CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE
Document Type:
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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP75-00149R000300460003-9
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RIPPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
1
Document Creation Date:
November 17, 2016
Document Release Date:
August 21, 2000
Sequence Number:
3
Case Number:
Publication Date:
March 16, 1967
Content Type:
REPORT
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CIA-RDP75-00149R000300460003-9.pdf | 159.62 KB |
Body:
Approved. F.Qr RW,eate_=Q108/27 : CIA-RD
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
whose circumstances cannot be fore-
seen-of agreements which are yet to be
negotiated.
We do not have to grasp either horn of
this dilemma. There is a middle way-a
simple resolution approving the objec-
tive of Latin American integration, of
multilateral financing of projects con-
tributing to it and of arms control. We
will thereby have expressed our disposi-
tion' to consider sympathetically pro-
posals leading to the achievement -of
these objectives. But we will have kept
our options open depending on the na-
ture of the proposals presented to us and
the circumstances prevailing in the
world at the time.
Most important, we will have preserved
the integrity of Congress as an inde-
pendent branch of the Government.
EXHIBIT 1
From the Washington Post, March 16, 10871
U.S. AID PROPOSAL DISAPPOINTS LATiNs
MONTEVIDEO, March 15.-President John-
son's proposal for a $1.5 billion Increase in
U.S. aid for Latin America was described by
Latin diplomats today as "absolutely insuf-
ficlent" and "a pittance."
Delegates preparing for the April inter-
American summit conference expressed their
disappointment after calculating that the
projected increase, to be spread over 5 years,
would amount to only $300 million a year in
additional aid.
U.S. assistance to Latin America now Is
said to total about $1 billion a year.
When word of the Johnson proposal was
received here yesterday, a formal meeting of
representatives of the United States and 17
other hemisphere countries was cancelled.
Delegates from Argentina, Brazil, Chile,
Peru. Colombia, Uruguay and Guatemala
then met in the Brazilian Embassy. They
were described by one diplomat as "in-
dignant and disappointed."
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Lincoln
Gordon, Johnson's personal representative,
said he had heard rumors that some Latin
nations were planning to boycott the April
12-14 summit at Punta del Este, a seashore
resort near here.
However, one of Gordon's aides, Samuel
Eaton, said' the divison between the United
States and the Latin countries was merely
"a matter of clarification" and that "every-
thing will be much better understood" after
Gordon's meetings with representatives of
the disgruntled countries.
Secretary of State Rusk told Congress yes-
terday that most of the proposed aid In-
crease would go to improve agriculture and
education. But he said some would be used
to facilitate creation of a Latin American
common market, a project warmly supported
by President Johnson.
Mr. President, I send to the desk a res-
olution, which I ask to be appropriately
referred.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
resolution will be received and appro-
priately referred.
The resolution (S. Res. 94) was re-
ferred to the Committee on Foreign Re-
lations, and, under the rule, ordered' to
be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
S. RES. 94
A resolution to support certain objectives of
United States policy with respect to Latin
America
Whereas it has been a historic policy of
the United States to work in close harmony
with the other American Republics to pro-
mote the well-being and enhance the security
of the, hemisphere: Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Senate 'welcomes the
meeting of chiefs of state of the members
of the Organization of American States to
be held in Punta del Este, Uruguay, April 12
to 14, 19G7, and that the President be ad-
vised of the sense of the Senate that this
Government, by constitutional process,
shoUld'pursue the following objectives:
(1) The economic integration of Latin
America;
(2) The further development of multilat-
eral financing of projects which would con-
tribute to economic Integration, particularly
with the participation of other free world
countries;
(3) Non-discriminatory measures for the
expansion of trade within Latin America and
between Latin America and other areas of
the world:
(4) Renewed efforts to mobilize private re-
sources Inside and outside the hemisphere
to further the economic development of
Latin America; and
(5) Regional arms control and disarma-
ment measures.
SEc. 2. It is the further sense of the Sen-
ate that the United States Congress should
give sympathetic consideration to ways and
mains of implementing . any agreements
which may be reacbed at Punta del Este
for the achievement of these objectives.
