COMMUNIST SPIES IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP75-00149R000300150019-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 9
• Document Creation Date: November 11, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 26, 1998
• Sequence Number: 19
• Publication Date: March 23, 1964
• Content Type: REPORT

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COMMU IS1 SPIES IN 7H71- ST
CPYFGHT
T DEPARTMENT
i i- n ing Soviet secret police official atte
0
the Geneva Disarmament Conference as an "adviser" to the Soviet delegation) disappeared. Six ,
information about Soviet espionage agents inside the Central Intelligence Agency and the State
but members of Congress are concerned about his personal safety, because he is said to have given
He is virtually in the custody of the Central Intelligence Agency and of the State Department;
days later, it was revealed that he had defected and had been granted asylum in the United States."
renigence agencies are members of five Soviet spy rings operating throughout the Western Hemi-
Nossenko revealed. that some employees of United States, French, and British diplomatic and in-
Department. "'
spnere, and that certain American businessmen, newspapermen, scientists, and others are also
undercover communist spies. Nossenko has named names and given details. One of the five com-
munist spy rings allegedly operates in a very sensitive agency of the United States government."'
the jonnson aaministration apparently has done nothing about the information offered.
Investigating committees of Congress have not yet been permitted to Question Nossenkn- and
uient proposals are designed merely to deceive gullible liberals and to provide propaganda for the
ww to ooviet aeiegates at the disarmament conference in Geneva) proving that Soviet disarma-
The Soviets fear that Yuri Nossenko may give the West documents (such as cables from Mns-
which the Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations had concealed from Congress and
To date, the most important result of the Nossenko Case is that it helped uncover an affair
ganw a sae
t
Department officials called "one of our more serious dialogues with a red Chinese dle1PVation
In September, 1958, Jacob D. Beam (U. S. Ambassador to communist Poland 1, h t St
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 (office address
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Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1964. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
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 CPYRGHT
What the Staf ~VTMenNWAy,4iE9 g iiftase S~'a~ s d~ gOdPfl b~As Qle knew
Chinese communists about, why, and why com- about. Among these, was one American official
munist Poland was chosen as the place, have not in Poland, so important to the Soviets that they
been
disclosed.
The Soviets (intensely curious about the ne-
gotiations) got ten United States Marines and four
male members of the U. S. Embassy in Poland in-
volved with Polish women, so that they could be
blackmailed for information. The wife of one
American diplomat in Warsaw was seduced by
an agent of the Soviet secret police."'
A very high official of the Soviet secret police
(a Polish national, working for the Soviet KGB
in Poland) called on an American CIA agent in
Warsaw, saying he wanted to defect to the United:
States. The Pole did not give his true name, but
called himself "Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Gol-
eniewski." Golienewski revealed that there were
leaks of important security information to the
Soviet secret police from the U. S. Embassy. The
CIA agent told Goleniewski he should not defect,
but should stay where he was and give espionage
information to the Americans. Goleniewski agreed,
but some time later told the CIA that his time was
limited: information which he was giving to the
Americans was leaking back to him in his capacity
as a high official of the Soviet secret police. Ob-
viously, some Americans employed in the U. S.
Embassy and in the CIA were undercover com-
munist agents."'
Goleniewski knew some of the communist
agents in the American CIA and State Depart-
ment, but not all. Apparently, he refused to iden-
tify any until he was permitted to defect and
receive political asylum in the United States. Gol-
eniewski's defection to the United States occurred
sometime in 1960 (though no inkling of the fact
was ever voluntarily given to the public, or to
Congress) .
Soviet secret police operations, carefully com-
partmentalized, anticipate defections. A defector
(no matter how highly placed) can never expose
all spy rings and operations of the KGB.. The So-
viets feared, however, that Goleniewski's revela-
tions' might cause investigations which would ex-
pose American communists more important to the
took a bold step to prevent his exposure."
