SOUTH VIETNAM - WHAT FUTURE FOR THE ECONOMY?

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CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8
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RIFPUB
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K
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7
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December 12, 2016
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March 25, 2002
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29
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Publication Date: 
March 1, 1973
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MAGAZINE
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OJL .+~ Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R00060001 be South Vietnam-Wlhat Future for the Economy? in m fields basis T O the millions of servicemen who have been there-and to hundreds of millions of TV viewers all over the world whose nightly news has carried a seemingly endless succession of jungle patrols and trucks mired in mud-the economic future of South Vietnam must seem almost hopeless. But the fact of the matter is that by the standards of many developing nations South Vietnam is by no means an unblessed countrz.-Not only does it have considerable potential for agricultural production and devel- opmerit of its abundant timber and seafood resources; as a legacy of the war, its infrastruc- ture of communications and transportati on facili- ties is much more extensive than that typically found in less developed nations. Such assets-coupled with the substantial train- any Vietnamese have received in various during the war years-could provide the for fairly rapid economic progress, if the cease-fire accord results in reasonable political and military stability.' This is particularly- so because economic planning for the postwar, rind is already well advanced, an unusual cir- cumstance before the end of a major war. The key assumption, of course, is that of rea- sonable political and military stability. At present, according to the U.S. Defense Department, the government controls areas inhabited by about four fifths of the population-including most of the critically important Mekong Delta "rice bowl" and a major part of the country's extensive coastal plains which also are rice-producing lands. But control of large parts of the nation- particularly its less populated regions-is still contested. And the possibility of a new breakout of full-scale warfare cannot be ruled out, par- ticularly in view of reports that-Notch Vietnam has been engaging in a major build-up of troops and weapons in South Vietnam. Washington has conveyed its concern about the infiltration to North Vietnam and "other interested parties," President Nixon noted recently, pointedly warning Hanoi against lightly disregarding the U.S. concern. The way in which things evolve obvi- ously will depend heavily on whether the gen- eral thaw that has been in progress in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and China continues. Relative tranquility in South Vietnam also clearly will be affected by the degree of interest the North Vietnamese have in receiving U.S. reconstruction aid. In both instances, the imponderables are formidable. High on the list of South Vietnam's priorities is the regaining of self-sufficiency in rice pro- duction, which was lost during the worst years of the war as many farmers left their paddies. Rice, a dietary staple, traditionally has been the country's largest crop and the second largest export after rubber. Another high priority is to increase exports so as to start closing a huge trade gap. To close that gap, which last year totaled the equivalent of about $650 million, government officials are convinced that reliance on the old standbys of rice and rubber won't be enough. Rice production has been expanding rather im- rep ssively in recent years, after having fallen sharply in the mid-1960s, but for the next few .years a realistic oal seems to be domestic self- sufficiency rather than a return to substantial exportable surpluses. Partly this is because in- ternal dL>mand has grown rapidly, reflecting both the swift income rise produced by the war and a very high rate of population growth. In the case of rubber, whose production fell by two thirds from the early to the late 1960s, the The Morgan Guaranty Survey March 1973 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8 chances of getting back quickly to the position of sizable export earnings ($48 million in 1960, for example, against less than $10 million annu- ally recently) are almost nonexistent, in part because of the long tree-growth cycle. Because both rice and rubber have somewhat clouded export potential, officials are counting heavily on development of new export products, and economic plans call for agricultural diversi- fication into such lines as livestock, fruits, and vegetables-something for which the country is well suited as it can grow tropical, subtropical, and temperate crops. Officials also have high hopes pinned on greatly enlarged timber and fish production. About three quarters of the coun- try is forested and its coastal waters abound in shrj and other seafood. Another early en- deavor on the drawing boards is exploration for petroleum, . which geologists suspect may be 9resent in sizable quantities under