U.S.S.R. LABOR CAMPS HEARINGS BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE NINETY-THIRD CONGRESS FIRST SE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP75B00380R000300010086-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 168
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 15, 2005
• Sequence Number: 86
• Publication Date: February 2, 1973
• Content Type: REPORT

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U.S.S.R. LABOR CAMPS
HEARINGS
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
FEBRUARY 2, 1973
AFTERNOON SESSION
U.S. GOVERNMENT. PRINTING OFFICE
93-090 WASHINGTON : 1973
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. 20402
Price $1.50 domestic postpaid or $1.25 GPO Bookstore
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COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
JAMES O. EASTLAND,Mississippi, Chairman
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas
SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan
EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts
BIRCH BAYH, Indiana
QUENTIN N. BURDICK, North Dakota
ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia
JOHN V. TUNNEY, California
ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
HIRAM L. TONG, Hawaii
HUGH SCOTT, Pennsylvania
STROM THURMOND, South Carolina
MARLOW W. COOK, Kentucky
CHARLES MCC. MATHIAS, JR., Maryland
EDWARD J. GURNEY, Florida
SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL
SECURITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
JAMES O. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas HUGH SCOTT, Pennsylvania
SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina STROM THURMOND, South Carolina
BIRCH BAYH, Indiana MARLOW W. COOK, Kentucky
EDWARD J. GURNEY, Florida
J. G. SOURWINE, Chief Counsel
SAMUEL J. SCOTT, Associate Counsel
WARREN LITTMAN, Associate Counsel
JOHN R. NORPEL, Director of Research
ALFONSO L. TARABOCHIA, Chief Investigator
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U.S.S.R. LABOR CAMPS
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1973
U.S. SENATE,
SUBCOMMITTEE To INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT
AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,
Washington, D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:30 p.m., in room
2228, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Senator Edward J. Gurney
presiding.
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Samuel J. Scott, asso-
cite counsel; A. L. Taraboclria, chief investigator; David Martin?
senior analyst.
Senator GURNEY. The subcommittee will come to order.
This subcommittee is charged with assessing all possible threats to
our Nation's internal security . and this is a most important duty
... one which will be fulfilled with propriety . . . with an honest
attempt to get at all the facts . . . and with a sense of responsibility
to the American people.
The testimony we have heard yesterday and today shows the tenac-
ity of the human spirt . . . the ability of men of faith to survive
almost unimaginable ordeals when they believe in freedom, and have
a burning desire to tell. the world of what they have undergone, so
that the world may someday be rid of this cancer of communism.
More important yet, the testimony reveals how one group of human
beings is subjected to almost complete degradation by a totalitarian
form of government. It shows how Soviet Jewry . . . those articulate
people who believe in the freedom and dignity of mankind . . . have
been subjected to gross abuse in an effort to stifle their voices.
This tactic of suppression of a vocal segment of a population is not
distant in time and geography . . . it is happening today . . . and
it is drawing closer to our Nation.
The same Communist tactics used to repress great groups of people
are now being used in Cuba . . . at the doorstep of our Nation.
This story of Communist repression of dissent and brutal imprison-
ment of dissidents from minority groups must alert the world to the
failings of that form of government.
Mr. Shifrin has spent the last 2 days telling that story, and I now
ask him to continue to work with this subcommittee, and at an appro-
priate time to assist in making appropriate recommendations as to
what might help to free these prisoners of a political regime so hostile
to individual rights, that it is repugnant to the entire free world.
Slavery ended in this Nation and most other civilized countries over
a hundred years ago.
Yet, the testimony here in these last 2 days indicates that millions,
probably tens of millions, of people in the Soviet Union are slaves to
their brutal government. Why? Because they have dared to speak out
(1"9).
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against the brutal policies of a totalitarian government and proudly
proclaim their belief in their God and their faith.
Counsel has some housekeeping details he would like to present for
the record at this time.
Mr. SouawINE. Mr. Chairman, first we have a chronology of Mr.
Shifrin's imprisonment in the U.S.S.R. prepared by the staff but
checked with Mr. Shifrin as to accuracy. I would like to .have the order
be that it will go in the record at this point, and Mr. Shi.frin will have
the right when he corrects the record to make any corrections that he
finds that he thinks lie wants to make.
Senator GURNEY. It will be so ordered.
[The chronology referred to appears on p. 35 of pt. 1.]
Mr. SOURWINE. We have several lists categorized by prisons of other
prisoners met by Mr. Shifrin in some of the various prisons he has
been in and this is by no means in any case a comprehensive list, but
these are names of people that have been identified and may be of some
interest, and I would like to ask that these lists by prison go in at this
time with these small paragraphs of identifying materials respective to
people's names.
Senator GURNEY. They will be received in evidence and be placed
in the record.
[The biographies referred to can be found in chronological order,
in the staff summary printed in pt. 1 of the hearing.]
Mr. SOURWINE. Thank you.
Then I have a few questions which I think will fill in possible blanks
in the record.
Mr. Shifrin, I do not believe it has been brought out yet in the rec-
ord, certainly not clearly, that you were by no means an ordinary
prisoner; that you were an officer of grade in the Army of the Soviet
Union and that you are by way of being a war hero. And I would like
to cover this briefly with a few leading questions if the Chair will
permit.
You were conscripted in 1941 and immediately assigned to a penal
battalion because your father was a class enemy?
Mr. SiiiFRIN. No, he was not class enemy. He was arrested without
any crime.
Mr. SOURWINE. I understand that.
Mr. Sizmil uN. And they told him that he is enemy of the people. That
is big difference.
Mr. SOURwINE. This was their words and not mine.
Mr. SHIffiN. Yes; I understand you.
Mr. SounwaNE. All right, now, a "penal battalion was a battalion that
was sent to the front lines?
Mr. SanFaiN. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. The penal battalions were short on weapons?
Mr. SarmIiIN. Yes. It was maybe 1 out of 10 who have rifles.
Mr. SOURWINE. As you told it when the staff interviewed you, you
were told : "Your weapons are in the hands of the Nazis; go get them."
Mr. SHiFRIN. Yes, this officer-not officer, some sergeant told to us:
"Your rifles in the hands of the Nazis; you must catch them."
Mr. SounwINE. Thank you. All you had to do was say "Yes." Please
forgive me. I am trying to cover time fast.
Mr. SzrmFRIN. Yes; you are right.
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Mr. SOURWINE. It sounds better when you say it, but it reads just
the same either way in the record.
Now, you were wounded?
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Twice.
Mr. SounwINE. Several times?
Mr. SxnrRiN. Twice.
Mr. SOURWINE. Twice?
Mr. SIIIIZiIN. In 1941 and 1942.
Mr. SounwINE. Now the first time you were wounded, were you sent
back to the penal battalion?
Mr. Sii1FRIN. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. The second time also you were sent back to the penal
battalion?
Mr. SIILFRIN. No, sir. _
Mr. SHIFaiN. I have seen after the second wound that they want
only to kill me, and that is why on the way to central hospital, I
changed my identification. I gave another date of birth, I gave another
place of birth, and I changed my name from Avraham to Ivrahim.
And that is why I came after hospital to regular regiment, and in this
regiment in first battle, when our officer was killed, I became officer;
battlefield promotion.
MMrr. SounwINE. You got a battlefield promotion and you eventually
became a major, did you not?
Mr. SIIZrRIN. Yes; a major in 1943.
Mr. 'SounwINE. IIow serious was your wound?
Mr. SnIFRIN. Both times they said it was serious. In the first, it was
my hand
Mr. BoLDYriEFr. In the joint.
Mr. SHIFniN. And in the second, my legs were full with the iron.
In many places I was wounded in the legs.
Mr. SOUJWINE. Yes, sir. You were decorated, were you not?
Mr. SmIIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SounwINE. And you fought through the whole war?
Mr. SHIFnIN. Yes; to the end. I was demobilized after the end.
Mr. SounwINE. After the war you went to Krasnodar region as an
investigator of banditry?
Mr. SiiiFRrN. Yes, banditry.
Mr. SounwINE. You were promoted to chief of the investigative
unit ?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You were transported to headquarters of the depart-
ment to combat banditry in Moscow?
Mr. SHIFEIN. Yes, sir.
Mr. SounwINE. You took a correspondence course in law?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouiwINE. You were made chief investigator at Tula?
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SounwINE. You there became chief legal adviser in secret war
plant number 535?
Mr. SIIIFniN. Yes ; you are right.
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Mr. SotuwINE. That plant was making automatic guns for fighter
aircraft?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SouRWINE. It also made antiaircraft guns for the navy and mine
launchers?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You served there from 1948 to 1952?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. You were then transferred to Moscow to the Ministry
of Defense?
Mr. SHIr-RIN. Yes.
Mr. SouuwINE. As chief legal adviser in the Contract Division of
the Juridical Department?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SouuwINE. You received your law diploma in 1953. You got
your law diploma in 1953?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SouRWINE. You are a lawyer?
Mr. SIITFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SouuwINE. I thought that material should be in the record. You
were not an ordinary prisoner.
Now, you served in defense plants in the Soviet Union. What can
you tell us about Soviet defense plants? Are there many instances
where the plants produced both war material and civilian goods?
Mr. SIIIrr.IN. You see, it is very interesting that in U.S.S.R. I have
seen it myself, that many war plants, they officially listed as plants in
another ministry but not in Ministry of Defense. Such cases; in Tula,
they have big plant, maybe 40 shops in the plant, and they make
weapons and ammunition. But 39 shops make weapons and ammuni-
tion, and one shop make samovars. You know, for tea.
Air. SouRwINE. Civilian items?
Air. SHIFRIN. Yes. That is why this plant has name "Samovarniy"-
Samovar factory-not army plant, and they have money from Min-
istry of Light Industry.
Mr. 'SOURWINE. Similarly, at Chelyabinsk they had 'a pipe plant
which really made ammunition ?
Mr. SrnvRIN. Right., in Chelyabinsk-barrels for guns.
Mr. SOURWINE. In Izhevsk they had a motorcycle plant that made
tractor vehicles armed with guns and rifles,and motorcycles equipped
with machineguns?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes.
Mr. SoURWINE. You have personal knowledge of these things be-
cause in some of the cases you drew the contracts; didn't you?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes, I drew contracts and also I have seen plants.
Mr. SOURWINE. Is similar camouflage used with respect to atomic
plants in the Soviet LTnion?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes, they have special committee of atomic energy,
and under command of this committee they have Ministry of-how
do you say it? Medium Machinery.
And this Medium Machinery Ministry, gave money to them. And
that is why in U.S.S.R. you can see millions which go in budget to
machinery but in reality it goes to weapons plants.
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. Mr. SouRwiNE. Now, your first-hand knowledge of those matters
was before you went to Siberia. Now, do you know whether the situa-
tion has changed since then?
Mr. SHIFRIN. No; this situation didn't change. Many of my friends,
which work with me in the days before my arrest, they work now in
the same ministry, and I have seen them in 1965, 1969, 1970, and they
told me that the situation didn't change.
Mr. Som iwINE. Thank you.
Now I want to go to another matter. You have discussed the anti-
Jewish terror, the Doctors' Plot. Now, is it correct that your boss was
arrested before you were at the time you were arrested in 1953?
Mr. SHIFRIN. No; he was not arrested. KGB secret service, came to
arrest him in Ministry of Defense and said to him-his secretary ex-
plained to me later-that he lost secret paper and when he have seen
that he would be arrested by these killers, he sprung from the window
from this big building, six stories high to the courtyard, and com-
mitted suicide.
Mr. SouiiwiNE. That was 2 days before you were arrested?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes; 2, 3 days before my arrest.
Mr. SouawINE. Now, another matter. While you were in Lubyanka
you met the screen writer Makliarsky?
Mr. 'SHIFRIN. Yes; he was twice winner of Stalin prize.
Mr. SourwINE. He had specialized in scripts glorifying the KGB?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes; he wrote big scenarios 'and they made big films
of the work of KGB-and then they arrested him.
Mr. SouRwlNE. But even though he was almost a hero of the Soviet
Union and the favorite of Stalin, he was put in jail because 'he wrote
one pro-Zionist poem?
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Yes; this was in 1922, or 1921, when he was ordinary
journalist in Odessa he wrote in some newspaper Zionist poetry, little
poetry.
Mr. SouRwINE. And years later they found it?
Air. SImmialN. And they found it in 1949 or 1950.
Mr. SOURWINE. More than 20 years later?
Mr. SHIvmN. Yes. In 1950, and they arrested him only for this
crime. Then they released him in 1954. He was in freedom after. I got
from him a letter.
Mr. SouRwINE. Now, at the time of your move from Butyrskaya,
do you remember telling us they moved you in an ice cream van?
Mr.:SHwR.iN. Oh, yes.
Mr. SouRwiNE. Tell us about that.
Mr. SHIFRIN. They don't want to show to foreigners these special
cars for prisoners. they have special built cars-vans for prisoners.
And that is why on the wall of these vans you can see "Bread,"
"Butter," "Meat." And we always make jokes that we are good meat-
fresh meat. And also I was once in the car with words "Ice Cream" and
with the picture of a big bear eating ice cream.
Senator GURNEY. This is so the people wouldn't know that prisoners
are being transported?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes ; these cars go in the street, and people think that
it is ice cream.
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Mr. SOURWINE. When you were transferred from Butyrskaya, you
were "ice cream"; when you were transferred from Chelyabinsk, you
were "meat?"
Mr. SnirRIN. Yes; but, excuse me, please. Now they build near
Butyrskaya a prison-Butyrskaya Prison. is very big prison-in the
corner of this prison, very big, 15-story building and this building
is only for KGB families. And with this big building, they cover this
prison, but in the middle of this building you can see big tunnel, and
in this tunnel you can see big iron gates of prison, and you can see
how these vans of "meat" and "ice cream" came to this prison in the
daytime. That is in the street-you see on_ the map. Please send your
tourists to visit this place on Butyrsky Val street, just 5 minutes from
Kremlin, and they can see all that with their own eyes.
Mr. SourtwINE. And now, Mr. Shifrin, while you were at Novosi-
birsk you ran across a new form of animal life, didn't you?
Mr. SiuriziN. I don't understand questions
. p
Mr. SOURWINE. A new form of animal life---
Mr. SHI mN. Yes; those big rats, yes; bigger than cats.
Mr. SounwiNE. Tell us about that.
Mr. SxirmN. Yes; bigger than cats. They have their transit con-
centration camps with barracks. And they have long latrine, maybe
50 or 60 meters long, because thousands of people there were in the
camp. When I came to this latrine, I was astonished because these
big rats ran around without any fear of people, in hundreds.
Mr. SourwiNE. You are not. just n ieasur_ing like a man would a fish
[indicating]. You are talking about 8 inches long, is that right?
Mr. SHTFRIN. Maybe 30 or 35 centimeters--12 inches. All my 10 years
in the prisons, I have seen these rats which they have in concentration
camps.
Mr. SOUP.WINE. All right. Now, you remember telling us about the
incident involving the Russian repatriates from China?
Mr. SnivaiN. Yes; that was camp 25, in Tayshet.
Mr.SouxwINE. Tell us about. that.
Mr. SAIFiiiN. It was in Tayshet. When we came, in this camp near
railway-maybe 10 to 15 meters away-one. of prisoners or two of
prisoners was on the roof of barracks; and they have seen big cattle
train and there came women from the cars of cattle train, and one of
prisoners recognized Ii is wife and shouted, and she answered. Then she
came to fence and asked how to come to us.. Husband answered. "You
can't come-it's prison." "No," she answered, "on your fence in big
letters it says that this is oil depot, refinery station." The women were
wives of Russian repatriates from China. They send them to U.S.S.R.
from China. They arrested them immediately. And then they told the
wives that they must go to the husbands, and they send them with this
train. And I have seen this meeting of husbands and wives. They see
each other only from the distance. KGB moved this train and these
women-they have children and baggage in the cars-got on and go
with train. Entire meeting was only maybe 15 or LO minutes. It was
accidental. It wasn't arranged.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, I have here several staff summaries
relating to incidents or indications or areas of testimony that have been
gone over in staff interviews. Time is not going to permit the witness
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to tell them all, but I think they should be in the record. May the offer
be, I will identify them sufficiently as to what they are, and they go in
the record subject to correction by the witness when he corrects his own
testimony?
Senator GURNEY. So ordered.
Mr. SOURWINE. And we will include then, a summary of his expe-
riences in hospitals, in prison hospitals.
Senator GURNEY. They will be included.
Mr. SoURwINE. A further detail about the new wave of prisoners
will be included.
Senator GURNEY. That will be included.
Mr. SOURWINE. And an incident involving certain former KGB
officers whom the witness in staff conference referred to as Burya-k?
Senator GURNEY. That will be included.
Mr. SOURWINE. Details with regard to what was referred to as the
massacre of the Yiddish writers.
Senator GURNEY. That will be included.
Mr. SoURwINE. And a brief explanation, which I think has been
made in more detail by the witness already, but probably should be
in an abbreviated form, about the basis on which he prepared his map.
Senator GURNEY. That will be included.
Mr. 'SoURwINE. The thought occurs to me, Mr. Chairman, that it
might be advantageous, in the interest of continuity and clarity, to
incorporate in the hearing record the entire text of the staff summary
prepared in advance of this hearing.
Senator GURNEY. So ordered.
[The material referred to above will be found in the staff summary
at the beginning of part 1.]
Mr. SOURWINE. That is all I have, Mr. Chairman.
Senator 'GURNEY. Each of these will be subject to review by the
witness as to their accuracy.
Now Mr. Shifrin, would you like to proceed with where we left
off this morning? I think you were on the prisoners of war, as I
recall it.
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Yes, sir.
Senator GURNEY. And if you can summarize as concisely as possible
I would appreciate it. Proceed.
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Excuse me, please. Sometimes my answer is not short,
but you must understand me that I have too many things what I must
tell you.
Senator GURNEY. I understand.
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Because I am responsible for my friends, which are
now in my place in concentration camps. I will try to be short.
Now, about these prisoners of war. When I came to Tayshet, I met
with thousands of prisoners of war: German, Italian, Spanish, and
also Japanese, Belgian.
Senator GURNEY. These were mostly prisoners from World War II?
Mr. SIIIFRIN. World War II ; yes. These people explained to me that
they was brought to this Tayshet Forest in 1945. It was not here any
railway then and it was not here also highway. They put them in the
forest and they built, at first, highway from camp to camp. Excuse me :
before this they build concentration camps for themselves. They cut
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this forest and built highway, and then near this highway they built
railway. And they told me that now in my rime-in 1.954--it is here like
resort. But I here heard this from living corpses. In 1945, 1946, 1947,
1948 it-they told me-was days when people died in :hundreds each
clay from starvation. They showed me kilometers of cemeteries on the
side, and then, I told you, I have seen these cemeteries which go near
the railway. They explained to me that along this railway was the
Kwantung Army and hundreds of thousands of other POW's. And
it was truth. I don't know how many died there-maybe million and
maybe more because it is a 600 kilometers railway and highway, and
on both sides cemeteries without intervals.
When I came I met not millions of POW's; I met only thousands.
But we know that in Kwantung Army was million soldiers.
In 1956 when they released these prisoners, I have seen how they
put them in the trains near our concentration camp. They brought
them from all along the railway; from all the concentration camps,
and I have seen that it was only some 10,000 people: Germans, French,
zipanish, Japanese,
Now, try to understand how many died here.
I have seen only maybe hundreds of these German officers, and they
told me that most of these prisoners of war died there. After 1956 KGB
released other foreigners from Tayshet, it was citizens from Czecho-
slovakia, Poland, Iran, and other countries.
It was also Belgian officers. Was maybe 12 to 15 of these officers. I
don't know why they didn't release them in 1956. I don't know. They
were there to 1962. At the end of 1962 they released them.
When Queen of Belgians came to I7.S.S.R., she asked to see these
officers and in big hurry came, KGB, to our concentration camp. The
Belgians was in concentration camp No. 7 in Potma because in these
days we was not in Tayshet; we was in Potma.
I told you yesterday they brought us from Tayshet to Potma in
1960, and these Belgians came together with us. Only in 1962, KGB
sent them home.
Also in 1963 once I have met with group of criminals which came to
our concentration camp, No. 7, and when I asked them in which place
they were, they told me we were in Island of Wrangel. I asked, "Island
of Wrangel? KGB has concentration camps there?" They answered
me, "Yes; there is three concentration camps for prisoners of war and
there sits only big officers from Germany, Italy, France. and Spain."
I didn't believe them, but now in Israel I met with one man in 1971-
we have his letter; I would show his letter-and he explained to me,
this man, that he was also in Island of Wrangel in 1962 and he have
seen there three concentration camps with thousands of prisoners of
war, and he explained to me that they have in one concentration camp
atomic reactor, and they make experiments on the live people with
radiation. In another concentration camp, they have experiments with
physicians on the people and in third they have submarines and they
have experiments with live people under water. And it 'is big secret,
and he was there in the group of prisoners which gave to the prisoners
food; he was not inside secret camps. He have heard from other pris-
oners about this work, and he sent to you letter and I gave to you this
letter in which he wrote real names of these prisoners in Wrangel.
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Also he told about two big people which he met on Wrangel. One of
them, Alexander Trushnovich, head of anti-Communist Russian orga-
nization, NTS ; he was kidnaped in 1953 from West Berlin. And
another man which he have seen there and all the world don't know
nothing about his fate ; this man is Raoul Wallenberg, diplomat of
Sweden, consul in Budapest, who save many thousands of Hungarian
Jews from Nazis. They kidnap him in 1945, this man, and they always
answer to free world that they don't know nothing about this man.
Senator GURNEY. Do we have the letter?
Mr. SIIIERIN. Yes ; you have letter.
Senator GURNEY. Proceed.
Mr.'SxirnuN. No; I think that is all I can tell about prisoners of war.
Senator GURNEY. In summary, then, what you have said was that
the Russians kept their prisoners-and they probably captured hun-
dreds of thousands during the course of the war-for a period of
10 to 15 years after the war and used them for slave labor all during
that time?
Mr. Si-irvRIN. Yes: they also was in slave labor.
Senator GURNEY. And probably a majority of them died in prison
camps?
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Yes ; I am sure a majority.
Senator GURNEY. And then the other significant point was that in
this prison camp in Island of Wrangel there was
Mr. SIIIFRIN. 'Italian, French, Spanish, and German.
Senator GURNEY. And they used prisoners for medical experiments,
which were atomic medical experiments, I suppose, to see what the
effect of radiation would be upon the human body?
Mr. SIIIFRIN. Yes.
Senator GURNEY. Do you have any other points that you want to
cover, Mr. Shifrin, not on prisoners of war, but any other points?
Mr. SxnRIN. Yes; I wanted very much to tell you something about
this Jewish process in Leningrad, this Jewish trial in Leningrad.
When they arrest these 12 people and 1 girl in 1970, crime of these
people was only one; they want to go to Israel. And all of these 12
have two and three times refusal from Soviet Government when they
gave documents and ask permission to go to Israel. Then these people
decided to steal Russian plane, not hijack, but steal plane and to go
to Sweden from Leningrad. It was their goal, and they arrest them
before they committed this crime. They arrest them on land, not in
the plane. They arrest them before they came to this plane, and they
gave to these people death sentence, to two of them, and two others 15
and 10 years in prison.
Among those people was Silva Zalmanson, a brave Jewish girl,
which is now in such situation that we wait maybe her death from
day to day because she cannot swallow food. Something is wrong
with her throat, and they don't permit the physician to see this girl.
And permit me to tell that only some weeks ago we got letter from
the prison from another prisoner, Galanskov, we also told to all the
world that Galanskov maybe would die; that he is ill. And no one
hear our voice. Now Galanskov died some weeks ago. Maybe it will
be same with Silva ; maybe it will be with her husband, Eduard
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Kuznetsov, he is very ill. He cannot eat this food because he has ulcer
and he ,is now in starvation. He cannot eat this rotten food.
And we have letters from their relatives about all this. I must
tell you that these people showed the way to others--these people
were so brave but they now are in desperation. And I ask you very
much to snake something -I tell you because your opinion very great
in the world and I tell you about this terror.
I must tell you about them. These people in such. situation-permit
me to explain to you. I also was in this concentration camp No. 10 and
I know that in reality it is prison. That is strict concentration camp in
which now sit Eduard Kuznetsov. I was there 1 year (pointing to the
map). Now here in the cell. are 20 people. In this concrete barracks
thin walls. Inside concrete they put railways
Mr. BOLDYREFF. No, rails.
Mr. SHIFRIN. Rails, excuse inc. Rails. And that is why in summer
you cannot breath there. It is like in the oven in the cell. In the winter
inside this cell on the wall where window it's front, :i or 7 centimeters
and sometimes 10 centimeters of frost inside the cell on the wall. On
the ceiling always drops of water-because we were alive.
In each cell they have one, sometimes two, people with tuberculosis.
In our cell was prisoner Baranov; he spit with the blood always.
Here you see on the map is women prison. Here I have seen once in
winter of 1960 when chief of the prison, Buryak-his second name,
Buryak-nickname "Ilitler"-made some.thin~; impossible. Once I was
here preparing wood for the stoves in the courtyard of prison, and I
have seen when Buryak and soldiers-overseers came to this women's
prison in the Sunday and they shout to these women, go to wash
Mr. BOLDYREFF. The shower.
llr. Smi inN. To showers, to wash. And it was on Sunday, It was
there nuns from convent, and they ask permit to pray on Sunda. But
Buryak,and soldiers tore from them clothes and pulled ithem on' their
backs through snow to shower.
In this prison I have seen each month that one, two prisoners go mad.
My friends in desperation, in starvation now-and I must tell you
about all this-there is the other map.
Mr. BOLDYREFF. Yes, here.
Mr. SHIFRIN. That is cell in which I was in another, strict concen-
tration camp No. 10 in Potma and in this camp-which is in reality
prison-now my friends, they sit here in these cells; that is also con-
crete barrack. Here it was very little cells. Here you have cell 3 meter
by 3 meter. It were here in the cell, three Ukrainians, three from Baltic,
and I-Jew-international. Seven people here. in cell 3 on 3 meters.
You can here lie only on your side. You cannot lie on the back.
Here you see a little table and only 30 inches from a common hunk
in which we lie together to the door. And in this place near door two
prisoners make work because they permit in this way to other prisoners
to lie on the back on the hunk. 1See diagram. part 1., page 61.]
In starvation, with hard labor on the brick plant; they are now here
1973. And here in camp No. 10 I have seen not one time but many times,
when prisoners open their veins in desperation. They tried to commit
suicide. And if you think that guards bring in these cases physicians,
you mistaken. They tell: "You opened your own veins yourself. It is
not our task." And so only friends try to help these people in such cases.
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CONCENTRATION CAMP PRISON 410
GUARD
TOWER
KIT?HE a"
rADLE
2STOOLS
POT ST EOV FOR
2CiLLS
C
C ?E,L4?SJ
c: L _
PtC
X E
AREA
ffTT
li
WOMEN'S PRISON
IPUNITIVE CELLS
WITHOUT HEAT OR WINDOWS
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140
I have seen many times when people cut their bellies here. They beat
glass from the window and with this glass they cut their body. I
remember one prisoner, he was in such desperation he want to commit
suicide, but he cannot. He have not power. And he asked me : "Avra-
ham, cut my belly; cut me."
I have seen when people cut part of the meat, yes, part of the meat,
flesh, and try to boil it on flame with paper from the books and eat it.
I have seen people open veins and put in the pot blood and put their
bread-our black bread-and then eat this bread.
Really, they were not in full conscience these prisoners because they
were in such desperation : from year to year, from year to year, from
year to year, without hope ... I have seen in this concentration camp
No. 10 one simple boy, Nikolai Shcherbakov. Ile was in such despera-
tion, that it is hard lo find words. Ile lost. his parents in the days of
War II and he was without parents--how do you say? I would tell it
in Russian.
Mr. BQLDYRErr. Ile was without parents. All his life was on the
streets, and then he became thief. And when he was in concentration
camp for thieves, 3,000 thieves make a tattoo on their forehead, "Slave
of Communism."
I have seen people which make tattoo-rocket on the breast,
atomic rocket, with words, "To U.S.S.R."
They explained rne, "We want to be killed with rockets but to stop
this killing in this country."
This Shcherbakov with this forehead, with this tattoo "Slave of
Communism," came to our camp No. 10 and before 22d Congress of
Party ask another prisoner to make. tattoo on his ears : "Present to
22d Party Congress; Communist Party." And then when we was in
courtyard for exercise-courtyard was with barbed wire with dogs
outside, with machine guns on towers-he cut with right hand left
ear and throw this ear in the face of this chief of the prison, and then
with the left hand he try to cut right car and he was not successful.
Blood came to all sides, he cut 'big vessels, and all of the prisoners
was in the blood in this courtyard. But he cut this second ear and
throw it in the face of this killer.
In this camp-prison in the same situation prisoners now. Eduard
Knznetsov, Yuriy Fedorov, XT-urzhenko, Dymshits and hundreds
others. They sit now in this concentration camp-orison for second
time-in first time I were with them. I cannot understand how they
survive, because I do not know how I survived. And that is why I
don't understand how it is possible to come second time to this place
and live without any hope.
Excuse me for my nerves. But you see that I speak not only with the
words; I speak with my heart and I want with this testimony all the
world try to understand me because this Nikolai Shcherbakov, this
noneducated person, this man which never finished school, man with-
out parents, this boy, when I asked him: "Why, why you make it?"
He answered me : "Avraham, when I would come to the freedom and
when I would tell to the people that we were in this desperation, they
would not believe me. And then I would show them my head without
ears. Maybe then they would believe me."
You see what the thought was in this man? He want to prove to the
world all of this awful situation. Excuse me-I have my ears.
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Senator GURNEY. I understand a man must be totally desperate to
undertake that.
Mr. Sr3mvnIN. Pardon?
Senator GURNEY. I said I can understand how a man can be totally
desperate to want to do that.
Mr. SnivnuN. Thank you very much that you understand. I know
that you was in the army. I know that you was in the war. I know that
you man which can understand me. That is why I talk so openly.
Senator GURNEY. There is one point on these prisoners of war that
we didn't discuss that I think is worthwhile discussing to complete
that picture.
When you were in these prisons, these camps, did you ever run across
Russian prisoners of war who had been captured by the Allied Armies?
Mr. SAmFRuN. I have seen many thousands of them.
Senator GURNEY. Why were they in Russian prisons?
Mr. SrrrvRuN. You see these people became prisoners of war in the
hands of Nazi in the days of the war.
Senator GURNEY. Yes.
Mr. SI3n'nIN. Because these Russian Communist commanders in this
Communist army, they lose army in first days of the war. You remem-
ber this. And millions of these soldiers came in the hands of the Nazis.
After the war many of these people don't want to return to U.S.S.R.
They didn't want to return to U.S.S.R. because they know what await
them.
Senator GURNEY. You mean they would rather stay in Germany than
go back to Russia?
Mr. SHIFRIN. No; when after the war you released these people from
the hands of Nazis, they told you that they don't want to go to U.S.S.R.
because they know
Senator GURNEY. You mean they would rather have stayed in Ger-
many? They would rather stay in Germany than return to lussia ?
Mr. SzairRTN. Yes; excuse lne. I cannot speak so well. Ask please,
Mr. Boldyreff to translate when you cannot understand me. I want
very much that you understand me to the point.
Senator GURNEY. I understand you. Go ahead.
Mr. SIIIFRIN. They didn't want to return because they know what is
the brutal government they have in U.S.S.R. They know that concen-
tration camps await them. But the U.S.S.R., the Communists, sand all
the world want to return prisoners of war. It was very big mistake
because you returned-and England and France returned-they re-
turned these people. You brought them under machineguns to the bor-
der of U.S.S.R., and when Communists catch them, they immediately
brought them to concentration camps. They explained to me, these
people, that when KGB brought them to concentration camp, it was
big announcement on the gates, `Motherland Awaits You." Such hy-
pocrisy words. And when they came inside gates in another side of
these gates was words, "Stay, I Would Shoot Without Wavning."
It was concentration camp. From these concentration camps, after in-
vestigation-they tried to show that KGB make investigation why
these soldiers were caught. What was the investigation? I have heard
it from many people. They asked: "Why you became prisoner of
Nazi?" "I was wounded; I was in the battlefield with bullets in my
leg:,." "We don't believe you. Why you didn't shoot this Nazi when
they catch you?" "I have not gun."
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"But you must catch them with your teeth."
That was answer of KGB. And once my friend told me such story
that he was in so desperation in these investigations that he make a
little pistol from the bread. He was officer, He made it wonderful.
And when he made pistol he brought pistol to investigation room. And
when investigator came to him with the fists again, he took out this
pistol and told him, "Stand on the knees!" This investigator immedi-
ately stand on his knees, this KGB officer immediately stand on knees.
And prisoner told him : "Kiss my feet !" And he kissed. And thenthis
prisoner told him, "Why you don't catch me with your teeth ?"
[Laughter.]
They sent all of these people for 25 years to the prisons. It was-
I don't know how many hundreds and hundreds and thousands of
such people.
Senator GURNEY. Well, you saw them 10 years or more after the end
of the war, after they had been returned, isn't that correct?
Mr. SzimriuN. Oh, yes. They were in there 1956,19581, and 1960. They
were there in concentration camps many years, some of them 25 years.
Senator GURNEY. So these Russian soldiers---
Mr. SHIFRSN. Russian soldiers, decorated soldiers.
'Senator GURNEY. These soldiers were slaves for 10, 15, 20, and 25
years after they were returned?
Mr. SImIFRIN. Yes; in this way they gave to them "salary" for this
war.
Senator GunxEY. Do you have anything else you want to add?
Mr. SzuuFR N. Yes. I did not tell you about this new slavery tax for
Jews when they want to go from this country to Israel. In my days,
when I came from U.S.S.R. to Israel, I paid to government tax 40
rubles-half of month salary. When I came to Israel they made tax
after some months in 1970 from 40 rubles in 1 day to 1,000 rubles.
Now what is a thousand rubles? In the U.S.A. you have here salary
of $1,000 in the month, sometimes $2,000 in the month. Your people
can have such a salary. In U.S.S.R., salary of the worker if, 100 rubles
in the month. Big engineer or good physician sometimes have 120
or 150 rubles in the month. That is why 1.000 rubles, that is your
year's salary without eating, without dress, without nothing. In 1971
tax was 1,000 rubles. And then from 1972 this robber have seen that
all free world keep silence and made another slavery tax for Jews
which want to go home, to Israel from 5,000 to 25,000 rubles, for
engineers, physicians, and doctor professors. 'And that is why they put
people in such position that they cannot pay and cannot go to Israel.
With all your life you cannot have 5,000 rubles. It is impossible.
Senator GURNEY. This is in order to prevent any of them from
leaving?
Mr. SHIFRIN. Yes. And now only people without education can
go to Israel. They stopped educated people. And now we have cases
when Jews committed suicide; they have permission to go to Israel
but had no money to pay this slavery tax. And I know that my Jewish
friends in U.S.S.R. try to fight now against this slavery tax and defy
them and we have now victims. They put in the prisons and in the
concentration camps some of Jews which try to fight against this
slavery tax. I know them. They now in the prison because they told
that they don't agree with this slavery tax; that there is slavery in
20th age-
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Mr. BOLDYRErr. Twentieth Century.
Mr. SiiirRiN. Twentieth Century. And really that is slavery. And I
think that all people with education in free world must tell to these
robbers that they don't permit them to make slavery in 20th Century,
and send people for this crime to the prisons. I would give you docu-
ments about these fighters.
And also, I want to tell you that when I came to your world, to the
free world, I have heard about this intention to make trade with
U.S.S.R. When my friends I told you shoutt, to me by the telephone :
"We are hostages in the hands of killers." They also told me by tele-
phone conversations and in letters that free mankind should boycott
trade with U.S.S.R. Only boycott of U.S.S.R. can help them.
That is only one way to help these people which live in desperation.
It would be good to tell you one sentence of Lenin : "Capitalism
would sell to us-to Communists-the rope on which we would hang
them." And now your Wall Street tries to sell to them rope on which
they would hang you.
You, free world, built for them all these big plants for U.S.S.R.
You, free world, build for U.S.S.R. all these tank plants, iron craft
plants. All this is work of free mankind and then these killers from
U.S.S.R. would go against you with the war.
Now you try to make trade with U.S.S.R. Wall Street discussed
problem of how many billions they would loan to U.S.S.R.: $100
billion, or $150 billion.
I can tell you that I have heard in concentration camps sometimes
from prisoners in desperation that when these Communists would catch
these Americans, which helped U.S.S.R. and would send them to
concentration camps, they, political prisoners, would go to the towers
of concentration camps to be overseers because free world now try to
help the Communists against these people which live in desperation.
Simple people cannot understand your politic because you work against
your interests.
Mr. SouRwINE. Who is it who says if the 'Communists catch the
Americans and put them in concentration camps, they, the speakers,
would be willing to go and be. with the guards? Who said that?
Mr. SIIIrRIN. I have heard these words many times from simple un-
educated prisoners which were in desperation. They see that Ameri-
cans try to be friendly with the Communists and Communists oppress
them and they in desperation in these cells. You must understand these
people which told in desperation such bitter words.
Senator GURNEY. In what way do they think that we are helping the
Communists oppress them?
Mr. SHIP iN. First, I must tell you, I am sure you must go against
these killers. You must be open and brave in the struggle against
communism. If you don't struggle with Communists-you help
them oppress these people in U.S.S.R. I know that communism
is not so powerful like you think. I have seen them all my life and
you know that in my work I have known much. And I am sure that
if you would understand only one simple thing : Communists under-
stand only language of power. If you would go against them with
power, they would stay on their knees.
Please remember about Cuba case when they brought to Cuba
rockets. Please try to remember this case with Taiwan when they try
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to catch Taiwan. Only in these two cases your United States talked
openly and straight, with full power : "Stop ; or it would be war."
And they stopped in one day. You remember? They threw out those
rockets from Cuba on the ships, these killers, and they stopped attacks
in China-Taiwan immediately.
But in all the cases when you try to speak with these murderers,
they understand and they could understand only one thing-their
mentality is very simple-"If I would have power to kill these hate-
ful United States-think man like Brezhnev-l would kill them
without any hesitation. I speak with this America only because I not
have power to kill them today. When America speak with me, I must
understand that they have not power to kill me." Communists cannot
understand that you are people with another mentality; that you want
I peace : that your war in Vietnam was a war of peace.
Believe me, that in U.S.S.R.. people understand your war in Vietnam
more better than your students, which make these demonstrations. In
U.S.S.R. simple people understand you. But Communists understand
only one thing: you, free world, didn't do nothing to help the Czecho-
slovakians-free world not just only the United States-free world
didn't help Hungary ; free world don't want to help these dissidents
in U.S.S.R. which died now in the prisons, concentration camps, and
mental asylums. And that is why they understood t.lcat they now have
power to throw to the prisons these dissidents. The . Y now understood
that you don't want to do nothing to help these dissidents. Only because
of this they now throw to the prisons so many dissidents and life of
Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov in danger. Believe me. They build now
new, big concentration camps. They can finish. with this Jewish move-
ment and with another dissidents now because they see that free world
don't want to help to these brave people.
Mr. Sourrwrr+rr;. So it is all the fault of the United States, is that what
you are saying?
Mr. Slriyrrr;. Not fault of the United States, excuse me. It is fault
of free mankind. People in the free world don't remember about re-
sponsibility in mankind. This I must tell to free mankind because your
liberals don't know socialism and communism and think that they can
]mild socialism with human face. They make mistake. Communists
would kill them first.
In Czechoslovakia intellectuals also thought that they can make
communism with human face. You see their end. So it would be here
when these Communists would destroy your society with all these
New Lefts and new Trotskyists. Then they would have power to kill
this free mankind. That is their goal.
Senator GuPNEY. Well, I think I recognize their goal as closely as
you do, Mr. Shifrin. Many of us in this country do.
Let me summarize by saying this, that your testimony has been most
startling. It has been revealing, illuminating, shocking. It will be made
a part of the public record of this committee and of the U.S. Senate. I
hope many will read it. That is one of the reasons why I was so anxious
to chair these hearings and be sure that you did have a chance to make
your voice heard.
I share your same fear about the ultimate goal of communism. I
think many of our people, not only in this country but also in the free
world, are not aware of the fact that concentration camps, political
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prisoners, slave camps, are pretty much the same in the Soviet Union
today as they were during the reign of Stalin. That is why I think this
testimony is so iniportiiiit.
It is hard to believe that. over a century or more after most civilized
countries have done away with slavery, that we have slavery in one of
the most powerful nations in the world and on a scale such as never
existed before at any time in the history of the world.
This I think is the importwit part of your testimony, your very
important testimony, and I want to thank you very much for coming
here. I think. you have done a real service. As I said, I hope people will
read this and become aware of the things that are happening in Soviet
Russia and perhaps that will contribute to some change some time
down the road. I certainly hope so.
Thank you very much.
Mr. SITHUIN. Thank you very much also for work of your Internal
Security Commission, I have read in the U.S.S.R. many times in Rus-
sian newspapers, articles against your Internal Security Commission,
and I am sure that you make big work and you try to defense your
society.
I told you all this because I am sure that only with all the power
of all the free mankind, we can make something, do something with
these murderers who try to kill free people on all the Earth.
Thank you very much.
Senator GURNEY. Your comment about their awareness of what
goes on in this country by the way of news dissemination in the
U.S.S.R. is certainly correct. I recall when I first came to Congress as
a young Congressman about 10 years ago-as you know, I come from
Florida-this I think was back in 1963-and I made some comment
about the Soviet threat to Cuba. The next day or 2 days after that,
it was picked up in Prague, I believe, and they commented on it.
They commented on this crazy man from Florida and what he had
to say about what was going on in Cuba. So I am aware of the fact
that shedding light and publicity on what the Soviets are doing is
important in this country and that the Soviets are aware of it and
they do react to it.
Thank you very much.
The hearing of the subcommittee is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 3:30 p.m., the subcommittee recessed, subject to
the call of the Chair.]
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SOME BIOGRAPHIES OF SOVIET POLITICAL PRISONERS
[From Grani, No. 79, 80, 82 and 84]
1. IVANOV, Nikolay Viktorovich, b. 1937, art historian, instructor at the
Lenningrad State University. Sentenced 5 Apr 68 in Leningrad to 6 years in a
strict regime labor camp for his membership in the All-Russian Social Christian
Union for the Liberation of the People. Is serving his sentence in Dubrovlag.
(Grani No. 82, p. 120)
2. KONOSOV, Mikhail Borisovich, born 1937, metal worker at Lengaz, poet,
student by correspondence at the M. Gorkiy Literary Institute in Leningrad.
Sentenced 5 Apr 68 in Leningrad to 4 years in a strict regime labor camp for his
membership in the All-Russian Social Christian Union for the Liberation of the
People. Served his sentence in Dubrovlag. Released upon completion of sentence.
In February 1971 registered for residence at the city of Luga in the Leningradskaya
Oblast. (Grani No. 82, p. 120)
3. BOCHEVAROV, Georgiy Nikolaevich, b. 1935, engineer-economist. Sen-
tenced at the 5 Apr 68 Leningrad trial to two and a half years in a strict labor camp
for his membership in the All-Russian Social Christian Union for the Liberation
of the People. Served his sentence at Dubrovlag. Released after serving his time.
(Grani No. 82, p. 121)
4. SLUTSKIY, Boris Abramovich, b. 7 May 1919 in Slavyansk (Donbass),
studied in Moscow at the Law Institute and the M. Gorkiy Literary Institute.
Member of the Communist Party since 1943. First poems published in 1941.
Other works published in 1953, 1955, 1961, 1964. Much work censored and
remains unpublished. (Grani No. 82, p. 121)
5. BOGORAZ-BRUKIIMAN, Larisa Iosifovna, b. May 8, 1929 in Kharkov.
Married Yu. Daniel in 1950. Participated actively in the defense of her arrested
husband, and appeared in the defense of Yu. Galanskov, A. Ginzburg, A. Dobro-
vol'skiy and V. Lashkova. Also appeared in the defense of Anatoliy Marchenko
and her sister Irina Belogorodskaya. Arrested and beaten for her participation in a
demonstration protesting the entr of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia and
sentenced to 4 years of exile which she e served in the Yakutskaya Oblast. According
to foreign sources, was released conditionally in December 1971 before completing
her term and sent to Kaluga where her husband settled upon his release from
camp. (Grani, No. 82, p. 125)
6. NAGORNIY, Valeriy, b. 1938, engineer with the Leningrad Institute of
Precision Mechanics and Optics,. Sentenced at the Leningrad trial of 5 Apr 68 to
3 years in a strict regime camp for his membership in the All-Russian Social
Christian Union for the Liberation of the People. Served his sentence at Dubrovlag.
Released March 1970 upon completion of term.
7. BARANOV, Yurity Petrovich, b. 1938, electronic engineer at the Clinic of
Hospital Surgery of the First Leningrad Medical Institute. Sentenced at the
Leningrad 5 Apr 68 trial to 3 years in a strict regime camp for his participation in
the All-Russian Social Christian Union for the Liberation of the People. Served
his sentence at Dubrovlag. Released 10 Feb 1970. Died shortly afterwards.
(Grani, No. 82)
8. SUDAREV, Anatoliy, h. 1939, translator, graduated from the Leningrad
State University. Sentenced at the Leningrad 5 Apr 68 trial to 2 years in a strict
regime labor camp. Served his time in Dubrovlag, whereupon released in March
1970. (Grani number and page not given)
9. DOL'NIK, Solomon Borisovich, b. circa 1900. Arrested early in 1966 in
Moscow and accused of distributing Zionist and anti-Soviet literature. Served
time in labor camps in Mordovia. Upon release immigrated to Israel with his
wife. (Grani, number and page not given)
10. GENDLER, Yuriy L., born 1936. Arrested 1 Aug 1968 for planning to
express his sympathy to Czechoslovakia. Sentenced in Dec. 1968 to 3 years in
(147)
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a strict regime labor camp. Was to be released in August 1971 upon completion
of term. (Grani, number and page not given)
11. VERETENOV, Vladimir, born 1936, chemist from Tomsk. Graduated
Leningrad State University. Arrested for his participation in the All-Russian
Social Christian Union for the Liberation of the People. Sentenced 5 April 1968
to 2 years in a strict regime labor camp. Served his sentence in Dubrovlag. Re-
leased March 1969 upon completion of term. (Grani, number and page not
given)
12. GABAY, Il'ya Yankelovich, born 1925, philologist, poet, scriptwriter,
teacher, editor. Author of "At the Closed Doors of an Open Court" and many
other works challenging the arrest and imprisonment of Soviet dissidents. Arrested
19 May 1970 for possession of documents regarding the struggle of the Crimean
Tatars for their rights. Sentenced to 3 years in it standard regime labor camp.
His address: Kemerovo 28, p/ya 1612/40, br. 44. (Grani, number and page not
given)
13. KRASIN, Viktor, born 1929, economist, worked at the Central Economics it
and Mathematics Institute. A graduate of Stalinist labor camps. Member of the
Action Group for the Defense of Civil Rights in the USSR. Active protester
of Stalinism. Author of numerous documents on civil rights in USSR and countries
of the Soviet bloc. Arrested 20 Dec 1969, tried on 23 Dec 1969 and sentenced to
5 years of exile in the Krasnoyarskiy kray. Address: Eniseyskiy rayon
Makovskoye village, general delivery. (Grani, p. 92)
14. TALANTOV, Boris Vladimirovich, born 1903, son of it priest. Father and
brother perished in labor camps. Graduated Pedagogical Institute in Kirov_
Taught mathematics. Long record of dissent and struggle for civil rights and
freedom of religion. After many years of persecution, finally arrested in Kirov on
12 June 1969, tried on 1 Sept 1969 and sentenced to 2 years in a concentration
camp. As of 6 Nov 1970 in a prison hospital in Kirov. Died on 4 Jan 1971 of heart
attack. (Grani, No. 79)
15. SHAVROV, Vadim, born 1924, Moscovite, from the family of an old
bolshevik. Member of VLKSM and graduate of military-naval school. Arrested in
1948 with his father and sentenced to 10 years. While in camp in 1954 became
religious. After rehabilitation completed a religious seminary. A friend and
co-author of A. Levitin. (Grani, No. 79)
16. BURMISTROVICII, Il'ya Evsecvieh, born 1938, candidate of physical--
mathematics sciences, author of 9 scientific works; had been a senior member of
the staff of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences. Arrested 16 May 1968. Tried
in Moscow 21 May 1969. Sentenced to 3 years in standard regime corrective labor-
camps. Sentenced for duplicating and distributing the works of Sinyavskiy and
Daniel, information on the trial of Yu. Galanskov and A. Ginzburg, and Samizdat-
materials. At present in a concentration camp. Address: Krasnoyarskiy kray,
at. N. Ingash, p/ya 263/1-5-3. (Grani, p. 95)
17. KUSHEV, Evgeniy Igorevicb, born 1947, a Moscovite, from the family of
artists. Author of the poem "Decembrists", one of the founders of "The Ryleyv
Club", an editor of the literary magazine "Russkoye Slovo" (Russian Word) and
the magazine "Sotsialism i Demokratiya" (Socialism and Democracy). Arrested
and spent some time in a mental hospital for his participation in a demonstration
protesting the arrest of Sinyavskiy and Daniel. Met A. Krasnov-Levitin in 1965
(his godfather when Kushev became baptized). Arrested and sentenced to 7
months for his participation on 22 Jan 1967 in a demonstration protesting the
arrest of Yu. Galanskov, A. Dobrovol'skiy etc. Tried together with V. Bukovsky
and V. Delone on 30 Aug-1 Sept, 1967 and sentenced conditionally to 1 year of
deprivation of freedom. Testified on the behalf of Yu. Galanskov, A. Ginzburg,
A. Dobrovol'skiy and V. Lashkova on 8 Jan 1968 at their trial. One of the authors
of the magazine "Phoenix-66". (Grani, p. 9,)
18. GINZBURG, Aleksandr Ie'ich, born in 1936, Moscovite, poet, publicist.
Edited 3 issues of an underground literary youth magazine "Sintaksis"; arrested
and sentenced to 2 years in a concentration camp for this work. Arrested again
in 1964 for allegedly harboring anti-Soviet material. Following the arrest of
Sinyavskiy and Daniel in 1965, compiled a "White Book on the Trial of Sinyavskiy
and Daniel" during 1966 and sent copies to the KGB, to members of the Supreme
Soviet, N. Podgornyy and other government officials. Arrested, tried, and sen-
tenced on 8 Jan 1968 to 5 years in a strict regime camp for demonstrating on behalf
of V. Lashkova, Yu. Galanskov, and A. Dobrovol'skiy. While in camp participated
in a variety of protest acts. Tried on 18 Aug 1970 in Yavas for these protests, and
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moved from Dubrovlag to the Vladimirskaya prison [reputedly one of the most
terrible], operating under strict regime conditions. (Grani, no. 79, p. 100)
19. BOGACH, Nikolay Pavlovich, b. 1944 in the Kuban. While a student of
the Nikolayev Agricultural Technicum tried to establish the "Organization for
Social Justice", for which in the spring of 1969 he was sentenced by the Nikolayev
City Court to 4 years at a correctional strict regime labor camp; the term was
subsequently reduced to 3 years. (Grani, no. 84 p. 91)
20. VASILYAN, Ovik M., b. 1936, an Armenian, non-party. Engineer of the
Erevan Electric Lamp Plant. Sentenced by the Supreme Court of the Armenian
SSR in February 1969 to 6 years in a corrective labor camp; accused of criticizing
life under the Soviets, of spreading slanderous information on the domestic and
foreign policy of the USSR, of agitating for an independent Armenia, etc. In
camp participated in strikes against brutalities inflicted by camp guards and
administration. (Grani, no. 84, p. 91)
21. GYUNASIIYAN, Shirak, b. 1939, an Armenian, non-party. Engineer and
designer. Sentenced in Feb 1969 by the Supreme Court of the Armenian SSR
together with O. M. Vasilyan for the same reasons to 4 years. (Grani no, 84, p. 92)
22. KHACHATRYAN, Ayk Karaevich, b. 1920, Armenian, non-party. Artist-
painter. Sentenced by the Supreme Court of the Armenian SSR to 5 years ac-
cording to article 70. (Grani, no. 84, p. 92)
23. FEDOROV, Yuriy Ivanovich, b. 1936, from Leningrad. Worked with the
Komsomol, then the MVD, then a captain in the police force. Sentenced in July
1969 by the Leningrad City Court to 6 years for illegally organizing the "Union
of Communists". After a two-week stay in solitary confinement in Dubrovlag,
transferred to a camp in Mordovia (17-a, Ozernoe). In 1971 participated in a
hunger strike on Human Rights day, demanding amnesty for all political prisoners.
(Grani, no. 84, p. 92)
24. GREBENSIICHIKOV, Vasiliy Fedorovich, "Chronicle", No. 21, 1971
calls him Grebenshchikov, TTaktor Orestovich and states that he is from Alma-Ata.
Arrested on 27 June 1967 for his attempt to throw onto the grounds of the Ameri-
can Embassy a typed text of his work, "History of the collectivization of agri-
culture in the USSR". Released 26 June 1971 from a camp in Mordovia. (Grani,
no. 84, p. 92)
25. IVANOV, Yuriy Evgenevich, h. 1927, of Leningrad, son of the artist-
painter E. Sivers, shot in 1938 and rehabilitated after his death. While attending,
the Academy of Arts, arrested in 1947, with two others, for not attending lectures
on Marxism-Leninism. Sentenced without trial to 10 years in a concentration
camp. After 1 year, acquitted and released. Arrested again in 1955, accused of
spreading anti-Soviet literature, etc. Sent to work on the construction of the
Kuybyshev Hydroelectric Power Station where at that time approximately 8,000
prisoners, charged' according to Article 58 (same as Ivanov), were working. Was
not released as many others after Stalin's death; caught during an attempt to
escape and sentenced to another 10 years. Spent. 1 year At the Vladimirskaya
prison, in solitary confinement. In 1963 again sentenced for another 10 years for
spreading "anti-Soviet propaganda" in the camp. Of these spent 3 years at the
Vladimirskaya prison, then 2% years in a special regime camp (camp 10 in
Dubrovlag). In the summer of 1968 transferred to strict regime camp no. 11, then
4 months in solitary confinement at the Saransk K GB, then camp 17 at Dubrovlag,
etc. etc. In 1969 an exhibition of his painting was held in London. According to
rumors he was released from the Mordovian camps in advance of his term. Present
address unknown. (Grani, no. 84, p. 94)
26. KALNYN'SH, Viktor Yanovich, b., 1936, Latvian. Graduated Moscow
Pedagogical Institute. Journalist. Arrested 18 Apr 1962. Accused of membership
in an "underground anti-Soviet, nationalistic organization", the "Baltic Federa-
tion". Sentenced to 10 years in labor camps. The sentence was protested by the
Procurator of the Latvian SSR, the Procurator General of the USSR, and numer-
ous Latvian intellectuals, but to no avail. Sent to camp 17-a in Mordovia. Par-
ticipated in various camp protests and punished accordingly. In 1969 transferred
to BUR for protesting the transfer of Yu. Daniel and V. Ronkin to the Vladimir-
skaya prison. (Grani, No. 84, p. 95)
27. CHERDYNTSEV, Ivan Alekseevich, b. 1938. Teacher. In 1064 was tried
by the Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR for participating in the organization
of the "Democratic Union of Socialists" and sentenced to 6 years in a labor camp;.
received another 4 years while in camp. In Sept 1971 participated in a hunger
strike at camp 19 in Dubrovlag. His mother, Efrosiniya Nesterovna [Cherdyntseva],
lives at No. 84 Krasin St., Petropavlovsk, Kazakh SSR.
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28. IVANOV, Anatoliy M. (Real name-Novogodniyy), Moscovite, poet. Ar-
rested 6 Oct 1961 together with V. Osipov and E. Kuznetsov for their participation
in the magazine "Phoenix-61". Sentenced by the Moscow City Court on 9 Feb 62
to 7 years in a intensified regime labor camp. Served his sentence in labor camps
in Mordovia. Released in October 1968. According to Osipov, spent part of his
sentence in a mental hospital.
29. KHAUSTOV, Viktor Aleksandrovich, b. 1938, Moscovite, poet, member of
SMOG, an upholsterer by trade. Participated in the 22 Jan 67 demonstration pro-
testing the arrest of V. Lashkova, Yu. Galanskov, and A. I)obrovol'skiy for their
work on the magazine "Phoenix-66". Arrested and sentenced by the Moscow City
Court to 3 years in an intensified regime camp. Served his term in labor camps in
the Orenburg Oblast. Released in Jan 1970. (Grani, no. 80, p. 141)
30. KUZNETSOV, Eduard Samuilovich, b. 1941, Moscovite, student of
philosophy at the Moscow State University. Arrested along with V. Osipov and
A. Ivanov for their work on the magazine "Feniks-61". Sentenced by the Moscow
City Court to 7 years in an intensified regime labor camp. Served his term first
in camps in Mordovia, then in the Vladimirskaya prison. Released in October
1968. Settled in Riga and married S. Zalmanson. On 15 June 70 together with his
wife and 9 other friends apprehended by the KGB and accused of an attempt to
hijack an airplane from the "Sxnolone" airport in Leningrad. Kuznetsov and
Dymshits were sentenced to be shot, the others got 4 to 15 years in concentration
camps. As a result of protests the world over, Kuznetsov's and Dymshits' sen-
tences were changed to 10 years in concentration camps. Kuznetsov arrived in
June 1971 at camp 10 (Station Udarnaya Lepley), a special regime camp, i.e.
living in a prison and going out to work. (Grani, no. 80, p. 141)
31. BOKSHTEIN, Il'ya Veniaminovieh, Moscovite, spinal tuberculosis since
childhood, student at the Library Institute, poet. Arrested 6 Aug 61. Sentenced
by the Moscow City Court to 5 years in concentration camps for his participation
in "Phoenix-61". Released after serving his sentence. (Grani, 80, p. 142)
32. GEDONIY, Aleksandr Gidoni. A member of the All-Russian Social
Christian Union for the Liberation of Peoples, denounced this organization to
the KGB. Remained in the organization at the instruction of the KGB until
the first arrests of its members in Feb-Mar 1967 and their trial in Nov 67-Apr 68
at which he appeared as witness for the prosecution. (Grani, No. 80, p. 142)
33. BORODIN, Leonid Ivanovich. B. in Irkuts. Student at the Irkutsk
University. First arrested in 1956 for membership in an illegal student group,
"Free Speech" and for listening to the radio station "Baikal". Expelled from
the University and the Komsomol. Later finished the University. Specialty-
historian of education. The last few years was director of a secondary school in
the Luzhskiy rayon in Leningrad oblast. In 1964 established the "Demo-
cratic Party". In 1965 became a member of the All-Russian Social Christian
Union for the Liberation of Peoples. Arrested in Feb-Mar 1967. Sentenced by
the Leningrad City Court in 1968 to 6 years in strict regime camps. Served his
sentence in the camps of Mordovia. While in camp participated in a variety of
protests. Address: Vladimir-Oblastnoy, p/ya OD/1-st. 2. (Grani, no. 80, p. 143)
34. IVOVLOV, Vladimir, b. 1937, economist. Member of the All-Russian
Social Christian Union for the Liberation of Peoples. Sentenced by the Leningrad
City Court in 1968 to 6 years in a strict regime labor camp. Served his sentence
in Mordovian camps. Address: Mordovskaya ASSR, Potma, plo Yavas, p/ya
ZhKh 385/11. (Grani, no. 80, p. 143)
35. OGURTSOV, Igor Vyacheslavovich, b. 1938/9, philologist, translator
(Japanese). Main leader of the All-Russian Social Christian Union for the Libera-
tion of the People. Arrested Feb-Mar 1967. Sentenced in Nov 1967 to 15 years:
5 years in prison, 10 years in a strict regime camp. Place of incarceration-the
Vladimirskaya prison. Address: Vladimirskaya Oblast, p/ya OD/1--st. 2. (Grani,
No. 80, p. 144)
36. SADO, Mikhail Yukhanovich, b. 1934 in Leningrad into a family of boot-
blacks. Of Assyrian origin. Grandfather, father, two uncles persecuted during
the 1930s, with only father, who spent 16 years in prisons and labor camps,
surviving. Sado himself, one of the founders and one of the four principal leaders
of the All-Russian Social Christian Union for the Liberation of Peoples. Arrested
in Leningrad in 1967 for his political activities. Sentenced to 13 years: 5 years in
prison and 7 years in strict regime concentration camps. First- -the Vladimirskaya
prison, then labor camps in Mordovia. According to latest information he is
serving his sentence at camp 1.7-a. Address: Mordovskaya ASSR, p/o Ozernyy,
p/ya ZhKh 385/17-a. (Grani, No. 80, p. 144)
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37. VAGIN, Evgeniy Aleksandrovich, b. 1938/39, literary historian and editor
of note. One of the four leaders of the All-Russian Christian Social Union for
the Liberation of the People. Arrested in 1967. Sentenced in Nov 67 to 10 years:
2 years in the Vladimirskaya prison and 8 years in strict regime labor camps in
Mordovia. Address: Mordovskaya ASSR, st. Potma, p/o Yavas, p/ya ZhZh
385/11. (Grani, no. 80, p. 145)
38. AVEROCIIKIN, Boris, b. 1940, lawyer. One of the four principal leaders
of the All-Russian Christian Social Union for the Liberation of People. Arrested
in. 1967. Sentenced by the Leningrad City Court in Nov 67 to 8 years in strict
regime camps. Serving his sentence in camps in Mordovia. Address: Mordovskaya
ASSR, st. Potma., p/o Yavas, p/ye ZhZh 385/11. (Grani no. 80, p. 145)
39. PLATONOV, Vyachcslav, b. 1941 in Leningrad in a workers family.
Studied at the Leningrad State University. Assistant in the African Dept. Upon
return from a tour of duty in Ethiopia, arrested by the KGB for active member-
ship in the All-Russian Christian Social Union for the Liberation of the People.
Sentenced by the Leningrad City Court to 7 years in a strict regime camp. Serving
his sentence in Mordovia. Participated in a series of protests while in camp.
According to latest information, is at camp 17-a. Address: Mordovskaya ASSR,
p/o Ozernyy, p/ya ZhZh 385 17-a. (Grani, No. 80, p. 146)
40. KRASNOPGVTSEV, Lev. Moscovite, studied at Moscow State University,
member of "Union of Patriots of Russia" (illegal Marxsist group). Arrested in
connection with the trial of the Moscow University Group on 30 Aug 1957.
Sentenced by the Moscow City Court to 10 years of strict regime camp. Served
his sentence in Mordovian camps. Released 30 Aug 1967. (Grani no. 80, p. 146)
41. RENDEL', Leonid A., Muscovite, historian, studied at the Moscow
State Univ. Member of the "Union of Patriots of Russia". Arrested in connection
with the trial of the Moscow University Group on 30 Aug 1957. In Feb 58,
together with Krasnopovtsev sentenced to 10 years in a strict regime camp.
Served in Mordovian camps. Released 30 Aug 67, but remained until the end of
1968 under administrative supervision for "repeated disobedience of camp
regulations and for harboring anti-Soviet convictions". (Grani, no. 80, p. 146)
42. OBUSIIENKOV, N. (L, CIII:SIIKOV, M. AND SEMINENKO, M.,
Moscovites, former students at the Moscow State University and members of
the "Union of Patriots of Russia". Arrested in Moscow 30 Aug 1957, sentenced
by the Moscow City Court in Feb 1958 to 10 years in strict regime labor camps.
Served their sentences in Mordovian camps, together with Krasnopevtsev and
Rendel. Released 30 Aug 67. (Grani, no. 80, p. 146)
43. SINYAVSKIY, Andrey Donatuvich, b. 1925 in Moscow. Writer and literary
critic. Graduate of Moscow State University. Father arrested in 1951, at which
time son's diary confiscated. In 1952 appointed senior associate in Soviet Liter-
ature Section at the Institute of World Literature. In 1956 wrote his now famous
"The Trial Goes On", "What is Social Realism", in 1961-62 a novel "Lyubimov".
Towards the end of 1956 began sending his works abroad, where they were pub-
lished under the pseudonym of Abram Torts. In 1961 became a member of the
Union of (Soviet) Writers. On 8 Sept 1965 arrested by KGB in Moscow. Tried
together with Yu. Daniel (Sept-Dec 1966). Sentenced by the Supreme Court
of the RSFSR to 7 years in strict regime labor camps for publishing "anti-Soviet"
works abroad. Serving his sentence at camp no. 11 in Mordovia. (Grani, No. 80,
p. 147)
44. DANIEL', Yuliy Markovich, b. in Moscow in 1925, into the family of a
well known Jewish writer, Mark Daniel (literary pseudonym). Severely wounded
in 1944 during the war. Studied at Kharkov University, then at the Philology
Department of the Moscow Regional Pedagogical Institute. Taught for 6 years.