In 1960, the Soviets themselves arranged to ex-
pose Irwin Scarbeck, a minor U. S. diplomat, who
had become involved with Urszula Maria Discher,
a female communist agent. Obviously, the Soviets
hoped that the "surfacing" (exposure) of Scar-
beck would deceive Americans into thinking they
had exposed the entire communist operation inside
the United States Embassy. If, thinking this, Amer-
icans stopped their investigation, the Soviets' most
important undercover agent in the Embassy would
be saved. Within a few months, however, Ameri-
can investigators had identified, the Soviets' most
important communist plant in the Warsaw Em-
bassy. 1"'
Although this occurred in 1960, the American
public does not yet know who the American Em-
bassy official was; but some details about him
have leaked out. His initials are "E. S." He was
born May 8, 1904, in Grand Rapids, Michigan. He
attended Marquette University and the University
of Warsaw. In 1939, he began a lifelong career
in the U. S. State Department, serving "with dis-
tinction" (according to the Department's evalua-
tion) in many important posts, including posi-
tions in the American foreign service at Berlin,
Moscow, Vladivostok, Istanbul, Ankara, Ascun-
cion, Poznan, and Warsaw. The Eisenhower State
Department assigned him to the U. S. Embassy at
Warsaw on March 23,..1,955. In rank, he was only
two echelons below the Ambassador himself. This
was the undercover communist agent whom the
Soviets were trying to protect by the ruse of ex-
posing Irwin Scarbeck, one of their American State
Department agents of lesser importance. But, early
in 1961, American investigators identified "E.S."
He was recalled from Warsaw and questioned by
the FBI and the CIA. Information was gathered
from foreign cities where he had served "with dis-
tinction" as a foreign service officer of the U. S.
State Department. The information, supplemented
by lie-detector tests, constituted irrefutable evi-
dence that "E.S." was indeed an undercover com-
munist agent."'
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 CPYRGHT
d
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r
o
e
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A 1
E tit e
In 1961
,
o
ea
r
ri
o
nth
s
o
f
t e Ken- razing columr
nedy administration, investigators submitted their Richards said
evidence to Attorney General Robert F. Ken-
nedy. High officialdom in Washington ruled that
there would be no prosecution against "E.S.," and
ordered that the case never be mentioned to any-
one, not even to members of Congress. "E.S." was
permitted to resign quietly from the State Depart-
ment, pick up his passport, and depart for Europe,
leaving his wife in the United States. His brunette
mistress (also an employee of the State Depart-
ment who had been working with "E.S." in the
U. S. Embassy at Warsaw) had been recalled to
Washington for questioning. When "E.S." left
the United States, his mistress obtained a passport
and. departed, for permanent residence in Europe
as an American employed there."'
Shortly after the defector Goleniewski was
brought to the United States, he was taken to a
room for his first secret conference with CIA
agents. When he walked into the room, he recog-
nized an undercover communist in the group of
American investigators who were to query him
about communist spies inside the American gov-
ernment. Scared, Goleniewski feigned illness and
departed. Later,- he reported the fact to a CIA
agent whom he trusted. The undercover communist
whom he had seen among the CIA agents dis-
appeared. Goleniewski never saw him again, and
does not know his real name."
I he Kennedy administration managed to con-
ceal all information about Goleniewski and the
"E.S." affair: Whereas Goleniewski's defection in
1960 had been totally concealed from the public,
Yuri Nossenko's defection in 1964 was conspicu-.
ous. Probing into the Nossenko matter for more
information, the Senate Internal Security Subcom-
mittee heard about,the older Goleniewski case.
Somehow, Guy Richards, reporter for The New
York journal-American, learned a little of what
was happening. In a series of articles, published
in early March, 1964, Mr. Richards revealed to
the public, for the first time, the broad outlines
of the Goleniewski case. In a follow-up, summa-
Mr.