the conti- nental shelf. A ballooning budget A legacy of virtually all wars is budgetary strain, and Vietnam-not surprisingly-fits the pattern. Saigon's planners are mindful that some of the country's main economic difficulties stem from a ballooning of the national budget during the past several years. And they appear to appre- ciate that getting the fiscal situation under tighter control looms as an urgent need. Ex- penditures multiplied nearly seven times between 1965 and 1972 from 54 billion piasters to P 355 billion., as the government took on more of the responsibility for the war. Military manpower, for instance, nearly doubled during the period, from 600,000 men to 1.1 million-a formidable drain on resources for a nation of some 19 mil- lion people whose labor force- 19 estimated at between 6 million and 7 million. Although the Vietnamese experienced unprec- edented income gains during the war years, the government did not tax the population nearly enough to pay for the spiraling expenditures. The combination of import duties, which are particularly important in Vietnam's tax struc- ture, and domestic taxes has on average financed less than three fifths of the budget in recent years. Given the circumstances that prevailed-and the heavy emphasis which the government placed on not alienating the populace-this is perhaps understandable. But the revenue deficiency did create serious financial difficulties, despite sup- plemental budget support from the U.S. The gov- ernment ran growing deficits whose financing helped fan an inflation, averaging 30% a year, that gripped the country from the mid-1960s on. Partly with the aim of containing price in- creases, the U.S. encouraged a huge volume of imports. The recorded value averaged more than $700 million annually between 1966 and 1971 -during most of which time exports averaged a mere $12 million annually. Surely this must be a world record of sorts in trade imbalance. Imports included food and other necessities, as well as a significant supply of consumer goods such as motor scooters-earning South Vietnam the nickname "Honda Society." The imbalance between imports and exports was possible in part because more than half the bill was financed by direct U.S. aid. This came principally through the so-called Commercial Import Program (CIP), under which goods, with a few excep- tions, have to be bought in the U.S., and through agricultural sales under the Food for Peace- PL480-program. A good part of the balance was financed by the South Vietnamese govern- ment with "free" foreign exchange usable any- where. This was derived essentially from the U.S. military's purchases of piasters to pay for local goods and services. Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B0038OR000600010029-8 However well-intentioned, the import pro- gram had some unfortunate consequences. For one thing, the revenue it generated permitted the government to put off the day of domestic tax reform. And it accustomed the population to standards of consumption unrealistically high in terms of what the country itself could provide. The program also was accompanied by a good deal of abuse, in part reflecting deficiencies in the foreign-trade mechanism. Among the deficiencies was the piaster's ex- change rate, which was fixed at a level that represented a significant overvaluation. And tariff schedules on imports were so complex and so high-in some cases imposing duties as much as tenfold the value of the imported product- as to defy administration. These things, together with a variety of controls on transactions, led to smuggling and other illegal activities that resulted in loss of government import taxes and a slip- page of foreign exchange into unofficial channels. Response to the problems The framework of a multi-thrust response to Vietnam's various problems has begun to take shape. Indeed, in some areas the attack alread is producing significant results. Most spectacu- lar of all is the degree of success achieved in reversing the decline in rice production, which fell from a 1963 high of 5.3 million metric tons to an average of 4.5 million tons in the 1966- 68 period. The most troublesome feature of that fall-off was the abrupt disappearance of Viet- nam's exportable surplus. It had amounted to 300,000 tons in 1963, but in 1967 the country imported 750,000 tons. An impressive turnabout in the rice situation has since occurred. By 1971 output was esti- mated at 6 million tons, well above the 1963 high. Last year's major offensive -by North Vict- nam, even though concentrated in non-rice pro- ducing areas, caused some setback. But prospects for a resumption of growth in the rice crop are good-with the critical proviso that the cease-fire accord works. The turnabout reflected a number of develop- ments, including the introduction of high-yield- ing "miracle" rice strains in 1967, a major expansion of agricultural credit facilities, and a bold policy of land reform aimed at strengthen- ing the rural population's resistance to the Viet- cong by ending the widespread pattern of tenant farming. The policy of land reform deserves emphasis-especially since relatively little atten- tion has been given to it in general commentary on Vietnam. In March 1970 the government adopted a "Land-to-the-Tiller" act, which pro- vided for expropriation-with compensation-of lands not directly cultivated by owners