In 1951 married Larisa Bogoraz. Began writing in 1952. First novel, "Escape",
published by "Detgiz" (Soviet publishers of children's literature), but not allowed
to be sold. Other works followed. Most works eventually published in the USA
by "Inter-Language Literary Associates". Beginning with 1957 earned his living
by translating poetry: approximately 40 volumes of his translated works appeared
before his arrest. On 12 Sept 1965 arrested in Moscow by KGB. Accused of anti-
Soviet propaganda. Tried together with Sinyavskiy Sept-Dec 1966. Sentenced
by the Supreme Court of RSFSR to 5 years in a strict regime camp. Served his
time in Mordovian camps. In 1968, his wife Larisa Bogoraz, arrested and sen-
tenced to 4 years of exile for demonstrating against the entry of Soviet troops
into Czechoslovakia. Served her time in the Irkutskaya oblast [see her biography,
No. 5 of this report]. While in camp Yu. Daniel continued to write and to protest
the cruelties and unfairness of the camp administration toward other prisoners.
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Participated in hunger strikes, appeals, and complaints. In July 1,969, together
with Ronkin tried for his activities and sentenced to serve the remainder of his
term at the Vladimirskaya prison, to which duly transferred. Released on 12 Sept
1970. Denied right to live in Moscow. Settled in Kaluga. Addressed an appeal
to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet for the release of A. Sinyavskiy. (Grani,
no. 80, p. 348-150)
45. MARCHENKO, Anatoliy Tikhonovich, h. 1938 in Siberia. A driller by pro-
fession. While working on the construction of the Karagands Hydroelectric
Power Station, arrested in a local brawl and sentenced to a labor camp in the
Karaganda Oblast. On the way to the camp escaped., but was caught 40 km from
the Iranian border. Accused by the KGB of treachery to the Motherland. After
5 months of solitary confinement, the Supreme Court of the Turkmen SSR sen-
tenced him to 6 years in a concentration camp for political prisoners. Served his
sentence in Mordovia. For attempted escape, transferred to the Vladimirskaya
prison, then returned to a camp in Mordovia. In camp suffered terrible physical
hardship. Physically was reduced to an invalid, spiritually transformed into a
politically conscious fighter. While in camp started writing about the life of
political prisoners there and of conditions at the Vladimirskaya prison. In 1.967
finished "My Testimony", which was immediately published and distributed by
Samizdat. The book was written while he was for 5 months at a hospital under-
going two very serious operations and the next 5 months while he was looking
for work and moving from one town to another: Kursk, Kaluga, Maloyaroslavets,
Vladimir, Kalinin, Barabinsk (Siberia) and finally the town of Aleksa,ndrov in
the Vladimirskaya oblast, where he has lived since May 1968, working in Moscow
as a stevedore, despite his extremely poor health-no other work was available
to him. Despite various acts of persecution by the KGB, continued his stand
against political injustice and repression. One month before the entry of Soviet
troops into Czechoslovakia, addressed a letter to the leading Czech newspapers,
praising Czechoslovakia for its political policies, and warning of possible inter-
vention by the USSR. Two days later, on 29 July 1968, he was grabbed on his
way to work, arrested on false charges, and sent to the But-yrskaya prison. His
arrest and imprisonment initiated a series of protests on the part of many, includ-
ing Larisa Daniel-Bogoraz, N. Gorhanevskaya, P. Litvinov, V. Krasin, Academi-
cian Sakharov. More than 60 letters of protest were sent. Samizdat? published a
statement summarizing his case. Larisa Daniel's sister, engineer I. Belogorodskaya,
arrested in connection with Marchenko's case, was sentenced to 1 year in a con-
centration camp, which she spent in Mordovia-released 8 Aug. 1969. Marchenko
himself was sentenced to 1 year in a strict regime camp. In Dec. 1968 after a
long march, he arrived at a concentration camp in the Permskaya oblast. Despite
all medical evidence as to his extremely bad health he was sent to work on con-
struction jobs of great hardship. When his term was almost completed the Perm
procurature instigated a new case against him and he was transferred to the
prison in Solikamsk. On 20 May 69, the USSR Human Rights Committee sent
a letter, signed by 54 petitioners, to the United Nations, in defense of political
prisoners in the USSR, including Marchenko and Belogorodskaya. But the U.N.
-staff in Moscow refused to accept the letter on the pretext that it was from
private persons. On 30 June 1969, a second letter was sent regarding Marchenko
and the use of mental hospitals for dissenters. A new trial was held on Marchenko
on 22 Aug. 1969 in the village of Nyrob on the camp grounds. False witnesses
were called; Marchenko was sentenced to another 2 years in a strict regime camp.
Though the sentence was passed in Sept. 1969, Marchenko remained at the
'Solikamsk prison until Feb. 1970, at which time he was transferred to a camp at
the following address: Perm oblast, Solikamsk region, XXX p/o Krasnyy bereg,
uch. AM 244/7-8.
According to the latest information, he was transferred by the camp adminis-
tration in Feb-Mar 1970, with temperatures ranging 45-50?C below zero, [54-
'60? F] into a tent, and assigned, despite his state of health--bleeding ulcers,
anemia, terrible headaches due to unattended meningitis while at camp, two
serious operations (one of them brain surgery)-to unloading firewood for train
engines and digging foundation pits. He was refused a visit from his mother and
lawyer, deprived of letters and books, paper, pen and even a text-book in physics,
as having no "politically educational value". His health has greatly deteriorated,
and in addition to everything else he has developed hypertension. His friends fear
'that he may not survive.
But his dream-for which he is paying with his life-has come true: his book
"My Testimony", through Samizdat, appeared abroad, where it was published
.both in Russian and in all the major languages of the world.
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Marchenko was released upon the expiration of his term. (Grani, No. 80,
pp. 154-157)
46. RONKIN, Valeriy Efinmovich b. 1936 in Murmansk, in the family of a
workman. Engineer. Studied at the Leningrad Technological Institute. Worked
on the construction of petroleum plants throughout the USSR, thereafter at the
Institute for Synthetic Rubber in Leningrad. In 1.963, together with S. Khakhaev
wrote the book "From the Dictatorship of Bureaucracy to the Dictatorship of
the Proletariat". Both Ronkin and Khakhaev are Marxists and came out for
"true Marxism against its perversion". Criticized the party and its leadership as
responsible for the tragedy of the Stalinist dictatorship. Khakhaev and Ronkin
formed a group with several others, called "Union of Communards", which issued
two issues of a typewritten magazine, the "Bell" ("Kolokol"). Arrested on 12
June 1965 and sentenced by the Leningrad City Court to 7 years in a strict regime
labor camp. Served his sentence in Mordovia. In camp participated in various
acts of protest, including hunger strikes, and appeals to the higher authorities.
Like Yu. Daniel continuously and systematically fought for the rights of prisoners,
thus gaining the animosity of both the camp administrators and the higher
authorities. Due to these activities both Ronkin and Daniel were tried on 7 July
1969 and sentenced to serve out the remainder of their terms in the Vladimirskaya
prison. According to latest reports, Ronkin, together with 27 other prisoners,
took part in a hunger strike to mark the approaching Constitution Day and Human
Rights Day, and to protest the unbearable conditions of life in labor camps. His
address is: Vladimirskaya oblast p/ya O1)/1-st. 2. (Grani, no. 80, pp. 157-159)
47. KHAKHAEV, Sergey. Formerly student at the Leningrad Technological
Institute and member of the All-Union Lenin Young Communist League. In
1963, together with Ronkin wrote the book "From the Dictatorship of Bureauc-
racy to the Dictatorship of the Proletariat"also articles criticizing Stalinism, the
party, and the leadership. Together with Ronkin and others formed the circle
"Union of Communards" and the magazine "Bell" ("Kolokol"). Arrested 12 June
1965 together with Ronkin, and sentenced by the Leningrad City Court to 7
years in a strict regime camp, followed by 3 years of exile. (See Ronkin's biography
for additional details.) Is serving his sentence in a camp in Mordovia. (Grani, no.
80, p. 159)
48. DRAGOSH, Nikolay Fedorovich, b. 1922, from Odessa, non-party. Gradu-
ated the Odessa University. Was director of a school for working youth in the
Tarutinskiy region of the Odessa oblast, and taught mathematics. Accused by the
Supreme Court of the Moldavian S8R in 1964 for establishing the "Democratic
Union of Socialists" and for printing a brochure "Truth to the People". Sentenced
to 7 years in a strict regime camp. Served his sentence in Mordovian camps.
Transferred to the Vladimirskaya prison for his participation in a hunger strike at
the camp in the summer of 1970. While at the Vladimirskaya prison again par-
ticipated in a hunger strike to mark Constitution Day and Human Rights Day,
celebrated Oct 5-10, 1970. Released 15 May 1971. (Grani, no. 80, p. 160)
49. ZAITSEV, Valeriy. Ship's mechanic (naval engineer?) on a repair-and-
rescue ship. Arrested in 1962 with 7 other crew members of whom nothing is known,
for trying to escape to America while near the coast of Alaska. Sentenced to 10
years. Serving his sentence in Mordovia. (Grani, no. 80, p. 160)
50. BERG-KHAYMOVICH, Yakov, metal worker, Moscovite, non-party.
Accused by the Moscow City Court of an attempt to establish an illegal printing
shop (together with V. Ay(fov). Sentenced in 1968 to 7 years of deprivation of
freedom. Served his sentence in Mordovian camps. In 1969 transferred to the
Vladimirskaya prison for participating in protests and hunger strikes, where he
again, together with 27 others, participated in a hunger strike to mark Constitu-
tion Day and Human Rights Day. His address: Vladimirskaya oblast, p/ya OD/1
st. 2. (Grani, no. 80, p. 160)
51. AYDOV, Vyacheslav. Accused of an attempt (together with Berg) to
establish an illegal printing shop. Served his sentence in Mordovian camps.
Participated in hunger strikes in Nov. 1969. Took part in another three-day strike
in 4 May 1970 to protest the killing of a mentally ill prisoner by the guards. To-
gether with other prisoners demanded that the procurator general investigate the
killing. For this was transferred to the Vladimirskaya prison where he together
with 27 others participated in a hunger strike to mark Constitution Day and
Human Rights Day. His address: Vladimirskaya oblast, p/ya OD/1-st. 2. (Grani,
no. 80, p. 160-161)
52. MOSHKOV, Yuriy. Probably MOSHKOV, Sergey. B. 1939 into a family of
physicians in the village of Nadbel'ye in the Leningrad oblast. Graduated from
the School of Biology of the Leningrad State University. Became a member of the
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154
Illegal circle "Union of Communards". Arrested 12 June 65 in connection with the
case of "Union of Communars" and the magazine "Bell" ("Kolokol") (together
with V. Ronkin, S. Khakhaev, and others. See Ronkin's biography for details.).
In the summer of 1965 sentenced by the Leningrad City Court to 4 years in a strict
regime camp. Served his sentence in Mordovia together with Ronkin, Yu. Daniel,
and others. Together with Daniel and Ronkin went on a 10-day hunger strike in
Feb. 1968, and then came out in the defense of A. Ginzburg who was on a hunger
strike in May-June 1969, Released 12 June 1969. (Grani, no. 80, p. 161)
53. KHANZIII~NKOV, Sergey. Born 1942 in Belorussia. Completed 4 years at
the Belorussian Polytechnical Institute. Arrested in 1963. Accused of being a traitor
to his country: of attempting to establish anti-Soviet organizations and of the
preparation of diversionary tactics. Sentenced to 10 years G'
n a strict regime camp.
Serv
ing his sentence in a camp in Mordovia. (Grani, no. 80, p. 161)
54.
native of tRNAATSKIY
K rovogradskaya obl stt. Seconda y school teacher in la school rwhere
Dragosh [see biographical note] was the director. Arrested in Odessa and accused
by the Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR, in the same case as Dragosh.
Sentenced to 7 years in a strict regime camp. Served his sentence in camps in
Mordovia. Participated in hunger strikes in Nov 1969 and in the summer of 1970.
On 13 July 70 transferred to the Vladimirskaya prison, where together with 27
others conducted a hunger strike to mark Constitution Day and Human Rights
Day. Released 19 May 1)71. (Grani, no. 80, p. 162)
YURI TREG
born bug, Rus.AN EmigYEe I with his parents to Borlin ' Germ any1 in1926St. where he
completed his education. In 1934 he joined the NTS. In October :1944 he became
aide-de-camp to General Trukhin, Chief of Staff of the Vlasov Army. Gen.
Trukhin, as well as Gen. Meandrov, Commander of the Second Vla.sov Division-
formerly both senior Red Army officers-were also NTS members. They were
forcibly delivered by the Americans to the Soviet Union, where they were executed
together with General Vlasov.
After the capitulation of Nazi Germany, Tregubov returned to West Berlin
where he worked actively for the NTS. On'September 19, 1947, he was kidnapped
by the KGB. After three years of captivity in the Lubyarika, Lefortovo and
Butyrskaya prisons, he was tried and condemned to death. Later the death
sentence was commuted and he was sent to serve 25 years in concentration camps.
He worked two yeas in the Vorkuta mines, then in Dubrovla.g and Potma.
After the establishment of diplomatic relations between West Germany and the
USSR, Tregubov, as a German citizen, was repatriated with German POWs.
Mr. Tregubov has written several books, describing his experiences in the
concentration camps and the conditions of life in the Soviet Union.
VALERY PETROVIC TREMMEL was a teacher by profession. He joined the
NTS in Russia. To avoid reprisals by the Gestapo for having provided shelter
and saved a number of Jewish children, whose parents were exterminated by the
Nazis in the occupied territories of Russia, V. Tremmel, through underground
channels, escaped to Poland. In 1959 he worked for NTS in Lintz (Autria).
On October 20, 1954 three Soviet agents broke into his apartment, drugged him,
and abducted him to Urfar (Soviet zone of Austria). The circumstances of his
abduction were investigated by the American authorities and reported to the
State Department by the First Secretary of the American Embassy in Vienna,
Mr. M. Gordon Knocks.
According to some unconfirmed information V. Tremmel has died in Soviet
concentration camps.
NIKOLAY SERGEYEVICH KOZOREZ, born in 1898 in Kr?ernenchug. As an
officer he fought in World War I and in the White Russian Army against the
Bolsheviks. In 1920 he emigrated to Yugoslavia, where lie received his engineering
degree at the Belgrade University. A member of NTS since the early 1930's, he
was forcibly repatriated by the British in 1945 from Lintz, Austria, with a large
group of Cossaks. Kozorez has spent 11 years in Soviet concentration camps of
Vorkuta, Yaya, Inta, Mordovia, Potma, and Bykov
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DR. ALEXANDER RIIDOLFOVICH TRUSHNOVICII was born in 1893 in
Postoyna, Slovenia, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. In 1914 as a
graduate medical student he was mobilized and sent to the front, where in 1915 he
succeeded to defect to the Russians and joined the First Serbian Volunteer
Division to fight for the liberation of his native land. After the Bolshevik Revolu-
tion in Russia, Dr. Trushnovich fought in the Civil War in the White Russian
Army. Twice wounded, he was awarded several medals for bravery. In 1920 his
unit was encircled and captured by the Reds, and as an officer he was condemned
to be shot. Luckily some Serbian soldiers who served under his command in
World Was I protested and he was released. To avoid further persecution by the
,Cheka (Secret Police) Dr. Trushnovich assumed the maiden name of his mother,
and in 1927 completed his medical training at the Kubansky Medical Institute.
In 1934 he finally succeeded in obtaining an exit visa to return to his native Yugo-
slavia. In Yugoslavia he worked as a physician and joined the NTS. After the
Nazi invasion of Yugoslavia, the NTS went underground, and Dr. Truslmovich
directed its operations in that country until September 1944 when he joined the
`Vlasov Army to become Chief of its Medical Service. In 1946 Dr. Trushnovich
was elected to the NTS Council. Actively working against forcible repatriation of
former Soviet citizens, he moved to West Berlin to head the NTS-sponsored
Committee for the Protection of Refugees. The Committee, among other services,
provided shelter and support to many- defectors from the Red Army. In West
Berlin Dr. Trushnovich organized the Free Russian-German Friendship Union,
whose honorary President was the late Prof. E. Reuter, mayor of West Berlin.
Dr. Trushnovich became a prominent leader among anti-communists in West
Berlin. Ile published a number of hooks, wrote in newspapers and lectured exten-
sively in West Germany, England, Switzerland, the Scandinavian countries,
France and Italy. On April 13, 1954 he was brutally kidnapped by the KGB from
West Berlin.
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THE CAMP REGIME
LIFE IN DUBROVLAG
(An interview with losif Shneider, correspondent of "AMI" I)
Q. Please tell us about the camp itself. I heard that you served your sentence
somewhere in Mordovia.
A. Yes, I was sentenced to four years in a corrective-labor camp. I was in-
Dubrovlag. There is a small station on the Kuybyshev railroad line called Pot'ma.
A branch line, not shown on any map, leads from there to Dubrovlag. Dubrovlag:
consists of 36 camps, with two to three thousand people in each camp. I was in.
camp No. 7. There was no escape, because all around there were camps. The
entire Mordovskaya ASSR is one network of corrective labor regime camps.
Q. Were there many Jewish political prisoners? How in general did the Jewish
prisoners behave? Did they feel that they belonged together, did they understnad
the significance of what was happening, did they know about Israel?
A. Altogether there were about 100 Jews in our particular camp [No. 7]. But
besides Zionists there were "economic counter-revolutionaries" and "revisionists".
We carried on Zionist work among them, told them what we ourselves knew of
Israel and the Jewish people, explained what remained obscure in "official Soviet
sources". We carved out and distributed Stars of David, using twenty kopek coins
(it was strictly forbidden to keel) money or fret-saws). Generally speaking, the
Jewish prisoners lived in harmony, and I would say, with a sense of personal.
dignity. When in 1959 Khrushchev declared in New York that there were no
political prisoners in the Soviet Union, the authcrities l: egan liquidating the
enormous concentration camps in Siberia and Kazakhstan, and concentrating
political prisoners in one place-specifically, in Mordovia. It was then that Jews,
many Jews, oppressed and miserable, who had already served many long years.
and who had experienced all the horrors of "camp anti-Semitism"-for the guards
in the camps of Vorkuta and Tayshet were former cops-arrived in our camp.
Q. How did the non-Jewish prisoners feel about you? Was there any anti-
Semitism among the prisoners?
A. You know that among the prisoners, I practically never felt any anti-
Semitism. On the contrary. For instance on Israel's Independence Day we did not
come out to work, and of ecurse got 10-15 days of solitary confinement. But
all day long that day we were continuously congratulated by the political prisoners
Ukrainians and Lithuanians, Estonians and Georgians, Armenians and Tatars.
We in turn supported their national liberation movements.
Q. Was there any anti-Semitism in Dubrovlag from above? How did they behave
with you personally? For weren't you sentenced for "Zionist propaganda"?
A. In this respect we had it easier, though the authorities--they were the same
everywhere. I remember my first day at the camp. Lieutenant-colonel Fatkin
(head of camp No. 7) and Colonel Tolbuzov, nicknamed GObbels, head of the
Cultural Educational Division (KVCh) sat around on their chairs like old-time
merchants receiving live goods-slaves-that is us. When he found out about my
profession, the chief of the cultural-educational section declared condescendingly:
"A photographer-that's good. We need a photographer in the cultural-educational
section." "But I am here not to photograph you, but to serve my sentence", said
1. Citizen chief Fatkin lazily half opened one eye and inquired condescendingly:
"And what is your nationality?" "An Israeli" I answered, upon which citizen
chief Fatkin and citizen chief Tolbuzov became agitated and shouted: "What?
What?" So I had to repeat my answer but accompany it with an explanation.
This is how I ended up in the crash brigade.
I "AMI"-Association of Israeli Youth. The first issue of this journal appeared in December 1070; it is the
organ of an Israeli association of students and youth who had emigrated from the USSR, The journal is of
interest not only to Jew, beause it has a great deal of recent information on Russia, good articles, prose and
in the Zionist movement in the USS3~trgrapher
poetry. 1 liWe are reproducing ving in Israel, who wa~ formerly an interview,
active member published
(156)
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Now I recall this with amusement, but then it wasn't funny. Cement, night
and day. Hellish work. Luckily the brigade chiaf w.13 Jewish (25 years for "eco-
nomic counter-revolution"). After a while he figured out that I was "not suited"
for this strenuous work.
Q. How long was the working day in an ordinary brigade?
A. Eight hours. But after the work was finished, there was always more to do.
For example, very frequently we had to "fry the trolley" (i.e. destroy the bed-bugs
in the plank beds), etc., etc.
Q. Did the resolutions of the Twentieth Meeting of the Party have any effect on
camp food?
A. If you didn't fulfill your norm you received 400 grams of bread and hot food
only every other day. If you did, the daily rations consisted of 600 grams of bread
and a thin watery gruel which only faintly resembled soup.
Q. In other words, the principle of material incentive about which they now
shout so much in the USSR was already being applied in concentration camps?
Tell us please, what were your last impressions in camp and your first impressions
when released?
A. During the last few months I was sent out to work on the so-called "no-
guard" shift. They knew that a political prisoner would not try to escape when
there were only a few hours left to be served. The first thing I did when I was
"free" was to break my camp spoon and throw the pieces as far away as possible.
This was the custom. What was priceless inside the camp lost all its value on the
outside. Once freed, I re-examined all my hitherto held values. I said, "when
freed", but upon release I didn't feel very much freer. There were many reasons
for this. For instance, I was given a "wolf's passport", with which nobody gave
you a job.
Nevertheless, despite this passport I managed to apply for an exit permit for
Israel as soon as I returned. But my application was refused. I felt that I was just
as far from my objective as in the camp.
MY RETURN
by A. Krasnov-Levitin
[Translated from Grant, No. 79, 1971]
After 1969 it became certain that I would be arrested. It is difficult to say on
what this conviction was based. But the conviction was unmistakable and definite.
Was it intuition?
Not entirely. It was also the ability to grasp quickly the political situation, an
ability acquired through years of obsession with politics (I could only thus describe
my intense, lifelong interest in politics).
At the end of 1969, there occurred a regular periodic swing of the political
pendulum, a swing to the right-to the Stalinist era. There were several such
swings after 1956, and they were all short-lived, (a self-evident truth-the wheel
of history does not turn back), but, each such swing had cost a certain number of
people their freedom. However, now is not the time to analyze the situation-this
should be left to the historians. At present I am just reaffirming the fact.
My political intuition did not betray me. In March 1969 Ivan Yakhimovich
(chairman of a kolkhoz in Latvia), a wonderful person and a convinced democrat,
was arrested.
In May, the trial of the Crimean Tartars in Tashkent was to take place. In May
the epic of General Grigorenko and Gabay began with their arrest.
Meanwhile the clouds thickened: in June, B. Talantov, a talented and original,
sixty-five year old religious writer was arrested in Vyatka (Kirov), then my friends
began coming under attack, rumors began circulating about my arrest, and
people began warning me that I may be arrested in autumn . .
And then on the twelfth of September [1969] at five o'clock in the afternoon, the
bell rang, sharply and persistently-I immediately understood what was the
matter, for nobody ever rang my bell that way. I opened the door. An officer in
police uniform, and behind him-a tangle of people. The police officer quickly
disappears. Several civilians enter. A little middle aged woman jokes prettily:
So many guests at one time!-and shoves a little book under my nose. The book
has her photograph, family name, and profession: "Akimova. Senior investigator
of the Moscow procurature". I say:-I've heard about you.
Somewhat surprised: Really?
Actually I did hear that she sometimes handled political cases, that she liked
to play the liberal, but nevertheless promptly executed the orders of those standing
behind her.
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So it happened! I'm again in jail.
This is already the third time.
On April 24, 1934-at eighteen-the GPU, Leningrad-the Shalernaya [prison].
June 8, 1949--at thirty three-the MGB, Moscow-the Lubyanka [prison].
September 12, 1969-at fifty-four-the police-Moscow.
At one a.m. I was led out of the police station and squeezed into a paddy wagon.
Heavens! What a sight: gloomy, distorted, unshaven faces, hats with bashed in
crowns, thieves, gangsters, debauchers of the young. I was to live in their midst for
eleven months. There was time to consider one important problem--the problem
of political prisoners. But first of all, to avoid all misunderstanding, I wish to
point out that I wasn't at all bothered by the fact that I was among criminals. I
got along very well with theni. When I was asked whether they bothered me-I
answered: "No, it was more so I who bothered them. And really, I was often
ashamed that I could not return the respect, attention, and concern. which they
showed me, not to mention my irritability and fits of temper (the more difficult
and unpleasant aspects of my character) which I visited upon them.
Nevertheless, the question arises: should political prisoners be kept together
with common criminals?
Jurists the world over would unanimously say-."No." No-because living among
criminals-the dregs of society, rough, cruel, and completely undeveloped intel-
lectually and morally, is for an honest man a form of disguised torture. Nowhere
are people brought so close to each other as in prison or a labor camp-here they
share not only their food, their work, but even their bed, sleeping side by side.
And so all along you are in the midst of dreadful people, capable of everything,
people whom you would avoid on the street at night. In addition to mental torture,
the political prisoner feels humiliated: he has been placed on the same level with
the thieves, the gangsters, the murderers.
At present political prisoners are kept separately; however, the following
fantastic trick is being carried out to keep them with the criminals: those charged
udder Article 70* are considered as political prisoners; however, those charged
under article 190** are regarded as criminals. There is nothing more stupid than
this" classification". Actually, who is to be considered a political or state criminal?
A person whose actions are directed directly against the state. A person who
ideologically opposed the state. But aren't persons charged under article 190, not
ideological opponents of the state? No less so than persons charged under Article
70. So how can one explain why they are housed with the criminals'?
There is no and cannot be any other reasons but to inflict pain. Not everyone
gets along with people as easily as the writer of these lines. For example, how should
someone like Boris Vladimirovich Talantov, a sixty-five year old teacher of
mathematics, now in a camp for his writings, or thousands of others like him,
feel, thrust among criminals?
Finally we were brought, to the prison in Matrosskaya Tishina (instead of the
Butyrki, as promised by Akimova). We approach. Our first night in prison. How
difficult it is to describe a prison to someone who has never been in it. Imagine a
large building something like a railroad station, in which the lights burn all night
long, in which like in a giant ant heal) people scurry night and day-then you will
have some idea what a prison is like in a large city.
And so-night has come. Electric lights. Crowds of people. A great deal of
activity. It is at this hour that people are taken there and back, from cell to cell,
in expectation of some new formality to go through. The cells are relatively small,
about twenty meters each, with bare iron two-tier bunks and a flush toilet: the
air is stuffy and close, men swearing, filth . . . You are taken to the medic,
brought back from the medic, led to hand in your belongings, given receipts;
continuously taken in and out of cells ; and all around.-yelling, commands, oaths-
and everywhere people, people and people . "How many are there of you?",
burst out one of the officers who met us at Matrosskaya Tishina. And truly, how
many?
Here I had my first encounter with a representative of the administration. This
was Major Ivanov, head of solitary confinement block No. 1. It is extremely
painful to recall the interrogation of dozens of undressed Bien standing before
women interrogators, swearing no less foully than any man. These women interro-
gators relieve us of our keys, money, and all personal possessions, entering them
on the spot into a register. I was wearing a cross. A cross is usually taken off the
prisoner, entered in the register, and returned when the prisoner is transferred to
another prison or released. This time the cocky young girl who took away my
cross announced:
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-We won't enter it in the register-we'll throw it away. And she repeated
once again: We'll throw it away.
In response I kicked up a row. The girls became embarrassed. One of them
began arguing with me:
-Do you think the cross will help you get out of here any sooner?
Another one said:
-Well I just don't know. How can we enter a cross into the register? I just
don't think that's possible. Speak to the head of the prison. As a matter of fact
he is here right now.
A giant of a major came up to me. The following conversation took place
between us:
-What do you want? What do you need the cross for? [Using the familiar
Russian "thou", as with an inferior--Translator's note].
-First of all, don't "thou" me. You are talking to someone who is older than
you.
-How do you know? [Still using the familiar "thou"]. Maybe I am older.
(He wasn't even forty.)
-Not judging by your intellect. You've got the mind of a five-year old child.
The cross belongs to me, and like all personal belongings should be entered in
the register.
-Not for you, but for the priest (?!-A.K.) Don't register the cross-throw
it away.
So that's how I lost my cross.
[Several lines on pages apparently missing from the xerox copy-Translator's
note]
There I again settled into one of those famous "Stolypin" railroad cars (I
certainly spent enough time in these cars in my day). But perhaps not everyone
knows what a "Stolypin" car is. On one occasion P. A. Stolypin became incensed
when F. I. Rbdichev, a well-known orator in the Duma and a member of the
State Duma representing the Kadet Party, ended his speech with the exclamation:
"A Stolypin necktie!", outlining a gallows in the air with his hand. Stolypin
challenged F. I. Rodichev to a duel; did the famous statesman ever think that
his name would be remembered only in connection with prisoner railroad cars?
The famous Stolypin "otrubs" (peasant land allotments), his founding of the
Land Bank, the "June 3rd" Duma-all is forgotten. Only prisoners continue to
remember his name in association with those dreadful railroad cars.
What a sad fate, but what a lesson! A lesson for many statesmen. But as Bernard
Shaw said: "History teaches lessons which nobody ever applies". I said that the
Stolypin cars were dreadful; but the term is not mine-it appears in the poems
of my godson, Yevgeniy Kushev "the dreadful Stolypin cars." They are really
dreadful: a shiver overtakes you as you enter the car. The car is divided into
two compartments, separated by a grate from the floor to the ceiling. The first
impression-a cage for wild animals. The part intended for the prisoners has no
windows, and is divided into small cages (cell-compartments) containing three
tiers. These compartments are sometimes occupied by fifteen to twenty people.
Their most unpleasant feature is their lack of sanitation. If you are thirsty-
the guard won't give you any water. Only after many reminders will he hand you
an aluminum mug of water-one for every five to six prisoners. The mug passes
from mouth to mouth (and by the way, syphilis is a very common disease among
the criminals, nevertheless medical examination is very superficial in all prisons).
IXerox smudged and illegible, and apparently several lines missing-Translators
note].
Meanwhile life went on.
The conditions, as I already said, were very harsh: the cell (a twenty meter
room) was filled with people--between eighteen to twenty-five or twenty-six.
Continuous smoking, and the toilet located in the cell, poisoned the air; the un-
ending clatter of dominoes and the roar of the loud-speaker were deafening, and
never stopped for a moment from six in the morning to ten at night.
The food-very meager, but at my age, generally speaking, sufficient; six
hundred grams of black bread and, in the morning, two teaspoons of sugar and
a thin gruel: a soup with noodles; at mid-day-lunch: a frightful cabbage soup
(I almost never ate it), porridge, usually millet; in the evening-hot water without
sugar and some soup.
The most difficult thing to bear were the awful sanitary conditions: the prisoners
slept on two-tier plank-beds (welded metal bunks) which almost touched each
other, on mattresses which were never changed (on the day of the public bath
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they were simply taken out into the yard and sprinkled with dust) : there are no
bed clothes-the prisoners are only given a mattress cover, a blanket, and a
pillow. The only ones changed during the day of the public bath are the towel
and the pillow case. The underclothes were taken for wa,4h only until January,
and then for some reason that stopped, so that the underclothes had to be washed
in the cell under the cold water tap.
The public bath in the Armavir prison is a nightmare: the prisoners carry their
mattresses and bed clothes which are then left outdoors. The prisoners are then
led into the fore-bath entrance where they are invariably met by a velling elderly
woman who is said to have grownup in the prison at that job. (The story goes
that her mother also had the same job). One had to see that woman with one's
own eyes, yelling thunderously among those dozens of naked men-it is difficult
to convey the picture. A sliver of black soap, sliced as thin as cheese, was given
each prisoner for his bath; but the shower under which the prisoners washed
operated for not more than ten minutes. It was almost impossible to get washed
in this time.
However, above described conditions are a real paradise compared to the trips
from Armavir to Sochi for the hearings. After an exhausting trip in a "Stolypin"
car, which I already described, one is brought to Sochi to the local police station
(on the main street of the town) because there is no prison in Sochi. Here a "room
for those awaiting trail" (KPZ) greets you-a tiny room about ten meters, in
which seven to eight fully clothed people lie side-by-side on the bare floor. At
times the place is so crowded, it is impossible to stretch your legs. I spent eighteen
days in such a place: between October 15 and November 4, 1969, and a second
time, from January 10 to January 29, 1970. When after my first stay in Sochi I
wrote to the local procurator, I received a reply from the assistant procurator of
Sochi, Goncharov, that the conditions in which I found myself complied with
the law.
Any comments are probably extraneous. I won't even go into it. I only want to
bring attention to the following. Sochi is a beautiful resort town, to which people
from all over the world flock for cures, rest, and amusement. There are dozens
of sumptuous hotels, restaurants and cafes. And right there in their midst people
are subjected to such dreadful conditions. People! What can those who permit the
above say in their justification?
Nothing.
Two months had gone by. And now before me lies the opinion of the experts.
This is truly a classic document. I will discuss it in greater detail.
The first question which the experts were asked was the following:
"What is the religious affiliation of the author?" The answer: "The author
belongs to an extremist group within the Russian Orthodox Church. The aim of
this group is unlimited religious propaganda, the abolition of all laws regulating
the conduct of religious worship, religious education (including the establishment
of Sunday schools), and the prohibition of antireligious education."
After reading this, I was, for a moment, dumbfounded. I must say, that I am
not easily taken aback. I remember both the Stalin, the Yezhov, and the Beria
periods; I am familiar with the utter unscrupulousness and deceit of the anti-
religious propaganda of the Khrushchev period, but I never expected such
blatant lies.
The experts were so carried away with their illegally self-appointed judicial
functions, and so taken with their role, that at the end of their report they took
it upon themselves to sentence me:
"Levitin, along with other dangerous sectarians, should be imprisoned."
TRANSFER BETWEEN Two POINTS
(POTMA PRISON CAMP TO PERM)
1972
[The following account was smuggled out of a prison camp a short time ago]
(1) There were fifteen people in a compartment; sweat pouring down in streams;
foodstuff has gone bad; for two days we have not been let out to relieve ourselves.
People have been forced to relieve themselves in the corridor. They have ordered
us to take soap and toothbrushes for the journey, even though they knew in ad-
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vance that prisoners would not be allowed to use these things. They poured water
from above (but) wouldn't open the air vents; only toward the end of the trip they
opened them a little bit which was of little help. Naked people were lying on they
floor; filth stench, a lack of air. One man died en route. Terrible torment.
(2) In term the prisoners submitted a complaint about the conditions of the
transfer. The reply (A general's reply was passed on to us that "everything was in
accordance with the law". Conclusion: either he is covering up a crime or every-
thing was in accordance with his instructions. Everything was planned.)
(3) To Rodionov: "Hey, beard, come here!" Ten days in solitary. Twenty
people went on a hunger strike (Jews also). Izza was deprived of his visiting
privileges. Wolff was deprived of his canteen privileges, visitors were out off
earlier,
(4) On the 4th of September all prisoners addressed a petition to the Red Cross'
requesting that the 4th of September be considered a day commemorating the
40 million who had perished during the 1930's, so that families could display
photographs of their dead relatives and light two candles: one for their relatives
and the other for the 40 million. Jews participated the first day. (However), they
did not take part in the memorial ceremony.
(5) For refusal to attend political indoctrination sessions people have been
deprived of visiting rights. There is an intention of declaring a one day hunger
strike and write a petition about compulsory communist indoctrination.
Requests for prisoner
(6) Organize adoption of prisoner by Kibbutzim-Dymshitz, Ocher, Frolov,
Zeidilfed, Yakov Suslinsky.
(7) Aid Lila Dreisner and Bronya Chernoglaz to emigrate to Israel.
(8) On the 12th of September for refusal to attend political indoctrination
session Chernoglaz was deprived of visiting rights. Earlier Yefrem Mendelvitch was
deprived of visiting rights fot the same reason.
(9) As a sign of protest against further imprisonment of Sylva Zalmonson on
her birthday the 25th of October, the following people have declared a hunger
strike: Wolff, Izza and Eduard Kuznetsov for three days; Dymshitz and Cher-
noglaz for three days beginning 27 October; Mendelvich and Grengauz for three
days from 29 October; Frolov and Suslinsky for three days from 1 November.
The text of the declaration when hunger strike announced:
Sylva is not guilty, since she was forced to what she did by the unlawful actions
of the authorities; she is a woman; the condition of her health is constantly de-
teriorating and she has been imprisoned long enough.
(10) They confiscated for investigation the Chernoglaz Hebrew notebook and
won't give it back.
(11) When they shaved off the beards, they handcuffed the prisoners, and
even though there was not resistance, they were deprived of visiting rights and put
in solitary.
(12) Chernoglaz, Dymshitz and several others have not worked now for two
months.
SELF-MUTILATION AND ATTEMPTED EscAPEs
[Excerpts from "My Testimony" by Anatoly Marchenko, E. P. Dutton Co., New York, 19091
Here is one out of a number of similar stories, from which it differs only in its
originality. It took place before my very own eyes in the spring of 1963-One of my cell-
mates, Sergei K., who had been reduced to utter despair by the hopelessness of
various protests and hunger strikes and by the sheer tyranny and injustice of it
all, resolved, come what may, to maim himself. Somewhere or other he got hold of
a piece of wire, fashioned a hook out of it and tied it to some home-made twine (to make
which he had unravelled his socks and plaited the threads). Earlier still he had,
obtained two nails and hidden them in his pocket during the searches. Now lino
took one of the nails, the smaller of the two, and with his soup bowl started: to~
hammer it into the food flap--very, very gently, trying not to clink and let the
warders hear-after which he tied the twine with the hook to the nail. We, the
rest of the cons in the cell, watched him in silence. I don't know who was feeling
what while this was going on, but to interfere, as I have already pointed out, is out
of the question: every man has the right to dispose of himself and his life in. any
way he thinks fit.
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Sergei went to the table in the middle of the room, undressed stark naked, sat
down on one of the benches at the table and swallowed his hook. Now, if the ward-
ers started to open the door or the food flap, they would drag Sergei like a pike
out of a pond. But this still wasn't enough for him : if they pulled he would willy-
nilly be dragged towards the door and it would be possible to cut the twine through
the aperture for the food flap. To be absolutely sure, therefore, Sergei took the
second nail and began to nail his testicles to the bench on which he was sitting.
Now he hammered the nail loudly, making no attempt to keep quite. It was clear
that he had thought out the whole plan in advance and calculated and reckoned
that he would have time to drive in his nail before the warder arrived. And he
actually did succeed in driving it right in to the very head. At the sound of the
hammering and banging the warder came, slid the shutter aside from the peep-
hole and peered into the cell. All he realized at first, probably, was that one of the
prisioners had a nail, one of the prisoners was hammering a nail, And his first
impulse, evidently, was to take it away. He began to open the cell door; and then
Sergei explained the situation to him. The warder was nonplussed.
Soon a whole group of warders had gathered in the corridor by our door. They
took turns at peering through the peephole and shouting at Sergei to snap the
twine. Then, realizing that he had no intention of doing so, the warders demanded
that one of us break the twine. We remained sitting on our bunks without moving;
somebody only poured out a stream of curses from time to time in answer to their
threats and demands. But now it came u j) to dinner time, we could hear the
servers bustling up and down the corridor, from neighboring cells came the sound
of food flaps opening and the clink of bowls. One fellow in the cell could endure it
no longer-before you know it we'd be going without dinner-he snapped the
cord by the food flap. The warders burst into the cell. They clustered around
Sergei, but there was nothing they could do; the :nail was driven deep into the
bench and Sergei just went on sitting there in his birthday suit, nailed down by
the balls. One of the warders ran to admin to find out what they should do with
him. When he came back he ordered us all to gather up our things and move to
another cell.
I don't know what happened to Sergei after that. Probably he went to the
prison hospital-there were plenty of mutilated prisoners there: some with ripped
open stomachs, some who had sprinkled powdered glass in their eyes and some
who had swallowed assorted objects-spoons, toothbrushes, wire. Some people
used to grind sugar down to dust and inhale it until they got an abscess of the
lung. . . .Wounds sewn up with thread, two lines of buttons stitched to the bare
skin, these were such trifles that hardly anybody ever paid attention to them.
The surgeon in the prison hospital was a man of rich experience. His most
frequent job was opening up stomachs, and if there had been a museum of objects
taken out of stomachs, it would surely have been the most astonishing collection
in the world.
Operations for removing tattoos were also very common. I don't know how it
is now, but from 1963 to 1965 these operations were fairly primitive: all they did
was cut out the offending patch of skin, then draw the edges together and stitch
them up. I remember one con who had been operated on three times in that way.
The first time they had cut out a strip of skin from his forehead with the usual
sort of inscription in such cases: `Khrushchev's Slave'. The skin was then cobbled
together with rough stitches. He was released and again tattooed his forehead:
`Slave of the USSR.' Again he was taken to hospital and operated on. And again,
for a third time, he covered his whole forehead with `Slave of the CPSU'. This
tattoo was also cut out at the hospital and now, after three operations, the skin
was so tightly stretched across his forehead that he could no longer close his eyes.
We called him `The Stare'.
In the same place, in Vladimir, I once happened to spend several days in a cell
with Subbotin. This was a fellow the same age as myself and a homosexual. There
were few homosexuals in Vladimir and everyone knew who they were. There was
nothing they could earn there. He had been classed as a `political' after being in an
ordinary criminal camp and making an official complaint-thus `letting the tone
down'. One day, after having sent about forty or fifty complaints to Brezhnev
and the Presidium of the Supreme Council and to Khrushchev and. the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, he swallowed a whole set
of dominoes-twenty=eight pieces. When the whole of our cell was being led down
the corridor to the exercise yard-he had swallowed the dominoes just before our
exercise period-he clapped himself on the stomach and said to one con from camp
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maintenance who was coming the other way: `Listen, Valery!' I don't know whether
Valery really heard the sound of dominoes knocking together in Subbotin's
stomach, but he asked him: `What have you got there?' and Subbotin drawled
`Dominoes'.
The doctors wouldn't operate on Subbotin. They simply ordered him to count
the pieces during defecation, saying that they would have to come out on their
own. Subbotin conscientiously counted them each time and on his return to the
cell ticked off in pencil on a special chart the number that had come out. No matter
how diligently he counted, however, four pieces still remained unaccounted for.
After several days of agonizing suspense he washed his hands of them: if they
stayed in his stomach it was all right as long as they didn't interfere, and if they
were out already, then to the devil with them.
I should point out that Tkach believed in Keshka's story not only because he
was cracked; everyone who had done time in Vladimir know of cases even more
horrifying than cannibalism. In one cell, for instance, the cons had done as fol-
lows: they had got hold of a razor blade somewhere and for several days collected
up paper. When everything was ready they each cut a piece of flesh from their
bodies-some from the stomach, others from the leg. Everybody's blood was col-
lected into one bowl, the flesh was thrown in, a small fire was made from the paper
and some books and then they started to half-fry, half-stew their feast. When the
warders noticed that something was wrong and burst into the cell the stew was
still not cooked and the cons, falling over themselves and burning their fingers,
grabbed the pieces from the bowl and stuffed them into their mouths. Even the
wardens said afterwards that it was a horrible sight.
I can well imagine that this story is hard to believe. But later I personally met
some of the participants in that terrible feast and talked with them. The most re-
markable thing of all was that they were fully normal people.
I have already mentioned self-mutilation in the cooler and such cases are even
more frequent on special regime. Men gouge their eyes out, throw ground glass
in them, or hang themselves. At night sometimes they slit their veins under the
blankets; and if their neighbor doesn't wake up soaked in blood, yet one more
martyr is freed of his burden.
One day three cons agreed to put an end to themselves in the usual way, that
is with the help of the sentries. At about three in the afternoon they took three
planks from the brick factory and placed them against the wall. The sentry in the
watch tower shouted:11
"Stand back or I'll fire!"
"By all means, and deliver us from this happy life," replied one of the cons and
started climbing. Having reached the top, he got entangled in the barbed wire
there. At this moment Lhere was a burst of tommy gun fire from the tower and he
slumped across the wire and hung there. Then the second man climbed up and
calmly awaited his turn. A short burst of fire and he fell to the ground at the foot
of the fence. The third man followed and he too fell beside the first.
I was told later that one of them had remained alive, he had been seen in the
hospital at camp three. So at least he had escaped from special regime for a time.
The other two, of course, had escaped for ever, shot dead on the spot. In general
this suicide was just like many others, differing only in that it was a group affair.
Individual instances are common, and not only in special regime camps.
A sentry who picks off such an 'escaper' in this way gets rewarded with extra
leave to show admin's gratitude. But the attitude of the other soldiers to the
marksman doesn't always coincide with admin's. Once, in camp seven in the
autumn of 1963, a sentry shot a routine suicide case, a fellow who was ill, when he
was on the wall. He got his leave all right, but he was black and blue when he set
off for home: that night the other soldiers had organized a little farewell party for
him. though under a different pretext, of course.
Once I saw two former criminal cons, then politicals, who were nicknamed
Mussa and Mazai. On their foreheads and cheeks they had tattoos: 'Com-
munists=butchers' and 'Communists drink the blood of the people'. Later I met
many more cons with such sayings tattooed on their faces. The most common of
all, tattooed in big letters across the forehead, was: 'Khrushchev's slave' or 'Slave
of the CPSU' (Communist Party of the Soviet Union).
Here in the special regime camp, in our hut, there was a fellow called Nikolai
Shcherbakov. When I caught sight of him in the exercise yard through the window
I almost collapsed; there wasn't a single clear spot on his whole face. On one cheek
he had 'Lenin was a butcher' and on the other it continued: 'Millions are suffering
because of him'. Under his eyes was: 'Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Voroshilov are
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butchers'. On his pale, skinny neck a hand had been tattooed in black ink. It was
gripping his throat and on the back of the hand were the letters CPSU, while the
middle finger, ending on his adam's apple, was labelled KGB.
Shcherbakov was in another corner cell similar to ours, only at the other end of
the hut. At first I only saw him through the window when their cell was taken out
for exercise. Later, though, we three were transferred to another cell and we often
exercised simultaneously in adjoining yards. In secret conversion, unnoticed by
the warders, we got to know one another. I became convinced that he was normal
and not cracked, as I had thought at first. He was far from stupid, he used to read
quite a lot and he knew all the news in the newspapers. Together with him in one
cell were Mazai and the homosexual, Misha, both with tattooed faces!
In late September 1961, when our cell was taken out for exercise, Nikolai
asked us in sign language whether anyone had a razor blade. In such cases it is
not done to ask what for-if somebody asks, it means they need it, and if you've
got one you hand it over, with no questions asked. I had three blades at that
time which I still had from camp ten, before landing in the cooler, and I had
hidden them in the peak of my cap as a necessary precaution; in spite of all the
searches they had never been found. I went into the latrines, ripped open the
seam under the peak with my teeth and took out one blade. Back in the yard,
when the warder's attention was distracted, I stuck it into a crack on one of the
wooden fence posts to which the barbed wire was secured. Nikolai watched me
from his window. The blade stayed there in the crack all day long. Many other
cons saw it-the boys used to scour every corner of the exercise yard while out-
side, every pebble, every crack, in the hope of finding something useful. But
once a blade has been placed somewhere, that means it already has an owner
waiting to pick it up; in such a case nobody will touch it. Furthermore Nikolai
spent the whole day at the window, keeping watch on the blade just in case. While
exercising the following day he picked out the blade and took it back to his cell.
Later that evening a rumor passed from cell to cell: 'Shcherbakov has cut off
his ear'. And later we learned the details. He had already tattooed the ear: `A
gift to the 22nd Congress of the CPSU'. Evidently he had done it beforehand,
otherwise all the blood would have run out while it was being tattooed. Then,
having amputated it, he started knocking on the door and when the warder had
unlocked the outer door, Shcherbakov threw his ear through the bars to him and
said: `Here's a present for the 22nd Congress.'
This incident is well known to all cons in Mordovia.
The next day we saw Shcherbakov at the window of his cell. His head was
bandaged and in the place where his right ear should have been the bandage was
soaked with blood, and blood was on his face, neck and hands. A couple of days
later he was taken off to hospital, but what happened to him after that I do not
know.
And that is the reason why cons always have to be without their caps during
inspection and to uncover their foreheads, so that they can be checked for tattoos.
Men with tattoos are first sent to the cooler and then put in separate cells, so as
not to corrupt the others. Wherever they go after that they are.. .
One of the prisoners here in camp number ten was a Lithuanian, Richardas K.
He had once taken part in an escape bid and he told me how they had been caught.
Three of them, all Lithuanians, had somehow managed to elude their escorts
while at work in the fields and had only been noticed when near a wood. They
came under fire, but it was already too late. Then the tommy gunners were called
up from division headquarters; they put a cordon round the wood and soldiers
with dogs began to hunt the fugitives. It was not long before the clogs found the
scent and soon Richardas and his comrades heard the chase almost at their backs.
They realized that come what may they could not avoid it, but still they tried to
hide in the hope that the guards with the dogs would plunge straight past them.
The other two shinned up an oak tree and hid in the foliage, while Richardas
buried himself in fallen leaves (the time was autumn) beneath a bush. The scene
that followed happened literally before his very eyes.
He had not even had time to camoflage himself properly with the leaves when
two soldiers appeared with dogs. The dogs circled the oak trees and clawed at
the bark with their front paws. A further six tornmy gunners ran up together
with an officer holding a pistol. The young men in the tree were discovered at
once. The officer shouted: `So you wanted freedom, you mother--? Come on, get
down!'
The lowest branch was about six feet off the ground. Richardas saw one of
his companions put his feet on the branch, then crouch down and ease his stomach
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on to the branch so that he was hanging across it, with his hands on the branch
and his legs in the air, ready to jump down. At that moment he heard the sound of
several bursts from a tommy gun and the young man fell to the ground like a
sack. But he was still alive, he writhed and squirmed with pain. The officer fired
another shot into him and ordered the dogs to be unleashed. The man on the
ground, meanwhile, was unable even to defend himself. When the dogs had been
dragged off, he remained lying motionless on the ground. The officer ordered
him to be picked up and carried away. They dug the toes of their boots into him,
but he did not rise. Then the officer said: `Why spoil your boots on him? What
do you think your weapons are for?' The soldiers started stabbing the wounded
man with their bayonets and jeering: `Come on, come on, stand upon, don't try
to pretend!' The wounded man labored to get to his feet. His bullet-riddled
arms flapped like empty sleeves. His tattered clothes had slipped off down to
his waist. He was completely smothered in blood. Prodding him along with their
bayonets, they led him to the next tree. The officer called out: `Guard halt!'
The fugitive collapsed at the foot of the tree. Two soldiers and a dog remained to
keep watch on him while the rest turned their attention to the second youth.
He too was ordered to climb down from the tree. Having decided, evidently, to
be more clever, he did not go as far as the lower branches, but plummetted on to
the ground at the very feet of the soldiers. No one had time to fire. As he lay
there on the ground the officer bounded over to him and fired several shots into
his legs. Then he received the same treatment as the first; he was kicked un-
conscious, savaged by the dogs and then stabbed by bayonets, Finally the officer
ordered the beating to stop, went over to the youth and said: `All right, free and
independent Lithuania, tell me, where's the third?' The youth was silent. The
officer swung his boot into him and repeated the question. Richardas heard his
comrade croak: `I'd call you a fascist, but you're worse than that.' The officer
was outraged: 'I fought against the fascists myself! In the front line. And with
fascists like you as well. How many of us did you shoot back home in Lithuania?'
Again they threw themselves on the wounded youth and started to beat him.
Then the officer ordered him to crawl on his hands and knees to the tree where
the first man lay: "If you don't want to walk you can crawl!"
And the wounded youth, with his legs broken, started to crawl, egged on by
bayonets like the first. The officer walked along beside him and jeered: "Free
Lithuania! Go on, crawl, you'll get your independencel" Richardas told me that
this youth was a student from Vilnius and had got seven years for distributing
pamphlets.
When the two fugitives were together they were beaten and bayonetted again,
this time to death. Finally there were no more groans or cries. The officer assured
himself that they were dead and sent to the settlement for a cart. He evidently
counted on dealing with the third one by the time the cart arrived. Richardas,
however, took quite some time to find. Whether it was the dogs who were tired,
or perhaps the smell of decomposing leaves that threw them off the scent, they
were quite unable to find him. Soldiers ran about the wood, almost stepping on
him and the officer stood no more than two yards away from his bush. Richardas
said that on several occasions he was ready to leap up and run for it. And it was
only when Richardas could already hear the sound of cart wheels grinding along
the road that the officer came up to the pile of leaves, prodded them with his
toe and instantly yelled: "Here he is, the bastard! Get up!" At that moment the
cart came along. "Where are the escaped prisoners, comrade major?" Richardas
stood up. The major was aiming his pistol straight at him. Instinctively Richardas
jerked round at the very instant the shot rang out, then felt a searing pain in his
chest and shoulder and fell to the ground. He did not lose consciousness, but lay
there motionless, trying not to stir or groan. Other men gathered around and
somebody asked "Maybe he's still alive, comrade major?" And the major replied:
"Alive my foot! I shot him point blank in the chest." He could not have noticed
how Richardas had turned away.
Richardas was thrown into the bottom of the cart-even then he managed not
to groan-and the two corpses were piled on top of him. The cart moved off
towards the camp. Richardas heard someone approach the cart and heard the
major say: "Killed while trying to escape."
But a trial's only a trial and escaping prisoners are intentionally killed while
being caught so as to put off the rest from trying. And the injured and beaten are
purposely not healed. Seeing someone like Richardas without an arm, many men
think twice about whether it's worth the risk. But a trial, a prison sentence-that
would stop nobody under the conditions that exist in our prison camps.
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But even without Richardas's story I well remembered the incident at the
Bukhtarma power station. There the officer had fired practically point blank at
an unarmed fugitive. I had seen that myself. And I and all the others knew that
if we were caught the odds were against us remaining alive. But nonetheless we
decided to take the risk.
This old man of ours was not only cracked but also very weak physically. He
was always complaining about pains in his head, pains in his spine, pains in his
heart. One day the two of us applied to see the doctor. During her rounds the
nursealways asks through the food trap: "Is anybody sick?" Almost all the cons
complain about some ailment or other, especially in winter and then the nurse,
not bothering to examine the patient, gives him. some sort of powder. But if the
complaint exceeds her competence she registers the con hospital block. The doctor
came, looked at Tkach, felt his pulse and quietly laid the limp arm across his
breast. Then, after questioning us as to what had happened, she called the senior
warder outside. She never appeared again, but the senior warder came back and
ordered Kekshtas and me to carry the old man out. I took him under the arms.
Kekshtas took the legs, and we dragged the body into an empty cell that was
indicated to us. There the warder ordered us to lay the dead man on a bare cot
and then hurried us out again. The cell was locked. I said to the warder:
"I suppose Tkach can lie on his cot till lights out now, can he?"
"Do you want to go in the cooler?" roared the warder as usual.
Tkach was dead. He had been completely alone, nobody had ever helped him
and he never ever received any letters from anyone. But maybe he has relatives
somewhere who lost touch with him and don't know what became of him. And so:
old man Tkach starved for many years, suffered, fell ill, froze and died in Vladimir
Prison in the winter of 1962.
LETTER FROM CAMP No. 17 DUBROVNYY DIRECTORATE OF CORRECTIVE
LABOUR CAMPS (MORDOVSKA ASSR)
[Translated ,from Samizdat]
Camp No. 17 under the Dubrovnyy Directorate of Corrective Labour Camps is
located in the village of Ozerne in the Zubovo-Polans'kiy rayon of Mordovia.
The camp has two zones: the main one holds approximately 700 women convicted
for ordinary crimes, and a second holds 276 male political prisoners. The chief of
Camp 17 is Captain Novikov; chief of section 17-A (the men's zone) is Captain
Annenkov; chief of the medical section is first lieutenant Zahaykin; the representa-
tive of the KGB to Camp 17 is Captain Ivan Romanovych Krut'.
The majority of the male prisoners are invalids. There are 208 invalids of the
second category and 51 of-the third. In this zone there are only two crowded, cold
and badly ventilated barracks. Food is brought in from the women's zone and in
spite of the fact that the prisoner's food ration is very small to begin with, he
never receives a full portion anyway. Even a healthy person cannot eat the sour,
half-raw bread-not to mention sick people who make up the majority of the camps
inmates.
Medical aid is virtually non-existant. For example, on January 7, 1967, the
prisoner Mykhailo Soroka, who has spent 31 years in Polish and Soviet prisons (24
years in Soviet prisons), fell seriously ill with myocardium infarct. In such cases
immediate qualified medical aid is essential. But a medical assistant arrived only
four days later, on January 11th. On the seventh day after his attack, Soroka was
taken to the medical station. Up to this time he had remained in the barracks and
was looked after by Mykola Yevdokimov, one of the prisoners who is also an
experienced medical assistant but who was helpless without drugs and instru-
ments.
The so-called hospital contains only 7 beds--to accomodate 22 invalids the
majority of whom are seriously ill and quite old. There are no drugs and the pris-
oners are not allowed to receive any from their families (not even vitamins, al-
though the diet is so poor). No one even thinks of dentists and such. Theoretically,
the seriously ill should he transferred to the central hospital (in camp No. 3 in the
village of Barashevo). But this is not always possible, as in Soroka's case, if the
sick man cannot be moved (especially over these terrible roads).
Often directing a man to the central hospital brings no results. On several
occasions when the camp doctors sent prisoners to the central hospital with
diagnoses of cancer, the doctors at the central hospital, instead of releasing the
prisoners on the basis of their illness (they have full right to do this), sent them
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back to the camp with a diagnosis of severe gastritis. Only the prisoners' death
and autopsy confirmed the initial diagnosis. Prisoners are released only in cases
where death is expected to come a few days after the release. What else can one
expect from people who will not take one step without orders from the KGB
and the operational department?
In Camp No. 3 (the central hospital), the deciding voice is that of the chief
of the regime, Captain Kitsayev, who released and sent back to camp Dr. Hor-
boviy although his treatment was far from being finished. Similar cases occur
quite often. During Karavansky's hunger strike, the chief of the medical section
in Camp No. 11, Yeremeyeva, stated that she knows about the hunger strike
but she cannot do anything because she has no orders from the operational
department. The prisoner Ivan Maksym applied several times for medical aid
to the surgeon in Camp No. 11, but the latter refused to talk to him, calling him
a simulator. As a result, the prisoner died.
The medical personnel chosen from among the prisoners is not much better:
only people who cooperate with the KGB and the operational department are
selected. Medical training plays absolutely no part in the selection. For example,
such medics-prisoners as Yaroslav Hevrych and Dmytro Verkholyak, were
transferred from their jobs in the medical section and put to work in the work-
shops, although there is a shortage of medical workers. But men who have no
connection with medicine, as for example Malykhin, and those who are in the good
graces of the KGB and the operational department, have worked and still work
in the medical center. If there is an experienced and conscientious medical worker
in Camp No. 17, this is only because he did not please someone with no medical
training at the central hospital and was sent to Camp No. 17.
On the whole, Camp No. 17 is organized as a penal camp. The administration
does not hide this in their conversations, although officially it is not considered
as such. In addition to invalids, they have brought to this camp people who had
no inclination to submit to the so-called educational work among prisoners and
thus could by their actions or examples negatively influence other prisoners to
the same end. Therefore a policy of repressions towards the prisoners is severely
applied here directed at undermining health and suppressing the least display
of rebellion or protest. With this airn in mind, the organized manufacture (sewing
of gloves and construction) is based on a system of compulsion, arbitrariness
and repressions. Prisoners who work on construction do not have the required
warm clothing (felt boots, quilted jackets); the temperature in the shop stays
between +5? C and +9? C and the floor temperature is usually under 0? C.
Thus any talk of normal work, when one has to hold metal machine parts in one's
hands at such temperatures, is absurd. Nevertheless, the prisoner is expected to
fill a quota which would be impossible to fill even under normal circumstances,
whereas here the equipment is broken down and the premises where the prisoners
are forced to spend 9 hours are unheated (the prisoners are supposed to work an
8-hour day).
One hour is reserved for a so-called lunch break and rest period. But not only
is this not a rest, it is an additional punishment, because people are forced to
spend an extra hour in the cold building. Lunch and supper are served in unsani-
tary conditions, in generally dirty premises, without tables-so that the prisoner
has to cat at his machine. There is nowhere to wash one's hands because the tiny
wash-basin cannot hold enough water for everyone, and in the work area there is
neither water nor towels. Smoking is prohibited in both the workshop and in the
corridor. As there is no place where smoking is allowed, the prisoners are forced
to smoke in the hallway leading to the street where doors are continually being
opened and there is a constant draft (here temperatures are at -30? Q.
The administration constantly threatens those who do not fill their quotas
with repressions (at this time there is no one who fills his quota) and they will
put these repressions into force as soon as the training period is over (at the
beginning of February, 1967). Because invalids of the second category do not
have to work and there are not enough people to do the work, the administration
has announced that it will form a local medical commission to re-categorize
the invalids and put them to work. Captain Annenkov, chief of section 17-a
has spoken openly about this.
The reason for this is that prior to our arrival there was a camp for female
political prisoners here. The majority of the prisoners was comprised of women
convicted for religious beliefs-in other words, a group which was least capable
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of opposing the arbitrariness of camp administration or even of protesting various
pressures. In addition, these were mostly old women. The guards say that they
were exhausted, ragged creatures, who were forced to work in cold premises
where the temperature seldom rose 2 or 3 degrees above zero and more often
remained below zero. In so far as the system of compulsion had become a tradition
here, they intend to maintain it for the future. No wonder that the guards state quite
openly that the more we complain about their violations of our legal rights, the
more the authorities praise them-and vice: versa.
Have the prisoners tried to complain about these numerous violations, pres-
sures, and injustices? They have done so more than once with no results. The
chief of the camp, Capt. Annenkov, shouted that things would remain as they are.
The head engineer, when he was told that we are forced to eat in the cold, in
unsanitary premises, replied that this is not his concern and suggested that we
direct our appeals "Vanka Vyetrov" (an expression meaning "talk to the wind").
After numerous complaints a medical inspector arrived from the medical sector
of Dubravlag Directorate. in the first place he did not believe that the tempera-
ture in the work shop was much too low (he refused to measure on the spot),
and stated that "quotas were always filled and exceeded here". After we had
told him that we had recently sent out a number of complaints signed by the foreman
(a free man) in which we mentioned the temperature in the workshop, he only
asked to whom we had addressed them and showed dissatisfaction that we had
sent these complaints to the Prosecutor General rather than to the Directorate.
With regard to the complaint written by the writer Daniel about the shocking
attitude to Mykhailo Soroka's illness, the same medical inspector stated that all
these matters were irrelevant (the sick man had not died during the time when he
had received no medical aid) and tried to force Daniel to acknowledge that every-
thing was in order in the camp (he needed this for his report). Daniel refused. Small
wonder then that when prisoners demand what is theirs legally, the representa-
tives of the administration do nothing and assure them "You may complain",
because they know that no one will pay the slightest attention to the complaints.
To whom can we address our complaints when our educators of the past sit in all
the departments? Their caliber is obvious from such facts as that in Camp No. 7,
the man who was doctor there for two or three years, had before been the repre-
sentative from the operational department to Camp No. 19, from where he had
been transferred for attempting to rape a nurse. At present he is working as an
orderly officer in the prison in Ruzayevka in Mordovia. In Camp No. 1, the chief
of section is first lieutenant Nekrasov who had previously been a medical worker
in the same camp. Our attorneys supervision is similar to the medical care
we receive. (Our attorneys often switch from positions as lawyers to positions as
chiefs of camps, Directorate officials and vice versa. This is what happened to our
present assistant chief of Dubrovnyy Camp Directorate, Nekachan.)
We have already mentioned our letters and packages. I want to add that our
reception of packages of books which is legally permitted to us, depends (as do
our letters) on the will of the KGB operative (in this case, Capt. Krut') who makes
our right an illusion.
The camp holds representatives of various nations of the Soviet Union. There are
Latvians, Lithuanians, Estonians, and Russians. As might be expected, there are
also quite a few Ukrainians.
Who are they?
(Here follows a list of Ukrainian prisoners. The author (or author,) of this letter
groups them into the following categories: "participants of national liberation
movements 1942-1954 and of various illegal groups of similar nature" ; "those
convicted for religious beliefs (Catholics, Baptists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc.);
"those convicted for so-called anti-Soviet agitation, for attempts to cross the
border, and similar crimes"; "those convicted of crimes committed during the
war". The list gives the name of the prisoner, the oblast he comes from, his date
of birth, date of arrest, date of sentence. There is a total of 114 names on the list.
However, this is obviously not a complete list of Ukrainian prisoners. in Camp No.
19 becasue at the end of some categories, there appears "and others".)
Although all the Ukrainians listed here weresentenced by UkrSSP,
courts, they are held (and always have been held) in Russian camps. This is only
one more unnecessary proof of UkrSSR's rejection of her sovereignty-carrying
out the sentences of her courts.
There are only 17 categorical prisoners--that is, prisoners capable of
work-in the camp.
