were
talking quietly.
But the ward was no hell-
hole. It was crowded, with
many shared beds, but hardly
more crowded than the ,hospi-
tal's other wards. A not una
linable policeman presided at
a desk near the entrance,
seated. next to a one-legged
Buddhist priest, one of the
prisoners: The food which
came while we were there
looked good : rice, meat, and
vegetables in individual can-
teens. The . prisoners, apart
.from the .fact that some were
clearly quite sick, seemed a
very ordinary collection of
Vietnamese. If these were
political prisoners, they must
be the small fry. And so it
proved, with one exception.
As we edged down the
narrow aisle' between . the
beds, we heard scraps of
their stories. The burly. little
- 13-year-old boy, Wearing a
bright purple !shirt,: picked
up carrying penicillin?he
says for his . mother ;, the
police say to the front.. - . ?
The young woman.- under
the blanket: picked up four
years ago after her husband
went off to North Vietnam,
on suspicion of Communist
connections. ?Detention
extended after the first 18
months because, she says, the
police said her " attitude"
1-was not right. One of the
nursing mothers: picked up
for travelling between vil-
.lages without the necessary
papers three months ago. The
other mother, whose baby is
only two weeks old, born in
prison, says she cannot
remember why .she was
picked. up.
The monk's story;as
-related by David Barton,, one-
of the American ; social
workers who regularly visits
the ward.: he lost his leg in.
1968, during ? the Tat
offensive, when the Saigon
pagoda he was in was shelled.,
Returning to his Hoe ? village.
in Quang Ngai, he was picked.
up for selling medicine to. the
front and for " speaking-
against the Government." His
skull-like head is yelloW and
drawn: The social . workers
say he has advanced!
tuberculosis.
A big, bearded old- man, in
for treatment of brokenribs,
does not answer the
questions about why he was
picked up. He stares at the
social worker and tears roll
slowly down his cheeks. " I
have so much pain . . it just
goes on and on." They give
him some ,pain-killing pills.
While we were on the
ward, one girl went into con-
vulsions a kind of scream-
ing hysterical fit, lashing out
with her arms and legs.
Within two minutes, three
other young women were
kicking and screaming too.
One girl cried: "I know
nothing. . . . I'M telling the
truth, . . . Why are you hit-
ting me so many times."
Another shouted "I don't
know the road. . ." A third
kept crying out, again and
again: "Two months, . only
two months, w . it's not my
fault."
The policeniert, helped by
some 'of the men prisoners
tied the girls to the beds. The
shouting and screaming
gradually subsided. An
American doctor told ? me
later that such tantrums are
not uncommon among Vietna-
mese, women in particular.
" It's a defence- mechanism_
against stress: It releases ten-
sion," he said.
Later we were able to talk
to . three prisoners at some
length, a young man- and two
girls. The firstgirl, 19 years
.old, quite pretty, and given to
evasive giggling, during
which she put one small hand
over her mouth, Claimed she
was arrested when " buying,
food in the market." That!
was 18 months ago.
She said she was beaten by
the police when first arrested.'
She claimed : "I was in a
solitary cell for two, months.
I got the electricity one day
and three times I got the
water ; . . it tastes awful.
They make you drink it' until
you're fat. Then they hit you.
with their fists." But it has
been over a year since she
was interrogated. Sinee then,
there has been no brutality,
she said: Her real- problem
appeared to be that her
father 1.s "in-the north."
Such connectios inevitably
lead p police suspicion.
"Everybody in the prisoni
knows there iSan agree-
._ .
ment," she said. "Nobody
knows what it will mean."
by
'said, but " of ' course I'll
. remember, I'll never forget."
She is on the ward because
in one of these hysterical fits,
she brake an arm already
damaged by a shrapnel frag-
ment when she was' caught
fighting in 1970. ?
The young man was
dressed in black, cheerful
and smiling. He described the
conditions at .the prison as
not bad. He too told a story
of beating at the time of his
arrest. Police found him on a.
bridge with a lighted oil
lamp at night. He says he was
fishing but " they think per-
haps I was with the front."
The second girl was the
only prisoner we met who
openly, indeed proudly, con-
fessed to being a member of
the ? NLF. She lay on a
stretcher while an abcess on
her hip was being treated, and
talked. She was captured by
South Vietnamese soldiers 10
months ago, she said, after
she and four other Front
guerrillas, all carrying wea-
pons, ' stumbled into a
minefield. Three were blown
to pieces and she and another
survived. She was sent to
hospital in Da Nang, then
questioned at the Da Nang
interrogation and detention
centre. "I was beaten a lot,"
she said. "I was unconscious
many times. ... I accepted I
was going to die." She told
her cantors what she knew,
she said. "You have to do
it," she told us.' After Da
Nang, the third degree stuff
stopped. She was sent to
Saigon for 10 days'
questioning, interspersed
with political, re-education
talks, and again questioned,
but without brutality, after
being sent on last September
.to Quang Ngai.
?
. The political re-education
did not seem to haye.wOrked:1
b
c si
-,,c...
'WE
" The NLF Will win." she,
said firmly; and then she'
.embarked on a political leci
ture of her own. Asked about.,
other prisoner, she' said :
"More than half are inno-
cent. All they were doing was!
carrying rice or nucman
.0.fietnamese fish sauce> back '
to front areas. There are very
few like me."
' At one paint, she said she
:.was willing to. --talk to us
because we were ." progres-
Sive " Americans. There were
good and bad in all societies;
she said, even in the South
Vietnamese 'Government.
Quang Ngai is a 'province
that for many years has been
heavily penetrated by the
Communists and is a 1 s o
under the influence of the neu-
tralist An Quang Buddhists.
In many areas, ordinary
people have simply no choice,
about maintaining contacts
with the Front, whatever
their own views. ?
So most of the people we
met, with., the single excep-
tion of the NIX girl, 'were
probably " guilty" but in' a
very small. way ? and no
more guilty-than many others
not yet picked up by the
police. No doubt-the majority
-of the .so-called' "political
prisoners
prisoners fall. into this small-4
fry category. Captured senior!
cadres' and prestigious neu-E
tralist .politicans. form 'only a
small proportion of the pri-
soners.. There, are, thought to'l
be hardly,- any. among thel
2.000 or so. prisoners
Quang Ngai'? a figure given,
to. me by American social'
workers. The rest are like!
those we met: men andl
women,who; while very possi-i
bly guilty of . doing small!
things 'for the Front, are'
really just.- ordinary people.;
caught in the trap civil!
,
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WASHINGTON POST
22 February, 1973
71-0.5-714:
ao.- Gams Major Goals ra Pact
Pressure
Seen a Factor
By Lewis M. Simons
Washington Post Foreign Service
VIENTIANE, Feb. 21. ? The
Laotian cease-fire agreement
signed here today represents a
victory for the Communist Pa-
thet Lao in realizing its key.
political objectives.
Under the combined .force
of ? North Vi.etamese military
attacks and U.S. diplomatic
pressure during the past three
weeks, the government. of
Prime Minister Souvanna
Photima has given in to virtu-
ally every Pathet Lao demand.
As a result, the rightist-ele-
ments in Souvanna's govern-
ment have all but been demol-
ished. And although Souvanna
is generally conceded by all
parties as the most logical
choice to head a new coalition
government, his future role
could be in doubt.
The. accord, divided into mil-
itary and political sections, is
most entirely the work of the
Pathet Lao, with minor con-
cessions to the government
side.
Under the military provi-
sions, all foreign troops...in-
Laos must be. .. withdrawn ?
within 90. days from the time
the -? 6ease-1ire goes into effect
? at midnight EST tonight..
[U.S. bombing in Laos ended
several hours before the cease-
fire, went into effect, according
to an Associated Press- report
from Vientiane quoting re-
liable sources.]
. This has been a basic Coth-
munist demand since negotia-
tions between the tivo sides
began ? on Oct. 17.. Souvanna
had been striving for a 30-day
schedule.
The .90-day grace period
could prove most. useful to,
North . Vietnam, which has
some 65,000 troops in Laos. In-
formed observers believe Ha-
noi will use the three months,
if necessary, to move person-
nel and supplies along the
Laotian portion of the Ho Chi
Minh trail into South Vietnam
and Cambodia.
Furthermore, nowhere in
the agreement?according to
an unofficial Pathet Lao trans-
lation from the original Lao
? into French?is mention made
of North Vietnam:
Conversely; the United
States- and Thailand are spe-I
cifically called upon to respect ,
the "peace, independence ancH
neutrality" of Laos. The
United States, in addition to,
bombing Laotian territory!
with Thailand-based aircraft, I
has supported an estimated !.
30,000 man force of 1
"volunteers" from the Thai
army fighting in Lads.
By studiously not mention-
ing North Vietnam, the agree-
ment perpetuates Hanoi's in-
sistence that its forces are not
and never have intruded into
Laotian territory.
Souvanna's concessions to
the Pathet Lao on the North
Vietnamese question is a blow
to the government rightists.
Led by Finance Minister
Champassak Sisouk, the right-
ists struggled without success
to hold off an agreement
which did not include a clause
demanding North Vietnamese
withdrawal.
Sisouk insists that the North
Vietnamese will not pull all of
their forces out of Laos and
that, in time, they will again
attempt to seize control of the
country.
The cease-fire in place will,
In principle, revert to the 1962
Geneva agreement on Laos,
establishing separate zones of
control under the Pathet Lao
and government sides.
At present, the Pathet ,Lao
are. believed to be in, control
of two-thirds of Laotian terrio-
tory but less than one-third of
the population, of some 3 mil-
lion.
, The 1962 agreement, in fact,
is the basis for most of the
new settlement. The two Loa-I
tian sides have committedj
themselves to executing the
basic cease-fire terms while
turning over supervision of
the peace to the International
Control Commission (ICC).
The ICC is to be composed
of the, same three members
nations which were chosen in
the earlier accord: Canada,
Poland and India. The size
and scope of the commission
are not specified in either
the old or the new agreement.
These matters are to be dis-
cussed by the two. sides later!
this week.
ICC Reactivated
The government side has
striven for an ICC of at least
500 observers, while the Pa-I
thet Lao want a much smaller
force. According to informed:
observers, the reactivated ICC1
will be no larger than it was!
in 1962, about 300 strong. !
On the political side, the i
new provisional government,1
which is to be set up within 301
days of the cease-fire will be al
50-50 affair.
While- the exact number of
seats from each side has not
yet-been determined, the prov-
isional body will be aug-
mented by "two personalities
who are for peace, independ-
ence and neutrality." This un-
usual wording means - that
each side will choose one so-
called neutralist of predeter-
mined inclination.
At the same time the provi-
sional government is estab-
lished, a political consultative
council will come into force.1 -
This body will be of the same
ideological composition and
proportions as the provisional
government.
The council, another Pathet
Lab pet project, is expected to
oversee the administration of
the political and military pro-
visions of the accord. It is also
supposed to organize national
elections.
No date for the elections
has been set under the agre.i-
ment. However, the national
constitution stipulates that the
present National Assembly may
not be dissolved until May.
Another clause of the ac-
cord says that the cities of Vi-
entiane and Luang Prabang
will be "neutralized." Asked to
explain what this meant, Pathet
Lao chief negotiator Phoumi.
Vongvichit said only that
"neutralize means exactly
what it says."
This presumablrmeans that
the Pathet Lao will be guaran-
teed complete safety and pro-
tection in the two cities. Vien-
tiane is presently the govern-
ment's administrative center
and Luang Prabang is the
royal capital. Both are in
government-controlled areas.
The Pathet Lao have their ad-
ministrative center in the
northwestern town of Sam
Neua.
The agreement states that
once the cease-fire goes into ef-
fect, persons living in Pathet
Lao and government-con-
trolled areas will be free to
move into each other's areas.
This is intended to help the
hundreds of thousands of dis-
NEW YORK TIMES''
22
22 February 1973
placed Laotians. return to
their home villages.
The matter of supplying
government and Pathet Lao
military forces by way of
routes through each other's
territory, however, has yet to
be decided.
POW Returns
Prisoners of war held by the
two sides are to be returned
"no later than" 90 days from
the start of the cease-fire. The
United States lists about 300
Americans as missing in Laos,
although ? large numbers of
these are assumed to have
been killed when their planes
were shot down. The Pathet
Lao recently released a list of
just seven U.S. military- per-
sonnel, two American civilians
and one Canadian as being.
held in Laos.
The accord was signed today
in a five-minute ceremony at
Souvanna's home. Phoumi
signed for the Pathet Lao and
Interior Minister Pheng Pong-
savan signed ? for the govern-
ment side. The, signing was
witnessed by about a dozen in-
vited foreign diplomats includ-
ing the ambassadors of the
United States, the Soviet Un-
ion, China, and Britain:
Later in the day, the Pathet
Lao held a press conference at
a shed attached to the Pathet
Lao ,headquarters here.
Reading from a prepared
text, Phoumi said that the
cease-fire would be "total and
simultaneous" and. would in-
elude "the cessation of bomb-
ing and. shooting on the part,
of the U.S. Air Force."
Only One Side Rejoices
The Lion's Share of the Bargain in Laos
Seems to Have Gone to the Communists i
By 'MALCOLM
Special to The
VIENTIANE, Laos, Thursday,
Feb. 22?While the peace ac-
cord signed in Laos yesterday
bears a strong family resem-
blance to the accord signed on
Vietnam last month, the Com-
munist side here seems to have
won the lion's share of the bar-
gain.
The agreement reflects the
enormous military and political
pressure the Corn-
News munists were able
Analysis to exert here at
the last moment.
In effect, the ac-
cord leaves the Communist-led
Pathet Lao controlling most of
the territory of Laos for the
time being, with the remaining
W. BROWNE
New York Times
part to be administered on a
50-50 basis by the Pathet Lao
and the Government. Until yes-
terday power was.theoretically
shared three ways by the Pathet
Lao, the rightists and the neu-
tralists.
Furthermore, while the ac-
cord specifically names the
United States and:Thailand as
foreign forces in Laos, the
North Vietnamese, whose forces
are much more numerous here,
are not named. The Vietnam
cease-fire agreement calls for
"foreign countries," which it
does not name, to withdraw
military forces from -Cambodia
and Laos. ? -
Given the disarray in which
the neutralists: and rightists
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?
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making up the Vientiane Gov-
ernment now find themselves,
,the discipline and unity of the
.Communist side is certain to
p:ovide an .enormous advan-
tage.
Even on a number of rela-
tively minor points, the Gov-
ernmeal demonstrated yester-
day that it had finally yielded
, Pathet Lao pressure.
Among these .is a proVision
on the withdrawal of foreign
forces.
The Government had argued
ithat 30 days or at the most 45
,days after the cease-fire will be
lample time to withdraw all fOr-
, LCS.
for ? - The Pathet Lao in-
sisted on 90 days. According tO
the joint document signed yes-
terday, foreign troops Will. be
obliged to leave .LaOs 60 days
after the date .that a new pro-
visional government made up of
both sides comes into being.
.
This government is to .be
formed within 80 days from yes-
terday: So, in effect, -the Pathet
Lao. demand for a 90-day period
prevailed.
Given
Given the volatility of Lao-
tian politics, three months is a
:long time, in which North Viet-
namese treops can continue to
bring heavy pressure to bear;
particularly when American air
raids .are halted: ? ,
Even, presuming that the
cease-fire is relatively effective,
the Laotian Army has never
been known. for its ? discipline
or unity, and now, with the war
over in theory, _many Vientiane
units are likely to disband them
? selves for lack of unifying, di-
rection.
The most effective element
fighting ,for Vientiane in any
ease are irregular troops, man
of them tribesmen, who ar
often paid and commanded di;
rectly .by American Central In-
telligence Agency men.. Irregu-
lar units tend to disperse rapid-,
ly unless held together-by firm ?
JOURNAL, Providence
6 February 1973 I
command, high pay and a fel-
lug that they will continue to
be supported by Americans if
[necessary.
Right-wing politicians and
ConSerVative neutralists here
are almost unanimous, at leastl
in private, in their harsh de-
nunciation of yesterday's ac-
cord. Many openly charge "an
American -sellout."
The United States will main-
tain its powerful air bases
in neighboring Thailand, but:
American air support, the poli-
ticians believe would be re-
sumed' only' in case of some
obvious catastrophe.
To avoid this, the Communist
side, the politicians contend,
will chip away subtly but none-
theless effectively at the skimpy
military and political fence
remaining between them and
ultimate complete control of
Laos.
-As a matter. of fact, the
United States still has a 'na-
tional stake* in .Laos, apart
from the 'general pledge Wash-
ington' has Made to help rebuild
the war-torn nations of Indo-
china.
The Pathet Lao hold a num-
ber of American prisoners who;
they say, will not be returned
by' Hanoi but will be returne
by the Pathet Lao in Laos it
self.
The number Of these prison-
ers is nOt known, but several
hundred Americans have been
placed on the missing list in
Laos over the years.
Yesterday's accord 'specifies
that prisoner exchanges in Laos
---presumably including the
Americans and those of other
non-Laotian -nationalities?will
completed.be within. 60 days
Of the creation' of a new pro-
visional .? government, hence,
within 90 days from yesterday.
These prisoners could become
another' lever, in Pathet Lao
hands for -pressure . the
Americans, although there have
been -no direct formal contacts
.Resuinption of Yar
By LIS. See Possible
By JOHN KIFFNEY
A former State Department extent the feeling he had in
aide who wrote one volume of 'government service that each
escalation was decided by the
narrowest of margins, the
"dovish" point of view just ,.
losing out..
As for the 'Present, ''the one ?
thing Nixon has not changed
Is his objective, and I do , not
think that will change.. He .
does not want the fall of Sai-
gon to the Communists," Mr.
Holbrooke said. ?
"That may well lead us to
further deep involvements,"
h added.
A colleague, Anthony Lake,
a former staff member of the
all had deep commitments to National Security Council .
"save" Indochina from the under Henry Kissinger,
agreed.
? '? '
He said this negatesAP VeetqacIRWIelpcW 08/07
ea s prestige roniVe' ICer.?
the Pentagon Papers said
here last night that close
study of the documents In-
dicates that American mili-
tary action in Vietnam could
resume sometime in the fu-
ture.
Richard C. A. Holbrooke, a
1962 Brown University gradu-
ate, said that the Defense De-
partment-ordered history of
the Vietnam war shows that
Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon
57
between the Pathet Lao and the
Americans.
One particularly weak aspect
of yesterday's accord, differing
from the agreement on Viet-
nam, is that no protocols were
attached covering specific prob-
lems, such as prisoner exchange
or the future role of the three-
nation International Control
Commission.
The accord merely says that
the commission?made up of
India, Canada and Poland, with
the Indian delegate as chairman
?will function according to the
rules laid down by the 1962
Geneva agreement on Laos.
That agreement proved un-
enforceabe and broke down al-
most immediately.
Indians, Canadians and Poles
stationed here with the Control
Commission are extremely pes-
simistic that the current agree-
ment will work any better, un-
less all sides show a great deal
more good faith, than;seems
likely at present.
There remains a great deal
of uncertainty whether Canada
will be willing to continue her
participation in the commission.
Despite the implied denuncia-
tion of the United States in the
accord document, there is agree
ment in the accord that United
,States aid to all of Laos, includ-
ing the Pathet Lao, will be wel-
come. ?
This aid, the accord /says, will
tbe worked out in disucssions
!between the povision Vientiane
government and the United
States. .
The American aid mission
here seems likely to expand
provided Congress sustains the
White House pledge to continue
aid to Indochina.
' But the Pathet Lao can be
expected to watch American
activities closely, particularly
those that might have military
or paramilitary applications.
This notably includes Air
America, the paramilitary air-
line operated mainly for the
nam mess during the next few
weeks ?in other words, bug
out with honor,,-" he .said.
"But we are allowing Agency
for International Develop-
ment, ? defense contractors,
and .CP.,people to stay." ,1
With full-Se-ale war, "these,
men will be hostages," and I
"could, bring back the
bombers," he predicted.
Mr. Lake advocated supply-
ing assistance, including mili-
tary aid, without committing!
American advisers to the Sai-
gon regime.
Mr. Lake and Mr: Hol-
brooke lectured informally to
about 200 Brown students
under sponsorship of the polit-
ical science department.
Asked about the current Los ,
Angeles trial of Daniel
Ells-
berg for allegedly releasing(
the classified Pentagon
Papers, Mr. Holbrooke pre-
faced his remarks by noting
he was in the position to do
the same thing, but didn't.
Mr. Holbrooke, who wrote a
: 7pe1104$.3 2F10
, forts, said he does not support
CIA., which supplies irregular
Vientiane forces and provides
a more or Tess military airlift
for the Vientian Government.
The control commission is ex-
pected to contract for the use
;of Air America aircraft for its:
town duties in the near future.
Vientiane clearly gained one
important point in negotiations
with the Pathet Lao. This con-
cerns creation of a "political
consultative council."
This joint council is to be
made up of equal number of
representatives from the Pathet
Lao and Vientiane Government
plus "a certain number of per-
sonalities 'favoring peace, in-
dependence, neutrality and
democracy."
The Pathet Lao may well end
up with a majority vote on the
committee, which will be re-
sponsible for working out politi-
cal details of the formation of a
new provisional government
and later of calling general
elections for a new National
Assembly.
But the decisions of the
council must be unanimous, a
fact leaving the Vientiane Gov-
ernment considerable room for
maneuver.
The accord stipulates that
after the council reaches a
unanimous decision on any is-
sue it must then submit that
decision to the provisional gov-
ernment, which in turn will
submit it to the king for prom-
ulgation.
The agreement does not say
that the provisional government
has veto power over an agree-
ment by the council, but at
least the provisional govern-
ment is placed higher in the
Chain .of command.
Hopes were expressed by all ,
parties that for once goodwill
and peace would prevail in
Laos.
But in more personal. terms,
the Pathet Lao was rejoicing
and nearly all Government offi-
cials were bitterly lamenting
the agreement.
the government's trial conten-
tion that release of the docu-
ments was harmful to the no-
tional security. The . papers
contained a "lot of stuff the t
public should have known," I
he said.
? {
But he described his feel-i
Ings on the release of the ;
papers as ? a lot more compli-
cated. "He is not a great
hero," he said' of Mr. Ells-1 -
berg..
Mr. Holbrooke said the Pen-!
tagon Papers are great source;
material on the. war, but are
not a definitive history, bo-
cause the researchers and'
writers did jobs of varying,'
quality, and because they
were precluded from access
to presidential papers and.
CIA documents, and were'
under orders not to conduct
interviews.
Mr. Ilolltroolze, who edited.
the Brown Daily Herald while'
at Brown, is now managing
editor of the magazine
yoreige Policy. Mr. Lake is a .
0011400014 the Carnegie En-
dowment Fund:
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LONDON OBSERVER
25 February 1973
413
? 49
g
`?, -ate .;th,
f3
A
72"1
from MARK FRANKLAN
THE PARTIAL resumption of
American bombing in Laos?
shortly after the cease-fire began!
at noon on Thursday only
slightly covers up the ruthless-
ness with which America is now
prepared to extract herself from
Indo-China.
The significance of the Laotian
agreement is that it shows that
America has abandoned its
20-year-old policy of supporting
right-wing regimes in Indo-
China just because they are anti-
Communist.
The Laotian settlement thus
has an . immediate . and very
worrying importance for .the
Government of Marshal-Lon No!
in Cambodia, where a cease-fire
has .still to be arranged. And it
even puts a Question mark over
the extent of future American
support for the regime of Presi-
dent Thiel.' in South Vietnam.
The new direction of
American pOlicy, was somewhat
masked in the Vietnam settle-
ment- .because the South Viet-
namese anti-Communists under
President Thieu remain power-
ful even without American ?sup-
port. But the American- decision
to bomb temporarily -and seleca
tively in support of- the ?:Laos;
Army during the irgavitable';
period of violations of the cease-
fire is the best possible proof ,
that the non-Communist Laot-
ians are defenceless.' ?
' '
Here, - where a right-wing
Government had come to rely on
America to fight its war, pay-its
bills and even dO much of its
day-to-day governing, the effect!
of . the ? newt; Policy: has: been
cruelly obvious.
It. has forced America's old;
Laotian friends to conclude a:
settlement with the Communist-1
led Pathet Lao that gives the;
latter at least a 50 per cent share,
in the country and probably a!
good deal more. The prudent and
the rich among ? thee pro-
Americans are already. making
plans for an exile in Thailand. or,
France.
The saddest cases are the little
people who got caught up in the
war that America used to wane
without a chance of understand- ?
ing what they were letting them-
selves in for?people like the
hill tribesmen whom the Central
Intelligence Agency turned-into ,
guerrillas
But to appreciate the full I
shock of what America ? has
done, one most look at the fate
of much grander victims, such
as the handsomely named Sis-
souk Na Champassak, Finance ,
and acting Defence Minister and !
Prune . Minister Souvanna
Phottma's . right-hand-man.
Sissouk is typical of thesort of
roea .that were most prized by ,
the Americans as assistants in
fighting their Indo-China war.:
.
I SL...,11.,
D! Vientiane, 24 February
Coming from the princely
family of Champassak, which
still rules southern Laos almost
as a medieval fiefdom, he is irre-
proachably anti - communist.
Like many Laotians he hates
and fears the North Vietnamese.
? Educated and intelligent, he
Speaks English as well as-
French (always an important
point with the Americans) and
iS as honest an administrater as
Laos is likely to get. When I
first met him several 'years ago
in his Finance Ministry, he ex-
plained that the only way to cut
down the cheating was for him
to go over the country's books'
himself.
He ran ? the country's finances
to fit in with American policies.
When, last year, he so infuriated
the rest of the right-wing by
upping taxes that they tried to
drive him out of ofhce, it was?
the Americans who helped to
save
He put the country's pitiful -
military resources at the service'
of , United States strategic re-
quirements and right up to the
signing of the cease-fire he was
sending Lao soldiers, many of.
them only teenagers, into battles ,
in which they had every chancel
of being slaughtered.
, Of course he had seen the;
writing on the wall. He talked?
to friends of plans to go'abroad,1
hopefully as Ambassador inl
Washington or London. Just be-
fore ,,Christmas: he told a visi-
tor 'We shall always be the
little pawns in the game, always
the eternal victims.' -
All the same, when the
moment of truth came for him
last TtiesdaY, -it was difficult to ,
bear. ? Perhaps the' way the
AmeriCans -played their hand
made it Worse, for until the end I
they ? were. backing 'their'
Laotians; with the .heaviest amr!
strikes- of-time war.. ?-
? e But one of the consequences
of the Kissinger visit to Hanoi.
earlier this month. had been al
message to ? Souvanna Phouma'
that the bombing would have to,
end. this Weekend,' so that the!
US could ga to the international,
conference -on Indo-China 'wits;
its hands' ?clean.
-?.Souvanna. ?'wh-o. -Ins, always'
kern a ;certain -distance from the
Americans, 'apparently decided
there was no point in delaying
any more and ordered the dis-
tasteful agreement ; to ,be
initialled- on Tuesday afternoon. I
He then summoned his Cabinet ;
and shoWed it to them. . Predict-
ably, the right-wing Protested,
with SisSouk leading .the park.
In a last effort to stop what
he must have known was inevi- ?
table, .Sissouk telephoned the '
American Ambassador. The ,
Ambassador, who plainly ; en-
joyed the chance Laos gave him
to be more of a general than
a diplomat, could. give Sissouk
no comfort this time and had to
listen to charges of treachery
and selling-out his allies.
Who then was the most guilty,
the Great Power which made its
little ally think it would fird-tt
in Indo-China for ever or the
men like Sissouk who trusted it
in the face of all historical ex-
perience? In Sissouk's defence, ,
one must say that, able man
though he is, he comes from a
tiny Country and had to deal
with the far more able repre-
sentatives of the world's most
powerful State.
In his defence, too, is the way
in which Washington seems to
have built its new Indo-China
policy on an assumption that is
not shared by many of its o.vni
oflicialS, let alone its old allies?
namely, that the Notah Viet-
namese will indeed withdraw I
their troops.
'Don't ask me what I think,
that's what I have to -believe,'
was the answer of .one senior
American in Indo-China when
this problem was put to him.
But Sissouk does not have to
believe it and it is understand-
able that he should feel the
Americans are makitt him a
promise they cannot honour.
The Laotian Communists. were
not slow to twist the knife in the
wound. They have always
accused Sissouk and his col-
leagues of selling Laotian in-
dependence for foreign money
and they are delighted that Sis-
souk's foreign friends have now
proved faithless.
At a press conferenc.a after
the agreement was signed, the
chief Pathet Lao negotiator
was asked if he had met -the
American Ambassador. Yes, he
replied, he had talked to him at
the signing ceremony. The nego-
tiator broke into an innocent
grin. He had 'thanked the
Ambassador for all he had done!
to help us to achieve the agree- j
ment.'
artacte5 PCfro.t1 ? Tues. Feb.13, 1973-
Both
so e
iha _ouk,
e, Expens
1 Ii
A?
Slow-Change Expected. to Shave Fiitute of
Cambodia as Power of Ruling Class Fades -
BY ROBERT
. -Times Si
PHNOM 'PENH.-- Thal
future of Cambodia lies in!
the hands of -neither
all-
ing. self-created Field
Marshal Lon Not. who is;
reluctantly-, supported by.
Washington: -nth". exiled.,
Prince ,NO:-rodyn
puke who is Supported
with almost equal. reluc-
tance. by Hanoi andePek-
- The nominal leaders Pf
the two fcireeS 'alpparently.
fighting; for enntrtit of 41*.
).aPd- of theeKlamersshaxerl
-laireada --de.atnoy e. '
^ e I y:e
`liarticttWly relevient: to
the fate ofitabrct,a-if,r,nags
of the Cambodian, -people,,-
Both become
.1.1achrorrisrrts!; since both
rePreSent-:?fa?-
:cdrrupt, anit semifetid4
ruling ;:.1a.-,ss-:Whtise-?tlay'?is;
ha t t
, PYTTIed
,most astute:.,ohseff'et* Of
the Cambodian S'aerie, in-
eludingboth ?neutral and
?
mrpit t eda d lama t.a n d
the infinitesimally smalT
liti e'a Ity? 17mi-se-tons Cant -
r
The situation they de-
scribe, which follows, is a
bleak one for their nation.
Deposed in 1970
Sihanouk, the god-king,
abdicated as monarch in
S. ELEGANT
all Writer
order to make himself thel
constitutional ruler of the;
country he still called the
Kingdom of Cambodia.;
But he was deposed in!
March. 1970 because bei
had not only lost the con-i
fidence of the urban popu-1
lace of Phnom Penh, buti
had also alienated a large i
segment of the farming:
masses.
Siha.nouk's antics since
that time have not sub-
stantially strengthened,
his position, despite the
miserable performance of :
? the, men who succeeded
hint - The- 14rban 'Class ? is --
strongly opposed to his re-
storation, though the pea-
sants -are Still moved by
feudal loyalties and the
hope. that he would re-
verse the inflation and de-
privation produced by.
war. ? . ?
"But Sihanotak's unlike-;
ly reftuii ontd.-last- -only;
brieftY,."- 0 h s '-. -a i
knowledgeable;'.._.ltirope'arti
diplomat.: "Wheir:::peolite.i
discovered thit he Could ?
do little about inflation,
shortages, and suffering,'
he would be swept! a.way..--!--
and he could do little- or I
nothing- about those'4110-? I
Aware of Liabilities
8i h(iur 'a it *Yr-
event, unlikely .to retvrtr:I
He has demonstrated his I
own awareness of-his pre-
carious hopes in his own i
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utterances.
He has repeatedly prom-
ised to return. to Cambodi-
an soil, which he has not
touched in almost three
ye-avs, despite his claim to
rule -the greater part. In
this last. such promise, a
week ago, he added that
he would settle in France
? if he returned and found
be was not .wanted.
The government of Lon
Nol. on the other hand, is
a thin, worm-eaten facade.
A serie s. of powerless
prime ministers has made
no progress whatsoever
toward consolidating the
authority of the govern-
ment of. the Khmer Re-
public. or attacking even
the most pressing?if most
superficial?social and po-
litical problems.
Lon Nol is himself al-
most wholly ineffective af-
ter a massive stroke last
year. Sisowath Sink
Ma-
tak. a member.pf ?the royal,
. family Who is relatively ef-
ficient,. refuses to join the
government. ?
? Lon 11 .?*y.f) nb er.
.b,rother, Lon Non, is adis7
.runtive. element -?Who haS,-
even used restive,StudentS-
against his,brothers
? prime ministers.. He ob-
viously did not?realize that
:be was not merelY releas--
ing? the -genie -of sdiiaI die-
?content, but eneOttraging
that .genie...... ?
?