"The hope of keeping buried forever the story
of the high-level American turncoat and his
American mistress, who worked in the Warsaw
embassy, is one of the prime motives behind the
almost desperate attempts of the State Depart-
ment and Central Intelligence Agency to keep
Goleniewski from testifying before the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee.
"Other reasons behind these attempts are fear
of his disclosure of 19 Americans working for
the KGB (Soviet Secret Police), 12 in the State
Department, four in the CIA and three in the
U. S. scientific laboratories."
Mr. Richards has not identified the 19 Ameri-
cans whom Goleniewski has thus far named as
undercover communist spies in government jobs;
but, on March 5, 1964, Vaba Eesti Sona ("Free
Estonian Word"), an Estonian-language news-
paper published at Estonia House, 243 East 34th
Street, New York, New York, named two of them.
I will not repeat the names because I have no cor-
robating .evidence. One of the two had an im-
portant ambassadorial post under President Ken-
nedy. The other was an Assistant Secretary of
State, whom President Johnson has praised highly,
implying that he may also be appointed an am-
bassador.
It has been obvious for years that communists,
hidden in key government jobs, have been direct-
ing American foreign policy. Look at the known
record of -communists in government. Examine
also the consequences of American foreign policy.
All over the world, American foreign policy.
has helped communists capture nations. For
example: Algeria, Cambodia, China, Cuba,
Ghana, Indonesia, Laos, North Vietnam, Tibet,'
Zanzibar!'"' Not to mention a complete tier of
nations in Europe, from the Baltic to the Adriatic,,
which American policy helped communists con-
quer and enslave following World War II! And
not to mention many other nations, like Pakistan,
whose governments, once strongly pro-American
and anti-communist, have been driven, by Ameri-'
can foreign policy, into the arms of communists
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 CPYRGHT
a i ize r ve or he
ease
and into hatre o merica! n e o her han j, oa , t a e f oviet
I defy anyone to name one nation which American
foreign policy has wrenched from communist con-
trol or led into stronger friendship for America-
although our policy has been "justified" with ar-
guments that it would save the world from com-
munism, and has cost American taxpayers so many
billions of dollars that our national government
is on the verge of bankruptcy.
Record of Communists
espionage agent.
These developments prepared the way for the
"McCarthy era." In February, 1950, the late Sen-
ator Joseph R. McCarthy (Republican, Wiscon-
sin) made his first public speech about communists
in government, especially in the State Department.
The "McCarthy era" began on that day and lasted,
roughly, until November, 1954, when the United
States Senate passed a resolution condemning
Senator McCarthy. Senator McCarthy died in the
spring of 1957.
in Government
C) n November 27, 1945, the FBI sent to Harry
S Truman a report revealing that Elizabeth Bent-,
ley (a Soviet spy for 11 years) had voluntarily
given details about Soviet espionage rings operat-
ing inside sensitive agencies of the U. S. govern-
ment. Among the undercover communist spies
named by Bentley were:
Harry Dexter White - Assistant Secretary of
the Treasury; Harold Glasser, Nathan Gregory
Silvermaster, and William Taylor - Treasury
Department; Lauchlin Currie - Administrative
Assistant to the President of the United States;
Robert Talbot Miller III - State Department;
A. George Silverman - War Department; U. S.
Army Air Force Major William L. Ullman -
stationed at the Pentagon; Maurice Halperin,
Julius J. Joseph, Major Duncan Lee, Helen
Tenney, and Donald Wheeler - Office of Stra
tegic Services; Edward Fitzgerald, Henry Mag-
doff, Victor Perlo, and William Remington -
War Production Board; Willard Park and Bern-
ard Redmont - Office of the Coordinator of
Inter-American Affairs; Michael Greenberg -
Foreign Economic Administration; Sol Leshin-
sky and George Perazich - United Nations Re-
lief and Rehabilitation Administration; Charles
Kramer - investigator for the Kilgore Committee
of the U. S. Senate.")