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The chief of the Dubrovnyy Directorate of Camps is Colonel Gromov, known
for his arbitrariness in the 40's and 50's in Kamyshlah (Kemerovo Ob ast). lieu-
The chief of the KGB section attached to the Dubrovnyy
THE KINGIR UPRISING-KING1R PRISONERS FIGHT AGAINST TANKS
[From "The Profits of Slavery" y Adol Stockholm, Latvian National Foundation in
The most dramatic of all uprisings occurred in the Kingir copper mine region
in Central Asia. Nine thousand male and four thousand female camp inmates
participated in it. Only a few, possibly a hundred, avoided the fight; most of them
were MVD informers who had to stand aside in the interests of their personal
safety. A year earlier, the Ukrainian resistance organization-the largest in this
camp-had killed about 100 stool pigeons. In cooperation with the Batts and other
national groups there evolved, in time, a special "counter-intelligence service
which managed to unmask every informer and traitor. This enabled the Kingir
rebels to open their fight in a spirit of greater unity than in Vorkuta.
The Kingir strike developed from the very outset into a well-organized uprising.
Leadership of the strike was assumed by Colonel Kuznetsov, one of the most popu-
lar Soviet officers, who had acquired undeniable merit in storming Berlin at the
end of World War II. In 1952, he was arrested on charges of having attempted
to escape to West Berlin with an entire tank regiment. After having been kept
in various prisons, he was sent in 1954 to Kingir--a place which, according to the
MVD, housed only "fascists." The Soviet security authorities had a hard time
with these "fascists." As stated above, the political prisoners in Kingir had gotten
the better of the MVD agents, and the MVD therefore tried to regain its influence.
It formed a plan. In April 1954, about 600 criminal prisoners were sent to Kingir
which since 1949 had only had political internees.
You see," an MVD ofl3cer told one of the newcomers a few days after their
arrival, "the fascists plan to attack and do away with you. Unless you forestall
them, your days are numbered. Try to teach them a lesson; we shall back you up
in every possible way."
However, men who have spent long years in interment develop a special in-
stinct. This particular man and other criminal convicts understood that the 1VIVD
was using them. One of them went to see a representative of the political prisoners
and told him frankly what he had been told.
It turned out that the new arrivals had been imprisoned with political prisoners
a few years previously, and, under their guidance, had seen through the Soviet
methods of terrorism.
The spokesman of the criminal interned said they favored solidarity with the
political prisoners, especially where the common interests of all interned were
at stake.
Who were these criminal prisoners?
Many were youths whom grim Soviet life had left without parents, school or
home. Not so many years ago they were called bezprizorniye, meaning "those
without home and shelter." There was no one to help and take care of them. Some
of them had been sent-at the age of 16-to the Kingir camp branded as habitual
criminals. Their chests and hands were tattooed. These children of Stalin's
dictatorship, interned behind barbed wire or thick walls, listened, perplexed, to
stories about the "sunken world" which the October Revolution had replaced
by the dictatorship of the proletariat. One thing, however, seemed quite clear to
them-the Chekists could not possibly be their friends and therefore they did
not even covet the benefits promised by the MVD.
It was soon found that the MVD planned to incite the criminal internees
against the political prisoners; the subsequent clash would disclose the leaders
of the latter, something the MVD had so far failed to achieve with stool pigeons
or otherwise in Kingir.
One of those who enjoyed authority from the very outset was the aforesaid
Colonel Kuznetsov.
He not only spoke but wrote frankly, showing no respect for or fear of the
Soviet power. And so, for having described the prison cell of the camp in a letter
to his wife, he was confined there himself, joining 400 other prisoners.
The true reasons behind the activity of the newcomers were not clear, but one
Sunday they dismantled the heating tube of the camp bath and used it to break
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through the separating wall of the neighboring camp. It was one of the internal
walls designed to separate the different camps. An outer wall, eight meters thick,
encircled the whole camp area.
The wall was two brick-lengths thick. It would have been impossible to break
through it with a pipe, unless a place had been chosen which was formerly a
passage way. This was done and the passage was reopened.
Eye-witnesses have reported that the guards were amazed. They had orders
to shoot, but did not do so. As they hesitated, it was possible to free 400 internees
and 200 held in the penal barrack. Kuznetsov, too, was released. He may even
have imagined that the prison was forcibly opened because of hirn. Having thus
regained partial freedom, Kuznetsov assumed the leadership of the political
prisoners. He ordered the capture of the camp guards.
The criminal prisoners meanwhile continued their task. The wall which sep-
arated the two men's camps from the women's camp was pierced within an hour.
Four thousand women were no longer separated from the rest of the camp inmates.
By next morning the situation could be seen more clearly. The guards had been
captured, but their officers had escaped. Food warehouses and other strategic
places in the camp were guarded by lookouts selected by the prisoners themselves.
Another day passed, and the Soviet administration and the MVD prepared
countermeasures. At three o'clock the next morning, MVD units entered the camp
from three sides. The MVD guards had been drinking. With shouts, they attacked
everyone who crossed their path, using bayonets or rifle butts. Shots were heard
from the women's camp. As the internees of neighboring camps were driven out
from the women's camp, they were fired on. Some 60 or 70 dead were counted.
The number of wounded was higher. The MGB hurriedly transported the dead
to nearby Dzhezkazgan.
Kuznetsov, who now grouped around him representatives of all nationalities,
protested against this action. He was supported by Balts and by Ukranian par-
tisans known as banderists.
The regulations forbade armed guards to enter the camp, but this night whole
military units had broken into it.
"We demand the punishment of the guilty! Armed units had no right to pene-
trate into the camp area." This was the slogan under which the Kingir camp in-
mates began. their strike. They knew that the military action had been taken
without Moscow's knowledge and that the law, even if it was Soviet law, was on
their side. In the case of any setback, the Soviets always look for scapegoats; if
the strike looked like ending in favor of the interned, Moscow would blame the
Soviet officials in Kingir and this event would not pass unnoticed.. The strikers
knew this, and therefore stressed the illegal character of the camp administration's
action.
The strikers also demanded that the bodies of their fallen comrades be brought
back to the site of the clash. Only in this way could they prove that their fellows
had been killed by MVD bullets and had not-as the administration might
allege-been killed by the strikers themselves. Another demand was that no
internees be transferred to another camp within the coming weeks.
The local Soviet officials promised to fulfill the strikers' demands and in addi-
tion undertook to summon a public prosecutor. The acceptance of their demands
made the strikers call off the strike which had lasted three days.
However, as soon as the work brigades began work the guards rounded up the
criminal convicts and drove them out of the camp. Since the original scheme of
the MVD had failed, it had been decided to send them elsewhere. The MVD
men behaved so brutally that this alone caused new trouble.
One of the criminal convicts succeeded in reaching the camp siren and sounded
a warning which was heard by political prisoners working on a building. Their
prompt decision was to return to the camp. The guards stopped them, but work
ended.
On their return to the camp in the evening, the political prisoners learned about
the administration's failure to honor its pledge and indignantly resumed the strike.
A new, enlarged "strike committee" was formed. Of its 15 members, 14 were
designated by the men's camps and one by the women. The women's representa-
tive was a "counterrevolutionary who had spent 17 years in forced labor camps.
Kuznetsov again played a leading role.
From that moment on, the Kingir camp cluster was turned in a truly autono-
mous republic of a type not known in the Soviet Union since the October Revolu-
tion. The strike committee supplemented the old demands with new ones. These
were:
1. Review of indictments and sentences.
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2. Amnesty for juveniles and the aged.
3. Release of foreigners to their home countries.
4. Conversion of the camps from regime camps into ordinary labor camps.
5. Removal of bars from barrack windows.
6. Removal of numbers from clothing.
7. An eight-hour work day.
8. A wage raise.
9. Reduction of sentences by up to seven days for each work day performed.
10. Right to choose residence after release.
11. Right to correspond more often with family.
12. Promise not to punish the strike committee, and
13. Review of sentences imposed in 1953 and punishment of officials responsible
for imposition of these high sentences.
With respect to demand No. 13, it should be noted that in 1953 a strike broke
out in protest against the brutal treatment of political prisoners by the guards.
One day, as they returned from work, a guard opened fire without reason, killing
four and wounding 16 internees, including three Latvians. To "justify" himself,
the, guard later alleged that an internee had grinned in the work column. The
prisoners' indignation was so strong that it took the form of a protest strike which
went on for three days. For participation in that strike a number of prisoners
received heavy sentences. In 1954, as a token of solidarity with their comrades,
the strikers demanded a review of their sentences and restitution for wrongs
suffered in 1953.
The main demand was that a representative of the Soviet Communist Party
Central Committee come from Moscow.
To preclude the possibility of accusing the strikers of being "counterrevolu-
tionaries," Kuznetsov advised them to abstain from anti-Soviet slogans. He
suggested instead that the suppression of the strike be made more difficult through
slogans, such as "Long live the Soviet Constitution," and "Down with Beria's
terror methods."
Invocation of the Soviet Constitution was merely a parody. Article of the
constitution starts with the words: "Considering as its main task to end any
exploitation of people and the elimination of classes, without pitying the
exploiters . ."
If the Kingir mutineers demanded the same, they spoke a deep truth and their
slogan was actually not so strange. Only, those who live in the Soviet Union need
no explanation what the Constitution and the law means-they know it too well.
The Kingir rebels who rose against the Soviet exploiters belonged to the lowest
class in the Soviet police state and they seriously wished that their exploitation
cease. However, their slogan was not the result of naivete.
They chose the sign of the Red Cross as their flag. The Red Cross and Red
Crescent are the traditional signs of a humanitarian spirit. Why couldn't these
principles be applied in Kingir, the strikers thought?
Then one day the loudspeakers in the watchtowers sounded: "Attention,
attention! Representatives from Moscow have just arrived. They want to talk
to you. At three o'clock they will come to the camp."
The strike committee placed tables in the yards of the two camps, and the
inmates of three individual camps, both men and women, gathered there.
An eye-witness describes the ensuing events: "Punctually at three p.m., four of
us went to meet the Moscow representatives. Clad in bright uniforms, they came
to the gates. Their gold braid and medals shone in the sun. One of the generals was
called Dolghish, and a few moments later we were told that he was Assistant
Public Prosecutor General of the MVD. The second man, called Bychkov, was
Deputy Chief of GULAG the main. administration of the forced labor camps.
One of them, accompanied by numerous Soviet officers, went to one courtyard,
and the other to the yard of the neighboring camp. Kuznetsov sat down at the
side of Dolghish. There was a moment of silence. "It looks as solemn as Red
Square (in Moscow) during a troop review," said one of the men. Then Bychkov
rose to his feet. "Comrades, you have made several demands," he began. "Some
of the demands are justified and deserve acceptance. However, the Government
implemented them even before you wrote them down. Look, here I have the texts
of decrees issued by the Government in April. That was only a few weeks ago, and
evidently news of them has not reached Kingir yet, but you may rest assured that
these instructions will be carried out even here. I am choosing one at random-a
decree of April 24, 1954 on the amnesty for juvenile delinquents. Another decree,
issued on the same day, provides for the release of invalids and old or sick people
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before the expiration of their term, provided they submit their petition for pardon
to the camp administration. The same applies to reduction of sentences for good
work. The decree does not foresee, it is true, sentence reduction by seven days for
each work day, as you demand but those fulfilling or exceeding the work norm will
have their sentences shortened by two or three days for every workday. There is
no need to speak of the eight-hour day-it has already been approved. You see, on
its own initiative, the Government has worked out plans to alleviate your work and
reduce your sentences. Unless I am mistaken, what with the envisaged reductions
in sentences, most of you have only a small portion of the term left and have just
to prepare for leaving the camp. But you should keep in mind one thing-don't
gamble away all these advantages offered to you by some rash action. Be sensible,
comrades! Comrade Kuznetsov, who is no doubt a clever man, would give you the
same advice. Wouldn't you?" Bychkov turned with a forced smile to Kuznetsov,
watching at the same time the other members of the strike committee. One of them
asked: "What about a review of the indictments and sentences?"
"Well, comrades, you see, we have also come here to receive your applications
for review of sentences. I and General Dolghish will accept therm beginning to-
morrow."
" When will the bars disappear from the windows?" a woman shouted.
"Will those who shot at us last year be punished?" another voice was heard.
"Will we be permitted to return to our homeland after our release?" asked a
man with a Baltic accent.
" There were many questions.
" We shall discuss quite a lot of things during the next few days. We are staying
here two more days, said both Soviet generals, as soon as they heard questions
concerning the 17 killed and several hundreds crippled in the Kingir camp.
"Bychkov and Dolghish tried to close the meeting, but the prisoners insisted
on prompt arrival of members of the Soviet Communist Party- Central Committee.
"What is the use of your asking for the appearance of central committee
members,' said one the generals indignantly. "Both we and your camp com-
mandant act on behalf of the central committee. This is why we have come here
to listen to you. Don't imagine that the central committee has so little to do that
it can send one of its members here. Before we discuss other matters, we want an
answer concerning the discontinuance of the strike. We shall come back tonight
to hear your answer and to decide further steps.'
"This was the end of the meeting. However, the final word had not been spoken.
In the evening the camp inmates gave it:
"Comrade General! Our imprisoned comrades have authorized us, the strike
committee, to declare that we insist on the fulfilment of our demand for the
arrival of members of the Party Central Committee. Until their arrival, we
refuse to resume work.'
"The Moscow representatives evidently had not expected such an answer.
They considered now steps. One of them was dividing juvenile camp inmates into
different groups. The next morning, 180 of them were summoned out of the camp.
All of them believed they would be released, but only 30 were freed, while the rest
were sent to a work colony near Kingir and promptly assigned to work brigades,
Youths who had not yet left the camp refused to appear before the Moscow
committee.
"Thereupon the Moscow men tried their hand at categorizing invalids and
tuberculosis patients. After five percent had been declared to come under the
category of those to be freed, all activities in this respect were halted.
"The next day, a host of Soviet public prosecutors arrived from Alma A.ta, the
capital of Kazakhstan, from Karaganda and other distant places. They interro-
gated the political prisoners on the bloody clashes of last year, prepared minutes,
took pictures of whatever material evidence was left on the scene of events and
told the prisoners that the culprits had already been imprisoned.
"Several days passed. The camp inmates did not spend them idly.
"In order to inform others about the uprising, they started building a radio
transmitter. In their opinion, this would enable them to inform not only other
areas of the Soviet Union, but also the free world about the events in Kingir, 'We
shall contact the International Red Cross,' said some. `We shall refute Moscow's
lies that no forced labor camps are left in the Soviet Union,' suggested others.
"The claim that all slave camps had been liquidated in the Soviet Union was
published in 1954 in some Western newspapers. Only Moscow's campaign of lies
could bring about the publication of such a statement in the press of the free
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world. We should not let Moscow get away with such a brazen lie, we must have
a radio transmitter which can be heard in all of Europe and non-Communist Asia.
The voice of the Kingir rebels should pierce the Iron Curtain.' And so it was
decided
"There were outstanding specialists in the Kingir camp. As soon as the need
for a transmitter arose, a radio engineer was found. Of course, he was a political
prisoner, as was also his young assistant, a Lithuanian.
"X-ray equipment and medical supplies provided the technical basis for the
construction of the transmitter. The Lithuanian hastened to perfect himself in
the use of the Morse code for English-language broadcasts. An excellent hiding
place for the transmitter was found in a remote corner of the women's camp.
"Early in June the first SOS signals of the Kingir mutineers were broadcast,
telling of the fate of 13,000 internees.
"The engineers understood that the audibility of their broadcasts would not
go far beyond the Kazakhstan steppes. The lack of suitable equipment precluded
the building of a more powerful transmitter. IMoreover, it was realized, that as
soon as a more powerful transmitter started operation, there would be bolshevik
interference with its broadcasts.
"Even as things were, the rebel transmitter had to compete with the camp
loudspeaker used by the administration. Several times a day, it addressed the
rebels and it was clear that the administration knew fairly well what was going
on in the camp although it held only a defensive position. Kuznetsov ordered
the erection of barricades. In addition, weapons were forged. Bars removed from
the windows were forged into spears, and carbide lamps and explosives were
adapted for repelling invaders.
"All this activity was observed from airplanes which flow over the camp every
day.
"You will see, we shall stamp out all of you,' barked the administration's
loudspeaker in the watchtower.
"Freedom or death' replied the prisoners' loudspeaker. `If we have to die,
we shall die. We would rather blow ourselves up than surrender to you.'
"Moscow watched the developments in Kingir closely, and very seriously
appraised every action and statement by the prisoners. For the reports on the
disastrous events in Karaganda, Salekhanda, Norilsk, Kolyma and Vorkuta
had been piling up in Moscow during the past few years.
"The local administration knew that there were excellent chemists among the
prisoners, and that the internees had been able to smuggle explosives into the
camp from mines and stone quarries.
"Food reserves were available for 40 days. The strike committee rationed them
strictly.
"Members of the Party Central Committee did not come, but on the other
hand nobody paid any attention to the two generals sent from Moscow.
"Midsummer came. Life in the camp followed the newly established routine;
the internal walls were no longer any obstruction. Both men and women did guard
duty. The women's post stood at some distance from the armed men whose
weapons were however so miserable that Kuznetsov, the one-time Soviet tank
commander in Berlin, feared that panic would break out during the first moments
of the expected attack. Women mounted guard for the sole reason of encouraging
the men during the fight as it was believed that the latter would not retreat under
the eyes of the women. the barricades, built of bricks, clay, scrap iron and wood,
could only resist infantry attack. The headquarters of the strike committee
were surrounded by a specially built barbed-wire fence.
"In the early hours of June 26th, Bychkov's voice was heard over the loud-
speaker:
"Attention! Attention! Troops are entering the camp. I order everybody to
leave the barracks!'
"At the same time, hundreds of rockets flared up, casting a ghostly light over
the camp area. Tanks emerged from several directions. Some rolled in through the
camp gates, crushing the barricades like matchwood, while others broke through
the walls. It is not known for sure whether there were seven or more tanks, but
within a few moments they controlled the camp. Hiding behind them, infantry
men fired at whoever happened to be in the courtyard. One of the first bullets
struck Villis Rozenbergs, a former Lativian legionary, while another killed an
Estonian woman who stood on a sentry post.
"The tanks set fire t,) the barracks, smashed their walls and rolled over what-
ever was in their way. Infantry followed in their wake, dashing into the barracks
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and firing at the prisoners whether these were still in their beds or had risen,
awakened by the noise.
"Although taken by surprise and half-awake, the most courageous among them
fought back. The sound of firing and shouts of fear mingled with the cries of the
wounded. The MVD men bayonetted even those who lay on the ground, pierced
by bullets. Tank crews fired at prisoners who were at some distance from them.
"Camp No. 2 put up the fiercest resistance. Twice it repelled the attack. Car-
bide bottles were hurled and home-made grenades exploded against the walls
and turrets of the tanks. When the supply of these weapons was exhausted, the
men and women in prisoners' garb threw stones against the invaders.
"The desperate fight had been going on for almost four hours. Lithuanian
women tried to save the transmitter which a few moments ago had broadcast the
the last SOS signal, surprising the enemy.
"A few Latvian girls continued the fight in another corner of the camp. One
after another they sank down to the ground. The bullet of an MVD man struck
Biruta Blums, the daughter of a Latvian war hero, who stood side by side with
another Latvian of whom it is only known that she was the mother of two children.
The surviving women joined hands and advanced against the tanks. They had
neither carbide bottles, nor stones. They marched towards the enemy singing. It
was difficult to tell what they sang. Maybe a hymn, maybe a song about their
country. The rattle of the tanks drowned their voices.
"The huge tank, grim and ominous, lifted its steel belly in front of the girls.
And a moment later it rolled over them. The drunken tank crew laughed.
"General Bychkov, Deputy Chief of the central administration of the forced
labor camps, watched the scene from a fourth-floor window in the administration
building and directed the 3000 men and the tanks. Only a few hours ago these
were opposed by 9000 men and 4000 women, but a four-hour fight had thinned
their ranks.
"Bychkov did not act on his own initiative. When Moscow had been asked a
few days previously how to proceed against the rebels, it had answered: `Liquidate
them!"
K., a returnee, who told the story of this terrible night at Friedland in the fall
of 1955, added: "All the Balts took part in this fight. The number of their fallen
and wounded was therefore relatively high."
Five hundred were killed. Another returnee said that if the attack had not
come at night, the number of victims would have been much higher. In the dark-
ness and confusion some were eliminated from the ranks in the first moments of
the clash, being taken by surprise and disabled for the fight.
The Kingir uprising lasted 42 days.
On June 26th it was ruthlessly quelled. Casualties equalled those of a major
battle.
Many of the seriously wounded died of their injuries. On the other hand, many
a man whom his comrades had seen fall to the ground during the fight proved to
be only wounded and God's grace helped him to recover. This was evidently also
the case of Biruta Blums who was considered dead. In the spring of 1956 the news
was received in Latvia that she had survived. Little information is available on
the fate of the other fighters.
It is only known that the surviving were arrested, tried, and brought in special
trains to Kolyma. A special trial was staged for the members of the strike commit-
tee who became the leaders of the rebels.
A solidarity strike with the Kingir mutineers commenced in :Dzhezkazgan on
June 10th. After the Kingir massacre of June 26th, General Bychkov arrived with
his tanks in Dzhezkazgan. "Do you want to suffer the same fate as the Kingir
rebels?" asked Moscow's executioner.
The twenty thousand Dzhezkazgan camp inmates were not prepared for a
fight and called off the strike.
Nevertheless, great changes followed.
A few mutineers who, as foreigners, were due for an early release, returned to
the Kingir camp some time after the terrible night; they were greatly surprised
at what they saw in their former camp.
Work no longer began at six o'clock in the morning but at eight and ceased at
five p.m. Window bars which had disappeared during the mutiny had not been
replaced. Numbers had been removed from the clothing of the prisoners. Invalids,
disabled persons and juveniles were being released from the camp at a fairly rapid
rate. Those who were not released, had their sentences reduced. However, because
of the extremely severe sentences most of them had to spend in the camp an ad-
ditional five or more years.
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The administration began to invite theatrical troupes and orchestras to the
camp. Men and women were allowed to meet a few times a month at concerts,
theatrical performances or dances.
The general mood, however, was still so low that nobody could really enjoy
all the new things. It felt strange to dance at a place where not long ago blood had
flowed in streams.
The heroism of the persecuted people in Kingir was a hymn to modern man's
yearning for freedom and this place became a new link in the chain of freedom
uprisings which broke out spontaneously in Soviet camps where terrorism and
exploitation resembled that practised in the cemetery of living people in
Kazakhstan.
STRIKES AND UPRISINGS IN SOVIET FORCED LABOR CAMPS
[This list Is not exhaustive]
KOMI S.S.R.:
Ust-Ukhta------------------------------------
Ust-Vym----------------- ------ ------------
Vozhael---------- ---------- Vorkuta-------------------------- --------
URAL REGION:
Salekharda------------- ---------
Molotov (Perm) area ---------------------?-_-
Fabrichnoye
Revda/Sverdlovsk_____________________________
Karabash------------------------------------
Solikamsk------------------------------------
SIBERIA:
Krasnoyarsk region___________________________
Norilsk--------------------------------------
Tayshet-=------------------------------------
ReshotY ----------------------------
CENTRAL ASIA:
Dzhezkazgan---------------------------------
Kingir--------------------------------------
Karaganda---------------- ------------------
Sherubay Nura___________________
Balkhas ------------------------------------
FAR EAST:
Kolyma--------------------------------------
Sakhalin------------------------------------
EUROPEAN RUSSIA:
Potma---------------------------------------
1940
1947
1952 Summer___________________
1953 -----do-----------------------
1955 -----do-----------------------
1950
1952 June-------------------------
1954
1954 Summer----------------------
1955
1952 Fall ..........................
1956 April-------------------------
1953 March-August---------------- 100 days.
1950 Winter ----------------
1954
1954 October_____________________
1947, 1951
1953,1954
1954
1947,1951
1953,1954
1954
1954 Spring and summer............
1946, 1953
1954
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THE SUPPRESSION OF THE DISSIDENTS
[Excerpted from "Uncensored Russia"]
by Peter Reddaway
American Heritage Press (New York 1972)
TIIE ALL-RUSSIAN SOCIAL-CHRISTIAN UNION FOR THE LIBERATION OFTHE PEOPLE
Between March 14th and April 5th [1968] seventeen Leningrad intellectuals were
tried in the Leningrad City Court. Procurator Guseva and Judge Isakova (deputy
chairman of Leningrad City Court) took part in the trial.
All the accused were charged under articles 70 and 72 of the Russian Criminal
Code. The essence of the charge was participation in the All-Russian Social-
Christian Union for the Liberation of the People. [Photographs on p. 279.]
BRIEF EXPOSITION OF THE UNION'S PROGRAMME
The establishment of a democratic system. The head of state is elected by the
whole population and is accountable to Parliament. The upper chamber-a
Sobor (representatives of the clergy)--has a right of veto vis-a-vis the head of
state and Parliament. The land belongs to the State and is allocated to private
people or collectives (exploitation forbidden) ; hired labour only permitted on a
basis of equality. Enterprises are mostly owned by worker collectives, but the
main industries-transport, electronics, etc,-to be state-owned. Basic principle
of the economic system-personalism.
STATUTES OF THE UNION
Strict conspiracy, members operating in "groups of three" ; each person knows the
senior member of his "three" and its second member. In addition, each person
recruits new members, creating a new "three" in which he becomes the senior.
The head of the organization is not known to the members--in case of need they
communicate with him in writing through the senior member of their "three".
In practice the organization engaged only in recruiting new members and
distributing literature (the books and copies of books confiscated in searches
included those of Djilas, Berdyayev, Vl. Solovyov, [G. von] Rauch's History of
Soviet Russia, Tibor Meray's Thirteen Days that shook the Kremlin-on Hungary
in 1956, Gorky's Untimely Thoughts, etc., and even [Evgenia] Ginsburg s Into the
Whirlwind).
The organization was formed in about 1964. By mid-1965 it had some ten
members. By this time the Leningrad K. G.B. already knew it existed but did not
stop its activities and allowed it to develop and expand (in court Alexander
Gidoni appeared as a witness: he had denounced the organization to the K.G.B.
in 1965 but was advised to continue to keep in touch with its members).
In February/March 1967 some sixty persons were arrested or detained (not
only in Leningrad but also in Tomsk, Irkutsk, Petrozavodsk, etc.).
In November 1967 the Leningrad City Court tried four leaders of the organiza-
tion (under articles 64, 70 and 72) and sentenced:
Igor Ogurtsov (translator from Japanese, 30 years old) to 15 years of imprison-
ment; Mikhail Sado (orientalist, 30) to 13 years; Evgeny Vagin (literary critic
from Pushkin House [a literary research institute], 30) to 10 years; and [Boris]
Averochkin (jurist, 28) to 8 years-all to be served in strict-regime corrective-
labour colonies.
The second trial lasted from March 14th to April 5th, 1968. The difference
between the people brought into court as accused and those brought in as witnesses
consisted basically in the fact that those on trial had engaged in recruiting people-
even if only a single person-for the organization. All the accused admitted their
(176)
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guilt (evidently in the sense of admitting the facts of the charge) but not all of
.them recanted (particularly Ivoilov, Ivanov, Platonov and Borodin).
The following were sentenced (term of imprisonment shown after each entry in
-years with term demanded by the Procurator in parentheses) :
1. Vyacheslav Platonov, born 1941, orientalist-7(7).
2. Nikolai Ivanov, born 1937, art critic, teacher in Leningrad University-6(7).
3. Leonid Borodin, born 1938, school headmaster from the Luga District in
Leningrad Region-6(6).
4. Vladimir Ivoilov, economist (Tomsk), graduate of Leningrad University-
2(2) [in fact six years-sec Chronicle 19].
5. Mikhail Kolosov, born 1937, fitter employed in the Leningrad Gas organiza-
tion, correspondence course student of the Gorky Literary Institute-4(5).
6. Sergei Ustinovich, born 1938, Leningrad University graduate-33x(4).
7. Yury Buzin, born 1.936, engineer, agricultural institute graduate--3(4).
S. Valery Nagorniy, born 1943, engineer in L.I.T.M.O. (Leningrad Institute of
Precision Mechanics and Optics)-3(4).
9. Alexander Miklashevich, born 1935, engineer (agricultural institute
graduate) -3 (3) .
10. Yury Baranov, born 1938, engineer (graduate of institute of cine-
technicians)-3(4).
11. Georgy Bcchevarov, born 1935, Leningrad University graduate-23x(3).
12. Anatoly Sudaryov, born 1939, translator, Leningrad University graduate-
2(2).
13. Anatoly Ivlev, born 1937, chemist, Leningrad University graduate-2(3).
14. Vladimir Veretcnov, born 1936, chemist, Leningrad University graduate-
2(3).
15. Olgerd Zobak, born 1941, L.I.T.M.O. mechanic-14 months, the time
already secved while under pretrial investigation (1 year).
16. Oleg Shuvalov, born 1938, L.I.T.M.O.-14 months, the time already served
(1 year).
17. Stanislav Konstantinov, librarian-14 months, the time already served
(1 year).
The trial was characterized by violations of legality similar to those in the
Moscow trial [of Galanskov and Ginzburg]:
1. The terms of pre-trial detention exceeded the legal maximum in the case of
some of the accused.
2. Admission was by permit to an `open' trial (although the court was half
empty) .
3. Most witnesses were ejected from the courtroom immediately after testifying.
It is also not clear why the leaders of the organization were tried separately and
why they were tried under article 64 (treason), as well as articles 70 and 72. Was
the programme they had drawn up defined as `a conspiracy aimed at seizing
power'? If iso, this was clearly illegal. In the circumstances of the trial of the
first group of four every kind of illegality could have been committed, since
nothing was known of the trial until it was over and it was, apparently, completely
closed.
It is reliably known that no one was charged with having connections with
N.T.S., nor with engaging in currency transactions, nor with possessing arms.
This account of the two trials fits well with the only other substantial source yet
available, an anonymous article of 1969 apparently written by a member of the Union.
This confirms that twenty-one people were sentenced, adding that twenty-nine in all
stood trial and that the case materials filled over a hundred volumes. It also states that
Union members were indeed charged with participation in `a conspiracy aimed at
seizing power', and that the Union's programme stood for armed revolution, although
its activity had not reached the stage of acquiring any arms. The article provides a
,fascinating analysis of the Union's social composition, ideological development,
programme and activities, and of the reasons for its betrayal. There is sufficient
similarity between its programme and that of the `Democrats of Russia, the Ukraine
and the Baltic Lands' (see p. 173) to make it possible that the latter group includes
people previously associated with the Union.
In any case, the next development was predictable enough:
In May and June 1968 the Russian Supreme Courts considered the appeals of the
Leningrad members of the All-Russian Social-Christian Union. The sentences on
all those convicted were confirmed. Ogurtsov, sentenced to fifteen years' imprison-
ment, and Sado, sentenced to thirteen years' imprisonment, will, according to the
sentence, spend the first five years of their terms under a prison regime. They are
in the prison at Vladimir.
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The other accused are now in camp 11 of the Mordovian camps: their address is:
Mordovskaya A.S.S.R. st. Potma, p/o Yavas, p/ya ZhKh 385/11.
We have already met ogurtsov, Sado, Platonov and Borodin in Vladimir prison and
the camps (see pp. 207, 220). In addition, No. 9 recorded in 1969; `Sado has been
transferred from Vladimir prison to camp 3 of the Mordovian complex', but it did not
explain why the transfer took place early. No. 10 then reported his further transfer to
camp 17-a. This was where he became friends with a man of whom the Chronicle
wrote:
Alexander Petrov (pseudonym Agatov), the Leningrad poet and author of the
words of the song 'Dark Night' (from the film The Two Warriors), was convicted
in Moscow in February 1969 under article 70 of the Russian Criminal Code for a
book he had written (the title is unknown).
In a document written in Mordovia in late 1969 Petrov gives the date of his closed
trial as January 7th-8th and the basis for his seven-year sentence as his `poems about
the tyranny of the Beria times, written in that period'. Here he also describes Sado as
`a man with a wonderful heart, a fine mind and an unbreakable will', and in a later
document he writes in detail of Sado's remarkable life-story. In autumn 1970 Petrov
was transferred to Vladimir for his pains, along with Borodin. Earlier he had served
over twenty years in camps, getting out in 1967, having a year of freedom and publishing
a few works, before returning.
PRISONER ENCOUNTERS
(A true story by Aleksandr Petrov-Agatov)
[Excerpts translated from Grani, Nos. 82-84, 1972]
In the year of our Lord, The summer of 1969.
Trouble comes unexpectedly. Arrests are no exception. Nobody warns of them
either. Particularly in a Soviet country, where there are very many beautiful
words about freedom and brotherhood, and very little conscience and honor.
Having already spent more than twenty years in prison and having just come
out a year ago, I never imagined that I would be arrested again. But no. I was
grabbed and arrested.
"Do you know what you were arrested for?", asked Major Khabibulin, after
introducing himself, and looked meaningfully at the manuscripts. I understood
that he decided to make things clear from the start.
"Is it possible that it's on account of my poems?" I said with surprise.
"These poems are worse than an atom bomb", he cut me short. "Right now we
won't discuss anything. I would like you to gather your thoughts and simply rest.
Here is the order for your arrest signed by the procurator. Times have changed,
we don't just grab people, don't be afraid. You won't be imprisoned in the
Lubyanka. Generally speaking, we don't have any people in prisons. You will be
taken to Lefortovo. It is now an isolation ward for political prisoners."
"You mean to say . a prison . ..", I corrected him.
"An isolation ward. We don't have prisons any more."
I was taken to Lefortovo not in a "Zim" [brand name of a car made in the USSR]
but in a "paddy wagon". I hope the reader will not miss the opportunity of
learning of this "marvel of the twentieth century". Those friendly first-aid cars
equipped with sirens, which go everywhere. In Stalin's time they were disguised
with the words "BREAD", "MEAT" or simply "FOODSTUFFS" written on
them, and not without reason, I believe: these cars, loaded to the gills, trans-
ported from prison to prison the "products of the epoch" [a play on words, the
Russian word for foodstuffs being "produkty", meaning also products-Trans-
lator's Note].
This was my first time in Lefortovo. I already knew that this was a political
prison. Rumors had it that here as in Lubyanka and at the Butyrki people were
shot without trial or investigation. However, people were also sent to the next
world after being tried.
Sado was also soon taken away from me, but I had time to find out from him
that a large group of Social-Christians was arrested in Leningrad in February 1967.
This group was headed by Igor Vyacheslavovich Ogurtsov, who according to Sado
was a very pure, courageous, well educated and-above all-religious man.
"All the people in this group are believers and are highly intellectual", Yuriy
Yukhanovich assured me. "My brother Mikhail, who is Ogurtsov's first assistant,
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is an orientalist. Platonov is one too. Nikolay Viktorovich Ivanov is an art his-
torian who taught at the Leningrad University and who not long before his arrest
had returned from Ethiopia. A clever fellow! What a clever fellow! Vladimir
Fedorovich Ivoylov taught political economy at the Tomsk University. Mikhail
Borisovich Knosov, a poet, was a student by correspondence at a literary in-
stitute of writers. Georgiy Nikolayevich Bochevarov is an historian. And Vanin?
Evgeniy Aleksandrovich [Vanin]-well he is a very special person!
I was shaken. In Russia, in the sixties, and a military-political organization!
[Following sentence smudged and illegible-Translator's Note]
"Don't be obstinate, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich," repeated Major Sedov for
the Nth time. "Why should you protect Boris Slutskiy? He is a Jew and a Zionist.
And you are a Russian. After all we know that he is anti-Soviet. Just confirm this
to us. And tell me what you know about Tvardovskiy."
"But I saw Tvardovskiy only once, and then only in his official capacity as
chief editor of `Novyy Mir' [a literary journal-Translator's Note]. As to Slutskiy,
I know him only very superficially.
"My goodness, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich," interrupted the procurator,
"aren't you tired of being in prison? What good is all this to you? Help us-and
you'll be a free man."
It all ended with Lieutenant-General Lyalin, Head of the Moscow Committee
on Security, appearing one day in person at the interrogation. This obese swine was
infinitely frank.
"Here is my party card," and he pulled a blood-red little booklet from his
pocket. "See? If you will tell us all about the writers and how the manuscripts get
abroad, I guarantee you your freedom tomorrow. This card is my assurance to
you."
I was tried at Christmas in the old manner. Naturally, in camera. Besides
Zagryaznina who transmitted my manuscripts to the KGB, my daughter, who
in her innocence admitted that she had heard my poems, and a large number of
guards, there was nobody else. Also, there were two security committee characters.
Of course, in civilian clothes, silent, but their spirit hovered above the procurator's
and judge's armchairs. I say "armchairs" because the impression was that the
ones who conducted the trial were not the people but the armchairs. I refused the
services of the attorney. The day before the trial, a middle-aged woman with
large yellow teeth, brightly painted lips, and a thick cigarette in her mouth, came
to the prison (she was the defending attorney) and said to me: "I advise you to
admit your guilt. . You will then get less time."
The procurator made a long speech. Time and again he pronounced the cast
iron words: ideology, ideologic diversion, class struggle. . .'
Then came the verdict: "I ask for 7 years."
Naturally, I would not admit that I was guilty. And I told the court everything
that I thought of it and the investigation, and that long ago I came to the con-
clusion that the worst enemy of the Soviet state was the Soviet state itself. The
greatest reward for my critical outpourings were my daughter's words. Aleshka's
voice rang out in the hall:
"Marvellous, Daddy!"
There were the three of us: in Ryazan' the two Armenians were put into a
stolypin (a passenger railroad car divided into cages). They were still very young
men, and had been brought from Armenia. I only found out that they were both
engineers, graduates of the Erevan Technological Institute, the first one, Ashot
Khachaturyan, sentenced to ten years for betraying his country, the second,
Stepan Zatvokhyan, to four years for anti-Soviet agitation. Both were from good
families, used to the good things in life, and throughout the trip continuously
expressed their indignation at the inhuman, as they said, ways of the KGB.
As soon as we had changed into prison garb and entered the zone, they were
whisked away by some Armenians (for here there was a great variety of national-
ities), and I began to be besieged by the Slavs. Naturally, I was anxious above all
to meet Andrey Donatovich Sinyavskiy, who as I found out while still at the
transit prison, was here and about whom I had heard so many different reports.
Therefore, when one of the messengers, who said that his name was Mikhail
Konukhov, said: "We invite you to join our group of three: Sinyavskiy, engineer-
designer Derunov, and myself," I had no reason to refuse. But Konukhov's
appearance somewhat disturbed me. He looked like a criminal: shifty eyes, an
earthern complexion, the expressionless face of a drug addict, tatooed arms. "He
probably shouted off some anti-Soviet slogans or wrote a leaflet in blood, just to
get out of the criminal prisoner's camp," I thought to myself.
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"Andrey Donatovich will soon be here. Please sit down," greeted me a young
man with a small reddish beard like a child's spade, soft features, and blue eyes
which, it appeared, nothing could astound, since they had seen everything.
"I'm very grateful to you for having come. I myself am from Moscow. My family
name is Derunov, my name and patronimic, Mikhail Evgen'evich. My father is
a professor. I am a design engineer. A leader of a small group. Of course, demo-
cratic. I've been given seven years, charged under article 70. And here now is
Andrey Donatovich. "
The conversation was hard in getting started, and during the first few minutes
I almostopenly scrutinized Sinvavskiy. He was a bit cross in one eye, his teeth
were yellow and, I thought, disintegrating; his face exhausted and deeply lined,
long before its time (he was forty-five)-an intelligent, spiritual face. He spoke
little and was modest in his behavior. Nevertheless he remarked:
" When I arrived, I had no respite from the curious. . . I was being scrutinized
like a bride brought before the bridegroom and his relatives."
"A well-known name," I remarked not knowing exactly what to say.
" Well-known, yes. But undeservedly so. I myself appreciate that this isn't
honest fame which comes to a real writer. I was brought in on a wave, and as
everyone knows, a wave brings in anything."
I did-not sense any posing in Sinyavskiy's words and I liked his sober evaluation
of himself.
On that occasion, I believe, we parted without any definite ideas about each
other, but a grain of sympathy for Andrey Donatovich was planted in my heart.
The next day, when I returned from wort: (I was sent to do some of the
most difficult work there) I was called to the headquarters, to the office of the
chief of operations. A major in horn-rimmed glasses was at the table, and nearby,
next to the wall, a lieutenant-colonel. Both were in the uniform of the cavalry,
but without spurs: Soviet gendarmes shouldn't make too much noise, they move
silently.
" You've been invited, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich, so that we may get ac-
quainted. Please sit down. I am the chief of the KGB Administrative Office. My
name is Postnikov. And this," he nodded in the direction of the lieutenant-colonel
with his balding head, "is my deputy."
I didn't hear the name. Anyhow it had no meaning. I already mentioned that the
secret police have no face. Neither do they have names. Like dogs, they have only
nicknames and go from one master to another.
"How was the trip? Did you settle down?"
Each one of them had a piece of paper before him.
"I would prefer it if you didn't trouble youself with polite questions. Can
anyone have any doubts about the cultural level of our gendermerie? Please come
to the point."
"Are you upset about something?" screeched Postnikov.
So I had to answer the questions. The questions were mostly those of the-
curious: how many copies of my books had been printed abroad, how much money
did I have in my bank account, which journals in the Soviet Union had published
my works? I was also asked to state my political and philosophical positions.
I took advantage of the situation and painted a picture of near catastrophe for
the Soviet regime.
"Alright, but don't express your ideas to any of the other prisoners. Bear in
mind that anyway we will find out what you said and to whom and this will only
add to your problems."
And again as in Lefortovo:
" What good are they to you? And by the way, I can tell you with whom you.
had met yesterday and today and what you had talked about . "
And he repeated almost the entire conversations I had had with both groups.
"So you see," concluded Postnikov didactically, looking me fixedly in the eye,
we know everything and we will continue to know everything."
During the next few days I became convinced that the camp was swarming
with informers. It was especially this that created an atmosphere of nervous
tension, distrust, and was responsible for the formation of small, tight, closed
groups. Everyone feared each other. Suspicion reached schizophrenic proportions,
and people often warnedone another:
"Be more careful with that one."
"Don't say too much."
"He's not a bad fellow, but he works for the management, and one does not-
work for the management for nothing."
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"That one there is always getting cigarettes and coffee in his parcels."
At the conclusion of the conversation I asked Postnikov to return to me all
the manuscripts which were taken away from me at the entrance to the zone.
These manuscripts were already checked by the Security Committee in Moscow,
and there was a special statute in the prison regulations which covered this.
"Moscow manages its own affairs, and we manage ours. . . . We'll ake know;
and will then return them. Don't worry. If you have any problems,
we are not putting you in the same category with the military criminals."
"By the way," said I, "why don't you let them go. They've been sitting here
for twenty years and more. They are living corpses.
"Dear me, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich. You don't know what dangerous people
they are. They can't be let out. They are in blood up to their necks . "
But several months later one of these "dangerous" fellows admitted to me his
spying and told me frankly:
"Do you know what Postnikov told me when he recruited me into his service?
You, he said, are not dangerous to us. The ones who are dangerous to us are
those. . . the educated ones . . . with the lily-white hands. Those who are in
for four or seven years, not for twenty-five. The thinkers and talkers. But you-
you are our fellows."
And these were not empty words.
All services in the camps for political prisoners are rendered by former policemen
and Beria men. They are in the councils of the collectives and are the trustees
for the communist party.
Next day I was visited by Nagorniy and Ivoylov. They were the first swallows
of that military-political arm of the Social-Christian Party of which Yuriy
Yukhanovich Sado spoke to me in Lefortovo. I spent the entire first three days
inquiring about them, did obtain some information, but was too shy to approach
them myself. Both were young and somehow glowing; radiating warmth, they
brought a breath of something fresh and pure into my corner (my cot was in a
corner at the end of the barracks).
"Valeriy Ivanovich ."
"Vladimir Fedorovich . ."
The first one, with blue eyes and very fine, almost transparent features, was
Nagornyy. The second one, reserved and more subdued and gloomier, was
Ivoylov.
of them who were in that zone had gathered together. I say "that zone"
because there was yet a seventeenth camp. Several from the group were there..
Three of them were: the orientalist Vyacheslav Mikhaylovich Platonov, the liter-
ary historian Evgeniy Aleksandrovich Vagin, and a former director of schools,.
Leonid Ivanovich Borodin, who according to hearsay was a very interesting person
who had been in Saransk for so-called "prophylactic treatment": every year three
to four persons were brought there for a period of two months for re-education in
order to change their convictions.
The leaders [of the group] Igor Vyacheslavovich Ogurtsov and Mikhail
Yukhanovich Sado were serving their sentences in a prison in Vladimir.
Seven persons seated behind a large table, brought in from somewhere
especially for the occasion. Besides Nagornyy and Ivoylov there were Boris
Anatol'evich Averechkin, a grandson of one of the first Soviet admirals, with a
reserved expression and a face framed in a thick dark beard; Mikhail Borisovich
Konosov, still just a boy, with soft cheeks and beautiful brown eyes, very charm-
ing, a poet, who admitted that he would prefer being addressed not only by his
first name but his patronimic also; Georgiy Nikolayevich Bochevarov, an histo-
rian, very kind and frank but trying to appear withdrawn and very much a man
of principle; and Yuriy Petrovich Baranov, an engineer, about thirty-three to
thirty-five years old, phlegmatic, with a tattoo on his right arm, with an elongated,
well-groomed face, grey before its time. There was also a man who looked very
much like czar Nicolas the Second, with purblind, runny eyes, whose name we
did not know. And finally, there was Sudarev, a man of medium height, who was
continuously steeped in thought, and as I found out later, dreaming of becoming
a writer.
Later I found that the questionnaire played an important role in the organiza-
tion. They had some very substantial archives and personal files, which affected
the organization adversely when it was uncovered and crushed. My compatriots
at first meeting obviously did not want to reveal all about themselves. After some
"questioning" they asked me to tell them what I thought of their organization,
to share with them my prognosis of the future, to read some of the poetry for
which I had been arrested.
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The next day I made the acquaintance of Vagin. Unfortunately Platonov and
Borodin were driven right past our camp straight to camp no. 1.7.
Evgeniy Aleksandrovich [Vagin] made a very pleasant impression on me. Tall, nea and grace oftmeven in a manner. Isprison
it garb, he
radiated radiate nobility
grace of character
manner~f Judging bintelligence,
Vagin, yes.
Together with Sinyavskiy, Derunov, and the ever-present Konukhov, I spent
no less than two hours with Evgeniy Aleksandrovich. We discussed literature,
art, politics. Despite all his modesty it was impossible not to notice his erudition
and high intellect. One felt that this man did not select a world outlook which
was popular at the moment, but had worked it out for himself. It was the first
time I heard a literary historian (and Evgeniy Aleksandrovich was a highly
qualified literary historian, specializing in Dostoyevskiy) evaluate Gorkiy
correctly:
"Awful language," said Vagin. "Is it possible that a Russian writer can use
such language? Furthermore, he's so nasty, that Gorkiy."
I asked Evgeniy Aleksandrovich to describe, in. the few minutes that remained,
the "prophylactic treatment" in Saransk. What was it?
"A joke," smiled Vagin. "Local writers and other Mordovian luminaries come
by at the request of the KGB, naturally, and try to convert us. Sometimes they
even take us in private cars to restaurants and shops in town. Look how well and
in what a civilized manner the Soviet people live. There is bread, the movies are
spinning away, no charge for entering a restaurant. Jazz. And sometimes there's
even cognac. . What more could one want?"
Platonov asked to be taken to church. Ile wanted to confess and to receive the
eucharist.
Colonel
non- plu sed Arbuzov vt Mikhayl v ch's Plat rnov's]Ir quest was Then he smiled
jauntily and said firmly: "We will take you! Certainly we will take you!"
But of course he [Platonov] never did go.
"A Chekist [a member of the Cheka, i.e. the secret police-Translator's note]
lies the way a thief steals, the way a friar.. " said Konhukhov.
This time Mishel was in his element. Ile obviously knew what he was talking
about.
Without exception, all the Petersburgers * in zone eleven had gathered
around the Easter table. Andrey Donatovich and I were also invited. Besides coffee
and candy there was nothing else on the table.
Evgeniy Aleksandrovich, who headed the table said thrice: "Christ has risen!"
Everyone rose, and crossing themselves responded in unison: "In truth He has
risen!"
It was spring outside. The earth was warming up. Hearts too could not but
warm up. I looked at the faces around me. They were all solemn; a. ray of sunlight
shimmered upon them.
Vagin made a short speech. Its gist was that those who had gathered around the
table were Russia's salt of the earth, and that he believed in the country's rebirth.
In the nation's rebirth. And of the people sitting at this table.
I don't know why, but I felt like crying. As before, I had a great affection for
Vagin and all those who were here, and didn't for a single moment doubt that
Evgeniy Aleksandrovich, Nikolay Viktorovich, Gcorgiy Nikolaevich, and Vladimir
Fedorovich-all those sitting around the table-were destined to build a new
Russia; but I still felt like crying.
King Solomon, when he learned that Kitovras [?] began crying on seeing a
happy young pair of newlyweds emerge from a church, asked: "Why did you cry?"
"I foresaw that one of them would perish the next day," answered the wise prophet.
I am not a prophet, and I cannot foresee people's futures. But even then, at
that table, I knew that these were today's Russia's best people. Not yet the
salt of the earth. Those around the Easter table were brothers.
They could become the salt of the earth, I thought, if they suffer much, become
masters of themselves, and learn how to love.
Were there any other interesting people in the camp? In zone eleven alone, one
thousand four hundred prisoners lived in misery. There were very few intellectually
this term instead of "Leningraders" to indicate their identification with pro-revolutionary Russia and their
non-acceptance and opposition to the present Soviet regime-Translator's note.
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interesting people, and none equal to the Petersburgers or to Sinyavskiy. Neverthe-
less, there were many people with interesting, and in some cases legendary lives.
Vasiliy Illarionovich Stotsenko, a former communist and chief of the planning
department of the Krasnodonugol' Trust, an engineer by training, mayor of
Krasnodon under the German occupation, but at present a quasi-corps, has been
languishing now in prison camps for twenty-three years. He was under interroga-
tion for several years in the Lubyanka, questioned by a gendarme in a Chekist
[secret police] uniform who looked like and resembled in spirit the writer Aleksandr
Fadeyev, author of the notorious novel "The Young Guards".
Vasiliy Illarionovich, a rather intelligent man, swears that he had never heard
of any "Young Guards", that he did not consider himself guilty nor ever would,
because when the Soviet troops retreated, the party organization in Krasnodon
ordered him to remain behind with the occupation forces for undercover work.
But since nobody from the underground ever came to join him, he decided that he
would rather become mayor than die in a concentration camp.
Ivan Nikolayevich Cherenkov, who served much of his time with Stotsenko, had
been rotting in USSR MVD corrective-labor camps for just as many years. Until
the occupation, he was chief accountant at the same Trust. Under the Germans
he became senior investigator for the police, investigating political affairs only.
"Communists and commissars," honestly admitted Ivan Nikolayevich [sic]. "I
never had anything to do with "The Young Guards". And anyway there weren't
any of them around. There were some young follows, hooligans. They stole
packages from cars and sold stolen cigarettes at the market. The police warned
them several times. But they would not listen. Finally, shortly before Christmas,
the hooligans stole some Christmas parcels sent to the soldiers and officers.
Naturally they were arrested, and since this coincided with the retreat of the
German armies, they were shot. Without my participation. I managed to evacuate.
I was already in the American zone in Italy, and quite safe, when I was asked to
the headquarters and told that in accordance with an agreement made between
Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill, I was to be handed over to the Soviet authorities
as having committed especially grave crimes against humanity. I spent five years
in the Lubyanka. They all wanted to know about the Krasnodon organization
known as "The Young Guards". At the inquest I answered each time: There was
no such organization. And each time I was told: You will stay here until you show
us that there was such an organization. So I showed them. After all, in that
famous joke about the 10th grade student who was grabbed by the Chekists
(secret police) for unreliability, the student finally admitted that it was he who
wrote "Eugene Onegin" [Pushkin's masterpiece-Translator's Note]. So I' too
admitted that there was such a thing as the "Young Guards", and that I had
conducted an investigation of it. By the way, Koshevoy s mother became Fadeyev's
mistress when the latter came there to write his story. She had a child by him"
Thus ended his story-the quiet introvert with the horsy teeth.
Cherenkov is now in zone seventeen. He works in a clothes factory, checking for
defects. The Chekists (secret police) asked him to keep his eyes open for anti-
Soviet leaflets- stuffed into dress and coat sleeves by malefactors.
The cool, calm, and collected Kalmyk, Erdni Batiyevich Dorozhiyev, a man of
his word and scrupulous in his accounts with others, who had worked for "Smersh"
(the military counter-intelligence) and the fascist Abwehr, had become a dental
technician in camp. He always had money and even "no-loss promissory notes",
as the three percent gold loans were called. He was not greedy, always willing to
help, and hated cheating. His sentence-twenty-five years.
In general, there is a tremendous number of investigators, policemen, and
secret service men. Soviet, German, those without any nationality, stateless,
Beria men and Abakum men.
Anakhashiyev, the former chief of the Azerbaydzhan KGB, always very, very
clean, and with a wedge-shaped beard, was here too; they say he had shot more than
one person in his office. He walked around very little, preferring to sit in the corner
like a safe. You couldn't get a word out of him, but his chest was decorated with
an SVP pin, the internal security section's acronym. Some people without their
insignia are like billygoats without horns-and what is a billygoat without its
horns?
For my poems "In the Land of Mordovia" I was obliged to spend five days in
solitary confinement. Following one all-camp search, which used to be performed
regularly, I was invited in for a talk by Major Krut' and a young lieutenant by
the name of Ershov, who had exchanged his teaching profession for a policeman',-
uniform, both of them with the KGB.
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"We warned you, Aleksandr Aleksandrovich, that we would punish you for
anti-Soviet poems or any form of anti-Soviet propaganda", began Krut' without
any preliminaries, rolling his lackluster eyes. `You can't hide anything from us,
Soviet Chekists [secret police men]. Are these your poems?" "Mine," I replied
firmly, "How is it that you," interrupted Ershov, "a cultured person, a talented
poet, can write something like this?' "Exactly," added Krut', approaching me.
"I see no point in discussing this with you," I said. For a few minates there was
silence, "Then," said the major turning sharply and directing himself toward the
table, "you will have to spend five days in solitary confinement." "I'm ready."
"Just for a few poems, these poems!" he exclaimed.
The order that they showed me before placing me in the stone box stated:
"For systematic anti-Soviet propaganda, which negatively affects the contingent."
This made me remember captain Kolodochka, chief of another forced-labor
camp. Once when he walked into a Russian language class at the camp school, he
saw this word, unfamiliar to the unlettered on the blackboard. "Contingent?
Hmm?" And puffing up like a frog, he began squawking at the teacher: "I won't
:allow it! Revealing state secrets?! I won't allow it! Erase the word `contingent'
immediately."
In solitary confinement I went on a hunger strike, unable to reconcile myself
with the thought that normal people could punish a person with solitary confine-
ment for his poems. Lermontov was banished by the czar to Pyatigorsk [a famous
spa in the Caucasus-Translator's note] for open incitement to rebellion, for
urging the overthrow of the autocracy. Again I remembered Catherine, and her
conversation with a prominent painter: it was not under the monarchy that the
soul's high and noble aspirations were oppressed, that the creations of the intellect,
poetry and the arts were victimized. The Shakespeares, the Molieres flowered
under their magnanimous protection; but Dante could not find any place in his
.republican motherland. True geniuses arose under the brilliance and power of
monarchs and royal states, not under the hideous political systems and terror
which never gave the world a single poet. Poets and painters are a special breed,
they bring only peace and wonderful quiet into the soul, not agitation and grum-
bling discontent. The learned, the poets and the artists-are the pearls and dia-
monds in the imperial crown, they decorate and add to the brilliance of the
.age. . . . [words obliterated-Translator's note]
The next day after I declared my hunger strike, the head of the unit, a young
puppet-like lieutenant came to see us: he turned whichever way he was pulled.
He was later followed by Major Spirin, the deputy political administrator, a man
with a face yellow and wrinkled like a dry pear.
I did not end my hunger strike, but neither was I released from solitary con-
finement before the specified five days had expired. This was for the best, as every-
thing always is, wherein lies the ideal wisdom of the Creator.
On the day of the public baths I made the acquaintance of Yakov Berg, who
at the time was confined to his cell for six months for his uncompromising anti-
Soviet views.
This was a very honest and courageous Jew. He, too, had a beard, but a large
one, like Marx's thoagh of a more uncertain color-neither red, nor white, nor
black, nor sandy. All these colors, apparently, had to be mixed to produce the
color of Berg's beard. He treasured his beard as he did his convictions. On one
occasion, when his eighty-year old mother arrived for a visit (which was before
he was transferred to solitary confinement, when no visits are allowed) the
Chekists propositioned Yakov, in the form of an ultimatum, to shave off his
beard.
"If you don't shave it, you won't get the visit."
But he didn't shave it. And they gave him the visit. They had to give it to him,
otherwise a certain group of political prisoners would have created a disturbance.
Though not many, there were several prisoners, who, in defiance of Soviet
obscurantism, were capable of honorable behavior. The Petersburger Leonid
Borodin, a talented poet and an intelligent historian, was placed in solitary con-
finement for refusing to attend lectures in political indoctrination. The next day
none of the Petersburgers appeared for work. They were supported by the com-
munards headed by Khakhayev, a liberal group under Gragosh.
Arriving at a fast trot from Saransk came the KGB "cavalrymen", the proc-
urator.and the others.
Leonid Ivanovich who, even when roped in, refused to listen to the balderdash,
was released from the cell, and for a while those who did not want to absorb
Marxist-Leninist ideas were left alone.
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I now return to Berg. He was the only person among the political prisoners,
who ostentatiously refused to accept food on holidays celebrating the Revolu-
tion, and who refused to do any kind of work for the Soviet regime. He went on
hunger strikes on any pretext, giving the Chekists to understand that his entire
being was against the Soviet regime. Hunger was the only weapon left to him in
his chains. And he used it continuously.
While in the eleventh zone I tried to make the acquaintance of the Tikhonovites.
The reader no doubt knows of this Russian Orthodox group. My attempt was
unsuccessf al.
Orlovich, whom I approached, had a beard like all the other Tikhonovites.
Their beards were all of the same color, dark red and long, some almost to the
waist. He asked me: "Are you from the Cheka [secret police]?"
The always quiet and grave Orlovich worked as a male nurse in the infirmary
barracks. Only a very few were willing to look after dying old men who could
not control their bodily functions. There was a constant stench in the infirmary
barracks, but Orlovich worked diligently and was kind to these unfortunates.
"What do you mean from the Cheka?" I asked without first quite understanding
his question, because I was so flabbergasted by it. "Don't you know me?"
"Only God knows everything. You, of course are a prisoner. I can see that.
But what's in your soul?" And answering himself, he said: "Well, that's another
matter."
Resentment and pain overcame me. "You are no believer," I shouted. Then
I left.
I was wrong. We are never right when angry and full of resentment. For then
our senses are clouded. Orlovich was a very religious man, but I understood that
only later when he and I were together in zone seventeen.
It was easier to get to know the Jehovah's Witnesses. There were quite a few
of them in camp and they pursued their teaching with great zeal. They always
had an enormous amount of religious material, mainly sermons, lectures and
various issues of their publication, "The Watchtower" [published in Russian-
Translator's note]. Of course there were also the Old and New Testaments which
they knew how to hide. And when the Chekists found these books, the Jehovah's
Witnesses never gave them up without a fight.
Karl Yasovetskiy told me that when they came to arrest him and began
searching his place, his ten-year old daughter Galia grabbed the Bible from the
table, clutched it to her breast, and shouted excitedly: "Kill me, but I won't let
you have it! I won't let you take away God's Word!" And when the father was
led away, she said: "Dad, remain faithful, otherwise death is better."
Dmitriy Zarubin and Vasiliy Patrushev were highly critical of the teachings of
the Jehovah's Witnesses. "One of those very ancient old men," Dmitriy told us,
"after he dared ask God: `What are the Johovah's Witnesses? Explain, 0 Lord!'
had the following dream: a man is carrying a vessel with milk. He then takes some
manure and mixes it in with the pure milk-God's Word-and passes it out to
the people. The old man then says: this is who the Jehovah's Witnesses are."
Despite all this they were mercilessly thrown into prison. All of them were in
-camp for the second or third time.
For several years now, but apparently without success, Igor Vasil'yevich Belik
who was here for his participation in the Novocherkassk uprising, has been
learning the facts of camp life. The other participants in the uprising, who num-
bered more than five hundred, were sent to Komi [Komi ASSR-Translator s
note].
Zinoviy Anatol'yevich Troitskiy, a candidate of jurisprudence who before his
arrest apparently worked at the Perm University, was one of my new acquaint-
ances. He and his wife were arrested for their membership in the NTS [National
Labor Union]. The wife recently completed her term.
I was extremely fond of Volodya Krivtsov. He grew up in the camp, having
already served twenty years. He was about to be released, and charmed everyone
with his ingenuity and optimism.
"It's the end for the communists! Don't you see my friends that these bastards
are on the edge of a precipice? . . "
He was very Russian, with no education, but quite intelligent. Watching and
listening to him, one became once again convinced that understanding, enlighten-
ment, and learning are God-given. Given only by Him. That is why simple people
with God's light upon them are the bearers of true culture.
. Thus, I know not for what reasons, political or economic, it was decided in
Moscow that the political camp in the eleventh zone should be closed down and
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that criminal prisoners should be moved into it. We found that out in the last
days of June. We lived as though we were on wheels. On the twentieth we didn't
even finish our day at the plant (which normally ended at five o'clock), and after
lunch started shoving our stuff out into the living area, which became a veritable
railroad station. Here and there were bags, suitcases, sacks, knapsacks. Everyone
was trying to find out where we would be going. There were three destinations:
the third zone, the seventeenth zone, and the nineteenth zone; criminal elements
were being moved to our zone from the latter. All these zones were in Mordovia.
This entire land is one continuous stretch of watchtowers, barbed wire, and
wooden fences.
Ivanov and I were sent to the seventeenth zone, Audrey Donatovich [Sinyav-
skiy] to the third, and Vagin and Ivoylov to the nineteenth. On the evening of
the last day and the entire next morning Sinyavskiy and I spent the entire time
together, discussing just about everything. Both of us prayed, both of us cried.
Before he reached the check point Audrey Donatovich looked back no less than
ten times: he couldn't but feel my eyes on him as he moved away. I believe he
won't forget my hands which blessed him either.
On the afternoon of June twenty-ninth, the prisoners were already loaded into
twenty specially equipped trucks, and those who were heading for zone seventeen
had started on their way.
I was in one of those trucks, sitting with my legs crossed under me. Next to me
was Orlovich. Before us stretched the forest and the bumpy road ahead. To this
day there are still very few roads in Russia. Right in front of us in the truck
stood two men armed with machine guns. They were somehow ashamed- to look
us straight in the face andthey kept glancing aside. The machine guns, like those
in the court house, were directed at us at an angle. The machine guns were staring
straight at us.
I was going to the seventeenth zone willingly, hoping to meet there both
Galanskov and Ginzburg about whom I had heard so much. I also wanted to
meet Daniel. I had met Yuliy Markovich [Daniel] only once; that was when I
was escaping and managed to work illegally as a researcher for the minister of
culture of the Chechen-Ingush republic. It was then that I was introduced to
Daniel by the Chechen poetess Raisa Salgimuradovna Akhmatova, now chairman
of the writers' organization of the republic, who was then very favorable to the-
poet. Working for the Chechen-Ingush Republic publishing house, I had, at
Akhmatova's request, helped Daniel conclude an agreement for the translation of
the poems of several Chechen and Ingush poets.
All the prisoners in the eleventh zone who knew Daniel spoke very warmly of
him. Yuliy, they said, was uncompromising with the authorities, did not hide
his convictions, and was honest and simple in his behavior with his friends. He
was disliked by the Chekists, and he was continuously either in solitary confine-
ment or restricted to his cell.
After hearing this I was naturally impatient to know Daniel better; furthermore,
I also wanted to hear some of his poems.
I had heard much good of Platonov and Borodin too.
But this time the Chekists again played a cruel joke on us. They weren't such
fools as to bring together political prisoners from the eleventh and seventeenth
zones. It is the communists above all who know the formula for "divide and rule."
This was not very apparent in the eleventh zone, where there were 1400 pris-
oners but in a small zone such as ours, where there was only one two-story building
for prisoners, several administration buildings, and only 350 prisoners, there were
no secrets.
In the morning there was no water either in the wash-basins or drinking water
in the barrels. The herring was rotten. Among the "seventees" (as those sentenced
under paragraph 70 were called) there was grumbling. And when we came to
work, a real shouting broke out.
Leaflets calling the prisoners to refuse work, to sabotage, etc., appeared in- the
living quarters. They were signed RPP-which immediately was deciphered as
the Russian Progressive Party.
At work no one did anything. People gathered in groups, warming themselves
in the sun. The administration was taken aback After lunch members of the
Cheka administration arrived, and towards the evening--investigators from
Saransk. The officer of the day had no time to call out the prisoners. The informers
who knew nothing, because everyone knew them, were the first to be called.
