SPOOFING AND DESPOTS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP74-00115R000300040015-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 27, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 30, 2013
• Sequence Number: 15
• Publication Date: January 21, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

TIME
STAT
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JAN Z 1 itmo
NEWSPAPERS
poofing the Despots
One sweltering summer day in 1959, \
a pedestrian waited impatiently to cross
, a street in downtown Richmond, Va.,
while a car blocked the intersection.
The driver, busily chatting with a friend
out the window, would not move on.
His patience exhausted, the pedestrian
finally bolted across the hood of the
auto. Unfortunately for him, the driver
turned out to be an off-duty policeman
who promptly haled him to court, where
he was charged with malicious mischief
and fined $25.
1 --fatiFiTlickson Kilpatrick, /the fierce-
kiiidividualistic afar -of the Rich-
mond News Leader, got wind of the
arrest, and he was oUtraged. As Kil-
patrick sees it, part of a newspaper's
' job is to do its community a "very real
and special service by poking fun and
spoofing the hell out of despots on the
bench." He ran an editorial asking for
contributions to a Beadle Bumble
Fund*. "The object of this fund," he
wrote, "is to deflate an occasional over-
blown bureaucrat, to unstuff a few
stuffed shirts and to promote the repeal
..of foolish and needless laws. There is
entirely too much law and order in the
world."
' Readers, who had often felt the urge!,
to march across an auto hood, respond- l;
ed generously. Before long, Kilpatrick ,
was dispensing justice right and left.
Beadle Bumble paid the fines for:
A Richmond homeowner convicted
of trapping animals inside the city Rol=
its. His crime: he had rounded up a I
few squirrels when they began to over-
run his lawn, then deposited them un-
harmed in the countryside.
A Charlottesville painter who had
been found guilty of violating the Sab-
bath blue laws. He had been repainting
the white lines of a grocery Store's
parking lot on Sunday, the only day
I the lot was free of cars. _-
0. A woman who had received a park-
ing ticket for leaving her Volkswagen
more than twelve inches from the curb.
All the nearby larger cars, which were
closer to the curb but. extended much
farther into the street, were'not ticketed.
A grocer who was found in con-
tempt of court because he refused to
raise the price of milk as ordered by
the State Milk Commission. Wrote Kil-
patrick: "We would happily award him
$500 so that he could buy twice as much
contempt for a law that has no place in
a free enterprise society."
Last week the Beadle Bumble Fund
started defending books as well as peo-
ple. A school board in suburban Rich-
mond had ordered high school libraries
to get rid of all copies of Harper Lee's
To Kill a Mockingbird, a tender novel
of race relations in the South. The
board found the book "immoral." "A
more moral novel scarcely could be
imagined," replied Kilpatrick. In the
se of the Beadle, he offered free
copies to children who wrote in. By
the week's end he had given away 81.
"Off and on," noted Kilpatrick in a
News Leader editorial, "we have de-
tected encouraging signs that Virginia
was emerging from peckerwood pro-
vincialism and ingrown 'morality' "?
phrases which the late H. L. Mencken ,
used ceaselessly to describe rural Amer- ,
ica. But after the school board's action,
said Kilpatrick, "Mencken's old indict7
ment stands reconfirmed."
* Named for the portly, garrulous parish
beadle of Charles Dickens' Oliver Twist, whoi
upon being told by a judge that a woir is
subservient to her husband, asserted: "I the
law supposes that, the law is a ass?a idiot.A.
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RICHMOND, VA.
NEWS LEADER
e. 12Q,884
Front
Pigs
Et Other
Page Pogo
Dat.MAR 13,124
How Much Is That in Rubles?
A radio broadcaster out in Minne-
sota has come up with a rather differ-
ent approach to the Cold War. In an
editorial broadcast; he suggested that
an effective Cold War weapon against
I the Communists might be found in an
item costing far less than the ICBM?
the catalogs of the big three mail
order kings, Spiegel, Sears Roebuck,
and Montgomery Ward.
If a few million of these catalogs,
printed in Russian, were to be
smuggled into Russia, he says, the
benefits to the Free West would be of
incalculable value. The Russian people,
[ accustomed to many decades of five-
year plans, would have an opportunity
to see for the first time the many
commodities available to those living
1 under dread capitalism. On cold win-
ter nights, they could sh6p in the
"wishbooks" for everything from Lily
Dache hats and dressmaker originals
to farm implements and living room
furniture.