'....Afew thousand students
-are, at the present time,
hardly a major force. They
are too ut lye politically
and too disorganized, as
1?Vell: as being out of. touch
'With the Masses.. '
. . .
But the Lon Not regiirie
? is rapidly crystarizing dis?L
&miter:it by such ,actions. as
;shooting . student demon,-
stators. :Afterward, Lon
01 announced
that the- Viet ;'3?Cong had I
,fired... the .shOts, thoUgh
:Many Joyeigners had.1
watched 'his military po-
lice.. discharge (heir car- ;
hines".at: student: demon- I
strators.
? I
:Lorr-tNol: -re-guile is.'
also courting its own de- '
struCtion in the classic
way of ? petrified ruling
-c lass e s. which cannot
change their ways. It is
both. Wholly corrupt and
strikingly inefficient. -
A few examples indieate
the extent of corruption:
A former minister of
commerce, art intimate of
Lon Nol, sold most- oflast
'year's iice crop to Phnom
Penh's enemies, the- Viet
Cong., creating a massive
rice shortage.. He is rtow:
counselor' of state:
'Wounded soldiers niii3Op
pay large bribes to be ad,
mitted to military hoSpi-
tals.? Once admitted, they
must pay . for their-own-
Medicines at inflated
prices?and fight 'to pre-
vent nurses from selling
their bedclothes out from
under, them.
?
Inefficient Army
Although some good
young . officers have ap-
peared, inefficiency is ex-
emplified by the army.
Most of the Young siti-
?dents-who enthusiastically
rallied to the anti-Sihan-
ouk, anti-Viet Cong cause
three' years ago have'now
.ben alienated by ..the ar
.my-'s -inability .to engage
the enemy effectively and
by such practices .as car-
rying thousands of "phan-
tom soldiers" on the rolls
so that commanders can
collect their pay and r?
tions.
Both Sihanouk and Lon
Nol are tragicomic?tragic
for- Cambodians and comic
to foreigners.
_ .
But present Cambodian
'society . itself is the chief
problem. It-, is dominated
by a tiny antiquated rul-
ing class,
....Phnom., Penh is almost
the lasCcitY of the old Asia
which existed until the
late 1950s. It is populated
.by intellectuals, business-
men, professionals and
artstocrats who are remote
-:from the countryside.
Sihanouk himself. is. the
greatest obstacle to both
peace and .progress. He is
playing out of ,the 'role of
,the god-king, the fall of
the -god-king, against the
backdrop of a Country
:which must, whether it
wishes or not,. enter the
? modern age. Like Lon Nol,
he .is both .product and
,symbol .of a ruting class
which cannot'change?
even if. it wished' to do so,
which it does not. ? ,
However, social arid po-
litical -change will occur,
.though slowly. Lon Nol
'and his successors are
likely to retain nominal
power for some time?
largely because they are in
Phnom Penh, the capital,
though Phnom Penh's au-
thority over the coun-
tryside is minimal. '
Cambodia- is likely to
undergo a protracted pro-
cess of change. The future
'will lie with the insur-
gents, regardless. of any
peace agreernents,:. unless
the United States supports
he forces of change.
For its own reasons,. the
United States ,is notlikely
to do so. -
roveiff-Itirgeleaserinti. 8/
NEW YORK TIMES
16 February 1973
Cambodia, Mired in War,
Looks to L . . as Only Help,
By HENRY KAMM
special to The New YoFk. Thaes
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia,
Feb. 13? Cambodia, the last
country of Indochina to be en-
gulfed by the war, watches de-
jectedly as peace continues to
elude her.
While negotiations on how to
, make and apply peace ,are the
principal preoccupations of
neighboring Vietnam and Laos,
the sound of gunfire is heard
here once again and is coming
nearer to the capital.
The Government of President
Lon Nol and the- guerrilla
forces fighting under the ban-
ner of Prince' Norodom Siha-
nouk, far from talking to each
other, deny each other's legal-
ity.
Worst of all, in this capital
that has gone from prim to
sleazy, from gay to sullen, in
less than three years of war,
belief has become general that
the Government. is so incom-
petent, its army so impotent,
that it can make neither peace
nor war and cannot protect the
vital interests of Cambodia and
her seven million people.
? And the Cambodians'?. who
had known only. French col-
onialism and Prince Sihanouk's
authoritarianism and who have
not had practice in being mas-
ters of their national fate?
look hopefully, often pleading-
ly, to the chief present source
tris quo, however tenuous
and unviable, is now par-
ticularly reluctant to in-
volve itself more deeply in
Cambodia's internal af-
fairs.,
That wea.kness- is .also a
strength. The United
States is not committed to
Lori Nol as it. is to Nguyen
Van' Thiett in South 'Viet-
nam. ? ?
The American interest
in sustaining Lon Nol for
a time is modified by the
disinterest Peking dis-
plays in radical change in
Cambodia. Neither- great
?power wants to make the
'area a major new battle-
'field..,.
En the short run, the fate
of Cambodia will be deter-
mined by the disinterest of
both Washington and Pek-:
? In 'the long run, slow
;change accompanied by
political and military
strike will shape the new
:Cambodia: That future
.11 "m' 'FF'.'
iabs w rt neit
,er
tons to overthrow the sta- Lon Nol nor Sihanouk.
000
of power in their country tot
lsolve their problems.
That power is the United;
States. America provides Cam-
bodia with about $170-million a
year in military assistance and
about $100-million in economic
aid.
In 10 days of conversations
with Cambodians ? leaders of
government and political life,
laborers, generals, teachers and
other civil servants, business-
men and ordinary soldiers ?,
one common theme stood out:
!American power in Cambodial
is so great. and Cambodia is so
feeble that the country's future
is in the hands of the United
States. ?
Significantly, this feeling is
as widespread among leaders of
the Government and the mili-
tary as it is among the general
public and the-opposition. .
In. the American 'view the
Cambpdian attittide is an anach-
ronism: The United States
Embassy does not want to be
the viceroy' or proconsul of
'Cambodia. The United- States
no longer creates and
over-
throws governments in Indo-
china; it merely supports coun-
tries to defend themselves
against aggression.
Without Advance Notice ?-?-
? Vietnamese Communist' troop
invaded Cambodia after Prince
Sihanouk's overthrow in March,
1970, and before. the United
States and South Vietnam in-..
vaded Cambodia' in .their- turn,.
The invaders did not- ask Cam-
bodia's permission or. even give
her Government advance
notice. -
'
The relationship 'seems' dif-
ferent now. American '.diplo-
mats encourage Cambodian op-
position figures this includes
almost all politically, active
Cambodians except-- Marshal
Lon Noi , and, most:of his en-
tourage?tb, confront. the mar-
shal with theiryiews, and make
a republican and democratic
form of government. work.
But the 'Cambodians, whose
faith in the words of the great
powers exceeds that of many
other peoples, , do nbt see the
United States' role in Cambodia
in such terms.' ,They do not
distinguish 'between American
support for ,Cambodia and sup-
port for Marshal- Lon Nol. -
They interpret the - con-
gratulatory- messages from the
United ,States t d
hat followed'
Marshal. Lon Nbrs election to
the presidency :last' June ---
after he had unilaterally dis--1
banded the Constituent As-'
sembly in March and had pro-
claimed his own Constitution
and obtained its'adoption in a
igglowgidZir to haNirse
been exceeded- in voting. ir-
59
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regularities only by the presi-I
ciential election that followed-1
as genuine expressions of sup-
port and admiration rather
than routine courtesies.
Similarly, people from the
marshal to his most outspoken,
political opponents consider the
visits of American officials,
generals and admirals as votes
of confidence in his leadership.
Often the American intent is
? misinterpreted.
. Message From Agnew
When Vice President Agnew
stopped here on Feb. 1; a
principal message he intended
to deliver was this: The United
States believes that Marshal
Lon No's exclusion of such
major political figures as. Lieut.
Gen. Sisowath Sink Matak, his
one-time Premier, and Brig:
Gen. In Tam, en opposition
; leader, from the Government
made it too narrowly basedand
, _
unrepresentative and ? therefore
not in the best condition to
negotiate with its enemies.
At Atherican? urging; be
underscore the message, the
two leaders, as well as a former
chief Of state, Cheng eleng,
were invited to Marshal Lon
Nol' S luncheon for Mr. Agnew.
One of them said' the principal
result of the Vice President's
visit was to make the Cam-
bodian chief "200 per cent"
optimistic about American sup-
port and his ability to win the
war.
Similarly, when ,Gen. John
W. Vogt Jr., deputy commander
of American forces in' Vietnam
and commander of the Seventh
Air Force, visited on Feb. 6, he
intended to lend emphasis to
American urgings of tighter
military dicipline and the
elimination of corruption to
achieve the best use of the
military aid.
The principal? -impression of
the visit that circulates among
the presidential entourage is
that General Vogt so praiSed
Cambodia's 'military perform-
ance as to cause Marshal Lon
Nol to believe that the United
States was encouraging him: to
pursue.the war-to final victory.
One of Marshal Lon Nol'S
close associates after Princ
Silianoules overthrow who
held high office until ousted
by the marshal asserted: "This
country has no political ma-
turity, All Cambodians regret
the effects of what the United
States ha S done. It is true that
you do not want to?must not
?dominate us. But you come as
friends. You. ; must say ,ethe
whole, truth, e not that
flattery." . '
5'You do not want to stage
a coup d'etat? I . understand
that," said a political leader of
unusual sophietication ac-
quired during a long stay. in
France, "but you pay the
soldiers. If. you- held up their
pay for one month it would
finish the Government."
Actually the United States
foots slightly lees than half of
the military payroll by allow-
ing the Government to use for
that purpose the Counterpart
lfunds in Cambodian ?riels that
it receives by selling goods im-
Approv
ported with American fi-
nancing.
About half the budget of 32
billion riels (about $150-mil-
1
lion) covers the military pay-
roll. Counterpart riels in 1972
amounted to 72 billion to 7.5
billion riels. This contribution
to the military is in addition
to the direct military aid.
Reflecting an oppressive po-
litical atmosphere, people in-
terviewed, with few exceptions,
voiced the fear that if their
names were disclosed in stating
their views they would be in
trouble. Such timidity, in -the
. absence of repression ,of major
political figures ? if not of
strong-arm methods by the Gov-
ernment?is traced by informed
sources partly to, political hab-
its dating from colonial days
and to Prince Sohanouk's rule:
Another and increasingly im-
,
portant element of. the fear of
what expressed = ',opposition
might entail appears to be
based on the growing arbitrart:'
ness of Marshal Lon Nol's Gov-
vernment and the open power
of the only man remaining
close to him -- his younger
brothereBrig. Gen. Lon Non. e
Out in the Limelight
After two and a half years
as a gray eminence General Lon
Non emerged from behind the
throne last October to become
;an open power in his own right
;as Minister Attached to the In-
'tenor Ministry, in Charge of
Liberation and Edification
(Community Development) Gen-
eral -Mobilization and Rallying
??that is, winning guerrillae
over to the Government.
Those attributions, in addi-
tion to the special power con
ferred on the President's broth-
er and close confidant, 'hay'
made the general, who at the
time of Prince Sihanouk's over-
throw was a major in the mili-
tary police, the undisputed head
of internal security as well-as
the- man officially responsible
for such contacts as there are
with the guerrillas and their
leaders. ,
In an interview General Lon
Non reiterated the official line
that Prince Sihanouk exercises
no control over the -guerrillas,
whose number is estimated at
30,000 to 40,000, andlhat they
are profoundly divided into mu-'
tually hostile factions. A; a
result, he said, there exists no
central leadership with which
he can establish contact.
His policy, he said, is to
make contact with local lead-
ers to encourage them to d
fect with those under their,
command. He added that such-
defections were increasing.. -
The general's view finds lim-
ited credit among Cambodian
officials and foreign; experts..
The surrender ceremonies that
have been held under his spon-
sorship are believed to have
been staged, using villagers or
even soldiers to whom e old
weapons and 'clothing have
been issuecheand a1 few riels
paid to act as ,"defectors."?:
Obstacles Traced :to Lon Non
On the political- scene Gen-
eral Lon Non is held responsi-
ble evens by local officials-for
intrigues that have prevented
the broadening of the govern-
mental base to include such
60:
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loyal figures as General Sink
Matak and General In Tam,
who is head of the Liberal
party.
General Lon Non is known
to exercise decisive influence
over. theone-party National As-
sembly, elected last year with-
out opposition candidates be-
cause the preceding presiden-
tial voting had instilled .in the
opposition no confidence in a
fair.vote or count; ?
1, Last month, mainly in re-
sponse to 'the American urgings;
Marshal Lon Nol asked Gen-
eral Sink Matak to return to
the Government as Vice, Presi-
dent and General In Tam as
special counselor to the Presi-
dent. When General Sink Mat-
ak posed as a condition'the:
consent of the leadership - of
Marshal Lon Nol's Social-Re-
publican party, the Assembly;
to . the Marshal's chagrin, pro-
duced ?a negative petition; un-
solicited by him and signed
by 126 of the 140 deputies.
New efforts to bring General
Sink Matak into the Govern-
iment are believed to be-making
'progress,- but sources close to
him fear that unless his accept-
ance of the vice presidency is
accompanied by the departure
of -Marshal Lon Nol and his
:brother' for an extended visit
to the United States for medical
reasons,.the results will not be
positive.
? General In Tam, one of the
principal architects- of Prince
Sihanouk's removal, accepted
the counselor's post last week,
but in an interview, at. his
hospital bed, where he. is re-
covering from a kidney ailment,
he said that he would stay only.
if he was assured of the tasks
of pacification and of making
contact with the guerrillas and
'with the necessary means of
carrying them out. ,
In the last two weeks Pre-
mier Hang Thun Hak has been
the target of staged.demonstra-
tions of opposition as well as of
apparently, inspired rumors of
his. resignation. They reached
? a high point last Saturday, when
the Khmer Press Agency, con-
!trolled by General ? Lon Non,
gave them official currency by
- ? .. , ,
issuing. an unsolicited': official' .1
denial. ?: e -
The agency is just one of the
interests of General Lon Nol,
who appears to control con-
siderable funds for the sponsor-
ship of a' number of shadowy
committees. The Committee for
Special Coordination, a large
group- of unspecified functions,
was his, principal instrument
until he became a minister.
"He is the champion of com-
mittees, s meetings.' and and in-
trigues," a former -close asso-
ciate said.
The main source of funds, in
the common belief?which is
supported by the highest mili-
tary. sources?is the- body of
troops that General Lon Non
commands, the Third. Brigade
Group. It is the successor to
irregular troops that he began
to recruit,, many among the
Cambodian minority in South
Vietnam, shortly after his broth-
er achieved power.'
Actual Strength Uncertain
When it was only a- brigade
the general said in an inter-
view that it had more troops
than a division. A real count
remains unavailable, and in
the difference between actual
manpower and the number.; for
which pay is drawn is thought
to lie a source of financing.
I Nonetheless, in the. cunt
American-backed restructuring
of,? the armed forces to elimi-
nate "phantom" or nonfunc-
tioning soldiers, the Third Bri-
gade Group is to become one
of the army's four divisions; on
Marshal Lon Nol's order his
brother will be its com-
mander. .
, Ranking sources close to Maj.
IGen. Sosthene Fernandez, Chief
of the General Staff, said the
[command was aware of the
'problem and planned to estab-
lish the other divisions- first,
with an honest head count, in
the hope that this would per-
suade the President to 'insist
on similar procedures in, his
brother's division. ,
General Lon Nol, whose taste
runs to large or flashy cars
and boldly printed silk blouses,
which he says are inspired by
Pierre Cardin, has achieved ex-
traordinary eminence - among
his military and political col-
leagues. .
At a Cambodian New- Year
Party at his 'house last April,
he stepped out among his guests
under-an arch of sabers held
by fellow officers, including
generals. He- was a colonel. At
a tecent dinner party attended
by two other senior ministers,
he entered amid signs of def-
Ierence from all present, and
even the ministers fell silent
in mid-sentence when he began
to speak. .
Lon Nol's Image Tarnished
Marshal Lon Nol's popular-
ity and reputation have de-
clined as steeply as his broth-
er's power has risen. In the
past, associates told puzzled
foreigners that one had to be
Khmer to understand his pen-
chant for mystical Buddhist fan-
tasies, his oracular pronounce-
ments on the grandeur of
Khmer civilization and his air,
of remoteness from the pressing
problems of the day. Now they
concede that they are equally.
puzzled. "
High officials describe: the
method of government as Byz-
antine, . with orders, some-
times contradictory, issued by
the President in response to
friends, mainly military, who
have caught his ear or to re-
quests by his brother. Recently
two officials had notes on scraps
of paper bearing his consent to
their appointment to the same
foreign post. ?
As -a result, high civil Serv-
ants in - .technical' capacities
said that ? administration Was
falling apart and resources were
being pillaged. Military com-
manders hold supreme power. in
most provinces and despoil
them by selling natural riches
?timber, fishing rights, land?
to the 'highest' bidder.
Take What They Want':
Businessmen in Phnom Penh
complain that the Government
or its high civil and military of-
ficials take what they want
when they want it and that pay-
ment often has to wait.
, Meanwhile, the avenue in
front of the Lycee Descartes,
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dlite school, is clogged every
morning and noon with the cars
of the war-rich delivering. and:
picking up their children. The
city is swollen to perhaps double
its prewar size of 600,000, with
refugees crowding into , rel-
atives' homes or in shacks they
put up where they can.
Most of the men work as
coolies, earning about 50 cents
THE NEW REPUBLIC'
FEBRUARY 24, 19731,i,
Hanging Fire
Camb s dia
Pnompenh
a day, and the women sell fruit
and vegetables to earn perhaps
a. dime.
."If the Americans continue.
to help a regime that is in its
agony," a physician of high
reputation commented, "it will
either lead to total civil? war
or it will chase all of us into
the arms of the Communists."
- ?
The Paris agreement created the framework for a
conclusion to the hostilities in Vietnam, and the
chances for a cease-fire in Laos currently appear to be
good. But here in Cambodia, the third state of Indo-
china, the war grinds on without any visible prospect
of settlement. Essentially triggered by Richard Nixon's
tactical "incursion" in the spring of 1970, it has de-
generated into a prolonged, savage and, above all,
futile war that cannot quite be understood, much less
ended, by its participants. So it continues to devastate
a small, inconsequential country whose only crimes
have been weakness and geographical location.
The opposition forces, usually described in neat
press accounts as Communist, seem to be less a ho-
mogeneous movement than a loose coalition of dis-
parate groups vaguely united in their resistance to the
government. They include followers of the deposed
Prince Norodom Sihanouk, leftist insurgents who
trace their origin back to the struggle against the
French, and assorted other dissident factions as well
as regular North Vietnamese and Vietcong units for
whom Cambodia has primarily served as a base for
actions in South Vietnam. Irt the face of this confusing-
ly diverse enemy, the government has been unable to
discern an interlocutor with whom to negotiate.
The government itself, moreover, is scarcely a co-
hesive entity. The chief of state, President Lon Nal, is
a crippled, petulant old man whose legitimacy is
dubious, partly as a result of his blatantly rigged elec-
tion victory last year and partly because of his consti-
tutional shenanigans the year before. Distrustful of his
subordinates and wary of his rivals, he governs hap-
hazardly through his swaggering younger brother,'
General Lon Non, a former gendarme whose reputa-
tion for corruption has lost the regime whatever re-
spect it may have had following Sihanouk's ouster
nearly three years ago. Aware of their government's
fragility, Lon Nol and his sibling fear negotiations
even though they lack the - strength and the 'will .to
continue fighting. The only public figure here who
has given, serious thought to ,the question of a truce is
a popular and unusually honest politician by the name
of In Tam, whom Lon Nol defeated in last year's phony
presidential election. In Tarn recently drafted a plan to
form a committee composed of representatives from
all the Cambodian parties engaged in the conflict in
the hope that they might resolve their differences. He
submits that the various Cambodian rebel groups are
basically nationalists AS mivectcRtHokbliiitigtatrgoeigy8/07
Chinese domination as much as other Cambodians.
Therefore they should be receptive to a compromise.
But so far his plan has gone nowhere.
The inability of the Cambodians to accommodate to
each other has prompted the suggestion that a cease-
fire here may perhaps be achieved through foreign
intervention. One theory holds that Henry Kissinger
will pull a plausible peace proposal out of his sleeve.
Another prediction is that the international confer-
ence scheduled to open in Paris later: this month might
take. up the Cambodian situation. Judging from their
public positions, however, the powers seem to be no
closer to a compromise than the Cambodians. The
North Vietnamese, whose influence here is decisive,
contend that Sihanouk and his government in exile
represent the "legality, authenticity and continuity" of
-the Cambodian state. The same theme is echoed by the
Chinese, who have housed and fed Sihanouk in Peking
since his downfall. But the Russians, who still main-
tain a mission in Pnompenh despite their rhetorical
commitment to the revolutionary cause, have repeat-
edly made it clear that they consider the prince a puppet
of China and thus unacceptable in any new. equation.
The Nixon administration is similarly suspicious 'of
Sihanouk, especially since he adamantly refuses to
participate in any arrangement with Lon Nol.
There has been some speculation that Hanoi and
Peking might scuttle Sihanouk in exchange for a co-
alition that would include members of the Cambodian
insurgent organizations now fighting inside, the
country. This notion is not illogical, at least on paper.
The leftists have no love for Sihanouk, since he re-
pressed them brutally when he was Chief of state. But
if their clandestine radio broadcasts reflect their real
attitude, the dissidents are cool to the idea of negotia-
tions, particularly with the Lon Nol regime. Besides,
the status of the nominal rebel leaders is extremely
ambiguous. Statements of the "liberation" movement
are regularly signed by Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon
and Hu Nim, three former Pnompenh politicians who
disappeared six years ago after incurring Sihanouk's
wrath. Whether they are dead or alive is a mystery.
One story has it that they escaped to Hanoi. Another
version is that they were executed by Sihanouk, and
are now being impersonated by doubles.
When Vice President Agnew swept through Pnom-
penh a couple of weeks ago, he expressed American
support for the local regime but without specifying
Lon Nol by name. This signaled to the more sensitive
diplomatic analysts here that the United States is no
totally locked into Lon Nol and might agree to dump
him for the sake of a solution. According to this thesis
both Lon Nal and Sihanouk could be retired to south-
ern France, thereby opening the field for compromise
to more flexible Cambodian personalities. Such a
maneuver would certainly require the cooperation of
Hanoi and Peking, and Kissinger may have proposed
it on his trips to those capitals last week.. But even with
North Vietnamese and Chinese cooperation, the man-
euver may not be easy. Sihanouk is stubborn and Lon
Nol, whose brother is enjoying the, perquisites .a.f
i
power, s equally capable of digging in his heels
. _ . . ? . 1
The Pnompenh regime ought to welcome a reason-r
able end to the war since its forces :are being badlyt.
CIAWOR.71313C14)12E6K1M0340Mtle4 the government!
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controls only 20 percent of the country's territory and
some 60 percent of the population, most of them refu-
gees who have poured into the cities. The eastern
third of the country is occupied almost entirely by
North Vietnamese and Vietcong' troops. They once
numbered as many as 60,000, but most have recently
moved into South Vietnam primarily to secure areas
in the Mekong Delta. About 20,000 or less still main-
tain an elaborate logistical network in Cambodia
in order to supply both their own units and their
Cambodian allies.- The Cambodian insurgents have
grown in spectacular fashion, from some 3000_ in
1970 to nearly 45,000 at present. They are now organ-
ized into battalions, many with North Vietnamese
cadres, and their equipment includes such weapons
as 82-millimeter mortars and 75-millimeter recoilless
rifles. Their domain extends across the country to the
outskirts of pnompenh. But they have widely re-
-frained from attempting to -take the- capitaL which,
with its huge refugee population, is more of a liability
than an asset. Their strategy, lifted directly from Mao
Tse-tung, has instead been to bar access to the city.
The strategy is. working. Except for a couple of roads,
open to convoys, travel is impossible. The insurgents
have been less successful at blocking the Mekong
River, along which vital oil shipments come up from
South Vietnam, principally because the Saigon army
and American aircraft have defended the artery. It
may be, however, that the insurgents are not trying'
too hard since they also need the oil. But they may I
seek to cut the river as a gesture now that the South '
Vietnamese are prohibited by the Paris agreement
from entering Cambodia.
7t A I
hat sustains, the Cambodian army is American
military aid, which currently amounts to some five
million dollars a week. The latest equipment due to be
delivered here includes a half-dozen C-130 transport
aircraft and a squadron of A-37 dragonfly jet fighters.
The aid program is administered by a 75-man US
team under the command of a brigadier, general re-
sponsible to the US Pacific Headquarters in Hawaii
and its presence here has already aroused controversy.
Last week, demanding the termination of the program,
North Vietnam pointed out that article 20 of the Paris
agreement stipulates that foreign countries must
"totally withdraw from and refrain from reintroducing
. . . military advisers and military personnel, arma-
ments, munitions and war material" into Cambodia
and Laos. The official US response states that the
Paris agreement also enjoins its signatories to respect
the 1954 Geneva accords on Cambodia, article seven of
which permits the Cambodian government to solicit
foreign military aid "for the purpose of the effective
_
defense of the territory. The same passage in the I
Geneva accords is being cited by the United States tol
justify its continued air attacks here. A fallback posi-
tion for the United States in the event that its military
mission here is compelled to leave may be to rely on
Thai surrogates, as has been done in Laos for years.
Cambodian infantry and special forces units have I
been secretly training in Thailand since 1971 at Ameri-
can expense. Thai military teams are now stationed
here and more are expected to arrive during the ;
months ahead. Despite the Paris agreement, Thai
troops have also been authorized to cross the border ;
into northwestern Cambodia.
If the Cambodian army depends on the United
States forrn survival, its officers have been enriching
themselves to such an extent on American aid that
they are said to surpass local Chinese merchants as
the wealthiest class in town.' Their wealth is apparent
in their new suburban villas, in the sleek Mercedes
that clog Pnompenh's streets and in their presence at
-the city's fancier French restaurants. The irony is that
many of the same officers, Lon Nol and his brother
among them, formerly earned handsome profits ped-
dling weapons and rice to the Vietcong. Some senior
soldiers reportedly still sell guns and other hardware
to their enemies ?the going price for an M-16 rifle,
for instance, is $20 ? but the- most lucrative form of
army corruption is padding military payrolls with
nonexistent troops. Although the army's total strength
on paper has sometimes been put as high as 300,000
men, its real size is probably half that number. And
since a private's monthly wage is $20, commanders can
pocket in the neighborhood of three million dollars I
every payday. Officers have been found listing their
wives, concubines, children and even servants on their
payrolls. One unit supposed to number 2000 men was I
discovered to have only 84 soldiers. In another case an
officer fearing exposure suddenly reported that 733
of his thousand troops had deserted within a month.
Under pressure from the US mission here, the army
recently appointed financial examiners. But General
Lon Non's unit, a brigade group, has been somehow
exempted from investigation. The few officers found
guilty are likely to receive gentle treatment since,
'as a government spokesman explained, severe punish-
ment is alien to Cambodian mores. It is also obvious
that the arrest of every guilty commander would wreck
the country's already feeble military establishment.
Supporters of Nixon's invasion of Cambodia still
argue that his action successfully prevented a major
offensive by the North Vietnamese and Vietcong
against South Vietnam. But if the Saigon regime
gained a bit of time, Cambodia was sacrificed. It is
now a ravaged land and even a cease-fire, should it
come, will be too late.
62
Stanley Kamow,
MR. KARNOW, former diplomatic correspondent of The
Washington Post, reports for NBC..
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WASHINGTON POST
? 21 February, 1973
Robert C. Maynard
?eturn of the Prisoners:
Script by the Military
When important news events involv-
ing deep human emotions occur, those
of us who are witnesses gain an oppor-
tunity to identify with the -principals
?and wonder how we might react under
similar circumstances. In this age so
dominated by 'the electronic eye and
high speed word transmitters, We who
are at a distance seem sometimes al-
most obscenely close at hand.
For example, when Mrs. Robert Pur-
cell of Louisville, Ky., spoke to her re-
turning prisoner husband for the first
time in seven and a half years, I felt
like a stranger intruding at a family
reunion; it seemed the wrong place for
strangers to be as intimacies were ex-
changed. That ?is an issue of taste and
ethics which undoubtedly will be de-
? bated? in many places, including I'd
guess, the Purcell household.
What concerns an ?observer of the
way we receive our news is not so
much this instance in which the? mass.
media may have overstepped the
bounds of good taste, but rather the
fact that the press was such a passive
participant. True enough, the networks
went to Clark Field live and cameras -I
dashed here and there to catch a
glimpse of an emotional moment. Bat
those were rare. The fact of the matter
is that the return of the prisoners of
war was a militarily-managed event
down to the last "God bless America."
Even after it was -clear that these
were men perfectly capable of speak-
ing for themselves; the entire event
The writer is the Ombudsman
of The Washington. Post. In this
capacity he monitors news and
editorial operations and offers
in this space his own views on
the performance of the news
media in general and of this
newspaper in particular:
.continued to be handled as if the 163
returnees had no minds of their own.
If the military had stopped at that, it
would have been queStionable enough.
But it is now beginning to emerge that
the Air Force did its best to shut off
the press from any independent re-
porting at Clark Air Force Base.
According to reporters on the scene,
one written directive, posted on bar-
racks bulletin boards; told, persondel
at Clark: "Don't talk to the press be-
cause they will distort everything you.
say." Besides, James Sterba of Th
New York Times has reported that
even in cases where the returning pris-
oners requested an opportunity to
speak with representatives of the
hometown press, permission was de-
nied.
We are thus rikivitavedtffora?lease 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP77-00432R000100110001-4
framework in which to focus our em-
pathy with persons isolated from any
contact with their society for seven or
eight years. They return to a society
more surely programmed in "them-
against-us" terms than the one they
left. Even as the machinery for inform-
ation makes it possible for us to see an
event such as the return of prisoners
live half way around the globe, the
bases of concern .are made more lim-
ited. We still don't know what these
men actually experienced?only what
the military wants us to know of their
experience.
The consumers of information get to
know what the returning prisoners can
tell us after an armada of 80 military
public relations agents briefed them
first on how to,communicate with their
countrymen through the mass media.
Not surprisingly, then, we received a
number of paeans to "honorable peace"
and could only, wonder how that very
phrase happened to be among the first
to pop out _of the mouths of men in
captivity for such long periods of time.
When it became clear that we were
heading toward some settlement of
enough of our disputes with North Vi-
etnam as to allow for the return of
prisoners, the Department of Defense
prepared a booklet for the men. It was
part of the large glut of material de-
signed to help them catch Up on the
rapid changes in the time since they
have been in foreign prisons.
The booklet tells them about the
new hip language of "dude' and "right
on" and, brings them up to date on
some of the major events of the ,past
WASITINGTON OBSERVER1
15 FEB 1973
several years. But as I watched thej
militarily managed show unfold,
. couldn't help wonder hbw they would,
.be brought up to date on one of the
fundamental issues of these times?the
way we communicate with each other.
Perhaps, in the end, nobody really
needed a primer on the subject of the
relationship of the government and,
the press. The Department of Defense
provided us all, prisoners and ordinary
citizens alike, with an object lesson in.
what the issues are all about. If you,
start off believing that the press "will
distort everything," then you have seri-
ously narrowed the options available
for understanding what's .going on.
With that set of mind, it is not a
"distortion" to provide returning pris-,
oners with rough drafts of airport
statements that praise an "honorable
peace," but it would be a distortion to
have candid give and take between the
returnees and the press.
In .the only, interviews permitted at
Clark Field, reporters were told be-,
forehand that they could not ask the
men any -. "controversial" questions.,
-Those who need to catch up on how
freedom and democracy are doing can
look to the handling of the return of
the prisoners by the military for some
lessons in the act of news manage-I
ment, circa 1973.
Limited though we were in our ac-
cess to any genuine information about
how these men fared and what they re-
ally think about that, there was one
spontaneous photographed instant that
should win a prize. At Andrews Air
Force base, when Maj. Arthur Burer
returned, that. spontaneous human re-
sponse was when his wife and children!
broke military, protocol and rushed'
across the tarmac to their man. The
whole. military . honor guard, arrange-
ment disintegrated and human beings,
in their frailty and' their -joy, took
over. It is the lone photograph?with
Mrs. Burer literally off the ground in
exhilaration?that we can take away
from this story as belonging to ordi-
nary people, not to the managers.