Then, all those who in the eyes of the Cheka were suspect, that is the "Peter-
burgers," myself, and rebels of the type of Vyacheslav Kuzin were called. All had
but one answer: we know nothing, we saw nothing.
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In general I refused to answer questions, and demanded the procurator's
sanction for our investigations. Ivanov and Bochevarov did the same. But the
Chekists would not give up and called everyone systematically for questioning,
using samples of handwriting as evidence. This produced another wave of protests:
numerous appeals were sent to the procurator about the legality of the above
action, as though legality ever existed in the USSR.
Finally the Chekists were obliged to give up. The investigation of the leaflets
was dropped. But the camp administration didn't get anywhere about making
the prisoners work; as before we sat in the sun and read books.
On one occasion the enraged Garkushev tried to overturn a mug of coffee
with his foot. He hardly made it out of the zone. And again a crowd of authorities
arrived. This time the entire leadership of the Administration, except for Gromov,
the chief. Great in the past, he was going down hill lately, and he tried to keep
.apart.
Whereas the influence of the "Peterburgers" was hardly felt in the overall mass
oil the prisoners, in the eleventh zone, here, Ivanov and Bochevarov immediately
became the center of attention of the youth. People went to them, listened to
them, imitated them. This could not but become known to the authorities, and the
chief of the operations division with his retinue approached Nikolay Viktorovich.
"What are your complaints toward the administration?" he asked.
Very objectively, supported by evidence, Ivanov outlined the situation: poor
food, rotten herring, lack of food-stuffs in the camp store, irregular newspaper
delivery, bad public baths, and the impossibility of fulfilling the work norm
because none of the prisoners had ever sewn any mittens before. It was impossible
for anyone of them to produce the required sixty pairs of mittens.
The lieutenant-colonel sniffed at the herring, which was shoved right under his
nose and almost into his mouth.
"Yes, the herring is not too good," and turning to Garkushev he said: "Forbid
its distribution." "Yes Sir."
"As to the work . . . We will provide you with two months of training. During
this time the usual norms will not be required of you. Newspapers, the public
bath, and bread-all these will be provided." lot r
"Give us a guarantee!" demanded Ivanov.
"A man must be trusted" smiled the lieutenant-colonel.
"A man, of course . . . But you, forgive me, are a jailer," said Nikolay without
losing his cool.
"Aren't you ashamed Ivanov?"
"But it isn't me who's the chief of the secret service department", the prisoner
cut him short. And immediately, without letting the lieutenant-colonel get over
the shock, he said:
"What about the food-stuffs in the camp store?"
"We ourselves eat almost the same stuff that you have in your store", the chief
of the secret service blurted out the truth without thinking.
"It's indeed too bad that after fifty-two years of Soviet rule you still eat so
badly . . "
General laughter.
Losing control of himself, the lieutenant-colonel blurted: "Come on now . . .
.let's see if it will be any better when you'll be in charge!"
"To do that, we would have to change places right now," clinched off Nikolay
Viktorovich.
Victory was complete.
The lieutenant-colonel and his retinue fled in the real sense of the word.
This was not only a prisoner's victory over a highly placed MVD functionary.
This was the victory of one system of thinking over another. This was the victory
of freedom over eternal bondage. The personification of freedom was Nikolay
Viktorovich Ivanov, and the personification of bondage was the chief of the
secret police, by the chains of Soviet bureaucracy.
Shaking Ivanov's hand, I _asked permission to see the documents in the investiga-
tion po possible for trial to do so. I Social Christians. lwithout stopping, Viktorovich
re rereading ertainupages several
times over.
No wonder that the lawyers who defended Ogurtsov, Sado and Vagin were
suspected by the Cheka [secret police] of being favorable to the prisoners. Igor
Vyacheslavovich Ogurtsov, about whom I had already heard many a flattering statement in the eleventh zone, had risen in my eyes to a gigantic figure after I
:had gone through the papers. Intelligent, well educated, pure in thought and
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heart and body (he was still chaste, at thirty=five), Ogurtsov rose like an eagle,
even from the pages of the trial's transcript and I already saw his wings spread
over Russia. Even Terekhov, the deputy procurator-general, and a representative
of the Central Committee came to pay homage to this prisoner. They wanted to
persuade him to renounce his convictions. When they encountered refusal, they
tried to frighten him with death by shooting. To Russia's great honor, he did not
tremble, but filled the cells of the Vladimirskaya prison with the white nights of
St. Petersburg.
I embrace you my dear compatriots. I kiss the earth upon which you walk,
Evgeniya Mikhaylovna and Vyacheslav Vasil'yevich--mother and father of
Ogurtsov!
Our Igor, your "Gorik", will soon return to the city on the Neva. He will return
to you, his parents. To have a son like that is happiness which can't be compared
to any other.
I had the same good impression of Mikhail Yukhanovich. Sado, Orgurtsov's
first assistant within the organization. Like Igor' Vyacheslavovich, he behaved
honorably both at the investigation and the trial. I had seen this man for only one
hour. He carne to zone eleven from Vladimir towards the end of April but was
immediately transferred to zone three, and then to zone seventeen, then again
back to zone three, either to "work" or for hospitalization.
The Chekists were obviously afraid to keep him too long in one place-so
great was the attractive force of this Assyrian. Yes, indeed, an Assyrian who had
accepted Russia with his entire being, who had gone forth to fight for her in the
very frontranks and under the most dangerous conditions.
In his last year at the university Mikhail Yykhanovich was asked to the
Leningrad office of the KGB.
"Your knowledge of Arabic is excellent," began the captain, "would you be so
kind as to translate a short text into Russian . "
Sado translated the text. He was then asked to work for the KGB.
"Since you also know Hebrew very well, we will send you to Israel. You will
have a brilliant career, Mikhail Yukhanovich. The only thing you'll be missing is
bird's milk.
"I prefer the milk of truth. The milk of Christian teaching."
Blok [a Russian poet-Translator's note] once said: A poet has no career. He
has only a fate. Learned men, truly learned men like Sado also have no careers.
Such people are profoundly knowledgeable and have a clear conscience. Where
are you Mikhail Yukhanovich? I would so love to see you!
"Everyone to work!" commanded Garkushev, lining up the armless and legless.
"Those who don't go will be deprived of their store privileges, visiting rights,
packages-everything!"
"Corpse-eaters! Savages!" came from all sides.
Nevertheless a few still went or rather crawled, because these aged men-
between sixty and ninety-already could not walk.
Solomon Borisovich Dol'nik did not go.
"Why aren't you at work? " asked Garkushev the next morning.
"I'm an invalid. I won't go."
"I'll deprive you of your store privileges."
The next day the same question.
"I won't go," repeated Dol'nik.
On the third day again.
"I won't go."
"I deprive you of the right of a visit from your wife."
"I simply won't go."
"And I will deprive you . . ."
Once again the prisoner won. Garkushev did not deprive Dol'nik of anything-
he was afraid. But the camp boiled and churned. more and more.
New prisoners were arriving. Two engineers from Rovno, and a seventy-year-old
Ukrainian priest-a uniat. And finally, Yuriy Ivanovich Fedorov, the former
MVD captain who had worked as senior investigator in Leningrad.
All of us had already heard about this interesting affair, but of course we all
wanted to know the details. All the more, because Yuriy Ivanovich-tall, with a
kind, open face-charmed us. That same evening we invited him to coffee, the
next day too, and on the third day again. We no longer drank coffee without him.
We found out the following: opposition had arisen in Leningrad to the Soviet
regime among the hierarchy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Security
[MVD]. All of them practicing communists, who nevertheless saw in the party's
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present policy a distortion of Lenin's teachings, and who therefore felt that Brezhnev
and Kosygin should be removed and a two-party system, for which Lenin presum-
ably fought, should be established, and freedom be given to the people.
Neither I, nor Ivanov, could of course in the least share Fedorov's point of view,
but we had the utmost respect for Yuriy Ivanovich's courage to engage in the
struggle.
On one occasion, during a recess in work, Yuriy Ivanovich gathered several of
us in a group and said:
"Today the zone is going on a hunger strike. I know with certainty of three of
the participants: Galanskov, Ginzburg, and Borodin. We must lend them our
support."
"What's the reason for the hunger strike?" asked Ivanov.
"We should of course know the reason," seconded Bochevarov. "We should
know the exact reason."
"I'm afraid there's not much of a chance for this. But each day counts in a
hunger strike. I propose that we write a petition stating our demands. For the
time being we won't declare a hunger strike. But we will give them to understand
that if our demands are not met, we will go on a hunger strike.
On the first of December we dropped our petition into the mail-box, and on the
second, the man in charge of distributing the work came to the factory immediately
after lunch.
"Petrov, Bochevarov, Konosov, Fedorov Dragosh, Dol'nik, Sokol'skiy, Ivanov,
Khachatryan, Merkushev-get ready for departure.
In the residential zone we noticed Major Postnikov, the head of the KGB,
with an unknown captain, also a "cavalryman".
"Some trick! Where are they taking us to?" we asked each other.
"Take all your things. Even those you have outside the zone . . came the
order.
"Well, what do you know!"
We of course understood that the Chekists had decided to forestall the hunger
strike, particularly because of the approaching anniversary of the Soviet constitu-
tion. Furthermore, the continuous unrest in our zone frightened them, at least
worried them considerably. They selected nine prisoners who from their point of
view were the most fervently convinced and important.
"We'll be scattered throughout the various camps," said Ivanov.
"Most likely we'll be sent to Saransk for brain-washing," suggested Fedorov.
"And I think that we'll be all sent to zone three. I believe there's a new factory
there," declared Konosov.
Others too made a stab at it. I myself was inclined to think that more than
likely it would be Saransk, or the Central Investigation Confinement Center.
. . They took us to Ivas, to the investigation confinement center where each
of us was placed in a cell. I was sent to zone three with Ivanov, &okol'skiy and
Dol'nik; Fedorov, Konosov and Bochevarov were sent to zone nine; Dragosh,
Khachatryan, Merkushev to zone five. By the way, I had forgotten to introduce
the reader to Merkushcv. His first name was Slava. He was young-twenty-five.
He was the son of an important MVD official. He rose not so much against his
father as against the Soviet regime. He too, of course, wore a beard; he had a
delicate face and a strong personality; in camp he was always rebelling and
talking to his father's colleagues in a barking manner.
Restricted to our cells, we too, without exception, started barking.
"Who's in charge!" (Boom! Boom!-on the doors).
"Where's the chief of this institution!" (Boom! Boom! Boom!)
"Guard! Come here! (Boom! Boom!)
The guard comes up. The officer of the day and the chief too. Each of us is
handed a decree, which we proceed to read:
DECREE
On the basis and so forth, return so-and-so to solitary confinement for indoc-
trination. For educational training.
Signature: chief of the KGB, Chief of departmental operations. Approved by
the procurator.
At first our eyes become large like saucers or like the eyes of Hollywood stars.
Then there is general laughter; and finally again: boom! boom! boom!!! .
The lieutenant-colonel who came the next day and who said he was Deputy
Chief of the Administration was asked to leave, since he obviously wasn't able to
explain anything at all.
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Ershov appeared in the evening: he was congratulated for the star on his
epaulettes, called a fascist, and promised that he would get it in the face from
everyone in the ward if we were not immediately relieved of the indoctrination
(the ward was dirty, there were plank beds instead of cots, and we had been de-
prived of everything, even pencils and paper).
"You'll have everything. Everything will be explained. Calm down." However
they withdrew immediately and did not appear again.
The next day I did not accept any food, declared a hunger strike, and wrote a
sharp letter to the secretary of the Mordovskiy regional committee party. In-
cidentally, I told them that my legs were in poor shape and that I needed medical
treatment, not indoctrination in a solitary confinement cell.
Captain Afanas'ev appeared; he too was a "cavalryman". He called each one of
us out in turn and explained that this measure was a temporary one and was due
to our conflict with the administration.
"Not with the administration, but with the Soviet system," corrected Dragosh.
Two surgeons were asked to see me.
"Yes, you really should be hospitalized. Why don't you stop the hunger strike",
suggested doctor Petrishevskiy, a major by rank.
"I won't stop it until you get me out of solitary confinement."
"This is up to the KGB," said the doctor, shrugging his shoulders.
"If the doctors prescribe it, we'll send you! "said Afanas'ev.
The coming Friday (in Mordovia the train for political prisoners runs between
camps only on Fridays) we were taken to our various destinations. Dol'nik and I
were taken to the hospital. He had some sort of heart trouble. Nikolay Fedorovich
Dragosh and Slava were sent to zone nineteen, Sokol'skiy to zone seventeen, the
lesser zone where Galanskov and Ginzburg were also kept. The Petersburgers were
returned to their old place. Only Yuriy Ivanovich disappeared God knows where.
We came to the conclusion that he was taken to Saransk. We decided that the
Mordovian Chekists wanted to have a look at their former colleague from Lenin-
grad and a chance to hear him speak.
More than a pleasant surprise awaited me at the hospital. While my belongings
were being carefully scrutinized, Solomon Borisovich told me when we were in the
waiting room which resembled a police precinct:
"Galanskov and Sado are here!"
"Really?" I was surprised.
"I already spoke to Sado. He works as a stoker in the kitchen. Galanskov is in
the recovery ward. He has ulcers."
"And you, Solomon Borisovich, have an excellent sense of smell", I said
jokingly.
No sooner had I entered the building (I was sent to the first, the surgical), when
Mikhail Yukhanovich bounced in. We embraced and kissed. They say that
everything in a person begins with the eyes. If the eyes are luminous the person is
luminous. If the eyes are clouded, the person is clouded. Mikhail ' ukbanovich's
eyes shone. Deep and dark, wisdom and sorrow was in their depth, and light from
the soul and love shone on the surface. His face mat in color, his lips-full (a sign
of ,a generous nature) and he wore a thick, black beard in a halfmoon.
"You don't know Yuriy Evgen'evich Ivanov! Ah! He is a painter of genius!
I will tell you about him later. They took him to Saransk. Yura (that is Galanskov,
who incidentally sends you his best regards) was sent here. They brought me too
here. . It was very good that you supported us. It's only a pity that they sent
back all our Petersburgers. Tell me please, in brief for the time being, how are
Kolya, Mikhail Borisovich, Bochevarov?"
You could tell by the way in which Mikhail Yukhanovich pronounced the
names of his colleagues that he felt closest to Nikolay Viktorovich Ivanov, but
also he wanted to know everything about all the others.
"Yuriy Timofeyevich Galanskov and Vania Cherdyntsev will drop by. Cher-
dyntsev is a friend of Dragosh and a nice fellow. Like yourself, he is recently
from Vladimir. As to Daniel, he was recently sent to Vladimir. Did you know
that?"
Yes, I already knew this.
I liked Yuriy Timofeyevich immediately. He at the same time resembled both
Dostoyevskiy and Belinskiy. He wore the democratic beard of the narodniks of
the sixties of the last century; he was thin walked slowly, did everything un-
hurriedly, and wasn't too ready with words for he spoke little. It was difficult to
see his eyes: the glasses on his straight nose were in the way. Eyeglasses always
hide the eyes, or somehow disguise them.
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1
From a three-hour conversation at coffee, I understood that Galanskov and
Sado were entirely different people, but were both honest, courageous, and could
not dissociate their own personal happiness from that of their country's. But each
understood happiness in his own way. I will say it again: there are as many roads
[in life] as eyes.
Sado's erudition and high intellect were immediately apparent. Despite all his
Russianness (Mikhail Yukhanovich grew up and was educated in Russia) he was
a southerner. Looking at him, listening to him, I was involuntarily transposed in
my imagination into the Assyria of the first centuries of Christianity, that Chris-
tianity of powerful unbending meekness which in pagan Rome [made its ad-
herents?] walk into the lion's jaws, blessing the insanely aroused amphitheater.
Yes, Sado was a personality, a personality but not an organization.
Yes, Ogurtsov was apparently an even greater personality. But also a person-
ality and not an organization.
On several occasions I saw tears in Mikhail Yukhanovich's eyes when I told
him that many in their group were still not really ready for anything . . .
Sado wept with his entire being, and tried to counter me with argument, but I
saw that his arguments held no water. And deep down in his own soul Mikhail
Yukhanovich must have known this. He could not but know.
Galanskov was less emotional. Despite all his tenderness and kindness one
sensed his rationalism. He did everything like he walked, slowly and surely. And
he undermined Soviet power systematically and with persistence: articles and
letters flowed from his pen. And he certainly knew how to write. I became con-
vinced of this after reading his letter to the Procurator General about the position
of political prisoners in Mordovia.
"In your account don't forget to write that Igor Vyacheslavovich is seriously ill.
Attention should be drawn to him, the public should be taught that people like
Ogurtsov must be treasured. This is the possession of the entire nation, not of an
individual system."
"Just look-what an artist Ivanov is!" said Sado to me, when he brought me,
shortly after we met, two of Yuriy Evgeniyevich's works.
The paintings were really magnificent: one, a portrait of Sado, another, entitled
"Rus" [the ancient and poetic name for Russia-Translator's note], painted by
a prisoner sentenced five times and now into his second decade behind a barbed
wire fence.
"He has dozens of works! He is a giant! A titan! Do you understand?" Mikhail
Yukhanovich continued convincing me.
To me his words meant:
"Here she is-Russia. This is our holy Russia, the Russia of Dostoyevskiy and
Bunin. Of the archpriest Avvakum, and of Kutuzov. The Russia of Ogurtsov
and Yuriy Evgen'yevich Ivanov."
In this respect Sado and Galanskov were of a like mind; they agreed because
both of them were zealously devoted to Russia, as was Vagin, and the two Ivanovs,
Platonov, and Borodin whom I never did get to meet; and Dragosh and his'
associate Ivan Cherdyntsev, a really wonderful man, who never pushed ahead of
you but who was always ready to help a friend or any person in need.
I bow to you, Aleksandr Ginzburg. Until now, fate had not brought us together.
But I always hear the beat of your heart. And I cannot think of Russia's tomorrow
without you either, Andrey Donatovich Sinyavskiy. I believe that Konosov will
write some beautiful verse. And Yuriy Ivanov Fedorov, having cleansed himself
of materialism as of barnacles, will contribute towards the rebirth of a new Russia.
I believe in the Russian people.
TIIE TRIAL OF IRINA BELOGORODSKAYA
[Translated from Posev, March 1969, p. 2]
Moscow.
On 10 February, the case of engineer Irina Belogorodskaya was being heard in
the people's court in the Bauman section of Moscow (28 Chernyshevskiy St.).
Preliminary information on this case was given in the last issue of "Posev"
(article entitled "New Trials are Expected").
Belogorodskaya was accused of "manufacturing and spreading fabrications and
slander against the Soviet state and social order." The accusation was based on
copies of an open letter found in Belogorodskays'a home, addressed to Soviet
93-090-73-5
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citizens, appealing to them to rise to the defense of Anatoliy Marchenko, who was
arrested July 29 of last year; Marchenko is the author of the book "My Evidence,"
which describes conditions in Soviet concentration camps. This appeal was signed
by Larisa Daniel, Pavel Litvinov, General Griggorenko, Pyotr Yakir, Anatoliy
Yakobson, and Lyudmila Alekseyeva.
Irina Belogorodskaya was sentenced to one year in a concentration camp under
article 190/1 and 15 of the Ukrainian RSFSR. Article 15 covers "responsibility
for preparing a crime and for attempting a crime." Belogorodskaya did not admit
her guilt, and defended her right both during the preliminary investigation and at
the trial to come to the aid of an arrested person who was in trouble.
The judge at the trial was Monakhov, and the procurator, Biriukov. The
defending attorney was Boris Romm; this attorney was approved by the investi-
gating judge, and appointed against Belogorodskaya's wish.
The trial was not open to the public and was conducted for all practical purposes
in camera. Friends of the accused and community representatives were not
allowed at the trial. They congregated in front of the court building. There were
about 150 people; among them were A. Yesenin-Volpin, P. Grigorenko, P. Yakir
and others. When the accused was brought to the court a bouquet of flowers was
thrown from the crowd.
Irina Belogorodskaya's case produced a new wave of indignation in the com-
munity. The outrageous highhandedness with which the case conducted was
pointed out. The accusation was described. as a blatant disregard of the law and
the rights of citizens. The letter in Marchenko's defense contained no slander
against the Soviet state. It stated the truth. During the entire investigation this
letter was never described as anti-Soviet. None of the authors of the letter were
called in to testify as witnesses, either during the investigation or the trial. Thus,
Irina Belogorodskaya was tried for a letter, which was declared as "slandering the
Soviet order" without any proof, and only at the trial.
Following Irina Belogorodskaya's arrest, the authors of the letter appealed
many times to various offices, pointing to the fact that it was they and not Irina
Belogorodskaya who was responsible for the letter. Recently they again presented
a statement to the procurator and intend to continue their protests against the
arbitrary sentence and the description of the letter as an anti-Soviet document
addressed to Soviet citizens. In Moscow it is feared that the authors of the letter-
General P. Grigorenko, P. Yakir, L. Alekseyeva, A. Yakobson-will now be
subjected to repressions and arrest.
Foreign newspapermen in Moscow state that Irina Belogorodskaya is 29 years
old. She is the fiancee of Anatoliy Marchenko and a step-sister of Larisa Daniel.
She was denounced by a taxi-driver in whose car she left her purse, containing
60 copies of a petition in defense of Marchenko who was arrested on July 29 for
addressing a letter to the Czechoslovak newspapers, criticizing the Soviet position
on the democratisation of Czechoslovakia. On August 21, the day that Soviet
troops began their intervention, Marchenko was sentenced to one year of hard
labor.
Irina Belogorodskaya was again arrested on 5 Jan 1973 [Sentence penciled in-
Translator's Note]
The trial of Il'ya Burmistrovich, also scheduled for February 19 (see the above
indicated communication in the last issue of "Posev"), did not take place. It was
presumably postponed on account of the judge's illness.
Il'ya Burmistrovich has been under guard since 16 May 1968. He was arrested
for distributing the works of Sinyavskiy and Daniel (according to some sources,
and in general for working for "samizdat"). He is about 30 years old; he is a
candidate of physical-mathematical sciences.
Burmistrovich behaves very courageously and steadfastly at the investigation.
He denies distributing literature not approved by the government, but categori-
cally refuses to regard what he did as criminal, in as much every citizen has the
right to express and proclaim his views, as stated by the Human Rights
Declaration.
Burmistrovich refuses to name the people from whom he received Sinyavskiy's
and Daniel's works, or the names of those to whom he had passed them on. It is
expected that because of his courageous stand, Burmistrovich will receive a more
severe sentence: that is, three years.
Information has been received from certain circles of the Moscow intelligencia
on Larisa Daniel, Pavel Litvinov, and Konstantin Babitskiy.
Larisa Daniel is working at a wood-processing factory in the region of Bratsk,
808 kilometers from Irkutsk. Her address is: Irkutskaya oblast, Chuna Station,
General Delivery.
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Pavel Litvinov works as a machinist. His address is: Chitinskaya [Chital
Oblast, poselok [village] Verkhne-Usuglin, General Delivery (the village is not
mentioned in the list of populated places within the USSR: apparently it's a
small village or settlement, perhaps newly established). P. Litvinov lives in a
barrack; his wife has left to join him.
Konstantin Babitskiy works as a joiner, not far from the town of Syktyvkar,
Komi ASSR. His oldest daughter has gone to join him.
FROM THE DIARY OF EDUARD KUZNETSOV SENTENCED TO DEATH AT THE FIRST
LENINGRAD TRIALS
[From Tribune (Israeli Russian language daily), 29 Dec. 1972]
This terrible human testament was written by one sentenced to death at the
Leningrad trial of December 1970 for an attempt to highjack a plane to escape
from the Soviet Union. The death sentence was commuted to 15 years of imprison-
ment. Prior to this, from 1961 to 1968, Kuznetsov served in a forced labor camp
for having edited and distributed an underground political magazine. Excerpts
from Kuznetsov's diary were miraculously brought to the West and published in
the French weekly "L'Expresse", at risk to himself but with his full consent.
BEGINNING OF THE DIARY
The investigation ended on 27 Oct 1970. All the documents had been signed and
I was left with only a pencil and some paper. Usually the prison guards look for
every scrap of paper and every written word. I can't say that I had thought or
wondered much; I derived my satisfaction from concentrating, smoking to my
heart's content, and writing down all sorts of irrelevant things.
28 Oct: I refused the services of a lawyer. I know, and not only from my own
personal experience, that in political trials the defense has no significance. I know
that I won't be allowed to say everything I want, so it is best to say nothing at all.
Each time I was sure I had led the procurator and the prosecuting attorney into
a corner, I noticed that they were very pleased. They knew that they had my fate
in their hands. Any attempt to force them to think logically was bound to fail
in advance.
CONTACT WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD
I assume that this trial too will be a parody of "socialist law" in its pseudo-legal
proceedings. I did not commit any crimes against the USSR. Therefore I do not
want to play their game before the judges. I am no longer twenty, and I cannot
change the existing ways. (Despite this Kuznetsov's friends insisted on obtaining
a lawyer for him.) The lawyer hired by my- friends is no fool. We both came to the
conclusion that my case was all but decided. In any case I will be sentenced to
no less than 15 years in prison. Therefore it makes no difference whether I do or
don't admit my guilt under no matter what paragraph of the indictment. Still, I
am pleased that my lawyer provides me with some contact with the outside world.
He is the only normal being in this world of bureaucratic despotism.
30 Oct: We were transferred from cell 347 to cell 242. Just above us is cell no. 193
where Lenin once sat. Now it is empty. It is something like a historic shrine which
must not be profaned. At the beginning of the Revolution everyone used to shout
in unison: let's destroy the churches and prisons. The churches have been de-
stroyed with considerable success, but the number of prisons has increased.
11 Nov: Almost my entire life had been spent in communal quarters, barracks,
and forced labor camps. How long can people live like rotten herring and dream
of a private room as of a utopia? T would exchange 15 years in prison for 20 years
in solitary confinement without any regret. According to Sinyavskiy, a forced
labor camp is a cross between communal housing, a mental hospital, and a kinder-
garten. This is the prisoner's point of view. Of course there is also the administra-
tion's point of view. A labor camp is the closed shore of the Soviet empire. People
may waltz around there completely naked without experiencing any shame.
FREE EDUCATION
Captain Kruglov once told me that if it were up to him, he would chase all the
Jews out of the Soviet Union. In his opinion, Jews don't want to serve the Soviet
government loyally. This point of view is very prevalent among party members,
government officials and bureaucrats. This does not mean that those imprisoned
are more anti-Semitic than those on the outside.
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14 Nov: We were told that the standard of living in the United States had
dropped, and that the situation there with respect to education is critical. Thank
goodness education in the USSR is free. This is one of the reasons for forbidding
emigration from the USS It. True enough, just think: the state ha d spent money
educating you, and you want to give your knowledge to the enemies of the Soviet
Union! Why should a master refuse to provide free education to his slave who
can't leave him?
The sweat of an educated slave is sweeter. Economically, it is more
advantageous. In the Soviet Union free education opens the doors of the
universities to untalented though respectable people. They know that five years
spent among students will assure them a living until the end of their days, without
much effort on their part. Generally speaking the Soviet Union is a paradise for
parasites. Where else in the world can a person continue to receive a salary without
NO EXPLANATIONS OR ALIBIS
20 Nov: Since early morning I had been preparing for the trial. a had not eaten
or drunk, and was on needles and pins. One, then two, then three hours had gone
by. Finally, towards evening, I was informed that the trial was postponed until
December 15. No explanations or alibis.
29 Nov: I believe that I found out why the trial was postponed. On
November 25th the U.N. General Assembly adopted a special resolution against
the hijacking of planes. Now they can sentence me to death.
4 Dee: Lenin spoke of bourgeois democracy the way St. Augustine spoke of
idolators, whose good qualities are but potentially negative characteristics.
5 Dec: The heroes in Soviet novels have no bad qualities. Sometimes they do
suffer from weaknesses, but these are only there to allow the author to show how
they may be overcome.
10 Dee: At last I was able to speak to my lawyer. He demands that I restrict
my participation in the trial to a minimum. lie wants me to speak and behave
like a repenting criminal resigned to his fate. I don't like his proposal. It is good to
love people and Russia, but from afar. In the West they have no idea of what's
happening in the Soviet Union. They don't know that here we seek bread, not
butter. After lunch I was visited by Major Vasil'yev of the KGB. He told me
(either intentionally or unintentionally) that a noise and din were raised in our
favor in the West. I don't believe this will help us, but it will help raise our morale.
There is nothing worse than an anonymous death. Vasil'yev asked me whether I
intended to wear a skull-cap the way Mendelevich did, passing himself for a
religious man. "I have never met a Jew who was religious,' said Vasil'yev. "The
only thing that they believe in is money ! I answered him with all possible courtesy:
"Dear Sir, the ancient Jew lay on a sheep skin looking up into the sky, and thought
of God, while people like you hung on branches swinging on their tails."
13 Dee: And so, the trial begins the day after tomorrow. Yesterday, to my own
surprise, I suddenly decided to participate in it actively. For two days I wrote
without stopping and only now have finished. I haven't yet decided how I will
behave in court, but the pages I have written arouse in me a desire to read them
out aloud in court. (Following are several passages from the statement which
Kuznetsov intended to read at the trial.)
"I have long given up the thought of fighting the existing regime. The political
traditions of the Russian people are tied to despotism. Think of Ivan the Terrible
and Peter the Great. The Soviet regime is an ideal heir to these two rulers. I have
no hope that the regime will become democratic in the near future. To me
personally, it is clear why a person with my convictions would want to leave Holy
Russia. However, I wonder whether the judges will understand me! I am a Jew,
and want to live in Israel., the land of my forefathers. This does not mean that
Russia is not my motherland. It is just as much my motherland as Israel. But I
must emphasize that the concept of `motherland' does not take first place in my
scale of values. The main thing is-freedom! Israel attracts me, because it is both
my motherland and a free country."
15 Dee: The first day of the trial has come to an end. The comedy lasted from
0 a.m. to 7 p.m. I am very tired and can hardly stand on my feet. Today was
Dymshits', losif Mendelevich's, and Silva's turn. Tomorrow will be mine. Officially
this is an open trial, but actually only the defendant's closest relatives are allowed
in the courtroom. losif and Silva were O.K. They firmly denied all the accusations.
The procurator behaved like an a--s. On occasion his female assistant would get
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him out of difficulties. I was revolted by the procurator's behavior, which prompted
my lawyer to say: "He is duty-bound to act the way he does. As to the indictment,
he is not under any obligation to delve into it. He is only asked to represent the
will of the authorities in court."
16 Dec: I now remember that before going to the Riga airport to fly to
Leningrad, Silva asked me: "What will happen to us?" And I answered: "If we
are caught and the matter will not be made public, we will be sentenced to death,"
but when I saw the expression in her eyes I became ashamed of myself and added:
"They will not put us to death. If they sentence us to death, it will be only to
frighten others. You would be sentenced to about three years of imprisonment."
Silva's answer to this was: "I don't want this. I want to be treated like the rest."
Silva believes that she would help us if she took the whole blame for what we
did on herself.
19 Dec: How did all this begin? Towards the end of February Silva introduced
me to Butman. (Butman was sentenced to 10 years of hard labor in May 1971 at
the second Leningrad trial.) On one occasion we approached a modest memorial
marking the place where tens of thousands of Jews had been killed by the Nazis.
Butznan asked me: "What are the prospects of leaving this place?" I answered :
"At present there aren't any, and probably there won't be any within the near
future, unless." "Unless what?" asked Butman. "Unless everything they want to
hide will blow up. As long as each one of its thinks only of himself, nothing will
happen. Try to understand that this is not a problem of the emigration of individual
persons, but a problem which concerns us all, the problem of free emigration from
the Soviet Union for all those who want to leave. Only thus will we achieve
anything; not by writing tearful letters to the Kremlin or the United Nations."
"So what do you suggest?" asked Butman. "A lot of people have lost all their
patience after so many years of waiting and so many arbitrary decisions by the
authorities in refusing exit permits. I suppose that one fine day a group of people,
who have lost all hope, will do something unheard of. No doubt that they will
suffer greatly for it. But this will be the first break in the Chinese wall".
"But, still, can this be done at the present time?"
"Thirty to forty people could get together in a group and go on a hunger strike
to protest the fact that paragraphs 13 and 15 of the Declaration of Human Rights
have become a `dead letter'."
"I have a friend who is a good pilot. We have no other way out but to organize
a group."
"The prospects for success are very small," I answered, "but if this turns out
successfully, it will be the first time that personal considerations will contribute
to the general welfare of all Soviet Jews."
So here we are now in prison. We made it serious mistake because our evaluation
of the police system of our "beloved motherland" was amateurish and childish.
In the Soviet Union pressure is applied on a disobedient prisoner in a forced labor
camp in two ways: by decreasing the daily rations, and by sentencing the prisoner
to solitary confinement. When it prisoner leaves the camp, he is obliged to co-
operate with the KGB, otherwise he is threatened with a new term of imprison-
ment. For example, it.is enough for a prisoner to see a young girl twice, but for
her to be called in by the KGB, questioned, and given appropriate instructions.
Behind a barbed wire fence a person can say whatever he wants. It is true that
he may then be given a maximum of 15 days of solitary confinement, or an addi-
tional three years in prison. This is socialist democracy. You are free to say
anything you want, but they too are free to do what they want, and can throw
you into prison. If you are listed as an opponent of the regime, they won't try to
improve your behavior, but will want to destroy your personality. They have no
need to transform you into a Marxist-Leninist. You don't have to have any
principles. After three months of particularly harsh conditions in a corrective
labor camp there are no two opinions on the usual question of whether you prefer
a piece of sausage or a woman. Everyone wants the sausage.
22 Dec: Yesterday I found it difficult to write anything in my diary, as the
procurator demanded that Dymshits and I be sentenced to death. Ile also de-
manded that both Yurity Fedorov and Aleksey Murzhenko, both of them non-
Jews, be sentenced, the first to 15 years, and the second to 14 years of imprison-
ment. He demanded 15 years of imprisonment for Iosif Mendelovich and 10 years
for Sil'va Zalmanson. When I returned to my cell, I asked my celhnate to leave
me alone. Finally, I knocked my head against the wall three times. The prisoners
in the next cell thought I was signalling them and answered me by knocking
against the wall.
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3 Dee: The comedy is over. The sentence will be carried out tomorrow at
6 o'clock in the evening. Until then I have a whole evening, an entire night, and
the whole next day.
24 Dec: Sil'va's words were the best. She said in Hebrew, immediately trans-
lating it into Russian: "If I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem, let my right hand wither."
Dymshits said: "I thank all my companions in misfortune. I had first met most
of you at the time of our arrest at the airport. But we did not become spiders in
a glass jar, we did not attack each other. This will come about in the middle of
February 1971, and of course will not be a happy time."
5 May 1971: I begin at zero point.
We were searched on April 30th, on the eve of a holiday. As a, result, I lost all
my papers. One of the guards discovered the place where I had hid my notes. I
jumped on him as though stung by a scorpion and grabbed the notes. I began
tearing up the papers and threw them into either the Neva, the Fontanka, the
Moyka, or some such other canal. Two guards manhandled me energetically. And
now, one week after the incident, my face, hands, and neck Are covered with
bruises. Thus I destroyed my notes of four months. Only the fate of my very first
notebooks, those for November and December, remains unknown to me. When I
was transferred to death row, all my notes were wrapped in paper and I was told
that they would be kept with my personal belongings.
(On May 10 Kuznetsov returns to his diary, going back to 31 Dec 1971.)
The door suddenly opened. Several prison guards walked in. One of them or-
dered: "Kuznetsov, put your hands behind your back and follow me." Then he
said to the second guard: "Take his things." I put a pack of cigarettes in my
pocket and went to the entrance. For a moment the whole thing seemed like a
nightmare. New Year's eve-and here I am up against the wall with the guard's
hands at my throat. The look in his eye is savage. I don't remember my heart
beating, or what I was thinking of then. The third floor. The second floor. If we
are going to continue descending like this. . But we stopped at the first floor
and headed for Captain Kruglov's office. He got up and solemnly announced:
"A humanitarian decision was made in your favor. The death sentence was com-
muted to 15 years of imprisonment in a special regime camp. My congratulations.
I wish you a happy new year. What's so funny?"
Ile thought I was laughing. With great effort I refrained from humiliating tears;
I was filled with scorn for the comedy played by the KGB.
"You're displeased?" asked the captain with an ironic smile. "If anyone asks
me 20 years from now whether Kuznetsov had changed for the better, I wouldn't
believe it." "You are quite right", I answered. [In Russian, a play on words having
the following two meanings: 1) that Kuznetsov himself had changed for the
better; 2) that Kuznetsov's life had changed for the better-Translator's Note]
18 June 1971: In 1963, on the day of my arrival at the special regime camp, I
was called in to Major Garushkin to learn from him that here the enemies of the
Soviet state, whose annihilation is demanded by the masses, are detested.
He also told me that those who in other camps were sentenced for disobedience
to 15 days of solitary confinement, in this camp were physically destroyed. It
should be noted that death sentences under paragraph 77(1) were quite common.
In 1963 alone, nine prisoners were committed to death because they had tatooed
parts of their bodies. They had tatooed the words "Soviet Communist Party
slave", "Bread and Freedom", "Down with Brezhnev and Kosygin", "Down with
Soviet Buchenwald" on their foreheads and cheeks.
One prisoner received 10 additional years for helping to make these tatoos.
21 June: I frequently witnessed the most terrible self-inflicted mutilations.
Prisoners swollowed nails, metal wire, thermometers and other objects. They
chopped off scrotums, swallowed hooks attached to doorknobs by wire so that
when the door was pulled the entrails were dragged out; they sewed up their
mouths and eyes, cut out pieces of flesh from their bellies and ate it; opened up
their arteries, collected the blood into a plate, threw in pieces of bread and ate
it up. They cut off fingers, noses, ears and even sex organs. It is simply difficult
to describe all this.
31 July: It is getting more and more difficult for me to write anything. I am
very tired.
24 Sept: For three days now I have had terrible pains in the stomach. Terrible
pains and vomiting. Could it be that these are symptoms of stomach ulcers?
Major Tabakov, a paramedic, examined me and said: " You don't have any
pains." "But what about the vomiting?" "You haven't been vomiting either,"
he answered.
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27 Sept: The situation here is very bad. There are no laboratories, x-ray equip-
ment, or doctors. People suffer excruciating pains for months before being sent to
the hospital.
Today Yuriy, Aleksey and I sent out letters repudiating our Soviet citizenship.
Following is the text of my letter:
" To the President of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics-from prisoner Kuznetsov. For several years now I am no longer a
citizen of the Soviet Union. Neither in accordance with my conscience nor my
political convictions.
In 1968, I completed seven years of imprisonment, after being indicted for
anti-Soviet activity. I had tried to realize through legitimate means the elementary
right of a person to emigrate. When unsurmountable difficulties were placed in
my way, I was obliged to use illegal means to get out of the country, specifically
by hijacking an airplane.
At the trial in Leningrad this was unfairly described as treason. I was sentenced
to death three times. But the Court of Appeals commuted this to 15 years of
imprisonment in a strict regime camp. I consider myself a citizen of Israel. Not
only because of my philosophy of life and my [national] origin, but de facto.
Therefore I formally request that you annul my Soviet citizenship, as in fact I
no longer am a citizen of the USSR. As of today and from now on I am not a
Soviet citizen and request that I no longer be considered a citizen of this country."
In three days all of us will go on a hunger strike, begun by Aleksey. We must
win, otherwise we are lost.
At present Kuznetsov is in comp No. 10, a strict regime camp. For two years
now he has not been allowed any visits from his wife, Sil'va Zalmanson. However,
even behind barbed wire, he and his companions had triumphed over their tor-
mentors. The thousands of Soviet Jews who came out to Israel in 1972 are witness
thereof.
Tribuna, 29 Dec 1972, p. 2, cols. 1-8 (Israeli Russian language daily).
PERSECUTION OF THF CHRISTIANS
[From "Uncensored Russia," Peter Reddaway, American Heritage Press, New York, 19721
In my fifty years, firm and clear convictions have formed in me; these are what
I express in my articles. I write there the truth. You yourselves do not say that
there is any untruth in then. I protest against the barbaric persecution of religion,
which expresses itself in the destruction of churches and the humiliation of be-
lievers. I protest against a situation in which the Church has been reduced to
scum, and comrade Trushin, who is present, is the dictator of the Moscow Church.
He, an unbeliever and a communist, appoints and removes priests at whim. (The
cause of this naturally lies not in him but in the existing system.) All this infringes
every norm and even our Stalinist Constitution. Against all this I protest in my
articles, which I have circulated, am circulating and will circulate, exercising my
right to freedom of expression.
Anatoly Levitin, at a meeting with prominent atheists, May 1965
All three Soviet constitutions to date proclaim as a cardinal principle the strict
separation of Church and State. On the other hand, the Bolshevik ideology, the fanatical
intolerance of Lenin personally towards religion, and the close association of the
Orthodox Church with the ancien regime all combined to make a live-and-let-live
relationship impossible in practice. Almost immediately laws began to be passed
undermining the separation principle, until, with the legislation of 1929, close state
control of religious bodies was fully legalized in respect to everything except the supreme
law, the Constitution.
Apart from the developments on paper, religious groups often suffered much worse
depredations `in the field'. The ,fact that these started under Lenin, and were not just
another aspect of the Stalinist terror, has interested the Chronicle. Here is how it
commented on the appearance in samizdat of `A Letter to the Members of the
Politbureau':
This letter, dated March 19th, 1922, is signed by Lenin and' demands that
the most merciless measures be taken to crush all opposition to the proposed con-
fiscation of church treasures. The instructions contained in the letter do not
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conform to the principles of socialist legality. They are the product only of the
political and tactical requirements of the moment : 'We must appropriate at all
costs this source of several millions-or perhaps even milliards-of gold roubles' ;
`suppress their (the clergy's) resistance so brutally that they will remember it
for decades to come'; send a member of the All-Union Central Executive Com-
mittee of the Soviets (V.Ts.I.K.) to the town of Shuya [NE. of Moscow, where
clashes had occurred], with `verbal instructions' to arrest no less than several
dozen representatives of the clergy, the middle classes and the bourgeoisie `on
suspicion of direct or indirect participation in violent resistance to the V.Ts.I.K.
decree concerning the confiscation of church treasures'; `on the basis of his report,
the Politbureau will issue a detailed directive, also verbal to the judicial authorities,
so that a trial of the rebels of Shuya for resisting the campaign to help the starving
can be held as quickly as possible and can end, unfailingly, with the execution of
a very large number of the most influential and dangerous Black FIundreders,.pf
Shuya, and if possible not only of Shuya, but of Moscow also, and several other
ecclesiastical centres'; `the more representatives of the reactionary bourgeoisie and
the reactionary clergy we manage to execute on this suspicion, the better'. The
famine appears consistently throughout the letter as providing a convenient set
of circumstances in which the confiscation of church treasures can be carried out
without fear of resistance from the peasantry. The millions or milliards of roubles
are required not for famine relief, which admittedly might have justified re-
pressions; they are necessary so that the Soviet team may feel itself a power at the
Genoa conference [on European economic reconstruction of April-May 1922].
The letter is a top-secret document, and the channel through which it passed
into samizdat is unlikely to be discovered. Therefore one should not regard the
document as indisputably genuine: it would be wise to carry out a detailed textual
analysis of the letter. Obviously official propaganda will not miss its opportunity
to declare such a document a forgery. But in samizdat, where there is complete
freedom of research, one should not rush to the opposite extreme: if the authen-
ticity of the document is confirmed, then the profile of the first Chairman of the
Council of People's Commissars will become more clear-cut in the mind of the
public.
No. 15 duly reported that the letter's authenticity was confirmed by the appearance
of a brief summary of it in Volume 45 of Lenin's Complete Works. Further confirma-
tion lies in the fact that recorded events fit closely with the letter; a crowd at Shuya had
been machine-gunned in clashes on March 15th, Izvestia recording four people
killed, and forty-five priests and laymen later stood trial, twelve of whom were
executed.
In the 1930s Stalin turned to the forcible closure of places of worship on a massive
scale, with the aim of eradicating public religion completely. The war, however,
prevented him completing his task; in order to gain believers' support he had to reopen
the churches. After this, the next big onslaught did not follow until 1958-64, under
Khrushchev, when at least half the religious buildings in the U.S.S.R. were closed by
deception or force. The number of open Orthodox churches, for example, fell in this
period from about 20,000 to some 10,000. Since 1964 the situation has remained
fairly static, but occasionally the Chronicle has carried reports like this;
In the town of Kolyvan near Novosibirsk [in south-central Siberia] the Orthodox
church has been closed on the pretext of its not conforming with fire safety regula-
tions. When the believers dug a ppnd to conform with the fire regulations, the
local authorities filled it in again and prohibited church services, despite the fact
that permission to hold services had been given by Moscow. Moreover the local
authorities tore down the church's cupolas, killing a five-year-old child in the
process. Instead of the church the believers have been given a small chapel which
does not satisfy fire safety regulations.
Anatoly Levitin
No one in the Christian wing of the Democratic Movement has been more prominent
than the colourful Anatoly Levitin (pen-name Krasnov-see page 279), on whom much
documentation is already available. After the police came for hint on September 12th,
1969, the Chronicle drew on his extensive autobiographical and other writings to
compile this item:
Levitin spent seven years-1949-56-in Stalin's camps. He was la ter rehabilitated.
Levitin's deep religious convictions, and his activities as an Orthodox writer, led
[in 1958] to this talented teacher and literary scholar being deprived of the right
to teach in schools.
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A. Krasnov is the author of a number of articles in the Journal of the Moscow
Patriarchate. Apart from this, he is the author of a three-volume history of the
Living Church.
Since 1959 Krasnov-Levitin has written a large number of works, in which he
has spoken out in particular against violations of religious freedom in the Soviet
Union: Struggling for Light and Truth, The Brassy Clatter, The Fiery Chalice, The
Drawn Bow-string, On Monasticism, The Free Church, and others. In recent years
he has written two important philosophical works: Stromati and Christ and the
Master, on which the Chronicle reported in No. 5. The journal Science and Religion
has twice written about Levitin--Krasnov (see Vasilev's article `The Theologian-
Inciter', 1966, No. 10, and the section `A Contemporary "Secular Theologian"
in N. Semenkin's article `From Anathema to Vocation', 1969, No. 8).
Here we interrupt No. 10 so as to give No. 5's account of the samizdat works just
mentioned, and also of two others:
Christ and the Master is an attempt to discuss several basic questions of Christian
teaching through a literary and philosophical study of [iblikhan] Bulgakov's novel
The Master and Margarita. The thread of the argument is provided by the
chapters in the novel about Christ. The book is written in a free, discursive
manner with frequent digressions into the author's personal reminiscences and
reflections.
The Greek word stromati literally means "carpet", but in the figurative sense of
"miscellany" it was used by various ancient teachers of the Church as the title for
their books. Written in the form of observations loosely tied together by the
general theme of the part a Christian should play in society, Krasnov's book
deals with such questions as the moral responsibility of a Christian to society, the
role of the Church in the life of society, and the collaboration of Christians with
people of different views in the solution of common moral and political tasks. The
author gives a brief survey of the various political trends at the present time and
states his attitude towards them. At the end of the book the author gives his
political credo, which he defines as "democratic humanism", and calls on people of
different persuasions to unite on this basis.
His letter on "The situation of the Russian Orthodox Church" is addressed to
the Pope, and it gives an account, based mainly on the author's personal observa-
tions, of the attitude of different generations of Russians to religion and the
Church, the way in which some young people are turning to the Church, and the
relations between different faiths. lie raises the need for an inner revival of the
Russian Orthodox Church, and examines the difficulties in the way of this. The
author speaks of the criticism which he and others have made of the Russian
bishops, and contends that such criticism is both justified and necessary. The
question of uniting the Western and Eastern Churches is also touched upon in this
letter.
The article "A Drop under the Microscope" is about the difficulties which
have arisen at the parish level in the Russian Orthodox Church as a result of a
change in the parish administration. This change consisted of taking the adminis-
tration of parish affairs out of the hands of the priest and transferring it to the
council of twenty laymen headed by a church elder. The author shows that this
reform is in conflict with canonical tradition, and he points out the practical
consequences which it entails in conditions of constant interference by the
authorities in the life of the church: infringement of the rights of the priest,
unchecked power for the elder, who is appointed by the state authorities, etc.
As an illustration, the example of the Kikolo-Kuznetskaya church [in Moscow] is
described in detail. The author also treats the more general question of the way
in which the Russian Orthodox Church has been denied its rights in the Soviet
Union, and of the responsibility of the Church hierarchy itself for this state of
affairs.
Now No. 10 continues:
During recent years Levitin-Krasnov has also spoken out continually in defence
of civil rights, and in defence of people arrested and sentenced on political charges.
His signature stands at the foot of numerous collective protests, including the
letter to the Budapest meeting [see pp. 86-8]. He is a member of the Action Group
for the Defence of Human Rights in the Soviet Union. As a publicist he has
commented on the arrest [see p. 327] of B. V. Talantov (Drama in Vyatka) and
[see p. 136] of P. G. Grigorenko (Light in the Little Window).
On September 12th, the Procuracy investigator L. S. Akimova carried out a
search in Levitin's flat. During the search, the following works of A. E. Levitin-
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Krasnov were confiscated: A History of the Living Church, On Monasticism,
Stromati, a letter to the Pope, a letter to the Patriarch in support of the letter from
[_Moscow] priests Gleb Yakunin and Nikolai Eshliman, Light in the Little Window,
Drama in Vyatka, Listening to the Radio, The Brassy Clatter, and others. Also
confiscated were samizdat materials and a typewriter.
Just before the search of Levitin's flat, his friends Oleg Vorobyov and Vadim
Shavrov had been there. The search began as soon as they had left the house,
while they themselves wer., quickly detained by the police on suspicion of `stealing
suitcases'. Shavrov was released from the police station after the search was over
and Levitin-Krasnov had been taken away. Vorobyov was searched at the police
station, without a warrant for the search of his person being issued, and the letter
`To the Members of the Politbureau' by V. I. Lenin (about the events in Shuya)
was taken from him. He was then sent to the violent patients' section of psychiatric
hospital No. 15, from which he was not released until October 20th. Oleg Vorobyov
[see plate 63] was among those who signed their names in support of the Action
Group's [first] appeal to the United Nations [and later received a six-year sentence
in Perm].
For three days A. E. Levitin was held in a preventive detention cell at the
police station, and then he was transferred to Butyrka prison. An investigation
was begun by the Moscow city Procuracy. (The investigator was Akimova, already
well known as chief investigator of the cases of the Pushkin Square demonstration
of January 22nd, 1967, of the Red Square demonstration of August 25th, 1968,
and of Irina Belogorodskaya.) A charge was brought against Levitin under article
142 of the Russian Criminal Code (violation of the laws on the separation of
Church and State) and also under article 1.90--1. Witnesses are being questioned
about Krasnov-Levi tin's works, mainly about ,Stromati.
On October 9th Levitin's ease was suddenly handed over to the Krasnodar
Procuracy, and A. E. Levitin-Krasnov was sent off to Krasnodar [in the north
Caucasus].
Soon after Levitin's arrest, a letter began to circulate in samizdat, entitled `To
Public Opinion in the Soviet Union and Abroad', signed by thirty-two Soviet
citizens, including six former political prisoners (Leonid Vasilev [see p. 120]
Zinaida Grigorenko, Alexander Yesenin-Volpin, Victor Krasin, Vadim Shavrov and
Pyotr Yakir). The letter says that A. E. Levitin `was becoming more and more
worried by problems of civil freedom, since freedom is indivisible and there can
be no religious freedom if basic human rights are being trampled upon. He was
the first religious person in our country in the post-Stalin years to affirm this truth
and to raise his voice in defence of civil rights and of those who have fallen victims
in the fight for civil freedoms.'
A letter by six Christian believers on the subject of A. Levi tin- Krasnov's church
and religious activities has been sent to the World Council of Churches, with
copies to Patriarch Athenagoras, Pope Paul the Sixth and the International
Committee for the Defence of Christian Culture. The letter says:
We deeply deplore the fact that the Russian Orthodox Church finds its sup-
porters amongst laymen and ordinary priests, and not among the bishops of the
Russian Church, many of whom are barren fig-trees, completely under the control
of the Council for Religious Affairs . . . Anatoly Emmanuilnvich was doing his
duty as a Christian, and none of his activities, which were all in defence of the
Christian faith, infringed Soviet laws . We, Christian believers and citizens
of the Soviet Union, are deeply disturbed by the arrest of the Orthodox writer
A. Levitin-Krasnov and [see below] the teacher B. Talantov. We join with them
in their protest against the abnormal relations which exist between Church and
State, and we demand the opening of the forcibly closed churches, monasteries,
seminaries and houses of prayer.
The letter was signed by: J. Vishnevskaya, B. Dubovenko, V. Kokorev, V.
Lashkova, E. Stroyeva and Yu. Titov [see plates 40 and 601.
For nearly a year Levitin sat in prison. No. 11 reported that the investigation was
"expected to be completed in January 1970". It was. But then the Krasnodar Provincial
Court "refused to accept the case and remitted it for further investigation, on the grounds
that the charge of libel against Levitin was too vague, and that it was impossible to see
exactly what law had been violated as a result of Levitin's incitement and by whom".
The Procuracy appealed angrily to the Supreme Court against this unusual show of
independence. At the same trine it searched Father Yakunin's flat in Moscow, con-
fiscating works by Levitin, and probably inspired the subsequent scurrilous attacks
on Levitin, Yakunin, and Eshliman in the paper Trud. Nevertheless, the Supreme
Court upheld the Krasnodar court's decision, and on August 11th Levitin was freed.
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201
Undeterred by the continuation of the investigation, he quickly penned a long and vivid
essay about his prison experiences before returning to jail with a three-year sentence in
May 1971.
THE. CASK OF BONS TALANTOV
Chronicle readers first learnt of Boris Talantov (see plate 6/f) from a summary, in
the samizdat section, of his "Statement to the U.S.S.". Procurator-General":
This contains protests against the persecution to which the author, who lives
in the city of Kirov [in the western foothills of the Urals], is being subjected for
his oppostion to interference by the Soviet authorities in the affairs of the Russian
Orthodox Church, and to the acquiescence in this interference by the Church
hierarchy.
Talantov's opposition had been vi.go, ons since the early 1060s. Indeed it is from his
pen that we have the most remarkable, vivid, detailed and horrifying picture of the
effects of Khrushchev's anti-religious campaign on a typical provincial area. He has
also written penetratingly on Church history, politics, and Metropolitan Nikodim, and
he organized strong support from the Kirov diocese in 1066 for the two Moscow priests'
attempt to reduce state control over the Church's life. Through all his writings run
a deep love of the Church and its beautiful buildings, and a strong desire to rid
Christians of their status as third-class citizens. Time and again he protests against
this status, stressing its generally illegal basis. He also shows. with his references to the
Baptists, his strong support for Pavel Litvinov and Larissa Daniel, and his con-
demnation of labour camp conditions, that, like Levitin, he understands the in.divisi-
bility of freedom, and that freedom for the Orthodox requires freedom for Baptists and
intellectuals as well.
In the light of all this, the Chronicle's subsequent items about Talantov cause little
surprise.
On June 12th, 1969 Boris Vladimirovich Talantov was arrested in the town
of Kirov. He is a 66-year-old teacher of mathematics, who for many years has been
exposing the illegal treatment of the Church, and the connivance in this of Church
leaders. Talantov has been charged under article 190-1 of the Russian Criminal
Code. The inquiry is being conducted by the Kirov Regional Procuracy, under
senior investigator Boyarinov.
The Chronicle has already reported that the 66-year old B. V. Talantov, a
teacher, was sentenced by a court in Kirov to two years in [ordinary-r6gimel
camps. In this issue some details of his trial are given.
The trial opened on September 1st. A group of believers, who sympathized with
the accused, tried to got into the courtroom, but the seats had, as usual, been
filled in advance.
B. V. Talantov was charged under article 190-1 of the Russian Criminal Code
with writing a number of articles of religious content, an article on the nature of
the Soviet state, and various draft notes, including comments in the margin of a
speech by L. I. Brezhnev. He pleaded not guilty (No. 9).] Altogetheerofnly four
ac-
witnesses were summoned in court, among them Gleb Talantov,
cused, and Nikodim Kamenskikh, it former seminarist. All the witnesses gave
evidence in favour of the accused.
Besides the Procurator, a former pupil of Talantov's-who is now a teacher of
dialectical materialism-spoke at the trial as a public prosecutor. Talantov's
defence was conducted by the lawyer [V. Ya.l Shveisky.
The Procurator agreed with the defence lawyer that the draft notes should not
be held against Talantov, but otherwise lie upheld completely the charge laid
against him, saying that he considered all Talantov's articles, including those of
religious content, "deliberately false statements defaming the Soviet political and
social system". The Procurator demanded three years in camps for Talantov. The
defence completely refuted the charge relating to the articles of religious content.
Concerning the article on the nature of the Soviet state, in which there were some
sharp criticisms of the Soviet state, the defence lawyer, while he did not agree
with the views expressed in the article, maintained that its author sincerely
believed in the correctness of his statements, and consequently there was no
element of deliberate falsification in the document.
In his final plea, B. V. Talantov reaffirmed his allegiance to his convictions,
although he allowed that he might have shown a subjective approach in certain
of his judgments. He said farewell to his relatives, since, in view of his age and the
state of his health, he had no hopes of regaining his freedom.
On September 3rd the court pronounced hire guilty.
A year later, on January 4th, 1971, Boris Talantov died in captivity. The Chronicle
honoured him with a long obituary.
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202
The Chronicle has also informed its readers of the man who provided thestimulus
to the two Moscow priests by leading a delegation of eight bishops to complain to the
Patriarch about. Church administration in 1965-Archbishop Ermogen (see plate 62).
For doing this he was retired to a monastery. Here however, he applied himself to with the same out success that he Q achieved as a pastoral bisho.
Thitius the Chronicle ouldsannounce in 1968 the circulation in sarnizdat of two letters
and a historical study:
The first of the letters written by Archibishop Ermogen to the Patriarchate (in
which he disputes the legal validity of his dismissal) was written in November 1967,
and the second in February 1968. In these letters he not only shows the illegality
of his dismissal (brought about under pressure from the authorities as a reprisal
for his staunch resistance to actions detrimental to the Church), but also attempts
an analysis, from the point of view of both canon and se3ular law, of the whole
question of relations between Church and. State in the U.S.S.R.
There is an even more detailed study of this question in his article `On the fiftieth
anniversary of the re-establishment of the ofi'ice of Patriarch' (December 25th,
1967) which makes numerous references to the decisions of the Ecumenical and'
National Councils of the Orthodox Church (including the National Council of
the Russian Church of 1917-18).
But despite the restrained and dignified style in which Errnogen made his points
and discussed the correct historical procedure for the election of a new Patriarch, the
Synod proved unable either to accept or to answer his criticisms. Instead, it simply
ordered him to shut up.
Another Orthodox writer to emerge into view-from the ancient Russian town of
Pskov near the border with Estonia-has been the priest Sergei Zheludkov. Cul-
tivated and intellectual, but also passionately concerned about the Christian's role in
society, he is cast in many ways in the Levitin mould. His big samizdat book Why I
Too Am a Christian reveals vividly his modern theological thinking. This is how the
Chronicle comments on two of these letters:
In a letter to Pavel Litvinov, S. Zheludkov expresses his support for the appeal
by Litvinov and Larissa Daniel, `To world public opinion', and speaks of the aims
shared by all `people of goodwill' irrespectively of how they define their views.
The `Letter on the Day of St. Nicholas and Victory Day' (May 9th, 1968) is
addressed to the heads of various [foreign] churches. It was written after reading
Marchenko's book. My Testimony. Referring to this book, the author of the
letter speaks of the grievous situation of political prisoners in the U.S.S.R. and
calls on all Christians, and particularly their spiritual leaders, to speak up in their
defence.
Before writing the second letter Zheludkov had already protested to his own rulers
about the Soviet camps and mental hospitals. He had also generalized to them like his:
Even to me it is clear: the terrible decline of literature and art, the obvious failures in
economic life, the mysterious apathy of our young people-all this is the result of the
lack of creative freedom. No one is aiming to seize your power-govern, please, but let
this be not so much a privilege as a responsibility. It cannot be that the fate of a great
people now consists only of the negative results of the absurd phenomena produced by
the suppression of freedom and the withering of the spirit.
The Chronicle also summarizes Zheludkov's samizdat essay `Some Reflections on
Intellectual Freedom: a Reply to Academician. Sakharov' (see pp. 354-5):
The author gives his analysis of those absurdities to which society has succumbed
as a result of Stalinism: fear, duplicity, apathy. Father Sergei. studies the problem
of intellectual freedom as a religious problem and states that `man's freedom does
not even belong to God', that `freedom is man's absolute, holy right and his
sacred duty'. But `today' writes the author, `all of us Russias, willingly or
unwillingly, are involved i,n a momentous historical experiment on the following
subject: What will happen to a great people if it is deprived of its intellectual
freedom?'
THE BAPTISTS
More samizdat documents-over a hundred, in fact-are available in the West from
the Baptists than from any other religious group. Many of these have appeared in
translation with extensive commentaries. Yet until No. 16 the Chronicle had
carried only two brief items on this denomination. That said, No. 16 eventually
indicated the nature of the problem. The Baptist protests stem from a schism in the
Church provoked by the official leadership. In 1960--61 the latter-doubtless under
pressure from the authorities-attempted to impose tighter controls on Church life and
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to reduce evangelism almost to nil. A grass-roots rebellion at once occurred, and the
schismatic group began to campaign for greater religious freedom. In 1965 it set up its
own organization, which the State has ever since refused to recognize, thus leaving the
schismatic communities outside the law. One of the schismatic leaders is the subject of
the open letter from the Kiev community summarized here by the Chronicle:
This letter is the latest in a series of similar ones of 1967 and is in defence of the
Baptist preacher G. P. Vins, who was arrested in 1967 [in fact in 19661 and is
being subjected to cruel treatment in a camp. The letter is signed by 176 members
of the community in the name of 400 Kiev Baptists and Evangelical Christians.
The only other Baptist mentioned in the first eleven Chronicles is a man already
noted (p. 206) as having taken part in a camp strike in 1968 with Yuly Daniel and
others. The news in 1969 was:
Boris Zdorovets, a Baptist from the Donbass, who has spent seven years in a
labour eampi has been exiled for five years to Krasnoyarsk Province; at his
place of exile the police are carrying out `educative' work on him, demanding that
he publicly renounce his religion.
The Baptists-with perhaps several million adherents-are much less numerous
than the Orthodox, with their several tens of millions, yet the volume of Baptist dissent
is clearly greater. The poor reflection of this in the Chronicle doubtless stems from the
fact that only a few Baptists come from the intellectual groups which mainly constitute
Chronicle circles.
THE UNIATES
An important extra dimension is added to our picture of dissent in the west Ukraine
by the following two items. The first is entitled 'New Persecution of Uniate Priests':
In spite of the U.S.S.R. Constitution, which guarantees freedom of conscience,
the Greek-Catholic, or Uniate, Church was forcibly liquidated in 1944 [-46] by
organs of the M.G.B. [now K.G.B.1 in western Ukraine. Priests who did not
adopt the Orthodox faith were sent to camps after false charges had been
fabricated. The Uniat. Church continued to function underground. Its activity
has come to life in recent years, and at the same time the number of Uniate priests
detained and beaten up by the police has grown. On October 18th, 1968, ten
Uniate priests had their homes searched: legally permitted religious objects were
confiscated, including even the holy Sacrament-all this representing a flagrant
encroachment into the sphere of religious ritual. At the end of 1968, two Uniate
priests were arrested: one in Koloiniya, tvano-Frankovsk Region, the other in
Lvov. In January 1969, an underground bishop of the Greek-Catholic Church,
Velychkovsky, was arrested. Velychkovsky is about seventy, he is ill and now in a
prison hospital, where his condition is serious. The case is being conducted by the
Lvov Procuracy: the charge is unknown. At the beginning of 1969 more searches
were carried out in the homes of Uniate priests.
Now the Chronicle is in a position to give the following clarifications and
additional information.
On October 18th, 1968 searches were carried out at the homes of ten priests of
the former Lvov Greek-catholic metropolianate, including Bishop Vas 'I Velych-
kovskyLthe priests Petro Ilorodetsky, Mykola Ovsyanko, Ihnatyl Tsehelsky,
[Ivan] opadchak, [Fylymon] Kurchava, [Mykola] Deyneka, [V.] Sternyuk and
others. Ritual objects (chalices, crosses, vestments, Holy Sacraments) as well as
religious books, cameras, tape-recorders and money were taken away.
At the same time one of them, Petro llorodetsky, was arrested and charged
under articles 187-1 and 138 of the Ukrainian Criminal Code, i.e. propagation of
deliberate fabrications which defame the Soviet political and social system, and
and State. The investiga-
violation of the laws concerning the separation of political
tion of his case was completed in April, and now the trial is awaited.
At the end of 1968 the aged Bishop Vasyl Velychkovsky was arrested in
Kolomiya. At present rumours have spread to the effect that he has died in prison,
but there is no official confirmation of this.