The information supplied by Elizabeth Bentley
was supplemented and corroborated by Whittaker
Chambers and others. A dramatic result was the
Hiss case. Alger Hiss eventually went to- prison
(1950) for committingperjury by denying, under
McCarthy and his staff did a considerable
amount of original investigation concerning com-
munist infiltration into government; but Mc-
Carthy's essential role was the publicizing of cases
which agencies of government knew about but
would not act upon.
The most important investigation of commu
nism in government was conducted by the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee. In 1951 and 1952,
this Subcommittee (under the chairmanship of.
Senator Pat McCarran, Nevada Democrat) investi-
gated the Institute of Pacific Relations - reveal-
ing that the tax-exempt IPR was a transmission
belt for Soviet propaganda in the United States;
that many of its members and associates were in-
volved in Soviet espionage; and that communists
who controlled the IPR had had a profound, if
not controlling, influence, on American policy in
the Far East. The IPR supported propaganda in
the American press, and decisions by our govern-
ment, which discredited and crippled our ally,
Chiang Kai-shek, and helped communists conquer
China.'''
In 1953, Senator William E. Jenner (Republi-
can, Indiana) succeeded Senator McCarran as
chairman of the Senate Internal Security Subcom-
mittee, and initiated an investigation concerning
"Interlocking Subversion in Government Depart-
ments." On July 30, 1953, Senator. Jenner filed
an interim: report, from which the following is
extracted:
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 CPYRGHT
"The S&nitizfWerARlM9YeggFi?rzftlRaRps: CIA-RDPe5-Q0149R0000 a001a5P019ssorship pro-
carried on a successful and
important penetra-
tion of the United States Government and this
penetration has not been fully exposed ....
"Members of this conspiracy helped to get each
other into Government, helped each other to
rise in Government and protected each other
from exposure ... .
"Powerful groups and individuals within the
executive branch were at work obstructing and
weakening the effort to eliminate Soviet agents
from positions in Government.
"Members of this conspiracy repeatedly swore
to oaths denying Communist Party membership
when seeking appointments, transfers, and pro-
motions and these falsifications have, in virtually
every case, gone unpunished ......
The Jenner committee revealed that two Soviet
espionage rings inside our government had been,
exposed, and that identified members of the rings
had been removed from office (despite efforts
of higher governmental officials to protect them);'
but policies and programs formulated by identi-'
fied communists. remained in effect after the com-
munists were removed from government jobs.
Why? The Jenner committee revealed that two
Soviet espionage rings, known to be operating in
Washington, had never been exposed."'
The two communist spy rings inside our gov-
ernment have not yet been exposed; and, since the
Senate Subcommittee report of July, 1953, there
have been few' significant removals 'of comet-uhisfs
or pro-communists from government service.
There are, however, indications that notorious in-
dividuals, forced out during the "McCarthy era,"
are now coming back. Space limitations permit
only a. few examples. On June 26, 1961, United
States Representative Gordon Scherer (Republi-
can, Ohio), during a speech to the House said:
"The Organization of American States, 60
percent of the cost of which is borne by the United
States, is supposed to be one of the great bulwarks
against Communist penetration of the Western
Hemisphere.
"Early this month Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer
gram under which American professors will lec-
ture in Latin America and Latin American pro-
fessors will come here for the same purpose ....
"Dr. Oppenheimer went to Mexico the first
week in June for about 10 days and will leave
shortly for Brazil, Argentina, Chile, and Uraguay,
spending a week or so lecturing in each country.
"Now Dr. Oppenheimer is the same man whose
security clearance, after extensive hearings and
reviews, was suspended on December 23, 1953.
"On June 29, 1954, members of the Atomic
Energy Commission voted to deny him access to
restricted material. The AEC's Personnel Secur-
ity Board ... established that a number of Com-
munist Party officials between 1942 and 1945
had made statements to the effect that J. Robert
Oppenheimer was a member of the Communist
Party but that because of his position he could
not be active in the party, and that his name
should be removed from the Communist Party's
mailing list.