P 0
LNICZLi Ono
?Republican congressmen are complaining among
? themselves at the wav candidate Nixon bogged ?
campaign contributions last election, leaving little
for Congress. One told \VO, "Nixon and the. Demo-
crats won and the Republicans and McGovern
? lost." . . . Many observers credit President Thiel,'
of, South Vietnam as being one of the most states-
manlike leaders on the world scene. He kept Kis-
singer and Nixon from imposing a coalition govern-
ment on South Vietnam. And thanks mainly to
him, South Vietnam has recovered its fighting
.spirit? which was destroyed with the murder of
President No Dinh Diem and his brother by the
CIA. Diem, by the way, is fast becoming a legend- ,
ary hero and .a patron saint in Vietnam.
63
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NEW YORK TIMES
20 February 1973
P.O. IN e's and the Press
Military, Keeping Newsmen at Bay,.
Has Carefully Managed the Return
By JAMES P. STERBA
Special :to The New York Times
observe for 20 minutes as the
20 men who had just returned
were eating 'dinner in the hos-
pital cafeteria. Today six news-
men were allowed to interview
one returnee each for 20 min-
utes under ground rules that
prohibited "controversial" ques-
tions and allowed inforination
officers to monitor the inter-
views and to censor any re-
marks thought to be sensitive.
Except for that, newsmen
were not permitted to talk with
the men in the hospital, and
doctors and nurses were not al-
lowed to give interviews. _
Officers in a Key Role
Those few prisoners who ex-
pressed a desire to speak with
reporters from hometown news-
papers were refused permission.
They were allowed to receivel
written questions and coun-
seled on which ones to answer,'
and their answers were cen-1
sored.
Military information officers
not only reported the news but
played a key role in making it
as well. Except for what news-
men could glean from sympa-
thetic sources, all informa-
tion was clearly by the public-
relations officers. It was a deli-
cate assignment, and planning
what the world would know
about the prisoners was. a major
factor in Operation Homecom-
ing.
Civilian and military officials
had said that the restrictions
on contact with the press were
based on a desire to protect
the health of the former pris-
oners and to shield them 'from
stress. The policy was main-
tained though' the. men were
found to be in generally excel-
lent health?enough so to be al-
lowed to drink beer and wine,
eat steaks and ice cream, see
movies, go shopping and 'be
questioned at length by the hos-'
pital staff and friends. ?
Then the officials stressed;
that the major reason was tol
insure that nothing endanger,
the return of the 400 military!
men and 13 civilians still held
in Vietnam, as well as the un-
determined number in Laos.
That standard precluded near-
ly all discussion about health
problems, camp conditions and
North Vietnamese treatment.
At the, outset of the. actual
return the military information
officers aboard each evacuation
plane advised the senior officer-
prisoner aboard that live tele-
vision cameras would broad-
cast the arrival at Clark Air
Base to the American people
and that a statement was war-
ranted.
When the prisoners asked
what they should say, sugges-
tions were offered and a rough
draft was prepared, with the in-
formation officers saying some-
thing like "that sounds great
to me." As a result all four
of the spokesmen from Hanoi
CLARK AIR BASE, the Philip-1
pines, Feb. 19 ? The first 163
American prisoners freed by the
Communists in Vietnam have
come home to the theme of
"God bless America," and many
officers at this base clearly ?be-
lieve that the returnees' con,
duct has set the stage for a
restoration of unchallenged
patriotism and of
the status of the
military man to
his honored place.
If so it will have
been no accident
but a result of careful military
planning.
First, the return represents
, the epilogue to an American
war story that never seemed
to end, and getting all the pris-
oners back will be one oLits
few undisputed achievements.
For many Americans the return
symbolizes victory. For others
it merely confirms the war's
conclusion for the United
States.
? Second, the captured men
were predominantly, career of-
ficers and fighter-bomber plots
?probably the most enthusi-
astic of American warriors.
, Third, the military's repatri-
ation effort was carefully pro-
gramed and controlled to in-
sure that all would be retrieved
!without a hitch, that nothing
was said or done to tarnish
the prisoners' image and that
everything was said and done
to enhance it. This meant keep-
ing a safe distance- between
them and inquiring newsmen;
the widespread distrust of the
press among the Imilitary made
it relatively easy.
Joyous and Emotional
Th e arrival of the first
prisoners a week ago was not
only good news but also a
joyous and emotional event
that reduced to tears many of
the nearly 200 reporters and
photographers on hand.
At least partly for insurance,
a team of enarly 80 military
public-relations men were as-
sembled from throughout, the
Pacific to hide possible warts
and stand as a filtering screen
between the press and the story.
No newsmen were allowed to
fly to Hanoi or Saigon aboard
the medieal pickup planes ? to
photograph, to interview or even
to observe silently ? though
Ithere were' extra places.
Here at Clark Air Base, the
first stop on 'the way home,
newsmen were barred from
direct contact with' the return-
ing prisoners in the first days.
On Friday there was a 20-
minute news conference with
two senior prison-camp leaders
who were carefully. counseled
beforehand by information of-
ficers. Last night a five-man
pool of newsmen, under care-
ful supervision, was allowed to
News
Analysis
!so far have used similar lam?
Iguage in thanking the Com-.
mander in Chief and the Ameri-
can people, but information officers insisted that they had
not suggested such phrasing.
The statements appeared sin-
cere, but newsmen could not
determine whether they were
unanimously approved.
The prisoners, who were
tightly organized under senior
officers, had planned how they
would handle themselves. They
had talked about what they
would say, and they wanted to
walk off the evacuation planes
proudly. According to a senior
officer here, "this was their
way of showing that Hanoi had
not broken them."
The prisoners also want to
tell the stories of their im-
prisonment and treatment, but
reportedly only. after , one
agreed-upon- condition is met
?that all are free. That made
the job of 'information officers
easier. '
The 19 military men released
in South Vietnam by the Viet-
cong were quite different. Not
in the fighter-pilot fraternity,
they were not organized and
were in much worse physical
condition. Their stories of sur-
vival in the jungle would prob-
ably be .more bizarre than those
of men in organized camps in
the North.
Specific Data Refused
, Col. John W. Ord, a physician
and the hospital _commander
here, termed' the general health
of the prisoners reasonably good
but declined to discuss specific
ailments uncovered even though
many were obvious?for fear,
he said, of upsetting Hanoi's-
sensitivities. ?
. In declining to allow -doctors
and nurse t to be interviewed,
he said.' they ? were too busy.
Several met newsmen private-
ly, however.
.Despite the- effort to avoid
"possible 'stress situations,"
two busloads'-of the freed men
were kept waiting for more
than an hour in the tropical
sum until Lieut. Gen. William
Moore, 13th Air Force com-
mander, arrived to shake hands
before they departed for home.
The miltary's concern over
the image of the returning
,prisoners was reflected not only
by the numbers of information
officers on hand but also by the
information specialists in key
jobs.
Col. Homer A. Davis: chief,
of information for the 13th Air
Air Force, wrote the Operation
Homecoming plan for Clark Air.
Base and became its chjef oper-
ations officer. Col. Alfred J.
Lynn, chief spokesman for Unit-
ed States Forces in the pacific,
not only went to Hanoi with the
initial support team but alio
took part in the negotiations
for the first group's release al-
64
though he had not been pre-
viously scheduled to.
Some officers and men di-
rectly involved in retrieving the
prisoners were allowed to talk
with reporters, but were care-
fully briefed beforehand.
Officer Was Reprimanded
Lieut. Col. Robert L. L'Ecuyer,
one of the flight surgeons who
went to Hanoi, was interviewed
with other crew members be-
fore taking off. He avoided an-
swering any questions.
Col. Leonard W. Johnson Jr.,
over-all evacuation flight co-
ordinator, did answer newmen's
general questions and was repri-
manded for it. A flight surgeon,
he was expected to be aboard
one of the evacuation planes but
was grounded at the last min-
ute.
As added insurance that the
returned prisoners would not
speak ,with newsmen, the offi-
cers assigned to serve as es-
corts were told, they said pri-
vately, that they would be held
responsible.
Before the first prisoner re-
lease a week ago, information
officers arranged for three of:
the escorts to talk with news-;
men, but they were told to1
avoid discussing several sub-1
jects, including whether they,
knew the names of the men
they would escort.
While Marine and Army
escorts knew months in ad-
vance, Navy and Air Force
escorts did not. Asked by a
reporter, an Army major de-
nied that he knew the name
of his man. Information offi-
cers reportedly apologized for
puttinc, him in a 'position in
which he was forced to lie. An
information officer told re-
porters it had been a misunder-
standing.
Clark Personnel Warned
Directives had gone to 26,000
airmen and their families
against expressing opinions to
reporters on the war, the cease-
fire or the prisoners. An air-
man quoted a directive on his
barracks bulletin board as
saying, "Don't talk to the press
because they will distort every-
thing you say." When news-
men heard about it and pre-
pared to photograph it, the
directive was removed. But
such directives reportedly con-
tinued orally.
"This is one of the biggest
stories of our time and it is
being covered by military in-
formation officers," said Gor-
don Gammack, a long-time war
correspondent for The Des
Moines Register who covered
the repatriation of Ameticans
after the Korean war. He re-
called that their return was
also in stages over several
weeks and that they were given
the option of whether they
wanted to speak to the Amer-
ican people through the press
,or not.
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WASHINGTON STAR
3 l'orch 1973
S.!. HA YAKAWA
The Majority:. IN
For days the newspapers
were full of it: "Glorious Day
for American People," "The
Long Awaited Day Is Here ?
? Freedom," "Yule Tree Awaits
City's First POW," "Hero's
Welcome for Freed POWs.--
California Relatives Joyful,"
"Gift Offers Flood Returning
POWs."
Then they began to arrive:
"Warm Welcome Sun
Shines on POWs," "Cheers at
Travis (Air Force Base): 2,000
Welcome POWs,". "Flags Up
Today for POWs," "San Diego
? First POW Home Buoys Ill
Mother," "(Lt. Cmdr.
Everett) Alvarez Tells Fami-
ly. He's Proud to Be an Ameri-
can," "Job Program for Re-
turning POWs," "POWs Weep
at Children's Serenade," "400
School children Sing God
Bless America," "God Bless
America and -Nixon ?Capt.
Kramer, Captive Since '67."
Time and Newsweek were
dizzy with excitement, with
cover pictures and full-page
color spreads of the reunion of
returned prisoners of war with
their wives. As the POWs de-
planed at Travis the photogra-
phers and TV men recorded
the smart salute with which
each returnee greeted the
welcoming generals and color
guard. There was a touching
scene of a major, shot down
over North Vietnam in 1965,
meeting for the first time his
son, now 7 years old.
And there were innumerable
feature stories on the POWs.
How was their health? What
did they say? What did they
t Silent erely Igi ore
want to eat? What did they
miss most while they were in
prison camp? What changes
do they see in the country, now
that they are back? (Some had
been captive since before the
introduction of the miniskirt!)
Who remembers now the
three prisoners of war handed
over to American anti-war
activists, apparently for prop-
aganda purposes, a few
months ago? One wonders
vaguely in the back of one's
mind how they wereselected
to be released.
For a long time the anti-war
movement, having captured
the hearts of a large number of
intellectuals, professors and
college students, monopolized
the networks and the press.
The media were entranced
with the sit-ins, the burning of
draft cards, the demonstra-
tions and riots. They glorified
and made instant heroes of
those who would have
smashed the greatest univers-
ities of America in the name of
peace ? by which they meant
instant withdrawal from Viet-
nam. Hence for a long time the
media have made patriotism
entirely unfashionable.
With the return of the
POWs, however, there is not
only jubilation in the media
over their reunion with their
loved ones. Suddenly patrio-
tism is in fashion again. How
brave the men have been!
If the morale of the returned
POWs is high, it is because
they were sustained by their
patriotism; it is because they
l'9TEMaY5717713
P.O.W. ZS
March
ROLE
OF U.S. IN VIETNAM
SACRAMENTO, Calif., March
8 (UPI)?A career Air Force
officer who was a North Viet-
namese prisoner says the Unit-
ed States butted its "nose into
somebody else's business" and
that President Nixon could have
settled the war for the same
terms four years ago. '
Maj. Hubert, K. Flasher, 40
years old, a fighter pilot who
spent more than six years in
Communist prison camps, ex-
pressed a different, view from
that of many former P.O.W.'s
who have agreed with Mr. Nixon
that the United States won a
"peace with honor."
"I don't think we really won
the war at all," Major Flesher
said. "If we expected a South
Vietnam that essentially be-
longed to us, that was in our
camp, then we certainly lost
the war."
Major rixoptcNga3Rsr
were good soldiers; it is be-
cause they had that American,
never-say-die spirit!
This sudden change in the
climate raises for me an im-
possibly difficult question.
What is public opinion
anyway?
All these people who are
now saying that they are
proud of our soldiers, that they
are proud of America's role in
saving South Vietnam from
Communist tyranny, that they
have believed all along in
"peace with honor" rather
than peace at any price ? why
haven't they been heard from
during the past few years?
Why were the "silent
majority" silent ? if they
were indeed a majority?
A Hudson Institute study,
"The Forgotten Americans:
The Values, Beliefs and Con-
cerns of the Majority," by
Frank Armbruster (Arl-
lington), shows that the
majority were indeed
"forgotten" in the major chan-
nels of public opinion ? on the
subject of Vietnam as well as
on a number of other subjects
such as drugs, pornography
and draft evasion. Relying on
the findings of the Gallup,
Louis Harris and other scien-
tific opinion polls Armbruster
gives evidence that American
opinion is not subject to rapid
ups and downs on major is-
sues, but is surprisingly stable
-- and moderate.
For example the figures
show that from August 1968 to
August 1971 those who be-
lieved that the Vietnam war
Force veteran who intends to
remain in the military, said the
prisoners were generally "split"
Into tvvoef actions about the war.
? - 'Superpatriot? vs, Others'
"There were the superpatri-
ots who felt we should be in
there killing them by the thou-
sands, as opposed to another
I faction which felt the bombing
and that sort of thing was not
doing any good," he said in an
Interview yesterday.
Major Flesher said that he
"personally didn't think there
was any attempt at brainwash-
ing" by the Communists but "a
lot of people came to the reali-
zation that we were not truly
there to defend the rights of the
South Vietnamese people.
Major. Flesher, who was shot
'down in December, 1966, com-
pared the war to America's
Revolutionary War of 1776, de-
claring, "It was a conflict be-
tween the Vietnamese people,
and whether you like it or not,
it should have been. theirs to
decide."
"/ think more and more peo-
ple came to realize
I eased201069 etigh7s :clkkt'R
1'
was a mistake rose from 53;
percent to 60 percent. Howev-
er, the common man rejected1
the doves, whose program I
could lead to nothing but na-
tional ,humiliation, and
"leaned toward the hawkish
(but far from bellicose) candi-
dates."
Why? Armbruster credits
the realism of the American
people, who "know a bad situ-
ation when they see it. but
they also know that the world
is full of bad deals, many of
which cannot be avoided, and
they will endure difficult situ-
'ations for a surprising length '
of time."
The media ?especially tele-1
yision ? are governed by
Show business standards of
evaluation. What they want is
dramatic action that will grabs
your attention. So when anti-1
war protests and rallies pro-
vided dramatic action, the!
pews media gave them extend- ,
ed coverage, creating the
impression that "everyone"
was ashamed of America and
the war.
However, when the POWs
returned and provided a dif;
ferent kind of dramatic situa- ,
tion rich with emotion, the
networks rallied around, cre-
ating the impression that
"everyone" is proud of Ameri-
ca and her soldiers ? as I ant
sure most Americans are.
What is to be remembered is
that the silent majority are not
necessarily. silent. They are
merely the uninterviewed, the
untelevised, the ignored.
lieve that jiossibly we had as
serted our noses into some-
body, else's business."
"It's my personal opinion
that the 14 points that they of-
fered in 1969 were what were
agreed to in 1972," he said.
"They asked for complete to-
tal withdrawal of United States
forces, a complete halt or air
activity over all of Vietnam,
the stopping of support of the
Government of South Vietnam
and for elections. Christ -al-
mighty, in looking at the peace
terms and everything, that's
exactly what they got." '
? Asked about amnesty, Major
Flesher said: "I'm not opposed
to it. -
:"There were a lOt of young I
men who were honestly op-
posed to this war and were not
Able or willing to have them-
selves involved-in a situation
where possibly they would be
killing other people for a cause
they didn't believe in. ?
"It certainly would not make
me angry to see these people
back home and fitted back into
American society," he added.
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65
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WASHINGTON POST
24 Febrary, 1973
Kenneth Crawford
ating Cr
w on Vietnam
You can lead people to crow but you
can't make them eat. It is futile to try.
Nevertheless, repeated tries made by
President Nixon and public officials
who stood by him through his Vietnam
ordeal are understandable and, in ele-
mentary justice, pardonable. They
have been subjected to merciless abuse
for a very long time by critics who
said their policies would never pro-
duce an agreed ceasefire, much less
peace, and by some who denied that
they were really. trying.
These abusers are of several kinds
? spokesmen for foreign governments,
U.S. members of Congress, .Arrierican
newspapers, columnists, . television
commentators and periodicals with na-
tional and international circulation.
Some of them have indulged a pench-
ant for alarmist prediction as well as
savage criticism.
During the climactic bombing raids
on Hanoi and Haiphong, for example,
the President's sanity was called into
question and he was threatened with
impeachment. All this just before the
truce agreement that started U.S. pris-
oners of war on their way home and
Indochina on its way to an admittedly
fragile peace.
The fragility of the .peace is what'
makes a backward look at the excesses
of fault-finding with administration
performance desirable. Perhaps a dose
of retrospect will make the critics a bit
more tolerant in the future. It is prob-
ably too much to expect that Sen.
George Aiken's call for restoration of
bipartisanship in foreign affairs will
be heeded.
But perhaps some of the venom: can
be extracted from the partisanship.
This would help in the remaining diffi-
cult task of converting the ceasefire
agreement, So far honored almost as
much in the breach as, in the observ-
ance, into a real peace.
Moreover, those of us who have sym-
pathized with the President's determi-
nation to achieve what he describes as
an "honorable peace" and who, in the
past, have been ridiculously over-opti-
mistic about the prospects in Vietnam
have endured a lot of taunting. We are
entitled, if not to a last laugh, at least
to a last growl.
Mr. Nixon himself growled at a post-
ceasefire press conference about jour-
nalists who can't see any distinction
between an honorable and a dishonor-
able peace. Secretary-of State William
Rogers growled in an appearance be-
fore the House Foreign. Affairs Com-
mittee abeut the prime minister of
Sweden, who compared the bombing of
North Vietnam with Hitlerian geno-
cide, which, incidentally, neutral Swe-
den did nothing to stop.
Given an opening; Rogers would,
doubtless have let go, too, at Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi, who said in a
speech that the U.S. would never have
treated Europeans as it treated the
Asians of North Vietnam. She seemed
to forget that Asian casualties in
North Vietnam were ?a fraction of
European casualties inflicted by U.S.
forces in the second world war in
bombing raids on German and Ger-
than-occupied cities. Also that since the
war the U.S. has shown almost $10 bil-
lion worth of concern for the Asians of
Mrs. Gandhi's India.
Years of simmering discontent with
the President's course in Indochina
boiled over when, after Henry Kissing-
er's announcement that peace was "at
hand," the bombing of Hanoi and Hai-
phong was resumed and intensified.
Even then the so-called "carpet bomb-
ing" was nothing like as devastating
as second-world-war air attacks. Yet it
brought the Communists back to the
bargaining table, probably not because
it had a crippling military effect but
because it served as a Warning that
more and worse could follow.
Comment in Congress ranged from
Democratic Leader Mike Mansfield's
prediction that the bombing would
prolong the war to Sen. Vance Hart-
ke's conclusion that it amounted to a
nuclear challenge to Moscow and Pe-
king. "Armageddon may be only hours.
away," Hartke declaimed. To Sen Ed-
ward Kennedy is was a "senseless act
of military desperation by a President
incapable of finding the road to peace.".
Rep. Bella Abzug talked of impeach-
ment. ' ?
Anti-Nixon columnists and newspa-
pers were equally vehement in their
denunciations. One columnist spoke of
"nukes," reluctantly he said, as the
only thing Mr. Nixon had in his arse-
nal still untried. Another called the re-
newed bombing "war by tantrum."
Still another declared it "morally out-
rageous and politically Useless." To a
particularly fervent. administration
NEW YORK TIMES
25 February 1973
Aid to Hanoi
'How C
I Vote
For It?'
WASHINGTON?With Secretary of
State William P. Rogers sitting at the
witness table of the House Foreign
Affairs Committee, Representative Ben-
jamin S. Rosenthal began wondering
aloud.
How, the Queens Democrat mused,
could he explain to his constituents
a vote for economic aid to North Viet-
nam when President Nixon "had cut
off 100 domestic programs?"
Mr. Rogers ducked the question.
"I'm not requesting your vote, this
morning," he replied.
Mr. Rosenthal's question is one that
has been asked with increasing fre-
quency, both in public and in private,
by members of Congress of late. Vir-
tually every Congressman had a pet!
program or project omitted from thel
President's budget, and, if there is not:
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c? ritic it spelled. "failure on a grand
scale."
A normally quite restrained opposi-
tion newspaper found the ultimate
bombing "so ruthless, so difficult e?
fathom politically as to cause millions
of Americans to cringe in shame and to
wonder at their President's very san-
ity."
News magazines emblazoned their
covers with such captions as "The
.Specter of Defeat."
Network television commentators
agreed almost unanimously that the
President when he first blockaded
North Vietnamese harbors had thrown
away his chance for a summit meeting
in IV.roscow. One of them questioned;
whether the Soviet Union, "to save
face," wouldn't respond by stirring up i
new trouble in Europe or the Middle:
East and North Vietnam by overruning'
strategic Kontum in South Vietnam. ;
As we now know, none of these dire
forebodings was borne out by events.'
Yet none of the foreboders has seen fit
to acknowledge, excessive pessimism.
One newspaper complained that it was
being ridiculed for doom saying "as
if anyone who warns of danger is
proved the fool if danger is averted." 1
This draws a fine line between warn-
ing of danger and predicting disaster.
. Anyway, Mr. Nixon and Kissinger
have come through with an agreement.,
Those who said it couldn't be done
their way have been proved wrong.
Critics can console themselves with ar-
guments that the bombing didn't do it
or that it should .have been done.
sooner or that, in any case, it won't
prevent an ultimate Communist vic-
tory. They will never admit that they
were dead wrong this once, as who
ever does? The Nixonites wouldn't if
the shoe were on the other foot, as it
has been at times along the way.
Crow just isn't edible in public
places.
enough money for loans to farmers or!
grants to libraries, for instance, where,
they are asking, is the money for Northi
Vietnam?
Mr. Rogers's response was also
typical. The Nixon Administration'
quite clearly is planning to ask Con--
grees to provide economic assistance
to help rebuild North Vietnam. But
the Administration's spokesmen are
reluctant to make any specific pro-
posal until the climate in Congress
has changed?until the prisoners have
all been returned, until the fighting!
haa Conipietely stopped and until, per-1
haps, emotions over the domestic ,
budget have calmed.
Henry A.. Kissinger, President
.on',s national security adviser, seemed
to be to Congressional nay-
sayers last week when he said: "You i
should look at the economic aid pro-
gram: not in terms of a handout, and
.not in terms Of a program even of '
'reconstruction alone, but as an attempt!
:to enable the leaders of North Viet-
nam to Work together with other
-coUntiies and Particularly with West-
ern countries."
. In the. Paris accords that the United
'Stites signed last month, this country
promised "to contribute to healing the
wounds of war." In fact, economic as-
sistance is one of the levers the Ad-
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ministration hopes will pry the North'
Vietnamese into maintaining the peace
long after the last American prisoners
and troops have gone home.
Nonetheless, the sentiment in Con,
gress right now is so strongly against
such. aid that an Administration
request for it would almost certainly
be denied.
"One or two ? billion dollars for
Hanoi has as much chance as a bil-
lion or two for the U.S. poverty pro-
gram?and that is zero," declared
Senator William Proxmire, the Wis-
consin Democrat.
The reaction of the fiercest Con-
gressional hawks to the idea of giving
aid to a former enemy was pre-
dictable. Senator Barry Goldwater
summed it up. "The North Vietnam-
ese were the culprits in this," the?
Arizona Republican argued. "They
could have ended the war before- it
caused any damage to their country.
Their failure to do so caused many
American deaths, and I don't think we
should pay them for it." y?-
- -
But recently, Congressional doves?
the very same politicians who protest-
ed a few months ago about the damage
American bombs were doing to North
Vietnam?have joined the opposition
to proposals for aid to that country.
Senator George McGovern; who
had 'urged a postwar program of aid
for the North Vietnamese during his
bid for ?the President, declared last
week that he "cannot be at all sym-
pathetic now" to the idea of? direct re-
construction aid to North Vietnam.
Opposition to helping to rebuild
North Vietnam was by no means
unanimous. Senator Mike ? Mansfield,
the Democratic leader, and Senator
Hugh Scott, the Republican leader,
said they were "leaning toward" sup-
porting the Administration. Economic
assitance, Senator Mansfield remarked,
last week, was "essential to stability
in Indochina and' is not too big? - a
price to pay." But Senators Mansfield
and Scott were distinctly in the-
minority '
According to Congressional :staff
members, mail has been running
heavily against aid to North Vietnam.
Last week, thousands of persons?
most. of them black, young -and poor
rallied at the Capitol to try to per;
suede Congress to preserve the anti-
poverty programs that the Nixon
Administration wants to abolish. -
More than one legislator, like Rep-
resentative Rosenthal and Senator Mc-
Govern, said that he couldnot justify
cancelling programs that were ? so,
important to these Americans and, at
the same time, defend aid to a former,
enemy,
"How can I vote for a program of
rebuilding Haiphong and Hanoi." asked
Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, "when -
we haven't even cleaned up the streets
here in Washington from the 1967 fire
and riots?' ?DAVID E. ROSENBAUM
WASHINGTON STAR
21 February 1973
WASHINGTON CLOSE-UP
Aiding the
The idea of the United
States giving postwar eco-
nomic aid to our enemy of last
month, North Vietnam, is an
interesting one, so interesting
that it has aroused immediate
opposition in both houses of
Congress, on both sides of the
partisan aisle and in both lib
eral and conservative quer
ters
The comparison has been
made to our postwar aid to
Japan and Germany, a com-
parison which seems to prom-
ise that a generation from
now we will be fl000ded with
cheap, well-made cars and
tellies from North Vietnam
and be forced to devalue the
dollar yet again.
In reply to that comparison,
it has been pointed out that
our aid to Germany and Ja-
pan was given only after
those powers had surrendered
unconditionally and their old,
wartime, evil governments
had been replaced by good,
peacetime, democratic gov
ernraents like our own
North Vietnam has not sur
rendered at all The same evil
government that once posed
such a threat to San Diego
and to the cause- of freedom
everywhere is still m power,
unrepentant and still poses
precisely the same threat to
San Diego and to the cause of
freedom everywhere
? *
The most. scrupulous read-.
mg of. the assorted chapters,
and protocols of the Peace of
Paris fails ? to reveal a-word
about renouncing the capture
of San Diego as an-interim
goal on the way to San Cle-
mente- The prudent American
can only assume that the evil
North Vietnamese still ,have
their eyes on the Coronado
Hotel as headquarters.
That being so, the opposi
tion argument goes, we would
be doubly, triply foolish to
send aid to the Southeast
nrepentant Enemy
By FRANK GETLEIN
Asiatic Commies and have it
come back in the form of
bombs over the Bay Bridge
The trouble here is that the
American people have been
educated over the years to
regard most of their wars as
moral enterprises of a high
order We threw off the Brit
ish tyranny in 1776, did it
again in 1812, smote the
Wicked Mexican and so on
and so forth, right up to and
including the war in Vietnam.
Our wars have been holy
wars, and none has been more ?
holy than Vietnam, aSis cleat-
from the slightest glance at
the public rhetoric of Dwight
Eisenhower, Richard Nixon,
John F Kennedy Lyndon
Johnson and a east- of
hundreds of government
spokesmen of lesser rank -
" If you are in a holy war, you ?
may not win it ? although we
always have until now ac
cording to our beliefs but
you certainly do not just call
off the shooting and become
chums with the hated enemy
Other nations can do that
In the old diplomatic wars or
the more modern trade wars, ?
winners and losers could stop-
- ',for a bit and once more be
relatives and trading part -'
'nersl They were, after. all
dealing with Uncle Henry ? or
with John Bull the Honest
-Broker - We, on the other
-hand, have tended to be deal:
ing with the Prince of Dark -
ness and all his works and all
his pomps. - ?
The wives and motherS' of
- the still unaccounted-for ? -
American soldiers missing in
action have demanded -
probably in vain ? that no aid
be given North Vietnam until
a full. accounting of their men
has been.made. It is a reason
able request, and if the- gov
ernmen c as muc
as it has said it does for the
troops, and especially for
prisoners and missing, it
Would honor the request with-
out even discussing it
But another condition ought
to be attached to congression-
al approval of aid to the wale
feated unrepentant enemy
This is simply some form of
public admission that we were
wrong in the first place, that
North Vietnam had no designs
ori San Diego and was no
threat to the free world ex-
cept insofar as the free world
can be identified with the for
tunes -of a corrupt military-
dictatorship
That admitted, aid makes
sense That not admitted, aid
is a kind of super-cynicism
that neither the American
people nor their Congress is
quite prepared to accept in
their government's dealings
with the world although
perhaps such acceptance
would be an Improvement
from many points of view
The super-cynicism or
realpolitik, or simple immor
ality by the standards of our
rhetoric ? consists in this
The aid is to be used not as an
act of reparation or even as-
an act of humanitarian con-.
cern. It is to be used as a la-
Ver for keeping North Viet-.,
nam to the terms ? whatever
they really Mean - of the
chapters and protocols of Par
'
Since that same cleverness,
ray behind the Christmas-
bombings and, indeed, all the-
diplomatic bombing, as dis --
tinct from the tactical bomb-
ing, it takes no great gift of
prophecy to see a day, not too
distant when we shall alter'.
nate
nate blowing up hospitals and
rebuilding them, blowing'
them up once more and put-
ting them back together, in a
pattern that reasonably could
last forever
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NEW YORK TIMES
18 February 1973
TJ? AS4. ,KillerReported hued
a P1 LI Mdrcoz
By JOHN.?w FpINEY
! Special to Th New York Times
WASHINGTON, Feb. 17
President Ferdinand E.. Marcos
of the Philippines believes that
last fall, shortly before un-
posed martial law, he was- the
target of a right-wing assassi-
nttion plot involving a. hired
killer from the United States,:
according to information sup-
plied to the Senate Foreign Re-
lations Committee.
As described in. a document
given to the committee, by -a
Philippine Government._ official;
key figures in the. plot were
'Vice President Fernando' -LOpeZ
and Sergio Osmena- Presi-
dent Marcos's opponent in the
1969 presidential election; The
reported objective ? of the-. plot-
ters was to overthrow the Mar-
cos Government, and to carry
i'out the killing they were said
to have brought in a. "hit man".
associated. with- various criminal
groups in the United, States:
One plan reportedly.worke
out by the professiOnal killer
was arrested. by- the ?Phil
Ilippine police, was to shoot
!Mr. Marcos from the back of
!a sound-proofed Volkswagen
;truck while the President ,was
playing golf. Alternatively; he
reportedly planned to blow . up
:a boat. landing:-. ?sed.by-; the
President ? .
The bizarre story-r,wass-1:a-e
counted . a -.Senate:: .Forei
Relations Committee. staff -:re-
port made- public., today.,-;,,Th
report was- prepared-by ,James
G. Lowenstein-and Rieher&M.
Moose. two -. 'cominitte?af
members who Fast -.NOverriber
made Rn inspection trip zto,the
Philippines. and South:: Korea.--
On Inspection Trip!:::
while there-have been cryp
tic references'. by--- .the Philip
pine Government to the. asses,:
sination plan, particularly afte
the arrest of theAmeriCangun,
man', the report marks the lira
time that the- alleged:-plot.,he
been spelled out: in
while they were in '?
1 ?
the two committee staff,rnem,
hers said,: a-, high-?.Philippin
Government official told them
that the reason President Mar-
cos had -deciarecV-martial"la*
was that: he: had; uncovered 'ar
plot from the right- to,?-assassi-
' nate him ? _and that': the :key
figures: "were-- Vice President
Lopez and Mr. Osmena;?:
official. also --said ?that`.,thre.e
Americans were,involyethinth'
'plot."
The report did, not identify
+
the Philippine official, but one
possibility was that it was
President Marcos himself who
arranged for the story of the
!assassination plot to, be given
to the two staff members with
the expectation that it would
be made public eventually by
the Senate cOmmittee. In a fore-
word to the report, the two
staff members noted that they
had met with President Marcos
"at his request."