Although the proposal was voiced
, tongue-in-cheek, ' it does offer some
. fine possibilities. Russian *omen par-
ticularly Would be vulnerable targets
for "Operation Catalog." After a few
months, the CIA.eould send in a few
spies trained in civil rights protests
and labor union picketing in this coun-
try. These spies could organize Rthl-
sian consumers into a union. The mem-
bers of the union could engage in the
pressure tactics known so well to.
Americans: They could schedule sit-
ins for the aisles of the government-'
owned department stores, and arrange,
picket lines to keep anyone from cr),-,
tering the premises. They could call
for a boycott of government-sponsored
goods. Then, in a final gesture they
could organize a large-scale protest
march on Red Square. They could
handcuff themselves together around
the walls of the Kremlin. They could
lie in the streets of Moscow and block
traffic. Sears, da! Nicki, nyet!
If history offers any clues at all,
there could be no doubt of the outcome
of such a battle: Even the Iron Curtain
has lace on the edges, and the resource-
fulness of any gal who wants new ,
ing room furniture will not be daunted
by tanks or guns. So, how much is -
that in rubles? ,
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Crossroads in Dixie
u
JAMES JACKSON KILPATRICK
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The South a primrose path of dalliance treads,
unfaithful to her Democratic spouse, unready
to wed her Republican lover
When the 68th Congress convened in
March of 1923, Oscar W. Underwood
held one of Alabama's seats in the
Senate and Tom Heflin held the other.
Virginia's senators were Swanson
and Glass. Walter George had just
arrived from Georgia the year be-
fore. These men were individuals in
their own right, and rather cantan-
kerous ones at that; but in a larger
sense, they were members of a mystic
brotherhood, bound together in a
bond beyond their party: They were
Southern Senators. Their opposite
numbers from, say, Massachusetts,
Connecticut and New Jersey, shared
no such common identification; they
were doubtless able men, but they
were discrete particles. Much of the
history of the mid-century may be
gleaned from reflection upon this
fact of congressional life: Since 1923,
Virginia, Georgia and Alabama have
sent, all told, eighteen men to the .
Senate; and Massachusetts, Connect-
icut and New Jersey have sent 41.
In the past sixteen years, these three
Southern states have sent one new
senator, Talmadge of Georgia; the
three Northern states have sent
eleven.
The parliamentary consequences of
this Southern stability are too well
known to require more than passing
mention. The Senate has sixteen
standing committees; Southerners are
chairmen of ten of them and rank-
ing members of two others. On Fi-
nance and Armed Services, South-
erners are lined three deep. On Ap-
propriations, behind the venerable
Carl Hayden of Arizona, no fewer
than five Southerners stand patiently
in queue. The powers of Senate com-
mittee chairmen often are exagger-
ated; it is simply not true that these
gentlemen may turn themselves, at
will, into bulls, swans, or clouds of
golden rain. But these gentlemen are
not exactly impotent, either.
Beyond the outward and visible
signs of Senate seniority, the South-
erners' sticking power has produced
some inner and spiritual grace as
well. Russell of Georgia is un-
matched as parliamentarian and floor
general; Byrd of Virginia has ex-
plored every thicket of federal finance;
McClellan of Arkansas knows where
all the bodies are buried. As Joe
Clark complained piteously in The
Senate Establishment, the Southern-
ers generally dominate the house
committee by which this most ex-
clusive club is run. In a hundred
subtle and inaudible ways, they call
the cadence; and the Senate marches,
or as the case may be, the Senate
stands at rest.
It is no problem to document this
image of Southern stability on the
Hill. Other popular images are not
so fixed. Plainly enough, in Presi-
dential elections the solid South is
no longer solid; it probably never will
be solid again. Alabama, Mississippi
and Louisiana have been flirting
with the devil since 1948. Virginia,
Florida and Tennessee have gone
Republican three times hand-run-
ning. Texas went for Kennedy in 1960
Davy Crockett
only by the width of Lyndon's eye-
lash. South Carolina is ready to
wander off the reservation. For three-
quarters of a century, from 1868
through 1944, the image of Southern
solidarity had meaning in Presiden-
tial contests. And the South bene-
fited from this scarcely at all.