In the spring of 1969 all over the west Ukraine dozens of searches were carried
out among Greek-Catholic priests, also in flats where former nuns were living.
Again ritual objects, books, etc., were taken away.
In 1968 in Pochayev there was a meeting of West Ukrainian Orthodox priests-
mainly those priests who went over to Orthodoxy under pressure in 1946. Some
priests at the meeting complained that, they were being interfered with by Greek-
Catholic priests who had not accepted Orthodoxy, and that these priests were
carrying on their religious activities underground; Metropolitan Filaret gave the
Orthodox priests instructions to spy on the Uniates and report on them. He
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promised to appeal to the party and government, and in person to the First
Secretary of the Ukrainian Communist Party, Shelest, and to request him to put
an end to the activity of the Greek-Catholic priests.
As the Uniates affirm, referring to information received from Orthodox priests,
the court and Procuracy officials have been instructed to put a stop to the activity
of the Greek-Catholic Church by all possible means in the course of one year-by
the centenary of the birth of V. I. Lenin [in April 1970]. It looks as if precisely this
was the reason for the arrests and large-scale searches.
In 1970 the Chronicle extended its range, reporting for the first time on the persecu-
tion of Roman Catholics, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses and the sectarian
Truly-Orthodox Church.85 All this helps to remind us that despite persecution, some of
it built into the law, the L.S.S.R. is a more religious country than many secularized
Western societies. Quite apart from private religious observance, perhaps as much as
a quarter of the population dares to practise its religion openly, the proportion being
higher in the Muslim areas, where Islam is ridden on a relatively light rein, than else-
where. Part of the reason for this religiosity lies in the failure of the aridly official
Marxism-Leninist ideology to satisfy most Soviet citizens as a philosophy for living.
While this failure worries the regime, what really alarms it is when the only legally and
widely available alternative to Marxism-Leninism--religion, in one or another form-
becomes an ideological basis for political opposition. To some extent this has begun to
happen. It may well do so increasingly in the future.
BAPTIST TRIAL IN ODESSA, FEBRUARY 2-7, 1967
["Russian Christians on Trial : Eye Witness Report From a Soviet Courtroom," Published by
"Jesus to the Communist World," Diane Books, Glendale, Calif., 19711
The trial was due to take place at 10 a.m. on 2 February in the club of the mill
combine. Its location was altered 24 hours beforehand without any reason being
given. Representatives were summoned from a number of places, mainly Party
officials and prominent workers, and given leave from work to attend.
By 10 a.m. about 100 believers had assembled, by which time the courtroom
was already full of Party workers. Numerous police and the security (KGB)
agents were standing outside the building where the trial was to be held. Not only
did they prevent the believers from getting into the courtroom, they even stopped
them standing outside the building. They chased them some distance away from
the clubhouse, round the corner, threatening them with fines and 15 days' im-
prisonment. Many friends did not go away, but stood at a distance, despite the
intense cold.
They let only the defendants' nearest relatives through, claiming that there
was no more room in the court.
The defendants N. P. Shevchenko, Ya. N. Krivoi, S. P. Solovyova and V. I.
Alexeeva, who had already been in custody for some considerable time, were
brought into the courtroom. Then further defendants who had been bound over
not to leave the town, G. G. Borushko, V. T. Timchak and V. M. Zaborsky,
came in.
The members of the court entered and the trial was officially opened. A repre-
sentative of the police called out (addressing himself to the rest of the court)
"Rise!" The defendants took their places, N. P. Shevchenko and V. Alexeeva
knelt down and the former prayed aloud. Everyone present stood speechless with
surprise.
Then there was a murmur throughout the room and you could hear people
say: "They're praying!" Three policemen went up to them and made Valya get
up, but Nikolai went on praying and when he finished, all the defendants and other
believers said "Amen". The defendants were taken ut of the courtroom straight
away and brought back a little while later.
The court noted the following personal details of the defendants:
Shevchenko, Nikolai Pavlovich, born 1913.
Krivoi, Yakov Nikiforovich, born 19__ (date not given in text)
Solovyova, Svetlana Pavlovna, born 1940.
Alexeeva, Valentina Ivanovna, born 1939.
Borusliko, Grigori Grigorievich, born 1939.
Zaborsky, Viktor Mikhailovich, born 1936.
Timchak, Vasili Terentievich, born 1929.
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205
Charged under Article 13S, section II, of the Ukrainian Penal Code, Case
No. 16827.
The judge defined the defendants' rights.
JUDGE. (to the defendants) What are your requests?
All the defendants asked that, their fellow-believers be allowed into the court-
room and requested the right to conduct their own defense.
G. Borushko and V. Zaborsky demanded that the prosecution witnesses N. V.
Kuzmenko, district superintendent of the Odessa Region, and his deputy F. A.
Balaban, and also senior police lieutenant Shamrai, be called.
Solovyova and Krivoi asked permission to use a Bible in their defense.
JUDGE. Alexceva, why are you refusing to have a defense counsel?
ALEXEEVA. I invited Jesus Christ to be my defense a long time ago (she quotes
a Bible text but the judge interrupts her).
JUDGE. For what reasons are you refusing a defense counsel?
Krivoi. "My witness is in heaven, and my record is on high" (Job 16:19).
SuEVCIENxo. As a believer, I can't be defended by an atheist; God is my
defence.
SOLOVYOVA. If a person is mentally balanced (according to Art. 146) he has
the right to conduct his own defence.
PROSECUTOR. I consider it admissible to grant the defendants' requests about
dispensing with counsel and giving them the right to conduct their own defence.
The request for the summoning of additional witnesses is inadmissible. As to the
request for believers to be present in court, the door is open and entry is free to
all, everyone who wanted to come in is already here. With regard to the request
by Solovyova and Krivoi for a Bible to use in the defence, this question will
resolve itself in the course of the trial. The opportunity to use a Bible will be given
as necessary.
The defence lawyers requested that the defendants' plea for permission to use
a Bible and for the calling of additional witnesses be granted, then they left the
courtroom.
The judge asked the defendants' opinion on how the trial should be conducted.
Solovyova and Borushko suggested that interrogation begin with the witnesses.
The prosecutor suggested that they begin with the defendants. There was an
interval while the members of the court left for a consultation. After the interval,
none of the believers was admitted into the court. The judge declared that the
interrogation would begin with the defendants.
JUDGE (to Shevchenko). What relevant testimony can you give the court?
SHEVCHENKO. I won't give my testimony until all my fellow-believers who are
outside are admitted to the courtroom. They are freezing out there, I can imagine
what it's like. How can we consider the case calmly here in these circumstances?
The judge demanded that the actual names be given of those whom the de-
fendants wanted to see admitted. They let a few in and said that that was all
"there were.
N. P. Shevchenko addressed himself to the gallery and asked: "Brothers and
sisters, are there some outside who want to come in?"
From the gallery came the reply: "Yes, there are!"
In the gallery, the atheists began to ask: "Who on earth's in charge here, the
court or the Baptists?" But just then the believers outside were being chased
further away from the courthouse.
JUDGE. Krivoi, give your testimony.
KRIVOI. I won't give my testimony until all. those who want to have come in.
The rest of the defendants also refused to testify until all the believers had been
admitted.
JUDGE. Defendant Borushko, go out with the police lieutenant-colonel and call
everybody to come in.
Borushko went out and gathered all the believers who were in the next street,
round the corner, and brought them in.
JUDGE. Shevchenko, what relevant testimony can you give? Tell us your work
record. When did you become a Christian? How and in what circumstances did
you become an invalid from work?
SuaVCIIENKO. I began to.work at the age of 16 and became an invalid in 1934 as
the result of an accident at work. I became a believer in that same year.
JUDGE. How long have you been a pastor?
SnEVCIENKo. The Church elected me as an elder in 1046 and in 1949 as pastor.
JUDGE. But why were you not elected as a pastor in 1946?
SHEVCHENKO. Because the Church had to test my manner of life. It is only when
the Church has ascertained whether a man's life corresponds to the gospel and is
convinced that its servant is worthy, that it elects him as a pastor.
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JUDGE. What is the difference between the office of pastor and the office of
elder?
SHEVCHENKO. An elder can lead a Church meeting, but only a pastor can fulfil
spiritual needs.
JUDGE. Was there any break in your activity as pastor?
SHEVCHENKO. A pastor is elected for life.
JUDGE. When you were in places of imprisonment, were you still a pastor?
SHEVCHENKO. Yes, I was still a pastor during those times too.
JUDGE. Tell us why registration was suspended from your congregation, when
and for what reasons?
SHEVCHENKO. Registration was suspended in 1958 because an official represen-
tative of the Council for Religious Affairs was not invited to the opening of the
prayer house and because children were present at services.
JUDGE. Did you continue to meet after the congregationvas dissolved?
SHEVCHENKO. Yes we did, but we kept on requesting to be registered the whole
time. We applied to Kiev and Moscow for registration several times.
JUDGE. Up to 1958 you accepted the legislation on religious cults?
SHEVCHENKO. It wasn't in operation.
JUDGE. Do you accept the legislation on cults now?
SHEVCHENKO. Yes, I accept it, but I can't agree with certain points.
JUDGE. Name these points.
in She gospel: :" Suffer the little chldren to admit
unto to and forbbut it's written
id hem not."
We weren't allowed to baptize believers under 30 years of age. According to the
gospel baptism is carried out on the basis of faith, not age.
We don't agree with the section that forbids freedom to preach outside our own
congregation.
Only the Church must elect and dismiss pastors and preachers, but according
to the legislation, the official state representative appoints them. The Church is
best able to judge who is fit to serve in it, not a secular functionary.
I have already been tried once before and the same charges were brought
against me. I served 2 years and 7 months in prison. The Prosecutor-General
protested against my sentence, the court reviewed the case and in the absence of
proof of criminal action I was rehabilitated, but now the salve accusations are
being brought again.
JUD GE. At that time there was no such law, but now these activities are coun-
tered under the March 1966 decree.
PROSECUTOR. When you were under detention, did you maintain your link
with the church?
SHEVCHENKO. We were behind barbed wire fences and you know perfectly well
that there's no chance there of maintaining any link.
JUDGE (undoes a parcel and takes out the collection: "Ray of Light"). Look,
these aren't just written things, you can tell by the format that they've been
done by a specialist. Look at this binding. Where did you get the money for it?
Have you any specific funds?
u don't
collection. At all ourfuneral services funds, When ~ financial Yrhelp and also believers
collect money to buy paper and materials.
JUDGE. Give us the names of those who did the printing.
SHEVCIIENKO. I won't answer that question.
JUDGE. Do you know who brought illegal literature to your congregation?
SHEVCHENKO. All believers.
JUDGE. What do you mean, help to distribute literature. YaannuhShmidt testifies specifically?
that he got the "Fraternal
Leaflet" in your house.
SHEVCHENRO. I didn't consider this as distribution; I was sharing with my
brother the Word of God, since the Word of God is the bread of life and spiritual
food and our Christian duty is to share.
YA. N. KRIVOI's Ti:STIAIODfY
JUDGE. What have you to say about this case?
KRIVOI. In 1937 I was sentenced to 10 yea's for my faith in God. I was in
prison for 9 years and 6 months. After that my case was reviewed and in the ab-
sence of criminal proof I was rehabilitated. Along with me my fellow-believers
were sentenced to 25 years' imprisonment and to the supreme punishment-
execution. And they were shot. After the review of their cases they were post-
humously rehabilitated.
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JUDGE (interrupting him). We aren't asking you about that. You were re-
habilitated and the previous trial doesn't count. What congregations did you be-
long to before? When did you become a member of Peresyp congregation?
KRIvoI. In 1963.
JUDGE. Why did you leave the registered congregation? What were your dis-
agreements with them?
KRIVOI. Because a state official was interfering in the internal life of the
Church.
JUDGE. You were a member of the illegal all-Ukrainian conference; what docu-
ments did you sign there?
KRIvoI. I signed a document, but I don't remember the contents now.
JUDGE. Did you preach at the May-Day celebration?
KRrvol. No, I wasn't there.
JUDGE. What part did you have in orgmiizing the May-Day meeting?
KRIVOI. I have already answered.
PROSECUTOR. In the pre-trial investigation you said (he quotes): "I stood
leaning against a tree. "
KRIvoI. That's false. The investigator wrote that himself, I didn't say it.
PROSECUTOR. The court will check on that (he refers to the report on the affair).
JUDGE. It can't be chocked. The defendant hasn't signed it. What were you
doing on that day?
KRrvol. I have proof that I was working on 2nd May.
PROSECUTOR. The court will find out whether you were there or not. Who
preached in Gomenyuk's house?
Knivor. I was outside and I didn't see the speakers.
JUDGE. Witnesses have testified that you preached.
KRIvoI. I've already answered.
PROSECUTOR. You're obviously avoiding a reply. Who distributed the literature?
KRIvoI. I've nothing to do with that side of things.
JUDGE. You say that in your literature there's nothing but evangelical teaching
(he reads an extract from an "appeal" to all believers of registered congregations).
KRIvoI. Read the whole "appeal"-I can't answer from extracts.
PROSECUTOR. I'll read you the exact quotation from this document (he reads
it).
KRIvoI. Read on, so that the audience can understand what it's about.
PROSECUTOR. Do you remember what documents you signed?
KRIvoI: Yes, I remember. I don't repudiate those documents that I signed and
I'm fully in agreement with their contents.
SVETLANA PAVLOVNA SOLOVYOVA'S TESTIMONY
JUDGE. Defendant Solovyova, do you admit your guilt?
SOLOVYOVA. No. I'm charged with distributing literature. I don't consider that
a crime. It's my duty.
JUDGE. What's your profession?
SOLOVYOVA. Painter.
JuDGE. Have you been working as a painter recently too?
SOLOVYOVA. No, I've been on watch duty.
JUDGE. But you also worked in a laundry?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes, I did both.
JUDGE. Tell us, do you enjoy your work?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes, I do.
JUDGE. When did you become a believer?
SOLOVYOVA. Can I start from the beginning?
JUDGE. By all means.
SOLOVYOVA. I came to Odessa as a child. My father had reenlisted and worked
at headquarters, and remained there as it painter. I went to evening classes. At
home I often heard about God and about believers, but it didn't interest me. I
wanted to live like everybody else. My mother was illiterate, she didn't make me
go to meetings or believe in God. I grew up with the same aims and the same
desires as my fellow-pupils, thinking that only uneducated and old folk believed
in God. In school I joined the Komsomol. After I had finished school, I was faced
with the question of where to go and what to do then. I got a job. I didn't want to
stay at home because the conversations about God and my mother's continual
prayers and all that religious environment disturbed and haunted me.
I decided to leave home. I told my parents that I was going to enter an institute
in Novosibirsk. I said it deliberately, knowing it was a lie. But I couldn't see any
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other way out and I deceived my relatives and went to Novosibirsk. I took my
personal documents with me but I hadn't given in my notice at work, having
arranged with my own people that if I didn't pass the exams I'd come back. In
Novosibirsk I applied to the institute, but as I hadn't prepared for it and wasn't
really keen on it, I didn't get in. But I sent a telegram home: "Passed exams, give
notice at work. Staying to study." That's how my life away from home started,
a life that began with deception.
Sometimes I used to think: "Does God exist or not?"
JUDGE (interrupting her). This thought stayed with you because they knocked
it into you in childhood.
SOLOVYOVA. They didn't knock it into me. If my mother had brought me up in
that spirit, I wouldn't have been there, I wouldn't have deceived my parents. I
simply knew that believers existed and that they believed in God and sometimes
I thought about that, but the cinema, the theatre and all the worldly pursuits
didn't leave room for such thoughts and I forgot about them.
After working for a year in Novosibrisk, I came home on leave for 10 days. At
home my mother invited me to a meeting, and so as not to grieve her, I went.
There I heard about God more fully. This thought stayed in my mind and I began
to think about this question more seriously. It didn't leave me in Novosibirsk
either, it followed me everywhere. I couldn't stay in those circumstances any
longer and I was tortured in my conscience for having deceived my parents. It
was a difficult time for me, these were the fruits of the world's education. And then
I had the idea of going home. All this happened very quickly. I gave in my notice
at work, broke with everything that held me back and came home. At home I
straight away began to seek satisfaction and peace for my soul. The world no
longer satisfied me. Everything in it revolted me.
Once I went to a meeting at Peresyp. There I heard comforting words. I saw
the joyful, happy faces of girls and boys just like me, I saw their goal in life and I
understood that here I could find what I had long been seeking-peace for my
soul. Here was my happiness, Christ became my goal in life. The Church at
Peresyp became my spiritual mother. I found my place in life, I found happiness.
PROSECUTOR. Defendant Solovyova, you have taken up too much time with
the story of how you became a believer. It would be better if you would tell us
how you distributed illegal literature and whether you consider this a crime.
SOLOVYOVA. I distributed illegal Christian literature and I don't consider this
a crime, since it's my duty to give bread to the hungry. I did it with a feeling of
compassion, people were interested and I couldn't refuse them. I did distribute
literature and I shall go on doing so, if I still have the opportunity, for it's my
duty.
JUDGE. You also preached and you don't consider that a crime?
SOLOVYOVA. I haven't preached in the sense that you mean, but all believers
are preachers of the Kingdom.
JUDGE. Just imagine what it would be like if everybody in this country began to
preach what he liked and wherever he liked, no matter whether people listened to
him or not.
SoLOVYOVA. I did no more than speak about Christ-and only where people
listened or where they asked me to.
PROSECUTOR. You say you preach only about Christ and that your literature is
purely spiritual, but look at this: (he reads an extract from a copy of Fraternal
Leaflet about the May delegation (1966), where it says that believers were beaten
up outside the Central Committee building and remarks indignantly) : Is that
about Christ? Why, that's slander against Soviet reality.
SOLOVYOVA. It certainly is Soviet reality: I well remember the first blow I got
outside the Central Committee building-after that I don't remember the others.
JUDGE. 14 copies of Fraternal Leaflet were taken from your fiat. Where did you
get them? Somebody must have done there and given them to you.
SOLOVYOVA. I'm not going to tell you that. I just got there.
JUDGE. How many did you distribute? 50, 100, 200 copies?
SoLovYOVA. I don't remember. I tried to give out as many as I could.
JUDGE. Were you there at the May-Day meeting? Do you remember how
many people were there?
SoLOVYOVA. I can't tell you. I didn't count them.
JUDGE. But roughly-a hundred, two hundred, five hundred people?
SoLOVrovA. I don't know, maybe even more. (In the gallery there are astonished
exclamations: "You see!")
JUDGE. Do you know the people who were there on May Day?
SOLOVYOVA. I know that they were my brothers and sisters.
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JUDGE. Was the defendant Krivoi there?
SOLOVYOVA. No.
JUDGE. How can you tell-could yon see all 500 people?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes, I saw them all.
JUDGE. Please tell us what, your relations are with the registered congregation.
SOLOVYOVA. What should my relations with them be? They're my brothers and
sisters there.
PROSECUTOR. Defendant Solovyova, you said that you were convinced the
cinema is a means of agitation-what sort of agitation?
SOLOVYOVA. What do you mean, agitation? It's a means of taking people
away from God.
PROSECUTOR. You said that the people in the central congregation are your
brothers and sisters?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes, that's right.
PROSECUTOR. Why don't you go there?
SOLOVYOVA. In the bust place, as I already said, the church at Peresyp is my
spiritual mother. It's my family, that's where I was born.
JunGu. You mean that in your family you have `brothers' and `cousins'?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes, that's right.
JUDGE. What do you consider to be wrong in the central congregation?
SOLOVYOVA. The authorities interfere in the Church there and poison the minds
of believers against each other.
JUDGE. Did they do that to you personally?
SOLOVYOVA. Not to me personally. I remember once when I was still going
there often-they took a woman out of the meeting; she was a small person and
they thought she was a minor.
JUDGE. Who took her out?
SOLOVYOVA (uncertainly). Believers.
JUDGE. What have the authorities to do with that?
SOLOVYOVA. What do you mean, what have they to do with it? It was they
who ordered her to be taken out and they had the power to do it.
JUDGE. Do you read books?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes, I used to. Even in prison now I still read.
JUDGE. But there aren't any books about Christ there.
SOLOVYOVA. I can get something precious out of anything.
JUDGE. Very true. Tell us, did you preach at the May-Day meeting?
SOLOVYOVA. I don't remember whether I ever preached at meetings.
JUDGE. Are you a member of the Council of Twenty (Church Council)?
SOLOVYOVA. Yes.
JUDGE. Why did the Church elect you particularly?
SOLOVYOVA. Why do you want to know about me particularly? There are 19
others besides me.
JUDGE. Did you stand out in some way from the rest of the rank and file?
SOLOVYOVA. No, I don't think so. I'm not worthy of that. I'm not worthy to
stand before you today, since only the best Christians are brought to trial.
JUDGE. When your flat was searched, they took copies of the Kiev declaration.
Why did you keep them?
SOLOVYOVA. To give to others.
JUDGE. Have you already given out a lot?
SOLOVYO VA. I don't remember. I gave them out when necessary.
JUDGE. What would happen if everybody preached his own beliefs and got a
crowd of followers around him? Maybe there are some people who don't want to
listen to you.
SOLOVYOVA. I'd be very glad if I had the chance and the strength to gather a
crowd around me. If some people didn't want to listen, I wouldn't force it on
anybody.
JUDGE. Why did you give your boss copies of your pamphlet-letters at work?
SOLOVYOVA. Every day at work a policeman used to come to see me. All the
workers began to get curious about why he came. I started to explain and gave
them out for people to read.
JUDGE. Did you preach?
SOLOVYOVA. You keep calling me a preacher. In your sense I'm not, but as a
Christian I must preach by my life and I spoke about Christ wherever I could,
when. I had the chance. I speak about Christ on trams and now in this hall and
I'll go on doing so.
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While their friends were being taken out, all the believers stood in flanking rows
and when the defendants passed between them they greeted them with raised
hands. Both the defendants and their friends had joyful expressions on their faces.
Thus finished the first day of the trial.
On the second day everybody who wanted to came into the courtroom. They
brought in the defendants. Valya Alexeeva came first and greeted everybody
aloud: " Greetings to all brothers and sisters!" From the audience came the reply,
" Greetings to you." The defendants took their places and prayed standing.
The trial was declared open.
JUDGE. Alexeeva, what have you to say about the case?
ALEXEEVA. First of all I want to know whether alt my friends have been let in.
(They answered that everybody had conic in.)
JUDGE. Tell us about yourself. Where did you come from to live in Odessa?
ALEXEEVA. From the Vologda Region.
JUDGE. What was the reason for your coming here?
ALExEEVA. I was fulfilling the command of Christ: "If they persecute you in
one town, flee to the next".
JUDGE, But how were you being oppressed there?
ALEXrEVA. Well, there was only a small group of believers there and atheists
and lecturers used to visit me systematically.
JUDGE. Be youwere frightened?
ALEXEEVA. No, I enjoyed chatting with them. But when they realized that
their visits were pointless, then the press started up. They wrote a lot of slanderous
articles about me. You know very we 11 how we hold baptisms, but, in the paper
they wrote a lot of lies--even that my veins were cut and believers drank my
blood.
JUDGE. They wrote about you personally in the paper?
ALExEEVA. Yes, directly about me. Once they did it using a false name, but
in such a way that it was obvious it was me. They never left me alone, neither
at home nor at work. That was why I left.
JUDGE. Were you invited to come to Odessa?
ALEXEEVA. No, I tried to find out where there was a prayer house and young
believers.
JUDGE. Is there a prayer house in Razdelnaya?
ALEXEEVA. No, but there are some not far away.
JUDGE. Did you distribute literature?
ALExEEVA. Yes I did.
JUDGE. Do you know the Gubanovs?
ALExEEVA. Yes, they're my good friends.
PROSECUTOR. Did you send letters to them?
ALExEEVA. Yes.
PROSECUTOR. Did they ask you to send them?
ALExEEVA. No, but they wanted to meet me personally to have a talk. But I
couldn't manage that, and I wrote to them about the life of our family (the
Church) and sent them the Fraternal Leaflet.
JUDGE. Are you in agreement with the legislation on religion?
ALExEEVA. Yes, except for some points.
JUDGE. What points do you not agree with?
ALExEEVA. We're forbidden to help each other. That contradicts the gospel.
We can't disobey the commands of Christ. Our faith must be accompanied by
works, for faith without works is dead. It says in the gospel: "Add to your faith
virtue; and to virtue knowledge; and to knowledge temperance; and to temperance
(the judge tries to interrupt) patience; and to patience godliness; and to godliness
brotherly kindness; and to brotherly kindness charity."
JUDGE. Were you there on May Day?
ALExEEVA. I wasn't there on 1st, but I was on 2nd.
JUDGE. Who else was there of the defendants?
ALEXEEVA. I remember Nikolai Pavlovich Shevchenko was, we sat together,
away from the crowd and listened.
JUDGE. Who preached? What part did you take?
ALEXEEVA. Guests preached and read poems. I had a poem, but I gave my
place up to others who had come from other towns.
JUDGE. Does the literature which was taken from Tikhenko belong to you?
ALEXF.EVA. Yes.
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GRIGORI GRIGORIEVICH nORUSHKO'S TESTIMONY
JUDGE. Defendant Borushko, what have you to say?
Bonusuxo. Your honour, I request permission first of all to clarify the contents
of the charge brought against me. Then I am ready to answer any questions the
court wants to put. I am accused of the systematic distribution of illegal literature
during 1965-66 on the premises of the prayer house of the Odessa Church. That's
a lie. I never distributed any literature on the premises of the Odessa Church.
JUDGE. You said at the pre-trial investigation that at one time this literature
used to be at your house.
BoRUSxxo. I didn't sign the protocol of the pre-trial investigation-the
investigator wrote what he wanted to.
I have been charged with organizing and holding a service on 2nd May in the
forest plantation near Shevehenko's farm, which was supposed to have caused a
public nuisance by disrupting normal running of road and rail transport in the
said district and to have caused material damage to the forest plantation. I've
been in Odessa 10 years now and every year I've been at the May-Day service and
it's never been brought against me. The court has photographs of the May-Day
service in 1965, at which believers from other congregations were also present.
That tells you that the May-Day service is something traditional and there's
no special organization needed for it.
I personally carne to the plantation about 9 a.m. Some fellow-believers were
already there. We found our clearing and began to make ready. We hung up a
text: "You who remember the Lord, do not be silent!" The meeting began at
11 a.m. I took an active part in conducting the service. Krivoi wasn't there at all,
Shevchenko took absolutely no part in it. I preached on the theme of " God the
Creator of the universe" on the basis of Romans 1:20.
I spoke of how the world is regulated and develops according to certain laws as
revealed by the scientists, but there must also exist the One Who made these laws,
that is God. If we look at the world around us, we see many different objects made
by the hand of man, but there are things---animals and the plant world-the author
of which we have difficulty in identifying. They didn't create themselves. But
there wasn't any appeal in my sermon to break the laws on religion. I can't even
imagine how that could he associated with such a theme. We played and sang,
and generally spent a good day. Then some auxiliary police came up, but they
behaved properly. In the end they listened for a bit, stayed a little longer and then
gradually dispersed. We picked up all the litter and burned it. What's wrong with
that?
PROSECUTOR. Why did you break the law and meet without being registered?
BORUSHKO. I don't consider that we broke the law, according to one basic law,
the decree of Lenin, point 5: "Free celebration of religious rites is guaranteed,
insofar as they do not disturb public order and do not infringe the rights of citizens
of the Soviet republic." Our meetings in flats do not cause a public nuisance and
are not connected with any infringement of the rights of other citizens. So the
1929 law contradicts Lenin s decree in this matter.
PROSECUTOR. You aren't interpreting it properly. If you read on, point 6 is:
"A citizen's first obligation is the duty to keep Soviet law."
BORUSHKO. I consider my first obligation as a citizen is my duty to work. I
work in a factory . .
PROSECUTOR. What else do you disagree with in the legislation?
BORUSHKO. It violates the principle of the separation of church and state.
State officials have the right to remove a pastor.
PROSECUTOR. You appoint another one.
BoRUSxxo. He's removed again and a month is given to elect a new one.
Otherwise they suspend registration. Shevchenko was removed, Logvinenko was
elected, and he was removed by the official, too.
PROSECUTOR. Is there anything else you don't agree with?
BORUSHKO. General meetings for church members can be held only with the
permission of the Party district executive committee. For example, if we need to
elect a pastor, we have to ask permission from the committee. They may not
allow the meeting to take place. That's interference by the state in the internal
affairs of the Church.
PROSECUTOR. You signed and duplicated copies of a Declaration on the suspen-
sion of Article 124 of the Constitution.*
"Guaranteeing the "freedom to hold religious services and the freedom of anti-religious
propaganda". Lenin's original constitution had proclaimed the right to "religious
propaganda."
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BOnusHKO. That was the first such declaration, since we knew that a new
constitution was being worked out and we as citizens placed our request with the
Legal Draft Commission that Article 124 be formulated in such a way as to
guarantee complete freedom of conscience. As believers, we (lid what Christ said:
"Ask and it will be given unto you, knock and it will be opened unto you."
JUDGE. In the letter "On unity" you criticize the religious decree which allows
believers to participate in cultural life, to go to the cinema and the theatre, and
you add: "It's impossible to imagine a more satanic programme."
BORUSHKO. That decree is a document of the official religious body (Alt-Union
Council) and the state has nothing to do with it. So you're condemning us for not
fulfilling that decree?
JUDGE. For what reason did you write that letter?
BoRUSHKO. Our whole Church at Peresyp went to the town Church to talk
about unity. But when that discussion didn't materialize, we had to address them
by letter.
PEOPLE'S Assi:sson: You said that the legislation was adopted in the period of
the cult of personality. You don't know your history.
Bonusuxo. Let me correct that. In the period of Stalin's activity, when there
were significant religious restrictions.
ASSESSOR. The last Baptist congress was in 1926. When did you finish at the
institute?
BoRUSnKO. They finished me.
ASSESSOR. Why did they expel you from the institute?
BORUSHKO. For my religious convictions. They told me I wouldn't get through
in the subject of atheism.
ASSESSOR. Quite right too.
BORUSHKO. You know, this man (pointing to the Assessor) should be tried
under the same law.
ASSESSOR. Did you pass in histology?
BORUSIKO. Yes, with the assessment "excellent".
ASSESSOR. So you studied embryology, the science of the development of man.
How did you reconcile that with your convictions?
BORUSHKO. In order to speak about the emergence of life, you have to go back
to the question of the emergence of the first living cell. There's Oparin's hypothesis,
which is still only a by p, ithesis, that is, a surmise, and unproved..
ASSESSOR. What do you mean? It's been proved by science.
BORUSHKO. It's been proved. When I was at college, Professor Olga Borisnova
Lepeshinskaya experimented on a chicken embryo and made a cell out of a non-
cellular substance. They gave here the Order of Lenin. Then they checked it and
the experiment. proved to be false. So the Order of Lenin had to go back. (Laughter
in the court, the Judge makes a remark to the People's Assessor.)
PROSECUTOR. Why are children present at your meetings?
BORUSHKO. I'm amazed that our comrade the Prosecutor says children have
no right to go to the meetings. I don't know any law that forbids children to
attend meetings. The existing law forbids only the organization of meetings
specifically for children.
ASSESSOR. You came to Odessa as a young man-were you already a believer?
BORusHKO. My views were formed during my time as a student.
AssESsoR. Didn't your elder brother Sergei have any influence on you?
BORUSHKO. Maybe to some extent. But really a man is born again by the
Word of God.
ASSESSOR. Is your wife a believer too?
BoRUSHICO. She shares my views.
VICTOR MIKHAILOVICH ZABORSK I'S TESTISONY
ZABORSKY. I plead not guilty to the charge against me.
JUDGE. How long have you been in Odessa?
ZABORSKY. Since 1956.
JUDGE. Where did you come from? In what connection and to whom?
ZABORSKY. I came from Khabarovsk, after being demobilized. I came to relatives.
JunGr. When did you become a believer?
ZABORSKY. When I was in the Soviet Army.
JUDGE. When did you have a chance to occupy yourself with such matters
there?
ZABORSKY. You don't need a long time to become a believer.
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JUDGE: What's your job?
ZAnoltSICY. Stoker.
JUDGE: Did you help to organize the distribution of literature?
ZABORSKY. I'm charged with distributing illegal and slanderous literature. I
didn't distribute any such literature.
PROSECUTOR. But witnesses have testified that you did.
ZABOItsKY. I asked that they should say it to m}- face.
PROSECUTOR. Did you preach?
ZABORSKY. Yes, I did.
PROSECUTOR. Did you speak in Gonienyuk's house, on May Day?
ZABORSKT. No, I wasn't there at all on 1st May.
PROSECUTOR. Were your children there?
ZABORSKY. Yes, they were.
VASILI TIMCHAK'S TESTIMONY
JUDGE. Tell us about yourself, why did you come to Odessa?
TIMCHAK. I came here from Tarnopol Region in 1956 and I liked Odessa.
JUDGE. Were you already a believer?
TIMCHAK. Yes.
JUDGE. Where.di.d you meet other believers?
TIMCHAK. At the prayer house.
JUDGE. What did you do in Odessa?
TIMCHAK. I worked in a factory, first as a brick-layer, then as a tinsmith.
JUDGE. When you came, was there a prayer house at Peresyp?
TIMCHAK. No, we met in people's houses.
JUDGE. Did you go to conferences in Moscow?
TIMCHAK. Yes I did.
JUDGE. Did you preach?
TIMCHAK. Yes. But you accuse me of calling people to ignore Soviet laws. I
never made any such appeal in my sermons.
PROSECUTOR. Were you at the All-Union Conference in Moscow?
TIMCHAK. Yes I was. We adopted a declaration, but there wasn't any appeal
in it not to obey Soviet laws.
PROSECUTOR. Were you summoned to the district executive committee?
TIMCHAK. Yes.
PROSECUTOR. You were at the conference--what resolutions did you make
there?
TIMCHAK. Yes I was there. We decided Church matters.
PROSECUTOR. Why did you, personally, particularly go to Moscow?
TIMCHAK. The Church elected me.
PROSECUTOR. Why did you all go to Moscow?
TIMCHAK. Because we weren't being allowed to have a congress, to which we
had a right:
PROSECUTOR. Do you accept, the legislation on religious cults?
TIMCHAK. Yes, but I disagree with certain points.
PROSECUTOR. Which ones?
TIMCHAK. The legislation forbids us to give one another practical assistance.
It gives state officials the right to remove a pastor. (lie enumerates other points.)
JUDGE. What questions did you decide at the Moscow conference?
TIMCIIAK. We wrote a declaration to the government and asked them to
recognize our brethren, the Council of Churches. The Council itself was elected.
JUDGE. Where did the regional conference take place?
TIMCHAK. I can't answer that question.
(Here follow the testimonies of the witnesses. First to be called is Nikolaev, a
Komsomol offidial. His testimony against the defendants contradicts what he said
at the pre-investigation and reveals, as do later testimonies of other witnesses,
the manipulation of the case for the prosecution.
(In the testimony of the witness L. A. Kuprianov there is still further evidence
of the difficulties besetting believers on account of the legislation on religion.)
JUDGE. Do you respect Soviet laws?
NIKOLAEV. Why shouldn't we respect them? You ask at work how often I do
two shifts in a row; that shows you how I respect them.
JUDGE. All right, but the legislation on religion is also a Soviet law.
NIKOLAEV. The legislation on religion affects believers only. We can't fullfil
those points in the legislation which are contrary to the gospel. For example, we
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as believers elect a man for spiritual work, then a state official interferes and has
the right to remove him. We elect somebody else, and he doesn't like him either
JUDGE. Whom precisely did you elect?
NIKOLAEV. In our congregation we elected Logvinenko, but the state official
turned him down.
There's another point I don't agree with. The legislation forbids us to give each
other material help. Now I'm in a trade union, and if somebody falls ill or dies,
we help towards the funeral wreaths or assist the sick person. Is that wrong?
JUDGE. But what if he's not working?
NIKOLAEV. If he doesn't work then he should be tried as an idler. There's a
law about that. But how can we refuse to help if there's an old woman among us
who gets 13 rubles pension (E6 a month)-you have to buy her wood and coal.
JUDGE (reads points from the legislation). This giving of financial help is
forbidden, but nobody forbids you to give practical help.
NIKOLAEV. What do you mean, nobody forbids it! Some believers once went
to the home of an old blind lady to dig her vegetable garden and vineyard-the
auxiliary police came along and chased them away. Suppose my house burned
down, for example, do you think the believers wouldn't help me? Would you help,
brothers and sisters? (He turns to the gallery, answers are heard "Yes, yes!") .
And another thing, if a man is elected to serve in one congregation, for example in
Shevchenkovo, or Peresyp, or in town, then the minister of Peresyp congregation
isn't allowed to preach in town and vice versa. But the Lord says, "Go ye into
all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature."
(The testimony of several witnesses follows).
JUDGE. Have you seen believers gathering for a meeting?
WITNESS YAKOVCHENKO (an unbeliever). Yes, they come in one way and go
out another. They gather in an orderly and quiet way, and by 9 o'clock they're
all gone, not a trace of a-soul.
JUDGE. What do they do at meetings?
WITNESS. They sing and play, very nicely. They've even got a string orchestra,
you can hear it through the whole village
JUDGE. So they cause a public nuisance?
WITNESS. God forbid, they're such quiet folks, they couldn't be a public
nuisance.
BoRusicxo. Tell us, witness, was there an appeal in my sermons not to obey
the legislation on religion?
WITNESS PAR-IDOVSKAYA (17 years old). Yes there was.
BORUSKHO. What form did it take?
WITNESS. You said, "God is love". (Laughter: in court).
S. P. SOLOVYOVA'S DEFENSE SPEECH
Comrade Judges! For 4 months now, while the investigation was going on,
they've been trying to prove to me that I'm not accused because I'm a believer,
but because I've broken the Soviet legislation on religion.
In 1918 Lenin's decree on the separation of church and state was promulgated,
guaranteeing all citizens freedom of conscience.
I'm charged with misinterpreting the concept, "freedom of conscience"-that
is, they want to convince me that the legislation on cults doesn't contradict
Lenin's decree, but makes it more explicit.
Obviously you can interpret the words "freedom of conscience" differently, but
it's a shameful thing for our state, the most democratic in the world, when be-
lievers can't meet on May Day and spend it as believers.
The prosecutor was very interested as to whether or not we sang revolutionary
songs on May Day. If we'd sung revolutionary songs, we wouldn't have been
called up before the authorities.
Isn't that a violation of the Constitution, art. 124, which "guarantees freedom
of conscience", and gives us the right to sing religious songs?
A lot's been said about giving material help. The legislation on religion, article
17(b) says: "It is forbidden to render material assistance to other members." I
want to tell the court that I don't know of any other state, even the most back-
ward one, where the law demands such a thing; that someone should have the
right to control what purposes I can use my honestly-earned money for, and should
forbid me to use it to help those in need.
Isn't this point in the legislation a limitation of the freedom of conscience?
In the existing legislation there are points forbidding the activity of circles for
children, adolescents, young adults, men and women. But if in our congregation
there are young people who want to play instruments, by what international law
can you forbid the activit of such circles?
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In the legislation there are points limiting the activity of a preacher and of a
choir to the area of residence of the congregation in question. This isn't considered
it violation of the principle of freedom of conscience. But after all everybody knows
that the artists of the Moscow theatre travel not only to different towns, but even
to different countries. They aren't restricted in this, let alone called to account
for it. If a believer visits another congregation, whether he simply goes as a guest
or whether he is in another congregation while on a business trip, or if a choir
particularly wants to go to a wedding in some other village, then doesn't the law
which forbids this contradict Lenin's decree, article 2?
That point in the legislation where it talks about the right of the official repro-
sentativo to have the presbyter removed, isn't that a violation of Lenin's decree
on the separation of church and state? There was a case in our Church: the re-
moval of V.Ye. Logvinenko. Only one reason is known for his removal-the
fact that he is a young man; but he's of age, and the Church put its trust in
him when they elected him.
Don't all these points, which really restrict freedom of conscience, have one
aim in view: to drain all the sap out of believers?
One of the main points of the charge is that according to the existing legisla-
tion, any religious society can become active only after registration. Registration
is given only on conditions which are contrary to our doctrine. Therefore we as
Christians cannot neglect to meet, even though we are deprived of registration.
The charge against us of causing material damage during our celebration of
May Day in the plantation is a deliberately-concocted lie. The record of the trees
being broken down was put together long after our arrest.
I don't consider the distribution of literature a crime. Instead of giving us free-
dom to print, you condemn us for this. I did distribute literature and I will con-
tinue to do so at the slightest opportunity.
Why are we being tried for breaking the Soviet legislation on religion? The fac
that the congregation is unregistered is seen as a crime when Shevchenko and
Bondarenko, after being sentenced for precisely the same thing; were rehabilitated
while the same legislation was in operation.
The legislation has continued to exist-it's the authorities themselves who are
interpreting it differently at different times.
I want to ask the court: when was the mistake made, when they were sentenced,
or when they were rehabilitated?
You gave me a great honour when you described me as an organizer. I'm not
an organizer, as you accuse me of being. I have friends who are spiritually above
me and have worked harder than I. I don't say this because I'm afraid, but
because I don't consider myself worthy of such a great honour-to suffer for
my Lord.
(Shevchenko asks for postponement of his defence speech, but is deprived of
GRIGORI BORUSHKO'S DEFENCE SPEECH
I consider myself happy to be able to stand before the court, not as a criminal,
but as a Christian. I am grateful to you, comrade Judges, for giving those who
wanted to be at this trial the opportunity to be convinced of our innocence. And
now, dispensing with my legal right to a defence counsel, I shall defend my own
case, in the hope that you will graciously hear me out.
Comrade Judges, I am grieved by the fact that the main prosecution witnesses
have not been called: Yuleshkin, Shainrai and Kuzmenko. I am beginning to get
the impression that the Prosecutor has been absent from court and that our fate
has already been decided long ago.
The aim of my defence speech is to demonstrate my innocence of the charges
against me, also to show that I am being tried for my religious convictions; to
show that the whole indictment did not issue from an actual crime, but was
artificially constructed and is the result of an official directive.
The defence is significantly complicated by the fact that witnesses have not
been called and therefore the conclusion cannot be it logical one.
Comrade Judges, I was expelled from the medical institute because of my
religious convictions. You heard from the witness Moroz's testimony that without
having any grievance against me at work, they nevertheless decided at the Party
office to dismiss me. And even now in the First Aid section they're threatening
me with dismissal. All this is, moreover, a violation of the legislation and if you
were to put both our actions in the scales, isn't it obvious that theirs is worse?
And if I'm deprived of freedom, nobody can take away my right to suffer for
my Christ.
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"Whoever wishes to bear the cross once will be crucified forever
JUDGE (interrupting). Keep to the point.
The Church lives as long as it suffers. If you look at the history of Christianity,
its faithfulness to Christ, Christianity kept its vitality as long as it suffered. And
on the other hand, when the Church moved away from the commands of Christ
it ceased to suffer.
Comrade Judges, it is in your hands today, in the name of the law, either to
justify arbitrary recriminations, or to show all present that there is justice on
earth too. Otherwise I say in Lerulontov's words: ". . . There remains the judge-
ment of God . . .!" That's all I have to say.
VkSTLI TIMCHAK'S DEFENCE SPEECH
I consider myself fortunate that I am on the defendants' bench today as a
Christian, not as a thief or a murderer or as someone who has violated another's
property. And I rejoice in this fate which has befallen me for Christ.
As a Christian, I believe in Christ and I preached about him and will continue
to do so in future.
The Prosecutor was present in the courtroom and apparently she didn't hear a
thing the witnesses said-she read out something that had been decided on and
written down already and didn't make a single extract from the witnesses'
testimonies.
I'm charged with being a preacher. Yes, I am a preacher and preaching the Word
of God isn't a crime before the law.
I'm charged with participating in activity intended to stir up disobedience to the
legislation on religion. This wasn't confirmed by any of the witnesses. Nobody
said that I appealed to people not to obey the legislation on religion. We don't
preach about state legislation at our divine services, we preach the Word of God
which says that all people should repent and accept the Kingdom of God. I
preached this Kingdom of God and the witnesses confirmed that. In my sermons
I spoke about the love of God, how Christ loved man even to the death on the
cross, so that everyone who believes in Him might have eternal life. That's what
I preached, what I still preach and will continue to preach.
Everything the Prosecutor says is untrue; we have the right. to write to our
government; it isn't a crime for us to write a declaration to the government.
In Moscow a declaration was written to Brezhnev to the effect that we had
elected the Council of Churches and asked for recognition of it, and that it should
not be hindered in the work for which we had elected it. This request of ours had
nothing to do with non-recognition of the legislation.
I'm charged with being at a conference of the Odessa, Khersori and Nikolaevsk
regions. Yes, I was there, and we were deciding Church matters. We also wrote a
declaration to the government, requesting that they recognize our brethren from
the Council of Churches. There wasn't any infringement of the rights of citizens
in it. As for the congress, we are still asking for it to be allowed under the leader-
ship of its initiators, although we get no reply.
The March law of 1966,* consolidating Art. 138, part II, has no retrospective
power over those things which were done before it was promulgated. But you are
charging us concerning a conference which took place in 1965.
The prosecutor has said that we completely reject the legislation. That isn't
true; I disagree only with a few points. I didn't influence believers against obeying
the legislation on cults, this accusation wasn't confirmed by the witnesses and I
deny it. I preached Christ crucified.
The prosecutor said that the celebration on 2 May 1966 was organized under
my leadership. Not one of the witnesses confirmed this. How could I have organized
it when I wasn't there? I went away to the country about that time.
YA. N. KRIVOI'S DEFENCE SPEECH
"The sun of righteousness will arise with healing in his wings," said the prophet,
and the folk proverb says, "Truth is like the sun, you can't cover it up with your
hand." I believe in truth, but "Faith is the substance of things hoped for."
20 years ago I was sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for the same crimes for
which I am now standing before the court. Along with me, many were sentenced to
25 years, and some to the supreme punishment.
*Tightening up on the production of religious literature and public acts of witness, as
well as being even more specific than before on the outlawing of Sunday Schools.
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During that term I worked hard and built two brickworks, for which they let
me out ten months early. During my imprisonment and after it the workers and
management agitated for us and, as I learned later, truth triumphed and after
20 years I was rehabilitated. And those who were sentenced to 25 years and those
who didn't return from prison were also rehabilitated, the latter posthumously.
And now, too, you know perfectly well that I've done no harm to society or to
the state.
You are entrusted, comrade Judges, with the fate of a human being.
I'm charged with organizing activity directed against recognition of the Soviet
legislation on religion. Nobody confirmed this. I admit that I disagree with some
points of the legislation which deprive believers of freedom of conscience.
We have a law about freedom of conscience, and it's forbidden to intrude on
another's conscience according to these laws. Our Council of Twenty, which you
call it "guiding body," of which I too was a member, lost all power after we were
refused registration.
Yes, I was at the conference in Kiev, but there was nothing illegal in the appeal
that we adopted there, it was of a purely religious character. We met for a con-
siderable time, and we didn't write to the government until we were disturbed,
but the prosecutor states that you don't interfere in our questions of dogma. The
election of a pastor is for us a matter of dogma. Nobody should interfere in this.
We aren't against control, that's why we always wrote that we live quietly and
meet together, and asked to be registered.
I'm charged with distributing appeals among citizens, but which one of them
confirmed this?
As for preaching, it's not only Church leaders who can take part in this, but
also ordinary members. I'm it preacher and I don't deny it.
I'm charged with organizing the celebration of 2nd May when I wasn't there,
because I was doing some plastering for a Christian brother.
The whole trial has confirmed the falsity of the charges against me.
On the basis of the laws of our state I have committed no crime either against
society or against the state. But if I suffer as a Christian, I'm ready to wear
handcuffs. I've been a believer for 40 years and you can't re-educate me whatever
you do, and you won't break me with any threats.
I thank the Lord that on this my spiritual birthday I have been counted worthy
to sit on the defendants' bench.
Comrade Judges, if faith in Good has brought me happiness and my heart is
overflowing with Him, do you really think I wouldn't tell people? Even the Con-
stitution grants freedom of conscience. So I told everybody who wanted to
listen to me that Christ loves every sinner and that the Lord says today: "Do I
desire the death of a sinner, and not that he should turn to me and live?"
As for the distribution of literature, I want to say that when this trial is over it
will be published in the paper, and we too have the right to write to the govern-
ment and to our friends in the Church.
For example, I distributed the "Kiev Declaration" which reports certain
unjust incidents. If these had not occurred, there wouldn't have been any declara-
tion either.
Secondly, when the article "Prophets and Victims" came out, filled with slander
and unjust accusations against, the believers Kryuchkov and Fins, the mother of
one of them, who was well acquainted with her son's life and had followed it care-
fully, wrote a declaration to the government in which she refuted the injustice of
this article. That was the reason for that letter. Our declarations concern only
our Christian life.
I'm charged with going to Moscow, where I was a delegate from the congrega-
tion at Peresyp. We're Soviet citizens and every year we cast, our votes for those
who are to guard our constitutional rights and we have the right to turn to them
with our declarations.
For our part we render unto Caesar what is Caesar's and unto God what is
God's.
Comrade Judges, you charge me with organizing the distribution of literature
and with inciting believers not to obey the legislation on cults. In the course of
this trial all these charges have been refuted. The Council and all the congre-
gations that support it, including ours. I consider to be legal, since we have ap-
pealed to the authorities many times and still do with requests for, registraticn.
But up to now our declarations have been igncred.
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Our methods and our actions are open for all to see. The Word of God says:
"The way cf the just is uprightness" (Is. 26:27).
Pascal said: "Woe to those who do not know their life's aim." Our aim in life is to
fulfil the commands of Christ. The first commandment is: "Thou shalt love the
Lord thy God" and the second: "Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself". If we
fulfil these commandments, we don't break state laws in so doing; on the contrary,
wherever we can we try to help and give good advice. In the Holy Scriptures it
says: "There is no other name under heaven by which men may be saved except
the name of Jesus Christ".
N. P. SHEVCHENKO'S FINAL ADDRESS
In 1962 I was sentenced to 4 years imprisonment and 3 years exile for not
obeying the "Letter of Instructions" and the Baptist Statutes, for making my
home available for prayer meetings, for baptizing believers.
I served 2 years and 7 months in prison, after which I was rehabilitated for lack
of criminal evidence. I was re-instated at work and paid a pension for the time in
prison.
After my release I worked for 4 months and because I went to Moscow with an
appeal to the government I was again suspended from work.
Was anyone responsible for all this?
I stand again before a court, accused of the same thing.
You charge us with slander of the press. I won't touch on the article "Prophets
and Victims" in the central paper Izvestia--Solovyova has already talked about
that; but I want to mention our local paper, Chernomorskaya Kommuna, which
carried an article saying that believers in the village of Usatovo, Odessa Region,
burnt down a house and an old woman in it, as if to say that they made a ritual
sacrifice of her. Anyone who wants to look into it can find out for himself that this
is a lie, everybody in Usatovo knows the believers.
I was born and brought up in that village, I know everybody there-there isn't
even an old woman of that name.
Even now I can't understand how they could pass something like that in a
newspaper-to write about something absolutely fictitious. It's just done to arouse
popular hatred against believers.
I have no doubt that you're capable of writing a slanderous article about us,
too.
JUDGE. That has nothing to do with the case-keep to the point.
SHEVCHENKO. What do you mean, it has nothing to do with the case, when we're
accused of slandering the press?-the fact is it's the other way round: you write
slanders about believers.
JUDGE. (interrupts) . .
SHEVCHENKO. I accept this imprisonment with joy, as did the apostle Peter;
when they wanted to crucify him he said, I'm not worthy to be crucified like my
Teacher, Christ_crucify me upside down" .. .
JUDGE. (interrupts) ...
SHEVCHENKO. Comrade Judges, I'm not asking you for mercy, but the fate of
many people is in your hands, you are expected to judge justly. When King
Solomon was entrusted with the judging of the people, he asked the Lord for
wisdom.
JUDGE. (interrupting) We're not interested in Solomon.
SHEVCHENKO. "Be wise now therefore, 0 ye kings; be instructed, ye judges of the
earth" (Ps. 2:10).
JUDGE. Sit down, Shevchenko.
G. G. BORUSHKOS' FINAL ADDRESS
I came to Odessa when I was 18. By 1958 1 had done two years of higher educa-
tion and I decided to enter the Medical Institute, but since you had to have three
years behind you for this, I decided to try and get into the State University. I
went there as a production worker in biological faculty.
And it was there, while I was studying science, that the question of religion
came to me in a completely different light. I realised that the greatest scientists,
the pillars of science, like Kepler, the discoverer of the laws of planet motion,
Newton, discoverer of natural laws relating to the earth, the naturalist Linnaeus,
who gave us the classification of the whole animal and plant world, the mathe-
matician Euclid, physician and mathematician Pascal, our first Russian uni-
veralist Mikhail Lomonosov, Copernicus, and in our own time, Filatov, Voino-
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219
Yasenetsky and others, had been men of profound religious faith. Therefore I
decided to find out myself a definitive answer to the question: does God exist or
not-that is, should I be a believer or not? At that time I read the Bible a lot
and I came through strong doubts to faith in God. My atheism and unbelief were
based on an ignorance of the Bible. I particularly liked the Gospels.
But however strange it may seem, it was just at that time that I went through a
most intense inner struggle and uncertainty. I looked at the Bible . . it was
through not knowing it that people didn't believe. I remember during a conversa-
tion in the institute, the Vice-Dean said to me: "The Bible says the world stands
on three whales". I asked her: "Did you read that yourself?" and she was un-
comfortable because she was a scientist but she'd never read the book that so
much has been spoken about in every century, the book that people base their
lives on, and for which they will give their lives. (The judge interrupts: "Don't
start making propaganda").
Well, I liked the Gospels, but I couldn't find in myself the strength to live them
out until I realised that to do this you had to be born again, that is, to accept
Jesus Christ in your heart-and I turned to Him.
"With His holy freedom
He took the chains from the soul, torments from the heart,
And stains from the guilty conscience"
At that time occurred the first persecutions, but this was according to Christ's
words; it ended with my being expelled from the institute, but I had already de-
cided on this path:
Whoever wants to bear the cross once
Will be crucified forever,
And whether there is happiness in life
He will be happy in eternity.
You are appointing us to suffer, but in fact this is preordained by God, for
not a hair of our head falls to the ground without His will.
Suffering is Christianity's vital nerve. The Church is alive as long as it suffers,
for Christ suffered and called us to do likewise.
I'm an optimist-in other words I believe that if things are had today, they'll
be better tomorrow; if they sentence you today, they'll acquit you tomorrow;
if injustices meet you on earth today, tomorrow there'll be justice.
Such a dialectic, if it isn't confirmed on earth, will still triumph in heaven,
as it's written: "According to the promise we wait for a new earth and a new
heaven in which righteousness dwells."
JUDGE: Borushko, have you any more quotations?
Bonusxxo: Yes I have.
"I want to walk in such a way
That my weary brother
Should hear the rhythm of my steps
And be shaken out of his slumber and inspired
To step out more quickly towards the sacred vision.
That my step should convince the unfaithful
Of the holy, blessed truth,
And that day by day the ranks of warriors
On the way to the goal should be filled with brothers
Whom God's Spirit has awakened to life.
I want to walk so that the children of paradise,
The angels in heaven, should draw men's hearts
And in joyful praise, blessing my path,
Should sing a hymn to the Saviour of the world.
Their praise is poured out at God's throne
Poured out unchanging in sacred harmonies.
In its precious beauty
It has drawn so many sinners to God.
And today the angel choir is not silent
When history's course is run,
To Him who went His way without turning back
Will sound their hundredfold hymn of praise."
V. T. TIMCHAK'S FINAL ADDRESS
I've been a Christian since childhood. My mother brought me up as a Christian
from my early childhood,-and I am before you today on the defendants' bench as
a Christian. Yes, I believe in God, and the Word of God says that it is given to
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us not only to believe in Him but also to suffer for Christ. I am happy that I
have the chance to carry out these words of Christ, one thing I know-He will
never leave me. Christ Himself bore sufferings and has never left His followers
who have trodden the same path. And I rejoice in this lot--to suffer for Christ.
Many of my brothers have been unjustly sentenced and later rehabilitated and I
know that you are trying us today, but tomorrow we will be rehabilitated, for
lack of criminal proof. Then those who today are asking for these terms of
imprisonment will be ashamed.
Many of our brethren have already gone the way of suffering in faithfulness to
our Lord, but the Word of God says: "Regarding their end, imitate their faith".
And now today you are separating us from our relatives and loved ones, but I
believe that we will meet again on earth, and in eternity we will receive for all
our sufferings a joy that will have no end, when we meet our Saviour.
V. M. ZABORSKY'S FINAL ADDRESS
Before I came of age, I decided to leave home so as not to hear about God. I
signed up and went to Novosibirsk. They didn't want to take me, but I persuaded
the official. They understood my circumstances and did it as a favour.
In a worldly atmosphere I learned to swear like a trooper.
I was soon'callod up. There among my friends I was the most active composer
and teller of dirty stories and I always found a circle of friends to listen. Nobody
could beat me at it. I didn't drink wine or vodka there, I only drank some stuff
that had a skull and crossbones on the bottle--it's called methylated spirits. I
was summoned before a military tribunal to explain my way of life.
It was there, walking on the bank of the Amur, that I remembered the words
of my mother: "Son, when you get into trouble, remember God". And then I
took off my soldiers' cap and said: "Lord, if you save me from this trial, then
from this moment on I'll be your preacher". And it all worked out. There was
a complete change in my life. I became a new Iran, people began to be grateful
to me. I was put in charge of a group, but without any rank. Then the men
began to get interested in me, when they saw that I no longer joined with them
in their former bad ways; I was summoned by the officers, from the lowest to
the highest. The commander summoned me and after some inconclusive conver-
sation, he suggested: "If you deny God, we'll give you rank, you'll get more
money".
"I've got a rank higher than commander of a regiment".
"What's ,ghat?"
"As a Christian," I answered.
Soon they summoned me again and said:
"You know that your faith is a relic of capitalism?"
"You're wrong about that. Our faith existed under Nero and the Roman
Empire before capitalism came, it's existed under capitalism, it exists under
socialism and, if God wills, it'll exist under communism".
They asked me to go, and when I was summoned again they said:
"You know, Zaborsky, that spies conceal themselves under the mask of your
faith?"
"I can't argue about that, because I've never heard such a thing before-but
practical experience has shown that spies can get through the Party net, but not
through the religious one---Beria for example, and Penkovsky."
A bit later the commanding officer summoned me and said:
"Listen, Zaborsky. We had a soldier once who wore a cross round his neck.
We had a talk with him and he took it off, put it on the table and said: `Give
me a Komsomol card'."
I'd do that too, but my God isn't on a crucifix, but in my heart. I can't put
Him on the table-to do that I'd have to tear out my heart, in other words stop
living, which is impossible. Later I was demoted to be a reservist. The deputy
political officer said:
"Well, Zaborsky, off you go now with your God."
"Exactly, comrade major."
"Goodbye, you block-headed Baptist, just go on the way you are doing".
Then I came to Odessa, I was baptized and became a member of the Peresyp
Church. I went to the meetings at the prayer house for two years, but after it
was closed I and my brothers and sisters met during the cold winter of 1958
outside the wall of the closed prayer house. When our prayer house was given
to the poultry farm to use, we tried to meet in flats. That's what we've done up
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to now. It was only in the summer of 1966 that I found out about the existence
of the Soviet legislation on religion, which prohibits Gospel teaching and Lenin's
decree. On the basis of this legislation the "Statute" and the "Letter of Instruc-
tions" were issued back in 1960, which led to the great and visible schism in the
Church. Believers were in such a situation that they had to violate something-
either man's or God's iaw.
(The judge interrupts). It is precisely for this reason that I stand before the
court today, as a Christian.
We will not kneel to it".
Judge: (to the police) Please restore order.
(Three policemen quickly go up to Valya and maker her sit down).
SENTENCE
SHE YCHENKO, Nikolai Pavlovich,
BORUSr3KO, Grigori Grigorievich,
KRrvor, Yakov Nikiforovich
SoLOVYOVA, Svetlana Pavlovna,
ALEXILV.,1, Valentina Ivanovna
sentenced to 3 years' imprisonment in ordinary regime camps.
TIMCHAK, Vasili Terentievich
ZABORSKY, Viktor Mikhailovieh
sentenced to 1 year's imprisonment in ordinary regime camps.
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PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS
REPRESSION OF JEWS IN THE SOVIET UNION
(Edited by Louis Rosenblum, Union of Councils for Soviet Jews)
INTRODUCTION
The Jewish minority in the USSR is subjected to singularly repressive treat-
ment. Special prohibitions are placed upon Jewish education, religious observance,
and culture. Discrimination is practiced against Jews in employment and school-
ing. Anti-Semitism is inflamed by a stream of news articles, books, and cartoons
from the government press. As a consequence, an estimated ;i million Jews have
sought permission to leave the Soviet Union. Most desire to reunite with families
in Israel.
All but a small number of the applications have been denied, in spite of the
fact that the demands to, emigrate are legitimate and in keeping with Soviet
Constitution, law, practic, and international treaty. The record shows that the
Soviet government has allowed the reunion of families and has indeed supported
the repatriation of entire ethnic groups living in the USSR, e.g., several thousand
:Spaniards, 1956-60 and 200,000 Poles, 1957-8. Additionally, the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet on January 22, 1969 ratified the International d Convention on
n
the Elimination of Racial. Discrimination. Article 5, paragraph 2
of the Convention provides that each contracting party to the treaty "guarantees
the right of everyone to leave any country, including his own, and to return to
his ccuntry."
To check the growing `exodus' movement the Soviet government has resorted
to three major stratagems: `silence' vocal dissidents by letting them leave; dis-
courage application for emigration by intensifying the financial and procedural
requirements; and repress Jewish national feeling by arrest of persons possessing
Jewish history or Hebrew language books on criminal charges cf anti-Soviet
activities.
The present wave of repression began with the arrest of Boris Kochubyevsky
in Dec. 1968 and his trial in May 1969. Following this carne the secret trial in
Riazan, Feb. 1970, the infamous Leningrad hi-jacking trial of Dec. 1970, and the
recent trials in Riga, Leningrad, Kishinev, Odessa, Sverdlovsk, Kharkov, and
Chernovitz. In general, those arrested have been charged with "political crimes"
under RSFSR Criminal Code Statute 70 (anti-Soviet propaganda) and Statute
72 (anti-Soviet organization). In addition, defendants in the Leningrad hi-jacking
trial were charged with treason and theft of government property. Sentences up
to 1.5 years in strict or special regime labor camps were meted out.
STRICT REGIME
"they condemn you to an empty belly"
Reproduced below is a brief sketch of the strict regime from My Testimony, E. P.
Dutton and Co., New York, 1969, pp. 224-7.
"Well, and what about a prisoner's rights? There is his right to correspond
(with limitations and censorship). His right to have visits from relatives. His
right to buy up to five rubles' worth of food in the camp shop, though only with
money earned inside the camp. If he has nothing left after deductions have been
inade-too bad, he can make do without, even if his relatives are prepared to send
money. Not on sale in the camp shop and forbidden because of the regime regula-
tions are: sugar, butter, tinned meat and fish, bread. All you can buy is tinned
vegetables or fruit (hardly anybody buys these because they are too dear, they
take your whole five rubles), cheap tobacco, toothbrushes, envelopes, notebooks,
and you can buy camp clothing if you like-not that anybody does on five rubles
a month.
`But these rights are no better than a dream, a mirage. Admin the camp
authorities] has the right to deprive a prisoner of all of them. This is done for
violations, and who can say that he commits no violations-if Admin. wants to
(222)
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find some? And so they take away your rights-to the shop for instance, for a
month, two months, three. And then you have to get by on "basic"-on camp
rations that have been worked out on scientific principles to be just enough to
keep you from dying off.
"The daily norm is 2,400 calories: 25 ozs. of bread, 3 ozs. of cod, 2 ozs. of meat
(the sheepdog guarding the cons gets 1 lb.), 1 lb. of vegetable--potatoes and
cabbage, about 1 oz. of meal or noodles, %oz.of fat and % oz. of sugar. And that's
all. It adds tip to one and a half tinu,s less than a normal man needs on light work.
You will say: what about the shop? But then they deprive you of the shop? Keep-
ing strictly to all the rules and regulations they condemn you to an empty belly!
"But anyway, not even all of this finds its way into the prisoner's bowl. A cart,
for instance, comes into the compound carrying meat for the whole camp, 300 lbs.
for three thousand men. You look at this meat and you hardly know what to think:
is it carrion, or something still worse? All blue, it seems to consist entirely of bone
and gristle. Then it goes to be stewed and you're lucky if half an ounce finds its
way into your mouth.
You are eating cabbage and you can't make out to begin with what it is: some
sort of black, slimy, stinking globs. How much out of the established quota gets
thrown on the rubbish heap? And in spring and summer the cookhouse hands
can't even bring themselves to throw out the had potatoes any more, otherwise
there would be nothing to put in the soup. And so they throw in the black and
rotten ones. If you go near the cookhouse in summer the stench turns you over.