'Web' Of Plots Described
,. To support the charges, the
aecording to the re-
port, arranged for a docuinent
to be given to the two staff
membert?deScribing 1.!a web" Of
plots agaiiist the Maraos Gov-
ernment, including a "rightist
revolution and coup d'?t." AS
summarized in the report,. the
document gave- the following-de-
tails of the rightist plot:
Shortly after the 1969 elec-
tion; a group composed mostly
of retired colOnels and generals
organized a revphitionary junta
with the aim of. grit discredit-
ing PreSident Marcos and then
killing him. The group ,was
!
headed by EleuteriO Adeoso;
an official of the opposition
Liberal party.........:-"
Mr:. Adevosti inferfned the
junta at one meeting that he,
Mr. Osmena and 'someone in
the United : States Embassy
staff" had conferred about the
take-over plans and :then at a
subsequentm eeting said 'Wash-
ington authorities ;had been
briefed 'and' they showed great
interesv,..in: the junta Move-
ment!? -
Pare 'of :the ? take-Over 'plan
was to designate Mee President
LOpez .as a caretaker President
during the trattsition-period and
this:-was approved by Mr: Os-
mena and "apparently-hy the
'Liberal Party and their alleged
.American supporters, particu-
larly by Larry Trattman and
Company!' -
:According tn recorda of the
-Federal, Bureau of Investiga-
tion, which maintains an office
in Manila, TractMan had been
convicted.- of smuggling arid
conspiracy in the United- StateS
in 1950 and had been a contro-
versial figure in Philippine poli-
tics, ? closely associated ?::with
Mr. Osmena.:
,
:Onei,Iune 1972; Traci:
man-and ? ae: second: American
Robert Pincus,- brought a ;third
American, August McCormick
Lehman:: to :Manila,: the -report
continued..: --Tractman
duced Lehman to Mr.' Osmena
;as: a professional killer: .
! ? Lehman made several sileria-
crs-and., was -flown to the. Os,:
mena.darm on the Island ..-of
Cebu where he ' test-fired a
:rifle ? with a silencer in the
'company of Mr. Osmena's son.
:Lehman also adapted a
Volkswagen ,van,: making ,r it
"'soundproof and arranging it:so
thata sniper could fire.a rifle,
:through a hole in the back cov-
ered with a World Health Or-
ganization insignia. The truck
was to be parked near the
;Pasig. Bluer so that Presidentl
Marcos could be shot while on
la golf course.-
I According to the report,
Lehman also ordered, an oxygen
tank to be used by scuba divers
for plant bombs to blow up
the presidential post landing
as President Marcos passed
He ? set up. a booby trap. with
a mine to ;protect the room
where, his firearms were stored,
' On Sept. 30, a week often
inarital waS proclaimed!
the "legal attache!' of the
American Embassy informed
Philippine security officers.the.t
Lehman had: been arrested in
Kansas City, Moe. on Oct..16,-
197r for carrying a'doncealed
weapone7,that :he: Was known
to have been- associated-;With
criminals in ;NeW Yorit,-Neui
Jersey and Tennessee; and that
on :or about June - 17, he -had
left New York-to "make' a hit
on an unknown persori,L, peat
sibly abroad: -
Also according to F.B.I.- rec.
ords, ? ? the% , report; :continued,
Pincus Said that he knew Leh
man was a -"hit man" for
union in and ha
"hit" several persons. Pincus,
wliti was dot further identified,
tele! the 'F.B.I. on his return
to the United. States, that Leh:.
man had agreed to pay him
$5,000 a month plus eipenses,
but that he had left the Philip-
pines after, receiving a: threat-
ening call in-:his Manila,hotel
room.-- _
Philippine -authorities :..aTh
nOunced on Nov. 15 that- they
were holding Lehman and that
he had confessed. The' docu-
ment ' said: he had: "revealed!!
that rthe,--i-hialT 'details:Of :the
assassination:- plot were ;to ? he
coordinated-?: with Vice--t'Presi
dent r.,Opei; With.'the.expensel
borne by_ Mr.. Osmena, Tract-
man, and :Eduardo -Figneras,' 4
former Candidate for Mayorin
i::--
Vice President Lopez, a mem-
ber of a wealthy family owning
a major electrical utility seized
by the Marcos Government, is
still in Manila. Mr. Osmena iS
reported tee be in hiding_ in tree
United States. - '
The ? Staff report said the
"high" Philippine official ex-
plained- that there had been no
!public mention of the plot in
'Manila becatise the conspiracy
extended into the highest cir-
cles Of the Government and the
military and. disclosure would
undermine public confidence in
the military at a time when
Such confidence was essential.
The - staff, report does not
vouch for the accuracy of the
account or the reported .plot,
which it said waS recounted in
such' detail "because a high
Philippine officialconsidered it
sufficiently important to spetici
an hour talking to us about ItJ
and secondly; because it con-
Veys,' sate:. of, the- atmospher '
of violence, Paranoia and sur,
'realistic intrigue which one
:senses in the Philippines."
! The report noted that United
StateS Embassy officials said
they had no-knowledge of such
a plot but-did have some Cor-
roborating ? information about
the , Americans allegedly in-
:volved. ----- - ? ,
/ At the ,saine ime, the report
Pointed out that "both official
and private observers -believe
that those Filipinos with large
financial interests, particularlyi
the enormously wealthy?the
loligarcha' as they are calledl
the prospects of Presi
_
dent Marcos' continued rule as
a serious threat and that it
would not be out of character
for some among them .to .seek
his assassination." ?
!The report also noted that the
Maroos!Qovernment might :also
have an . interest. in ' promoting
the story of the rightist. plot
since the original reaSdn if,
gave for martial law?that II
was to: combat a-leftist
"had been greeted. with such
skepticism" : and that it "rnightl
new he seeking to justify itsj
actions on grounds less likely
to be rejected by liberal critic
abroad." _
68
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WASHINGTON POST
1 March 1973
Victor Zorza
.A Chinese:Guide to. as.
The CIA has intercepted a message
sent to Peking by the Chinese. Commu-
nist mission at the United Nations. The
text was obtained by the CIA's top
agent Maxwell Smart who- was dis-
guised, on this occasion, as James
Bond. The message explains America to
the Chinese diplomats who are to open
soon the new Chinese Liaison Mission
in Washington. Here are some.
excerpts:
Your first impression of Americans.
will be that they all look the same.
You will therefore have ? great diffi-
culty in telling one individual from an-
other. White Americans do Indeed look
very much alike, what with eyes that
do not slant, large noses, and other fa-
cial characteristics which seem corn,
mon to all. But there are certain ways,
discussed in .the section on Social In-
tercourse, to help you to distinguish
between different categories of Ameri-
cans, if not between different individu-
als.
Americans who come to ,China say
that our men. and women took- alike,
because both . sexes wear :the same
clothes. In fact, however, it is .young
Americans of both sexes who. wear the
, same clothes and hair styles to an ex-
tent which sometimes makes it diffi-
cult to tell male from female. This uni-
formity is evidence of the regimenta-
tion forced on society by the totalitar-
ian American capitalist system. '
Styles of dress are imposed by.. a
ruthless dictatorship , -.excercised?
through the fashion ?magazines. Devi-
tion from the approved, norm is pun-
ished by social ostracism or by dis-
missal from work, so that freedom-lov-
ing elements have either to conform or
to starve. In?Washington you will soon
learn to .recognize a government offi-
cial by WS dress, and tell hisrank by
the furnitureAn ? his ? office.- Business:
men, industrial' workers,- farm. workers,
etc., all wear different. types of. dress?
which helps- to-maintain ? the barriers-.
between them, and. to..control,the popu,
BALTIMoRE SUN1
6 March 1973 ? 1
lace.
Some Americans claim that in. China.
the
the population is brainwashed by the
constant stream of propaganda blaring
from loudspeakers on every street cor-
ner. You will find that the Americans
have a much more subtle and insidious
form of mass brainwashing. Certain
kinds of music are piped into restau-
rants, airliners, elevators, workplaces?
in fact, wherever people congregate-
-in order to shape the mood of the, mas-
ses, to make them more docile or more
alert, more relaxed or more prod-
uctive, dePending on circumstances.
In China we use quotations from
Chairman Mao's little red book to ap-
peal to man's better- nature,' because
ours is an ideological society. In the
United States mass propaganda takes
the form of advertising designed to
trigger the buyer impulse, because
theirs is a consumer society. No Ameri-
cans can escape being manipulated by
the news and advertising media- unless
he shuts-himself off completely4rom
the flow of public information.. But
since he needs the information to-sur=
vive in a highly competitive society, he
remains open to the advertising mes-
sage and therefore to manipulation.
The consumer ethic is the founda-
tion of the American system. The
United States can only keep going by
producing more and more, otherwise
the corporate empires dedicated to
production would crash 'and, bring
down with- them the-whole social and
political structure. So Americans work
more and more to consume snore and,
more 'to' create more and more work.
This is- known- as the work ethic. The
advertising which creates the con-
sumer demand is far more pervasive in
America than the propaganda of Chair-
man Mao's-thought.in China. Its task
is to preserve the American system,
and it therefdre has to be far more
persuasive; whatever, the:
The'
_ ?
The importance of TV in forcing the
cape/ t ornat's defection ad
fuel to e s reunification drive
Lo
message_ on the citizen-consumer is
still growing. Televison is assuming
the role which the church once held in
American society. For instance, the TV
set occupies in each home the place
which a family shrine takes in a Chi-
nese home. The high priests of televi-
sion are better known to the American
people than any other public perso-
nages, and they can easily sway the
mood of the country.
Complaints from the White' House
that the TV networks aridthe press op-
pose the government are part of an
elaborate. charade which the media
'and the administration play in order to
mislead the public.. In fact, the media
and the administration work hand in
hand. to, mold public opinion:. Before'
Nixon's visit to China, no one had a
good- word to- say about-rour .country.14
But since he abandoned, his-rigid anti--
China stance, the media began flood-
ing the public with information favora-
ble to our country. Some of the most
'fanatical anti-Communists have...sud-
denly become China-lovers. . . _
' We must remember, however that
the totalitarian ? controls.. available to
the American system could again ena-
ble it to switch overnight from ,friend-
ship to hostility. Our comrades -who
will be arriving in Washington shortly
must always bear in mind that this
city, like the American system itself, is
built on duplicity and deception
The available text ends abruptly- at.
this point. A footnote adds that Chi-
nese experts are preparing a series .of
explanatory leaflets on various aspects
of the American. scene,: ,such aS.- sports;
food, comics, politics,. sex; art,., educat,
tion, foreign policy and .many-,- others:
. Readers who would like to provide-fur-.
,ther insights for our. Chinese guests; .or
to correct- some the gross- miscon-
ceptions, -quoted 'above, are -,invited' to
send suggestions to this column.
-?? ? -- ? ."
Hone Wong Bureau al 7'he sun relatiyely junior official.such on Taiwan against the
Nation-
Hong Kong?A Nationalist
Chinese diplomat defected to
Peking only three days after
the People's Republic appealed
to Nationalist_ military and
civil officials for open or, se-
cret negotiations for a peaceful
"liberation" of Taiwan.,
Sung Wei-pin,_ former com-
mercial attache of the Nation=
alist Embassy in Australia, ar-
rived in Peking Saturday with
his wife and their two children;
and they were liven a "warm
welcome and cordial recep-
tion," the official news agency
Hsinhua reported Sunday...
Ordinarily,- a defectipik.ef.
as Mr. Sung would.- not have
worried the Nationalist govern-
ment of President Chang Kai-
shek on Taiwan seriously. Mr.
Sung's was the seventh defec-
tion since the end of 1965.
But coming- so soon after
Peking publicly-- offered r an
olive branch to Nationalist off i:
cials on,Taiwan irrespective of
"their-past "wrongdoings;" this
latest ? defection cannot but
have: psychological' impact on
Taiwan. -
Senior- Chinese-. ;!: officials,
speaking last Wednesday at a
Peking meeting :-.ostensibly
marking, the 26th -anniver
IMIAlert)- itiaRALQW
alists, told the Taiwan officials
that a Chinese domestic solu-
tion of the -Taiwan question 'is
now possible as the result of
President Nixon's- China vist
last year and Henry A. Kissin-
ger's recent -trip to Peking.
They proposed, obviously
with, the leadership's approval,
that negotiations ,onithe unifi-
cation of Taiwan with the
mainland should start as soon
as -possible and- that officials
from Taiwan may travel pub-
licly or secretly to the main-
land with their safety and the
_ /
secrecy of.. their trips , guaran-
,:1:11130eROP 404a2R
1973, Victor Zona-:"
mass, defection of% Nationalist
officiais:-.. at the. Wednesday
meeting. -77 , !'.
Mr: Sung's action, therefore,
went a step further than Pe-
king had anticipated..
Although he said on arrival
in Peking tha the had decide(
long ago to return to, the Chi-
nese mainland, his defection,
on the heels of the'. Peking
appeal, is bound to produce
added propagandist- effect for
China's current' drive to settle
the Taiwan- question peaceably
among.the Chinese themselves,
an approach, that. ,the United
States
A State: Department spokes-
man. in Washington reiterated
after the Peking appeal that
the U.S. interest was simply in
seeing, that the Taiwan ques-
tion was resolved peaceably by
the Chinese themselves. An of-
ficial spokesman ?in Taipei_dis-:
1 0(010001-4
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NEW YORK TIMES
25 February 1973
6assive
In his speech to the South Carolina Legisla-
ture last week, President Nixon said"that with the
end of the American involvement in Vietnam,
"The critical question is: How do we end a war
and then go on from there to build a peace?"
His query suggests. a related question of
broader scope: What is the American strategy'
for the post-Vietnam era. in the Far East, where
the Big Four?the United States, Japan, China
and the Soviet Union?face ? each other in a
shifting balance of power?
Massive changes are In course in Asia. Each
big power maneuvers vis-a-vis the others. And
of the four, the United States commands the
least freedom of movement.
The American break with the past is not as
neat as suggested by the President's comment.
The United States is in the process of completing
, its military disengagement from Indochina, but
it remains very lmuch involved in the political
and economic support of its prot? regimes in
South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. ,
The United States is. also militarily tied to
Thailand and the Philippines, in both of which it.
maintains big military bases; and to Taiwan and
South Korea. Furthermore, the Nixon Doctrine of
? 1969 continues in being as a sanction for inter-
vention at our discretion in. Asian countries
where insurrection might threaten to disturb the
political status. quo.
Those commitments. tie us to various petty
autocrats who, if history is any guide, will 'upon
occasion try to pit the United States against
their foreign or domestic enemies in easy disre-
gard of the American national interest. Thus in
confronting the great, the United States will be
encumbered by its bonds to the .petty.
And circumstances have changed greatly since
most of those obligations were undertaken. Mr.
Nixon's visits of .1972 .to Peking and Moscow, our
subscription to the principle of peaceful coex-
istence with both Communist powers, and last
_
week's announcement that the United States and
China will be opening official liaison offices in
each other's capitals. combine to emphasize the
outstanding feature of the changing scene: The
United States is; now 'without official political,
"enemies," with .perhaps the *exception ..'of
Castro 's -.Cuba: ? ?
_ . ? -
The 'situation is thus no longer. one in which.
the military factor dominates. Mr. Nixon fore-
shadowed a change irt strategic emphasis when,
in July 1971,, he enunciated what ,might .be
called the second Nixon Doctrine, setting forth
the concept that in the future there Would be
increasing competition among five major eco-
nomic powers ? the' United States, the Soviet
Union, Japan, China and the. West European
community. One immediately apparent feature
of that proposition is that presumed "allies" are
henceforth potential antagonists, -quite as much
as the Chinese and Russians... And, in. fact, the
."Nixon shock". in the commercial- field the-fol!4
.missed- the Peking overtures
as "not worthy of comment."'
lisinhua,_. in its initial corn-
iments; had already capitalized
on the defection by saying thar
:it was inspired by the eicelleriV
situation at horne:. and. abrOad.
Foreign .141inistriafficiaTh,%
greeting Mr. Sung .'at Peking?,
Airport, praised him and: his.
family for their ."patriotic
act."
in Course in
lowing month, and the second devaluation of the
American dollar this February, did not affect.'
China and the Soviet Union but hit Western]
European countries and Japan?the latter with
especial force. ?.
What of the position's of, the other major fig-
ures in the Far East?
Of the three, Japan and the Soviet Union .oc-
cupy the more favorable tactical positions. Al-
though both have expanding economies, they are
in general following complementary, noncompet-
itive paths. And each has goods the other wants,
?Japan industrial products and modern tech-
nology, and the Soviet Union industrial raw
materials.
Japan, now being asked in effect by Washing-.
ton not to trade so much with the United States
but to turn elsewhere, finds a natural trading
partner in the Soviet Union. Moscow has in-
vited Japanese participation in the exploitation,
of Siberia's natural resources, opening the door
wide enough to permit American participation in
such ,undertakings: Tokyo has gone ahead, if
cautiously, and there has been a substantial in--
crease in Japanese-Soviet trade in recent.years.
Washington hesitates; 'seemingly uncertain how
far to proceed along unfamiliar ways.
Except in political terms, China. has the
weakest. competitive', position. Encircled by
powers that do not share- its Maoist ideology,
China clearly experiences a profound sense of
long-term, military insecurity. Given its military
and economic- debility, it must perforce try to
borrow strength from one or more of its op-
ponents for use in pursuit of its national goals.
The results of Henry Kissinger's latest visit to
Peking indicate that the Chinese leadership
seeks to use the United States for leverage
against the Soviet Union and Japan in the im-
mediate present, and to obtain additional trade
opportunities, while leisurely working toward its
long-term political goal of recovering Taiwan for
mainland China. But when and where it can,
China will also exploit, for iirofit, its relation-
ships-with the other two powers.,
The .United States thus approaches the' post.
Vietnam period in the Far. East' with important
handicaps. And there is a 'fundamental flaw in
the over-all American strategy: the' United States
proposes not so much to collaborate with others-
in the economic sphere':as to compete- in.a com-
plex viewed as being one of -"adversary" re-
lationships. In the Far East as a whole, even as
in tortured Indochina, however, the consolidation
of peace will clearly be a laborious process, and
accomplishment of the task will require consid-
eration of the needs of others and. a generous
? measure of collaboration in the economic as in
the political and military fields. Neomercantilism
does not fit the long-term purpose of creating a
peaceful,. ordered Asia. ,
?O. EDMUND CLIMB
? Mr. Clubb served 20 years in Asia as a-UnitecLi
States Foreign Service Officer. '
70
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WASHINGTON POST
8 March 1973
U.S.-Soviet
Detente
Threatened
By Robert G. Kaiser
Washington Post Foreign Service
MOSCOW, March 7?The
new Soviet-American relation-
ship, so carefully nurtured by
both countries during the first
Nixon, administration,, appears
from here to be in serious
jeopardy because of the dis-
pute over Soviet emigration
policy.
A damaging confrontation is
still avoidable, but at the mo-
ment, the U.S. Congress and
the Kremlin are on a collision
course. Unless one or both of
them back down, the recent
achievements of Nixon-Kissing-
er-Brezhnev diplomacy could
be forfeited..
- These are the opinions of
'calm and experienced diplo-
mats in Moscow, and one can
dismiss then' only by contend-
ing that either Fongress or
the, . Kremlin . doesn't mean,
what it says about the emigra-
tion restrictions; which princia
pally affect Soviet Jews seek,'
ing to go to Israel:',
More than, 70 senators-and'
260 members of the House
have co-sponsored-': legislation
that would withhold mot-fa-
vored-nation.status-: and all
? U.S. government credit's. from'.
any socialist c ourttrY that
"denies its 'citizens the right
or opportunity to emigrate" or
"imposes more than a nominal
tax on emigration Z.: ?
?The Soviet Union selectively
denies its Citizens the right' to
emigrate, and it charges taxes
of up to $30,000 to emigrants
With university degrees, alleg-
edly as a means of recouping
the cost of higher education.
This tax is a law-of the Soviet
Union, offically published at
the end of last year.
:If these congressmen?!a ma-
jority of both houses?pass
the amendment they have
sponsored, the Soviet Union
Will be denied? expanded trad-
ing concessiOnsa These: bene-
fits were a precondition for:fi-
nal implementation of the So-
viet-American trade agree-
ment signed last -October, -so,
that documentf.:Vould,a. not
come into force.
The Soviet Union obviously
regards increased trade as one
of the principal potential ben.
'efits of improved relations
with the United States. It Con-
gress effectively eliminokr
this possibilitY, diplomats here
-speculate, the Soviet Union
.may find it 'impossible to ex
nand cooperation -with the
United States in other fields.
; More immediately, it is diffi-i
cult.tO imagine Leonid Brezh-
nevi the Soviet Party leader,
,coming. to America as planned
'this, summer or fall if Con-
gress has just denied his coun-
try most-favored-nation status,
thus killing the, trade agree-
Merit.. ?
.Predictions of a strong \ So-
viet reaction to an athierse
,Vote in Congress are based on
.ati. assumption of great pride
-inside the Kremlin. Histori-
..cally somewhat xenophobic,
and sensitive in . the extreme
:about any challenge to its own
. sovereignty, the Soviet gov-
ernment cannot easily 'agree
:to change a law at home 'to
satisfY foreigners. ?
Soviet politics may work in
'the same direction. It is pre-
'stimed here that Brezhnev's
improvement of relations with
the West, and especially his
opening toward the United
States, is controversial inside
the ruling Politburo. If Brezh-
nev's policy was to stumble in
,the U.S. Congress, his oppo-
inents, the Politburo's hawks,
would have a strong new argu-
ment. .
How the Soviet Union got
into this dilemma is a mys-
, tery. The ;emigration tax
which caused the furor in
Congress was imposed ?quietly
last August. Well-placed So-
viet sources ? said at the time
that it was a hasty decision, in
,response to Egypt's expulsion
,of all Soviet military advisors,
meant as a demonstration of
continued' solidarity with the
Arab's anti-Israeli campaign. 'i??
j In the fail, .Soviet diplomat
in foreign capitals, journalists
in Moscow and other sources
began hinting that the tax
,might just disappear, or be re-
duced to a token amount. In
October, apparently as a ploy
to help President Nixon's re-
.election campaign, the Soviets
,allowed several hundred Jews
.with university degrees' to em-
,igrate to. Israel without paying
tax. :
Also in October, Sen. Henry
M. Jackson (D-Wash.) intro-
duced the amendment that
would deny 'the Soviets ? any
trade 'concessions unless they
abolished the tax and allowed
free emigration. Whether' this
hardnened the Soviet position
is unknown. At the end 'of De-
cember, the law authorizing
the tax was officially pub-
lished for the first time, mean-
'ing that the Soviet govern-
ment could no longer quietly
drop it. . ?
However, an official Of the
,Soviet Interior Ministry an-
nounced fit, the turn of the
roVetr POtR:01601e 7011i0t11
especially the elderly, wouta
not have to 'pay the tax, and
that the amount of tax would
be lower .for those who had
contributed, ? to the state . by
-working for some years. As fi-
nally published, the tax regu-
lation also, includes a provi-
sion that the tax can be
waived in special circum-
stances.
The tax?which applies only!
to the college-educated?would
probably affecet less than .10
per cent of prospective emi-
grants, according to both offi-
cial and unofficial Jewish esti-
mates. This 10 per cent 'in-
cludes many of the most artic-
ulate Jews and also those who
are best-known abroad.
Soviet spokesmen content
,that 95 percent -of those who
applied to ethigrate have been
allowed to 'go. to,Israel. With-
out endorsing this figure, Jew-
ish soures acknowledge that
most appicants seem to be
able to leave. 'Those denied:
permission included many.
tragic and well-publicized
cases, however, and the fact
remains ? that 'under present
circumstances, future appli-
cants with university degrees
are subject to taxes of up to
10,000 rubles or 'more. (An av-
erage Soviet intellectual
doesn't earn that much in
three years.)
The tax is by. .no means the
only obstacle to "Jewish emi-
gration, and the Jackson. am-
rnendment refers to more than
the tax. 'It covers any country
that "denies its citizens' the
right or opportunity to emi-
grate." Long before the educa-1,
tion tax was applied, the So- !
! viet Union prevented all but a I
special feW to emigrate.
There are thousands of non-
Jewish Soviet citizens who
might like to emigrate, but
cannot. Some 40,000 ethnic
Germans, for instance, are try
:jag to get to West Germany..
;Thus, as it is written,' the Jack-
!son amendment demands a
!change fundarriental Soviet
;policy ? of ? long standing, not
just an end to discrimination
against emigrating Jews. ?
Many diplomats in Moscow
?including Westerners sym-
'pathetic, to both the United
States and the Soviet Jews?
question whether the long-
term interests of either would
be served by congressional ac-
tion that could jeopardize So-
viet-American detente. '?
On the other hand, a num-
ber of _these diplomats note
that pressure on the, Soviet
Union had effectively changed
the Kremlin's policy on Jew-
ish emigration in the past. It
seems inconceivable that more
than 50,000 Jews could have
emigrated in recent years
without an outcry from West-
ern public opinion., . .
But it is also arguable that
Western pressure had the op-
posite effect in the case of the
emigration tax.
- The Soviet Union might he
se eager for better relations .
with America that it would
succumb 'to this -pressure and',
!abandon the 'emigration tax,
but such a switch would cer-
tainly fool the expert's.
WASEIINGTON POST !
1 March 1973
_Soviets Delay-lbw
?
.eijShOl U.S.. VIsIIH.
Reuter . 4
6SCOW, Feb. 28 -- Soviet,
Cuittire Minister Ekaterina
FUrtseva said today-the Soviet
Union was "in no hurry"' to,
nitsWer proposals from':
imi5resarios that the Bolshoi
Ballet should tour the- United
Statei. -
:speaking at a press confer-
ende-here she warned that So-
vi:et :dancers would have to be
Satre Of freedom from, harass-
nieni?if the company were to:
irairef to America. The Bolshoi
Company has not visited' the
United States since a spate of
incidents involving the inili-
;t:ant: Jewish Defense League
Ond Soviet officials two years
ago.; ?
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THE NEW YORK TIMES; SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1973
Leaders of American Legion, in a Major Shift, Seelzin6
--Triendly Dialogue' With Soviet War Veterans
By EVERETT R. HOLLES
Special to The New York Thee
- SAN DIEGO, Feb. 17?Since
Its organization 54 years ago
.the American Legion has yield-
ed to no one iri the mili-
tancy of its opposition to the
Soviet Union and Communism,
but now its leaders have de-
cided on a new tack. They in-
:tend to join a growing national
trend, paced by President Nix-
on, and seek a ? "friendly dia-
logue" with war veterans on
the other side of the Iron
Curtain to work with them
toward common, objectives.
A delegation from the Sovie
War Veterans Association has
;been invited to this count
to be special guests at the
legion's midwinter conference
in Washington Feb. 25 to
March 1. A b0-roup of veterans
from Poland has received a
similar invitation to the legion's
national executive committee
meeting in May.
Joseph L. Matthews of Fort
Worth, 59-year-old national
commander of the -American
Legion, returned home in De-
cember from exploratory talks
with officials in Moscow, Len-
ingrad and Warsaw and is now
touring the United States, ex-
plaining the proposed rap-
prochement to legion posts.
He acknowledged - during ? a
visit to Southern California that
the idea had been "slightly
-
traumatic" for some of the
older legionnaires because of
their long-held attitudes toward
the Soviet Union. He added,
"It was not an easy decision
for me to make to go to Rus-
sia and initiate this thing."
"But generally," Mr. Mat-
thews said, "the 2.7-million
members of the American Le-
gion approve and a great many
of them are enthusiastic about
the idea which can, in no
sense, be construed as going
soft on Communism.
"We are simply proceeding,"
took President- Nixon to Mos-
cow and Peking, that different
ideologies can exist in the
world without war if people
can get to know each other
better."? ?
Formal approval for setting
up a "friendly dialogue" with
the Soviet war veterans is ex-
pected to be asked of the
legion's national executive corn-
mittee when it meets in Indian-
apolis for four days in May,
before the project is presented
to the legion's membership at
its 1973 convention- in Hawaii
;Aug. 17 to 23..
Mr. Matthews said that he
was awaiting acceptances from
the-Russian and Polish veterans
to his invitations but he added
:that it had been anticipated
that Moscow and Warsaw
would delay any decisions un-
til after a negotiated truce in'
Vietnam.
"Now that the war there has
been stopped," he said, "I think
there is a good chance that
they may come."
I While he was in the Sovieti
tUnion and Poland, Mr. Mat-
thews said, he was asked re-
peatedly about the United
States involvement in South-
east Asia and .we had some
rather sticky- sessions on th
subject." . '
, "I refused to discuss the war
in Vietnam because lc. would
have 'been, inappaipriate for
me to do so," Mr. Matthews
said, "and I kept stressing to
them that it was . more impor-
tant -to talk about things we
would agree on than those mat
ters of national policy on which
we could not. agree.'
? He said he. found that the
American Legion and the vet
erans groups on the other:sid
of the Iron Curtain had man
similar objectives, including
veterkne rehabilitation and
benefits and the promotion of
youth projects:
In some respects, he said,
the Soviet Union appears to
have more advanced programs
of veterans' care than does the
United States, for example, in
prosthetic research to provide
artificial limbs for the handi-
capped..
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY. NEWSI
Washington, A C., Wednesday, March 7, 1973
ovie
le
urn
ie
ticzn-the emigres received i
Senate resolution spon- I
sore& by Sen. Henry M.7Jack-
son; 1)-Wash., also demands
the; tax be lifted. It has the I
support of an estimated 89 of I
the 109 senators.
"Zionists aim to direct their
blow first of all at economic
relations between the U.S.S.R.
and the United States," com-
mentator Alexander Kislov I
wrote in the Soviets' latest
blast at opposition to the trade
provisions. ?
"And this is not by chance,
since economic ties are a most
important factor facilitating a
growth of trust and, conse-
quently, an improvement of
the international situtation in
general' ,-Kislov added.
MOSCOW (AP) A presti-
gious Soviet journal on U.S.
affairs claims in its latest is-
sue that American "Zionists"
are jeopardizing "a most ird?
pertant factor" contributing to
mutual trust ? increased
U.S.-Soviet trade.
The monthly U.S.A., the only
Soviet journal devoted solely
to -American affairs, had sharp
criticism in its March issue for
U.S. Jewish organizations
trying to influence the out-
come of a congressional vote
on,' granting most-favored-na-
tion status to the Soviet Union
in-trade relation's.
A group of 250 House mem-
bers- led by Arkansas Demo-
crat Wilbur D. Mills,: who
Chairs the powerful Ways and
Means Committee, has threat-
ened to block the tariff bene-
fits: sought. by the Nixon ad--
ministration for Moscow un-
less the Soviets stop charging
"ransom taxes" on Jews who
emigrate. "
The Soviet explanation of
the tax is that it is designed to
recover the cost of free educa--
72
' Mr. Matthews said that he
was also impressed by the help
given to disabled Soviet vet-
erans, known as invalids of
war. d'
Special privileges extended
to Soviet invalids of war in-i
elude small automobiles that
they can buy for about $3,000.;
Such cars normally cost about
$9,000 for an able-bodied So-
viet worker earning $50 a
week. .
Behind the Iron Curtain, a
man or woman is considered
to be a veteran if he or she
was involved in any phase of
the fighting effort. Those who
served in partisan or . guerrilla
units are entitled. to the same
benefits as former members of
the Red army..--
Mr. Matthews said -that he
was unable to obtain informa-
tion on the size of the vet-
erans' organizations in the So-
viet Union and Poland but
that, having been formed in
1966, long after . the end of
World ? War II, their rolls ap-
parently are far smaller than
the American Legion's 2.7 mil-
lion members., whose military,
service goes -back to World
War I. . .
The Soviet War Veterans
Association appears,. he said, ,to
be financed entirely by the
Soviet Government but Com-
'munist party affiliation is' not
required for membership:.
The government news agency,
Tass, distributed a summary
of Kislov's article last night.
The journal is due out later
this week. -
The shortened version of the
article made no mention of the
education tax, the prime fac-
tor complicating the approval
of most-favored-naticin status.
The article said the main
reasOns for the American "Zi-
-onists' campaign of . anti-
Sovietism" is- to "divert atten-
tion" from Israeli's "brutal re-
pressions in the Middle- East;
:to instigate a new- fiareup of
nationalistic sentiment among
Americans- of Jewish origin"
and "to evoke anti-Soviet feel
lags among broad segments of
the American population."
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
3? March 1973 ?
st G a y ser
tat stop r n
By David B. Francis ,
Staff correspondent of ,
The Christian Science Monitor
Bonn
Espionage, if it is that, has apparently
developed a new politeness in this capital on
the Rhine. ,
Recently someone ? not yet publicly
known -- popped some "most secret" NATO
papers into the mail to the Soviet Embassy in
nearby Rolandseck. -
Soon after, the Soviet ambassador had a
messenger take these original documents to
the West German Foreign Ministry. Politely,
he added a note saying, "With friendly
greetings from Ambassador Falin."