The Image Re-examined
Add to the valid image of the
Southern senator and to the shaky
image of the solid South still a third
major factor: This is the legend of
"Southern conservatism." It is true
that by the usual yardsticks (the
CIO's, the ADA's, the ACA's), South-
ern Democrats as a group are more
conservative than non-Southern
Democrats as a group, but when civil
rights questions are eliminated from
the scoring system the ratings tend
to even up considerably. Ordinarily,
the South is thought of in geographi-
cal terms as the eleven states of
the late Confederacy; from these
states, in recent years, have come
such notable "Southern conserva-
tives" as Gore, Kefauver, Yarborough,
Fulbright, Sparkman and Hill. The
image, I say, requires a closer study
than it ordinarily receives.
The tide of Southern Republicanism
that rises so dramatically toward the
White House has a way of ebbing
just as swiftly toward the Southern
Statehouse. Legislatures of the eleven
Southern states have 1,754 seats com-
bined. Only 78 of these were held
by Republicans last year, and 50 of
those 78 were in Tennessee and
North Carolina. Each of the eleven
states has a Democratic Governor.
The Democratic solidity Of the "solid
South" exists at the Statehouse and
court house level. There the image
does in truth have Meaning. I used
to believe that on balance, the South
has benefited from the stability and
NovEmBER 19, 1963 433
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05A CAVel leIlLe ctillt (n.
patty government; today I am not
so sure of this. I am not so sure of
this at all.
Other factors press upon us:
Item: The poll tax still is imposed
as a prerequisite to vote in Arkan-
sas, Texas, Alabama, Mississippi and
Virginia. There is reason to believe
that early in 1964, the pending 24th
Amendment to the Constitution, pro-
hibiting the poll tax in federal elec-
tions, will become part of the su-
preme law of the land. Poll tax repeal
is bound to have an unsettling effect
in these five states, especially if re-
peal becomes operative in time to
swell registrations in a Presidential
year.
440'
The Negro Vote
Item: The rising Negro vote. As
of a year ago, the Southern Regional
Council reported 140 Negro registra-
tion drives in progress in the South.
Many of these drives proved disap-
pointing to the Council, but others,
as in Birmingham, proved successful.
In 100 Southern counties of special
concern to the Civil Rights Com-
mission, only 55,700 of 688,000 voting-
age Negroes were registered for 1963
elections. These 100 counties, in the
Commission's busy view, were the
most critical counties; in most areas,
Negro registration is proportionately
much higher. Even so, it is clear that
vastly more Southern Negroes will
be voting in the future than have
voted in the past; and this will be
true whether or not the pending Civil
Rights Bill is passed.
Item: Reapportionment. Considered
as a group, the Southern states
have small reason for pride in the
fairness with which their legislative
and congressional districts have been
marked out. In line with the na-
tional pattern, rural areas of the
South have been over-represented,
and urban areas under-represented;
but in the South these discrepancies
have been dismayingly severe. A
1962 study by the National Municipal
League found only three Southern
Senates and only two Southern
Houses above what might be termed
a "mean level of fairness" among all
the states. There has not been time
to measure the changes in prevail-
ing political philosophies that reap-
portionment may bring to Southern
legislatures; but there is no ques-
tion that urban representation will be
4 NATIONAL REVIEW
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big cirtii Lay Luta cu v V LAIC 11V A.
ten years. "I view great cities as
pestilential to the morals, the health,
and the liberties of man," Mr. Jef-
ferson once remarked. A good many
of his successors in Southern legis-
latures feel the same way, but this
is one political pestilence that will
not go away; the trend to city life
cannot be mistaken.
There are other familiar factors,
of course, that influence Southern
politics to some degree. We are as
affected as other men by changes in
transportation and communication;
we are as sensitive to problems of
unemployment and industrialization.
Personalities, traditions, labels,
friendships?all these count But we
are unique in two respects: Woven
into the whole fabric of our lives,
in ways, statewide, that do not ob-
tain elsewhere, is the presence of
the Negro?the Negro as fact, the
Negro as symbol. And deep in the
?marrow of our bones there lies a'
latent and instinctive conservatism
-that profoundly affects our political
metabolism. These two factors, along
with all the others, have created a
political schizophrenia unmatched in
the Republic. While others are wor-
ried about the fruits of a system
based upon two parties, we must con-
cern ourselves with the mutations
that spring from five or six.