and for distribution of the lands, . free of charge, to farmers. The law covered about 1 million hec- tares (approximately 2.5 million acres), repre- senting some two fifths of the riceland under cultivation, and affected some 700,000 tenants. Transfers of title began in 1970 and, as planned, they will be just about completed on the act's third anniversary this month. Thus freed from rent paments, farmers have had a marked incentive to increase output. A ri .u rah production, moreover, has been stimulated by steps to expand agricultural credit significantly, both through the official Agricul- tural Development Bank (AD 13) and through a new system of quasi-private rural. banks which accept deposits and make loans in local com- munities. Established in 1970 and jointly capi- talized by ADD and private stockholders, the rural banks multiplied rapidly to some 34 in 1972 and quickly began to attract local funds. Incentives to save-in rural banks and other financial institutions-were provided by a The Morgan Guaranty Survey Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B0038OR000600010029-8 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B0038OR000600010029-8 BEST COPY A T7 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B0038OR000600010029-8 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8 sharp increase in interest rates in the autumn of 1970. Before that step, people had little reason to put money into banks because institutions were limited by regulation to paying deposit interest rates that were well below the rate of inflation. But with the 1970 reform, private saving in all commercial institutions almost quin- tupled from the end of 1970 to the end of 1972. ,start with tax reform-another vital requi- site to economic revitalization-has been made. During the past few years the government has taken several actions to revise its complicated- and frequently unenforceable-tax code and to step up collection efforts. The aim was to raise the small 20% share that internal taxes (as distinct from import taxes) had been playing in financing the national budget to 507o by 1975, and this has shown promising results. In 1972, internal tax collections increased some two fifths over the 1971 total, rising to an estimated P70 billion from P49 billion. Further, in November 1971 the government made a sweeping overhaul of therforei n-trade ..MaIIIIL ~ilflllf!!1!~~/lniirl? ~ s 'stem. Besides a major devaluation of the piaster, this included adoption of a mechanism permitting periodic rate adjustments. With this reform, the piaster has been devalued progres- sively from P275 per $1 in 1971 to P475 per $1 currently (except for imports under the U.S. CIP and PL480 programs, which are given spe- cial treatment). As companion measures, the government scrapped various of its former con- trols--such as the licensing of importers to buy foreign exchange-and simplified the tariff struc- ture, reducing levies significantly on many items. The package entailed some initial cost in that the government's import-tax collections are esti- mated to have dropped in 1972, to less than half their 1971 level. But the simpler tariff schedule arid lower duty rates are expected to make it Pouible to improve customs collections in the larch 1973 i long run. Mean%% the devaluation later adopted. In combinatic:= trade stabilization cant impact on is tion from the avt the late 1960s to rate rose again reflecting the d,::, import prices, in!]: l0%-150c; this All i to make a start and la ing a oa ment - no smali wartime conditL: to follow thr o~, extent by whethc: a sizable flow of Without such ini will face serious improving xports have responded to .?.rtain subsidies that were is budget, currency, and .isures have had a signifi- increases, reducing infla- innual rate of 30% during ;t 14% in 1971. While the ?2 to some 231,"c,, in part !lion's impact in raising ,;, is expected to be held to 's thus have done much recting basic problems economic develop- especially under /ietnam's ability fined to a critical eral years bring and investment. ,untry obviously maintaining and Budgetary uni , pries Of course, son,: the difficulties would be alleviated if tine few years permit any sig- nificant demobilii- >n of the armed forces. This would not o-. case strains on the budget, some three fifth hich has been devoted to military expends but it would help eco- nomic performer' as well. Military needs have created a sl; : , n e of manpower, particu- larly in agricultur c here the labor market has been tightest. A t;;; rc adequate labor force in agriculture will b., tical for development and export growth, exports are expected to come mainly fro,n: is sector. But the outlook for demobilizatl(,; ',.viously is highly uncer- tain at this time. Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B0038OR000600010029-8 Even if the military situation turns more promising than it now looks, however, other expenditure requirements will be a heavy drain on the budget. Among them are the expenses of supporting and eventually resettling refugees estimated to number a million and a quarter, and benefit payments to disabled veterans and fami- lies of war victims. The U.S. has provided economic support aver- aging approximately $500 million a year since 1968.