The leak is not believed to be militarily
important. The papers reportedly discussed
the civil-preparedness side of NATO's bien-
nial command-post exercise, called Wintex
73.
For the government, though, the leak is
embarrassing. Bonn already has a reputation
for holding secrets like a sieve. In 1968 and
1969 the capital was rocked by a series of
espionage scandals. In one case, a.gents stole
a NATO rocket and sent it by airfreight to
Moscow, marked "machinery." ' '?
Chancellor Willy Brandt's government
quickly clamped strict security wraps on the
story. Armed with a list of the more than 100
supplied with the secret documents, the office
' of the federal attorney general in Karlsruhe-
launched an investigation. Even though- a
government spokesman had announced this
action, the Karlsruhe office would not admit
-
officially even their investigation. ? -'s ' -
At NATO's SHAPE headquarters:_in Bel-
giuM,- an information Officer could not even,
say when the Wintex exercise is to begin.
"That's still classified," he held. When it
was noted that some newspaper stories set
the date as March 7, he replied: "I know, but
I have rules to play by."
To the German press, the story has become
a fount of -fun. "More amusing than painful,"
said the headline to an article in the
Rheinische Post. '
Documents-sent back'
? The author,' Heinz Schweden, imagines
humorously that., the Soviets regularly send
back documents4n plain envelopes marked .
"wrong address' kt\to a lost-and-found office
for secret papers in'the Foreign Ministry-. -
Perhaps, he adds14e Soviets were merely,
acting in the spirit \ of the German-Soviet
- friendship treaty ratified last year; ? --
Christian Potyka; , *riling in the-- Sued-
deutsche Zeitung, suggest' that the- sender of
the document might be someone,seeking the .
Rhine carnival medal, the Award Against
Deadly .11t
-
Exchange propose
, .
There was some: speculation that the
Soviets di
received.
Welffor#NOUVOI;
secunty lea
_ _
Western strategists are offended that their-
laboriously thought-out military positions
find so little attention.
He proposes that the preparatory talks in
Vienna for a mutual and- balanced-force
reduction should add to their agenda a
proposal calling for the regular exchange of
maneuver papers.
"This could -make it unnecessary to ac-
tually hold the maneuvers and save a lot of
money," he writes. Seen from that stand-,
point, the Wintex blow could become a!
milestone in the history of disarmament.
Welt am Sonntag, a weekly newspaper, has;
a cartoon showing an official in an office
overlooking the Kremlin with a "top secret" .
NATO document in his hands. He says into
the phone: "You can send that back. We
already have enough of them." ' ' ? '
Perhaps the full story of the Wintex affair
will emerge this week. A member of the
opposition Christian Democratic_ Party has
asked a question in Parliament about it, and
the government is expected to reply.
?
Perhaps the full story of the Wintex affair
will emerge soon. A member of the opposition-
Christian Democratic Party has asked a
question in. _Parliament, about it,. and .the
government is expected to-reply.
Of course, espionage is always a problem
for the security of NATO nations.. But:. the7
staff command exercise itself pointato what
likely is an even -more serious securityS
concern for European nations. These are the
Communist Party. members-, and -the .huge--';
number of foreign workers living in Western'
Europe. - ? '
' There -has..-:speculation in- the press
that the Wintex documents themselves may
have been sent to the Soviet Embassy by a
leftist civil servant.
The exercise imagines that at a time of
dangerous troop concentrations and naval
maneuvers by the enemy, "Orange Country,"
the police in Marburg must deal with --a
rebellion by Spartakus students. MSB Spar-
takus is the student wing of the West German
Communist Party. - , ?
In other -.German states,:,? the exercise
reportedly - _gives, the police the task. of
stopping newly arrived provocateurs from
stirring foreign workers into rebellion. - "
In most European countries, foreign work--
. ers face discrimination and sometimes mal-
treatment.% - ? , ?
Whether-as 'a result they'could be provoked
into riots or other troublesome activities at a
time of crisis is questionable. HoWever, with
some 2.3 million foreign workers?in Get-
many,.1.2. million in France,. L5 million in
Britain, - and .smaller numbers :in the low
' countries andr. Scandinavia, the possibility
must be of some concern to NATO officials,
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BALTIMORE SUN
22 FEBRUARY 1973
Bonn- says Russiansi
By GENE OISHI
Bonn Bureau of The Sun
Bonn?Red-faced officials ad-
lcnowledged yesterday that se-
cret NATO documents were re-
turned earlier this month to
the West German Foreign Of-
fice "with friendly greetings"
from the Soviet Embassy here.
West German authorities
also acknowledged that an in- I
vestigation was underway to
find out how the documents,
classified "top secret," _got
into Russian hands in the first
place.
Exercise underway -
? The Soviet Embassy declined
to confirm or deny the press,
reports of the affair. A spokes-
man would say only, "We have
read the newspaper reports
with interest."
The documents reportedly
deal with Wintex 73, a biennial
, NATO maneuver to test mai-
1 tary and civil emergency plan-
ning and communications in
the event of a nuclear attack:
TIME
5 March 1973
INTERNATIONAL NOTES
returned secret data \I
The exercise, which already
is underway, involves the es-
tablishment of an emergency
government as well as a mili-
tary headquarters in a com-
plex of underground installa-
tions in the Ahr Valley, ,a few
kilonieters south of Bonn.
According to Tress reports,
most of which have been con-
firmed by authorities, the doc-
uments were --mailed to a,
Soviet diplomat attached to the
embassy at Rolandszck on the
outskirts of Bonn about two
weeks ago.
Personnel dumbfounded
A few dais later, on:Febru-1
ary 9, the diplomat reportedly I
delivered the- documents per- I
sonally to the West German'
Foreign ? Ministry "with
friendly greetings, from Am-
bassador [Valentin) Falin,"
ithe Russian ambassador...
The diplomat reportedly as-
sured the dumbfounded For-
Gone With the Wintex
Bonn's embarrassing reputation of
being the leakiest capital in Europe in-
evitably provokes a certain sympathy
from security-minded government of-
ficials everywhere. West Germany's
state secrets are stolen with benumbing
regularity by one or another of the
country's estimated 16,000 foreign
agents, while other bits of classified in-
formation have a way of turning up in
the headlines of the nation's newspapers
and flashy illustrateds. Until last week,
however, nobody could recall a case in
Bonn?or anywhere else, for that mat-
ter?in which .a foreign power was
thoughtful enough to return a set of se-
cret files to the country from which it
had been stolen.
WASHINGTON POST
21 February, 1973
NATO Documents
BONN?Secret documents
disclosing details of a NATO
staff exercise vrere mailed to
the Soviet embassy here,
which later sent them to the
West German Foreign Min-
istry, the West German news
agency DPA reported.
DPA said the documents
were originals, taken from
one of fewer than 100 sets
prepared for the "Wintex 73"
feign Ministry personnelthat he rgoiernrhental departments.
f the deoartment
;was returning the documents i
I just as he received them and;
'
that no photocopies of
therni; one set of files reportedly have
were made.
disappeared, while several sets
I
West German military ex- 1!
f
o des are missing from an-
pees, meanwhile, indicated
that the documents, since they
dealt with only a small part. of
the exercises, had only a mini-
mal effect on military secu-
rity:- .
Of little interest
In this West German capital,
notorious for leaks, major min-
istries were quick- to clear
themselves.
The -.-Defense Departmenl.
spokesman said,. "Our papers
are complete. The'- Interior
The Genera/anzeiger, one of Ministry spokseman 'assured
the papers that broke the the press,-. "Employees or of-
story, speculated that one-of fices of 'the Interior--Ministry
the reasons the Russians re- are not affected [by __
the inves-
turned the papers was because tigationl-:',
they contained sa little of in-
terest, another reason being to
promote the spirit of East-
West detente.- - _
According to authorities,
there were only 100 copies of
these documents available- and
the suspicion of the source of.,
the lead was narrowed to two
THE ECONOMIST FEBRUARY 24, 1973
According to the \Vest German ?
Press Agency, the Foreign Ministry in
Bonn this month received an unexpect-
ed package by messenger from the So-
viet embassy?along with a note signed
"with sincere regards" by the Soviet am-
bassador. Incredibly, the package con-
tained the original top-secret files on
the forthcoming ,NATO-wide exercises,
known as Wintex 73, which are de-
signed to test the political and civilian
emergency measures to be taken by
NATO powers in the event of war. The
files are believed to deal with everything
from how to set up a temporary par-
liament in a bunker near Bonn to the
distribution of food Supplies.
Neither the Soviet embassy nor the
Bonn government cared to comment on
the report. 'it's a secret matter." -
said one Foreign Ministry spokesman
optimistically.
command-level p 6 r .wal
game played by NATO to
test its crisis machinery.
The documents described
the political scenario for the
war . game and the role of
German civil defense organi-
zations in it, DPA said. West
German officials said the
dossier in question repre-
sented only a fragment of
the total documentation on
the exercise.
Ruedigers-fon.LWechmar; gov-
ernment spokesman -and head
of the Federal Press Bureau,
asserted, "documents are
never missing from our of-
Germany
The short-haired
lads for Honecker
FROM OUR BONN CORRESPONDENT
Berlin
Next week the five-month trial of Horst
Mahler, sometime fashionable Berlin
lawyer, more recently renowned urban
guerrilla, will end in west Berlin's
central criminal court. Herr Mahler
has been charged with founding and
taking part in a criminal organisation
hostile to the constitution and with
"collective and grievous robbery,"
notably including the carrying out of
three bank robberies in the space of
seven minutes.
During the trial the accused called-
as witnesses Andreas Baader\ and Ulrike
Meinhof, both now in custody, whose
anarchist group named itself the Red
Army Faction (RAF). They took their
chance to give the trial the semblance-
of a teach-in on future urban guerrilla
tactics. And when the prosecution
demanded a .12-year prison sentence
for Herr Mahler the former lawyer
remained blankly- impassive, but the
student element at the back of the-
court emitted unbelieving gasps and
laughter as the "hireling state pigs'"
concluded their case. ,
? Already the ' elaborate ritual of'-
organising demonstrations in suppOrt',
of Herr 'Mahler has begun. There are I
teach-ins on Mahler at the- technical
university, by permission of the presi-
dent, and cyclostyled minutes of inter--
Th
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minable meetings on who shall march
with whom and who shall carry which
banner saying what. Of a student body
of some 52,000 in west Berlin as many
as 15,000 could be classed as militants.
The difficulty is, to?distinguish between
the maoists, stalinists, tr,otskyites and
orthodox east German communists.
It is the maoists who are making the
running on the Mahler case, probably
? because they are anxious to regain face
after Chairman ? Mao's decision to
co-operate with the. Americans of all
- people. But? the most remarkable
,developrnmt in west Berlin's student
politics is the rise in the power and
influence of the students who look to
east Berlin. Perhaps -no more than
1,000 in all; they are? a highly-
disciplined bunch, tightly organised in
cadres and with hair as short as any
bank clerk. Many of them visit east
Berlin land east Germany for political
courses during the vacations. Clearly,
they have no more love for ? Herr
Mahler's anarchism? than has Herr
Honecker across the wall. But, as one
student put it, "For us Mahler is a
knife with which to rip open the rot-
tenness of bourgeois society."
The Free University campus in
Dahlem looks a battlefield. Faculty
buildings are daubed with slogans
(" Nixon mass murderer, Brandt his
accomplice "). The entrance halls are
hung with handwritten manifestoes
and exhortations. Here the "long
march through the institutions," in
Rudi Dutschke's phrase, has largely
taken place. Thanks to the democratic
system of "co-determination," radicals
have a two-thirds majority on the boards;
of the departments of philosophy,
social sciences, political science,
German studies and the fine arts, and
.can muster a simple majority in six ?
other departments. For this reason ,.
many teachers and students who want.
to get on with some work are leaving '
for west Germany. Some radical
? students are also leaving Berlin to find
new political targets in west Germany:
?the new university ,of Bremen is
?
fashionable.
? CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR :
24 February 1973
..oritit tot ite
ew. .fen,wpr
By John Allan May -
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor
London
- Great Britain's new defense plans hide
more than they reveal.
What they hide is the great dilemma: What
comes after the Polaris submarines? The
latest missiles from America, or cooperation -
with France in anew and wholly:European
nuclear deterrent force? - - ?
It frequently has been denied that Prime ;
Minister Edward Heath made any nuclear
deal with President Pompidou as part of the
price of Britain's entry into the European
Community.
But most experts feel certain that he did
agree to study the range of possibilities open
to Britain and France together in developing
a Joint deterrent. ,
Mr. Heath has spoken often of the value of
British-French nuclear collaboration.
Early action indicated
The time is fast approaching when ; this
concept has to be translated into, terms of -
military hardware. -
The view here is that it soon will be.
But one thing the latest British defense
white paper reveals is the extent to which
inflation already has increased the cost 9f
defense.
NEW YORK TIKES
19 February 1973
Paris Police Ban Conference
Of U.S. 'Exiles for Amnesty'
Special to me New York Times
PARIS, Feb. 18 ? The Paris
police have 'banned a -conference
of a group called Exiles for
Amnesty scheduled here Tues-
day and Wednesday by Ameri-
can war resisters.
The police said that the meet-
ing, which would have brought
together United States-based
antiwar groups and deserters
and draft-evaders living in Eu-
rope, was potentially "disrup-
tive to public order" coming so
soon before. the -12-nation con-
ference -on Vietnam, which
starts here Feb. 26.
Michael Uhl, a 28-year-old
Vietnam veteran who works for
Safe Return, a New York group
advocating total amnesty, said
the conference organizers would
bow to the police order and go
home. About 20 of the expected
80 participants had arrived in
Paris.
Mr. Uhrsaid :that "we would
have been out of town well be-
fore" the-Vietnam conference
began.
He attributed the police move
to "an extraordinary degree of
pressure" he believed American
1-1 officials had put on the French
:Government..
Britain is strengthening its commitments
to NATO, the white paper states.
There is no sign, it adds, that the Soviet
Union is slackening its defense efforts. It has
90 new silos for strategic missiles under
construction, 6 new ballistic-missile-firing
submarines, 1,500 missiles on site, 60 oper-
ational ballistic-missile subs and 300 attack
and cruise-missile pubs.
Soviet coverage expanding
Soviet naval forces range the world in
.increasing numbers. Its long-range aircraft.
cruise the Atlantic and Pacific, and on
occasions the Indian Ocean and the Carib- -
bean. , . . ?
There are 94 Soviet and Warsaw Pact army
divisions stationed in Eastern Europe, the
_white paper adds. , '
? Britain is cooperating with France on the
Jaguar' strike planes, with West Germany'
'and Italy on a new milti-role combat aircraft,'.
with Belgium on a new combat army recon-
naissance vehicle, and new :howitzers with
'Germany and Italy: '
This year one - more .tnuclear powered'
submarine will enter service. Four nuclear'
attack submarines .are under Construction..
The aircraft carrier 'Hermes will comeback
as a commando Two new cruisers
become operational. New cruisers' to carry,
The' bill for the year aheaciwill : be vertical takeoff and landing (VTOL) strike.
billion larger than last year *--- planes are planned. " ? .
gpencling on defense is up slightly even in - . Modernization of the'Air ForCe with Phan-
"real" terms, discoUnting inflation: . Next ,toms and' with Harrier -VTOL fighters has-
year it will be 5%,' -percent of gross national; ?been Completed. Navy Buccaneer and Nim-
Approveff For
product ent:
Kelease-20t0T0fM61574M611Witift101-1-0001-4
instead of 54 nerc
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WASHINGTON POST
19 February, 1973-
Vietnam en ned 'Ir
uerrillas
LONDON, Feb.
erans
aming
From News Dui:latches ?
British army said today it was
becoming increasingly worried
about aid from the United
States for the outlawed Irish
Republican Army and the pos-
sibility that U.S. Vietnam vet-
erans might come to Ireland
to fight.
The conservative London
Sunday Telegraph published
an article saying that U.S. Vet-
erans are already; training
members of the extremist
Provisional Wing of the IRA,
which is conducting a guer-
rilla war to force, the reunifi-
cation of the largely Catholic
Irish Republic and Protestant.
dominated Ulster. ?
British intelligence officers
said the newspaper report was
"by and large well-informed,"
UN reported.
The intelligence officers' as-
sessment, according to UPI, is
that almost 90 per cent of the
Provisionals'- weapons come
from America.
According to this. version,
Britain's internment of IRA
explosives experts has forced
the guerrillas to recruit Ameri-
cans as military instructors.
The intelligence officers
also reportedly said that U.S.
government agents are work-
ing both in the Irish Republic
and Ulster to determine the
extent of - involvement by
Americans. . .
Provisional IRA 'spokesmen
denied the reports.-.
The report in the Sunday
Telegraph said British forces
have captured 70 semi-auto-
matic rifles, 18 submachine
guns, 200 M-1 carbines, 60 Ga-
rand rifles and more than 100,-
000 rounds of ammunition in
the last 18 months?all of U.S.
origin, the newspaper said. -
The report added that Brit-
ish intelligence had idenified
12 former American service-
men working with the IRA,
mostly operating in the Re-
public and. seldom venturing
into Ulster. It said the Ameri-
cans specialized in making
booby traps. .
It. quoted a- senior British
army, officer in Belfast assay-
ing, "There is no doubt about
it. American involvement- here
is becoming one hell :.of. a
headache.. If we could stop
American help we could also
stop the IRA's.eampaign. dead
. in its tracks."
! The newspaper report alscie
said 40-per cent of Provisional
IRA funds, '$500,000 last year,
came from IRA front groups
in-New-York and Boston.-e_,
. It added that William White-
law, Britain's secretary of
'state for Northern Ireland,
rnight ask for urgent negotia-
tions--.with the U.S. -embassy
NEW YORK TIMES, WEDNESDAY, FEERUARY 21 - 1972 -
London-Police Kill 2 Attacking Ernbassy
By MICHAEL STERN
Spe?cial to The New York Times
LONDON, Feb. 20 ? The
police shot and: killed two
maske.d Asian youths brandish-
ing imitation guns who-invaded
and terrorized the Indian High
Commissioner's office in cen-
tral London near the Strand
today.
A third youth, a -15-year-old
Pakistani schoolboy, was cap-
tured and was being questioned
to find a motive for the attack
on the High Commissoin office,
which has the status of an em-
bassy. The police discount rob-
bery as a motive- and believe
the attack was political.
Pakistanis have been staging
demonstrations in London and
Manchester in recent-weeks to
protest the refusal of India to
release prisoners _captured in
the India-Pakistan war of De-
cember, 1971.,
Two police officers rated a
marksmen- fired .11, shots at
close range before bringing
down the. two,- youths. ' Each
was hit-once and died instant-
ly. They have not been iden-
tified yet but they are believed
to be Pakistanis no more. than
20 years old.
Special Squad Used ?
British policemen are usually
not armed. They. are - issued
guns only when they are -sent
out to find armed suspects or
when they are on -such special
assignments as guarding em-
bassies. ,
The two officers ..who- shot
the Asian youth are members
of -the Special Patrol Group, a
squad of 200 men trained to
use arms and to respond quick-
ly in emergencies. They were
standing by in a patrol car to
back up men on embassy duty
when they heard a radio call
asking for help to stop an
armed attack at the Indian High
Commissioner's office.
The youths had entered the
:office, an imposing six-story
;stone building in Aldwych, op-
; posite the Royal Shakespeare
_ _
Theater, and had immediately
taken seven hostages, tying up
some ? and making other kneel
in a ground floor reception
room. Besides the imitation re-
volvers they, were carrying two
daggers, -a short,- sword and a.
bottle. of acid: -.? ;
, One hostage broke 'away and
hurled himself -through a -plate
glass window to -escape to the
street.,He directed.-the- police
to a sie door; through which
they were able to come up be-
hind the youths and surprise
them. - ? l? ?
Youths Refused Surrender
John Gerrard,. a deputy as-
sistant comissioner of police,
said .the armed- officers dial-
lenged thefirst youth they meti
and.asked him to drop his gun.1
When he refused, they fired.1
They then turned to the second
youth, who was half hidden
behind a pillar. He,,, too, was
asked to drop his weapon,
Commissioner . derraid --. said,
and he, ? too,- refused. ? The, offi-
cers then fired on him.
The 15-year-old was carry-
ing an "edged weapon" whe
he was overcome and captured
the. commissioner said.
Asked at a news conferenc
when an armed policeman wa
justified in firing his weapon
Commissioner Gerrard said:
"Every officer issued with firearm is told without any
!doubt at all-that he can use his
weapon if he, dr -a person he is
protecting, is attacked b
someone with .a firearm or. an
other deadly weapon and has
no other means of defending
himself." '
He said that a: coroner's, in-
quest and a departmental in-
quiry would have- to determine
if the police officers were justi-
fied in firing but he left little
doubt that he thought they
were. He asserted that the imi-
tation guns, short-barreled six-
shot revolvers made of plastic
and, metal, were quite realistic.-
'
Attack Is Embarrassment
"If you were threatened with
one from behind- a pillar, you
would think it real," he said.
here and with U.S. immigra-
tion authorities about the al-
leged presence of Americans.
There are no obvious signs
of Americans in the trouble
areas of Northern Ireland, at-
'though a British army spokes-
man said that two Americans
in the Irish Republic had been
"warned away."
, Another American, Gerald
Brady of Chicago, is serving
five years- in the Maze Prison
outside- Belfast, after- being
convicted on arms charges. -
' A former. American- Marine
said in Dublin last week that
he had been approached by
the IRA. in a New York bar
-when it was learned that he
: was coming to the republic on
; a leave of absence from his
!Job. He was asked to train
IRA. volunteers in terrorist
tactics, he said, especially in
the use- of explosives and
booby traps:
The American, - a Korean
war veteran, said he refused
in New York and again when
he was fapproached at his Dub-
lin hotel.
The attack is an acute em- '
barrassment to both the police
and the Foreign Office. Lord ,
Balniel, Minister of . State at ,
the Foreign Office, called on
the acting Indian High -Com-
missioner, Mahare Krishna Ras-
gotra, to express regret over:
the incident. Mr. Rasgotra is 1
India's Ambassador to Britain, -
although, like other Common-
wealth country representatives
here, he does not have that
title.
The police are proud of their
reputation for avoiding unnec-
essary violence and were stung
by criticism in Parliament and
the press seven weeks ago!
when another police officer,1
armed for embassy duty, shot:
and killed a bank robber in al
busy shopping street. It wasi
th first such death in London '
in 60 years.
In the House of Commons
this afternoon, members pressed
Robert Carr, the Home Secre-
tary, who is responsible for the
police, for assurances that such
incidents would not become
part of London life. -
Mr. Carr replied! "Prompt
action by the police, demon-
strating that anybody who at-
tempts--this- sort . of., thing in
London is caught and dealt
with, is perhaps the best de-
terrent and the best way to;
allay people's fears."
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BALTIMORE SUN
7 March 1973
Europe sust ici
By PHILIP POTTER
London Bureau of The Sun
London ? President Nixon
may have meant it when he
said five years ago he wanted
his administration to be one of
negotiation and not confronta-
tion with the rest of the world,
but the emerging European
union is not sure it is included
in this genial concept.
? This is what one senses in -a
visit through at least parts of
the European Economic Com-
munity.
The February currency cri-
sis that forced Germany to
spend heavily to support the-
dollar certainly had elements
of confrontation in European
eyes.
"Benign neglect"
Conscious that their own bal-
1
ance of trade with the United
States has only recently be-
come favorable to the tune of
a half billion dollars, they con-
tend they are having to bear
the brunt of a payments crisis
caused by heavy American
deficits.
There is a freely voiced feel-
ing among EEC eurocrats,
bankers and government linen-.
cial officials in Belgium and
Holland that. the. American
Federal Reserve* Board ::and
the administration could have
intervened had it desired to
halt the flow of American..dol-
lars into European-: exchange
markets. Some believe it was.
all plotted to enable a second
devaluation of the dollar?a de;$
I valuation totaling about 27 per
is. .S. moves!
- -
cent since Washington closed'
its gold window, in August,
1971.
U.S. surplus expected
While British government
spokesmen do not share that
dire view they admit-. to a
prevalent feeling in Europe
that "benign neglect" by
Washington officialdom con-
tributed to instability in the
money markets, and mostly at
Europe's expense.
? In fact, there is growing-feel-
ing in Belgium and Holland. at
least,, that the dollar now, is
undervalued and this Will per-
mit a rapid rise of U.S. ex-
ports to Europe that in a few
'years will put' the American
trade account. baCk in surplus,
largely at Europe's. expense.
They also see Japan's trade
being diverted to Europe and
they are as afraid of that as
Americans are. '
In Belgium-there was talk of
a "coincidence"- in U.S. and
Soviet interest in holding Eu-
rope down because of its po-
tential economic strength vis-a-
vis the existing super. powers.
? The European commission's
top-level civil.--servants claim
the U.S. now goes over every-
thing . the commission does
with a "fine, tooth comb" and.
Washington keeps the Ameri-
can representative to the'com-:
, mission. busy trotting around
with complaints and sugges-
tions.
As one put it "1' see the
ambassador,far too much?' not
that I don't like him.".
The
The counter-claim by Ameri-
can -officials from Washington
WASHINGTON POST ,
20 February, 1973-h
Arms Sales Drafezl ?
PARIS ? France reported ?
a drop in arms sales-in 1972;
and. an-official implied-that.
U.S. dumping was lart0Sr
to blame. " ? -
Paul Masson.' Chi fef, o Vie:
staff to Defense- Minister'
Michel Debre said he:--be-
lieved that drOp'
been caused by `i.nterriation-
al competition ? which is
rently led by powerful: gill
well- - equipped -naticins"
whose methods and, obleC,;
tives "leave us, perplexed:','!'? ?
l is_ that commission poSitiond
papers are seldom changed by
the. Council of Ministers and
then it is too late to influence
EEC decisions.
"Who do we talk to in Eu-
?rope, the ministers or the com-
mission? There is no easy way
for us to find a point of con-
tact. 'So there's a problem of
getting into discussions before
positions are set in concrete,",_
said one American official.
Mood of total frustration
This, he Said, had created a
mood of total. frustration in
Washington and the conclusion
there was that the EEC com-
mission was the "most difficult
of all" with which to deal..
Hence in the February mon-
etary crisis, Paul Volcker, the
U.S. under secretary for mone-
tary affairs, confined his Euro-
pean problem-solving consulta-
tions to the finance ministers
of Germany, Britain, France
and Italy. The smaller nations
in the EEC, quite, naturally,
resented being left out, and so
did the commission.
There are plenty of bones of
contention to keep things on
the boil. Even before the for-
mal trade negotiations get.
under way: late this year, there
will be negotiations at Geneva
involving American claims for
compensation under Article 24
of the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade.- .
Disposition to help
,
While confrontation on.ma' ny
fronts is in--the air it may,be.
said that no European govern.
WASHINGTON POST
18 February, 1973 I
British Marineiv....:;,,
LONDON?The Defense
Ministry said, Britsh Ma-
:?rines have been training at
Camp Lejeune,-N.C.under
NATO,,exebangeproirla. rop.;
but stresseit'thaf,.',the..13i:
, gram was in irci:.*avr..-;con-
7:14
nected with the fightiniln::
.jorthern
,A spokesmati, 'It.,:v",tas ?
"pure coincidence" that the:?::'
Unit -had recentli-been, on
duty in Ulster.
ment wants to weaken the At-
lantic alliance. ?
It also is said that Europe's.
leaders are. fully aware that
defense, trade and monetary
meters tall bear on the U.S.
balance of payments. problem,
and, there is .European disposi-
ton. to help, however compart-
mented the various -negotia-
tions, necessarily_ will be, and
the different timetables nego-
tiators will have to meet.
A thorny problem
Continued, aceeSs for Amerk
can agricultural products in
EEC markets, given -its com-
mon agricultural policy based
on high- prices to.- European
farmers and- high: dirties -to
keep exports out;..is admittedly
a thorny trade problem. -
As for the liheralizing of
trade, no .one in Europe now
expects the-sort of 50 per cent
tariff Cuts across the board
achieved in - the Kennedy
round, nor will the forthcoming
GATT negotiations do -a lot to
away non-tariff barriers
to trade of which the U.S., like
many other. nations, has its
share. ?
? What is hoped for; as the
British' put it, ? are. steps for-
ward and not backward in the
realm. of .. furthering. world
trade.; In Britain, at least,
there is . ne disposition. to, be
punitive toward Japan, but the
EEC countries! obviously are
going to. team with .the U.S. to
get that over-competitive. coun-
try.: to open-up ,its. own mar:.
kets.:- .:- ?
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NEW YORK TIMES
28 February 1973
?
Greek Students;-LongP. assive, Now Challenge Regime
By ALVIN SHUSTER ' I try's most prestigious technical ? -
movie John TFo'rd's- "Stage-',- ? 2 -
&es:. iat to The New York Times those students dict-at the law
? 'institute, gathered in a down- coach," the policemen searched
ATHENS, Feb. 27 ? Greek !town apartment to explain the the premises and beat up the school occupation.
rreceptionist. The embassy pro- 1 "It came after that massive
; tested. . .. .1beating. atethe _Polytechnic," he,
said, 'and still they had thei
! Police Sent to Campus
courage to occupy the build-
ipnoglicuen. cler
!!martial law and in
the presence. of all those
"That wasn't a panty. raid,"
the- American, went on. "In the
States the students were usually
on top, with the school admin-
istration On the defensive.
The students were on the de-
fensive here and the fact that
they did -what they did seems
to me to ,be nothing less than
a miracle."
Beyond the draft decree, the
agitation has been fed by other
older laws, notably a 1969 de-
cree that bans student strikes
and student demonstrations
and any unauthorized gather-
ings whether public or private.
Students must get their rector's
permission, for example, for
any meeting.
What many students most
detested, however, was the
handling of student elections
last November.
The _ Government, in ` a
gesture to win over this gen-
eration, decided to allow voting
for student representatives.
This . followed a round of
speeches by Byron Sternal?,
poulos, the Government's chief
spokesman, who urged the stu-
dents to take more !interest .in
acadernie life arid to speak out
mote freely... He- gave a' series
of !receptions 'around the coun-
university students, for years
the most passive in the West,
arc' now posing major prob-
lems for the army-backed re-
!reasons behind the agitation.
They were clearly . worried
'about Government retaliation
, and did not.wanteto be identi-
fled by name. -
gime with demonstrations and "The reasons are varied and
'strikes in support of demands ;with deep roots," said Nikolaos,
for academic freedom. 'a 20-year-old student of civil
The student activism, the engineering. "With time, I guess
you can say we are becoming
first such open movement of more mature. The movement is
;protest since the -army seized genuine. There is a time for
!power here nearly six years ago everything and it" took' us a
.and imposed martial law, has while.
i
"We are tired of decrees emboldened opponents of the
against us. We are "weaty- of
'regime,. surprised and dismayed fraudulent elections for our rep-
Government officials stirred resentatives, who always turn
the imagination of Greeks and out to be pro-regime. We object
left many wondering:. "Why to Govern.ment- commissioners,
all ex-generals, sitting in-- the
now?" schools: We want an important
, Three years ago, a group of voice in drafting the new char-
students told a visitor that, ter for higher education." -
while campuses elsewhere in "Underneath, too," said John,
the world were alive with agi- a 21-year-old who is studying
tation, eek students were in
electrical engineering, "we have
Gr
the feeling that this Govern-
no position to act. They talked ment can't lastetoo long noW,
of the desire to get. their that it can't 'keep- it up. We
diplomas, of the .fear of the are not saying its days are
police and army, of their in- numbered, but maybe its
ability to find more than a few months are."
dozen colleagues interested in
open defiance.
Today, at a time -when:cam-
puses abroad are relatively
quiet, the time has come - for
many students here. And; as
they see it: it: is a. eionviolent
movement that wilt:gather, mo,
mentum because;- as one.- said,
"the incompetenceof .this Gavre
ernment will constantly ?give
us causes to broaden. our: sup-
port."
I For members .of:.the Govern-
ment, the agitation represents a
'betrayal. Premier George Papa,.
dopoulos and_. other ministers
have constantly preached the
need to win the support of-the
nation's youth and to -improve
the quality of education_ ? e
Accordingly, the, regimeehas
built new schools, provided freel'
tuition up through ?the univer-
sity level, announced free meals
for college students:not living,
;at home and given ?. students
'books and interest-free !loans.