Stinking cod, rotten cabbage. The bread is like we had in the war. In number
seven we had a bakery in which we baked two kinds of bread, black for camp, white
for outside. Sugar, though you would think was foolproof. It won't rot, you don't
have to measure it. But then they give it to you damp so that it weighs more.
And they give you ten days' ration at a time--5 ozs.-because if they give you
your 1 oz. daily, it wouldn't be a question of having nothing to eat as of nothing
to see.
"During six years in camp and jail I had bread with butter twice-when I
received visits. I also ate two cucumbers-one in 1964 and another in 1966. Not
once did I eat a tomato or an apple. All this was forbidden .
"And that is what strict regime looks like today. Strict regime, for the most
part, is for political prisoners, because among criminals only the persistent
offenders get put on strict regime, or those who commit a crime or a violation
already in the camps, and even then not for their whole term-they do a stint on
strict regime and then go back to normal regime again. For criminals and civil
prisoners strict regime is the harshest form of punishment. But for us politicals
it is the mildest, our imprisonment begins with this, because it is the minimum
awarded by the courts. From strict regime political prisoners can go only to
special regime or to the clink. And that is even worse."
Presently, more than 40 victims of show trials, staged to repress the growth of
Jewish national feeling, are serving sentences in strict and special regime labor
camps. Many of these unfortunate people are in need of medical care for serious
ailments. Ail are in physically weak condition as a result of the extended inter-
rogation and imprisonment between the time of their arrest and trial and as a
result of the semi-starvation diet in the labor camps.
Brief sketches of several of these prisoners of conscience follow.
[Photographs appear on p. 280.1
93-080-73-7
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224
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ALEXANDROVICH, RUTA ISAACOVNA
Twenty-three years old, born in Latvia, Jewish, student nurse, single. Applied
on several occasions with her father, mother, and younger brother for repatriation
to Israel. Repeatedly refused. Arrested October 7, 1970, Riga. Charged in ac-
cordance with Latvian SSR Statute 65 (RSFSR equivalent-Statute 70) anti-
Soviet propaganda. Sentenced May 27, 1971, to one year strict regime. She is
due for release in October, 1971. [l4ow released in Israel]
According to Dr. V. Portnoy, the prisoner's former personal physician presently
residing at Ulpan Etsim, Jerusalem Israel Miss Alexandrovich suffers from an
asthmatic condition and "exacerbation of chronic pyelonephritis."
The latest information on Miss Alexandrovich is as of the last week in July.
I:Ier father Isaac Alexandrovich visited Ruth in the camp. lie said that Ruth
and Sylvia Zalmanson are in the saute barracks and both girls work in a factory
making canvas gloves with fur lining. But since neither can produce the high
production "norm" required, they receive only one-half the food ration. Address:
Mordovskaja ASSR, USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok Yavas, Uchrezdenie IR X 385.
Relatives: Isaac Alexandrovich, father, Riga, Latvian SSR, USSR Suvorova
16, Kv. 120.
Rivka Alexandrovich, mother, Ein Tzurim 201-3 Talpiot, Jerusalem, Israel.
FEDOROV, YURY PAVLOVICH
Twenty-seven years old, Russian. Convicted and sentenced when he was 17
years old for anti-Soviet views. After his prison sentence his health was poor.
He was kept under surveillance by the KGB (secret police) which made him
extremely nervous and fearful. Arrested with eleven others in connection with
alleged "hi-jacking" attempt in Leningrad, charged in accordance with RSFSR
Statutes 64-15 (treason-to flee abroad) and 93-15 (theft of government prop-
erty). Sentenced to 15 years special regime without confiscation of property,
in absence of such. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR, USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok
Yavas, Uchrezdenie IE X 385/10.
Relative: N. V. Buzyreva, wife, Moscow, USSR, Serfinisovicha 2, Kv. 167.
GRILLUS, SIMONAS ARONOVICII
Twenty-six years old, Jewish. Engineer I worked on ship repairs in the Lithu-
anian harbor town of Klaiperdea. lie was arrested in August, 1969, after a search
of his apartment revealed the possession of books for studying Hebrew and records
of Hebrew songs. Charged in accordance with RSFSR Statute 70 (anti-Soviet
propagan(la) and Statute 72 (anti-Soviet organization). Tried by a secret tribunal.
Sentenced February 19, 1970, to five years strict regime.
Earlier this year Grillus was deprived of the right to receive parcels and was
put into solitary confinement for 15 days for refusing to take off. his kipa (skull
cap) on Saturdays and other religious holidays. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR,
USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok Lesnoy, Uchrezdenie Ill X 385/19-1.
KHNOKH, LI.IB GIRSHEV[CH
Born in 1944 in Insar, Mordovskaja ASSR, Jewish. After the war moved to
Varaklyany, Latvian SSR. After completing seven years at school, entered the
Railway Technical Institute in Daugavpils. Worked as an electrician. In 1965
was called up to the Army but a few months later was declared unfit for military
service because of a chronic dislocation of the shoulder. In 1969 he requested
permission to leave for Israel but was refused. Married Mary Mendetevich in 1970.
Repeatedly signed individual and group appeals to various Soviet and foreign
organizations requesting help in leaving for Israel, Arrested with eleven others
June 15 1970, in connection with alleged "hi-jacking" attempt in Leningrad.
Charged in accordance with RSFSR Statutes 64-15 (treason-to flee abroad),
93-15 (theft of government property) and Statutes 70 and 72 (anti-Soviet acts).
Sentenced on December 25, 1970, to 13 years strict regime without confiscation
of property, in absence of such. Reduced on December 30, 1970, by the Supreme
Court of the RSFSR to 10 years strict regime. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR,
USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok Oziorny, Uchrezdenie Ill X 385/17.
Relatives: P. B. Khnokh, brother, Daugavpils, Latvian SSR, USSR Virsku
48, Kv. 100.
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KUZNETSOV, EDUARD SAMUILOVICH
Twenty-nine years old, born of a Russian mother and a Jewish father, his inter-
nal passport states he is Russian but he considers himself to be a Jew. Studied at
the philosophy faculty of Moscow University. Spent seven years in prison on
charge of anti-Soviet activities. Deprived of right to live in Moscow, Leningrad,
and other large cities. Became aware of being a Jew while in prison and talked about
his dream to live in a Jewish state. Worked as an English-Russian interpreter in
the Riga psychiatric hospital. Married Sylva Zalmanson in 1970. Arrested with
eleven others in connection with alleged "hi-jacking" attempt in Leningrad,
in accordance with RSFSR Statutes 64--15 (treason-to flee abroad) and
93-15 (theft of government property) and Statutes 70 and 72 (anti-Soviet activ-
ities). Sentenced to death, without confiscation of property, in the absence of
such. Commuted on December 30, 1970, by the Supreme Court of the RSFSR to
12 years strict regime. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR, St. Potma, Posiolok Yavas,
Ichrezdenie rTCX 385/10.
MENDELEVICII, COSIF MOZUSOVICH
Born in 1947, Jewish. His father sells newspapers. His mother died tragically in
1969[?]. After graduating from school in 1965, entered the Riga Polytechnic.
In 1968, applied together with his relatives to leave for Israel, but was refused. In
1969 left the Institute, considering that his being a student there could be an ob-
stacle to the granting of permission to leave for Israel. In 1970, requested permis-
sion and was again refused. He has signed various appeals to Soviet and foreign
organizations for permission to leave for Israel. In 1970, two weeks after receiving
a Kharakteristika, a character reference, for the OVIR (Office of Visas and Reg-
istration), he was dismissed from work under the pretext of redundancy. Arrested
with eleven others June 15, 1970, in connection with alleged "hijacking" attempt
in Leningrad, charged in accordance with RSFSR Statutes 64--15 (treason-to
flee abroad), 93-15 (theft of government property) and Statutes 70 and 72 (anti-
Soviet acts). Sentenced December 25, 1970 to 15 years strict regime, without con-
fiscation of property, in the absence of such. Reduced on December 30, 1970, by
the-Supreme Court of the RSFSR to 12 years strict regime. Address: Mordovskaja
ASSR, USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok Oziorny, Uchrezdenie ?I#X 385/17a.
Relatives: M. A. Mendelevich, father and E. M. Mendelevich, sister Riga, Lat-
vian SSR, USSR, Kirova 18, Kv. 3
MURZHENKO, ALEKSDY
Twenty-eight years old, Ukrainian. Convicted at age 19 for anti-Stalin utter-
ances and served 6 years in a prison camp for political prisoners. Has command of
five languages. Twice after he served his term of imprisonment he tried to enter
an institute of higher education but both times he was not admitted although he
passed a competitive exam. Ile was told that with his past he `cannot count on
becoming a translator.' Recently Murzhenko worked in a factory at Lozovaya
station and was elected chairman of the local trade union committee. Arrested
with eleven others in connection with alleged "hi-jackin " attempt in Leningrad,
charged in accordance with RSFSR Statutes 64-15 treason-to flee abroad)'
and 93-15 (theft of government property). Sentenced to 14 years special regime,
without confiscation of property, none being owned. Address: Mordovskaja
ASSR, USSR, St. Potma. Posiolok Yavas, Uchrezdenie ?IC X 385/10.
PALATNIK, RAiZA ANATOLYEVNA
Age 35, Jewish, worked in Odessa as a librarian- Shortly after she had written
to Israel requesting that her relatives there be located, a search of her apartment
was made on October 14, TWO, by the KGB (secret police), and followed by a
4-hour interrogation on October 15. Interrogation and searches continued until
her arrest on December 1. Charged under paragraph 187/1 Ukrainian Criminal
Code with slandering the Soviet Union. Sentenced June 24, 1971 to two years.
In August 1971, Yekatrina Palatnik, Raiza Pa]atnik's sister, sent a letter to
the International Red Cross and to the Red Cross of Russia describing the dete-
rioration of Raiza's health and asking them to intercede.
"A short while ago when I visited my sister in prison I was shocked that the
state of Raiza's health is now worse than it was before her detention, In July
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Raiza had a heart attack that left her left hand paralyzed. She had become very
thin from undernourishment. It is stifling and hot in her cell and the sanitary
conditions are very difficult. Raiza is very ill now as a result of 8 months deten-
tion under difficult conditions. Before she was sent to prison she was healthy.
Please use your influence on the prison authorities in Odessa to improve the
nourishment given to Raiza and her living conditions."
The latest address available is an Odessa prison. Odessa, Ukrainian SSR,
USSR, GSP 514 PYA YUG 311/192.
Relative: Sister, Katia Palatnik Odessa, Ukrainian SSR, USSR, Yakir 23,
Kv. 3. [Raiza Palatnik arrived in fsrael in December 1972.1
PN:NSON, BORIS
Aged about 25, Jewish, worked in Riga as an artist in advertising. Did a great
deal of painting independently, has a series of works which have never been
exhibited because he is not a member of the Union of Artists. In 1969 requested
permission to leave for Israel with his relatives (elderly parents) but permission
was refused. Arrested with eleven others on June 15, 1970 in connection with
alleged "hi-jacking" attempt in Leningrad. Charged in accordance with RSFSR
statutes 64-15 (treason-to flee abroad) and 93-15 (theft of government property).
Sentenced December 25, 1970 to ten years strict regime with confiscation of
property, i.e. his paintings. Ile is presently in a labor camp for political prisoners
in the Potma area. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR., USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok
Lesnoy, Uchrezdenie )E X 385/19-2.
Twenty-four years old, Jewish. Student at Riazan Institute of Radio Tech-
nology. Applied to emigrate to Israel. Arrested in August, 1969. Charged in
accordance with RSFSR Statute 70 (anti-Soviet propaganda) and Statute 72
(anti-Soviet organization). Tried by a secret tribunal. Sentenced February 19,
1970, to 7 years strict regime. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR, USSR, St. Potma,
Posiolok Lesnoy, Uchrezdenie )E X 385/19-1.
ZALMANSON, VOLF IOSIFOVICII
Born November 2, 1939 in Riga, Jewish. In 1962 graduated from the Riga
Agricultural Academy, becoming a mechanical engineer. Worked as such in
Riga up to 1968. Called up into the Army in 1968: this was an obstacle in his
application to leave for Israel. Served as a lieutenant in Kaunas, Lithuanian
SSR. Arrested with eleven others on June 15, 1970, in connection with alleged
"hi-jacking" attempt in Leningrad. Tried separately by a military court, under
articles of the criminal code covering treason by flight abroad, theft of state
property, and military desertion. Sentenced January 8, 1971 to ten years strict
regime. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR, USSR, St. Potma, Uchrezdenia )E X 385.
Relatives: I. V. Zalmanson. father and Z. 1. Zalmanson, brother, Riga, Latvian
SSR, USSR, Veidenbaum 45, Kv. 22.
ZALMANSON, SYLVIA IOSIFOVNA
Born October 25, 1944 in Siberia, Jewish. In 1968 graduated from the Riga
Polytechnical Institute, becoming a mechanical engineer. Worked as a designer
at the "Sarkana Zvaigzne" factory in Riga. In 1968 tried in vain to obtain per-
mission to leave for Israel. Appealed to Soviet and foreign organizations. In 1970
married Kuznetsov, Eduard Samuilovitch. In 1970, was deprived of the pos-
sibility to appeal again for permission to leave for Israel as the management of
her factory refused to give her a personal reference.
Arrested with eleven others on June 15, 1970, in connection with alleged "hi-
jacking" attempt in Leningrad. Charged in accordance with RSFSR Statutes
64-15 (treason-to flee abroad), 93-18 (theft of governmet property), 70 (anti-
Soviet propaganda), and 72 (anti-Soviet organization). Sentenced December 25,
1970, to ten years strict regime without confiscation of property, in absence of
such.
Sylvia has suffered a severe loss of hearing in prison and is likely to go deaf. Her
general physical condition is very poor. See letter from her uncle, reproduced be-
los. Address: Mordovskaja ASSR, USSR, St. Potma, Posiolok Yavas, Uchrezdenie
IEX385.
Relatives: I. V. Zalmanson, father and Z. I. Zalmanson, brother Riga,`Latvian
SSR, USSR, Veidenbaum 45, Kv. 22.
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228
UNION OF COUNCILS FOR SOVIET JEWS
WESTERN REGION
Bay Area Council for Soviet Jewry, Southern California Council for Soviet
Jews, California Students for Soviet Jews, San Diego Council for Soviet Jews.
CENTRAL REGION
Cleveland Council on Soviet Anti-Semitism, Toronto Student Council for Soviet
Jews, Pittsburgh Voice for Soviet Jewry, Chicago Council for Soviet Jewry.
EASTERN REGION
South Florida Conference for Soviet Jewry, Zechor-S.E. Virginia Council for
Soviet Jews, Washington Committee for Soviet Jewry, Long Island Committee
for Soviet Jewry, Montreal Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry, Greater Philadel-
phia Council for Soviet Jews.
ZALMANSON ABRAHAM,
Bat Yam, Israel, August 25, 1971.
AMERICAN RED CROSS,
Chapter Headquarters,
District of Columbia, U.S.A.
DSAR SIR: My niece Sylva Zalmanson is presently in a Soviet Union labor
camp as a result of a court conviction set upon her on Dec. 24, 1970 for her attempt
to reach Israel to her freedom.
As her uncle who knows her from birth and saw her grow together with my own
daughter, I am also familiar with her past medical history and I am therefore very
much concerned for her he jl ~h
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Letter Smuggled Out of Potma Camp.
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APPEAL OF A GROUP OF FORMER PRISONERS OF ZION TO THE PEOPLE OF ISRAEL,
TO THE WORLD JEWISH COMMUNITIES, TO ALL THE PEOPLE OF GOOD WILL,
We, Prisoners of Zion-victims of the anti-Jewish trials in the USSR in recent
years-who are now free and in Israel, entreat in behalf of our friends who are
still languishing in prisons.
We appeal to all the people of good will, to all the Jewish communities in the
world, to the pecple of Israel-to strengthen the struggle for their release.
We spent only 1-2 years behind barbed wire. But even in this comparatively
short period we felt that we were disintegrating physically. Hard work, mal-
nourishment, absence of any elementary medical care, systematic punishments
such as transfer to isolation cells or deprivation of food-all these are more than
enough to bring a normal, healthy man to a state of total physical exhaustion.
And an ill man-to death. A gocd illustration of this is the death of Yuri
Galanskov in one of the Mordovian camps. He was not able to survive the condi-
tions in which he was being held for a period of less than six years, and died
only a year before he was due to be released. In the prime of life, only 33 years
old, he died because he was not given the elementary medical care he required.
Nevertheless, even the horrible conditions of life, slave labour, brutal punish-
ments do not fully characterise the tragic position cf the Jewish political prisoners.
There is another factor, which may seem to be less horrible, but which, in fact,
is more dangerous. We refer to the anti-semitic persecution of the imprisoned
Jews-humiliation by KGB-men and jailers, beatings and insults from the other
prisoners who had once collaborated with the Nazis. This makes the situation
of the Prisoners of Zion especially difficult. The imprisoned Jews may complain
only to the local administration, but their complaints remain within the confines
of the concentration camp and may be transmitted only with the approval of
local camp officials. And these officials are inveterate anti-semites who punish
the victim of the crime, but not the criminal.
Complete harmony exists between the camp administration and the former
collaborators. And it cannot be otherwise, for we are sure that the administra-
tors, as well as the imprisoned collaborators, follow their baser instincts because of
the fact that the higher authorities encourage such actions.
The Soviet authorities are now aware that the imprisoned Jews continue
to struggle for their right to leave for Israel, even in the concentration camps.
So it has been decided to "break these people". For this purpose they have created
an unbearable living and working environment. The Soviet authorities and the
camp administration do everything possible to hide the truth about the real
conditions of the Prisoners of Zion from the public and to keep them in utter
isolation.
The dirty work is done behind an iron curtain which they have built.
It has already become an accepted norm that the imprisoned Jews are constantly
deprived of the rights to which they are entitled even under Soviet law.
They are unable to receive any information from outside the iron curtain.
All this is not at all surprising, this is the very nature of Soviet society. But one
cannot but be appalled at the indifference and apathy of world public opinion.
The number of Soviet Jews who are condemned for their desire to leave for
Israel is growing daily. In order not to provoke the same reaction as took place
after the Leningrad trials, the Soviet authorities are holding spurious trials
behind closed doors against individual Jews (Markman, Brindt, Chautzis, Liu-
barsky, Shkolnik). But the verdicts are not less severe as previously.
We have undergone all the tortures which now await the courageous, innocent
people. Now we are in our Homeland. But the thought of the fate of our friends
remains with us.
From our own bitter experience we know that any weakening of the world's
solidarity with the Prisoners of Zion at present makes their already harsh situation
even more horrible.
The 15th of December, 1972, marked 2 years since the first Leningrad trial
and on the 24th December 1970 the death sentence verdict for innocent people
aroused worldwide indignation.
We, the friends of the victims of these trials, call upon you:
Demand from your governments, parliaments, political parties and public
organizations that whenever possible during each and every contact with Soviet
representatives they raise the question of the liberation of the Prisoners of Zion;
send petitions, letters, telegrams with the same demands to the Soviet authorities;
Organise protest meetings and send the resolutions adopted to the Soviet
authorities as well as to the various international organisations;
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Write to the Prisoners of Zion, give them moral encouragement!
Freedom for all our brothers, who have been put in concentration camps,
their only crime a yearning to remain Jews, a wish to live in their Motherland
despite the Soviet policy of forced assimilation!
Averbuch (Aleksandrovich) Ruth, Voloshin Arkady, Outman Lily,
Palatnik Raiza, Trachtenberg Lazar, Shepshelovich Mikhail, Shor Hilel.
THE CASE OF BORIS PENSON
Boris Penson was born in Tashkent, Uzbekhistan in 1946, his family moved
shortly afterwards to Riga. When Boris was only ten years old his father was ar-
rested and sentenced to seven years of hard labor. At fourteen Boris entered the
studio of the painter Simon Gelberg. He remained there until the age of seventeen
when he himself was arrested and sentenced to hard labor. Released in 1968 after
three and one half years in prison, he painted intensively until his second arrest in
June 1970. He had become active in the Jewish national movement and had
painted posters for Rumbule-the "Babi Yar" of Riga. This short span of activity
ended when he was accused and convicted of planning the theft of an airplane to
escape from Russia. This time he was sentenced to ten years of forced labor and his
personal property was confiscated. He is currently imprisoned in a labor camp, hav-
ing served two years of the ten year sentence. Boris started a hunger strike on the
first of January, 1973, this being the only "legal" form of protest permitted in
Soviet labor camps.
Boris Penson's paintings have been secretly brought from Russia by his
friends. His work was shown at the Jewish Museum in New York (October and
November 1972) and reviewed most favorably. Affected by the squalor and terror
of prison, he gropes toward formal means that can evoke the moods of anguish
and oblivion, the feelings of being both threatened by and estranged from Soviet
society, and the fear of being rendered extinct as a human being.
In his "self portrait" [See p. 282] one senses behind the introverted and re-
strained expression a confident assertion of the self which is grounded in commit-
ment and defiance. It is an image of a tense young man with great inner resources
and strength. The artist shows a genuine inventiveness and potential, Boris
Penson, twenty six years old.
Boris Penson writes from a Soviet prison: May 18th, 1972.... I am tortured by
the vivid experience of an idea that becomes a vision-colors, lines, forms, half-
shadows. Often it gets together in a stormy Way. This is almost jazz music, an
improvisation. One can improvise for a long time. There are variations and more
variations, until almost nothing remains of the idea. The outside world can accept
or refuse whatever has arisen, there can be empathy, this depends on the force of
the work, also much depends on the spectators themselves... .
August 12, 1971. It is the same forever, weekdays without end or limit, large
round tree trunks, shreds of boiled-out cabbage for lunch. Your letters, even post-
cards, are feast days. No possibility to paint or draw. I think of paintings. I was
always in haste to paint. I have no patience, I want so much to paint. Now I know
what I want and how to do it. Everything is clear and lucid, as it never was in that
other life. Forgive me for my rare and short letters. There is an unavoidable pair
of eyes that poisons the desire to write.
LETTERS FROM BORIS PENSON, SOVIET JEWISH "PRISONER OF CONSCIENCE,"
MAY 18, 1972
MOISHE! [Translated from Russian]
You are quite a fellow! Everything's ok. I'm glad you're now forced to take up
art. This is not without use. Maybe you'll take up art history seriously? There
might be a possibility to study from afar. This is not easy but a worthwhile oc-
cupation. I can well imagine how difficult these things are for you now!
Regarding the names for paintings, I can only recommend in difficult cases
(maybe this is even better), not to give names but call them "opus no. so-and-so",
or "variation, number so-and-so." Often a name is important because it gives a
key or a certain superstructure to the painting. And even more to my works,
which as you rightly remarked, are specific. This is a difficult task to make you
understand, now, in a letter, an idea on the cluster of thoughts that trouble me.
But I will try, slightly, to express some of these ideas. These could really form a
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treatise. I will take just one as an example. But, of course, it is important for you
to grasp not an idea but the very essence of painting, or rather, of what I want
in art.
The idea of civilization appears to me as the antagonism, rendered visible, of
the Town and the Steppe. The Town, the City, is the result of civilization, the
Steppe is the past. Of course, as you will easily understand, this is quite subjective,
a convention, I bring it in a "literary" form, as if it was an essay composed by
your friend.
Grey, busy, stifling, the City froze, after becoming empty. Empty, pale, it
sailed off into blue space. Now it is violet, under a red sky like clotted blood, and
it lights up in a multitude of windows that are small cubbyholes, and then all
is black.
In the cubbyholes are people. Everyone has a slit. This is the concrete mass or
organized space. At night, many will exist no longer, just like yesterday, just like
tomorrow. After giving to the City all their life, they will suddenly leave it, they
will disappear, like you will disappear yourself, unavoidably.
Like all women, she came when she was no longer awaited. The dead city all
around, silent. She came surprisingly for herself. An empty flat at night. Her bond
with the City-black underwear, sophisticated mourning. A stranger, naked, a
woman. Lace, dark shadows-a city woman; but still a steppe woman. A Russian
Tartar; her body is firm, elongated, her breasts slightly heavy, with hardened
nipples; her breasts smell of bitter herbs, of mint. Her legs are strong and smooth.
There is a trembling strip of light on the window, on the floor, on her body.
She is glowing, her underwear is sticky, she is hunted and almost happy. The
steppe looks through her eyes.
But these are just words, and it happens even more often that there are not
even words, just an unexpressed sensation. This is, for me, a skeleton of "subject
matter." This can be a foundation, or be a starting-point. I am tortured by the
vivid experience of an idea that becomes a vision-colors, lines, forms, half-
shadows. All this finally reaches the cardboard during the process of work. Often
it gets together in a stormy way. This is almost jazz music, an improvisation. One
can improvise for a long time. There are variations and more variations, until
almost nothing remains of the idea. It is covered by pigments, only the experience
remains. Work not always gets on. Thus, sometimes, other things happen. That is
characteristic of me, maybe.
Existentialism is natural to me in the form of an act, a living through an idea at
the very moment it is born, when the process is important in itself. Then the work
is finished, it begins to live a life of its own, and already exists for me in another
form. (This is like in the old Jewish joke: Chaim, you have so many children, are
you so very fond of them?-I am not so much fond of children, as I enjoy this
kind of occupation . . .) The outside world can accept or refuse whatever has
arisen, there can be empathy, this depends on the force of the work, or one does
find something of one's own; then, also, much depends on the spectators them-
selves .
All this, of course, is coarse, superficial. I write like a stormy wave, and in order
to formulate all this into a streamlined system, one must touch on many other factors.
As you will understand, this is not possible, also I don't like talking about myself,
I write it down just for you, I want you to grasp, or rather, to feel the taste of the
labor of painting. I do not know how far I succeed to impart this to you.
Your drawing outfit I got. This is all excellent. Thank you! However, there is
the fact that just now there have arrived more explicit and more detailed instruc-
tions, according to which I can use only simple black pencils and paper. Please
send from now on to Mother only pencils of various trademarks (rather soft) and
paper.
I embrace you, and await news eagerly.
Shalom MOIsHE : I am compelled to write in telegraphic text, hope it will
reach you. Your actions are wonderful-everything causes deepest satisfaction.
Only the active creation of a situation, where our being here will become a run-
ning sore, can bring about success. We react to every persecution by complaining
immediately to any authority which might be suitable. It is important that as
far as possible, this should receive a broad coverage. However, since all small
incidents are dynamic and very quickly lose actuality, there are the things that
should receive chief attention:
1. The continuing fact of horrible food (the foodstuffs are only approximately
fit for human consumption and the result is 500 calories).
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2. We are kept together with war criminals.
3. Since we have renounced Soviet citizenship and on the basis of the above,
efforts should be made to have us transferred into a zone for foreigners.
4. The most cruel treatment during hunger strikes (we are forced to work
while fasting during the first three days, we are isolated thereupon in the punitive
isolator, the doctors treat us worse than dogs, and half an hour after we stop the
hunger strike, we are chased out to work.)
You should not get astonished at our frequent hunger strikes-this is the only
half-official form of protesting, and according to law, it cannot he a pretext for
further persecution.
5. We are continually persecuted because of our nationality (insults, all kinds
of administrative pressures, provocations, punishments, the raising of the other
inhabitants against us).
Generally speaking, lawlessness, irresponsibility, arbitrary treatment-this of
course is no news for you personally. This is about everything I can say on our
general situation.
You, of course, feel and know everything. I simply want to stress the justifica-
tion of your way of acting.
This is everything I can write to you now.
I embrace and kiss you,
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UKRANIAN NATIONALISM
THE CASE OF YURIY SHUKHEVICH
His ONLY CRIME: SON OF GEN. CHUPRYNKA
[From "Revolutionary Voices" 1971, OSB Publishing House, Munich]
To the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian
Soviet Socialist Republic from the political prisoner Yuriy Shukhevich-Berezyn-
skyi. 28th July, 1967.
STATEMENT
In September, 1963 I was transported under escort through halting places,
from the Mordovian concentration camps where I had been imprisoned, to Kyiv
into the prison of the KGB (i.e. State Security Committee-Ed.) at the Council
of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR. [See photograph, p. 275.]
I was not notified by anyone about the reason of my transfer into the investi-
gation prison. And only from the fact that from time to time I was taken by officials
of the KGB to theatres, museums, factories in Kyiv, and also conducted to
Zaporizhia, Kakhivka, Kherson, and Kaniv, I could conclude about the real
reasons and demands which I would have to face later.
And this did really happen in July, 1964, when the officials of the KGB, Colonel
Kalash, and captains Lytvyn and Merkatanenko put to me a demand that I
should write a kind of declaration which could be published in the Soviet press
and which would make it evident that I was breaking with the nationalistic
ideas. Upon my question whether this should be a declaration that I would abstain
from any anti-Soviet activity whatsoever, the answer was that this would not
do. I should write something where I would condemn nationalism in general,
condemn the activities of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, quote
some facts that would compromise Ukrainian nationalists, as well as condemn
my father, Roman Shukhevich, who in the years 1944-1950 was the leader of
the underground resistance movement in Ukraine.
Upon my refusal to write (or to broadcast any statement of such contents),
they proposed to me to describe at least my journey through Ukraine, so that it
could be published in the press. When I also rejected this proposal, Col. Kalash
stated that I should do it, for then the KGB would initiate proceedings towards
obtaining a pardon for me.
and this
are as follows:
But as I do not feel guilty in any I declared, presenting my motives in way, written form. These such
1. As far back as 1956, the Prosecutor General successfully appealed against
the decision of the court at Vladimir (i.e. Vladimir on the Klyazma, east of
Moscow-Ed.) by which I was released from imprisonment, on the basis of the
decree from 24. 4. 1954, as having been arrested at the age of adolescence, motivat-
ing his action by the allegation that I had tried to contact centres of Ukrainian
of the (without producing of the Organza on of Ukrafather
inian an
was the nationalists
leader abroad
Nationalists (which I cannot deny).
2. On the 21st August, 1958, on the day when I should have been released after
ten years of imprisonment, on the basis of the decision of the OSO (Osoboye
Soveshhaniye-Special Council-Ed.) of the MGB (Ministry of State Secu-
rity-Ed.) of the USSR I was delivered a new order for my arrest, motivated by
the absolutely false accusation of anti-Soviet agitation among the prisoners of the
Vladimir prison.
3. The accusations were based on the false testimonies by two agents of the
KGB, ordinary criminals, specially prepared by Senior Lieut. Haisky (now
colonel Halsky) for that kind of witnessing, for which they were promised special
privileges (which they later received).
4. The above-mentioned witnesses (Burkov and Fomehenko) gave false evi?
dence, contradicting one another, or even their previous testimonies.
(241)
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242
5. It was put to me as a crime (and as one of the main counts) that I was
interested in the details of the death of my father, who was killed on the 5th March,
1950 in the village of Bilohorshcha near Lviv (West Ukraine-Ed.)
6. During my arrest on 21st August, 1958, a few poems by Olha Ilkiv were
found among my possessions and confiscated. The poems were purely lyrical.
Nevertheless they were enclosed with my case and put to me as a crime on the
grounds that Olha Ilkiv had been sentenced for membership in the OUN (Organi-
sation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Ed.) and for illegal activities, and also because
her poems had previously been printed in underground publications, about which I
learned only during the investigation.
7. The literary expertise (the experts were Lesyn and Kozachuk) was conducted
not only in an unsatisfactory, but extraordinarily unscrupulous manner. It quali-
fied the verses found with me and confiscated from me as nationalistic, which
bears no relation to reality.
8. Disregarding the fact that "the crime" was committed at Vladimir-on-the-
Klyazma (Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic) and that, consequently,
in accordance with the existing laws, the case should have been heard by the
Vladimir Region Court, I was transported to the KGB prison at Lviv where the
investigation was continued, and where I was sentenced by the Lviv Region
Court.
9. Although the KGB organs camouflage all their activities with the talk about
the interests of the people, my trial on 1st December, 1958 was conducted behind
closed doors, contrary to the existing laws, and this proves that I was kept hidden
from the sight of the people for fear lest the unattractive machinations of the
Lviv KGB become known.
10. During the trial the judges did not aim at an unprejudiced consideration of
all the details but at executing the instructions of the KGB, to have me sentenced
at any price.
11. My appointed defense lawyer (Smirnova) acquainted herself with my case
only immediately before the session of the court. Having realised that I could not
rely upon any objective defense, I refused to have a lawyer, but the court ignored
my request to conduct my defense myself, wishing thus to cover up all the abuses
of the juridical norms on their side.
12. The experts of the court literary expertise, during the questioning, allowed
themselves very often to transgress the limits of their competence, as defined by
law, and put to me provocative questions (with the permission of the court)
which referred more to my personal views than to the materials of the case.
13. During the court investigation only the witnesses of the prosecution were
heard (Fomchenko and Burkov), while the court did not find it necessary to hear
the evidence of twelve witnesses who could have refuted the evidence by Burkov
and Fomchenko.
14. Being afraid that even at a trial behind closed doors I would be able by my
questions to reveal the falsity of the testimonies by the witnesses for the prosecu-
tion, the court did not allow me to put questions to the winesses, which could
have unmasked them as the agents of the KGB who were giving evidence according
to the instructions received from Halsky.
15. Although it was clear from the first glance that the witnesses were spurious,
that their testimonies were false, the court ruled that only they were trustworthy,
refusing to accept any other explanations or evidence, declaring that it was the
right of the court to give preference to these or other testimonies as deserving
trust.
16. When, however, the witnesses proved themselves incapable of fulfilling
their tasks, namely to prove logically my guilt, the members of the court and the
prosecutor came to their rescue and directly suggested to them what they should
answer. Prosecutor Kolyasnikov who supported the accusation proved himself
(especially eager in this direction).
17. The members of the court and the prosecutor were more interested in my
convictions, as if these were punishable, than in the details of the case, and they
persisted in putting a stress on them as well as on whose son I was.
As the result of such irregularities, I was sentenced, according to the wishes of
the KGB, to ten years of imprisonment. Although I had previously guessed the
reasons for such a sentence, yet shortly afterwards I found out that my premoni-
tions were well founded. Thus, still during the preliminary investigation, in-
investigator Vinogradov declared to me that the investigation was only the be-
ginning and that later the officers of the security organs would have to lot to
talk about with me.
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His words came true shortly after the sentence was passed by the court. Within
a few weeks I was called to see Senior Lieut. Halsky and, during the interview, he
admitted, without any reservations, that the sentence was passed on the basis of
false evidence and that it was without foundations, but-and here I quote his
words-"with your views and your convictions we cannot set you free". I should
give proofs of my loyalty in the form of a press conference, an article, a p WepWere
or a broadcast in which I would condemn the OUN, my father, etc. I
sure that you would talk with us on this sort of subject, we would not have had to
resort to such methods as arrest and court trial", Halsky said in conclusion.
It became clear to me that my trial was inspired by the KGB with the intention
of blackmail in order to force me to come out with the required public statement,
and that it had nothing in common with justice. For an act of this kind I was
promised review of the court sentence and release from prison. When however, I
refused I was sent to the political concentration camps in Mordovia.
I explained all this in writing to Col. Kalash, and this made further talks on
similar themes impossible.
But even afterwards the KGB did not leave me in peace, because already a
year later, in July 1965, I was called in the concentration camp to see the local
representative of the KGB, Capt. Krut', who declared that I should write a pe-
tition for pardon to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR.
I refused to write such a thing and agreed to write only a short statement in which
I explained that I had been innocently sentenced, and that all my appeals to the
judicial and prosecuting organs had been without any results, and therefore I was
writing to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. The KGB, however, was not
satisfied with it and in a categorical form Capt. Krut' demanded from me a peti-
tion for pardon, which I refused to write. He then declared that the administra-
tion would submit such a petition itself.
As became clear later, no such petition was ever sent, and my statement was not
answered. From this I understood that it has not even been sent to the Presidium.
And all this comedy was staged only in order that such a petition be attached to my
file. For in this way the KGB would have shifted responsibility from itself, be-
cause a petition for pardon is tantamount to an admission of guilt. But my "case"
was too obviously sown with white threads, as was confirmed by Capt. Lytvyn,
who said that the guilt of the Lviv KGB consisted in that it had been unable to
prepare the case adequately.
Consequently, they are not troubled by the obvious injustice done, by the
violation of legality, but by the incapability to fabricate skillfully the necessary
evidence. Therefore this incapability had to be camouflaged by my petition for
pardon which then would have wiped out all the traces of the flagrant abuse of the
law, the traces of the crime.
Out of my 34 years of life I have spent 19 years in prison. For the first 10 years I
was imprisoned on the basis of the decision of the Special Council at the Ministry
of State Security of the USSR. And although the 20th Congress of the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union declared the Special Council at the MGB an
illegal organ, its decisions have not been declared null and void, and therefore
many people, myself included, continued to suffer imprisonment, and some still do
so. I received the next 10 year sentence on the direct instructions of the KGB on the
basis of the evidence fabricated by it. They continue to persecute my mother,
Natalia Shukhevich-Berezyns'ka. And all this happens under the resounding dec-
larations about justice, legality, and so on.
No, I have long ago ceased to believe in the declared justice and legality, which
I have never seen embodied in practice.
Therefore I turn to you now, when only one year is left before the second term of
my imprisonment runs out, not because I have any illusions on your account, not
because I hope that you are able to intervene and to vindicate the justice trampled
under foot. Nol
I turn to you because it may happen that in a few months' time a new crime
will be perpetrated against me; they will again fabricate a new case to get me
sentenced for the third time.
And, if not, there is no one to warrant that in a few months' time I shall not be
killed from behind a street corner by hired assassins as was done with many a
political prisoner after their release. I should like to mention just the cases of
Lytvyn, Vartsabuik, Bergs, Melnikans and others. Or I shall die a mysterious
death.
Or it may happen that a mass crime will be repeated on political prisoners in
Mordovia (and everything is ready for that)-that they all will be physically
destroyed, and later the executors of that crime will be annihilated.
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This was the reason that prompted me to address myself to you, so that you
should know these things, and that later, in the future, you would not be able to
say that you had not been properly informed, that all this was done without your
knowledge, and that you bear no responsibility for similar actions by the KGB.
MORDOVIA-OZERNYI
A LETTER FROM VIACHESLAY CHORNOVIL
["Revolutionary Voices,' OSB Publishing-House, Munich]
To the Prosecutor; Chairman of the People's Court, Chairman of the State Security
Committee at the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic
(Ukr.SSR).
I ask nothing from you. Numerous questions, applications, complaints and
petitions were shattered against the cold wall of your indifference. With a sullen
silence you answered the Lenin Prize Laureate M. Stellnakh, the Shevchenko
Prize Laureate A. Malyshko, the world famous aircraft designer 0. Antonov, the
film director S. Paradzhanov, the composers P. Mayboroda and V. Koreyko,
the writers L. Serpilin, L. Kostenko and I. Drach. They did not ask much, just
publicity, an open trial of those arrested in Kyiv, Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil.
You were approached with a petition by a large group---over 70 persons-of
writers, scientists, students and workers. They also did not want much: to be
present at the court trial of their friends, comrades, acquaintances and relations.
It was they whom the militiamen later pushed out even from the corridor of the
building where, quietly and some distance from the view of human beinggs, they
made short work of the student of the Kyiv Medical Institute, Yaroslav Heveych.
There were many of them surrounded by the militiamen and soldiers in the Lviv
Oblast Court and so held, while the court secretly pronounced the verdict on
the Horyns. For many a long month the mothers, wives and children longed at
least to see their sons, husbands and fathers who were languishing behind the
bars. [See photograph, p. 281.]
An orgy of searches and interrogations even now makes the Ukrainian intel-
ligentsia feel sick and prevents many of them from the possibility of continuing
their creative activity in peace. You are indifferent to human dramas, to a demoral-
ising influence of fear which, like a repulsive snake, creeps into the midst of many
of the Ukrainian families. For you, allegedly, there exists only the law. Let us
look, then, at what has now been happening in Ukraine from the point of view of
socialist legality. We now have enough material for conclusions. I am not sending
my notes because I hope to alleviate the fate of those arrested and condemned.
You have already made the people lose the habit of such naive hopes. But not to
make known one's attitude to what has been happening would mean becoming a
silent accomplice in an act of arbitrariness over socialist legality.
A SLIDE BACK TO TERROR OR JUSTICE?
The Soviet court should not relapse into terror. Its duty is to punish justly for
crimes and to re-educate. About the humaneness of the Soviet court a law faculty
student learns in his first year. About this the laws say the following: "While
applying measures of criminal punishment, the court does not merely punish
the criminals, but also has as its aim their guidance and re-education". ("The
Law on the Judicial System of the Ukrainian SSR", p. 3).
In recent years there has been a stress made on the widest participation of the
public in the re-education of people who infringe on the laws (community courts,
probation, people's prosecutors and advocates at a court investigation, etc.).
Article 20 of the Criminal Procedural Code of the Ukrainian SSR does not only
guarantee the open character of the court investigation (with some insignificant,
clearly defined exceptions), but also stresses the necessity, in order to raise the
educational role of court trials, to "widely practice the holding of court trials
directly at undertakings, building sites, on state and collective farms with the
participation in indispensable cases of prosecutors and people's defenders".
The law guarantees all-round, full and objective investigation of the circum-
stances of cases, envisages punishment of investigators, judges and other persons
who try to ensure the conviction of an accused person or-a witness by resorting
to violence, threats and intimidation. The law clearly defines the norms of legal
procedure which safeguard the right of the suspect or accused, guarantee respect
of his dignity and give him the possibility of proving his innocence.
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Finally, and this is particularly important, the law binds the investigating
bodies, the office of the prosecutor and the court, "to bring to light the conditions
which were conducive to committing the crime, and to take measures through the
appropriate bodies to eliminate them . . . making extensive use of the help
from the community for the uncovering and elimination of causes and circum-
stances which are conducive to the commitment of crimes . . ." (Art. 23 of the
Criminal Procedural Code of the Ukr.SSR).
Let us say that having noted that the interest in the Ukrainian publications
from abroad and in anonymous handwritten literature is connected with acute
dissatisfaction with the present-day violations of the Leninist nationalities' policy,
and with petty and important discrimination measures regarding the national
language, culture, etc.-Themis' servants should of necessity bring to the notice
of party and state bodies the problem of that ground which nourishes such feel-
ings and leads to action which the criminal code defines as criminal.
I am basing my notes on the infringement of the elementary requirements of
justice on the material, most of which I enclose (in copy from):
1. Enquiry from M. Stelmakh, A. Malyshko and H. Mayboroda to the Central
Committee of the Communist Party in Ukraine about arrests;
2. Petitions for public and open court trial procedure sent to the CC of the
Communist Party in Ukraine by a group of intellectuals;
3. Petition to the Prosecutor of the Ukr.SSR and Chairman of the KGB (State
Security Committee) at the Council of Ministers of the Ukr.SSR on the admis-
sion to the trials (78 signatures) ;
4. Petition from a group of artists to the Supreme Court of the Ukr.SSR in
connection with a verdict passed on the teacher Ozernyi;
5. Petition from the 'writers in Lviv to the Regional Court for parole for V.;
6. Two complaints to the Ukr.SSR Prosecutor from the artist A. Horska at
the violation of the norms of legal procedure during the preliminary investigation
and trial;
7. Statement from V. Chornovil to the CC of the Communist Party in Ukraine
about the spreading of provocative rumours;
8. Warrant on a search of V. Chornovil's dwelling, a record of the search, two
complaints to the KGB and one to the court at the unlawful removal of old
publications ;
9. Letter to the First Secretary of the CC of the Communist Party of Ukraine
from the literary worker of the newspaper Radyanska Ukraina, P. Skochko, and
transcript taken by him of the court proceedings against the teacher Ozernyi in
Ivano-Frankivsk;
10. Verdict in the case of the Kyiv University student Ya. Hevrych, taken
down in the court;
11. Notes on the first day of the trial of M. Masiutko, taken down outside the
court's door;
12. Svitlychna's statement of refusal of services of an advocate;
13. Svitlychna's telegram to the Presidium of the 23rd CPSU Congress;
14. Karavanskyi's case materials: S. Karavanskyi's petition to the Ukr. SSR
Prosecutor and the article "About One Political Mistake", the article "Three-
faced" (the newspaper Chornomorska Komuna, 21. 9. 1965), a copy of a certificate
of release from imprisonment (19. 12. 1960), S. Karavanskyi's petition to deputy
M. Stelmakh against the illegal 25-year sentence and re-imprisonment without
an investigation, Karavanskyi s wife's petition to M. Stelmakh, S. Karavanskyi's
appeal to bring to answer the author of the article entitled "Three-faced" ?
15. Personal impressions from questionings, confrontation with M. bsadchyi,
trials of Hevrych, Martyniuk, Rusyn, Kuznetsova, the Horyn brothers, Osadchyi
and Zvarychevska;
16. Separate oral reports by eye-witnesses and witnesses (as an exception).
Contradictions between the USSR Constitution and Article 62 of the Ukr.SSR
Criminal Code
What the Art. 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code does not provide punishment
for:
"In accordance with the working people's interests and with the aim of strengthening
the socialist order of the USSR, the law guarantees: a) freedom of speech; b) freedom of
the press; c) freedom of assembly and meetings; d) freedom of processions and demon-
strations" (The USSR Constitution, Article 125).
"Agitation or propaganda aiming at subverting or weakening the Soviet authority,
or the perpetration of defined especially dangerous crimes against the State, the
spreading of slanderous inventions for this purpose, discrediting the Soviet State and
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social system, and also dissemination or preparation or keeping with this same aim
literature of similar content is punishable by loss of freedom for a tei" from 6 months
to 7 years with deportation for a term of five years or without such, or by deportation
for a period from two to five years . . . (Art. 62, No. 1, Criminal Code of the Ukr.SSR,
chapter entitled "Particularly Dangerous Crimes against the State").
"The Court, prosecutor, interrogator and investigating bodies are duty bound within
the limits of their competences to initiate a case in all cases of uncovering of signs of
a crime" (Art. 4 of the Criminal Procedural Code of the Ukr.SSR).
"The law is like a pole, it sticks out no matter how you turn it" (a Ukrainian
folk saying). The artist of great talent P. Zalyvakha, the art critic B. Horyn, the
Lutsk Teachers' Institute lecturers Moroz and Ivashchenko, teacher Ozernyi from
Ivano-Frankivsk region, the Kyiv Medical Institute student Ya. Hevrych, the
Kyiv scientists Rusyn and Martynenko, the Kyiv University laboratory assistant
Kuznetsova, the pensioner from Feodosiya Masiutko and others were tried and
convicted according to Art. 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code.
However, the Art. 62, very "popular" at present, is unconstitutional. The
Supreme Soviet should either annul it, or make it, more definite.
In the present version this article completely strikes out those forms of freedom
which the USSR Constitution guarantees to the citizens. When somebody crit-
icises today's nationality policy for its deviation from the Leninist norms, then
he is fully entitled to it under the Constitution (even if he is mistaken). But
according to the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code, this person may be sent to a strict
regime camp by interpreting the criticism as "propaganda aiming at subverting
or weakening the Soviet authority" (although the point at issue was only the
moral soundness of this authority).
Had anybody in the day of Stalin's rule thought of criticising the cult of his
person and in Khrushchev's day his itch for reorganisation, could not this have
been interpreted (and it was!) as "spreading slanderous inventions denigrating the
Soviet State and social system"? It seems that every argument which does not con-
form with the directives could be described as such "slanderous inventions".
These thoughts have been supported by practice over the past few months. The
judges stretch the elastic article of the code like a concertina. Everybody interprets
the term "anti-Soviet" as he likes. (In Ivano-Frankivsk old-time aphorisms, the
word "campfire" and Shevchenko's poems have become anti-Soviet.) Yaroslav
Hevrych has been condemned to five years of strict regime imprisonment for
several photographic copies of books. From the teacher Ozernyi they confiscate
and name at the trial "History of Ukraine" by Arkas, passed by Tsarist censorship,
the periodical Zhinocha Dolya (Woman's Fate) and the non-political book "The
Ukrainian Bohemia" by the modernist Pachovskyi (these books are available at
libraries). On the other hand, they release the engineer Sadovskyi and teacher
Ivanyshyn "on parole" and tell their colleagues that this man or that woman
"distributed slanderous materials" (i.e. they did the same as Heveych). They
condemn M. Horyn to six years, P. Zalyvakha to five years in strict regime camps,
and release Svitlychnyi and Kosiv without a trial, although all were accused of the
same offense. Where is the logic, then?
The law must be formulated clearly and, according to Art. 4 of the Ukr.SSR
Criminal Procedural Code, not a crime must be left unpunished. But if the present-
day trials are held not to frighten the public, but with-sincere desire to adhere to
the letter and the spirit of the law, then, having said "a", it is necessary to say
also "b". It is necessary immediately to imprison also those who gave the book to
Hevrych, Martyniuk or to Ozernyi. After 6 or 7 months in the care of KGB they
would tell in their turn where they got the book and would get the deserved "le-
gal" 5 or 6 years of hard regime and so forth. This would lead to the inconsiderate
scholar who showed these special stock notes to somebody, or to a, poor chap who
out of idle curiosity took some book from a tourist or a relation who came from
abroad. It is also necessary to deal with anecdotes. For many of them are purest
"slanderous fabrications" which "discredit the State and social order". The bring-
ing to trial for anecdotes so popular among townsfolk would help radically to
solve the housing shortage in big towns.
Article 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code, if applied honestly, enables the pop-
ulation of camps to be expanded to, or even to surpass Stalinist limits. The great
possibilities of this article which can be applied without exception to anyone who
repeats after Mayakovskyi's hero: "We, comrades, need not think if the leaders
think"-is also illustrated by this fact:
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Refusal to Give Evidence in Court
After I refused, on 16th April, to give evidence at a closed trial in Lviv, it
was announced to me that I was being brought to trial in accordance with Art.
172 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code (refusing to testify). The decision was in itself
unlawful, for I refused to give evidence only at a secret trial. But even this de-
cision was not enough for the enraged prosecutor Antonenko and judge Rudyk.
They annulled their own decision and on 19th April decided to make me answer in
accordance with Art. 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code. These dispensers of jus-
tice were not in the least perturbed at the lack of factual support as to my "anti-
Soviet" activity (with the exception of petty statements by Osadchyi not sup-
ported by witnesses or myself), they knew very well what Art. 62 was ... True,
the Ukr.SSR Supreme Court annulled this illegal decision on 17th May. Perhaps
for the mere reason that a signal was not given yet from "above" to imprison
another group of "anti-Soviet agitators and propagandists" .. .
Even Stalin Was Not Afraid of Anti-Soviet Literature
V. I. Lenin was not an all-forgiving humanist. But even in that tense period
when there were the exploiting classes in the country and when enemies pressed
from all sides Lenin was able to agree in 1920 to the abolition of the death penalty.
In his day ahekists (ChK men) tracked down those who with arms in their
hands came out against the Soviet rule or prepared themselves for an armed
sally, but they did not hunt convictions. Lenin did not order imprisonment of a
certain Sukhanov for an anti-Marxist book, but entered into a polemic with the
author. Even Stalin, when he still did not dare to break the Leninist norms of
social life, was not afraid of anti-Soviet literature.
In 1928 the Leningrad workers' publishing house "Priboy" published a large
edition of a book by a White emigrant, V. Shulgin "The Year 1919" which over-
spilled with gall as regards the revolution, and expressed the hope of degeneration
of the Soviet system. The book was reprinted from a foreign edition complete
and unabridged. A short preface stated that Shulgin "is an extreme rightwing
nationalist and monarchist", "brazen Jew hater", that he propagated "zoological
policy of nationalism" (and we shall add that he was not only an instigator of
pogroms of Jews, but also an inveterate enemy of the Ukrainians). It was said
that the book would be useful to the reader at large, for it would help him to see
the enemy at a short distance and to struggle against chauvinism.
From then on the floor was taken by Shulgin himself, and there were no warnings
and no explanations:
"As a rule, chrezvychayka (extraordinary commission; ChK-translator)
must kill somebody. For the authority which exists on blood only it is dangerous
not to have people who commit murders constantly; otherwise they might lose
the habit ." (p. 95)
"This is the headquarters, i.e. the place where they work out methods of how
to force the 150 million people to labour without rest in order that 150 thousand
layabouts who call themselves "proletariat" could do nothing. This system, as
it is known, is called "the dictatorship of the proletariat." (p. 107)
"The Bolsheviks' love of parades is no less than in the era of Paul I." (p. 107)
"It has been said that chrezvychayka received from Moscow 400 absolutely
trustworthy and splendidly trained people. Whether or not is was true. I do not
know, but their external appearance indeed affected the imagination, if it did not
terrify it These people had a well fed and satisfied appearance. Of course,
chrezvychaykas petted and nursed these trustworthy dogs . " (pp. 118-119)
"When a small handful of people of Kornilov, Alekseyev and Denikin thrashed
their hordes it did so only because it was organised on a correct basis-without
any "committees" and "conscientious discipline", i.e. it was organised "in the
manner of the Whites",-then they understood . and they re-established the
army . Of course, they think they have created the Socialist army which has
been fighting "in the name of the International"-but it is nonsense . . . In
actual fact they have re-established the Russian army . . ." (p. 108)
"Our main and our real slogan is United Russia . . . When Denikin went we
did not actually lose him, but hid him somewhere for a time . . We have rolled
up the banner . And who raised it, who unfurled the banner? Strange as it may
seem, this is really so . The banner of united Russia was in fact raised by the
Bolsheviks. Of course, they do not say this . Of course. Lenin and Trotsky
continue to trumpet the International. Allegedly, it was the Communist army that
fought for the planting of the "Soviet republics". But this is only outwardly so
(p. 108)
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248 '
"Socialism will disappear, but the frontiers will remain . . . In any case, one
can, see that the Russian language for the glory of the International has occupied
one sixth of dry land . And it has become apparent that no matter who sits in
Moscow, be it Ulyanov or Romanov (forgive this vulgar contrasting), he is com-
pelled, he "must," as khakhly (derogatory term. for the Ukrainians-trans.)
say, do the work of Ivan Kalita". (p. 198)
"The Reds think they have been fighting for the glory of the International .
In fact, without knowing it, they shed their blood in order to re-establish the
God-protected Russian State only . . . With their red armies "formed whitewise"
they move in all directions until they reach the hard limits, where there begins
strong resistance by other State bodies . . those will be the real frontiers of
the future Russia. The International will disappear, but the frontiers will re-
main . ." (p. 207)
When I wrote down quotations from this book, I put "Leningrad, 1926" after
each quotation. I was afraid of the appearance of comrades from the KGB for
yet another search and of being accused, after tearing out the quotations-in
accordance with Article 62 of the Criminal Code of the Ukr.SSR-of malicious
slander of the Soviet regime, of Lenin, and even of the great power chauvinism.
The fear was not completely groundless. Somewhere in Kyiv Oblast KGB my
exercise book is kept safe with various quotations from the works of writers and
with the bibliography of Ukrainiana published abroad. There is not a single
sentence of my own authorship. Making marginal notes, I did not know when
and in what context I would use those materials (if at all), but in the KGB they
know well that all that was for the "anti-Soviet propaganda and agitation", for
"subversion", "weakening" and "spreading of slanderous fabrications". Other-
wise, they would not have kept the exercise book: half a year together with 35
books of old issue, among which is even a set of a Ukrainian journal of 1900.
In 1926 Stalin was not afraid that all who read Shulgin's book would become
inveterate monarchists and would bring down the Soviet authority. Ten years
later he was already suspicious of treason and shot his closest comrades-at-arms,
and 20 years later this was called the personality cult. Decades have passed by
since, and suddenly in the speeches of some of the leaders the old notes have
sounded.
What Did the KGB Deputy Tell Scientists From the Ukr.SSR Academy of Sciences?
Wittily the Deputy Head of the State Security Committee (KGB) at the Ukr.
SSR Council of Ministers, comrade Shulzhenko, told scientists from the Ukr.SSR
Academy of Sciences about the foreign intelligence services-until he came to
the "ideological subversions". According to his arguments, all oppositional feelings
and activities inside our country are exclusively the result of the bourgeois propa-
ganda and intelligence service influence. Thus, should the bourgeois world sud-
denly cease to exist at the wave of a magic wand, everything would be lovely in
the garden. In the country all would delight in the fate of the passportless serf
bound for life to his collective farm. In the towns the Ukrainians would be proud
of the fact that they had become renegades without their kin or nation. Nobody
would be ashamed for democracy, dropping into a ballot box unread papers with
the name determined at the oblast or rayon level Party committee. The noted
literary critic I. Svitlychnyi would not spend eight months in prison, the art
critic B. Horyn and the artist Zalyvakha would not find themselves behind barbed
wire but would with impunity have called the Russification an act of internation-
alism and would placidly have rejoiced at the success of such "internationalism".
The Deputy Head of the KGB made one more discovery for the Kyiv scientists.
It seems that it would suffice for a person with a still unstable world outlook to
read a book with a "subtext" which in a veiled manner criticises our system, as in
this person there emerge anti-Soviet feelings. Hence it is not far to the conclusion:
fence people off from the undesirable book by all. means, even with the help of
prison and severe regime camps. But where is then the Marxist thesis that social
existence (not hostile books) determines consciousness?
For ten years I was educated in a Soviet school. In the concluding sentence of a
school essay I tried unfailingly to mention the Party and Stalin, even if it hap-
pened that I was writing about the "Song ofPrince Igor". For five years I studied
assiduously Marxism-Leninism at the university. All other disciplines were based
unshakably on the Marxist principles. Finally I passed an examination for the
degree of candidate of Marxist-Leninist philosophy. And suddenly by accident
there fell into my hands some Ukrainian book, published abroad, and, hey presto,
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I have become bourgeois nationalist (without the bourgeoisie!). Later I read a
Peking brochure about the "opportunism of the CPSU" and changed into a
Maoist. Later still I listened to the speech by the Pope of Rome on the radio
(as a matter of fact, it figured in the accusation of the teacher Ozernyi), and
became a Jesuit.
Is it not for the purpose of isolating the Soviet citizens from such kaleidoscopic
changes of world outlook that Art. 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code was thought
out? Marxism-Leninism, without doubt, is stronger than bourgeois ideologies.
Meanwhile here they put people on trial for reading a book published in the
West, while our books and newspapers full of sharp criticism of capitalism,
bourgeois nationalism and the current policy of the capitalist countries, can be
easily acquired (even by post) in the USA, Canada and in a number of other
foreign countries. There is published in Kyiv specially for the Ukrainian emigrants
the newspaper Visti z Ukprainy which it is impossible to read here, in Ukraine,
because it contains a specialised truth, just for export. Could it be that non-
Marxists learned better than our leaders the Marxist-Leninist thesis that revolu-
tions and social and economic tranformations are not for export, that an idea will
take root on a new ground only when the social, economic and political conditions
are ripe for this purpose, that to forbid spreading of ideas means contributing to
their strength and attractiveness. For the latter reason, of course, the inspirers
and executors of these arrests and trials which have been rolling across Ukraine
in a sinister wave should be also liable for punishment according to Art. 62 of
the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code.
What does Art. 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code teach the citizens? It teaches
them blindly and accurately to follow in the footsteps of the latest newspaper
norms; it teaches them the bureaucratic morals of philistinism-to fear and to
look over their shoulders.
How Are "The Particularly Dangerous Anti-State Criminals Unmasked?"
"The sanctity of citizens' homes and secrecy of correspondence are protected by
law". (USSR Constitution, Art. 128)
" Unlawful search, unlawful eviction or other acts that violate the sanctity of citizens'
homes committed by official persons are punishable by imprisonment . . ." (Art. 130
of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code)
"Violation of the secrecy of correspondence by official persons is punishable by
corrective labour ." (Art. 131 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code)
The Party considers that the moral code of a builder of Communism includes
these moral precepts:
" humane relations and mutual respect among people: one human being is to
another human being a friend, comrade and brother . . ." (CPSU Programme)
"In an age when the whistling of rockets have awaked Mars' inhabitants, who
could have thought that in the town shadows were following someone".
(M. Kholodnyi)
. It is easier to work for the KGB men than for the militia men. A hooligan or
a murderer takes to a hiding place, but a "particularly dangerous anti-state
criminal" takes the nostrum at a jubilee soiree (for example, devoted to Shev-
chenko) and speaks. Afterwards he goes down the street, accompanied by his friends,
quietly, without looking back over his shoulder. A "secsot" (secret agent) may
walk almost alongside and listen to everything. If at a KGB signal "the particu-
larly dangerous man" is sacked at work, he does not complain, for he knows that
the KGB embodies the supreme, final justice. If he does not weep or repent and
continues "dangerous talk", he must be dealt with in a more serious manner. The
most modern technology comes to our aid. It is not difficult to make an agreement
with the post office, telegraph and telephone exchange. Ask the employees of the
post office and telephone operators and someone will tell you in secrecy how cor-
respondence is censored and conversation checked. They even have a name "pod-
slushka" (listening in-this is the name for a floor, most probably in Khreshchatyk
Street, where they put to use Art. 128 of the USSR Constitution). If an "especially
dangerous person" lives on a higher floor (and this is very often the case). then he
suddenly notices that the loft, open until now, is tightly closed and he is not
permitted to enter it for his own possessions which are stored there. Or else, he
is given another flat and, at night behind the wall where nobody lives, he hears a
sort of noise. Or he discovers under the bed in a students' boarding house strange
metal "antennae" with concealed leads through a window and down (something
like this was found under the window of the student of the Kyiv Medical Institute,
M. Plakhotniuk).
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Thus a new inmate has appeared in your flat. He hears everything: with whom
and about what you talk, what you whisper into your wife's ear . If you are
conscious of this "unregistered lodger" then your life becomes a hell. You weigh
every word, you become uncommunicative and nervous. You become used to
speaking in whispers and look around, and give the fico to a person who tries im-
pudently to photograph you and your friends . Occasionally you make a mis-
take and offend an honest person, having taken him for a secret agent (secsot).
In the meantime a dossier started on you grows thicker . . Would you say
that this is fabrication, that there is some purpose for Art. 128 of the USSR Con-
stitution and the relevant articles of the Criminal Code? That, ultimately, the,
degrading, spying, listening in and peeping through the keyholes of Soviet citizens
whose crime consists perhaps in that they try to think differently, should be alien
to the spirit of our system?
The Affair Concerning the Writer Kontsevych and the Horyn Brothers
In the summer of 1965, some two or three months before the arrests were made,
friends from Kyiv came to the writer Yevhen Koutsevych. They came to Zhy-
tomyr, not to commit "particularly dangerous crimes", but to congratulate a
friend bed-ridden with paralysis on the occasion of his birthday. Following them
there gate-crashed the uninvited local "poet" Oksentiy Melnychuk, barely fami-
liar to Kontsevych. Incidentally, Zhytomyr KGB men had not even informed
their envoy that it was Kontsevych's birthday. Therefore the newly emerged
Sherlock Holmes had to talk nonsense; he came to ask after your health (this
at eleven o'clock at night, in the rain, to a suburb?), and brought a little album
of exotic pictures . Later, when Yevhen had looked through them all he
would take the little album back . . .
After this he sat at the table, chewed and swallowed jokes about his second
occupation, and strained his ears.
The next day, late in the evening, the hosts remembered the "gift" from Melny-
chuk. Inside the cover of the album they found a minute transistor device, either
a magnetic tape recorder, or a radio transmitter. They were stunned .. .
they did not expect such a present. Melnychuk came for the small album in the
morning. Having been told all he deserved and given a push in the right place, he
went to his chiefs at the double. A little while later a group of KGB men, led by
a Colonel, arrived by a motor vehicle. They started to apologize and beg weepingly
for the birthday present. Kontsevych took pity on them and gave it back. But
unwisely, for he would have had something with which to illustrate his talk to
scholars at the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences.
How is one to explain the Zhytomyr incident? What did the KGB men wish
to hear at a birthday party table, where there were gathered some people, some
even unacquainted one with the other? How is one to reconcile with the lofty
principles of the moral code of a builder of Communism the detestable fact of
planting of devices and eavesdropping at a very sick man's bed? Of the man who
writes brilliant and courageous stories, who has given no reason for suspicion for
any criminal activities, and whom the press has compared to Korchagin?
Of course, the secret agents (secsots) do not operate everywhere in such a
crude way as in Zhytomyr. Melnychuk should have taken a course of lectures
from the Lviv based sleuth, Yaroslav Korotnytskyi, (also a "poet"). Having
appeared in Feodosiya, where the Horyns were on holiday, he quite accidentally
met his fellow countrymen on a beach and, inter alia, told them the sad story of
his life. It seems that he had suffered in Stalin's camps, and there wrote verses
about Ukraine. Ile apparently felt lonesome, the poor man, for he hardly heard
a word in his mother tongue. Later, visting his fellow countrymen with a bottle
of good wine, he initiated conversation about the unfortunate Ukraine. . . When
the Horyns were departing, it was, of course, Korotnytskyi who saw them off at
the station. When it happened that the ticket office ran out of tickets, he somehow
secretly moved by entreaties the stern looking train conductress to accept another
two passengers. He 'had convinced her, so that at Dzhankoy Station she ran herself
to get tickets. And at last but one station before Lviv the Horyn brothers were
arrested. Even before this happened the "poet" took a plane to Lviv to continue
his provocations. . .