Virginia Voting Pattern
Consider the lunacy that delights
us in Virginia. Within the past three
years, the typical white Richmonder
has voted for a Republican for Presi-
dent, a Democrat for governor, a
Democrat for U.S. senator, a Re-
publican for congressman, and for
both Democrats and Republicans for
the State legislature. The Negroes,
meanwhile, have voted for a Demo-
crat for President, a Republican for
governor, a Republican for congress-
man, and for Republicans only for
the legislature. In this month's elec-
tions, Republican candidates for the
Virginia General Assembly fell into
new schizophrenias all their own:
They bid for both the integrationist
Negro vote and the segregationist
white vote, and they won a good
deal of both. The Republican can-
didates campaigned furiously against
Mr. Kennedy, which pleased the
white folks; and they campaigned
loudly against the Democrat-domi-
nated State legislature, which pleased
fi la 'it' a Awl
Democratic candidates erected
bill-
boards describing themselves as Con-
servative in very large letters, and
as Democrats in very small. The
Richmond voters brooded about all
this; they felt themselves torn be-
tween the party of Mr. Byrd and the
party of Mr. Kennedy, loving the one,
detesting the other. The Nov. 5 re-
turns told a significant story: Rich-
mond returned six Democratic in-
cumbents to the House, but sent two
Republican newcomers with them.
Across the state, Republicans ran well.
Why Stay a Democrat?
It will be asked of the white
Southerner, why he stays a Democrat,
even a Byrd Democrat, when he
hates the national party so? Why not
become at least a Byrd Republican?
For the time being, this is out
of the question for most Southern
conservatives whose political life is
both active and public. So long as
the South is governed by Demo-
cratic governors, Democratic State
legislators, Democratic tax collectors,
court clerks, sheriffs and local coun-
cilmen, the great bulk of South-
erners actively interested in politics
will stay nominally Democratic. All
the nicest people, with a few pleasant
exceptions, are Democrats. The key
political decisions still are made al-
most universally in Democratic pri-
maries.
Per contra, though this situation
is changing swiftly, white Southern
Republicans, as a class, historically
have ranked low on the social scale.
Until recent years, they have been
mostly hacks, opportunists, has-
beens and never-weres, people with
no wit or grace or charm, third-
rate lawyers and second-rate sales-
men. The prospect of making common
cause with this gaggle of lackluster
ignorami has held no appeal. As I
say, this picture changes. It is be-
coming respectable to be a Repub-
lican in the South, not merely quad-
rennially, but as a regular thing.
Put these forces together, and they
point to political upheaval. It is com-
ing. If Senator Goldwater gets the
nomination next year, we could see
,some stunning changes in the House.
Wherever the Republicans can field
a tolerably presentable candidate for
the Congress, the less secure Demo-
crats will have a fight on their hands.
There is a hooker in that sentence:
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upon Us. riarry
,Or say-snaL wnerever Lue itepuuncans
can field a tolerably presentable can-
didate, they will have realistic hope
of riding a Goldwater boom to vic-
tory. The trouble lies in finding
tolerably presentable candidates.
Somehow, they must be cultivated
among fledglings still wet from the
nest, or from defectors from Demo-
cratic ranks. This is a formidably
difficult task anywhere, and when it
comes to filling state and local offices,
the task is especially difficult in rural
counties in which the number of
prospective candidates for public of-
fice always is quite small.
This problem obtains here in Vir-
ginia. The state is fairly panting
with suppressed Republican desires.
What outlet is there for them? There
is not now in sight a single pro-
spective Republican candidate for
governor who could command state-
wide support. Not one. In the Rich-
mond area, eight seats in the state
House of Delegates recently were up
for grabs; the Republicans searched
desperately, but could find five can-
didates only to seek them. There
were six seats to be filled in Nor-
folk; only two Republicans entered
the lists. All told, 100 seats were up
for the winning in the Virginia
House; the GOP let 63 of them go
by default.
Over most of the South, Repub-
licanism is as feeble. Little by little,
as in Mississippi and Georgia, head-
lines exclaim of an occasional Re-
publican who makes it, or almost
makes it, into state or federal office.
Doubtless there will be some increase
in the number of Republicans in
Southern state legislatures. But it
will take a long, long time; and bar-
ring a truly wholesale flip-flop of
political labels, the Republican party,
as such, will remain a pathetic mi-
nority in state and local offices
throughout the South.
The upheaval, when it comes, will
come first at the level of the House
of Representatives and the United
States Senate. Three factors, among
others, make this inevitable: One is
the age of many of the South's fore-
most spokesmen in the Congress. A
second is the relative scarcity of first-
quality congressional candidates in
Democratic ranks. A third is the
nature of a seat in the U.S. Congress,
identified as it is with national party
politics instead of state party politics.