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I Yield.
Mr. HARTKE.,; First, let me compli-
ment the junior Senator from Arkansas
on an excellent statement. I think it is
significant that in the speech he has said,
in substance, that he does not want Con-
gress to be a rubber stamp and does not
want to short circuit the legislative
process, but to follow the usual proce-
dure, and not to operate on the basis of
crises.
I want to demonstrate the difficulty
we would be facing if we were to act on
this proposal in the fashion we are asked
to proceed. I hold in my hand what is
called Senate Joint Resolution 53. Let
me say to the chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee that at this mo-
ment I do not understand whether this
is the resolution which was recom-
mended by the administration or not.
I have attempted to ascertain from the
clerks whether this is the recommended
resolution, and they cannot tell me.
This demonstrates the folly of trying to
follow the procedure we are asked to
follow.
I understand the Senator bases his
statement, first, on the fact that this is
not the proper way to proceed or do busi-
ness in Congress; second, on the matter
of substance, because it shortcircuits the
normal procedures in relation to com-
mitting the resources of the United
States and calls for a substantial in-
crease in the commitment of the re-
sources of this Nation, to be delegated
specifically to Latin America. I under-
stand the Senator does not in any way
want to pass judgment on the merits of
what Is being proposed,
Am I correct?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is the prin-
cipal purpose. It seems to me the tim-
ing of the request and the way in which
it is presented make it most difficult to
justify it. As the Senator well knows,
next week we have a supplemental bill
scheduled. The committee has the space
treaty pending before it, The Easter
March 16, 1967
recess has been announced. Ti.ere will
be very little opportunity for hearings
on this proposal in the normal course of
action or procedure. The President or
the other executive officials whose busi-
ness this is normally make whatever
agreements they feel are in the national
interest. Those agreements are returned
to us, apd we then consider them with-
out any great pressure, and under the
normal circumstances. We have experts
In the field and we consider the matter
in the deliberative way which I thought
was the purpose of Congress considering
it, without committing us in advance.
If we pass this proposal quickly, which
they apparently expect us to do. we cer-
tainly will not have such an opportunity.
Mr. HARTKE. Would the Senator
call this a precommitment?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Apparently. The
resolution, together with the :nessage
which accompanied it, seems to Indicate
that. The message does mention the $1.5
billion, which I, mentioned, and which
has already raised considerable opposi-
tion from people in Latin America, as
reported in the press.
Mr. HARTKE. As I understand the
Senator, there is an indication that the
Latin Americans consider the amount
specified to be a mere pittance.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. As reported in the
press.
Mr. HARTKE. We could find our-
selves in the rather ridiculous po. ition of
having endorsed a pittance, and have it
said, after the conference is held, that by
such action the Congress has, in effect,
insulted the Latin American nations by
not attempting to do more and that we
were able to do more.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. It has resulted in
reactions already. It would be much bet-
ter to proceed to the conference, have
deliberate conversations, and try to have
a mutual agreement, in which they and
we would undertake certain things. The
President would make agreements, sub-
ject to Congress' approval, in the usual
way. They would understand that. It
would come back and be justified. It
seems to me introducing this kind of pro-
cedure is not the proper way to present
these matters.
As I have said, I think in a sense it
goes very far toward nullifying the in-
dependence of judgment that this body
is supposed to exercise. I must say, it
may be that other things that have hap-
pened have contributed to my appre-
hension about this procedure; but there
seems to be a general attitude that if
Congress cannot be relied upon to supply
money for some activities, a way will be
found to get around Congress, and cir-
cumvent the usual congressional func-
tion.
Recently, In connection with the well-
publicized case of the National Students
Association, the excuse was advanced by
those defending the support of that orga-
nization by the CIA that "Well, we could
not have goten the money from Congress,
therefore we did it In this way, covertly,
so that Congress would not know about
it..,
To me, this is a subversion of the con-
gressional process. If they could not get
the money from Congress, why did they
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