"The Board also established that Oppenheimer
had made periodic contributions to the Commu-
nist Party of between $500 and $1,000 each year
for 4 years ending in April 1942 ....
"Oppenheimer himself, under oath . . . ad-
mitted that he had lied to security officers ...."(B)
On April 3, 1963, the Atomic Energy Com-
mission announced that, with the express approval
of President Kennedy, Oppenheimer would be
awarded the 1963 Enrico Fermi Award (a high
honor which included a gift of $50,000, not sub-
ject to taxes). f'") On November 21, 1963, the
White House announced that President Kennedy
would personally make the award to Oppenheimer
(on December 2)."" On December 2, President
Johnson made the formal presentation, uttering
words of praise for Oppenheimer.' 12' This was the
same Oppenheimer who, in 1954, according to an
official finding of the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion, was "not entitled to the continued confidence
of the Government," because of "fundamental de-
fects in his character," and because his "associa-
tions with persons known by him to be commu-
nists" had lasted "too long to be justified as merely
the intermittent and accidental revival of earlier
friendships.""" Between 1954 and 1963, Oppen-
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heimer did nothing to justify an award, or-restora-
tion of confidence in him.
From 1939 to 1945, Lauchlin B. Currie (a nat-
uralized U. S. citizen, born in Nova Scotia) was
Administrative Assistant to President Roosevelt.
He was also a member of a Soviet espionage ring.
In 1950 (at the beginning of the "McCarthy era")
Currie went to Colombia. He married a Colom-
bian and became a citizen of Colombia, forfeiting
his American citizenship. On August 26, 1961,
Richard Starnes, syndicated columnist, revealed
that Lauchlin Currie "is in the front ranks'of plan-
ners in Colombia whose task it will be to spend
American money allocated under the newborn Al-
liance for Progress."
Currie could never have got this job of spend-
ing American tax money in Colombia without
the help (or, at least, approval) of old friends
still in the U. S. State Department. Congress, and
the public, ought to know who those old friends
are.
The recent Otepka case has unearthed disturb-
ing information about conditions in the State De-
partment. In March, 1963, Otto F. Otepka (Chief
of the Evaluation Division of the Security Office
of the State Department), in response to a sub-
poena, testified before the Senate Internal Se-
curity Subcommittee - which is responsible for
determining whether security laws enacted by
Congress are being properly enforced. Otepka
revealed that, of 168 State Department employees
appointed since Dean Rusk became Secretary of
State, 150 were not given security checks required
by law. Instead of complying with the law of
Congress, Dean Rusk hired the 150 by issuing
"waivers" to ignore the law. Rusk fired Otepka
for giving this information to the Internal Security
Subcommittee." 'I
Otepka had done nothing illegal or unethical;
but State Department officers (in order to "make
a case" that would give Rusk grounds for firing
Otepka) used tactics which would send a police
officer to jail for entrapment and invasion of
privacy. On July 9, 1963, John F. Reilly (Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Security) and
Elmer Dewey Hill (one of Reilly's division chiefs)
lied under oath when questioned by the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee about their han-
dling of the "Otepka investigation." On Novem-
ber 8, 1963, the Subcommittee revealed that
Reilly and Hill, subpoenaed for additional testi-
mony, admitted (again under oath) the falsity
of testimony which they had given on July 9,(15'
The State Department put Reilly and Hill on "ad-
ministrative leave."("' On November 18, both
men were permitted to resign."" Obviously, they
are not to be prosecuted for perjury.