Here in Virginia, a consciousness
of the mortality of man weighs heav-
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yru ana vv nits
Robertson are 76; Judge Howard
Smith, guardian of House Rules, is
80. They are in apparent marvelous
health; they are assured of election
ad infinitum. But their deaths or re-
tirement would create some vast po-
litical vacuums, and it is a mistake
to assume that Democrats automati-
cally will fill them. Whole eras end
in a word; such is the breath of kings.
Nor is the problem unique to Vir-
ginia. Ellender of Louisiana is 73;
Holland of Florida is 71; McClellan
Of Arkansas is 67; Ervin and Jordan
(MP '1000
0 0,
tre
uon nave men talking to tnemselves.
And in the five poll tax states, the
prospect is plain that registration
rolls are likely to expand sharply
next year: and they will not expand
with the right sort of people, for
the right sort of people?the honest,
decent, God-fearing, anti-Kennedy,
conservative people?are running
things now. The rolls will expand
with all the wrong sort of people,
and this spells trouble.
Public office in Virginia, and in
much of the South, may be different
from public office elsewhere, and per-
0 0110.
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of North Carolina are 67; Russell
of Georgia is 65. I pray for their
long lives; I do not see men of their
capacity, in either party, groomed to
come after them.
This is the big problem for the
South. The Democratic organizations,
too long entrenched in the easy ruts
of a one-party system, are not pro-
ducing young leaders of outstanding
ability. Old-timers, to whom the
Democratic label is as sacred as the
Baptist church, live in conditions of
acute political anguish; they cannot
continue to dwell in the house of
their fathers, but they cannot bring
themselves to quit it either.
Growing Pains
The state Republican parties, quite
understandably, are floundering as
badly. They ache with the sharp
pains of sudden growth. They charge
off in all directions. In state elec-
tions, they find themselves allied
with Negroes who hate the state
Democratic organizations; it is a
fragile alliance, for the Negroes are
as filled with whirligig allegiance as
the whites.
Daily, cold winds blow from judi-
cial chambers; the uncertainties of
reapportionment and Negro registra-
plillj
haps we are naive; but here, by
cherished tradition, public office is in
fact regarded as a public trust, and
somehow, one feels that gentlemen
ought not to engage in unseemly
hassles for a public trust. The pros-
pect of violently partisan elections,
reaching down to the level of local
councilmen, seems to us downright
appalling. It is not mannerly. It is
not Virginian. Primary contests,
within the party, are one thing; but
real fighting with Republicans in
November is something else entirely.
Such a prospect is vulgar if not ab-
solutely sinful?yet it holds a giddy
fascination. Most dangerous, said
Angelo, is that temptation that doth
goad us on to sin in loving virtue.
Do we dast go Republican on the
local level? Who is looking?
From time to time, I speculate on
the hard truths the North has yet
to learn in certain areas of race re-
lations ? truths of human behavior
the South began to learn three cen-
turies ago. This education won't be
easy for the North. But the longer
many of us in the South think upon
the political future, and shiver a
maidenly shiver, the more I reflect
that in terms of two-party politics,
we have some hard truths to master,
too.
NOVEMBER 19, 1963
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?
n This Issue .. ?
-"IP. James Jackson Kilpatrick, whose recent essay on ;
Civil Rights and Legal Wrongs [NR Sept. 24] so great-
ly interested students of the pending civil rights leg-
islation, writes about the South ? where it is now,
what it is thinking, what are its major unresolved ,
problems, what is its immediate political future. Mr.
Kilpatrick, editor of the Richmond News-Leader, pens a
I mood piece about the South, and in his finely wrought
treatment the historical, political, and cultural filaments
conspire together to throw a brilliant light on the region'
iL of the country in so many ways the most interesting, theI
L-- -? . .
most, endearing, and the most tragic?
.14
(Th
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In This Issue ? ? ?
---)?? Desmond Fennell, a perceptive Englishman actively
curious to experience life in Sweden, where all material
cares are the property of the state, reports on his pro-
tracted stay there. Do you remembel the 11.11) a few
years ago when Eisenhower described life in Sweden, and
then later (while in Sweden) apologized for what he had
said? Well, he was right the first time. James Jack-
son Kilpatrick, the eloquent editor of the Richmond News
Leader, writes a cool, informed piece about the reasons
why the South and Barry Goldwater are on the same
wave length, and they have nothing to do with segrega-
tion.... Victor Gold, who works for the public relations
firm of Selvage & Lee, writes a memorandum, in the
modern mode, on how to deal with the Dillinger mob.