I Many students; however, have
*made it clear that material
largess is not -enough. And so,
the officials --find- -themselves-
somewhat bewildered by the
troubles For this was supposed
to be the new generation that
grew up- under the- regime;
young people who' were 12:' 13
and 14 years old when it-came
to power in 1967"those ? on-
!
whom the rulers , depended. for
the- "transformation-. of-eGreek
society." -
A group of students,. all of-
whom attend the Polytechnic
. 'United Like Never Before'
-"I'm also saying that- we
may get tired," he went _on.
"The campus may appear to
quiet down for .a while., .But
we're doing the best -We can.
We, have no-plan. The surpris-
ing .thing is that tve are united
,never ?before .under this
Government."
It is this sense of unity that
appears to have given many
students their new-found cour-
age. Though obviously inhibited
by the powerful apparatus of
police informers and the- stric-
tures of martial law, they are
finding at least limited security
in numbers and are talking of
encountering less 'and less dif-
ficulty in moving the once-
apathetic within their ranks.
Several students said that
the effort- was ? Ideologically
mixed, with support from the
left,. right and center. And they
indicated that it had been co-
ordinated by smelt groups meet-
ing quietly for:en:tore than. a
year despite _the !,prohibhions
against such clandestine strat-
egy sessions.
The Government has also
helped their cause in what is
generally regarded ? even by
some supporters of the regime
--: as a bad case of nerves. of Greece's 10,000 university
We certainly lost our cool," 'students. Although the activists' ...
- At the -Polytechnic," said
,
said one Greek ',close to the I support is difficult- to gauge, one bitter young. man,- "we
Government. ; - - several thousand have taken managed to have three- elec-
The Government expressed !part in protests here and in ,tions in . twb, of:tile.' schools
its regrets to the United States Salonika in the north. -? .ee ? topography 'and chemical
Embassy today for an incident Action Called 'A Miracle"---- engineering. We instated on
Friday night when five police- ,. elected people watching- over
men, in search of demonstrat- - "I've seen the student struge the voting. The result was that
ing students, invaded the Hel- ,gles over the years in the all the pro-Government people
lenic-American Union, which .United States," said an Amer- lost - ? ' ' -
seeks to promote cultural rela- ican professor on a visit here "Now -What's happened' t
_
tions. As guests were leaving last week. "I'm not sure our our leaders? Of 15 of the
This incident followed what
appeared to have been twe ma-
jor mistakes made by the regimei
earlier in the month. First,
policemen were sent to the
campus of the Polytechnic! Uni-
versity to break up a demon-
stration and beat many students
to. the ground.
-
"Five hundred police at-
tacked," said one young man
'who- was there. "They ? were
. sadists. They were pulling the
lhair of girls. They hit us on
the head, shouting 'You want
democracy?. Take this!' One
beaten student wrote 'Shame'
with his blood. I was there and
saw it. Other- students -were
not but they have all heard the
story and are terribly upset."
The second apparent miscal-
culation came on Feb. 13 when
the regime, worried about the
rising unrest, issued a .new
decree signed. by Premier Papa-
dopoulos to end military defer-
ment for students who were
striking or inciting others to
protest. This enabied immedi-
ate call-up for military service.
Thus what started out as .a
campaign involving other issues
such as less Government inter-
vention in university- life and
the desire for a greater say in
academic affairs is now cen-
tered on the draft decree: Some
100'- students,' most of them
leadinge-eactivists;-- have-been
forced to stop their studies
and -got into, the armed_ferces. trY last 'year and wined . and
There is-no appeal.
dined :.ae. variety Of students.
,!
"Brin ;
back our ?brotners!" . The November' elections were
g - designed to ease unhappiness
is one , of the current 'slogans!
over -- the ----lack --of ? ,"student
;used by groups of. demonstra-.!
'tors, who,-again -on Saturday;
!night, surge into Constitutien,
I Square- here- only to chased
away by the police.-,Their,,other
!shouts within,. the last two!
weeks, particularly during the
30-hour sit-in at the law school
of Athens University, included
"We want our- freedom!"' and
"Greece for Greek Prisoners!"
?a play on the 'regimes. slo-
gan ...of "Greece for. Greek
Christians."
The. Government- is trying to
play down the difficulties, or-
dering the ostensibly free press
to avoid ?the issue - and saying
that the troublemakers repre-
sent "a small, group, of Fascists
and Communists," not, the bulk
power".because the army, when
it seized power in- April?, 1967,
abolished the existing student
councils and appointed lead-
ers
"The ?? students, were , soot'
disillusioned with their elec-
tions list ..year;"' said a pro-,
fessore at thee Polytechnic Uni-
vereitY:. "They soon found out
that the colonels etalked: like
democrats but behaved;.; like
dictators." The elections "were
organized by the Student - lea&
ers who had been appointed by
the Government' and-----were
clearly,eigged; .pro-regiine ;can-
didates won ! almost every: con-
test. .
Leaders Drafted Into Army
?
University in-Athens, the coun-' after a.showing of an American kids would have done What lelected representatives in civil
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engineering, more than half had
their deferments lifted-;,
week
week and are now in thel
army."
remember the voting very
well," said another student.
"They put up -the lists to regis-
ter for one or two days for just
a few hours, and it seemed
that only pro-Government stu-
dents knew when to come. It
was a clear fraud."
bitterly of informers in their
classe,sk saying: that some, arz.
paid and others are would-be
pollee officers,: for example,
who are studying law or other
fields to advance their careers.
"In the best cases, the in-
forraers are not paid," said a
'young man, whose father was
a district attorney -dismissed by
the regime:. "In the worst
cases; they are ;paid." :
The anger over the elections , University- edudation here, of
course, had , serious short:
comings before the coup. Some
professors required purchase of
their own books, -for instance,
giving better' grades to students
whose names were listed as
bilyerS in the bcioltstores,
The system in most univer-
sities was and is archaic with
!little contact-between students
land their professors, with only
!said that their mere presence: a few-: exceptions..,:: There is
was coupled. with. ?continuing
grievances over the appoint-
ment by the 'Government of
former military officers to sit
in on high-level meetings of
,the university administration.
The regime .thought so highly
of the idea that it wrote the
jobs into its Constitution.
;Some of the commissioners
rare more active- than others,
but professors.- and ?-students
, "Most of. - our, professors 1,stifling- dissent. The 53-year-
don't want to-discuss- politics. :old Minister- of Education, wh?
with us and we- understand !took over his job last August,
,why," said one Polytechnic is Nikolaos Gadonas who,
!student. "Their appointments even Government supporters
have 'to be approved by the acknowledge, knows little about
Government. They don't want education.
to talk about anything. We
hardly ever see them, except
at a- distance:" ,
One of the consequences of I
the current troubles is that ;
at least some of the professors I
have come into the open on
behalf of the students, a rare
alliance under this regime. Five f
testified on behalf of 11 stu-
dents-who were given suspend-
ed sentences for disturbing the
peace _at one demonstration,'
and other professors have is-1,
sued statements. opposing the
draft decree. The rector and
administration of the Polytech-'
nic? University have resigned irt,
protest. - - ? '
: interfered with-, university I ilovercrowdiiig;. the young are After six years, the Govern,:
ment has not been able to solve-' ,
listened to In - most- schools
? ??_. the basic problems of the uni.? t
1 Informers Are Reiented.,, 7 " grades are based. solely on the versifies; much less soften-the:1
i Moreover, students, complaint students' ability: to memorize. '
,existing- decrees aimed at;
a
autonomy. .mere y lecture at , and?. never
Sixth Man in Post Since '67
?
In 1967 he. was an army:
colonel, one' of the original
planners of -the military coup,
and was serving as the head of'
intelligence services in north:
ern Greece. He is a graduate.
or the army cadet school and.
the High War College and has
no background'or experience in
teaching. ' ?
He is also 'the sixth Ministerl
of Education 'since the 1967'
coup, reflecting the regime's
difficulties With the job.- During
the. height of the student trou-
bles last week, Mr. Gadonas
was in the countryside opening
a new high sehool.'
?
NEW YORK TIMES
6 March 1973 ,
The Changing Mood of Greecel
pear to- be:- decisive in them- anxiety with . courage, would,
By LVIN SHUSTER selves. It seems unlikely that not have openly demonstrated!
the students ?their figh- ,.-for boycotted their classes and oc-
academic. freedom :sublimating cupied the law school_three
their distaste for what they years ago.
feel is a repressive Government This apparently increased
? could bring the Government willingness to challenge, but
down all by themselves: with caution, shows up in small
And, while there are fnount- -ways. Within the last month, a
ing protests over black market 'new' decree came down forbid-
prices, inflation and inadequate }ding taxi drivers to smoke
wages?despite the vigor of the ;while ? carrying passengers ?
economy ? the masses do not ;who, in theory, were saved from
seem about to mount the bar- lloud taxi radios by an earlier;
ricades. , !While these would undoubted-
"We should remember, l- ,,.have: been obeyed :to'_the
though, that the situation no letter Ad.-the early days; taxi
longer appears , static, - one drivers Seem-l?-to,,be7 smoking
diplomat here said "The peoplehmore antUthe.,bbnzoiaki-music
are changing and so is the econ-3seemvicaider.:i.:"
Scattered protests
Opponents of .junta 1;
. There- ire PoWerful trade
Now Feel Protest union 'organizations asSucir,-
\ -but the . building. workers are
Is- Having 'Effect
. ;demanding higher' wages.' The
imovie theaters were shut down
!last week in protest against
lboth taxes and the films -on
,television. Bank employes have
!thwarted Government efforts to
blend their lucrative pension
funds into?a national pool:
, For the Government, quick to;
boast of American support and
equally, quick to ignore Washt?
ington's_nudges?to move or to
Sxcial to Tht Nay York Times
ATHENS, March 3 ?Atheni-
ans are in the midst of carnival
time, and the confetti horns
and masks have transformed
the plaka intwa sort of mardi
gras. .
Housewives are complain-
ing of ri&ing,prices, students
are planning their next move,
and opposition politicians are
walking . around with new
- ? smiles. Rarely , in
the kix ,years-since
News- the the army seized
Analysis
power -have those
opposed to - the
Government dis-
played such high spirits. They
feel, rightly or wrongly, that
events are finally, inching their
way, that the Government is
somehow slipping, that resent-
ment is spreading in society,
that the United States is recon-
sidering its policy of support
and that the ruling colonels
may soon begin internal quar-
rels.
Their confidence is fed partly
by the present open agitation
of university students and part-
ly by wishful thinking.
omy. I' find more and more
Greeks questioning where they
are going. There will be more
ferment as time goes on."
Premier Papadopoulos, who
also is regent, Foreign. Minister,
Defense Minister and Minister
for Planning and ,Government
policy, _talks to :crowds' in th
. . e
? Control Is Firm democracy-,--the?? problem :has
provinces ' about the ' gales
that: -do-not'- frighten-us .Hel been to?avoid major confronter
..!."
announces a 15-year Plan for' !Lion 'wherever' possible.- ItTre-
,development,... rejects attacks :serves its .great power, for, use
that "we ? are tyrants" . and only when necessary- to--- stifle
exudes confidence.. . . ' - dissent-or 'to. intimidate And
Even so, it does appear that it attempts to give the impres-
tat least some Athenians are Monet the- same time of move-
more willing, to test the limits ment, .-, toward - . parliament
. . , . _ . . .-....-y...,...? ,set by what 'some call -"the rule,: and,-, yet,--to prevent -.it
None: of the-elementi,tre
, tio.-:'eacilliting dictatorship.", The! from: actually being reached.- -.:,,
ling ,,,the -Government..nosy ari?,.:?/ seudents, for. example,- mixing.0 ._ "I don't:.Imow-whether .theyi.
Premier George Papadopoulos,
though faced with mounting
problems, has never "relied On
public opinion -to hold power.
This is a crucial factor. And
his control over the vital in-
gredients?the arrnY, the police;.
the intelligence forcesseerna
, want to give-up power,". said
one ? Greek who supports the
!Government. "I do know that it
they do, they don't know how."'
'Prosperity Has Increased
, -
Accordingly, what the Pre-
mier calls a "parenthesis" in
Greek "political-history ? will
mark its sixth anniversary on
April 21. And some here, who
three years ago were still vocal
in their support for the Govern-4
ment for bringing stability to
Greek life, for ending the chaosl
of constant strikes, for abolish-
ing parliamentary intrigue and
Iturmoil, are now telling the
same visitor that "perhaps six
years is long enough."
, Under the Government, how-
ever, Greece has found in-
creased prosperity, with an an-
nual-growth rate of about 8 per
cent and an economy that ap-
pears healthy for the moment,
whatever the potential danger
from short-term foreign debts
and rising living costs. But
prosperity, independent experts
argue, does not always trans-
late into political stability.
A somewhat puzzled support-
er of the Government illus.
trited,the point by telling of a
visit ,to ? an island recently
where he found new roads, new
schools; new hotels; higher in-
come and, yet, general apathy
toward the Government. When
he asked the-villagers why they
were 'not warmly. embracing
their rulers,, they- replied: ?
-.-"We, want something, new"
-
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Wednesday, Marek7, 1913 - THE WASHINGTON POST
By Dan Morgan
NVashington Post Foreign Service
ATHENS?"I dont under- .
stand where the foreign cor-
responde,nts who visit this
country find all this opposi-
tion to the regime," an
American diplomat here
said a year ago. "I live here.
Year-round but I'm darned if
I can find it,"
That assessment of, a pop-
ulation's acquiescence in
the military-backed dictater-
shiP established by the
April 1967 army coup-
pressed one of the puzzles .
of Greek' life at that, time.
Despite the Suspension of:
most civil and political liber-
ties and repression of dissi-
dents, Greece under mar-
tial law has projected an im-
age of ?prosperity, stability
and contentment.
After -a . month:- of wide-.
spread student unrest, how-
ever:- soifier 'small- cracks'
have appeared in the pic-
ture. At the universities
themselves, the campus pro-
tests revealed a sizable op-
position to policies that have
. eroded educationaleindePen-
dence and imposed controls
over many aspects of aca-
demic life.
Government':asSertionse:
that' the unrest was- engis
neered by a tiny minority of
"anarchists," "former politi-- ?
cians," and "Communists". ..
seem unconvincing after sit-
ins, protest meetings, and
boycotts that Involved a mase-'7
jority of the 80,000 Greek
university students.
? [The ? 'government.:. closed:
the Athens University Law
Sehool for a week yesterday
and banned 'a general- stu-
dent Meeting, according to
wire service- . reports .from
Atuens,? Police , and. urn,.
forniel military police pa-
trolled the area, and wit-
nessee; said several demon-
strating students were- ar-
rested.] -
There is also at least-some
evidence that the drafting of
97 students into the army,
and .the beating of some of
them inside university build-
ings, may have cost the gov-
ernment the - confidence- of
segments of society that had
been neutral -or even- in - fa-
vor of its authoritarian rule.'
Some 1,200 citizens signed
a protest, against the induc--
tion of students into . the
armed services.' The- pre-
sumably thoroughly, pro-govse
ernment Senate. (Executive
Council) of thee embattled
Athens Polytechnic Univer-
sity resigned in protests'
against police brutality..
The position of Prime
Minister George Papadopou-
los still seems unassailable.
He commands the police,
army and security services
and has the support of
Greece's business and finan-
cial groups.- Even the gov-
ernment's most bitter critics
have trouble presenting a',
credible scenario that would
lead to its downfall.
Yet Papadopoulos _con-
ceded the essential diffi-
culty he faces in governing
a country that lacks any po-
litical mechanism for defus-
ing. tensions. .
Although Papadopoulos
'promised the student-faculty
group that he would heed le-
gitimate student requests,
few observers believe that the
government is in many posi-
tion to make essential com-
promises without jeopardiz-
ing its own status. Hints
from officials suggest that
the government may be pre-
paring to use the unrest to
justify further delays in
moving toward more repre-
sentative government.
Public opinion- is difficult
to measure in Greece. The
vast majority of Greek citi-
zens seem to a non-Greek
eye to be preoccupied with
enjoying their booming con-
sumer society. But oppo-
nents of the' government
maintain that the outward,
indifference is artificial and
that the real _significance of
the student ,protests :was
that they roused many,
Greeks from their political
passivity. s - -
"The image of inviolabil-
ity has been-brokenr said a
journalist. "The sense that
the regime is in total con-
trol of everything is less
strong than it was."
"Education is the essence
f society and without free
education you- cannot de-
velop a society,"- said a pro-
fessor. "We are returning to
the 19th century, when our
fight was over -academic
freedom and the inviolabil-
ity of the- university."'
"The events have nthde all
. Greeks sensitive to the dep-
.rivation of their basic liber-
ties," said a young student
interviewed in Athens' last
, week. "The way the govern-
ment handled- the--demon-
strations-made the whole-,
country conscious that they
were living under a violent
regime."
Such views clearly are a-
shock to a government that.,
_
has energetically courted
the younger generation in
hopes of winning it over to
the ideals of its so-called
April revolution. Students
have been pampered wieh
free medical care, cheap
meals, loans and free-
movie ticket&
vided between leftists and
social reformers on one side
mid conservatives who
would like to restore the
monarchy - of exiled- King
- Constantine. -
While offering these
blandishments, however, the
government tightened its
_ controls over Greece's uni-
? versities. Through a series,
of decreesel'and. new -con-
stitutional- acts, it assumed
powers to-- dismiss and- ap-
point professors and named'
government commissars
(usually generals) with
-broad 'powers -to 'supervise -
universities. .An estimated -
one-third of Greek profes
sors are believed to have
left their `posts because of
dismissal, resignation or early
retirement since 1967.
In responding- to _a stead-
ily growing-- student-- movese
ment which was demanding
a larger voice in educational
matters, the government has
-.followed a *zigzag course.'
Under- Pressure from 'se-
veral thousand:students, the
'government permitted stu-
dents to elect their own-
boards last November.
- But dissident sources:
'claimed ise-that pro-govern:-:.
- ment forces tried to control:
the outcome with intimida;
'fraud. tion, procedural tricks .and.:
_
.. . -
-Student- demands- include ?i
-etherelease- of the 97 drafted:
students, repeal of the- sees':
cial decree that 'withdrew' .
their-- deferments, under-
_ graduate participation in-
drafting a new , - law On ?
higher education, new eleo
lions for student' boards,
and removal of police in-
- formers and suspected mem-
:, hers. of the former stronge-
' -arm: Fascist youth. organize--
tion "EKOS" from the cam-.
At this stage, Greek pros-
perity may be working
against social agitation.
Greek per capita income ex-
ceeded $1,000 in 1971 and
national income grew by
81/2 per cent. Strikes are il-
legal in Greece bet there
has not even been a wildcat
walkout- of'. serious epropor--
tiona in six years.
'Opponents of the govern-
ment insist that the eupho-
ria is misleading and that
worker unrest will soon ap-
pear over -.rapidly - rising
prices. More than 250.000.
Greeks have gone abroad to
seek better jobs. Economic
critics say that corruption
has increased under the dic-
tatorship and that economic
inequalities have widened as
&result of special tax treat-
ment for powerful economic
groups_
. They also-' maintain that
such important economic in-
dicators as ; private capital
investments-in manufactur-
ing have dropped off since
1967.
. What happens next may
depend on the depth of un-
derlying tensions in Greek
society and the strength of
mass, support for change.
Student_ sources- say their-
movement is independent of
any political party. But for
any opposition to be effec-
tive ultimately, it . would -
,have
have to offer some convinc-
ing alternatives to the pres-
ent government. Such an al-
ternative does not exist, and
some Greeks fear thatethel
opposition could become dr-
Workers. in- Greece have
seldom been an effective po-
litical force. For this reason,
Some government opponents.
pat their hopes in the army,
whose position toward the
government's handling of
the student issue is unces
tam. However, student lead-
ers say they- are doubtful
that the army could play a
role in restoring democracy
and more progressive poli-
cies.
"Since 'the ;Greek civil
war, our army has become
more-and more-reactionary
and riddled with secret or-
_ ganizations," said one
source. Neverthelessethe Pa-
padopoulos government ap-
parently worries more about
opposition to it from the
sright than from the left.
Many retired army officers
-are still any over the ex-
,,pulsion of King Constantine
after an abortive royal coun-
tercoup on Dec. 15;1967.
s- "What unites us," said a -
former conservative
clan this week;-ns our con-'
tempt for the ,regime. We
Greeks shall pursue' the
road that leads to our free--
dom." ? -
80,
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4 ?
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NEW YORK TIMES
1 March 1973
G-reece's Press, After Relative Freedom,
By ALVIN SHUSTER s
Special to The New York Tlmes
ATHENS, Feb. 28?After a -
period of relative freedom, the
Greek press is coming under
increasing pressure from the
army-backed Government to
naintain silence on sensitive
ssues in a campaign that has
left publishers and journalists
confused and angry.
As part of the effort, the
Government's Press and Infor-
mation Department also called
in six foreign journalists to
protest what it, thinks are false
reports on Greece. Such repri-
mands have been infrequent
for Athens-based foreign cor-
respondents in recent years. -
The main targets, however,
have been the Greek news-
papers, which had become sur-
prisingly lively in the last 18
months as they tested the
limits of the 1970 press law.
Criticism of Government poli-
cies, satirical cartoons and
comments, and, descriptive and
varied- reporting? all within
limits?had provided Greeks
with a marked change from the
newspaper diet they received in
the early days of the Govern-
ment, which seized power in
1967.
Student Stories Disappear ,
Obviously concerned that the
recent student agitation could
inspire more, the Government
has now made it clear that it
WASHINGTON STAR
18 February 1973!
Is Coming Under Growing Pressure
wants that issue virtually you in subtle ways, down nar- pie in the army. r began to criti-1
disappear. Last Thursday, the row back lanes." cize the. Government and theyt
papers were full of stories and The case of George Athanas-I began to attack me."
pictures of demonstrating stu-
siadis, the publisher of Vradyni, 'Financial Sacrifice'
dents. Since then, the word
"student" is hard to find.
Asked why the newspapers
are no longer writing about
students, Byron Stamatopoulos,
the chief Government spokes-
man, said: "The Greek news-
papers are free to write, in
accordance with their opinion,
what they like.. What is for-
bidden is to write false re-
ports." -
The key reason for the shift
stems from a session Thursday
night when Deputy Premier.
Stylianos Patakos called .. in
editors and publishers for an
"exchange of views" on the
handling of reports on the stu-
,
dent unrest. The message. was
clear and the stories disl
appeared, ? ,
About 100 reporters are now
circulating a petition asking the
Athens Union of Journalists to
explain to readers why all news
of student unrest has suddenly
vanished.' They feel that their
professional prestige and repu-
tations are at stake. '
"The present system is worse
in many ways than when we personal advantages.".'
had censors in our office," one "I- thought I wOulUtry to
publisher said. "At least then' guide them toward an evolution
we knew what we could say toward democracy," he,..contin-
'and what we couldn't. This sys- ued. "I am. writing, I am shout:
tern is chaos. And the pressure ing,. but nothing happens. This,
is never in the form of a fron-, after all, is a right-wing paper
te attack:- They. try-- to get- ati and .it was being-read by peo-
' CARL T. ROWAlir
andhi, Raises
a right-wing Athens afternoon
newspaper, illustrates the point. The ,1970 press code, 1 whichi
1-1
brought - press offenses under e is now reluctantly the sym- !
ithe jurisdiction of civil courts,
bol of press freedom. I allowed .some leeway.. in the
? Sitting in hitirst floor office i news- But - newspapers- that
,
on Piraeus Street. the 61-year- !criticized the Government found
old -publisher ;told, what hap- :they were not, receiving the
penedafter .he decided. to print !lucrative advertising placed by
more details of the student Government- agencies.
troubles than: the Government "My paper is,.. regarded now
desired. . .
,. .. 1 as the. most . critical, r.
. Change, in Heart jAthanassiadis said. "But I am
'not a hero and don't want to
On Saturday,he said, a team be one..-,I feel I 'am doing .my
of 20 tax officers entered his duty-as a journalist. :-
offices and made a detailed . "The' fact is that this!. is a
search of desks and files of all financial sacrifice: It is.not only
members. of the staff, including the Government advertising we
copy boys. A group.. also went are losing. But many big corn-
to his home where, among panies refuse to give us their
other items, they confiscated business for fear of making the
some love letters he wrote to regime Unhappy. These - are all
his Wife during World War II, subtle pressures, but effective.
he said. If I have done something'
"When the revolution started
..1 ?
six years ago," he said, wrong, thenbring me to court,?.
,-. -
thought it would do some good, man to man.
The fullest, Coverage in town
that the colonels were honest
on the student agitation now
and well-meaning. Then it grew appears in The Athens News,
on -me that they were not in which is published in English
power provisionally- but for and is not usually viewed with
concern . by the Government
English - speaking,,- Greeks say
they are translating its articles
for their fellow workers. But its
owner, John Horn, is being
!prosecuted for publishing a ,
"misleading? -headline.
Truth trom
In this extraordinary era of
pandas from Peking and Cad-
lilacs for the Kremlin, the
countries the administration
is giving the old cold war cold
shoulder to are the few de-
mocracies still around.
The rhetoric out of China,
Russia and North Vietnam is
still full of the old insults like
"imperialist," '.'murderer;"
"aggressor," but Henry Kis-
singer and Co. keep popping
into Communist capitals to-
break bread and drink wine
as though the hosts were the
best friends freedom ever
knew.
But let the prime minister
of India speak some truths
about the Western presence in
Asia?truths that add up to
trifling criticisms compared."
with what the Communists
have been saying?and the-"-
'U.S. government puts on
a childish tantrum.
It has Daniel P. Moynihan,
the newly-sworn ambassador.
to India, start his tour of duty
with a European wo8oted
which is a silly and TrWspar-
ent way of saying to India:
"We're irritated, so we'll stall
the arrival of our ambassa-
dor." ?
What did Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi say to inspire
such a crisis in the State
Department?
She noted that Asian nation-
alism drove the colonial pow-
ers out, but some Western
powers with a "colonial
outlook" kept rushing mili-
tary forces into Asia to fill
some "power. vacuum" they:
perceived to exist.
She said there never was
any real vacuum, and that
failure to understand this
"explains the paradox of the
West's involvement and fail:
ure in Asia." "
But surely that isn't what'
irked the Nixon administra-
tion?not when recent history
gives her observations such
tragic support.
No, the Gandhi comment
"L abhor Chauvinistic na-
tionalism or racialism of any
color and type, but I would
like to ask a question. Would
this sort of war or the savage
bombing which has taken
place in Vietnam have been
tolerated for so long had the
people been European?"
Never mind that millions of
white Americans already had
answered that question, with
people from all levels of life
contending that the fierceness
and vindictiveness of the
bombing was all the greater'
because the victims were
Asian. Americans might be
cursed for saying it, but for
India's leader to utter even -
this implied charge of racism
could only revive White House
curses about "those superci-.-
lious Indians." '? - - '-
Mrs. Gandhi is one of the
savviest people on earth, so-
there is no chance she did not
flackies
ington. She probably went
ahead with the comment to
draw greater attention to
India's displeasure at the way
the United States seems to be
trying to divvy up influence in
Asia among Russia, China
and Japan while ignoring In-
dia, the second most populous
country in the world.
Note her comment that "the
_ interests of trade and corn-
merce and of the manufactUr.
- em of armaments do not dis-
tinguish between ideologies
and have no compunction
about making an about-turn
should it suit them to do so. A
declaration of love for democ-
--racy does not seem to be in-
compatible with open admira-
tion for dictatorship While
this attitude remains,: can
- there be clear thinking or po-
sitive action for real peace?"
However gratuitously in-
temperate those comments
which stung administration foresee that her question may seem to official Washing-
leaders like a- misdirected about the racist implications ton, the lady pours forth ideas-
FiNPRetelater120#1/C18P07 : OfAhROPIZ?0014321aileghl 00t1401101tAricans deserve to
have been the following: 81\ would raise hackles in Wash- ponder
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THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE. ,r1/240NITC-11.
Friday?Fehruary-184,1873:
Mideast insights f r Washington
'
I
0 9
By Dana Adams Schmidt
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor
Washington
? The prolonged visit of King Hussein of
Jordan to the United States this month hasset
in motion a thorough reconsideration of
American Middle Eastern policies.
The King's perceptive discussion of Middle
Eastern regional. diplomacy, in which he
plays, a growing part, has been mixed with
some practical bargaining over economic
and military aid and a very private Florida
honeymoon with Queen Alia, his third wife.
Personal negotiations
The King himself has handled much of the
aid negotiations, particularly as they af-
fected his beloved Air Force. The results,
after three days of high-level talks during his
official visit in Washington and much coming
and going between Washington and Florida
are these:
King Hussein will get two squadrons of new
F-5 "Freedom" fighters, which were de-
signed to be up to dealing with Soviet-built
MIG-21's and which probably stand a fighting
chance against Israel's American-built Phan-
toms. They will supplement the 18 F-104's
already in the Royal Jordanian Air Force
which the Jordanians have found extremely
defficult to maintain with the relatively
simple equipment at their disposal.
The backbone of the Jordanian Air Force
still consists of World War II British-built
Hawker Hunters which have proven
amazingly versatile and long-lived.
*60 million in aid
On the economic side, Jordan will bet $50
million budgetary assistance which is al-
most entirely free for the King to do with as
he sees fit and $10 million in the form of a
development loan. This is the high-water
mark in the long history of American aid to
Jordan dating back to 1957 when the King had
narrowly avoided being overthrown-by Nas-
serites and the Eisenhower administration
labeled him -as -a true foe of international
communism.
Since the King suppressed the Palestinian
guerrillas in his country in September, 1970,
however, relations between the United States
and Jordan have grown much closer and the
King has made an annual visit to Washington.
This year he has come to Washington
especially to test the water at the beginning
of the new Nixon administration. - -
Hints of rapprochement
King Hussein is not alone, furthermore, in
having observed the element of East-West
rapprochement behind the Vietnam settle-
ment and in speculating that similar devel-
opments might be in store for' the Middle
East.
Premier Alexei N. Kosygin of the Soviet
Union 'reinforced this impression by stating I
recently that now that there is a Vietnam
settlement the remaining grave threat to
world peace is in the Middle East.
Elsewhere it is said that President Nixon is
eager to reinforce hi,7, historical image as
peacemaker in Indo-China by bringing about
a settlement in the Middle East.
Presumably with calculations of this order
in their minds, King Hussein is to be followed
here soon by Muhammad Hassanein Heykal,
the editor of Al-Abram and Egyptian govern-
ment spokesman,. and by Premier Golda
Meir of Israel.
Viet preoccupation still
? In fact King Hussein discovered the White
House is still very much preoccupied with
Vietnam but ' fully intends at the earliest
opportunity to focus on the Middle East.
For the time being the administration's
policy is the very pragmatic one enunciated
by Secretary of State William P. Rogers.
The U.S. wants Egypt and Israel to have
direct or indirect discussions on a limited
settlement on the Suez Canal to get Israeli
troops to withdraw part way across the Sinai
Peninsula, in return for Egypt's reopening
the canal.
The State Department feels strongly that if I
ever there is to be movement toward settle-1
ment in the Middle East it must start between i
Israel and Egypt. It told the King that such al
development need not derogate any eventual
settlement on the Jordanian side.
Loss of interest feared -
The King was, however, not convinced. He
is afraid that once the big powers have got
Suez reopened they will lose interest in doing
anything about what he considers the more
Important problem, namely, Jordan's ter- I
ritory now occupied by Israel on the West I
Bank of the Jordan River.
In this connection the department listened
carefully to King Hussein's exposition of his
proposal for an autonomous West Bank,1
which he insists could not be put into effect
until after a general settlement. It noted that
he has developed his public position on two
lines: ' ?
First, he now is on record as saying that he
would be willing to negotiate directly with
Israel if an acceptable agenda could be
worked out. This somewhat mysterious state-
ment leaves questions which remain unan-
swered, about what an_ acceptable agenda--
would be and how it could be arrived at..
Second,
Second, ;he-:now is talking about dual
sovereignty for Jerusalem. This is an inge-
nious formula for obfuscating ? the most
sensitive prestige issue in the whole problem.
If it could be said that Israel and ? an
autonomous West-Bank state both had their
capitals in Jerusalem and the city could in
fact be run by a neutral city manager, faces
might be saved on both sides. -: -
Mutual disengagement , _
On a broader level King Hussein heard that
the White House will soon be giving serious
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consideration to the idea that the United.
States, andthe Soviet Union could agreeon a-;
mutual disengagement from the Middle East
in - the form of undertakings to restrict the
flow of arms into the area.
To the Israelis, whose margin of military
superiority over the Arabs is probably
greater now than ever before, this would be
preferable to any kind of big-power advocacy
of specific terms of settlement. Still holding
out for direct talks with the Arabs, the
Israelis are fearful of big-power pressure for
military withdrawal from occupied territory.