One could quote such facts again and again. The metamorphoses in the loft of
the Lviv based scientest, Mykhailo Horyn, about which he used to talk with bitter
irony before his arrest. . . Something similar in the home of the critic Ivan
Svitlychnyi. . . The same "ghosts" which appear at a literary soiree, or "play"
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251
under the windows of Ivan Franko's son or grand-children, or follow in the street
one of the young poets or critics . . . and give a reason to a poet to joke sadly:
"And I rejoice, having wiped off perspiration with my hand, white as a sheet . . .
In my life, this "ghost" is the first whom I have fled."
PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION OR PROOF OF A "CRIME"
(a) Search and arrest.
"When issuing an arrest warrant the public prosecutor is duty bound to get ac-
uainted with the material of the case himself, and if necessary to question the accused
((suspect) on the matter of the submitted charge and on the circumstances connected
with the application of the preventive measure". (Art. 157, Ukr.SSR Criminal
Procedural Code)
"Of the arrest of a suspect or accused and of his whereabouts the investigator must
inform his wife or other next of kin, a?.d also inform his employer". (Art. 181, Ukr.
SSR Criminal Procedural Code)
"During a search or confiscation only articles aced documents which are relevant to
the case may be removed ." (Art. 186, Ukr. SSR Criminal Procedural Code)
"The acts and decisions of the investigating bodies may be made subject to an appeal
to the prosecutor who is duty bound to examine the appeal within three days. The
prosecutor's decision on the appeal is communicated to the plaintiff." (Art. 110,
Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code)
One raven will not take another raven's eye out (a Ukrainian proverb). Finally,
the dossier is completed. The person in question speaks about the Russification,
criticises those in authority, defends human dignity and the human being's right
to independent thinking. There is no doubt, this is a "particularly dangerous anti-
State criminal". He must be given such a lesson that others should lose the itch.
But for the sake of form, give the appearance of legality, get a prosecutor's warrant
for search and arrest. Secret agents (secsots) observe closely when some Ukrainian
book or manuscript article on the situation in Ukraine produced abroad would fall
into the hands of the "particularly dangerous" person. In accordance with the
thoroughly unconstitutional Art. 62 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Code, this is very
"material evidence".
Then there appear in the flat defenders of the state security and carry out a
search. Like a prisoner-of-war, with your hands up, you wait while your "friend,
comrade and brother" goes through your pockets. Sometimes, in order to frighten
your wife or neighbours completely, he would propose to you also to surrender
your weapon (KGB demanded a weapon from the Kyiv electrician, Peredenko,
whom they found in bed.) Then they will show an order. This states that the search
is being made "in order to expose and remove the documents of any anti-Soviet
content circulated by him" (see enclosures Nos . . . and . . .) [Transl. note:
the quotation from the order is in Russian]. But, when after 7 or 9 hours, having
taken the owner with them, the custodians of security lock the flat, they take with
them complete stacks of old books (some which were "circulated" 70 years ago in
the days of the Emperor Franz Joseph), letters, diaries, notes for a scientific
paper.
Do not think of writing a protest, refer to the Art. 186 and bring in arguments
that letters to your beloved one you wrote not for the purposes of anti-Soviet
propaganda, that some authors of anti-Soviet books removed from you died before
the revolution. You won't get an answer either from the investigator, or the public
Prosecutor. The same will happen later, when you complain about the falsification
of the record of the investigation, about threats, etc. (although the Ukr.SSR
Criminal Procedural Code contains Articles 110, 129, 189, 234 and 236 which
institute defined terms for replies to complaints and petitions). Sometimes KGB
men just forget the boring formalities. In this way they removed from Masiutko's
brother, a Lviv artist, without any warrant for a search and removal, three books
deadly dangerous for the Soviet system: a collection of verses by Bohdan Lepkyi,
a first form reading book of an old issue, and a torn "geography" text book (in
Russian). If during a search the custodians of security's eye caught sight of a
book or photographic copy of a so-called "anti-Soviet" book, published abroad, the
prison doors are closed behind you for many months. A preliminary investigation
then begins.
The scheme outlined above is not a dogma. Sometimes they make arrests on a
train, on the way back from a vacation (student Heveych), or on a holiday (critic
Svitlychnyi, the Horyn brothers and teacher Ozernyi). At the same time at your
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flat they turn everything upside-down, take away "Notes of the Shevchenko Sci-
entific Society", "Geography of Ukraine", the book "Kobza and Kobza Players"
(kobza is a lutelike string instrument), and other "anti-Soviet" literature (search of
Svitlychnyi), but say not a word to the wife about the arrest of the husband.
They do not say this on the next and the third day either. Only later, having taken
pity, they reply finally that the husband did not fall under a train, was not
drowned in the sea, but is completing his holiday in the gaol of the Kyiv KGB.
There was even less fuss with Ya. Hevrych's father. For two weeks he impor-
uned the militia, and then the KGB in Kosiv, lvano-Frankivsk and Kyiv before
he discovered the fate of his son. The prosecutors, it seems were not very consider-
ate when they issued a warrant for a search and the arrest. They had no need
"personally to examine the case documents", and to question the suspect "on
the merits of the submitted charge" (see Art. 157 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Proce-
dural Code). Otherwise the watchful prosecutor's eye would have immediately
noticed the falsity of the charge. The arrests, undoubtedly, were carried out on
a centralised instruction "from above". This is borne out convincingly by the fact
that a large group of people, the majority of whom were not acquainted among
themselves and were not even connected, were arrested simultaneously in various
regions of - Ukraine. (They have now been tried separately or in groups of 2 or 3
persons).
(b)" The questioning of accused and witnesses, and confrontation.
. The court, prosecutor, investigator and the person conducting the investigation
have no right to put the responsibility of substantiating the evidence on the acccused.
It is forbidden to demand evidence form an accused b', force, intimidation and other
unlawful measures". (Art.22 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code)
"The questioning of the accused, except in extraordinary case, should take place
during the day". (Art. 143, Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code)
"The accused, in the event of his request, is accorded the possibility of writin
down his evidence by himself ... " (Art. 146, Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code
The same applies to witnesses (Art. 170, Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code) :
"At the request from the next of kin and near ones of the arrested the investigator
or the prosecutor can permit them a visit to the arrested. . . " (Art. 162, Ukr.SSR
Criminal Procedural Code)
The publication of evidence given by the participants in a confrontation during the
preliminary investigation is permissible only after the submission of evidence by them
during the confrontation and their inclusion in the record . . . Those questioned
have the right to demand supplements and corrections to be entered in the record.
These supplements or corrections must without fail be entered in the record". (Art. 178,
Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code)
"To force to give evidence during the questioning by way of unlawful acts on. the
part of the person who conducts an investigation. or preliminary investigation is
punishable by imprisonment for a term of up to three years. The same act linked with
the use of force or with cruel treatment of the person. under questioning is punishable
by imprisonment for a term of from 2 t9 8 years. (Art. 175, Ukr.SSR Criminal Code)
then you are you look with for e guilt in me, a common man, and when you find it not,
fingers in the doror, to drive needles under thesfinnot ger nails, to hto am it in the face in
order to force a man to look on his acts as on a terrible crime, and even to admit
that which is needed by the investigator for the completion of a preconceived
scheme. It suffices merely to lock a person for several months in a stone bag with
bars, excrement bin and other attributes of prison life, to forbid visits from any
relatives for six months, to hammer into his head day after day and several hours
daily a feeling of tremendous guilt, and finally to reduce the man. to such a state
that he cannot immediately recognize his own wife. As a result of moral terror,
threats and promises (which are conveniently forgotten at the trial), the necessary
evidence is squeezed out of a person. During a confrontation with Y. Heveych
at the begining of last December the witness Horska asked: "Say, Yaroslav,
what made you lie against me?"-and heard the characteristic answer: "Here
they can teach one during one hundred and five days to tell lies". Understandably,
they did not enter this phrase in the record of the confrontation in spite of Horska's
request.
Here is the dialogue between the judge and the teacher Ozernyi at the trial .
"You told the witness that you had read it [concerns a manuscrippt article on
the occasion of the setting on fire of the library of the Ukrainian SSR Academy
of Sciences at Kyiv,-V. Ch.]. During the investigation you said that you took
the article out of a briefcase and handed it to the witness. Did you hand it over or
did you mention it? Which statement is correct?"
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"This made here in the court".
"Why then didn't you say this during the investigation?"
"During the questioning I was so tired that sometimes I also signed things with
which I was not in agreement. I was questioned for 11 hours, later for 10 hours."
"Did they allow a break?"
"For lunch." (Eleven hours, plus 10 hours, plus lunch time and it is one da y
already. And what about Art. 143 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code?)
"Were you tired?" (A naive question . . . Had the judge been questioned
without any sleep and rest, perhaps also he would admit that the trial he was
conducting was anti-Soviet . . .)
"Yes. I told the investigator that I did not give Malyarchyn the documents. I
got tired and signed what was written down. I was called for questioning 46 times.
On that particular occasion I was questioned for 6 hours 48 minutes. The testimony
I make here is correct. I told this also to the investigator. He wore me out so much
that I said: `Write down what you like'. I signed.
At the same trial witness A. Matviyenko stated that in accordance with Article
234 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code she was now announcing a protest
against terrorist methods of questioning employed by Captain Rudyi. Then this
conversation took place:
Prosecutor: "What terrorist method did Rudyi permit himself against you?"
"It was terror of moral nature. I cannot use unprintable words here . . .
"How did he threaten you?"
"He said that he would rob me of absolutely everything I have. What is this?"
"It is enough. You spoke about the womanly pride?"
"Yes, it was abused. spoke
"You said during the first investigation .
"During the first investigation yyou sucked at my letters."
"Why didn't you tell the truth?"
"They frightened me . . ."
"How many times did Rudyi question you?"
"Four days. From 9 in the morning till 7 in the evening."
A. Matviyenko's protest was concealed; Captain Rudyi is questioning another
victim somewhere, while candidate of philosophy A. Matviyenko, according to
the court verdict, has joined the company of the unemployed intelligentsia.
We do not know by which unprintable words Capt. Rudyi insulted the can-
didate of philosophy A. Matviyenko, but Captains Klymenko and Rybalchenko
and Colonel Sergadeyev in Lviv swooped down openly on the witness Liuba
Maksymiv with foul language. Seeing that their eloquence made quite an impres-
sion on the frightened girl, they stepped up the pressure: ,,You, dirty scum, we
shall make your and your family's life a hell here in Lviv and in Drohobych."
Do you think that Sergadeev, Klymenko and Rybalchenko were tried under
the provisions of Art. 175 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code and sent to
develop the national economy of Mordovia or some other autonomous republic?
Nonsense( Colonel Sergadeyev will send many a fellow there yet; he is not the
head of the investigation department of the KGB in Lviv for nothing.
The legal procedure code contains an article envisaging permission for accused
to write down their own testimony themselves. Why, then, was nobody accorded
the possibility of availing himself of this right? The investigators sometimes pre-
sented the evidence so craftily that everything was turned upside-down. I.
Svitlychny's sister when she read the record taken during a questioning in
Donetsk, refused point blank to sign "her own" testimony, because it was written
in such a way. "The investigator did not always write down what I wished him
to", complains Ozernyi at the trial. During a confrontation between the accused
Osadchyi and witness Chornovil in Lviv, Captain Klymenko, infringing on Art.
173, told how everything "had happened", while Osadchyi repeated it after him.
When Osadchyi said that after all he most probably did not take down Eisen-
hower's speech delivered at the unveiling of the Shevchenko's monument in
Washington (a frightening anti-Soviet document) from the witness, Klymenko
jumped at him: "Why did you say then earlier during the questioning that you
had taken it?" Osadchyi's doubts disappeared immediately.
The witness nevertheless asked for the expression of doubt to be recorded, but
received the answer that it was not his business to interfere with Osadchyi's testi-
mony, that he should read through and sign his own testimony only.
Article 15 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Procedural Code states that until the
court's verdict is passed "nobody may he declared guilty of the crime committed".
But during a visit to him by his pregnant wife the same Osadchyi spoke even about
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the place of his future imprisonment., the camps for political prisoners in the Mor-
dovian ASSR. I know very well that before his arrest Lviv University lecturer M.
Osadchyi knew nothing of the Mordovian camps ... Bogdan Horyn also received
similar information as to his future from his investigator and long before his trial
told this to his financee. And the investigator Malykhin made a mistake of one year
only when already in December of last year he told Olha Horyn how many years
her husband would get . .
If the fate of those imprisoned is decided in the KGB why then is there any
need for that farcical comedy with trials (and closed trials at that)? Is it not easier
to make up a list of "particularly dangerous" and to place against every name: for
this one-seven years; for this one-five; for that one-four years .
Incidentially, the KGB men who "guarded" the closed court trial of Hevrych
were more forthright when they told the fans expelled from the corridor: "You
will all finish there" . . While the plainclothes "guardians" of the court trial
of Hevrych, pointing to a "Black Maria", infcrined with an air of epic calm: "We
have many such vehicles. There are enough for all of you" .
In addition an investigator also makes use of a carrot-admit that you have
committed a terrible crime, also disclose all who read the books too-and you will
be pardoned for a sincere admission. The teacher Ozernyi came to his trial with
such confidence. He was the more confident because of his meeting with the
Chairman of the KGB at the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR, about
which Ozernyi said at the trial: "On 20th November 1965 in the premises of
Ivano-Frankivsk KGB I had a meeting with the Chairman of the State Security
Committee, Nikitchenko. After the talk next day I learned that Nikitchenko at
a KGB counsel took account of my admission". Therefore Ozernyi conducted
himself with dignity at the trial, rejected groundless accusations from the prose-
cutor and absurd evidence from such witnesses as the illiterate teachers Melny-
chenko and Khatsko. He even joked with the arrested Gereta who, as a witness,
was brought from Ternopil: "Is your case finished? I shall soon. come to you as a
guest" . . To which the judge interjected ominously: "Do laugh, Ozernyi. It
is not known who will have the last laugh". The last to laugh was the judge.
The State charge presented by the prosecutor Paraskevych and the inhumanly
severe demand of a six-year imprisonment were to Ozernyi as a bolt from the blue
sky. Shattered and completely lost, he repented, cried, begged and referred to
"the great justice "of the Soviet court in his concluding remarks. It seems that this
was exactly what was needed to be extracted from him. Logically, the punishment
should have been reduced in order that all the others caught reading books
should admit the guilt not five or six months after the imprisonment, but imme-
diately, hoping for pardon. Nothing doing. And the court met the savage demand
of the prosecutor. Maybe because it was already too late to depart from the instruc-
tion received earlier "from above" (where they did not take into account a
possibility that Ozernyi might confess). The Supreme Court, when the farce of
Ivano-Frankivsk became known to the public, did not free Ozernyi, but reduced
his punishment to three years.
Even specially selected people were not admitted to all the trials that followed.
And, most likely, further facts of moral terror (maybe not only moral terror?
How is one to know with trials?), of perfidy and deceit were brought to light. It
is not without reason that during a meeting with his brother after the trial Y.
Heveych complained bitterly about the savage KGB investigator Koval who de-
ceived him, having first promised golden mountains for a "clean heart" admis-
sion of a "crime". The golden mountains have turned into five years in camps
under severe conditions .
The following facts also throw some light on the methods of conducting the
preliminary investigation: evidence acquired by unlawful, inhuman ways of
evesdropping with the help of apparatus installed in flats were used during inves-
tigation. On this basis Mykhailo Horyn said to one of the witnesses during a
confrontation: "Do not be obstinate, they know everything. My flat was bugged".
The incident at Kontsevych's birthday party was already mentioned. After, all,
investigators did not try very hard to conceal this. At one interrogation, when M.
Kosiv could not remember a piece of conversation, they made this offer to him:
"If you wish, we shall make it [a recording-translator] spin for you".
In order to cause a moral shock and extract the required confession, the inter-
rogators do not fail to dig into the intimate life of the defendants and witnesses,
although it has no connection with the case. This happened during an interrogation
in Ozernyi's case. Sticky hints at some sort of allegedly existing intimate relations
between the witness and the defendant filtered through even into the court
room:
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"So, you know Ozernyi well?"
"I met him twice. During this time I convinced myself of his honesty."
This you did during the outing on a boat and in a restaurant?"
"This has no connecticn with the case."
The interrogators Rybalchenko and Rapota assured L. Horbach that she had
been kissing Osadchyi under the doorways, although Horbach is barely acquainted
with Osadchyi. This trick of the KGB interrogators is not a Ukrainian national
achievement. As is evident from the petition to the USSR Prosecutor General
from Yu. Daniel's wife, Moscow interrogators also blackmailed the witnesses in
this way.
Searches
Olga Vorbut, a Kyiv University student arrested for several days at the be-
ginning of September, was submitted to a degrading procedure of personal search
and stripping. Nothing was found, for, of course, they did not expect to find
anything, but they forced out a "confession" and incurably injured the person's
soul. The same procedure was carried out periodically in the cell with every
prisoner.
Notes
M. Zvarychevska through a "good" watchman and a "commiserating" cellmate
received three notes form M. Horyn, and one even from outside, from Olha
Horyn. The notes were not very different from each other: "Myhailo is telling
everything. The witnesses tell everything. You too must tell everything and
extricate yourself (1)". Later it became clear that neither Mykhailo nor Olha
Horyns sent any note to Zvarychevska; they were drawn by some handwriting
specialist in one of the KGB laboratories.
Threats
I personally, as a witness in Osadchyi's case, had to listen to threats and insults,
beginning from a pitiful "sympathy" from Captain Koval in Kyiv: "Think about
your children . . . You will finish in prison", to a cynical rudeness from Cap-
tain Klymenko in Lviv: "Why do you lie and try to wiggle out? We can make
it so that you will never be released from here . . . "
Similar facts can be quoted indefinitely. And as a result of such acts and pro-
longed imprisonment it happens that people of a weak will lose control over them-
selves. I do not wish to believe rumours that the imprisoned are given medical
preparations with their meals which weaken the will and make a person indifferent
and agreeable to anything. As a matter of fact, closed trials provide ground for
such rumours. Even Horyn's advocate made helpless gestures: his client repented
for everything, confessed against himself about what there was and was not; he
even refused the private meeting with the advocate guaranteed by law. As if to
say, there are no secrets between me and the interrogator . . . You see what a
friendship has sprung up after spending seven months behind bars.
In Makiyivka, Donetsk oblast, the teacher Petlyak, frightened by sudden
interrogations "with passion" wrote down his confession on several dozen pages.
Because there was no evidence of "crime", Petlyak on those few dozen pages
analysed the thoughts and feelings of his acquaintances, friends and his own. He
even reached the point when he began to look for dubious "subtexts" in his own
collection of short stories. The "Donbas" publishers were in trouble after this and
argued that "subtexts" should be sought in the short stories themselves and not
in the confession of the frightened Petlyak. The tragi-comedy ended with the
fact that Petlyak's acquaintances were frightened by court proceedings and
sacked from their jobs.
(c) Imprisonment and time-limits of preliminary investigation.
"A preliminary investigation in criminal cases should be completed within two
months . In particularly complicated cases a regional prosecutor can, at a
reasonable decision of the investigator, extend the period of investigation by one
month more. The Ukr.SSR Prosecutor or the chief military prosecutor alone may in
exceptional cases only prolong further the period of the preliminary investigation."
(Art. 120, Criminal Procedural Code of the Ukr.SSR).
"When there is sufficient evidence to think that the accused, if set free, will eve
the interrogation and court trial or prevent the establishment of the truth in the criminal
case, or will resort to crime . . . the investigator and prosecutor have the right to apply
to the accused one of the preventive measures . . . " (Art. 148, Criminal Procedural
Code of the Ukr.SSR)
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"The keeping in custody during the investigation of the case may not last more
than two months. This term may be extended only because of a special difficulty
of the case by the regional prosecutor or by military prosecutor of a district or fleet
to three months, and by the Ukr.SSR Prosecutor and chief military prosecutor to
six months from the day of taking into custody. The USSR Prosecutor General may
in exceptional cases extend the period of keeping in custody by additional term of
not more than three months." (Art. 156, Criminal Procedural Code of the Ukr.SSR)
Let us assume that the person who read a book himself and gave the book to
another person is indeed such a dangerous criminal that the so-called preventive
measures must be used against him during an investigation. But why prison and
complete isolation from people, as a rule? If a written statement not to leave the
place were taken from Heveych who photographed several books, or if he were
let out on bail, this surely would not have prevented anyone from finding out that
Hevrych took his photographs in the house of his acquaintance, Morhun, and
told his fiancee, Sendurska and her brother about them. The law says that de-
tention in prison for more than three months may be permitted "because of
special complication of the case", and longer than six months in "exceptional
cases" only. Does photocopying a hook and reprintin* an anonymous article
constitute such a "special complication" and an exceptional case' ? And how is
one then to qualify rape, murder and embezzlement of public property? Are we
truly returning to the Stalinist times when a murderer was called a "socially akin
element", while a writer or a painter was considered a dangerous enemy?
Every effort is made to break the will of the arrested and to force him to use in
the court words learnt by heart. The longer a man stays behind bars and the
more he has, in place of his former intellectual friends, the KGB interrogator with
his one-track song about the terrible crime and repentanceas the only interlocutor,
the longer will the cell lock click and the watchful guard look through the peep-
hole, the greater the guarantee that the man would be transformed into clay from
which it would be possible to make anything at will. What we have here is a
malicious delaying of investigation with the aim of complete levelling down of
human dignity and social impulses. They regularly suppress in the man all that is
human and revive animal instincts of fear and self-preservation.
Let us take the case of Osadchyi, which I know best, as a witness. He was ar-
rested on 28th August 1965. In the first few days Osadchyi completely satisfied the
inquisitiveness of the Lviv KGB men. The claims against him were so insignificant
that the investigation could have been completed in one week. But only one month
later, on 30th September, a search was made at my place, as one of the few wit-
nesses in Osadchyi's case, and they began to interrogate me in Kyiv. One month
later again I was called to Lviv for interrogation and confrontation. I repeated
what I had said on21st September, and Osadchyi repeated his evidence from the
end of August. Then again a calm of several months. .
Having had enough behind the bars, Osadchyi, at the time of the last visit from
his wife, spoke sincerely of the wish to part with the prison cell and to get into a
camp. Osadchyi's crime (as I learnt during the interrogation and from other
witnesses) had been so insignificant, while repentance and obedience so unlimited
and the past so bright (a TV studio editor, instructor of the ideological department
of a regional party committee, and lecturer at Lviv University) that one week after
the arrest he could have been released on parole, taking into consideration that
"the crime and the person who committed it" presented no "great social threat"
and that "the actions of the defendant did not cause serious consequences, and the
defendant himself repented sincerely" (Art. 10 of the Ukr.SSR Criminal Pro-
cedural Code). Osadchyi spent almost eight months without trial, dreaming now
not about the title of candidate of sciences (not long before his arrest he defended
a dissertation) but about a camp. .
In our time it is appropriate for dreams to become reality: on 19th April 1966
Lviv regional court for no reason at all condemned Osadchyi to two years in
camps with severe regime. However, the year 1966 is not 1930, and it is not so
easy to fabricate another SVU (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine). Two
attempts to hold "open" trials of the arrested ended in complete defeat for those
who conducted the trial.
Moroz in Lutsk spoke about the Russification, unequal position of our "sover-
eign" republic, and stated that he was no bourgeois nationalist, that he did not
desire either the return of bourgeoisie, or nationalism, but wanted Ukraine to
have the same rights as have her Socialist sisters Russia, Poland and Czecho-
Slovakia. Ozernyi in Ivatio-Frankivsk, although he "admitted his guilt" came out
morally and intellectually head above the judges and some of the witnesses.
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The students of Lutsk teachers institute also spoke with enthusiasm about their
lecturers. Having suffered a fiasco, the dispensers of justice have resorted to such
an ultra-lawful and superhuman measure, as the closed court trial . . .
MOROZ REPORT FROM THE BERIA RESERVATION
An appeal by the Ukrainian historian Valentyn Moroz
[From "Revolutionary Voices", 1971, 088 Publishing House, Munich]
To the Deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the Ukrainian SSR
From political prisoner unlawfully sentenced at Lutsk on January 20, 1966
The search has ended. The fugitive comes out of the bushes. "I surrender,
don't shoot! I have no weapons!" The pursuer comes closer, capably unbolts
the submachine gun and puts three bullets one after the other into the living
target. Two more rounds are heard: two other fugitives who have also surrendered
are shot. The bodies are carried onto the road. Police dogs lick the blood. As
always, the victims are brought in, thrown down by the camp gates to frighten
others. But suddenly the corpses stir: two are alive. But it is impossible to shoot
anymore; people are everywhere. [See photograph, p. 281.]
. This is not the beginning of a detective novel. This is not a story about escapees
from Buchenwald or Kolyma. This took place in September 1956, after the 20th
Congress had condemned the personality cult, and the criticism of Stalinist
crimes was in full swing. Everything written here can be verified by Algldas
Petrusiavicus, incarcerated in camp No. 11 in Mordovia... He survived. Two
others-Lorentas and Yursha-perished. Such incidents were everyday
occurrences.
. Green Mordovia stretches in a narrow strip from west to east. Green on the
map, green in reality. In the Slavic sea-an island of melodic Mordovian names:
Vindrey, Yavas, Potma, Lyambir. In its northwest corner there is a Mordovian
state forest reservation. Here law reigns-hunting is strictly prohibited. But
there is another reservation, not to be found on any map, where hunting is per-
mitted all the year round. If an accurate map of Mordovia were to be drawn, its
south-west corner would have to be divided into squares, separated by barbed
wire and dotted with watch towers. These are the Mordovian political camps-
the land of barbed wire, police dogs and man-hunts. Here, the dhildren grow up
amidst barbed wire. Their parents cut grass and dig potatoes after work. "Dad
was there a search? And what did you find?" Then they will grow up and learn
the philosophy of these lands: "Camp means bread". You get a pood of flour
(about 36 lbs.) for catching a fugitive. It was even simpler in the Aldan camps:
a Yakut brought a head and received gun-powder, salt, whisky. Just like the Dayaks
in Borneo, only the head was not brought to the chief who was adorned with
necklaces of human teeth, but to a major or a captain, who had taken a correspond-
ence course at the university and gave lectures on legality. In Mordovia it was
necessary to do away with such tradition: too close to Moscow. Such a trophy
could fall into the hands of a foreign correspondent-then try to prove that it's a
forgery, invented by the yellow press.
Three Lithuanians were shot even though they had not been sentenced to be
executed. Art 183 of the Criminal Code allows three years' imprisonment as pun-
ishment for an escape, and Art. 22 CC Ukr.SSR even prohibits "the infliction of
physical suffering or the degradation of human dignity" of the prisoners. The court
of the Lithuanian SSR (a sovereign state, according to the constitution of the said
country) gave permission to the KGB men to keep the prisoners in isolation-noth-
ing more. According to the constitution, Ukraine is also a sovereign state, and is
even represented at the UN. The courts try thousands of Ukrainian citizens and .. .
send them abroad. A precedent unheard of in history: a state sends its prisoners
abroad. Perhaps Ukraine has no room for camps, as is the case in the principality of
Monaco? However, room was found for seven million Russians-but, it seems,
there is no room for political prisoners, Ukrainians, on their native soil. Thousands
of Ukrainians were transported to the East-and there were engulfed by grey
obscurity. They were swallowed up by the dungeons of Solovki, by the sands of
Mangyshlak, later by Stalinist construction projects-the pyramids of the 20th
century which have devoured millions of slaves. They were transported not only in
groups of prisoners-those "voluntarily" resettled are also devoured by the Russi-
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fication meat-grinder in the boundless expanses of Siberia and Kazakhstan, and
they are lost forever to the Ukrainian nation. The ancient peoples considered the
place where the sun sets to be the Land of the Dead. In the future Ukrainian
legends such a country will be found in the East.
The civilizational level of a society is measured by the degree of its concern for
the well-being of its citizens. An accident in a Belgian mine buried over ten Italian
emigrants. Italy exploded with protests, official notes abounded, questions in
parliament resulted. Ukraine also has a parliament-the Supreme Soviet of the
Ukr.SSR. I do not know whether there are people there who remember their right
to question the government. I do not know whether these people remember any of
their rights as deputies, except the right to raise their hand while voting. But I
know that the Supreme Soviet of the Ukr.SSR is the highest authority in Ukraine
according to the constitution. It authorized one of its subordinate institutions-
KGB-to arrest, to try and to do what it pleased concerning the future fate of the
people accused of "anti-Soviet activities". Honourable deputies of the Ukrainian
Parliament, let's chase away drowsiness for once; let's set aside debates on sows,
cement mixers and the effects the use of super-phosphates has on national economy.
Let these problems be resolved by experts. Let's forget about the Land of Sweet
Yawns for once and transfer ourselves to Mordovia and find out: a) who these
people uprooted from normal life are who have been placed at the complete disposal
of the KGB men; b) to whom the fate of these people was transferred.
In 1958, Makhmed Kulmagambetov, a lecturer in philosophy at Frunze
medical institute (now an inmate in camp No. 11) brought a statement to the
dean's office: please settle my account. The reason?-Disagreement with the
programme of instruction. This decision caused a sensation. The herd of career
men, who have been outrunning each other in the attempt to reach the trough,
trampling conscience, dignity and convictions under foot in order to climb higher
and to profit at their neighbour's expense, could not understand how a person
could refuse 120 roubles merely because his views have changed! Kulmagambetov
became a blue collar worker. But in 1962 he was arrested. The court at Kustanay
sentenced him to 7 years' imprisonment and to 3 years' exile for "anti-Soviet
activity". How did it manifest itself? The chief prosecution witness was the
head of the staff of "Sokolovrudstroy" (ore mine construction) Trust, Makh-
mudov. The only thing which he could say in ccurt was to repeat Kulmagam-
betov's words: "I do not want to teach what I do not believe in." This was the
latter's reply to the question: "Why aren't you working in your branch of speciali-
zation?" Other accusations were the same. The investigator also admitted:
"In reality there is no reason for trying you, but you have a dangerous way of
thinking." A typical example, almost an everyday occurrence in the practice of
the KGB, but unique for its sheer arbitrariness. As a rule the KGB men try to
fabricate at least the appearance of "anti-Soviet" activity. But here, in the far off
province, they did not deem even this formality necessary and admitted that
Kulmagambetov was being condemned for his opinions. Thousands upon thousands
of people have been tried according to this system, even though their cases may
have been more cleverly "presented". Article 126 of the Constitution of the USSR
proclaims freedom of speech, press, manifestations and organizations. Art. 19 of the
UN Declaration of Human Rights speaks about "freedom to seek, receive and
impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers".
Therefore Art. 62 CC Ukr.SSR is nothing more than a violation of the above-
mentioned documents, a Stalinist survival. The formulation "agitation or prop-
aganda conducted with the aim to undermine or weaken the Soviet regime"
under conditions when the KGB men themselves are determining the degree of
"subversiveness" of the material, fosters unlimited arbitrariness. In Moscow every
year tens of books by foreign authors are published, filled with sharp criticism of
the Soviet regime and Communist ideolology. If Art. 62 CC is really a law, then
the publication of these books is a criminal act. A law is a law only when it is
applied to all. Where is the logic: I can freely propagate the views of Hitler,
published in the periodical Voprosy istorii (Questions of History), yet I will be
tried for my own typing of Hitler's memoirs! Thus, Art. 62 is nothing but a tool
of arbitrariness in the hands of the KGB, which makes it possible for them to put
an inconvenient person behind bars for keeping any book not published in the
Soviet Union.
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I and my friends are condemned for "propaganda directed at the separation of
TTkraine from the USSR". But Art. 17 of the USSR Constitution speaks clearly
about the right of every republic to secede from the USSR. The right of every
nation to separation was laid down in the pact on the civil and political rights of
men adopted at the. 21st session of the UN General Assembly.
It seems that there are enough facts. A conclusion can be reached: people
condemned for "anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda"-are those who think
differently, or those who think, period; those whose spiritual world did not fit the
Procrustean bed of the Stalinist standards which are diligently guarded by the
KGBists. They are those who dared to use the rights proclaimed in the constitu-
tion, who raised their voice against the shameful oppression of the KGB, against
the violation of the constitution. They are those who do not want to learn the
slavish, double-bottomed wisdom which interprets the words of the constitution
"Ukraine's right to secede from the USSR" as "keep quiet if you value your life."
: DESCENDANTS OF YEZHOV AND BERIA
A characteristic of a man or an environment can always be subjective. There-
fore it is best to deal with autocharacteristics. And it is very good that the author
of these lines has a fancy bouquet of autocharacteristics provided by the KGBists
of themselves and their system. The KGBists were not mean with words and in
general were unceremonious in their talks with prisoners strongly convinced that
their words would not go beyond the sound-proof doors 1 their offices, that the icy
terror of silence on which they constructed their Golgotha would never thaw.
But all ice thaws at one time or another, and words, which were growled into our
faces at the inquiry and in camp, as if spoken through a gigantic megaphone,
were echoed with a thousand voices throughout the whole world.
Where are the roots of the KGB? If we retrace those paths by which theKGB-
ists came down to our reality, we will find ourselves in the horrible thickets of
Stalinist jungles. General Shulzhenko, assistant head of the KGB at the Council
of Ministers of the Ukr.SSR, was elected a deputy to the Ukrainian Parliament
from the Khartsyzk district. Where did this parliamentarian pursue his career?
In order to become a general of the KGB in 1967, it was necessary to start as a
Beria lieutenant or captain in 1937. What did the KGB captains do in 1937?
They killed people for not performing a norm (or merely for sport) in Kolyma.
This is not a secret to anyone anymore: Moscow journals are writing about it.
In Ukraine they shot innocent people three days after they had been arrested.
Their arguments are familiar: it was all Beria's fault; they were only carrying
out orders. The same argumentation was used by the defence at the Nuremberg
trials. It would seem that only Hitler was responsible. But the trick did not work.
Even a new concept: "Murder behind a desk" has appeared in the German lan-
guage. I have no doubts that sooner of later it will find a place in the Ukrainian
language as well.
Perhaps the KGBists have changed, have become different? No, they them-
selves proudly consider themselves to be Stalin's descendants. A representative
of the Ukrainian KGB in the Mordovian camps, Capt. Krut, told me: "And what
have you got against Stalin? Of course, he had some shortcomings, but on the
whole he deserved a high grade" ; and in a conversation with Mykhailo Horyn,
Krut frankly said: "Too bad that we are in Mordovia and not in the North".
The head of the department of investigation of the Georgian KGB, Nadiradze,
told poet Zauri Kobalia (confined to camp No. 11) in 1963 during an investiga-
tion: "Did you know that I was here in 1937? Remember that!"
Now they do not wear Stalin' tunics any more and "take correspondence
courses" at universities. It is a correspondence course in the full meaning of the
word. A student's book is brought to the institute and the "faculty", hypnotized
from the cradle on with the word KGB, records a grade without ever seeing the
student. A representative of the Ivano-Frankivsk KGB, Kazakov, admitted to
me: "Here you spoke about totalitarianism. But I'm no totalizator." And the
representative of the Ukrainian KGB in camp No. 11, Harashchenko, made short
work of all Masiutko's arguments on the unresolved national question in Ukraine:
"You speak about a national question. But when a widow turns to the Kolkhoz
head for straw-do you think he will refuse?" And these intellectuals are en-
trusted to decide categorically the questions which even in specialized ournals
are considered to be moot points. Kazakov, Krut and a Kyiv KGBist, Lytvyn,
"cross examined" me together. "What else did you need? You had a good job,
an apartment . . ." And for several hours tried to prove that an individual has
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nothing but a stomach and several yards of intestines. An idea? Protection of
Ukraine from the threat of Russification.? Here: for my interlocutors the dis-
cussion clearly left the familiar ground and became part of the sphere of children's
tales. They did not hide the fact that they did not really comprehend it.
An idea . Naturally, a great deal is said about it in books, and it is generally
unaccep~able to say that you have no ideas. But for an idea to be a motive for
human activity-that they have never encountered in b--it midst. Mykhailo
Horyn heard the following at the Lviv KGB: "Today is the day of the Chekist.-
What day of the Chekist?-Payday." When one speaks seriously about it, it is
a myth, with which someone has intoxicated the people and which drags a person
away from normal existence based on three major concepts: money, the love of
power, women. But an idea-it is a kind of psychological disorder, not always
comprehensible, it is true; but one must reckon with it, as with a factor, on the
same level with the three others, normal and understandable. Captain Kozlov
(Iv.-Frankivsk) lectured me as follows: "One is bought for money, another by
women, but some are hooked by an ideal." For an idea to be born independently
in a human head-that is unsurmisable.
It would be naive to consider this state of affairs an accidental. "infringement"
on the social development of the society. A system in which a poet receives a cata-
logue of permitted images, an artist-a list of permitted and prohibited colours,
has its roots in the past, and is a continuation of certain forces and conditions.
Before our very eyes these forces are gradually thawing, and the conditions stop
being the norm of intercourse among people. KGBists sense this and place all the
blame on Khrushchev, who supposedly toppled the idols, which at one time were
honoured thoughtlessly. With the same success it is possible to consider a cock,
an author of dawn, but this is too great a truism to be placed into the skulls of
generals and majors with sky-blue loops.
When Levko Lukianenko asked Capt. Denisov, an investigator of the Lviv
KGB: "What is the purpose of Art. 17, which gives every republic the right to
secede from the USSR?"-the latter answered: "For abroad" (!). This is what it
is! It seems that the KGBists realize very well that they are not defending "social-
ist legality", but the right to violate it without being punished.. They have no
illusions whatsoever about their institution and look at it simply as a place where
the pay is the highest and it is possible to get apartments without waiting.
KGBist Kazakov brought a letter to me from the rector of Ivano-Frankivsk
Pedagogic Institute, where I had worked earlier. I said: "When somebody wants
to write me-let him do it through the mail." To this Kazakov replied: "It would
be too great an honour." Thus, he feels that the KGB in no case can pretend to
receive such respect as is accorded the post office. Why then do the KGBists dislike
people showing disrespect towards them? ~~
KGB representative from Kyiv, Lytvyn, declared to me: We arrested you
upon demands from the community. Otherwise the people would tear you to
pieces." That's funny! Why then are political prisoners tried at closed court sessions
and why doesn't a word appear about them in the papers?--The KGBists realize
very well the illegality of their acts and therefore hide political trials from human
eyes, at the same time as the trials of German policemen-murderers are being
widely publicized.
I AT THE RESERVATION
Here-is-the only place where the KGBists can completely ignore all laws and
norms. Here-is a place where they continue to forge fear. The main efforts are
directed at killing everything human in a human being-only then does it become
dough, from which almost anything can be shaped. A prisoner can in no
that he had not
the regulations of the regime, but as soon as the XGBists feel. given up, has not acknowledged evil to be a normal condition, kept his dignity-all
sorts of pressure are applied to him. And only when they can convince themselves
that a human being has sunk to the level of a mere consumer of food-only.then
are they reassured.
An Osset, Fedir Byazrov, was a thief. Then he became a Jehovah's Witness and
stopped stealing. It would seem that the "instructors" should have been content.
Byazrov thought so too. "What do you want from me? I no longer steal and do
nothing wrong. And nobody is forbidden to believe in God."-"It would be better
if you stole." This is no accident. Pointing to criminals they told many political
prisoners: "They are thieves, but they are our people. But you-are enemies." This
is whom the s are in which they feel athomerlike a fish in water. . degenerate A bandit ins their man. A KGB st
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knows how to talk to him. He is a ready informer for a dose of narcotics. In him it
is not necessary to kill such an incomprehensible but strong force as dignity.
Agents are used not only in the role of eavesdroppers. Prisoner Lashchuk was
known to be a KGB agent. All knew about it: in the Taishet camp No. 11 in 1958
a denunciation written by him was taken away from him. In April 1964 he wounded
Stepan Virun (from a group of jurists sentenced in Lviv in 1961) with a knife in
camp No.7. When Virun, after leaving the hospital, talked about it with Capt.
the the latter unceremoniously declared: "They will take off your head, if you
don't get wise." (Virun did not acknowledge his sentence as legal and wrote
complaints.)
Art. 22 of the Criminal Code of the Ukr. SSR proclaims: "Punishment does not
have as its aim inflicting physical sufferings or degrading human dignity." There-
fore, all methods of pressure on the prisoners applied by the KGB are violations
of the law. But where are those who were called to see that the laws were enforced,
i.e. the procurator's office? There is a procurator's office in Mordovia. And it
would be a lie to say that it closes its eyes to arbitrariness or washes its hand of it.
On the contrary, the local procurators, rolling up their sleeves, are helping the
KGBists to do their dirty work at full speed. In a talk with an assistant prosecutor
of the Dubravnoye camp administration I called his attention to the fact that
people suffering with an acute stomach ulcer are given starvation diets, contrary
to the law. And he answered me very calmly: "This is the point of the punish-
ment-to hit the stomach." What right do these sadists have to call themselves
the defenders of the law?
Compulsory work for political prisoners is a violation of the UN convention on
the prohibition of forced labour. Moreover, the KGBists themselves admit that
work is looked upon as a method of pressure. Many are told: "We do not need
your work; we want you to reform." A prisoner, who should have been sent to a
lock-up room, is transferred to hard labour, where it is impossible to perform the
norm and where he is punished for failure to fulfil the norm. All rights due to
prisoners are treated as privileges which can be taken away. Lukianenko and
Mykhailo Horyn, for instance, were deprived of the right to see their families in
1967, even though it is their right (not a privilege) which nobody can take away
from them, just as nobody can take away the right to nourishment. Can they
take away the one occasion in the year that you can see your relatives? In com-
parison it suffices to mention that in England a prisoner has a right to see his
family every week!
A system of education through hunger is also without precedent. Everywhere,
political prisoners have always received food parcels in unlimited quantities. We
have a right to receive only two parcels a year after completing half the term
"under conditions of good behavior"-is there a need to comment on these words?
The bare minimum of nourishment, stipulated by the FAO (an organ of UNES-
'CO), is 2,700 calories, the brink of starvation-2,400. Beyond that a deteriora-
tion of physical and mental capabilities of a human being begins. In the lock-up
room to which I am confined the "raised" norm consists of 2,090 calories. There
.is an even lower one-only 1,324 calories. Therefore a crime is continually per-
petrated for decades. All should remember that in Nuremberg they tried for mur-
der by iron as well as for murder by starvation. It is interesting to note whether
the Ukrainian 'Red Cross will be interested in the crimes perpetrated in Mor-
dovia, even to the same degree as in the crimes in Africa? Camp food made half
of the people sick. Here a new method of pressure-medicine-comes into play.
Anyway, in order to be a doctor or a nurse in camp, it is not mandatory to have
any knowledge of medicine. A. former German policeman, Malykhin, a murderer
of many people (now in camp No. 11) was a nurse in camp No. 7. He lacks not
only medical training, but education in general. However, he has merits in the
eyes of the KGB. Of course, it doesn't happen like this all the time, Now we are
treated by an Estonian, Braun, who used to be a driver of an ambulance. No
matter how you look at it, but it is impossible to call him a stranger to medicine
The regulations state that prisoners who are confined to a lock-up room are
not to be deprived of medical help. But what do these regulations mean when
camp doctors frankly declare: "We are first Chekists, then medics. Mykhailo
Masiutko, suffering with a stomach ulcer, is in a very serious condition. But all
attempts to have him sent to a hospital or at least to give him dietetic food have
proved useless. The K GBists in white coats said: "Of course, we should send you,
but we would be punished for it. It is not permitted to give you injections", and
some unceremoniously say: "You should not have let yourself be caught. Of
course, the arsenal of camp medicine is far from being exhausted. Is it an ae-
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cident that there is such a high percentage of mentally ill in camps? The research
into the role played by camp medicine is still waiting for the author .
Octopus' tentacles have a firm grip on the prisoner even after he leaves the
camp's gates. Yarema Tkachuk, convicted in 1958 in Stanyslaviv was told by
Capt. Krut: "You will have no life, if you won't get wise. We will fix it so that
you will neither have a family, nor a roofover your head." And Kazakov promised
me that I "will be sorry."
And this was not just intimidation. In 1957 Danyol Shumuk (now at camp No.
11) was arrested in Dnipropetrovsk for "anti-Soviet agitation". Major Sverdlov
of the republican KGB unceremoniously admitted that the accusation is false.
But this is beside the point. A choice was given to Shumuk, a man just released
from prison: either you will be placed behind bars again, or you will become an
informer, as a man who is greatly respected in the circles of former prisoners,
and who will not arouse suspicion. For two days Shumuk was held illegally at
KGB headquarters without an arrest warrant being presented and was persuaded.
Major Sverdlov declared: "If you will agree to cooperate with us-I will tear up
the arrest warrant and the protocols of the inquiry right before your eyes." Art.
173 of the Criminal Code of the Ukr.SSR says that "criminal prosecution of a
person who is known to be innocent . . . together with the accusation in com-
mitting of a particularly dangerous state crime"-"is punishable by the depri-
vation of freedom for the term of 8 years." Nobody sentenced Sverdlov to 8 years,
not even to 8 months'-he had the right to violate all laws without being punished.
This is why he is a 1 GBist. Shumuk, on the other hand, went to Siberia again to
serve a 10-year term for remaining an honest man. And now, before his release,
a sick man who began his prison career when arrested by the Polish secret police
and spent 27 years behind bars, is called out by Capt. Krut and promised: "You
will have no life. Shumuk is in a lock-up room for. "the preparation of anti-Soviet
manuscripts". This is what the KGBists have called his memoirs: five arrests
under Poland, a German camp for prisoners of war and his escape from it, and his
crossing of the entire Ukraine on foot, from the Poltava region to Volyn, avoiding
the roads and German policemen.
When it is necessary to place somebody in a lock-up room-they will place him
there not only because he "expressed himself in an anti-Soviet, way" but also for
"keeping still in an anti-Soviet way".
Prisoner Vovchanskyi was placed there because "he is angry with the Soviet
authorities"-this is how it was written in the decision! In order to go to camp
it is nonetheless necessary to have a "dangerous way of thinking". But from the
camp to a lock-up room the road is much easier: here, as we have seen, people are
placed not only for thoughts, but also for attitudes. Masiutko, Lukianenko,
Shumuk and I were incarcerated for writing complaints, which were treated as
"anti-Soviet manuscripts". Mykhailo Horyn did not write any "manuscripts"-
but he was nevertheless imprisoned with us. What for? Capt. Krut says that he
found Ivan Dzyuba's memorandum addressed to the CC CPU in his possession.
Bogdan Horyn, in a talk with Lytvyn and Marusenko, asked: "Is Dzyuba's
memorandum an anti-Soviet document?"-"No, it is not."--"Why then was
There was no Horyn, as well as the others, are kept ii a lock-up room because
they brought with them to the camp the truth. about the events in Ukraine and
have no intention of keeping it quiet.
The camp routine is completely and in full transferred from. the times of Tsar
Nicholas I. A portrait of the Latvian poet, Knut Skuinek, painted by the artist
Zalyvakha was taken away from him and the painter himself (!) was forced to cut
up his work! Does such a society have the right to criticize the Chinese "Red
Guards"? The robots in uniforms destroyed all Zalyvakha's paintings they could
find and confiscated the paints. Upon demands to show the law which permits
this, the artist received the following reply: "I am the law for you!" The corporal
told the truth. He-is the incarnation of the law which was made during Shev-
chenko's times, who also had noright to write or paint.
These are the methods of "re-education" employed by the KGBists. And what
are the results? What do the "reformed", who are held up as an example to us,
who receive parcels and narcotics from the KGBists, look like? They can be seen
together at holiday concerts before May 1st or November 7th. On the stage-an
unusual collection of faces, ploughed by all possible vices, a bouquet of criminals
of all colors, who it seems have come right out of the pages of a criminology text-
book. Here-are all the wartime criminals, those who killed thousands upon
thousands of Jewish children, representatives of all sexual perversions, narcotic
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addicts who inject cat's blood into their veins if they have nothing else handy.
This is-a choir. "The party is our leader", "Lenin-is always alive." If at least
one KGBist believed in these ideals, the defenders of which he is proclaiming
himself to be-would he permit this? The "reformed" walk about camp with
emblems on their sleeves which say SVP (Sektsiya vnutrennego poryadka-In-
ternal Police Section). The prisoners interpret these letters to mean "Soyuz
voennykh prestupnikov" (Association of War Criminals).
After all this, is it still possible to say seriously that the KGBists are protecting
the Soviet government? On the contrary: all their activity undermines and dis-
credits it, pushes the people to the road of opposition.
A Finn, Vilho Forsel (now in the Vladimir jail), graduated with honours from
Petrozavodsk University and worked on a Karelian state farm. As an interpreter
he accompanied the Canadian Communist delegation throughout Karelia. After
the trip the KGBists demanded that Forsel disclose the contents of conversa-
tions which the Canadians had with people who approached them. Forsel refused
declaring that the law does not give anyone the right to treat him in this way.
Then he was told: "Good, you will beg to cooperate with us." Several days later
he was thrown out of work and no other place would hire him. If this is a crime,
then there is no one to blame but KGB.
Churchill said: "Not one anti-Communist brought so much harm as
Khrushchev."-No one else, but the KGBists, in their turn, took over his shoe
and are pounding with it at all rostrums both in the UN and outside it, success-
fully compromising the state, whilst proclaiming themselves to be its defenders.
Whilst searching us, they regularly confiscate the "UN Declaration of Human
Rights". On my demand to have it returned Krut answered: "It is not allowed
to keep the Declaration." An assistant of the prosecutor with whom I spoke
admitted that he never read it. At "political classes", which are conducted by
semi-literate corporals for artists and writers, the prisoners at one time entered
into a discussion with Senior Lieut. Lyubayev (camp No. 11) supporting the
Declaration with arguments. To this he indulgently answered: "Listen, but it is
only intended for Negroes."
Anyway, there is no need to prove which particular actions are compromising
Communism. Poltoratskyi, who recently has been specializing on the Chinese
"Red Guards", clearly indicated that it is necessary to consider this phenomenon
"as capricious caricature, as an attempt to discredit a just socialist society that
has been dreamed about for centuries". This, first of all, is Mao's order "to send
actors, poets, scholars . . . to the villages for retraining, that is those same
people's communes. It is not hard to imagine what will happen to an elderly
scholar or writer, when he is harnessed to a plough for several days to plough the
fields." (Lit. Ukraina, 24. 2. 1967). Of course, it is not hard to imagine. Let
Foltoratskyi come to Mordovia and see how an artist, Zalyvakha, sent for re-
training, is throwing coal into the furnace. He was given the post of a fireman
with the deliberate intention of killing all desires in him-except to sleep.
Further, the forced dressing of people in caps is considered a disgrace,o Com-
munism. "The fact that workers in factories wear caps of different colours was
noticed immediately. Apprentices and those who did not perform a norm were
without caps. Those who performed the norm-wore yellow caps. And only those
who over-performed could put on a red cap." (Nauka i religiya (Science and
Religion) No. 3, 1967, p. 7). Had this happened in Tientsin or Wuhan, Poltorat-
skyi would immediately speak about the mockery of a human being. But I have
to disappoint you: such a rule was put into effect in the Osh sewing factory in
iirghizia. And if this is the case, then there can be no talk of mockery. This is
simply a method of emancipating a woman in Central Asia.
The newspaper Izvestia (No. 78, 1967) wrote that "the Maoists openly chal-
lenged Marxism-Leninism . declared the assimilation of non-Chinese peoples
as their aim". If this is a "challenge" to Marxism-Leninism, then such learned
men as Agayev and Kravtsev should also be considered Maoists. Their "works"
are regularly published in Moscow and Kyiv. The former thinks that all languages
of the USSR, except Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian Georgian and Armenian,
have no prospects-that is, they should be Russified. he latter tries to convince
Ukrainians that to keep up with the times-means replacing their native language
by Russian.
As we see, Mao is not the only author of "capricious caricatures and attempts to
discredit the socialist society dreamed about for centuries".
- When a person is tried for a "dangerous way of thinking";
- when dissidents are re-educated through hunger in lock-up rooms;
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- when an artist is told what colour paint to use,
- when the UN Declaration of Human Rights is considered a disruptive
document, even though it has been ratified by the government;
- when the Ukrainian language is called with impunity the "Banderist*
tongue" by official persons;
- when people who are struggling against chauvinistic oppression in Ukraine
are put behind bars, at a time when the world is living through an epoch of national
revivals-
- all this-is a disgrace to the state that permits such phenomena.
And its peak-is the rule of the descendants of _ Beria over the spiritual life of
society. It is a pitiful society, where problems of philosophy are solved by punitive
organs behind barbed wire.
A crime is a crime, and it is inevitably followed by reckoning. Someone will have
to answer for those shot and killed by starvation, to answer in accordance with
the constitution which sometime will nonetheless become law. And for the robot
who can calmly pierce a person with a spear, it will also be necessary to answer-
by the one who stole his soul, who sucked a human being out of him.
The truth has long arms!
April 15, 1967.
VOICE OF DESPAIR AND PROTEST
["Revolutionary Voices," 08B .Publishing House, Munich 1f1711
Editor's note:
Ukrainian newspapers in Western Europe have published a letter from Ukrainian
prisoners incarcerated in Camp No. 17 of the Dubravnoye regional administration
of the slave labour camps of the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
The letter reached the free world in a clandestine manner.
Among the prisoners in the Mordovian camps there are some of the 70 Ukrainian
intellectuals arrested and sentenced in Ukraine in 1966, as well as the two other
writers, Daniel and Siniavsky.
The letter proves once again that concentration camps continue to exist in the
USSR and their inmates are often political prisoners serving long term sentences,
people who were made invalids and cripples by long and hard imprisonment. Even if
people serve short sentences, the conditions are so severe that they become physically
broken after a comparatively short time. The letter proves the continuance of persecution
of religion and its adherents. It also proves that the spirit of resistance among Ukrainian
patriots remains unbroken.
Below is the full text of the letter.
LETTER FROM UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PRISONERS FROM A SOVIET CONCENTRATION
CAMP
"The No. 17 camp of the Dubravnoye Camp Administation is situated in the
village of Ozernoye in the Zubova Polyana district of the Mordovian Autonomous
Soviet Socialist Republic. It is divided into two zones: in the first, the main one,
there are about 700 women convicted for "ordinary" crimes, and in the other
there are 276 male political prisoners. Captain Novikov is camp commadant;
Captain Annenkov is commandant of the No. 17-A camp section, i.e. of the male
zone; Senior-Lieutenant Zabaykin is head of the health department; Captain Ivan
Romanovich Krut' is plenipotentiary of the State Security Committee (KGB) for
No. 17 camp.
The majority of the male prisoners are invalids. There are 208 second category
and 51 third category invalids. There are only two cold and overcrowded barracks
in the male zone, with poor ventilation. Food is brought from the female zone and
though a prisoner's ration is pocr to start with, he does not even receive this
meager ration fully. Bread is sour, poorly baked, inedible even for a healthy
person, not to speak of sick people who make up a majority of the camp inmates.
Medical assistance is in fact absent, which can be seen from the following example:
On January 7th, 1967, prisoner Mykhailo Soroka who spent 31. years in Polish
and Russian jails (24 of them in Soviet prisons) fell seriously ill. As became
evident, he had a heart attack. In such cases qualified medical assistance is urgently
necessary. However, a free medical assistant appeared only after 4 days had passed.
Only on the seventh day the sick man was taken to the sick bay (until then he
Bandera was a Ukranian nationalist leader, murdered in Munich by Soviet
terrSt apparatus.
pparatus.
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265
was in the barrack). All this time he (Soroka) was under the care of medical
assistant Mykola Yevdokimov, a fellow prisoner, experienced but powerless in
these circumstances when there are no medicaments or instruments.
In the sick bay there are only 7 beds (for 225 invalids, a majority of whom are
aged and seriously ill). There are no medicines and the prisoners have no right to
receive them from their relatives (even vitamins, though food is so miserably
poor). A dentist is unheard of. Theoretically, those seriously ill should be sent to
the central hospital of the Dubravnoye camp administration (No. 3 camp in the
village of Barashevo). But this is not always possible, as in Soroka's case, when the
sick person cannot be transported (particularly on the terrible roads).
Often, too, dispatch to the central hospital is useless. Thus there have been
several cases when doctors sent a prisoner to the central hospital having diagnosed
a cancer disease, and doctors from the central hospital instead of freeing the
prisoner on the grounds of ill-health (which they are entitled to do) sent him
back to the camp with the diagnosis-acute gastritis. And only death and dis-
section of the body of the deceased confirmed the correctness of the former diag-
nosis. People are released only in such cases when death comes a few days after
release. What better can be expected of people who do not make one step without
the instructions of the KGB and the Operations Department.
The decisive voice in the central hospital belongs to the head of the regime,
Captain Kitsayev, who discharged Dr. Horboviy from the hospital and sent him
back to the camp, although his treatment was far from completed. Similar cases
are not rare. The head of the health department Yeremeyeva stated in No. 11
camp, during Karavanskyi's hunger strike that she knew about the hunger strike,
but was unable to do anything because there had been no instructions from the
Operations Department. The prisoner Ivan Maksym applied for medical treat-
ment to the surgeon in No. 11 camp, but the latter refused even to talk to him,
calling him a simulator. This resulted in the prisoner's death. Medical personnel
from among the prisoners are not much better. Only people who are in the serv-
ice of the KGB and Operations Department are taken there. Neither medical
education nor knowledge play any role whatsoever. For example, the following
medical students, prisoners Yaroslav Hevrych and Dmytro Verkholiak, were
dismissed from work in the health department and transferred to general work
in a workshop, although there is a shortage of medical workers. At the same time
individuals who never had anything to do with medicine, as for example Malykhin
and others who are in good books of the KGB and Management Department are
working as medical orderlies. If there is an experienced and conscientious senior
medical assistant in the No. 17 camp, this is so only because, while working at
the central hospital, he was disliked by some of those who have no relation to
medicine, and they sent him here to the No. 17 camp.
Altogether No. 17 camp has been created as a punitive camp. Administration
does not try to cover it up in conversations, although officially it is not regarded
as such. Apart from invalids, people who have not the slightest intention to submit
to the so-called educational work among the prisoners and with their example can
negatively influence the mass of the prisoners in this direction, have been gathered
here. Therefore, a policy of reprisals with regard to the prisoners, is forcefully
carried out here. Its aim is to undermine the health of the prisoners and to suppress
the slightest symptom of the spirit of insubmission and protest. With this purpose
in view the organised production (the sewing of gloves and construction) is based
on a system of compulsion, arbitrary punishment and reprisals. Prisoners who
work in construction have not been issued with warm special clothing (felt boots
and padded clothing). The average temperature in the shop usually stays within
the limits between +5? and +9? centrigrade. And on the floor the temperature is
usually below the freezing point. Thus there cannot be any talk about normal
work in conditions when one has to handle metallic parts of the machine. None-
theless they demand fulfilment of work quotas from the prisoner, although these
cannot be fulfilled even under normal conditions, not to speak of the present situ-
ation when equipment is broken, when the premises where the prisoners have to
spend nine hours each day (given the 8-hour working day for the prisoners), are
not heated.
One hour is allowed for the so-called lunch break and rest, but it is not only no
rest, but additional punishment, because people are forced to spend an additional
hour in a cold building. Lunch and supper are given in unsanitary conditions, on
generally dirty premises, without tables, so that a prisoner is forced to eat at the
place of work, i.e. by his machine. There are no facilities for washing one's hands
because one small wash-basin cannot provide enough water for everyone, and
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there is no water in the work zone, neither are there any towels. Smoking in the
workshop and in the passage is forbidden. And as there is no place provided where
one could smoke, prisoners are compelled to smoke in a small corridor leading to
the street, where doors are constantly opened and there is constant draught (with
30 centigrade of frost.)
The administration constantly threatens with reprisals against those who fail to
fulfil the norms (and at present no one is able to fulfil the norm), and will carry
out these threats as soon as the period of training ends (at the beginning of Febru-
ary 1967). As there is a shortage of manpower, because second category invalids
are entitled to stay off work, the administration openly declares that it will set up
a local medical committee with the purpose of taking away the rights of invalids
from the disabled persons and forcing them to work. Camp commandant, Capt.
Annenkov, has said it openly.
The point is that up to now this was a camp for female political prisoners (until
29th December, 1966, i.e. to the date of our arrival) most of whom were women
sentenced for their religious convictions, that is people who less than anyone else
had been able to put up resistance to the arbitrariness of the camp administration,
or even to protest against the oppression. It must also be added that-in an'
overwhelming majority-these were elderly women. As the overlookers say,
they were exhausted beings, clad in rags, who were forced to work in cold premises,
where temperature rarely rose to 2-3 degrees above the freezing point, and often
fell below the freezing point even. As the system of oppression has become a tradi-
tion here, the administration has the intention to continue it in the future, too.
No wonder that the overlookers are frankly saying that the more we complain
against the infringement of our unlawful rights by them, the more they are
praised by their superiors and vice versa.
Have the prisoners tried to complain against these numerous infringements, re-
prisals and injustice? They have, and have done so many a time, but without any
effect. The camp commandant, Capt. Annenkov, replied with shouts that things
would remain as they were. Chief engineer replied to the complaint that we are com-
pelled to consume our food in cold premises, in unhygieneic conditions, that this was
none of his concern and advises us to address similar questions to "Ivan the
Wind". After many complaints a medical inspector came from the health depart-
ment of the Dubravnoye Camp Administration, who, in the first place, did not
believe that temperature in the shop was too low (he did not agree to its being
measured on the spot), stating that "norms had always been fulfilled and over-
fulfilled here". After we mentioned that we had recently sent a number of com-
plaints signed by the shift master (a free man), dealing with the temperature in
the workshop, he merely enquired to whom these complaints were addressed,
and was dissatisfied that they were addressed to the Attorney General's Office
and not the Camp Administration.
As regards the complaint by the writer Daniel about the outrageous case of the
sick man, M. Soroka, this medical inspector stated that this was no longer a
topical question (the sick man did not die when he did not receive medical treat-
ment) and tried to make Daniel recognise that everything in the camp was in
order (which he needed for formally dismissing the matter), to which the latter
did not-agree. No wonder that when the prisoners demand what is due to them
according to the law, representatives of the administration do not bother to do
anything and simply reply: " You may complain," because they know that no one
will pay the slightest attention to our complaints. To whom is one to complain
when our former "educators" sit in the offices of higher authority? The following
fact may bear witness to their standards of behaviour. For two or three years the
former operations manager from camp No. 19 was acting as a doctor at the No. 7
camp. He was dismissed from his job in camp No. 19 for an attempt to violate a
nurse. At present he is employed as duty officer at the prison in the town of
Ruzayevka in Mordovia. At present, Senior Lieutenant Nekrasov is in charge of
the guard detachment at camp No. 1. Previously he was a medical assistant in
the same camp. Supervision by attorneys is the same as that by doctors (attorneys
very often change their seats from those of law officers to camp commandants,
officials of the administration, and vice versa, as happened with our present deputy
head of the Dubravnoye Camp Administration, Nekachan).
Mention was made already of correspondence and parcels. I wish to add that
permission to receive ackets with printed matter which we are lawfully permitted
to receive-depends (just as letters) on the will of the KGB functionary (in the
given case, Capt. Krut'), which makes our right illusory.
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Representatives of various nations of the Soviet Union are held in the camp.
There are Latvians, Lithuanians, Estonians, Russians. As could well have been
expected, there are a great many Ukrainians.
Who are they?
(There follows a list of Ukrainian prisoners whom the author (or authors) of the
letter segregate into the following groups: "participants in the national liberation
struggle 1942-1954, as well as various clandestine groups of a similar character ;
"those sentenced for their religious convictions (Catholics, Baptists, Jehovah's
Witnesses, etc.)"; "those sentenced for the so-called anti-Soviet agitation, for an
attempt to cross the frontier and similar crimes" ; "for crimes committed during the
war". The list gives: the prisoner's surname and name, region, year of birth, when
arrested, sentence in years. There are altogether 114 names. Obviously this list
does not contain all the Ukrainian prisoners of No. 17-A camp, because at the
end of some groups there is "and others".)
Although all the listed Ukrainians. have been sentenced by the courts of the
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, they are held (and have always been held)
in the camps of Russia. This is another superfluous proof of the abdication of
the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic from its sovereignty-the carrying out
of the sentence of its courts.
' There are only 17 people of the working category, i.e. people able to work, in the
carnp.
The head of the Dubravnoye Camp Administration is Colonel Gromov, noto-
rious for his arbitrariness in the 40's and 50's in Kamyshlag (Kemerovo region)
(West Siberia-Ed.).
The head of the KGB Department at the Dubravnoye Camp Administration is
Lieut.-Col. Blinov.
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THE CASE OF THE BALTIC FLEET OFFICERS
["Uncensored Russia," Peter Reddaway. American Heritage Press, New York, 19721
The time has come for the party to look people in the eye and revise its ways.
If, however, all our methods of struggle give no positive result, then time will
present the task of creating a new party, which, after a prolonged ideological
struggle, will lead a socialist society to the triumph of Reason, Justice and Human-
ism, and enable Intellectual Freedom to flourish in our country... Russia is wait-
ing for new people.