... Anthony Harrigan, another distinguished Southerner,
of the Charleston News and Courier, is among other
things a close student of military affairs. He comes out
and says what long has needed saying: that the thing to
do in South Vietnam is to use gas. Address complaints
to the U.S. Military Hospital, Saigon.
Wm. F. Buckley Jr., it appears, has violated the pri-
vacy of Arthur Schlesinger Jr., which Mr. Schlesinger
has been so carefully husbanding all these years, you
will have noted. Result? Schlesinger has announced he
will sue a) Putnam's (publisher of Buckley's forthcoming
Rumbles Left and Right). 14 NATIONAL IIEVIEW and c)
WFB. He wants us to apologize, ha ha, for quoting
Schlesinger's quote about Buckley! You figure it out....
James Burnham reveals that Walter Lippman!) was actu-
ally eilyect In arguing recently that there was no "war
party it this country, only a 'War whoop Party?; and
make) g constructive suggestion for ariyone desiriog to
be P?t iidont of the United States. Mr. Bin nham is off
to grit er material in Europe, and to complete his 000k
on or:temporary Liberalism, an extension of a serer; of
lectut) s he recently delivered at his alma matey, Price-
ton. ... Frank Meyer, who knows all about the MouJOing
of a :ommunist, explores the fantasies we are busy
bude.-rig around the differences, real enough, between
Khr.ishchev and Mao. . . . And Russell Kirk dismites
thu nrofessionalization of athletics in the big coheres,
beu gaining the fact that nowadays, to qualify to play vi
spirt at college, you really ought to be a gorilla.
-?s? Better a gorilla, come to think of it, than such an
Ude] ivtual as contributed to the book Garry Wills here
r ;cif ,vs: who, in English that will curl your hair, hap-
rihes. for a tyrannical society.... Guy Daven-
fl.1 ct Ihiverford College takes on three novels, and
1.:111.18 tie Toledano two important new books about the
Co') disivaer Fritz Leiber, a well-known writer
on. L:0 editor of, science and science fiction, reviews two.
f t# it t books.... And W. H. von Dreele regrets the
c'e Ti.nnessee Williams' latest play; The Milk
`: 'f Stop Here. Any More. .--)0-
...
?r:-
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in This Issue
We continue transcribing pertinent sections of a six
dollar book?The Sovereign States by James Jackson
er.+.47,4 Copyright HENRY REGNERY COMPANY (special permission).
James Jackson Kilpatrick was born of Virginia and Louisiana ancestry
' in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, in 1920. In 1941 upon his graduation from
the University of Missouri School of Journalism, he joined the staff of the
News Leader as a reporter under the late Douglas Southall Freeman, the
distinguished historian. Early demonstrating a capacity for lucid analysis
of public affairs, Kilpatrick became the leading political writer for the
newspaper and, early in 1949, its associate editor. In June, 1949, he was
named Freeman's successor as editor.
Kilpatrick's editorials have since won for him national recognition
in the form of awards from the University School of Journalism (for his
successful editorial campaign to free a negro prisoner who was sent to
prison for a crime he didn't commit) and from Sigma Delta Chi, national
journalism fraternity.
Kilpatrick has also contributed to The Reader's Digest and Human
Events. The Sov.ereign States is his first book.
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STAT . ?. 1/Zr, 1 '7
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t ObX
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1/in
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V to,. k elu I
s Licor
RICHMOND. Dec. 17 (AP).?Arilal Stevenson says the
p? ople et Katanga Province "have no more right to self- deter-
mination outside the framework of the (Congo) nation than
, do the people of any State of our Union."
The Unietd States Ambassador to the United Nations adds
that. the policies of provisional President Moishe Tshombo,
rather than serving as a block
'reainst communism, would in- come to its assistance for the
rite the cold war into the Purpose of maintaining order
iConco and provide a secession- in that strife-ridden country.
1st government for the Com-,
1munist countries to support. ;
Mr. Stevenson made his oh-.
servations in a letter to James
J. Kilpatrick, editor of the
Richmond News Leader. Mr.