As for the King's honeymoon, he and his.
NEW YORK TIMES
1 March 1973
After Sinai
wife disappeared last Saturday, heading
south and hoping, according to word from the
royal household, for the kind of privacy all
honeymooners appreciate.
The King will be able to show his bride
around with assurance, having thoroughly
explored the Florida east coast on previous
visits. He has come to love an annual
vacation in the U.S. because he feels safe
under FBI protection and likes being treated,
as he says, "like an ordinary person." He
loves the casual "Hi, King" treatment he gets
at Florida resorts.
No useful purpose is served by an acrimonious debate
_over the assignment of blame for the downing of a,
Libyan airliner in the Sinai peninsula last week. It should
not have happened?no one disputes that. Israelis justify
the actions of their trigger-happy pilots,-but they express
no joy over those acts; this attitude 'contrasts with the
obscene satisfaction voiced by many Arabs, including
Arab governments, after some of the bloody. "Black
September" attacks.
? The basic fact illustrated by this tragic incident is that
clashes, deliberate or, accidental, are going inevitably to
occur over and over again, in, one form or another, as
long as the two sides remain locked. into. the rigid
stand-off which has produced such a sterile stalemate all
these years. ,
For too long, many of Israel's leaders 'nave been lulling
their people into the mistaken -belief that the present,
status quo is in Israel's long-terra interest. For his. part
President Sadat of Egypt has been far too qui& to hack
away from his occasional flashes of flexibility,, choosing'.
instead to retreat to the time-worn, position of holding. '
on to maximum demands that stand no chance of beinv.
realized with or without another war. '
The present moment of sobriety could well be seized_
upon to make the point that the stabilityof the -present-
stalemate is illusory. Below the: surface' of- Isreel's elec77_
tion campaign -this year is the'llint :of'-Widely held
popular belief that the rigidity i of the last five years may..
have served its purpose, and. Could' now ,,.gradually be
? relaxed for the sake of the;troubled,Israeli economy and
the well-being of the country's fUture geheratiOn. This
is hardly the message Premier Meir: is bringing to Presi-
dent Nixon today,, but it is the-view of others in her
own -Labor, party.:.In this context, the Israeli Cabinet-
-decision to offer- compensation to the, victims of, the .;
:Libyan airliner _was, a_ wise reversal of previous, minis-
terial ?':"
. Constant self-justifications, arguments in a framework-:,:
'of soirie: abstract system of logid-_-_-this'Sfyle' of mono-
logue has failed both Arabs and Israelis for two and -a:.
half decadea:A.`:new. round of -peacemaking diplomacy;
which Mrs. Meir Welcomed on her arrival in the United
States just. As King Hussein had: e. month 'earlier, can
bear fruit only if both -sides back away, from encrusted
dogmas aimed not at reconciliation but at scoring empty
debatingpoints..s.,1':":...
NEW YORK TIMES
8 March 1973
Indian Official:Says',
Poison Was Found
In Grain Front U. S.:
Special to The New York Times '
NEW DELHI, March 7 _?
India's Food Minister said to-
day that recently arrived ship-
ments of American. grain- -had-
included some poisonous seeds'
but that they .had, been de-
tected before the grain could
be distributed in drought-strick-
en areas of the country.
Speaking, in Parliament,
where agitatecl.members- asked
about-the:matter for an hour,
?the minister, -Eakhruddim Ali
.Ahmed, said there was no ques-
tion that anyone had dela)."
erately- mixed- the seeds into
the grain 'before shipment to
,He.said the seeds came
from the weeds that grow with
the grain._
Tiny, black seeds ? known
botanically as stramonium and
;.;?Ically. as ,dhatura ? were re-
portedly found mixed liberally
With shipments of mb,. a type
of sorghum, from, the United
States that arrived at Bombay
last month: The seeds were said
Ito be sufficiently' toxic to make
people sick and, if the people
were weak, to kill them.
Shipment of 200,000 Tons
The poisonous seeds were
said to be found in a con-
signment of 200,000 tons of
the sorghum part of the 800,000
tons of grains bought by India
hi the United States. The grain
Was intended for the people
in the states of Maharashtra.
Gujarat and Rajasthan.
The- Food, Minister- said the
Ihdian supply mission in New
York that had bought the grains
had been asked to? take up the
matter with the American sup-
pliers. Meanwhile, he said, the
Government has. arranged for
a thorough sifting of the
sorghum already received.-
, Vasanth Sathe, a member of
the ruling Congress party, said
that- in the United States
sorghum was mainly used for
cattle and that the small
amounts of poison mixed in
With it did not kill any animal.
Even if. 'the- Americans. 'con-
sumed , the- adulterated milo,
he . said, they" were constitu-
tionally-- strong":'enough to
Withstand any adverse", affect.
:Tut in India- our people are
weak, sir,!! he said. "We should
not go by-American standards."
,-Mr. .- Ahmed said according
to the explanation received
from the India supply-mission;
iC was norrnal practice in the
United-States that a mixture of
S' to 6 per cent of'-"foreign
Materials" was- allowed in -mil
and that because of mechanical
harvesting it-was-not' possible
to preventlhempoisonous- seed
from getting mixed with the
grains.
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
3 March 1973
0
1 es up Itzth
r
Thi
3 ?
01 BO Sara
? By Saville R. Davis
Special to
The Christian Science Monitor
New Delhi
The delicate ? task of working out a new
relationship between the United States and
India has begun.
It is already clear that India has its own
ideas about where it fits in Mr. Nixon's
proclaimed "new era of negotiation" ? and
that the Russian presence will be strongly
felt.
Only minutes before new U.S. Ambassador
Patrick Moynahan arrived at Delhi airport, a
clever and imaginative delegation from the
Soviet Union emplaned through the depar-
ture lounge. The Russians got here first.
They had made history by devising a new
form of "socialist" barter trade and flew
home with Indian accolades.
Henceforth, Indo-Soviet trade will no
longer be the hit-or-miss barter style, based
on whatever goods happen to be available.
The new plan is for each country to compile a
"need" list of sophisticated, valuable prod-
ucts it genuinely wants to import ? then
arrangements will be made to create new
industries in the other country to produce
them. Investment capital deficiencies would
be made up by the Soviet Union.
A major impetus
This agreement is regarded here as a
revolutionary new impetus to socialist eco-
nomics ? sensitive to -the needs- of a
developing country.
India will continue to trade in the dollar
market, for America is still its best customer.
But India's heart is in the new Socialist
forms of _trade, and in a discreet friendship
with the Soviet bloc.
Announcement of the new Soviet agree-
ment ? just as Ambassador Moynahan was ,
en route to New Delhi ? was the latest'
illustration of the delicacy of his mission.
Indian foreign policy today is still domi-
nated by one fact. The Soviet Union stood by
it during the liberation of Bangladesh ?
while the United States tried to block it. ;
Years will be needed to dim the memory of :1
that event, said one well-Informed-American.
here, perhaps exaggerating to make ? the-
point.
Tow key urged
A top-level Indian official who is well
acquainted with the United States concurs.
"Anything urged on India by Americans
right now is reason enough for Indians not
doing it," he said. His advice to Mr. Moyna-
han is to say very little, in a very low key. ? '
If Mr. Moynahan suggests a renewal of
American aid, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
-
may well refuse it.
If the United States permits American
"lethal arms" to flow into Pakistan again,
India will react with any degree of fury that ?
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?
will not hurt its export trade.
If the United States sends naval forces into
the seas around India, as it did at the height
of the Bangladesh affair, India might respond
by giving naval bases to the Soviet Union.
This issue is not remote, in view of the-
current Soviet effort to reopen Suez and
establish a route for its Mediterranean, fleet
into the Indian Ocean. .
With regard to the new U.S. ambassador, a
diplomatic jest reported in Indian news- -
papers is that Mr. Moynahan should apply his
famous phrase "benign neglect" to American -
relations with Delhi. It is privately suggested
here that another Moynahan quip, the title of
his book "Maximum Feasible Misunder-
standing," would have been ? even more
appropriate.
The strain on American 'relations with this
country is as heavy as peaceful behavior can
bear. -
Conversations with-Indians on all levels
suggest that it was not only President Nixon's
, "Christmas bombing" or his strong support
of Pakistan's former President Yahya }than
that were the cause of India's disaffection.
Nor was it just the cancellation of further
American aid to India during the Bangladesh
crisis, or the threat to India by sending the
U.S. Carrier Enterprise into Indian waters.
Or Mr. Nixon's deliberate exclusion (as it is'
characterized here) of the world's largest
democracy from its former role in the-peace -
machinery of Indo-China.
' Something 'deeper is involved. ? -
Socialist resurgence felt
India is going through a strong resurgence
of its own particular brand of socialism. ?
Although by no means Communist, it is -well
to the left of what America considers center..'
This leads to a certain resentment of the
capitalist United States and all its official :
works ? political, economic, military, and
diplomatic. -r '
Most informed :Americans here, who- are-1
? friendly toward India, think that the poten?
tially good elements of the Nixon-Kissinger
detente policies simply cannot penetrate the
Ideological wall with which- India presently
surrounds itself.. - ? . , .
Some Indians are, more sharply critical 'of
their own government. They are the model.- -
ates and conservatives, who complain . that
Mrs. ? Gandhi- invokes ? the same kind ? of:
abstract principles and.. -"holier-than-thou
attitude" that her father often displayed ata
time when international realism is needed.
? But ,most?-,Indians support her, - share - her,
-'style of--Idealism,and present 'Ambassador
Moynihan with 'a stubborn, , guerrilla kind of ?
resistance -.that is likely ,to match. his Irish
eloquence at least at the start., ?
India is in a mood right now to apply the
Gandhi-Thoreau brand of civil disobedience
to Mr. Nixon's "new era of negotiation." -?
Whether this is to serve merely as con- .
structive criticism 7- or becomes part of a"
strategy to displace U.S. efforts with an
entirely different structure of detente --
remains to be seen-.
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WASHINGTON POST:
8 .March 1973
-
Eight Terrorists and the Sudan
The Sudan now confronts that recurrent dilemma of
Arab governments: whether to enforce the law against
the Palestinian terrorists. The answer will indicate the
kind of relationship that the Sudan wants to maintain
with the United States and Europe. It will also indicate,
for that matter, the kind' of relationship that the Sudan
wants to maintain with the other Arab and _African,
nations.
The Sudanese now hold the eight men who seized
three diplomats?two Americans and a Belgian?and
proceeded to murder them. Gen. Nimeri, the Sudan's
ruler, says that thefl law must take its course. The
world will have to wait to see what that means. Other
Arab governments, in recent months, have behaved
disgracefully on this issue. When four Palestinian
gunmen killed the Jordanian prime minister on the
steps of a Cairo hotel 16 months ago. Egypt jailed them
and then, after the noise had died- down, released them
on bail. The bail appears to be permanent. After the
murder of the Israeli athletes in Munich, the gunmen
were freed by the hijacking of a German aircraft and
they?landed in Libya to a heroes' welcome.
The Palestinian terrorists depend upon Arab goyim-
ments for a degree of support?in terms of money
and safe bases?without which they could not exist. But
the terrorists are also a threat, to one degree or another,
to these same governments. They are tolerated because
they serve more purposes than they acknowledge. The
murders in Khartoum are an illuminating exainple of
this obscure and predatory side of Arab politics, in
which the terrorists are sometimes used as weapons by
one Arab against another:: _ .
The Sudan's-relations . with the? rest. Of the ,Arab-'
World grow *steadily more complex and ambiguous. The'
last major. attempt . to- overthrow den: Nimeri,-, was in
the summer of. 1971; 'as he .was proceeding to :unhook
himself from his earlier dependence on the Soviet Union:.
A group of Communist officers seized Khartoum briefly.
The leftist government of Iraq. immediately, .dispatched
a large delegation air :to bear Congratulations to the
rebels. Their aircraft- mysteriously exploded,, in midair
at just about the time. that. Gen. Nimeri, couterattack-
ing with unexpected force. waS sending the rebel leader-
ship to the firing squad. The general then broke off
relations with Iraq. charging "clear interference" with
the Sudan's internal affairs.
The Nimeri government emerged from that episode
with debts to its northern neighbors,. Libya and Egypt.
There was repeated talk, in the succeeding months, of
joining those countries together in an Arab federation.-
Saturday,Feb.17,1973 THE WASHINGTON POSTI,
But last winter, in an event that attracted.little attention '
abroad, Gen. Nimeri succeeded in settling the civil war
that had dragged on for 17 years, with incalculable blood-
shed and devastation between the Sudan's Arab north
and its Negro south. The idea of an Arab federation was
not popular in the south, and the general postponed
entry.
Libya's next move was a blatant attempt to estab-
lish a presence _on the Sudan's southern border. Last.
September its neighbor to the south;'. Uganda, fell into
a dispute with Tanzania. The Libyans attempted to
send five transport planes, loaded with troops and weap-
ons, to Uganda. The Sudanese government denied per.
. . _
mission to fly over its territory, and forced the planes
to land at Khartoum-Relations between the Sudan and
Libya have deteriorated steadily since, then. At the end
of the year, Libya was affronted again when the Sudan
reopened, diplomatic relations with the United States.
Gen. Nimeri has now hinted that Libya played a role in
organizing the assassination of the diplomats.
The murder of Ambassador Noel and- their Belgian,
colleague, his deputy, Mr. Moore, certainly symbolized
the outrage of eight Palestinian terrorists, and perhaps
others, to be the Sudan's new opening to the West. But
that was not the only symbolism in the incident. It' oc-
.curred on the anniversary of the settlement of the
Sudanese civil war, the event that caused the govern-
ment in' Khartoum to think a little less like Middle
Eastern Arabs and a little more like Africans. Behind
the Palestinians', simple and open hostility to Israel
and its friends in. the West, there operate other strate-
gies that. are anything but simple or open.'
. The Secretary of State, Mr. Rogers, said 'in an un-
guarded moment this week that he supported the death
penalty. for 'the gunmen in this Case. It is not really
Mr. Rogers' position to advise the Sudanese government
on penalties. .The--American authorities, for example,
decided not to put Sirhan Sirhan to death for the Murder
of Sen.- Robert- Kennedy. The real test. ef. the Sudan's
intentions IS 'whether It now proceeds- to enforce its
own laws and international obligations in good. faith. If
it follows the recent Libyan and Egyptian precedents,
turning the murderers loose with -a wink and a smile,
the world can assume that Gen. Nimeri is consigning
his fortunes to the equivocal benevolence of those two
countries. If he desires wider friendships for his country,
his government will have to carry out its full respon-
sibilities to enforce the law. It is not an immediate
American or. Belgian interest that is at stake here,
nearly so much as the long-term national interest of the
Sudanese government and the 16 million people it rules.
By Barbara Bright
Washington Post Staff Writer
The National Security
Council is planning to re-ex-
amine U.S. policy toward --
Greece, according to well-in-
formed sources.
have changed-American re-
lations Ahe 1 military ;
-junta 1! that -Alas 4.: governed
Greece-since,19?7.2
? - Greece ld
?
United States that it no Tong--'"
wants' the $10' inillion- in.
annual direct military grant-- .
aid it has been receiving.
The policy review.;.- :ex.=-' 0_, L96Q"Aua
pected in March, confripPPRPVcRtrilcOeMpecattp-,
the heels of two events that families -have, '-moved
view
Greece following T. Washing-
ton's decision .to make Pira-
eus, the 'port ;'?f Athens,
home port :for the-Navy in
the Mediterranean_ - ?
The stated U.S. policy' On''
Greece, a NATO _ ally, has '
been to encourage moves to- cut off Greek military aide.,
ivriratiowe-e tosemilthottailktArncounste continue'.
and-,
and-, at the same time, to the aid because of what he 85
eece
support the'government
with military aid.Last year -
Congress, angered - by the
junta's slow pace at reviving
constitutional rule, voted to
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described as "overriding re-
quirements of national
security."
Change Not Certain
It is not known if the up-
coming NSC review will
modify or redirect U.S. pol-
icy toward Greece.
One White House source
said he thought any change
unlikely, because of the cur-
rent talks between NATO
and Warsaw Pact nations?
in which Greece is involved
as an observer?about troop
cuts in Central Europe.
Another source denied
that a review is planned. .
But with the Vietnam war
over, the United States has
promised to pay more atten-
tion to its allies in Europe
and to seek a solution to the
?Middle East crisis?and
both of these efforts could
affect Washington's position
toward Greece.
In the Middle East, Egyp-
tion President Anwar Sa-
dat's expulsion of. Soviet
military advisers has re-
duced the Soviet presence.
President Nixon had used
that presence as a justifica-
tion for bolstering the U.S.,
military posture in Greece,
homeporting arrangement
under which a. carrier task
force of the U.S. Sixth Fleet, I
complete with dependents,
is to be stationed in Athens.
Greece and NATO
In Europe; theGreek colo-
nels' unilateral rejection of
grant aid has undermined
the Nixon administration's
attempt to get its NATO al-
lies to take on support for
Greece's military program.
Some European observers
say that Greece continues to
be a political problem
within NATO. Support for
the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization is waning
among young European vot-
ers.who have no recollection-
of World War II, and ,who
are especially unenthusias-
tic about backing the Greek,
military dictatorship.
- West German Foreign
Minister Walter Scheel, for
example, is, coming under
fierce attack from the youth
wings -of Chancellor Willy'
Brandt's Social Democratic
Party and of his own Free
Democratic Party --for his.
plans to visit Athens.
U.S. Politics
Within U.S. domestic Pol-
and particularly for the -itics, Greece -is an example
LONDON OBSERVER ?
25 February 1973
TH
ISRAEUS 'armed 'forces carried out two military actions.
-last week?one:planned,;:;the.::other almost .accidental. The..
raid, deep into 'Lebanon-against :guerrilla --centres ? in . the
Palestinian refugeer;camps was e?speCtacular feat. .Thecorn-
munique..announce&`--dozens ' of dead, Israeli public opinion
--,-tinderstanclably ? in ? view of-tile-ferocity of Black Septem-:
.bcr actions?was cheered.
-But -then came ;the shoOtingdoWn of the straying'
Libyan Boeing, killing some -hundred ; non-combatants.'
Whatever blame .may lie on,;the. pilot for not landing when;
ordered, this excessively. hawkish ..at illustrates, the --nervous,
tension in -which Israel :lives. ',The week's two :actions are
uncomfortable ? reminders of Ihe ?real perils that will always:
threaten .to spoil the promise of iIsraers ,achievements, as;
long -as ?. there . .no negotiated . peace.
And.: these perils are likely to :grow, ? For the -.Arab
States'. will become stronger ?and richer ,:as:.their-7,,control..-of
the.World's:Iargest oil -fields -:.brings;Eurppe.and :the .United
States intoinereasingly; ',deep dependence on them. .And
the Soviet.,Vnion, with :its OWTY-?? oil --resources, - is always.
likely to 'offer them military ?protection. This new' .situa-
tion may allow tl-tel) Arabs in turn to extract sophisticated'
modern armaments, rather than money, fromjlaeir- Western-
oil clients. There ,are.signs that .this :is- what they-will do.
A mass. Arab :invasion to recover :Sinai and the other
lost landsmay.he impossible. But, in perhaps.1.0 years, these
.-States;thope? to - be -able-to -make-overwhelming-attacks ,
on-
Israel's .few cities with weapons .which.cannot all be inter-
cepted. (A-the.WeSt-will,n6t-suPply-the+ardware, then Rus-
-sia or-China--will.-.) l',WhateverlbSsesthe Egyptians and others
suffered .,when rthe..7Israelis hit :baek -would be-considered:
;worth . the .destructian.-:"of iIsraeps rCities and of :-her -power)
; to:dominate:the Middle tEaSt rfuturre:' .And this the Arabs,.
? in aintain iiLspitepf..theirrbeliefjhatlisrael-May.,ah.eady-have
:home-made,nuclear ?bornbs. .
. This is disquieting talk. zBut _th.e emotional .-bitterness
of the continuing struggle
between the legislative and
executive branches of gov-
ernment.
Rep. Benjamin Rosenthal-
(D-N.Y.), who is chairman of
the European subcommittee
of the House Foreign Af-
fairs Committee and who
has been a consistent critic
of U.S. policy toward Greece,
has asked the General Ac-
counting Office to do a con-
tinuing audit of U.S. ex-
penditures on the Athens
homeporting arrangment.
Tile arrangement, which is
expected to bring Greece
some $13 million yearly, was
made by an executive agree-
ment under the NATO
treaty, without- consulting
Congress. -
The first phaseof hernie-?
porting, involving- a. com-
mand group, a destroyer
squadron, about ? 1,250 de-'
pendents and 1,960 military
personnel, has already been
completed.
"The only way Congress
could rescind the homeport-
ing arrangement now," a
State Department spokes--
man said last week, "would--
be for them to cut off the
U.S..Navy budget."
Greeks' Criticism
But the Athens agreement
has its critics within. the
Greek government as well.
After Premier George Papa-
dopoulos publicized last.
month's rejection of U.S.
grant aid as a triumph of na-
tionalism,. Greek. opponents.
of the U.S. homeporting sug-
gested publicly that Athens
?since it had cut-some of ?
its apron strings to the
Americans?should now be
able to get rid of the home-
port facilities.
One curiosity about the
grant-aid - rejection?Greece
still gets 'some $65 'million
yearly in- U.S. military cred-
its?is that the Nixon admin-
istration did not share in the-,
announcement. In the cur-
rent power struggle,.it could.
have been thrown as a sop
to Congressional critics.
The Pentagon - and the
State Department have long
contended that U.S. military
aid to Greece is vital to -U.S.
interests in the Mediterra-
nean. If the colonels no
longer need. the direct aid, it-
is conceivable that Congress
may take a second look at
authorization of the more
significant military- credits.
_
;underlying it,--,the .feeling-that your eneMy deserves na pityi
. iyhatever?is all too similar to. IsraelFetnotions, behind, :for:
instance, last week's avenging raid on the-Palestinian ramps
;
in I..ebanon. It must be taken seriously.
; i1ttherefore looks-fprobable itlratithislpart .the
is moving towards disaSter .withit?the.next 10-years. If ..the.
ioutsidc yfg?tcl ,does- 'nothing 'about it, -there is no -re.ason',
iiwhatever to suppose that Israel and her neighbours will reach
negotiated peace ,:on their own - ?
But'what can the outside World' do ? 'It is Israel that'
must make the big concessions, as the a settlement
;Os to he negotiated. rath_er_thanidictated.-_'Bitt-the
Jewish ? history 'daps not suggest thatthose who weaken ?:
(can -rely on ithe Printecjion be reluctant to
make :rconcessioris whiaiIput,her.at ,the Mercy either of the
Arabs or -of 'her ',Western friend S and -backers. Persuading
prael to accept asettlement which Israelis judgeto be against'
;their interests is 'hopeless- and 'would ? be morallY wrong.
- There-is, :however,)one dattorlhatthes .alwayS been -miss-
ing from official plans for .a iMiddle- East -settlement. We
know the ,terms , the :Arab States might ,probably !accept;--we-
have an idea What sort ;Of deal Most Ralestinians might con-
sider. What .is Anite _unknown is the 'physic,4I ,guarantees-
th at Israel -would require -if ishe?isAnqneet -those terms.
rue lsaelis spirtetilties give ithe -impression ;that no.1
giiarantees could ever be enough. Jf.thatistrue,, there may
he tio,wayAf.,.axgrting ,thg?dcstnuction.,nf A..1.,_ala.aad Israeli"
Cities. But to accept this monstrous prospect would be
-treasnn-t-oinankindi--and-to-the-thousands-o-f-potential-victi?msH
;
Effective military guarantees are not, after all, impos-
sible to provide for "theserel.givPly3Weak _nations. A Soviet
spokesman suggested ;not (long, ago taint 'Russian and? Ameri-
; can troops might ijointly :police- ,a ifrontier ?striip between";
;?Israel and Egypt, once the border Was agreed. 'Extended to !
r include other national contingents, .and woith:proper sup-
port, this scheme could indefinitely :grant 1-Srael ,and the
Arab States a more than adequate ibuffer along all-their,
frontiers. If it had to:staylior,a hundred ?years;iits,,cost would -
be a fraction of the cost.ofrebui1ding.avar-shatteuedMiddle
East. It might, indeed,' thecome .Ithe nucleus, of ii.:United
Nations police force, to neutralise disputed .frontiers which
threatened to provoke war. This woultidndeed be a develop-
went as historic as any that these lands, synonymous ;with
civilisation, have produced in their long past.
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5
S
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WASHINGTON POST
26 February, 1973
`t
a ,
7
I.
, By Dan Morgan .
Wa.5hiu4Lon Post Foreivl Serv:ce .." I
.
ANKARA?"This Parlia-
ment will enact reform leg-
islation,'' said a Turkish. dep-
uty recently., "It will do it
because there is a bayonet
at its back."
. The bayonet was a refer-
ence to the Turkish armed
forces; .which exercise ulti-
mate power in this, country
under the state of: emer-
gency that has now ;lasted
almost two years. As a
means of. restoring law and ?'
order, the bayonet- has been;
an effective tool: ruthless.,
campaign - against leftists.
groups whichAerrorized cit-
ies, universities and military
bases up to a year ago air..
pears to have been effective.Y
. But the maneuverings of 41
conservative-dominated Par. ?
liament have - thwarted eti-,,
actment of economic and. :;io-;.-.
cial reforms. that thejnili?
-
tary commanderilielieve are
necessary Or: ._longer-term.
.... -.
stability.
Preparahore.,'of v bills - on:
land ref
Ili
m,;,the closing of
tax loop' oles that 'benefit::
rich b inessmen - amt.', !mg:
landowners, and expandeth-
educatiimal. facilities - , are
moving at -a. snail's,- pace._
e
;News- :43?alysii.
Since reforms are a precon-
dition,for the-lifting *of Man;
tial law that still prevails in':
major Turkish:- -cities- and::
nine. provinces, - some .. re-
forms are inevitable. But;
the conservative majority in,
Parliament has .managed- to
hold them to a minimum:
Most obseryets agree that:
there. will be crucial tests
for Turkish democracy
the months ahead *: .
It is still an ()yen question
when and, how full civilian
rule and normal, parliamen-
tary democracy will resume:'
National election& for a new--
'Parliament are scheduled'
for September Thefl leaders-:-.
of all the -major'
parties want -martial taw- irr
end well before then, so the-
campaign can. take place in,
the freest possible atmos-
phere.
Future Course
-arl
ayiet al
The future. of constitu- . Law and Order
ament - Acts
s ac
tional rule in Turkey could
depend on how the country,
makes the transition from
military to civilian control.
To restless Marxists, as
well as to older adherents of
the progressive- rule of the;
founder of the Turkish re-_
public, Gen.?Mustafa Kemal"
Ataturk, it sometimes seems.
that Western-style- -.parlia?
mentary democracy may not
be right for Turkey at its
present stage of develop-
ment. ' _
Turkish liberals, who are
a minority; claim that the
laissez-faire economic poli-
cies and conservatism of the
country's largest political
organization, the Justice
?Party, are ill-suited to a rel-
atively poor country that-
needs social reform and eco-
nomic modernization. ---------
Others still yearn for the-
former, Kemalist one-party _
dictatorship in, which- an
elite group imposed its deci-
sions.from-the-;' top. Accord-
ing to. an indictment re-
cently issued in Istanbul,.
these yearnings reached the-
point of treasonous, disloy-
alty. Thirty-two persons, in-
cluding high level army- offi-
cers, are accused of trying
to topple the parliamentaty
system and 'establish a rev&
lutionary -dictatorship just,
before the 1971 army !inter-
vention. -
The precedent for that th
tervention was- established
in 1960 when the army took-
over the government and-
overthrew Adnan _Menderes,
who was later hanged. The
armed forces againinter-
vened in 1971 in the interest
of "national security," after
a long period of leftist agita-
tion and -parliamentary
deadlock. Parliament was
left to function and the mill-i
tary leaders chose to exer-,
else their power behind the,
scenes, through a- coalition
government now hea0ed
Premier Ferit Melen. ,
That solution has. proved
frustrating both for politic:
clans and for the military.
commanders.-
To prog?essives the- re.:)
sults of martial law have
:been particularly disappoint-1
ing.. ' ? ---
In the last year martial
law took a harsher turn as
the military-backed govern-
ment embarked on a tough
law and order -campaign.
Hundreds of leftists, includ-
ing professors, journalists
students and lawyers, were
jailed and more than 1,000
are awaiting trial by mili-
tary tribunals.
Last week, the, _National"
Assembly voted.?309 to 63 for
a constitutional change that
will set up special state se-
curity courts to try political
extremists after martial law
ends. '
. Earlier, Parliament had
approved a sweeping univer-
sity law- that drastically re-
duced the traditional auton-
omy of Turkish academic
centers.-- -------'---
These tough measures -
have not been accompanied
by any significant reform
laws. _ -
In an interview. this week,'
the chairman of the left of
center Republican People's
Party, Bulent Ecevit,
? charged 'that' the conserVa-
tive majority in Parliament
had been using the cover of-;
martial law to enact its own:
? hardline program, - while
dragging its feet on reforms.'
"Martial law gave the con-
servatives the chance they.-
always wanted' to establish -a
dissected democracy," he?
said. "It's not fair to blame
it all on the military. The
laws passed represent the
free will of Parliament?but
not the will of the people or
the pressure ; of the mili-
tary."
The conservative Justice
Party can afford -to.-- go
slowly-on reform, he added,
because in a martial law
uation it does not feel undev?
direct public pressure-.,
Ecevit's Republican Pen,-
ple's Party is the party o
Ataturk, and it supports-rad-,
ical reforms, including such
- innovations- as, a form of
peoples caPitalism in which-
workers t could establish
'their own- enterprises,
through- tracterunions: -But-
' the party has only 97 depu-
ties out 01 450 in Parlianient,
compared.. with ,2,26 - for- thel
Justice Party'.
Parliament Tests _
Land reformis considered- i
an important test of Parlia-
ment's ability to approve a
program,. of 'social justice.
But there are already signs
that the Justice.-
try- to water _clown govern-
ment-proposed measures
,
which also have the backing
of Ecevit's party-.
- In, an interview, Justice:
Party chairman Suleyman
Demirel. described _land re-
form as "some-sort of chew-
ing.:gum.",-4He said it Was of
little interest to 98 Per cent,
of the population: , ,
Nevertheless it i& clearly
of interest to the powerful-
land-holding lobbies from-,
which the' Justice Party gets
strong: support Many Jus-
tice Party senators and dep-
unities are themselves big
owners. -
The military-backed gov-
ernment proposed a land re-
distribution that would ena-
ble all 'peasant ? families to
earn a minirnurn of. about
$1,200 a year. , Last week a
parliamentary:-, commission,
sought to weaken the--bill. ?
-One, chartge? would triple.
the limits- titY holdings- ,,on-
modern, farrni141iile leiV-
ing;the definition of modern
vague enough .=.to. :be inter-
preted by ...distriet bureau-
crats in faVor of landlords.
Another change: would also
benefit landnwriers. 'facing
expropriation. ;"' ?
= Land reform has become
a test of Parliament's ac-
ceptance of the 'military's ,
prodding. While the armed
forces have- had almost free
reign to-' tiy leftists and t
bring about la' and order, 1
the - politicians-',..,have -man-1
aged- to retain surprising
bargaining- power through,
skillful., maneuvering.:
ther tests are ahead.
. ,
One of 'these Will 'come
when Parliament elects". a
new 'president i for 'a five-
year term in March. So'-far -
neither-the army nor the po-
litica. 'parties, have '
mated candidate& to. Succeed
President Cevdet1Sunayi-.67 4
a former generat ?
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.PTEV, YORK ..TIMES,: THtJR-SDA'Z FEERUA RY 22, .1973 -
Iran Will uy $2 illion in
Arms Over the
JOHN-. W; FINNEY,
Speall to The Nee, 'yiork Times.
WASHINGTON,
Iran has contracted in recent
months-to buy more than $2
billidn Military, equipment
from the United: States in what
Defense. Departrnent. officials
describe as: the biggest. rsingle
arms deal ever -arranged by:the
Pentagon.....t. ;
? Officials t said, that 17thep -pup.
chase would include.sticirequip-
ment: ^ as. helicopter .:-gunships,
supersOrtic interceptors,
F-4 fightenhombers,. and ?,C41.30
cargo planes. But the officials
were: reluctant, to talk about
the- specifics 'because--of the
reported sensitivity of the Shah
of Iran to publicity about the
transaction.. ............"--,?.,
. Senate sources-who had been
briefed -on the arms deal said
they understood-. that Iran
Would also purchase such ad,
vanced weapon S as laser bombs,
the, guided bombs used against
North Vietnamese targets in the
final . stages of the ?Vietnam
w a r, _
. It ? was also tinderstbod by
'Senate:'sources that at the
shah's req nest Abe United :State
Woild.. Statign an
large detachment of 300 :Mili-
tary personnel:in Iran: tertrain
Iranians in the use of:ill-6-mm.!
weapons'.':
Shah Said To Do ChooSing-1-:...