Senate Subcommittee probing, in connection
with the Otepka affair, disclosed information even
more disquieting than any revealed by Otepka
himself. About the first of February, 1964, the
Subcommittee discovered a memorandum which
had been submitted on June 27, 1956, by Scott
McLeod (then Administrator of the State Depart-
ment's Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs -
now deceased). The old McLeod, memorandum
says:
"On the department rolls are some 800 in-
dividuals concerning whom the office of security
has information which raises ... questions as to
possible past communist activity or associations,
false statements, immoral conduct, homosexual.
ity, intoxication, mental defects, etc. All have
been cleared as qualified for access to classified
information.
"Of the 800-odd listed, there are approximately
205 on whom the questions are, in my opinion,
serious in,relation to the broad security respon-
sibilities of the department. Sixty per cent are in-
cumbents in high level assignments in the de-
partment or in the field.
"About one half are assigned to what can be
categorized as critical intelligence slots in the
department or to top-level boards and committees.
"The situation described is obviously serious
and deserves urgent attention."""
Information which McLeod submitted with the
list of 800 names indicates that 648 of the named
State Department employees had been involved in
communist activities; 94 were homosexuals; others
were drunks. Three of the Department employees
named were suspected of being foreign spies.""
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There is no indication that the State Depart-
ment ever did anything about the McLeod infor-
mation. Presumably the 800 are still there, help-
ing make policies for our nation.
What To Do
On November 27, 1963, United States Repre-
sentative John H. Ashbrook (Republican, Ohio),
introduced House Joint Resolution 812 (H J
Res 812) calling for an investigation of the State
Department. A similar resolution, introduced in
January, 1962, by Representative Richard L.
Roudebush (Republican, Indiana) died with ad-
journment of the 87th Congress.
The public must not let the current Ashbrook
resolution die. This year, voters should let all
candidates for Congress know that they will lose
votes if they do not stand forthrightly for serious,
relentless, thoroughgoing investigation of the
State Department.
If we do get such an investigation, however,
we should not be content with removal from
.office of persons who could be proven in a court
of law to be connected with the communist con-
spiracy. The most important communists in gov-
ernment are too careful to do anything that could
be cited as legal proof of their sympathies. We
should demand removal from public office of
every official or employee who took any part what-
ever-in formulating decisions which have proved
to be harmful to American interests, helpful to
communism - whether or not specific communist
activities by those individuals can be shown.
Who in government service helped plant'
and spread the false propaganda that the Diem
regime in South Vietnam was a murderous dic-
tatorship, thus preparing the American public to
accept complacently the assassination of the
Diems? Who in government service had some
part, directly or indirectly, in the Diem assassina-
tion? Whoever they were, they should be re-
vealed and fired.
Someone was responsible in 1962 for threaten-
ing to stop American foreign aid to the anti-
communist government of President Alessandri
of Chile, thus virtually forcing that government
to embrace communist elements in Chilean poli-
tics."" The result is that, on March 15, 1964,
communists won an impressive victory in a key
Chilean election - foreshadowing communist
victory in the next presidential election there.""
Whoever had any part in American decisions and
pronouncements that led to such a result should
be revealed and fired.
Whoever in the State Department, CIA, or other
governmental agency supported policy decisions
which helped Castro capture Cuba; and whoever
participated in decisions which caused the Bay of
Pigs tragedy should be exposed and fired.
After spending hundreds of millions of tax dol-
lars to "save Laos from communism," the United
States government in 1962 forced the government
of Laos to accept a coalition with communists. The
result has been virtual communist conquest of the
nation. Whoever participated in such policy de-
cisions should be fired.
The dictator of Ghana is a self-admitted com-
munist. His hatred of America and his support
of communist-bloc nations have always been con-
spicuous. In February, 1964, his government
staged an anti-American riot by students who
desecrated the American flag. Yet, we continue to
give Ghana 159 million dollars a year in aid. Every
employee or official of the U. S.. Government who
has participated in decisions to give aid to the
communist dictator of Ghana should be exposed
and fired.