Iiiipatrick wrote the U. N. Am-
bassador asking if the U. N.1
wa,n't ?iolating its own char-
qt..). by intervention in the in-
ternal affairs of Katanga. The
editor raid also the policy of:
the United States called for
the overthrow "of a stout and
friendly anti-Communist, ca-
.pable of maintaining a stable
and prosperous country, in or-
der to replace him with the
stocee of a puppet central gov-
ernment heavily infiltrated by
.Marcists'
In reply, Mr. Stevenson
wrote:
"The United Nations is not
intervening in the internal af-
fairs of the Congo, since it
was invited by the legitimate
government of the Congo to
It reir.ains thcre at the Invita-
tion of the centml government.
"You al'2 1:gilt that cur bane
policy favors the self-determi-
nation of peoples. However,
the people of Katanra have no
more right to self-determina-
tion outside the framework of
the nation than do the ProPir'
of any State of our Union.
Katanga is a province of the
Coneo. I think it is well worth
noting that no government in
the world has to this date ever
recoenized K.ktanga a an in-
dependent country. . . .
"Lastly, you state that our
pelley 'calls for the overthrow
:of a :.out and friendly anti-
Ceram-mist.' 'You imply that
the c 'Oral government leans
the COMMUal,t.S. WhIla
proclaimed him-
self ,tirti-Com ennilat, his policy
;has threatened the very kind of
led division which, with-
out the presence of the United
:Nations in the erne?, would in-
vite the cold war into the un-
fortunate country and permit
ithe Cemmunist bloc to find a
Iseces,ionist r.overnment of an-
other sort which it could sup-
1 port. ' "
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411,-.1r
tel
.1.:rnes 1:11:x?trieli? editor Riti:?zP-a't
Le.oler:
1,7,7-1-;:e.?!y the in-
TV?01.P.
MeNL:ri 7 ?i %.??::. ?
t 7!,i'orta. la the.lovely
?? thing to a national (I:111.,
-z??7 thoart of Snta C.;
()hrr.v*:,.e, the picture in blei,k. Mr. Kea- 1.
nedy dr; in pale r..",Y l'IlOK""..????","t? ?
alu-end. a pale pink liberalism hnre
l7ore.c. He nvilxs some eloquet. but
they tura mit to be all foam and no bacr.
liir, rceerd is not el ,Nt. f,tli Of firin4. ;lei fury. ,
tus reivrd Ls mly .sr..rand ht ;
it sill 'Eloilie.s nothing and Alt, Khru!achey I
risiNez it.
Or;ae L ea:mtrywe:7,..-les of Mr. fiennefly's
ve wii eo him, with a ihOck, as Cie .
siiro liarthaz,42../trlialls the
poorest .sir.ce Arthur,
. ? ,
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R. 65,367
S. 92;,11.4
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411 9 '1962-
W.:-NNEDY'S FIRST '(FAR' 1
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How does the nation view President /;.''' not even full of sound and fury, his ree-;
:Kennedy's first. year in office? ,.'." ord is mainly full of sound alone, but:
? ? In an effort to find out, the Associated:' it sill' signifies nothing and Mr. Khrush.-.,
...
.? ' 1
? ?Press polled leading editors and publ chev knows it. '
1. . . ., ? ? , ,
?? ;
ushers across the land. .? . .
, , v ' . ? ;? Once the country Wearies of Mr. Ken-.:
. - , :'.? The response was varied.. The.gen-.;
1.'?;:nedy's charm, we will see him, with a '
.;; eral tone ,was favorable, yet few ,were t.e.shock, as the poorest President since:
. ; ! unequivocal ; either in: praise or.,con-c :,1-larang, perhaps. the 'poorest since Ar- I,
? ? i .'clemnation. . . ?, ?
-.thur. ? . .
, ? A sampling of the replies follows: :
!? ;. .. ? ??
Erwin D. Canham editor, Christian
?
, ?? .- .................The Kennedy admin-1
, ?
I ? : Roy A. Roberts, president, ? Kansasi
f ? , istration's first year .has been morel
1. City Star: ?:Last January I predictedl
,. . . . stable, less experimental, than the Deni-
!". Mr. Kennedy would be a great presi..1:,.
i oeratie campaign platform and pledg..es:l
? ' ?dent, or a buse?..,The story is yet to bel,..Would have indicated. Foreign policy '
I told. Thus far, it is, more, plus than,
1.,. '?rdiffered little from the Eisenhower ad.; ?
? ? minus.. . ? . '," ..e...ministration,.though its impleinentaticin '
? ' The administration fumbled on for-;, ',somewhat ran into conflicts between the .. ....;:
eign affairs almost at onCo?Cuba, Laos,',!. strong group, of advisors in the cxece- :
Qnd too much talking. Experience has; :aye office and elsewhere outside the .