GENNADY GAVRILOV,
September 1968.
Without doubt this chapter contains some of the most dramatic material in the
Chronicle. The material is also of the greatest importance for gaining a clear view of
some of the Democratic Movement's more radical components. But, tantalizingly,
there is not yet enough of it. While it conjures up vivid images, their edges are
blurred and they have yet to come fully into focus.
One thing, however, is clear: Grigorenko and Altunyan are not isolated cases of
military involvement in the Democratic Movement. Baltic Fleet Officers, linked with
civilians and apparently operating mainly from Tallinn, the capital of Estonia,
have injected a vigorous strain of their own constructive thought into the movement.
Whether this will lead eventually to a top-level military involvement in politics, pos-
sibly one day a take-over, is too early to say. Such traditions are weak in Russia:
the Decembrist officers were an exception in 1885. Nevertheless, the general phenomenon
of army take-overs has spread through so much of the last two decades that the eventual
infection of the Soviet military can by no means be ruled out. Who knows, indeed,
whether Lieutenant Ilin, who apparently tried to assassinate the top party leaders in
January 1969, represented only himself? Or did he come, as rumour had it, from some
army group prepared-unlike the naval officers-to use terrorism in the tradition of
the People s Will, the group which killed Alexander II in 1881?
The first indication that things were brewing in Tallinn came when two documents
reached the West at the end of 1968. The first concerned the well-known essay by
Academician Sakharov [not printed here], which he had circulated in final form in the
summer. It was signed `Numerous representatives of the technical intelligentsia of
Estonia', a formula which left open the possibility--a likely one-that both Estonians
and non-Estonians, both civilians and military people, were involved. The Chronicle
reported:
Sakharov's study has evoked a response from representatives of the technical
intelligentsia of Estonia. In an article entitled `To Hope or to Act?' they maintain
that Sakharov `puts too much faith in scientific and technical means, in economic
measures, in the goodwill of those who control society, and in people's common
sense', and that 'the root causes he sees and the remedies he advocates are external,
material ones, while the inner, spiritual, political and organic ones are ignored'.
The article says that what weneed most of all is a moral revival of society, since,
`having destroyed Christian values, the materialist ideology has not created new
ones'. This has given rise to a society in which solidarity is an external, mechanical
thing, and one which is actually based on socially alienated individuals who are
fearful of their neighbours and feel insignificant and lonely before the state ma-
chine. New moral values are essential. The authors of the article demand not
only intellectual freedom, but also political freedom, real democracy and a re-
nunciation of the doctrine of militant, aggressive communism in foreign policy.
The authors of the article conclude that the `leading minds of our society' should
apply themselves to working out new social, political and economic ideals.
This was a call for a political programme. The document had, moreover, put forward
ideas somewhat more radical than the Chronicle's summary would suggest. Written
soon after the Czechoslovak occupation, it warned: `For twelve years already, since
the 80th party congress, we have waited and asked our leadership for liberating reforms.
We are prepared to ask and wait for a certain time longer. But eventually we will
demand and act! And then tank divisions will have to be sent not into Prague and
Bratislava, but rather into Moscow and Leningrad!"
(268)
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As for foreign policy, "was it not our country which `j,7oined' to itself, in the period
1939-49, 700,000 square kilometers of territory . . . ? We must give up the senseless
accumulation of territory, the expansion of our great-power might, and our aggressive
policies ince not just half but the greater part of the responsibility for the
tension in the world lies with us, it is we who must make the first and biggest moves
towards reconciliation.'
The second document-an `Open Letter to the Citizens of the Soviet ILnion' dated
September 1968 and signed `Gennady Alekseyev, communist'-'made various similar
points from a more Marxist position, and provides the epigraph to this chapter.
Then, in October 10169, the Chronicle reported the appearance in samizdat of the
`Programme of the Democrats of Russia, the L kraine and the Baltic Lands' :
This document gives an exhaustive analysis of the world revolutionary move-
ment the world national liberation movement, and the ideological state of the
world. The positive programme set out in this document is extremely interesting.
Now written on this document is a second title: "Programme of the Democratic Move-
ment of the Soviet Union". Maybe, therefore, in order to distance itself from this
programme, and perhaps also to discourage particular groups from writing in the name
of the movement as a whole, the Chronicle quickly added this note:
The tenth issue of the Chronicle gave a brief account of the "Programme [of the
Democrats of Russia, the Ukraine and the Baltic Lands]". This account must be
considered unsatisfactory. The analysis of the contemporary international situa-
tion and the socio-political picture of the world presented in the programme cannot
of course be considered "exhaustive", as the tenth issue of the Chronicle rashly
stated. The words "exhaustive analysis" smack of dogmatism. The problems of the
modern world are inexhaustible in their variety and complexity, and they cer-
tainly cannot be exhausted by any one programme. The programme expresses
the views only of a certain group of people.
Mostly likely, we may conclude, this perhaps small group wanted to circulate its
programme under a rather presumptuous title precisely in order to stimulate debate and
find out how acceptable it was to wider circles.
But which people made up this anonymous group, the only effectively underground
one linked with the Democratic Movement? It seems likely that they were connected,
either directly or indirectly, with the authors of the two earlier documents. For the
programme-a long, 30,000-word work-develops in detail, often using similar termi-
nology the ideas of those documents. The mention of "the Baltic lands" is also sugges-
tive. It was, in any case, the asked for programme.
The latter is, unfortunately, too long to analyse here. But let us just note a few
points: first, its militancy. One example of this is its epigraph, an unusual quotation]
from Alexander Herzen. It reads: `Socialism will give rise in all its phases to extreme
consequences, to stupidities. Then once again a cry of renunciation will burst forth
from the titanic breast of the revolutionary minority, and once again a deadly struggle
will begin, in which socialism will occupy the place of today's conservatism and will
be conquered by an advancing revolution of which we do not know.' Secondly we
should note the Programme's tendency to praise Western democracy, sometimes to the
point of idealization. The authors-it appears to be the joint work of people who have
specially researched different parts of it-come out clearly for a mixed economy not all
that di$erent in nature from the capitalist economies of Western Europe. This marks
them o$ from almost all the other tendencies in the Democratic Movement, which in the
rare cases when they discuss economics in depth, usually prefer various forms of
market socialism. What also mark the group off are its evident exaggeration of the
Movement's strength and its advocacy of underground as well as legal methods of
struggle. In reviewing its two substantial documents of 1970 the Chronicle criticized
it severely on these points, waiving its usual ban on, alue judgments.
Now, while bearing in mind that the Programmes authors quite possibly had no
direct links with the Baltic Fleet officers arrested in 1969, we can pass to the Chronicle's
coverage of their case. Despite the apparent inaccuracy of this coverage in one or two
places, it is all presented here in the original sequences:
According to unconfirmed rumours, a number of officers of the Baltic Fleet
have been arrested in Tallinn, Leningrad and Kaliningrad. Rumours suggest
that the arrests were made in connection with the distribution of a letter by
Alekseyev, addressed to the citizens of the Soviet Union, about the invasion of
Czechoslovakia.
The report that the arrests of officers of the Baltic Fleet were connected with
the letter by Alekseyev has been confirmed. The letter was a protest against the
sending of troops into Czechoslovakia. According to information received, thirty-
one people have been arrested in Estonia, not all of them officers. For example,
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in Tallinn an engineer, Sergei Soldatov, was arrested.* About a quarter of those
arrested are Estonians. Although rumours, possibly spread by official circles, say
that those arrested are members of a nationalist movement, materials circulating
at present in Russian and Estonian samizdat are convincing proof that the opinions
of the arrested people are generally democratic and anti-Stalinist, and that their
demand for equal national rights is a logical part of their general system of thought.
One of the arrested is a coastguard officer of the Baltic Fleet, Alekseyev.
ARRESTS OF OFFICERS OF THE BALTIC FLEET
Following inexact and partially contradictory reports of arrests of Baltic Fleet
officers, the Chronicle is now publishing accurate information.
In May 1969 the naval officers Gavrilov, Kosyrev and Pararnonov were arrested
in Paldiski, a town near Tallinn, and in Kaliningrad [on the Baltic coast near
Poland]. They are accused of founding a `Union to Struggle for Political Rights',
the aim of which was the realization in the U.S.S.R. of the democratic rights and
freedoms guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It is reported
that during searches K.G.B. officials found it printing press intended for the
publication of uncensored literature.
The investigation is being conducted by the K.G.B. organs of the Baltic Fleet.
The investigators-Captain Bodunov, Major Drach and Colonel Denisenko-are
officials of the K.G.B. and the Baltic Fleet Military Procuracy. The Procurator
supervising the investigation is Kolesnikov.
The K.G.B. investigation organs are attributing the leading role and the `Open
Letter to the Citizens of the Soviet Union', signed by G. Alekseyev, a pseudonym,
to Gavrilov. As far as can be ascertained, Gavrilov is holding firmly to his prin-
ciples during investigation. Thanks to the testimony of Kosyrev, the K.G.B.
have evidently reached the conclusion that the arrested men. have connections
with Leningrad, Moscow, Tallinn, Riga, Baku, Perm and Khabarovsk. It appears
that Paramonov too is giving the investigators helpful testimony. The investi-
gators are intent on discovering whether the arrested men had any connection
with Ilya Gabai, who was arrested in Moscow in May 1969, and also with those
citizens who have signed protests against violations of human rights in the
U.S.S.R. The arrested officers are at present in the K.G.B. prison in Tallinn.
The unique documents in the next item presumably reached the Chronicle through
either a leak or a blunder in the K.G.B.:
THE INVESTIGATION INTO THE CASE OF NAVAL OFFICER G. V. GAVRILOV AND OTHERS
CONTINUES
On June 20th, 1969, a K. G.B. detective squad searched the flat of S. I. Soldatov
in Tallinn. The search warrant, signed by Captain Bodunov, a senior investigator,
indicated that citizen Olga Bondarenko had testified that Soldatov had been
meeting a stranger in her flat. Confiscated during the search were personal corre-
spondence with the Soviet writer V. M. Pomerantsev, the Declaration of Human
Rights, poems called "Dream of Freedom" and "On the Death of Kennedy", ex-
tracts copied from Confessions of J. Rousseau, and a samizdat philosophical manu-
script, Man and the World.
First interrogation. June 24th, 1969. In the Estonian K.G.B. headquarters,
Pagari Street 2 [Tallinn], senior investigator A. Nikitin.
INVESTIGATOR. We should like to question you . . . for the moment as a witness.
SOLDATOV. In connection with which case am I being questioned?
INVESTIGATOR. You are being questioned in connection with the case of
Gennady Vladimirovich Gavrilov and a group of Baltic Fleet officers charged
with anti-Soviet activities. Are you cften in Moscow?
SOLDATOV. That is irrelevant to the case under investigation.
INVESTIGATOR. Are you acquainted with Yakir?
SOLDATOV. I wish to state that I am not prepared to give you any information
about my acquaintances or my spiritual life.
(There follows a lengthy explanation about how refusal to testify can be a
criminal offence.)
SOLDATOV. If you have any material evidence against me, lock me up without
my collaboration.
.Modification In No. 10: "It turns out that Soldatov'has been forcibly interned In a
psychiatric hosDital."
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271
INVESTIGATOR. We have a lot of evidence against you. You have had connections
with these officers. We know that for certain.
SOLDATOV. Then draw up an indictment on the basis of that evidence.
(Soldatov is taken into another office.)
COLONEL BARxov. You aren't an enemy of Soviet power?
SOLDATOV. I am an enemy of lawlessness.
BARxov. Then why don't you assist the investigation, and confirm what is
obvious? We know for sure that the accused Gavrilov got your address from
Yakir and has been meeting you. Your obstinate refusal only increases our
suspicions. Evidently you have some anti-Soviet peccadillos on your conscience
and feel uncomfortable . .
SOLDATOV. I've already said `Lock me up without my help.'
BARxov. We once interrogated and released a young man who had written an
anti-Soviet poem. Later he started asking us to lock him up, if only for a year.
Your vanity evidently makes you, too, aspire to appear a martyr.
SOLDATOV. I simply want to live my life as an honest man.
BARxov. Then how are we to understand your attitude to Soviet law?
SOLDATOv. These laws are themselves imperfect and frequently conflict with
human rights.
BARKOv. But Solon said: 'If laws are imperfect, then let the lawgiver's error
be forgiven.' Think what sort of position you will put the worthy Captain Bondar-
enko in. After all, his daughter confirms that you have met the officers in her flat.
SOLDATOV. That's a matter for her conscience. I know what I myself am talking
about.
BARKOV. Think of the fate of these young officers. One of them is already
completely beyond your help, but you could ease the position of another of
them . . .
SOLDATOV. I can't ease anyone's fate by going against my conscience.
BARKOV. Now that's simply cruel. How can you talk about human rights and
struggle for them after saying that .
SOLDATOV. Well, then, I will confirm just the evidence of Bondarenko's daughter
and the officers-if that will save someone.
(Soldatov confirms that he had met someone; he cannot remember the time,
place, appearance or names; the conversation was on general topics and he had
noticed nothing illegal.)
BARKOV. Why didn't you invite this person to your home?
SOLDATOV. My wife doesn't like having strangers in.
BARKOV. Did they give you any documents? Did they discuss with you the
foundation of a 'Union of Fighters for Political Freedom' and the publication of
a newspaper called the Democrat? Did you promise to get hold of type-metal?
Do you know a document called 'To Hope or to Act?'?
(Soldatov answers each question in the negative.)
BARKOV. What is your political credo?
SOLDATOV. The government is obliged to listen to the opinions of dissenters, for
the democratic intelligentsia, and to implement democratic freedoms, which it is
not doing. (Signs record of interrogation.)
BARKOV. Whether you like it or not, the question of your relations with Yakir
will inevitably be brought into the open.
SOLDATOV. That won't change my position.
BARxov. You're evidently dissatisfied with our policy in Czechoslovakia?
SOLDATOV. I'm not thrilled to bits by it.
BARKOV. You'd like West Germany to send its troops there?
SOLDATOV. I would prefer not to have this sort of argument in a K.G.B. office.
Goodbye.
Second interrogation. June 28th, 1969. In the Estonian K.G.B. headquaters,
senior investigator A. Nikitin.
NIKITIN. What can you say about the letter to the party Central Committee
signed by you and your comrades at the Leningrad Polytechnic Institute?
SOLDATOV. Only that the answer we got to it didn't satisfy us.
NIKITIN. Where did you get the exercise-book containing political notes?
SOLDATOV. I found it in a lecture-hall and kept it.
NIKITIN. Where did you get the samizdat philosophical manuscript?
SoLDATOV. I don't remember.
NIKITIN. Where did you get the poems 'Dread of Freedom' and 'On the Death
of Kennedy'?
SOLDATOV. I refuse to answer.
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72
NIKITIN. How did your correspondence with the writer Pomerantsev begin? Is
he your friend?
SOLDATOV. Just an acquaintance. It was on my initiative. I have no other
information to give. I protest against the illegal confiscation from me of materials
not relevant to the case, including the Declaration of Human Rights.
NIKITIN. Address your protest to the Special Department of the Baltic Fleet.
It's their instructions we're carrying out.
SOLDATOV. I am a civilian. My documents are irrelevant to the case of these
officers.
NIKITIN. We decide whether they are relevant or not.
SOLDATOV. That's where the arbitrariness starts. Article 140 of the Russian
Code of Criminal Procedure has been violated.
NIKITIN. But that sort of thing happened in the past. Things are different now.
SOLDATOV. What about the arrest of people for their beliefs, the confinement of
healthy people in psychiatric hospitals?
NIKITIN. That question is decided by medical experts, not by us. We even help
ex-political prisoners to find work.
SOLDATOV. Your charitable activities stare us in the face.
NIKITIN. We sent a couple of b-s to prison, and you're up in arms, kicking
up a fuss for all the world to hear. What about the country's prestige? (A reference
to Daniel and Sinyavsky.)
SOLDATOV. It's a question not of the nation but of principle. It's a matter of
freedom of speech and artistic expression. Besides, one person who fights boldly
for freedom is worth more than a million cowardly nonentities.
NIKITIN. Well that's as may be. It's all very abstract. But I still hope that
you'll change your negative attitude to the K.G.B.
SOLDATOV. Even if you managed to convince me that you are observing legality
at the moment, who will give a guarantee for the future?
NIKITIN. Of course, if the international situation becomes tenser, we will take
steps against those who have been shooting at us(??).
(SOLDATOV signs an order forbidding him to leave Tallinn.)
Third interrogation.. September 3rd, 1969. In the Special Department of the
K.G.B. for the Baltic Fleet, Toompea Street 8, senior investigator Captain
Bodunov.
BoDUNOV. We are not satisfied with your evidence to the Estonian K.G.B. I
hope you've seen sense.
(The records of the interrogation of the accused A. V. Kosyrev are now quoted:
`I asked him (Soldatov) to assist in the establishment of a "Union of Fighters for
Political Freedom" and in the publication of a paper, the Democrat, to which he
very willingly agreed . . . He also agreed to get hold of type-metal . . . His
telephone number was obtained from Yakir . . .')
BODUNOV. What have you to say about that?
SOLDATOV. I can't remember any such conversation. We talked about general
subjects.
BoDUNov. Have you known Yakir long?
SOLDATOV. Why are you so persistently interested in Yakir? As far as I know,
he is a universally respected citizen who in legal ways defends human rights.
BODUNOV. But his personal friend I. Gabai has been arrested. I had a word
with the investigator who interrogated him.* So he's not involved only in legal
affairs.
SOLDATOV. I have nothing to say on that score. It's not clear why Kosyrev
needed to meet me.
BoDUNov. He saw in you a fighter.
SOLDATOV. I hadn't deserved that.
BoDUNOV. Right, wait in the next room.
(There follows a confrontation and an identification procedure, in the course of
which Kosyrev identifies Soldatov and confirms his evidence about their con-
versation.)
BODUNOV (to Soldatov). What have you to say to that?
SOLDATOV. I consider the base and cowardly conduct of Kosyrev unworthy of
an officer.
BODUNOV (slapping his hand on the table). I will not stand for any insinua-
tions. You are sitting on a powder-keg which may explode at any moment.
The Investigation of Gabai's case was carried out by senior investigator B. I.. Berozowsky of the
Uzbek Procuracy [Chronicle's note-pp. 136-401.
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SOLDATOV (to Kosyrev). There exists the K.G.B.'s court, and also the court
of your comrades and of history. To that court you will have to answer your
whole life long.
BonuNov. There's no 'K.G.B. court', only the Soviet People's Court.
SOLDATOV. There's also the court of conscience. It is important to remain hon-
est in all circumstances.
BonuNOV. You and your honest conduct won't be strolling around freely much
longer.
SOLDATOV. Experience shows that honest people have frequently lost their
freedom and become political prisoners. Then they have been rehabilitated. I'd
rather be rehabilitated than a swine and free . . . I request the opportunity to
speak at the trial.
BonuNOV. Why?
SOLDATOV. In order to express my opinion about this case.
BonuNOV. In whose name? Who has authorized you? A Komsomol or trade
union organization?
SOLDATOV. In the name of the democratic intelligentsia.
Fourth interrogation. In the Special Department of the Baltic Fleet. Septem-
ber 4th, 1969. Senior investigator Bodunov. (Confrontation with G. V. Gavrilov,
the chief accused. Gavrilov does not recognize Soldatov.)
SOLDATOV. I demand to be allowed to take part in the coming trial.
Bo.uuxov. There is nothing for you to do there. You aren't helping in the search
for the truth.
SOLDATOV (to Gavrilov). My name is . . . (gives his names). Remember that
I shall always be glad to meet you. How can I help?
GAVRILOV. Perhaps we will meet. There's nothing I need.
Fifth interrogation. September 23rd, 1969. (Soldatov has been summoned to
the Special Department of the Baltic Fleet, where he is awaited by K.G.B. Major
Tikhonov and three men in white coats, headed by military doctor Petrenko.
They turn out to be doctors from the Republic Psychiatric Hospital. The exami-
nation proceeds as follows:
`Were your parents ever sick?'-'No.'
Are you an only child?'-`Yes.'
`Did you start school at the normal age?'-'Yes.'
`What were you keen on at school?'-'Mathematics and sports.'
`Did you aspire to be a leader?'-'No.'
`Why did you leave secondary school at the age of eighteen instead of nine-
teen?'-`The war.'
`Why did you choose mechanical engineering?'-'I liked it.'
`Did you do well in your examinations?'-`Yes.'
`How did you choose your friends?'-'For their honesty and intelligence:'
`Why did you move to a different factory?'-'I changed my line.'
`Don't your work-mates envy you?'-`No.,
'What are your relations with your work-group?'-'Perfectly correct.'
`Ah, only "correct". Why not warm?'-'One can't make friends to order.'
`Don't you think you could make a technical breakthrough?'-'No.'
`Are your parents hard-hearted towards you?'-`No.'
`What made you marry your wife?'-'I liked her.'
'Have you ever had experience of unrequited love?'-'Yes.'
`Do you confide your views to ;your wife?'-'She judges me by what I do.'
`Is your wife content with you?'-'Ask her. Pick your questions more carefully.'
o you feel that life is hard and people are hard on you?'-'No.'
To you believe in the supernatural? In the hereafter?'-'Those are controversial
questions.'
`Your favorite authors are . . . ?'-`Zweig, Dickens, Tolstoy.'
`Have you ever been to church?'-'I have.'
`When did you become interested in religious and moral problems?'-'When I
learned to think.'
`Why are you interested in them?'-'Not everything in life is as it should be.'
`Why do you like Tolstoy?'-'He explores problems of human existence.'
`Your attitude to military service?'-'I haven't yet adopted a definite attitude
to it, because it's peacetime.'
`What do you think of Man and the World, the manuscript found at your
flat?'-'There's a lot I can't understand.'
`Where did you get it from?'-'From acquaintances.'
'What is your attitude to the sending of troops into Czechoslovakia?'-'Negative.'
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`How should the question be settled?'-'Peacefully.'
`You wouldn't like to head a delegation at negotiations?'--'I'm not qualified
in politics.'
`What do you think of Soviet policy?'?--`To make an analysis you need informa-
tion from both sides. I haven't got that.'
'Don't you consider yourself able to change the Soviet political system?'-
'History is made by the masses.'
'Why have we gathered here for this conversation?'-'The K.G.B. is worried
about my health.'
'Why is the K.G.B. interested in you?'-'Because of my inconvenient views
and undesirable acquaintanceships.'
'Don't summonses to the K. G.B. embitter you?'-'I've got used to them.'
'Does the present situation embitter you?'-'At the moment I feel ashamed for
the medical profession.'
'Have you ever had bumps on your head?'--'Yes, lots.'
'Why do you have that ironic smile all the time?'-'I'm enjoying this solemn
ritual. It reveals your powerlessness.'
In early 1970 Soldatov was, despite his attempted self-defence through the courts,
dismissed from his job, and two unnamed officers were arrested in Poland in connec-
tion with the Gavrilov case. In June Gavrilov, aged thirty-one was sentencedby a
Leningrad military tribunal to six years in strict-rAgime camps, and Aleksei Vasilevich
Kosyrev, twenty-eight, to two years. Georgy Konstantinovich Paramonov was con-
signed to the Chernyakhovsk prison hospital. The charges, under articles 70 and 72,
concerned the formation by these naval engineer officers of a 'Union to Struggle for
Political Rights'.
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TWENTY YEARS FOR THE "SINS" OF THEIR FATHERS
Yury Shukhevich, the son of a general in the Ukrainian resistance,
was sentenced to indefinite imprisonment at age fourteen, not because
of anything he himself had done but simply because he was the son of
his father. The same fate befell Pyotr Yakir, the son of a Jewish
general executed by Stalin. Both men were released after serving
twenty years in the camps. Both men are now back in the camp because
of their continuing opposition to the Communist dictatorship.
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TILE CASE OF YURI GALANSKOV
The pathetic appeal addressed to the United Nations by Yuri
Galanskov prior to his death in the camps in January 1973 appears on
page 120 of the hearing. At the left top is a photo of Galanskov taken
prior to his arrest. At the right top is another photo taken in prison.
The photograph below shows Galanskov's injured wife, Olga, being
carried from the trial of her husband by Pavel Litvinov (left) and
Alexander Daniel (right), January 12th, 1968.
Wife, Olga Galanskov
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Anatoly Marchenko
Author of "My Testimony"
Vladimir Bukovsky
Now serving twelve years for smuggling out documents on the
abuse of psychiatry for political terror
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General Pyotr Grigorenko
Now fraudulently confined to a mental
institution
Ilya Bokshtein
See story on page 150
1)r. Alexander Trusnnovich
NTS leader kidnapped from Berlin by
Soviet agents
Natalya Gorbanevskaya
Russian poetess and resistance leader,
released from fraudulent mental
confinement last year-with a
chemically altered personality
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IMPRISONED JEWISH RESISTANCE LEADERS
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IMPRISONED UKRAINLtN RESISTANCE LEADERS
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INDEX
EDITORIAL NOTE : There are several accepted ways of translating names from
Russian and Ukrainian Into English. 'lhe V(w York Times, and most American
newspapers, for example, will render the ee sound which terminates many Rus-
sian names with the "y". Library of Congress translators, however, following the
Library of Congress style, use the letters "iy" to reproduce the same sound. The
New York Times uses the letter "1" to reproduce the soft 111" sound in Russian.
The Library of Congress reproduces the soft "1" with "I". And so on through a
whole series of differences in spelling, which nevertheless result in virtually
identical pronunciations in English.
There will be differences, too, between transliteration of names and place
names from Ukrainian into English by competent Ukrainian-English translators,
and transliterations of the same names by competent Russian-English translators.
For example, "Kiev" is the Russian-English transliteration and "Kiiv" the
Ukrainian-English transliteration for the same city in the Ukraine.
Because the texts incorporated in this testimony come from several different
sources, the spelling will vary according to the source. In general in this index
we have followed the procedure of listing names under the dominant Russian
transliteration. Although the spellings may vary slightly from one portion of the
text to another, the reader should have no difficulty in recognizing the names be-
cause of the virtual uniformity of pronunciation.
(NoTE.-The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance
to the mere fact of the appearance of the name of an individual or organization
in this index.) A Page
Abakum ------------------------------------------------------------ 183 Abwehr --------------------------------------------------- 183
Action Group for the Defense of Civil Rights in the U.S.S.R-------------- 190
Afanasev, Captain----------------------- --------------------------- 20
190
Agayev ------------------------------------------------------------- 263
Raisa Salgimuradovna------------------------------------ 186
Akimova, L. S--------------------------------------------- 157,158,199,200
Alekaandrovich, Aleksandr-------------------------------------- 179-181,184
Alekseyev, Gennady------------------------------------------------ 269,270
Alekseyeva, Lyudmila------------------------------------------------ 192
Aleshka ------------------------------------------ ------------------ 179
Alexandrovich, Isaac------------------------------------------------- 225
Alexandrovich, Rivka-------------------------------------------------
Alexandrovich, Ruta Isaacovna----------------------------------------
-04, 205, 2-0, 217, 225
Alexeeva, Valentina Ivanovna------------------------
All-Russian Social Christian Union for the Liberation of the People------ 147,
148,150, 151, 177
Altman, Anatoly----------------------------------------------- 230, 232, 233
-------- 268
Altunyan ---------------------------------------------------
American Heritage Press ---------------------- z ----------------- 176, 197, 268
AMT (Association of Israeli Youth) ----------------------------------- 150
Anakhashiyev ------------------------------------------------------- 183
Annenkov, Captain----------------------------------------- 167, 168, 264,266
Antonenko --------I------------------------------------------------- 244
Antonov, 0---------------------------------------------------------- 182
Arbuzov, Colonel----------------------------------------------------- 238
Arkadyj, Voloshin---------------------------------------------------- 160
---------------
Armavir Prison---------------------------------------
Austria ------------------ 154
-------------------------------------------
(I)
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Averbuch; Ruth Aleksandrovich Page
_____________________________-?_____ 238
Averochkin, Boris Anatolevich------------------ ____
_________________ 151, 176, 181
Avvakum ------------------------------------------------------------ 191
Aydov, Vyacheslav---------------------------------------------------- 153
B
Babitskiy, Konstantin----------------------------------------------- 192, 193
Balaban, F. A----------------------------------- -------- 205
Baptists _____________ 201-203, 205
Baranov, Yuriy Petrovich_______ _____ __ _____ ___________ 138, 147, 177,181
Burkov, Colonel---------------------------------------------- 271
Belik, Igor Vasilyevich_______________________--_ --------
--------------------- 185
Belinskly ---------------------------------------------- 190
Bell, The (magazine)------------------------------------------------153, 154
Belogorodskaya, Irina ---------------------------------- 147, 152, 191, 192, 200
Berdyayev ---------------------------- 176
Berezowsky, B. I________________ 272
B -------------------------------
erg-Khaymovich, Yakov --------------------------------------- 153, 184, 185
Bergs --------------------------------------------------------------- 243
Beria ---------------------------------------------- 160, 171, 178, 181, 183, 259
Biriukov ------------------------------------------ 192
----------------
linov, Colonel ----------------------------------------------------- 169,267
Blums, Biruta --------------------------- -------- 174
------------------
Bochevarov, Georgiy Nikolayevich--------------- 147, 177, 179, 181, 187, 189, 190
Bodunov, Captain ---------------------------------------------- 270,272,273
Bogach, Nikolay Pavlovich-------------------------------------------- Bogoraz-Burkhman, Larisa Ioslfovna-------------------------------- 147, 151
Boguslavsky, Victor __________________ 233
-----------------------------
Bokshtein, Ilya Veniaminovich-------------------------------------- 150,278
Boldyreff, Constantin ---------------------------------------------- 129-145
Bondarenko, Captain ________________----------- 215,271
Bondarenko, Olga --------------------------------------------------- --------------
270
Borisovich, Mikhail -------------------------------------------------- 190
Borisovich, Solomon -_ 190
Borodin, Leonid Ivanovich__________________ 150, 177, 178, 181, 182, 186, 189,191
Borushko, Grigori Grigorievich__-__---_ 204, 205, 211, 212, 214, 215, 218, 219, 221
Brezhnev, L. I_________________________________ 144, 162, 163, 189, 196, 201, 216
Brindt --------------------------------------------------------------- 237
Budapest --------------------------- 137
Bukovsky, Vladimir ------------------------------------------------- 148,277
Bunin --------------------------------------------------------------- 191
Burkov ------------------------------------------------------------ 241,242
Burmistrovich, Ilya Evseevich_________________ __________ -_______-- 148, 192
Buryak (nickname: Hitler)________________ ------------------------------------------ 135,138
Butman ---------------------- 195
Butyrki Prison-------------------------------------------------- 158,1.78,200
Butyrskaya Prison______________________________________ __ 133,134,152,154
Buzin, Yury---------------------------------------------------------- 177
Buzyreva, N. V.------------------------------------------------------- 225
Byazrov, Fedir------------------------------------------------------- 260
Bychkov, General--------------------------------------------.-- 171,172,174
C
Central Investigation Confinement Center ------------------------------- 189
Chautzis _ 237
Cheka (secret police)_____________ _________________________ 11,55,182,185-187
Chelvabiusk ------------------------------------------------- 132,134
C-herdyntsev, Ivan Alekseevich--------------------------------------- 149,191
Cherdyntsev, Vania---------------------------------------------------- 190
Cherdyntseva, Efrosiniya Nesterovna----------------------------------- 149
Cherenkov, Ivan Nikolayevich______________________________ _- 183
----------
Chernolglaz, Bronya --- - - -- - - 161
Chernoglas, David---------------------------------------------- 230,233,234
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Chernomorskaya Kommuna (newspaper) ------------------------------
218
Chernyakhovsk Prison Hospital---------------------------------------
274
Cheshkov, M---------------------------------------------------------
151
China ------------------------------------------------------------- 134,144
Chinese "Red Guards"--------------------------------------------- 262,
263
Chornomorska Komuna (newspaper) ----------------------------------
245
Chornovil, Viacheslav------------------------------------- 244, 245, 253,
281
"Chronicle" (publicaiton) -------- 149, 177, 178, 197-199, 201-204, 268, 270,
272
Chuprynka, General--------------------------------------------------
241
Churchill --------------------------------------------------------- 183,
263
Communist Party (22d Congress) -------------------------------------
140
Cuba --------------------------------------------------------- 129, 143-145
Czechoslovakia ---------------- 186, 144, 147, 151, 152, 192, 256, 269, 271, 273
D
Daniel-Bogoraz, Larisa------------------------------------- 152, 192, 201, 202
Daniel, Mark-------------------------------------------------------- 151
Daniel, Yuliy Markovich------------ 151, 153, 154, 168, 186, 190, 192, 264,266
Delone, V------------------------------------------------------------
148
Democrat (newspaper) --------------------------------------------- 271,
272
Denisenko, Colonel---------------------------------------------------
270
Derunov, Mikhail Evgenevich----------------------------------- 179, 180,
182
Deyneka, Mykola------------------------------- --------------------
203
Diane Books---------------------------------------------------------
204
Djilas -------------------------------------------------------------
176
Dobrovolskiy, A.------------------------------------------------ 147,148,150
Doctors' Plot--------------------------------------------------------- 133
Dolghish, General-------------------------------------------------- 171,172
Dolnik, Solomon Borisovich------------------------------------- 147, 188, 189
Dorozhiyev, Erdni Batlyevieh---------------------------------------- 183
Dostoyevskiy -------------------------------------------------- 182,190,191
Drach, Maj. I----------------------------------------------------- 244,270
Dragosh, Nikolay Federovich-------------------------------- 153,154,189,191
Dreisner, Lila-------------------------------------------------------- 161
Dreisner, Solomon------------------- 232
Dubovenko, B-------------------------------------------------------- 200
Dubrovlag ------------------------------------------------ 147-149,154,156
Dutton, E. P., and Co------------------------------------------------ 222
Dymshits --------------------------------------------- 140,150,161,194-190
Dzhezkazgan -------------------------------------------------------- 174
Dzyuba, Ivan------------------------------------------------------ 262,281
E
England ------------------------------------------------------------ 141
Ermogen, Archbishop------------------------------------------------- 202
Ershov, Lieutenant-------------------------------------------- 183,184,190
Eshliman, Nikolai----------------------------------------------------
200
F
Fadeyev, Aleksandr---------------------------------------------------
183
Fatkin, Colonel------------------------------------------------------
156
Fedorovich, Vladimir----------------------------------------------- 181,182
Federov, Yuriy Ivanovich ---------- 140, 149,188, 189, 191, 195, 225, 230, 232,
233
Filaret,
Metropolitan-------------------------------------------------
203
Filatov
-------------------------------------------------------------
218
Florida
-------------------------------------------------------------
145
Fomchenko -------------------------------------------------------- 241,242
Forsel, Vilho-------------------------------------------------------- 263
France ------------------------------------------------------------ 136,141
Franko, Ivan--------------------------------------------------------
251
Fraternal Leaflet (publication) ------------------------------------ 208,
210
Free Russian-German Friendship Union-------------------------------
155
Friedland -----------------------------------------------------------
174
Frolov, Asher------------------------------------------------------ 161,230
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G Page
Gabay, Ilya Yankelovich________________________________________ 148, 157,
270
Galanskov, Olga-----------------------------------------------------
276
Galanskov, Yuri Timofeyevich-____ 137, 147, 148, 150, 177, 186, 189, 190, 237,
276
Galperin, Aleksandr---------------------------------------------------
280
Garkushev -------------------------------------------------------- 187,
188
Garushkin, Major-----------------------------------------------------
196
Gavrilov, Gennady Vladimirovich___________________________ 268, 270, 273,
274
Gedoniy, Aleksandr Gidoni------------------------------------------ 150,
176
Gendler, Yuriy L-----------------------------------------------------
147
Gereta -------------------------------------------------------------
254
Germany --------------------------------------- -------------------- 136,141
Ginzburg, Aleksandr Ilich----------------------- 147, 148, 154, 177, 186, 189-191
Ginzburg, Evgenia---------------------------------------------------- 176
Goncharov ---------------------------------------------------------- 160
Gorbanevskaya, Natalya-------------------------------------------- 152, 278
Gorky ------------------------------------------------------------ 176,182
G PU ---------------------------------------------------------------- 158
Gragosh ------------------------------------------------------.----? 184
Grani (publication) -------------------------------------------------- 147-153
Grebenshchikov, Vasiliy Fedorovich (Viktor Orestovich)________________ 149
Greek-Catholic Church ---------------------------------------------- 203,204
Grengauz ----------------------------------------- ----- 161
Grigorenko, Gen. Pyotr--------------------------------- 157, 192, 199, 268, 278
Grigorenko, Zinaida---------------------------------------------------- 200
Grillus, Simonas Aronovich------------------------------------- .------ 225
Gromov, Colonel ------------------------------------------------- 169,187,267
Gurney, Senator Edward J------------------------------------------- 129-145
Guseva -------------------------------------------------------------- 176
Gyunashyan, Shirak---------------------------------------------------- 149
H
Halsky, Senior Lieut------------------------------------------------ 241-243
Harashchenko -------------------------------------------------------- 259
Herzen, Alexander--------------------------------------------- ----- 269
Hevrych, Yaroslav_________________________ 167, 244-246, 251, 25`,, 254, 256, 265
Horbach, L-------------------------------------------------- -------- 255
Horboviy, Dr------------------------------------------------------- 167,265
Horodetsky, Petro------------------------------------------------- 203
Horska---------------------------------------------------------------- 252
Horyn, Bogdan----------------------------------------- 245,246,248,251,262
Horyn Mykhailo--------------------------- 245,246,250,251,254,255,259--262
Horyn, Olha ------------------------------------------------------- 254,255
Hungary ___----_ 144,176
------------------------------------------___--____
I
Igurtsov, Igor ------------------------------------------------------
279
Ilin, Lieutenant -------------------------------------------------------
268
Ilkiv, Olha ----------------------------------------------------------
242
Inta (concentration camp) -------------------------------------- -------
154
Iran ------------------------------------------------------------------
136
Iron Curtain ---------------------------------------------------------
173
Isakova --------------------------------------------------------------
176
Ishevsk --------------------------------------------------------------
132
Israel -----------------------------------------------------------------
136,
137, 142, 147, 156, 161, 194, :197,225, 226, 230, 234, 235,
237
Italy
-------------------------------------------
-
136
--
------------------
Ivanov -------------------------------------------------------- 186,187,189
Ivanov, Anatoliy M. (real name: Novogodniyy)------------------------- 150
Ivanov, Major ------------------------------------------------------- 158
Ivanov, Nikolay Viktorovich________________________ 147,177, 179, 187,190, 191
Ivanov, Yuriy Evgenevich--------------------------------------- 149,190,191
Ivanovich, Leonid -----------------------------------------------------
184
Ivanovich, Valeriy -------------------------------------------- ------
181
Ivanyshyn ------------------------------------------------------------
246
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Ivashchenko --------------------------------------------------------- 246
Ivlev, Anatoly ------------------------------------------------------- 177
Ivovoylov __ 181
Ivoylov, Vladimir Fedorovich_______________________________ 150,177,179,186
Izvestia (publication)__________________________________________ 198,218,263
Izza ---------------------------------------------------------------- 161
J
Jehovah's Witnesses------------------------------------------------ 185,260
Jews -------------------------------- ---------------------------- 137,142
"Jews, Repression of, in the Soviet Union" (article) -------------------- 222
Juridical Department------------------------------------------------- 132
K
Kadet Party--------------------------------------------------------- 159
Kalash, Colonel---------------------------------------------------- 241,243
Kalita, Ivan--------------------------------------------------------- 248
Kalnynsh, Viktor Yanovich____________________________________________ 149
Kamenskikh, Nikodim________________________________________________ 201
Kaminsky, Lassal-------------------------------------------------- 233,234
Karaganda ----------------------------------------------------- --- 173
Karavansky, Svyatoslav_____________________________________ 167,245,265,281
Kazakov ---------------------------------------------------------- 259,262
Keshka ----------------------------------------------------------- 163,166
KGB (secret police) -------------------------------------------------- 133-
136, 141, 142, 148-152, 155, 164, 167, 169, 176, 179, 182-184, 188-100,
194-196, 203, 237, 241-243, 246, 248-254, 256, 258-260, 264-266
Khabibulin, Major---------------------------------------------------- 178
Khachaturyan, Ashot------------------------------------------------- 179
Khachatryan, Ayk Karaevich_______________________________________ 149,189
Khakhaev, Sergey---------------------------------------------- 153,154,184
Khanokh, Aryeh------------------------------------------------------ 230
Khanzhenkov, Sergey------------------------------------------------- 154
Khatsko ------------------------------------------------------------ 254
Khaustov, Viktor Aleksandrovich-------------------------------------- 150
Khnokh, Leib Girshevich-------------------------------------------- 225,280
Khnokh, P. B--------------------------------------------------------- 225
Kholodnyi, M--------------------------------------------------------- 249
Khronika (publication)______________________ ----------------------------------------------- 149
Khrushchev ------------------------------- 160,162,163,198,201,246,260,263
Kinger ------------------------------------------------------------ 169-175
Kitsayev, Captain-------------------------------------------------- 167,265
Klymenko, Captain------------------------------------------------- 253,255
Knocks, M. Gordon--------------------------------------------------- 154
Knosov, Mikhail Borisovich------------------------------------------- 179
Kokorev, V---------------------------------------------------------- 200
Kolesnikov (Kolyasnikov)__________________________________________ 242,270
Kolodochka, Captain-------------------------------------------------- 184
Kolosov, Mikhail----------------------------------------------------- 177
Kolya --------------------------------------------------------------- 190
Kolyma ----------------------------------------------------------- 173,174
Komsomol (Young Communist League) ------------------ 149, 150, 207, 213, 273
Konhukhov ---------------------------------------------------------- 182
Konosov, Mikhail Borisovich-------------------------------- 147, 181, 189,191
Konstantinov, Stanislav_______________________________________________ 177
Kontsevych, Yevhen________________________________________________ 250,254
Konukhov, Mikhail------------------------------------------------- 179,182
Koreyko, V----------------------------------------------------------- 244
Kornblit, Lev-------------------------------------------------------- 231
Korotnytskyi, Yaroslav----------------------------------------------- 250
Korzorez, Nikolay Sergeyevich________________________________________ 154
Koshevoy 183
Kosiv, M---------------------------------------------------------- 246, 254
Kostenko, L---------------------------------------------------------- 244
Kosygin ----------------------------------------------------------- 189,196
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Kosyrev, Aleksei Vasilevich______________________________________ 270,272-274
Koval, Captain----------------------------------------------------155,254
Kozachuk ----------------------------------------------------------- 242
Kozlov, Captain------------------------------------------------------ 260
Krasin, Viktor------------------------------------------------- 148,152,200
Krasnopevtsev, Lev --------------------------------------------------- 151
Krasnov-Levitin. (See Levitin.)
Krassnodar ---------------------------------------------------------- 131
Kravtsev --___- 263
------------------------------------------------------------
------------------------------------------------------------ 134,195
Krivoi, Yakov Nikiforovich_________________________ 204-207, 209, 211, 216, 221
Krivtsov, Volodya---------------------------------------------------- 185
Kruglov, Captain--------------------------------------------------- 193,196
Krut, Captain Ivan Romanovich-__-____ 166, 168, 183, 184, 243,259,261-264,266
Kryuchkov ---------------------------------------------------------- 217
Kukui, Vladimer------------------------------------------------------ 280
Kulmagambetov, Makhmed -------------------------------------------- 258
Kuprianov, L. A.------------------------------------------------------ 213
Kurchava, Fylymon--------------------------------------------------- 203
Kushev, Evgeniy Igorevich -------------------------------------------- 148
Kushev, Yevgenly ------------------------------------------------------ 159
Kutuzov ------------------------------------------------------------- 191
Kuzin, Vyacheslav---------------------------------------------------- 186
Kuzmenko, N. V.--------------------------------------------------- 205, 215
Kuznetsov, Eduard (Edik) Samuilovich-------------------------------- 138,
140,150,161,169-173,193-195,197,226,227,231,232,234
Kuznetsova -------------------------------------------------------- 245, 246
Kwantung Army------------------------------------------------------ 136
L
Lashkova, V ----------------------------------------------- 147,148,150,200
Lefortovo Prison ----------------------------------------------- 154, 180, 181
Lenin, V. I_______________________________ 143, 189, 197, 200, 204, 214, 247, 248
Leningrad ----------------------------------------------------------- 137
Lermontov -------------------------------------------------------- 184, 216
Lesyn --------------------------------------------------------------- 242
Levit, Shimon----------------------------------------------------- 230, 232
Levtin, Anatoly (pen name: Krasnov)------------------------ 148, 157, 198-201
L'Expresse (publication) ----------------------------------------------- 193
Lily Outman ---------------------------------------------------------- 238
Lithuania ------------------------------------------------------------ 165
Litvinov, Pavel________________________________________ 152, 1192, 193, 201, 202
Liubarsky ------------------------------------------------------------ 237
Logvlnenko, V. Y----------------------------------------------- 211, 212, 215
Lopadchak, Ivan ------------------------------ ------------------------ 203
Lorentas ------------------------------------------------------------ 257
Lubyanka Prison__________________________________________ 133, 154, 158, 178
Lukianenko, Levko---------------------------- ---------------------- 260-262
Lyalin, General------------------------------------------------------- 179
Lytvyn, Captain______________________________________ 241, 243, 259, 260, 262
Lyubayev, Senior Lieut----------------------------------------------- 263
M
Makliarsky ----------------------------------------------------------- 133
M. Gorkiy Literary Institute ------------------------------------------- 147
Maksym, Ivan------------------------------------------------------- 167,265
Maksvmiv, Lluba ------------------------------------------------------ 253
Malyarchyn ---------------------------------------------------------- 253
Malykhin ------------------------------------ ____________ 167, 254, 261. 265
Malyshko, A------------------------------------------------------- 244, 245
Mao ----------------------------------------------------------------- 263
Marchenko, Anatoly Tikhonovich______________ 147, 152, 153, 161, 192, 202. 277
Markman ----------------------------------------------- -------- 237
Martynenko ---------------------------------------------------------- 246
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Martynluk -------------------------------------------------------- 245, 246
Martin, David------------------------------------------------------- 129
Marusenko ---------------------------------------------------------- 262
Masiutko, Mykhallo------------------------------------------------ 261, 262
Matrosskaya Tishina (prison) ---------------------------------------- 158
Matviyenko, A------------------------------------------------------- 253
Mayakovksyi -------------------------------------------------------- 246
Mayboroda, P ------------------------------------------------------- 244
Mayboroda, H ------------------------------------------------------- 245
Mazai ------------------------------------------------------------ 163,164
Meandrov, General -------------------------------------------------- 154
Medium Machinery Ministry ------------------------------------------ 132
Melnikans ----------------------------------------------------------- 243
Melnychenko -------------------------------------------------------- 254
Melnychuk ----------------------------------------------------------- 250
Mendelevich, E. M--------------------------------------------------- 226
Mendelevich, losif Mozusovich-------------------------- 194, 195, 226, 230, 235
Mendelevich, M. A--------------------------------------------------- 226
Mendelvitch, Yefrem ------------------------------------------------- 161
Meray, Tibor ------- ------------------------------------------------- 176
Merkatanenko, Captain ---------------------------------------------- 241
Merkushev, Slava ------------------------------------------------- 189,190
MGB -------------------------------------------------------------- 158,170
Mikhaylovna, Evgeniya ----------------- ------------------------------ 188
Miklashevich, Alexander --------------------------------------------- 177
Ministry of Defense------------------------------------------------ 132,133
Ministry of Light Industry------------------------------------------- 132
Misha -------------------------------------------------------------- 164
Mogilever, Vladik --------------------------------------------- 232,233,235
Mogilever, Vladimir ------------------------------------------------- 230
Monakhov ---------------------------------------------------------- 192
Mordovia (concentration camp) ------------------------------------- 154,191
Morhun ------------------------------------------------------------ 256
Moroi, Valentyn-------------------------------------- 215, 246, 256, 257, 281
Moscow ---------------------------------------------------------- 131, 132
Moshkov, Yuriy (Sergey Moshkov) ------------------------------------ 153
Murzhenko, Aleksey---------------------------------- 140, 195, 226, 230, 234
Mussa -------------------------------------------------------------- 163
MVD (Ministry of Interior) ------------------------ 149, 169-171, 174, 187, 189
"My Evidence" (book) ----------------------------------------------- 192
"My Testimony" (book) ------------------------------ 152, 161, 202, 222, 277
N
Nagorniy, Valeriy--------------------------------------------- 147, 177, 181
Nazis -------------------------------------------------------- 130, 137, 141
Nekrasov, Senior Lieut----------------------------------------------- 266
Nekachan -------------------------------------------------------- 168, 266
Nikitchenko --------------------------------------------------------- 254
Nikitin, A--------------------------------------------------------- 270-272
Nikodim, Metropolitan ------------- ------------------------------------- 201
Nikolaev ---------------------------------------------------------- 213,214
Nikolaevich, Georgiy-------------------------------------------------- 182
Norilsk ------------------------------------------------------------- 173
Novikov, Captain---------------------------------------------------- 166,264
Novocherkassk Uprising---------------------------------------------- 185
Novosibirsk --------------------------------------------------------- 134
Novyy Mir (publication) --------------------------------------------- 179
NTS (anti-Communist organization) -------------- 137, 154, 155, 177, 185, 278
Nuremberg ------ ----_---__ 261
-----------------------------------------
O
Obushenkov, N. G---------------------------------------------------- 151
Odessa - - - --- - -- - -- 133
Ogurtsov, Igor Vyacheslavovich------------------ 150,176-178,181,187,188,191
Orlovich ----------------------------------------------------------- 185,186
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Osadchyi,- M-------------------------------- Page
245,247,253,255,256
OSB Publishing House______________________?-________-
Osher 241, 244, 257, 264
Osipov, -- V --------------------
---------------?-------------------------- 161
---------------
Ovsyanko, Mykola------------------ --------------------------------- 150
Ozernyi -------------------------- ----------------- ------ ------- 203
- -- ------ 245,249,251,252,254-256
Pachovskyi P
-------
Palatnik, Katia------------------------------------------------------- 246
Palatnik, Raiza Anatolyevna------------------------------------------ 227
Palatnik, Yekatrina--------------------------------- 226,227,238
Paradovskaya -------------- ---__-_--_-_-_-_-__------------------------- 226
214
Paradzhanov, 5------------------------------------------------------
Paramonov, Georgy --ich__-270, 270,274
Patcugan, Paraskevych ------------------------------------------------------ Captain ________________---------------------------------- 254
Patrushev, Vasil1y ------------------------------------- 285
Penson, Boris --------------------------------------------------------- ------------------185
Peredenko - ----- -- -- --- ---------------- 227,230,234,238
--
Perm --------------------------------------------------------------- 251
------------------------------- 160, 161
Petlyak Petrenko, Dr---------------------------------------------------------
-------------
----------------- - -------------------- 255
etrishevskiy, Major __________ 273
190
Petrov, Alexander (pseudonym: 178,189
I'etrusiavicus, Algidas________________ _________ __
Phoenix (magazine)---------------------------------------------------
----__ 257
----------_
I'lakhotniuk, M--------------------------_______ _ -- ------ ---------------------- -------------- 148,150
-
--- --- --
Platonov, Vyacheslav Mikhaylovich________ 151---
- , 177, 178, 179,--181, --182-- 186249
, 191
Poland Podgornyy, N---------__
---------------------------------------------- 148
I'oltorat -sky --i ------------------------------------------------ 136,
266,262,274
ortnrantse V. 263
Portnoy, Dr. . V bI ---- -- ----------------------------------- 270, 272
Portnoy,
---------------------------------------------------
- ---- -------------------------- ------ -
(Publication) 225
Postnikov, Major---------------- - -------?--------- 191, 192
--------.-------------_
Potma 180, 181, 189
----------------------
Prague 136, 138, 154, 156, 160, 228, 236
--------------------
Priboy (publishing house) ---------------------------------------------
- - -- --- 145
----------------------
Prisoners of Conscience (table) 247
Prisoners of Zion_____ 224
___ -' - --- -
"Profits of Slavery, The" (book------------------------------------- 237,238
--- - -- -- -- - - - -
Pushkin House 169
----------------------------------
Pushkin Square Demonstration___________ - ----- -- "- 176
-- - - -- ---- 200
R
Radyanska Ukraina (news
)
Rapota paper - -- -- - -- - --- 245
Red Cross -------------------------------
--------------------------------------- 171,172,226,`228
Red Square Demonstration__________________
Reddaway, Peter-------- --- - -- -------------------- 200
-
Rendel, Leonid A____________________ _______ - --- - - 176,197,268
Republic Psychiatric Hospital__________ - - 151
Reuter, E---------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------ 273
Revolutionary Voices (publication) ------------------ 155
Richardas - -- - ------------------------- 241, 244, 257, 264
Rodichev, F. I -- -- -- ------ ------------ ----------- ----164,165,166
---------------------
Rodionov --------------- ------------------------------------ 159
Romanov ----------------------------------------------------------- 161
..
Romm, Boris--------------------------------------------------------- 48 Ronkin, ValeriyEfinmovich--------------------------------------------
192
_______-___--_ ______________--- _,_152-154
Roosevelt ------------------------------------------------------- ----149
osenblum, Louis--_----_-___ ------------
----- 183
------------------------ --------------------
Rozenbergs, Villas- ------------------------- 1222
73
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RPP (Russian Progressive Party) ------------------------------------ 186
Rudyi, Captain------------------------------------------------------ 253
Rudyk -------------------------------------------------------------- 247
Russian Orthodox Church--------------------------------------- 160,199,200
Russkoye Slovo (magazine) ------------------------------------------ 148
Rusyn ------------------------------------------------------------ 245,246
Ruzayevka ---------------------------------------------------------- 168
Rybalchenko, Captain ---------------------------------------------- 253,255
S
Sado, Mikhail Yukhanovich------------------ 150,176-178,181,187,188,190, 191
Sado, Yuriy Yukhanovich--------------------------------------------- 181
Sadoyvskyi ---------------------------------------------------------- 246
Sakharov ---------------------------------------------------------- 144,152
Salekhrada ---------------------------------------------------------- 173
Samizdat (publication) ---------------- 148,152,166,192,197-200,202,269-271
Samovarniy (factory) ------------------------------------------------ 132
Saransk -------------------------------------------------- 181,186,189,190
Science and Religion (publication) ------------------------------------
263
Scott, Samuel J------------------------------------------------------
129
Sedov, Major --------------------------------------------------------
179
Semenkin, N ---------------------------------------------------------
199
Seminenko, M -------------------------------------------------------
151
Sendurska -----------------------------------------------------------
256
Sergadeyev, Colonel --------------------------------------------------
253
Serpilin, L ----------------------------------------------------------
244
Shalernaya Prison ---------------------------------------------------
158
Shamrai ----------------------------------------------------------- 205,215
Shavrov, Vadim --------------------------------------------------- 148,200
Shcherbakov, Nikolai ------------------------------------------- 140,163,164
Shelest -------------------------------------------------------------- 204
Shepshelovich, Mikhail --------------------------------------------- 230,238
Shepshelovich, Misha ------------------------------------------------- 231
Shevchenko, Nikolai Pavlovich---------------------- 204-206,211,215,218,221
Shifrin, Avraham--------------------------------------------------- 129-145
Shkolnik ------------------------------------------------------------ 237
Shneider,Iosif ------------------------------------------------------- 156
Shor, Hilel---------------------------------------------------------- 238
Shpilberg, Aaron----------------------------------------------------231,233
Shukhevich-Berezynskya, Natalia ------------------------------------ 243
Shukhevich-Berezynskyi, Yury ------------------------------------- 241,275
Shukhevich, Roman--------------------------------------------------- 241
Shulgin, V --------------------------------------------------------- 247,248
Shulzhenko, General-------------------------------------------------248,259
Shumuk, Danyol------------------------------------------------------ 262
Shuvalov, Oleg------------------------------------------------------- 177
Shveisky, V. Ya------------------------------------------------------ 201
Siberia ----------------------------------------------------- 1.83,156,198,258
Slide, Adolfs---------------------------------------------------------
169
Sinyavskiy, Andrey Donatovich---------------------------------------
148,
151, 152, 179, 180, 182, 183, 186, 191-193,
264
Sivers, E-------------------------------------------------------------
149
Skochko., P-----------------------------------------------------------
245
Skuinek, Knut --------------------------------------------------------
262
Slutskiy, Boris Abramovich -------------------------------------------- 147,179
Smersh (military counterintelligenee) --------------------------------- 183
Smirnova ----------------------------------------------------------- 242
SMOG (organization) ------------------------------------------------ 150
Social Christian Resistance------------------------------------------- 279
Sokolskiy --------------------------------------------------------- 189, 190
Soldatov, Sergei I-------------------------------------------------- 270-274
Solikamsk Prison---------------------------------------------------- 152
Solovyov, V1--------------------------------------------------------- 176
Solovyova, Svetlana Pavlovna------------------ 204, 205, 207-209, 214, 218, 221
Solzhenitsyn -------------------------------------------------------- 144
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Soroka, Mykhailo__________________________________________ 166, 168, 264-266
Sorokin, Major________-__ 235
Sotsialism i Demodratiya (magazine) ---------------------------------- 148
Sourwine, J. G________________________ 129-145
Soviet Jewry ------'----- --- ------
--------------------------------??-----------------------
- 129
Spain --------------------------------------?- 136
Spirin, Major--------------------------------------------------------- 184
--------------------
Stalin ----------------------- -- - --- --- 133, 144, 160, 183, 198, 246-248
Stelmakh, M____________________________-----?---- 244, 245
........................
Sternyuk, V-------------------- --------------
Stol 159
yPin, P. A--- -- -- ---- - - -- - - 15203
9
Stotsenko, Vasiliy Illarionovich--------------------------------------- - ----------- 183
Strikes and Uprisings in Soviet Labor Camps (table)___________________ 175
Stroyeva, E -- - - - - --- - --- -- -- --- -- 200
Subbotin 162, 163
Sudarev, Anatoliy..........
147
Sudarey -----`
--------------------------
--------'----- __
Sudaryov Anatoly 181
-- -- -- --
-- --- - -- - -- - --- ---- -- - --- -
Sukhanov 177
247
Suslensky, Jacob Michaelovich 247
Suslinsky, Yakov_________ 161
Sverdlov, Major------------------------- -----"-----
Svitlychna - - - - - 262 245
Svitlychnyi, Ivan__----------------------------------------- _246,248,250,251
Sweden -------------------------------------------------------------- 137
Tabakov, Major-------- T
----------------------------------------------- 196
Taiwan --- - - -- --- ---- -- ---- -- -- 143,144
Talantov, Boris Vladimirovich_____________________ 148, 157, 158, 199-201, 279
Talantov, Gleb-------------------------------- ------ 201
---------------
Tarabochia, A. L----------------------------------------------------- 129
Tarnavskiy, Nikolay Andreyevich154
Tashkent -- --
Tayshet 157
-?-- -
---- -------- ----- --- - ---- -- - - - - -- -134,135,,
136, 156
Terekhov 188
Terts, Abram (pseudonym oP Andrey Sinyavskiy)______________._________
Tikhonov, Major---------------------- ------------------ 273
Tikhonovites 151
------
185
Timchak, Vasili Terentievich___________________________ 204,213, 216,219,221
Titov, Yurly------------------------- 200
- --- -- --
Tkach ----------------- --------------------------------- 163,166
Tkachuk, Yarema------------------------------------ ---------- 262
Tolbuzov, Colonel (nickname: Gobbels)----------------------------------
____________________-_ 156
Trachtenberg, Lazar --------- ______________ 235,238
--------------------
Tregubov, Yuri Andreyevich------------------- ---_- -------------_-_--__---_ 154
Tremmel, Valery Petrovic_______________ _- 154
--------
___________________ --------------- 197
Tribuna (publication)--------------------------------------------
Troitskiy, Zinoviy Anatolyevich________________-._ 185
Trotsky--------------------------------------- --------------------- ------------------- 144, 247
Trud (publication) ------------------------------------------------- 200
Trukhin, General_________________________ -- 154
----- - - - - --- -- -- - 197
Trushnovich, Dr. Alexander Rudolfovich-----------
-- -_____ 137 , 155, 278
-------------------------------
Tula Tsehelsky, Ihnaty-------------- -
_ 203
--------- - --- -----------
-------------------
-------------------------------------------_ 131
Tvardovskiy 179
U
Ukraine ----------------------------- 203, 241,249-251, 256, 258, 260, 262, 269
Ulyanov --------------------------------------------------------------- 248
"Uncensored Russia" (book)--------------------------------------- 176, 268
UNESCO (United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organization ----------- 261
Unlate Church------------------------------------------------------- 203
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Union of Councils for Soviet Jews----------------------------------- 222, 228
Union of Patriots of Russia (organization) ----------------------------- 151
V
Vagin, Evgeniy Aleksandrovich------------------151, 176, 181, 182, 186, 187, 191
Vanin, Evgeniy Aleksandrovich---------------------------------------- 179
Vartsabuik ---------------------------------------------------------- 243
Vasilev, Leonid----------------------------------------------------- 199,200
Vasilyan, Ovik M----------------------------------------------------- 149
Vasilyev, Major------------------------------------------------------ 194
Vasilyevich, Vyacheslav----------------------------------------------- 188
Velychkovsky, Bishop Vasyl------------------------------------------- 203
Veretenov, Vladimir------------------------------------------------ 148,177
Verkholiak, Dmytro-------------------------------------------------- 265
Vietnam ------------------------------------------------------------- 144
Viktorovich, Nikolay------------------------------------------------- 182
Vinogradov ---------------------------------------------------------- 242
Vins, G. P--------------------------------------------------------- 203,217
Virun, Stepan--------------------------------------------------------
261
Vishnevskaya, J------------------------------------------------------
200
Vladik --------------------------------------------------------------
233
Vladimir Prison---------------------------- 162, 163, 166, 177, 178, 190, 241,
263
Vladimirskaya Prison------------------------------------------ 149-154,188
Vlasov, General------------------------------------------------------
154
Volno-Yasenetsky ----------------------------------------------------
219
von Rauch, "G--------------------------------------------------------
176
Vorbut, Olga---------------------------------------------------------
255
Vorkuta (concentration camp) ---------------------------------- 154,156,173
Vorobyov, Oleg-------------------------------------------------------
200
Voroshilov ----------------------------------------------------------
163
Vovchanakyi --------------------------------------------------------
262
Vudka, Yury Z-------------------------------------------------------
227
W
Wall Street----------------------------------------------------------
143
Wallenberg, Raoul----------------------------------------------------
137
Watchtower, The (publication) ----------------------------------------
185
West Germany----------------------------------------------------- 154,271
Wolff --------------------------------------------------------------- 161
World War II------------------------------------------------------
135,140
Wrangel Island----------------------------------------------------
136,137
Y
Yakhimovich, Ivan--------------------------------------------------- 157
Yakir, Pyotr------------------------------------------- 192,200,270-272,275
Yakobson, Anatolly ---------------------------------------------------
192
Yakovchenko --------------------------------------------------------
214
Yakunin, Gleb--------------------------------------------------------
200
Yasovetskiy, Galia----------------------------------------------------
185
Yasovetskiy, Karl----------------------------------------------------
185
Yaya (concentration camp) ----------------
154
"Year 1919, The" (book) ----------------------------------------------
247
Yegenova -----------------------------------------------------------
233
Yeremeyeva ------------------------------------------------------- 167,265
Yesenin-Volpin, A-------------------------------------------------- 192,200
Yevdokimov, Mykola------------------------------------------------ 166,265
Yezhov -------------------------------------------------------------
259
"Young Guards, The" (book) ------------------------------------------
183
Yugoslavia ---------------------------------------------------------
155
Yukhanovich, Yuriy---------------------------------------------------
178
Yukunin, Rev--------------------------------------------------------
200
Yuleshkin ----------------------------------------------------------
215
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Yursha -------------------------------------------------------------- 257
Yzhov -------------------------------------------------------------- 160
Z
Zabaykin, Senior Lieutenant----------------------------------------- 166,264
Zaborsky, Viktor Mikhailovich---------------------- 204, 205, 212, 213, 220, 221
Zaitsev, Valeriy-------------------------------------------------------- 153
Zalmanson, Abraham------------------------------------------------- 228
Zalmanson, Israel V--------------------------------------- 2 )27,230,234,280
Zalmansoh, Silva (Sylvia)
Iosifovna------------------- 137, 150, 161, 194-197, 225-228, 230-232, 234, 280
Zalmanson, Volf Iosifovich-------------------------------------- 227, 230, 280
Zalmanson, Z. I------------------------------------------------------- 227
Zalygin, S----------------------------------------------------------- 252
Zalyvakha, P----------------------------------------------- 246, 248,262,263
Zarubin, Dmitriy------------------------------------------------------ 185
Zatvokhyan, Stepan-------------------------------------------------- 179
Zeidilfed ------------------------------------------------------------ 161
Zdorovets, Boris----------------------------------------------------- 203
Zhinocha Dolya (publication) ----------------------------------------- 246
Zheludkov, Sergei---------------------------------------------------- 202
Zobak, Olgerd-------------------------------------------------------- 177
Zvarychevska ----------------------------------------------------- 245,255
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