Whoever participated in the 1962 decision to
grant Lee Harvey Oswald a passport and advance
him tax money for return to the United States
after he had declared his allegiance to the Soviet
Union and renounced his native America; and
whoever participated in the 1963 decision to issue
Oswald a new passport for another trip to the
Soviet Union should be fired.
In short, we must have, not just a whitewash,
but a housecleaning of the State Department.
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P ' R 1 ti ns U S Senate Report No. 2050, July 2, 1952,
a o
f
(1) The New York Times, February 22, 1964, pp. 1, 4
(2) "The Allen-Scott Report," by Robert S. Allen and Paul Scott,
The San Diego Union, circa March 11, 1964
(3) "Washington Whispers," U. S. News & World Report, March
2, 1964, P. 22
(4) AP dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Morning News,
September 7, 1958, Section 1, p. 1 -
(5) "The Spy We Set Free," by Guy Richards, The New York
Journal-American, March 11, 1964
(6) For details, see the following Dan Smoot Reports: "Cuba,"
May 5, 1961; "Laos, Part I and Part lI," April 9 and 16,
1962; "Berlin And Cuba," September 17, 1962; War And
Politics," October 29, 1962; "It Helps To Be A Communist,"
November 12, 1962; "Free China!", January 14, 1963; "How
To Lose Friends," February 11, 1963; "United Nations," April
1, 1963; "United Nations In Africa," April 15, 1963; "Truth
Will Out," June 10, 1963; "The Test Ban Treaty," August 5,
1963; "The U. S. Government Protested," February 17, 1964.
(7) Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, hearings
before the U. S. Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, 1953-
55, 30 parts, 2860 pp.
(8) Institute of Pacific Relations, hearings before the U. S. Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee, 1951-52, 15 parts, 5964 pp.;
,
rc e
acr
244 pp.
(9) Congressional Record, June 26, 1961, pp. 10413.4 (daily),
p. 11218 (bound)
(10) The New York Times, April 4, 1963, pp. 1, 5
(ii) The New York Times, November 22, 1963, pp. 1, 23
(12) Life, December 13, 1963, pp. 87A-110
(13) "The Oppenheimer Security Case of 1954," by U. S. Representa-
f AEG
di
fi
ngs o
n
tive Craig Hosmer (Rep., Calif.), including
Congressional Record (daily), July 11, 1963, pp. A4346-7
(14) "Spotlight of Probers Is On Rusk," by Edith Kermit Roose-
velt, The San Diego Union, October 20, 1963, p. c2
.(15) UPI dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Times Herald,
November 10, 1963, p. 22A.
(16) AP dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Morning News,
November 19, 1963, Section 1, p. 3
(17) "McLeod Report," by David Barnett of North American News-
paper Alliance, The Dallas Morning News, February 4, 1964,
Section 1, p. 6
(18) Washington Post article by Dan Kurzman, The Los Angeles
Times, July 12, 1962, part 1, p. 30
(19) AP dispatch from Santiago, The Dallas Times Herald, March
17, 1964, p. 1A
WHO IS DAN SMOOT?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940.. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years on FBI headquarters staff in Washington; and almost four years
on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation,
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts 'Forum radio and television pro-
grams, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business - a free-
enterprise operation financed entirely by profits from sales: sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business firms, for use on radio and television as an advertising ve-
hicle. The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues - the
side that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts
are available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing effective tools for Americans fighting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely - by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Subscription:
6 months - $ 6.00
1?year -$10.00
NAME (Please Print).
1962 Bound Volume
1963 Bound Volume
The Invisible Government
Paperback
Clothback
The Hope Of The World
America's Promise
Film Catalogue
Reprint List
_$10.00
- $10.00
-$3.00
- $ 5.00
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-Free
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STREET ADDRESS
CITY STATE ZIP CODE
(Add 2966 Sales Tax in Texas).
THE DAN SMOOT.REPORT, BOX 9538, DALLAS, TEXAS 75214 TAYLOR- 1.2303.
Page 96
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