:The -arms to be?-lpUrchased
were said to have been rdeter:
mined-largely by the? Shah;Avho
Over the years has favored. the
most advanced Weapons., pro-
&iced: by the United States and
who -With this oil reevnues'haS
the money to-buy them:.;
. For *example, :in addition--to
the 1,-:4'S that he has. been pur
chasing for the last decade,: the
Shah reportedly expressed an
interest in the F-I5, a new Air.
Force interceptor- -'not: yet. in
production,
State and- Defense Depart-
inent officials said. that .:the
large-scale transfer of arms,
ext Several Yearsi
Which 'is.::tOr.:,-go on over the
next several years, would help
reinforce' what' they' described
as "a 'point of Stability" in the
Persian Gulf area..
stable and progressive regime
that is. play_ing..,a constructive
role in the area," one State
Department_official y,tio iS
,volved-'- in, the negotiations-.-ex.
At -the same :time,.'-bot.li Des
fense and State DepaXtment ofs
ficiais emphasize -that:' -aside
front . such cnnsiderations?. the
deab was ?entered,into ;on the
'ground that it would be highly:
profitable, in helping -American
arms manufacturers-!. caught ? in
a post-Vietnainssiump in.order
and in helping -to: redress this
cotintry's:deficit in balance of
.
payments. ,
: ? - ,
? 'Cash on the Barielhead'
?
2, The-. Shah?:-.: according to de-
fense induttry sources, will- pay
"cash on- the? harrelheacr for
the weapons: -
"It sure is going to help- fill
in some of, the- gaps ? on onr
production, said. a repre-
sentative-.of one aircraft--manu-
facturer that is to get a major
part of the order
As described byL8tate: p?.-
partnteritcrfficials " atms.
purcbases,..are-,part
year -.modernization, . program
that the- Shah ,adopted - for his
armed - forces two- years ago'
The-officials said that with-the
withdrawal of-'- British-'- force
from the .Persian Gulf- irriate
4971; Iran-decided- tos:acceler-
,ate nd-corripreess 'T the mod-
ernizatibri4rogram..,:
For more.than twO,deCades;
the ,'United 'States and'Britain
-fiaveheen thearaditional arrns
suppliers to-Iran; with:It-le Shan
On occasion .threatening:tO.turn
to the Soviet ).:Union for--arms
if he":dould- iibt...Obtairr- them
from Western-..:bilteeS,..:-,-;
.-
'Beginning:i1950;theUnit?
'States gave ? ntOre;-,,tharil:S60(14`,
million in military!-aid rran;
but- in: recent years,,.: as Iran
grew.-wealthy- from .oil, the
military assistance shifted from
such aid to salei of the arms
on basically commercial terms.
As it became apparent that
Britain would withdraw from
the Persian Gulf,,, the Shah be-
gan stepping, ,up,his: purchases
of arms, turning-to the United
States- --niimarilY..'for-.'aircraft
and :toe Britain=for-4ships-. -an
Both- State Vicl:.,Defense ? Dei.,
,partment-s officials 4 acknow14-
ledged ...that _Abe...ordered...arms
I were beyond the Shah's needs
1-for'- niaintaining,-, internal -?'''-se-
I ctirity in-his-- country': 'But; 'it
!Was said;?the Shah's basic.,con-
cent' is that he needs a Military
force that could discourage any
Soviet '.adventurism in- the-area
and blOalt any' move by-neigh-
boring Iraq, which has received
substantial' 'Military- equipment
from Moscow: - -:- -- ? i- -
. ...
Exact Size of Order Secret-,
The - exact size-of the, arms
deal--is still kept secret.- Senate
Sources said that they under,
stood the total was -nearly $3-
billion, but defense officials
Said it was "closer to $2,bil-
' More than half of the orders
are said td be for several' hun-
dred helicopters - and:intercep-
tors. :-. : ' _ ?
. . ,
, The ',Bell ., Heliconter-Com-
.
pany, for -example, has received
an order-:for -202, Alf-lj- hell-
cop ters,-; a gunship used by-the
United States ,Marine Corps, an
for 234 model, 214-A helicop-
ters, a-:16-passenger cargo- heli-
copter; --a g 16-passenger cargo-
helicopter..'The helicopters are
to behuilt at Fort.Worth,-Tex.
The Bell company- officials de-
Scribe the.- order at worth. at
least $700-million over the next
five years.* -- .
:In -addition, Iran has re-
portedly placed an order with
the Northrop Corporation ? in
Hawthorne, . Calif., for about
140 F-5E s,., a new interceptor
88
particularly -designed for
foreign air forces as a defense
against the:Soviet-built MIG-21:
The--F-5G, a fighter that is
easy tO maintain is expected
to cost" about $1.5-million a
'The--Iranian: ? deal reportedly
riflect. a nevi- emphasis- by the
;Administration
moiMg,foreign military, Sales.
Ta some ways, OfficialS::say.? the
?IsIixon'AdministratipnJS--rettirn
tng to a policy of a decade
;no,' When the Defense Depart-
'Men t pushed. fareign military
saIevio aggressivelyy. that:Psi:me
Minister Harold;Wilack Of7-Bri.;
publiely4,, deplored:. .:the
nigh-presstireSalesmanship of
the Americaris...".?:,;;;
The promotion- caninaign.-led
ikthe, late-:..nOneteeit-sixties to
ConoreSsional,-iestrictions,, ini-
tiated ::,largeWby the Senate
Foreign'';-Relations Committee.
The Senate Committee was con-
cerned that the sales were
prompting - arms races and
posing undue- financial burdens
on developing, countries.
After -a slowdown in arms
sales; ...the .Tendulunr is -begin-
ning to swing.the -Other:Way,"
according to one State-Zieparrt-
riient official?iiiVOlvedire.setting
policy on military
This tiMei?hetweVer.,.Officials
insist that." ItTiS.:Ilie;State';De-
,partrnent,...-not the:?Defense -De-
partment; that 'will have the
dominant voice in cotzo1ling
military' .
Adnx..ataymond Er. Peet,
the-Deputy-Assistant Seeretary
of:Defense'.Tor Security Assis-
tance;'.alo; insists that .mi
itarYtearnSMave nrders,not: to
l'promote!%,arms. sales to' other
.Arms sales, riteanWhilehave
surged upward from .a.: tow, of
'$925-million ;,'in -;-:-.1970,,leThey
reached 971,
$3.45-billion4n-q972 and- are
[expectedX:tota1,$36.-bilgan in
11973.'
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?
?
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WASHINGTON OBSERVER
15 FEB 1973
\';';'.5,F? Presidential Assistant Henry Kissinger
An instance of this is the clandestine nature Of
is now scheduled to work out another
, the Soviet-Israeli diplomatic relations. Officially,
C..4."7:4-"T "peace pLin"?this time between Israel
and her Arab nei,,hbors. Neaot those diplomatic relations were severed with great
iations
fanfare by Moscow at the time of the Six Day War.
are under way for a Kissinger visit to Cairo.
' "
of June A .
that ti
(1 me the Soviet Union closed
Backing Kissinger up is the threat of American
. its embassy in Tel Aviv. But they merely trans-
military intervention; now that American troops r ?
terred their diplomatic offices to the ? Russian
Orthodox Monastery in Jerusalem?which had al-
ready served for 19 years as a KGB compound.
The. monastery, which is located on the out-
skirts of Jerusalem, was established, with its extra-
territorial status, 130 years ago by Nicholas I of
Russia, who obtained the concession from the Ot-
toman Empire, together with the prerogative to
act as the protector of the Orthodox Church in the
lands under the Turkish sway. During the British
regime the Ivionastery was operated by the Russian
churches in exile, but was turned over to the
Soviets by Israel in 19-18?and has remained a
Soviet enclave since then, in spite of the Soviet-
Israeli "breach."
Its story since then is only vaguely known :
through scattered reports. The latter indicate a ;
massive influx into the extra-territorial grounds of
sinister-looking "monks," more than one athletic-,
type father abbot and a constant shuttling of top ;
echelon religious dicrnitaries between the walled
institution and the Soviet Union. of the original ;
recluses, two nuns committed suicide and most
of the other Czarist-affiliation nuns and monks
have dispersed. . . .
Recently a tourist reported seeing a tall, and
stately archimandrite in flowing robes sprightly
getting out of a taxi and inadvertantiv slamming ;
in his beard, which came off. He had learned
the Orthodox liturgy, cannon law and dogma, but
had neglected to learn how to protect "his" beard
from accidents.
Another secret Soviet emissary to Israel is the
notorious Victor Louis, who is also a close confi-
dant of Henry A. Kissinger. Louis, who serves as
Moscow correspondent of the Evening: News of
London, is a Russian Jew who uses his press cre-
dentials for ?vorld travelling on secret errands for ;
the Kremlin, including to Washington, D.C., to
confer with Kissinger. He only uses his Soviet ,
diplomatic passport on his missions to Israel..
re-e?listment bonus but an outright enlistment
bonus to. make sure that the three basic eombat
branches are filled
w._.1 competent, battle-tested
veterans ready, willing and able to fight for Israel.
Currently the Soviets and the Israelis, while un-
doubtedly at loggerheads over some problems, not
the least of which are the conflicting aspirations.
for the partition of [lie Middle East oil resources,
covertly cooperate in most matters, one of \VhiCh
IS the Soviet ploy to continue bamboozling the
? Arab masses. ?
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arc out of Vietnam. That this is not an idle threat
is seen by many indicators. In spite of the great
reluctance of the American people to get into any
more wars, there is no doubt but that most poli-
ticians and pressure group bosses who were
"doves" in Vietnam are. "hawks" when it comes
to placating the Zionists by pledging the support
of the taxpayers and parents of America for Israel.
In readiness kr the mission, the U.S. Army stop-
ped training infantry officers many months ago
for the tropical jungle combat of Vietnam and is
now preparing them to fight wars in the Mideast
and Europe.
The pronounced shift in officer training was
described by Col. Byron Green, the director of
instruction at Ft. Benning, the base where mast
army infantry officers are trained.
"We used to have five Vietnam villages which
we used for 'training the young officers in guer-
rilla warfare," he said. "But they have fallen into
disorder and disuse. -
"We still have one which we. will keep 'intact
because we think it is important that we do not
lose the experience and learning acquired at so
much cost in Vietnam."
Another reason for keeping the remaining vil-
lage, he said, is that there is a large possibility
that any future war will be in a village-type area.
."Seventy-four per cent of the inhabited areas of
the globe are village-type areas," he said.
It will be necessary at some point, however; to
rebuild this village because of the hard wear it
. gets ? and when it is rebuilt it probably \\Ill be
composed of adobe structure "such as would be
found in the Middle East," said Green, instead .of
the thatched structures there now.
To attract and hold combat troops, the Army?
for the first time since the Civil War?has begun
giving. a $1500 bonus to all who volunteer for in-
. fantry, ? artillery or armor. This is not the usual
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CHRISTIAN SCIENCE, MONITOR,
21 February 1973
Moroccan psin to push:tut
sea boundaries il-biks S ain
By Richard Mowrer
Special correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor
Madrid
Morocco's announced intention to extend
its jurisdiction 70 miles out to sea looms as a
dark cloud on the Spanish horizon.
The move threatens to damage severely
Spain's flourishing fishing industry, third
ranking in the world after Japan's 'and
Russia's. For generations Spanish fishermen
have reaped a rich harvest from the teaming
underwater life off the Northwest coast of,
Africa. Now 23,000 of them manning some
2,000 boats, together with canning and freez-
ing industries ashore, stand to be affected.
In 1962 Morocco extended its territorial
waters to 12 miles. The idea now is to extend
the country's territorial fishing limits 58
miles farther.
Fishing inside the 12-mile limit is to be
restricted to Moroccan boats. Fishing by
boats of other countries in off-shore waters
extending 58 miles beyond the 12-mile limit is
also to be prohibited, unless special bilateral
accords between Morocco and individual
countries are reached.,
An exception voiced
The Moroccan initiative, taking into ac-
count the narrowness of the Strait of Gibral-
tar that separates Europe from Africa,
makes an exception. there. Moroccan juris-
diction would not extend beyond a median
line equidistant from Spain and Morocco. At
its narrowest point the Strait ,of Gibraltar is
seven miles across.
But, it is pointed out here, stretching
territoriality 70 miles out ?to sea on the
Atlantic side would bring "Moroccan wa-
ters" to within two miles of Lanzarote, one of
the Canary Islands ? a totally unacceptable
situation.
Madrid is set to take a strong line against
the Moroccan plan. The Ministry of Foreign
Affairs is holding its fire and resorting to
quiet diplomacy in the hope that Morocco's
King Hassanli, who has not yet signed the
decree, will have second thoughts.
WASHINGTON POST
22 February, 1973
Congo Warning
BRAZZAVILLE?The Ccin--
go government of Pi?esident
Marien Ngouabi has warned__
that there are new threats_
of a coup against the govern-
ment
The. date radio accused a
Malian cousin of rebel lead-
er Mtge Diawara of negoti-
ating with an underground
But Commerce Minister Enrique Fontana
Codina said: "Spain cannot acceptunilateral
extension by other countries of their fishing
limits. If Morocco's decision to extend its
territorial waters to 70 miles is officially
'confirmed, the Spanish Government will
protest.','
Negotiations likely
There is no doubt here that Spain will seek
. bilateral negotiations leading to a fishing
agreement with Morocco. But it is noted that
agreements with Morocco have? a way'-of
getting unstuck.
In, 1969 a 10-year fishing agreement was
signed. It specified that its terms would not
be affected by possible extensions of territo-
rial waters, unless both parties agreed. But
this accord- now ,appears to , have been
jettisoned by Morocco.* - -
In September last year both countries set
up a joint fishing and boat-building enterprise
financed by Spain to the amount of 50 million
pesetas ($835,000) and based in Agadir. This
arrangement is still functioning.
Madrid is allowing Moroccan citrus ex-
ports to transit through Spain to compete
against Spanish oranges in European mar-
kets, much to the distress of Spanish growers.
During._ the past,. three, yeara repeated
incidents, which Madrid has tried to min-
imize, have involved Spanish fishing boats
and Moroccan patrol vessels. Some' 160
trawlers have either been- chased; fired at,
boarded,. or seized by the , Moroccan Coast
Guard
In August last year Moroccan launches
stopped the 10,000-ton Spanish ferry Ciudad
de Ceuta in the Strait - of Gibraltar and
searched it. .
Last summer the Spanish authorities im-
posed a, news blackout on the Spanish press
regarding information or comment about
Spanish Sahara, the phosphate-rich territory
that Morocco wishes to annex, along with the
Spanish enclave cities Ceuta and Melilla. '
It is . thought in some quarters that the
Moroccan plan to extend jurisdiction 70 miles
out to sea and offer bilateral negotiations at
the same time, may be- related, in Spain's
case, to the Spanish Sahara issue. ?.
movement and of being an
ag,etit for the U.S. Central"
Intelligence ,Agency.
- It was also announced that
,
&vain Bemba, minister for
information, spoit, culture
t. and the arts, as ,,been ar-
rested. ; s; ? ?
The reports folio-wed
Ngouabi's disbanding of the
national police force and his
call for a radical cleanup of
the Congolese army.
90,
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
22 February 1973
Black E?of
Finds S. Africa
Job Confusing
PRETORIA, South Afri-
ca black diplomat is
.working at the U.S. Em-
bassy in segregated South
Africa, and naturally one
or two jokes have cropped
up.
A comic: strip depicts
Prime Minister John Von-
ster in the midst of an in-
terview.
Q. How do you feel about
this American Negro dip-
lomat, James Baker?
A. Why, he's no problem.
Some of my best friends
are Americans.
No Comment
Vorster has not com?
mented on this caricature.
Nor has Baker, who ar-
rived two weeks ago. He is
37, a bachelor, and an eco-
nomics officer in the U.S."
Foreign Service.. One of
his jobs is to help advise
potential U.S. investors on
the advisability ' of invest-
. ,
rnent in the only nation
that formally classifies its
people by race.
Baker has taken the
house of his predecessor on
Club St., in. the plush Pre-
toria suburb of Brooklyn.
There black nannies
wheel around white tod-
dlers on sultry afternoons,
black garden boys keep
the lawns neat and blacks
do other suchichares. -
The Virginia-born Baker,
isn't the first -black to
come here on. diplomatic.
business. U.S. officials,
who are black have made,
several visits and Malawi -
Ambassador Joe Kac 111
ingwe has, been around
several years. But then'.
Malawi , on: South,
Africa for monetary
The United States doesn't
necessarily rely on South
Africa for anything:.,"
Asked how he felt here
at first,- Baker replied:
?
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"Confused." .
"The apartheid problem
is not one which makes me
jump with glee," he com-
mented.
"We can turn our assign-
:ments down but I thought
about it and decided to
come.
"In my view it was not a
s yin boll c appOintment.
My job is a job that has to
be done.. I don't think
would have . wanted .
WASHINGTON POST
22 February, 1973
come-hero- as' a symbol."
Embassy officials say
Baker is unlikely to run
Into any incidents. One ob-
served: "Diplomats don't
often walk the streets, you
know."
Even if he did step out
onto Paul Kruger St.,
South African protocol of-
f icials probably would be
out to see that nothing un-
toward happened. -
Travel Permitted
Baker may travel about
? South Africa. But normal
diplomatic procedure re-
quires any embassy to in-
form the host government
of out-of-town trips to
avoid suspicion of snoop-
ing. It seems unlikely that
Baker's sudden arrival in
a country town would
catch a n y restaurateur
by surprise..
The far right Herstigte-?
Nasionale-.Palt.Y..bas
HINDUSTAN TIMES
14 February 1973
A fricar to Ais arth,ei
--N) Hit at Airline Heal-mg
pressed publia bitterness
about Baker's assignment.
It fired off a telegram to
Prime Minister Vorster and
a "declaration of protest"
to t he MS. Emile say
which said in part: "We
reject this appointment as
a gesture which purports
to be In the interest of
good relationships be-
tween the U.S. and South
Africa and declare that in
principle this person is not
welcome in South Africa."
nca s uranium sates,
eat to won peace ,
By Jay Ross.
Washington Post Staff Writer:...:
Racial discrimination,
?rather than the usual ques-
tions of fares and schedules,
was the issue at a Civil Aero-
nautics Board hearing yester-
day on an airline route appli-
cation.
South African Airways has
applied for a regular route
from Johannesburg to New.
York via the Cape Verde Is-
lands. The application is being
challenged by several groups
opposed to South African race
segregation policies-- ,
The hearing?which was to
; determine what issues- should
be included in considering the
application?marked the first
time that racial discrimination
has been raised in a board
hearing on landing rights, ac-
cording to CAB bureau coun-
sel Jerome B. Blum.
After the 21/2-hour hearing,
Ross I. Newmann, an adminis-
trative judge for the CAB, said
be would rule on the scope of
the final hearing.
The administrative judge
determines the issues at stake
in the final hearing on the ba-
sis of arguments in the prelim-
inary hearing. So yesterday's
session was the key stage for
the opponents of the airline.
Blum said the hearing was the
longest preliminary session
held by the CAB..
Normally, landing rights for
foreign airlines, are handled
routinely, and the preliminary
and final hearings are held on
the same day. This was the
ease in 1968; when South Afri-
can Airways was first granted
U.S. landing rights on a Jo-
hannesburg-Rio de Janeiro-
New York route.
This time, Blum filed a state-
ment that the application
should be considered in light
of whether the airline com-
plies with the 1964 Civil Rights
,
Act, which outlaws diserimina-
tion in employment and public
accommodations. In his role
as bureau counsel, Blum is sup-
posed-to represent the public
interest at CAB hearings.
Blum was-joined in many of
his arguments- by a .group in-
cluding the Black' "Congres-
sional Caucus and several or-
ganizations interested in Af-
rica. Rep. Charles Diggs, (D.
Mich.), chairman of the Black
Caucus, attended the hearing.
South African ? .Airways',
counsel Brice Clagett argued
that the policies of South Af:
rice were irrelevant- and that
the CAB does not have the au-
thority ?to consider Mich for-
eign-policy matters in an- ap-
plication. ?
,
' "This way lies madness,'
Clagett said, adding that if
agreement on political matters
is required for international
transportation, there could be
no such transportation.
He said he thought the CAB
bureau counsel had "taken ,a
pretty militant position".
Later, he said that the 'air-
line does not segregate passen-
gers on international flights. ?
? Peter J. Connell, speaking
for the airline's opponents,
said that South African Air-
ways could not conform to the
non-discrimination provisions
of U.S. law and that black
American employees of Ithe
airline would, not have an
equal opportunity to advance
in the home office. L.
He also said z American
blacks would not be able to re-
ceive equal treatment on char-
ter flights, which the airline is
also applying for on the 'same;
route.
The CAB must submit its fi-
nal determination on granting
the route to the White House
far approval.
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oo aids.
NEW DET11/, Feb. 13 (UM) ?
The phenomenal development of
the uranium industry in South
Africa, which is not a signatory
to the nuclear non-proliferation
treaty, could become a real
menace to world peace.
Sounding this warning Mr Char-
les C. Diggs, ? chairman of the
United State S? House of Repre-
sentatives' subcommittee on Af-
rica, has said that the industry
had been- developing in - South
Africa since World War IT, ura-
nium being a byproduct of gold
In nearly half the mines in that
country.
-In a- statement- before the Joint
Committee of Congress recently,
Mr Diggs- said that South Africa
had already-begun. selling uranium
without any guarantee for its
peaceful uses-And with. its new
enriched -process it . could pose
?a danger to world peace;
The statement' published in_the
latest issue "of Sechaba, the offi-
cial organ of. the African National
Congress in South- Africa,- said
this was the result of the indirect
support the international monetary
authorities-.,-had extended to ;the-
goldmining industry in South
Africa by providing a guaranteed
market at a guaranteed price.
4 1, U.S. demand
-
This international support ? in
the first place with an unlimited
demand at the official price from
the United States Reserve Bank
and now with a guarantee against
falling prices and balance of pay-
ments from the International
Monetary Fund ? and also con-
tributed to the perpetuation of a
neo-slavery system in the mines.
Mr Diggs added.
Mr Diggs said this support also
helped the South African Govern-
ment- which had also subsidised
NaTSWEEK
5 March 1973 _
WHEN A GUEST CAN
marginally-economic mines very
heavily in times of difficulties
because the industry was very
crucial to the en-tire White-owned
economy and, therefore, to the
entire structure of South African
society.
? The Government played a vital
role in the continuance of the
neo-slavery system in the mines
by entering into bilateral agree-
ment with the Portuguese colonial
government_ of Mozambique for
the supply of a given volume of
"labour units" for which payment
was made to the labour-expprting
government in the form of com-
pulsorily "deferred wages."
He said: "Even more important
is the system of influx control
whereby ;Africans in the labour
reserves are prohibited from leav.
ing without a contract and where.
ajob'in the gold?mines is often
the only alternative to starvation."
? Mr Diggs; said any attempts to
go . to the _towns- to-. seek work
freely:: was prevented by a com-
plex network- of pass laws, -which
were fundamental to the whole
-system- ot -regulating Africans to
serve .the ? White economy as
"labour units."
If there were a free labour mar-
ket the mining industry in South
Africa would have to double its
wages?to compete with the martn-
facturing industry..
This- competition, he said, was
eliminated by the full machinery
of a police state forcing people
to take the lowest-paid 30135. "It
is clear then that the South Af-
rican legislation, which forces
Africans to stay in the reserves
until they are needed on the
mines, is largely responsible for
the fact that :the'-. international
monetary system has the gold sup. .
plies that,. it does," ha, added.
DO NO WRONG
Peking is still smarting?but in silence?over the
conduct of one recent VIP visitor, President Mo-
butu Sese Seko of Zaire (the former Belgian
Congo). The African ruler jarred the Chinese by
arriving with an entourage of his Belgian advis-
ers, complete with ladies and lapdogs. He an-
gered them still more on leaving by stopping in
India, China's main adversary in Asia, after his
hosts had specifically asked him not to. The
Chinese have stifled their indignation because
Mobutu's visit ended Zaire's relations with the
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WASHINGTON STAR.'
25 February 1973.
_
The time has now come for President
Nixon to abandon some of the fixations
and fictions about Cuba that obsess the .
administration and begin serious consid-
eration of a new policy leading toward
restoration of political and economic re-
lations with the Communist island na-
tion.
Let us review the bidding: Nixon al-
ready has made his peace with the Marx-
ist giants, Russia and China. The State
Department now, has negotiated an
agreement with Fidel Castro-, that
hopefully will terminate Cuba's role as- a -
haven for U.S. skyjackers. It has always
been apparent that Cuba has never been
isolated by the -American policy and the
sealing-off resolutions. of the Organiza-
tion of American States.
This leaves only the question, of the
extent to which Castro's Cuba supports.
revolution and represents a threat to the,
other nations of the Americas. And it has.,
long been evident that the Havana re- -
gime was never very effective at the busi-
ness of exporting subversion and is now-
giving little more than lip service to the.
aspirations of native revolutionaries who
once were trained and financed by the
Cubans.
As to the. presence of Russian mili-
tary forces in Cuba, the best information
is that there are Jess than 5,000 techni-
cians there. The submarine base at Cien-
fuegos has never been used by Soviet
nuclear submarines, and it really makes
no difference: A nuclear-powered subma?
rine does not need a base. The three Rus-
sian subs stationed off the East Coast of
the U.S. (compared to 14 or so U.S. subs.'
in the North Atlantic approaches to.'
Russia) are serviced by tenders. ?
Nixon's last public utterante on Cuba
was made, in a Star-News interview on
November 9 when he said, "There will be
no change, no change whatever, in our
policy toward Cuba unless and until?
and I do not anticipate this will happen?
Castro changes his policy toward Latin
America and the United States.".
Well,
Well, perhaps the accord on hijackers -
is a major change such as, the President
sought in Cuban policy. In point of fact,
Castro's denunciations and fiery words
mean very little to the United States and
Latin America so long as he is unable and
unwilling to ship out- guerrilla forces and -/
agents to try to overthrow OAS govern- .
ments.
The United States gets -at least as -
severe verbal treatment from other Latin
governments with which we do maintain
relations?Chile and Panama come to
mind?as from Fidel Castro.
The existing policy, it now seems to
us, has outlived the realities. Communist
Cuba is not friendly, but it does cooperate
-with the United States--on a number of
fronts already: Postal and phone service
exist; the airlift: of exiles has been re-
sumed-;weather and commercial aviation
information' is exchanged; United States ,
airlines fly across Cuba using an approved
air lane; Cuban athletes,have appeared on
American soil for the Caribbeannlympics,
in Puerto Rico..
Furthermore; the other Latinnations, .
are beginning to waver and move toward_
rapprochement with Havana. Mexico
never broke relations. Chile and Peru
have resumed them.- Some of the new
OAS members in the Caribbean were not
subject to the OAS resolution consigning
Cuba to pariabstatu.s. And others, such as
Venezuela, Ecuador and perhaps Panama,.
seem ready unilaterally to resume rela-
tions with Cuba.
There cannot be any, advantage for
the United States in remaining aloof -
when all our European, allies have never
ceased trading with Cuba. A nation as
powerful as, the United States can lose-,
little by having normal relations with a
country of whose leaders it does not ap-
prove. Of course, it takes two to tango;
Cuba's CastrOwould have to be willing to ?
accept a return to normal relations. But
the ease with which the Swiss- diplomats,
did the legwork between Washington and -
Havana to produce the hijack agreement
is an indicator that the two -neighbors
could go a few steps beyond toward resto-
. ration of the relations that were severed
in 1961.
For President Nixon, the Cuban ques-
tion-no doubt has personal as well as poli-
cy facets. Mr. Nixon, indeed, is one of the
few U.S. government officials who: has
ever met Castro face-to-face and he- did
not find the flamboyantprime niinister"
particularly attractive. But that was back -
in 1959 when Castro was in the first flush
of his seizure of control in Cuba, with his -,
star in the ascendancy, and Mr. Nixon's
eminence as vice president under DWight
D. Eisenhower was on the wane.-"
Today
Today it is Mr. Nixon who is sitting
on top of the world while Castro has be-
come a backwater politician, no longer
the mover and shaker of world events as
he once was. It is not necessary that Mr.
Nixon or Castro admire one another in.
order for the U.S. to accept the fact that
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it is anachronistic to pretend the 8 mil-
lion people of Cuba exist in a Vacuum.
The Cuban question also may raise -
personal problems for Mr_ Nixon in other
ways. For one thing, the President
unquestionably feels an empathy with
the Cuban exiles and even a sense of debt .
to them because of the Bay of Pigs fiasco.
But while that abortive -invasion was
. conceived by the Eisenhower-Nixon-
team, it was launched ;by the, Kennedy _
administration. And Senator Edward a.
Kennedy, the Sole surviving Kennedy
brother, has long since urged that US
policy toward Cuba be re-explored and
reassessed. If a Kennedy can. risk 'the
wrath of the Castro-hating ,exiles, it
? should be at 'least as possible" for the
President. ' ???4
Inevitably, 'with the Asian war at arr-
.,. end, Mr. Nixon will be turning his attend,'
tion more and mare to the Third World of;'
Latin America and Africa.. It is unfortuL "-
nate that. he has not had the :time before,'
this to become more? interested and in-
volved with the Latina. Theirs is am area
about which the President is not overly
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
15 February 1973
? ?
Jac
ByJames Nelson 'Goodsell:*
Latin America correspondent of
?The Christian Science Monitor'
More. and more it looks as if some sort .of.
warming trend in Cuban-United States- rela-
tions is in the offing.. . :.? ... ?
: The imminent signing,.probably 'before
?? weekend, of.a broad antihijacking agreement <
. is seen in hemisphere circles as. one more..
evidence of this trend.
Meanwhile, it was disclosed in Ottawa that
Cuba and Canada have also agreed on terms
? of an antihijack agreement dealing., with
piracy of both airplanes and boats. A formal.-.
. signing of the agreement is expected. soon.in,
Ottawa: , ? ?
Although both Washington 'and-' Havana
; reject the idea that the agreementarnotinta to
a turn for the. better' in relations.; .there
are numerous signs that suggest that atich-a-i-
turn is coming.
,There is clearly a rising, tide of sentiment in",
the 'United States for such 'a turn and a
number of observers who have recently been'.
in Cuba suggest that the. Cuban. Government::
is leaning in this direction also:
Long way to go'. .
Still there is a long way to' go before the
. nations b144#10tlied FalhiRetiftefee.0310
informed, and his one sharp recollection is
that he was nearly killed by a riotous mob
in Venezuela in 1956.
But all. Latins-are not alike, and mon-
umental changes have taken place. So it
is with Cuba. Fidel Castro and Cuba to-
day are not the same as they were 12
years ago. The world is now made up of
different equations, and Cuba is one of
them.
There no doubt would. be a host _of
problems to solve, such as the expropriat-
ed U.S. properties, the Russian military
- presence, the U.S. -base at Guantanamo
Bay, the sale of Cuban sugar to the U.S..
and the problem of the 300,000 anti-Cas- -
tro exiles living in the United States But
the missile crisis and the Bay of Pigs are
ancient history now..We believe President
Nixon and his advisors should now turn.
their full attention to Cuba. The nation
that can accommodate itself to a peace
agreement with North Vietnam surely
can do the same with the shabby dicta-
' torship of Castro.,He is, after all, far from
the only dictator in Latin America. He -
? may not even be, the most dangerous dic-
tator there.
difficulty encountered in. working out -? the i
antihijacking agreement,' even though both
sides clearly wanted the pact,- suggests the
:t problems that lie ahead.
?; It has taken three months of negotiations to
work ',out a viable agreement and, both.,
1;,..Havana and Washington- have made' sizable.-
i;cOncesions in their' original stands to reach'
?
the ? accord. t? "
. .
i, Although the agreement has yet to be made-
public,.it is understood that the pact covers
both aerial and sea piracy.. Under terms. of
.'the -agreement, Cuba would.: be required tor4
bring skyjackers who are United 'States
citizens to trial or to extradite them to the'
U.S. mainland.
For its part, the United States would be
prevented from giving safe haven to Cubans
who commit crimes and flee to the United
' States, although apparently it excludes' othd,
ers who simply sought exile. .
. Washington yielded on its original stand..
? that the accord cover aerial piracy . alone.
, Moreover, the ? 'United States pledged, al-
though' somewhat indirectly,, to keep anti-
, Castro elements in the United States from:-
harassing Cuba.. '?