* But with Congress having cooled con- siderably in recent years toward foreign aid gen- erally, there plainly is no assurance that U.S. aid will be continued at the past level. And while other countries-including Japan, Germany, and France-have indicated an intention to provide unless a replacement is found for the "free" foreign exchange that has been derived from the U.S. military's purchases of piasters. With the pullout of U.S. troops, dollars from this source have been drying up fast. They were almost halved between 1971 and 1972-dropping from $403 million to $229 million-and will fall sharply again this year. That South Vietnam has not as yet experi- .postwar assistance, no commitments have as yet been made as to amounts or types of aid. If U.S. support is cut hack significantly-in the absence of offsetting aid from other sources-Vietnam would face the need for severe belt-tightening, possibly involving expenditure cuts and the need to do more than has been done thus far to increase domestic revenues. Farmers in-particu- lar have been lightly taxed, and the government might have to turn to agriculture for more reve- nues. But with the government needing the rural population's support and anxious to encourage a reflow of persons to farms, this might prove difficult politically and questionable in terms of rational population distribution. Needed: foreign exchange The government also would be on politically sensitive ground if it found itself obliged to curtail imports because of a shortage of foreign exchange. But imports will have to be curbed ? This includes financing of the Commercial Import Program, which has yielded budget revenues; aid fpr special projects; and PL480 sales, from which most of the piaster proceeds have been used to support the budget. enced a severe shortage of "free" foreign ex- change reflects some fortuitous circumstances. The most important is that an economic setback last year produced a decline in import demand. The U.S. Agency for International Development (AID), moreover, has cushioned the exchange losses from military withdrawal through a new program of refugee aid. With the 1972 invasion,_ refugee rolls swelled by about a million. and AID purchased piasters to help the government defray the expenses of support. But this was a stop-gap measure. The country's economic prog- ress in the next few years clearly depends on more permanent aid arrangements to help tide it over until expanded exports can become a more important earner of foreign exchange. An export drive already is under way, stimu- lated by hefty subsidies which enable exporters to earn 100 to 125 piasters per dollar more than the going exchange rate of P475 per $1. This encouragement unquestionably was a fac- tor in the rise of export earnings to $23 million in 1972, double the.1971 level. But the country's prospects of achieving the many-fold increases that will be needed to bridge the trade gap are still highly questionable. Improved security and additions to the labor force will be critical to the effort, as will stepped up investment. Fishing, for instance, is still mainly a small-scale enterprise; sizable export growth in this promising area seems likely to require development of large-size commercial The Morgan Guaranty Survey Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B0038OR000600010029-8 Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8 operations, Realizing the nation's wood and wood-product potential also will necessitate big investment outlays. Significantly, from the legal point of view, the investment climate was vastly improved wit i the rovcrnment's adoption, last June, of a law that provides liberal incentives for both donmes- ticand- foreign investment in approved enter- #es. But while a number of foreign firms have been exploring opportunities of late, any big inflow of investment capital doubtless will await clarification of political and military conditions. This is particularly so of U.S. firms since at present the facilities of the U.S. government's O- rseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) -which insures investors in developing coun- tries against certain risks-are not available for investment in South Vietnam. However, if rea- sonable security is attained, it is possible that the U.S. will extend OPIC facilities for investment in that country. If the investment climate does in fact become March 1973 attractive, in time Vietnam may he able to develop industries outside the fields of agricul- ture, fishing, and timber with large potential for earning foreign exchange. Geological configura- tions have suggested to experts that the country may find sizable petroleum reserves offshore, perhaps enabling it to become a significant pro- ducer-as neighboring Indonesia has become in recent years. Looking even farther ahead, Viet- nam conceivably could develop a thriving tourist industry, drawing visitors from more populous and prosperous neighbors to its attractive beaches, which extend from a point below Sai- gon several hundred miles up the coast. The key to South Vietnam's progress clearly lies in a resolution of the political and military unknowns which now cloud the country's future. Obviously, the situation is still open-ended. How- ever-to a greater extent than is commonly appre- ciated-a constructive start has been made in creating a framework for economic development. South Vietnam may yet surprise the doubters. Approved For Release 2002/04/03 : CIA-RDP75B00380R000600010029-8