'been a hard teacher.. There has been a,,,?State Department.. - .. .
, ..firming up of? policy with wider public! . ? .. ... . . ?
. , .
?.' acceptance. ' ? . .
. ? ? . ?? ' ? 'Palmer Hoyt,- editor. and publisher,
? ? i ?
_ ? ' w. I
' . " ? ? ? ... .1 "Denver Pet: President Kennedy is .;
., .,. Robert B. Choate, editor and pub.:. steering ..a realistic Course in a period:,
Esher, Boston Heraid.Traveler: In a:'?
; marked by some of the mosi grave and :
?' ? v world- changing 'so feat ,thet today's 1
th
I.-. Complex.. problems e nation his ever I
..? ? , success may be tomorrow's disaster, I; faced. : ' . ? ' '. . '
amconvinced the liennedy administra,-1 -.' -. :?--, ' ' q ..
4 ' i ..?
?
? e tion has done?on the. whole-7an out.' .,
' standing job inv1961: . : ? ,
i ,
? , 1 ; ;
r.
. , ?
A ' .TameeL24,,,Ailpateielt.,,,editor TO. i.
(.: mond,iplewe.,Leader: Mr. Kennedy cer-1'..7 ?
4 tainii has raised the Intellectual ton&.; ?
2. ? 1
; of the White House. He made a good ? ?!',- -
. , :?? .'
-:" appointment in McNanZia'alia7deited. , ,4
. a ...10-T;trilcg...ix,y1c.cone; In t1i7PIZTZTS,:i , ?
,.. iliClie, he has the'age-sit thing (o a na-?,; .:
tional dream girl since. the swecthearti
? t of Sigma Chi.' ? ?. , , ?
:,? ? Otherwise, the picture is bleak. :.;!.,,
t...Xcnnedy.draws in paste--a pale gray i
;,. indecisiveness abroad, a pale pink lib.-,
?' eralisra heed at home. He maieeli some I
. ". eloquent speeches, but they turn out to'i '. : . . .
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Let Us Bes in Anew
- 000
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1961 ? CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENA 14021
ment has to pay on long-term bonds on
the unpaid balance invested in its facil-
ities. TVA should be required to pay a
sufficient rate for power purchased from
the Corps of Engineers projects to fully
liquidate the Federal investment in these
projects at interest equivalent to the rate
paid by the Government on long-term
obligations. TVA should be required
to pay into the Federal Treasury an
_ amount, in lieu of Federal income taxes,
equivalent to that which wOuld be paid
were TVA in private ownership.
If TVA complies With the above re-
quirements and can then cut rates, this
adventure in socialism could be more
nearly justified.
I thank my distinguished friend from
Wisconsin again. He is not attempting
to obstruct, although, from the bottom
of my heart, I wish he were. In fact,
tired as I am, I would be sorely tempted
to join him, not in discrediting or speak-
ing against the person he is speaking
against in the hope of holding up action
on the foreign aid bill until that happy
time of the year, Christmas, when we
would all be home, and we could not
act on it.
Mr. PROXMIRE. I thank the Sena-
tor from Arizona.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President,
will the Senator yield?
Mr. PROXMIRE. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Montana.
Mr. MANSFIELD. After listening to
the Senator from Arizona, I should say
he should be marked in the "doubtful"
column, so far as foreign aid is con-
cerned.
Mr. GOLDWATER. Madam Presi-
dent, I do not know what "doubtful"
means in Montana, but in Arizona it
means there is some question about
which way one is going to jump. There
is no question about the way I am going
to jump. I have already jumped. I am
waiting for the land to come up and hit
me.
Mr. KEFAUVER subsequently said:
Mr. President, my colleague, the Senator
from Arizona [Mr. GOLD WATER), has
again waggled his finger at TVA, refer-
ring to it as "galloping socialism."
Senator GOLDWATER'S finger is not the
first which has been waggled at TVA,
nor will it be the last.
The same specious arguments have
been trotted out again and again and
again.
The facts remain the same?that TVA
is a living, breathing example of the
greatest partnership in the world.
Hand in hand with free competitive en-
terprise, it has brought prosperity, and
progress to the entire Tennessee Valley.
It has benefited not only the people
of my State and the entire region served
by its inexpensive power, but it has also
benefited industry and people all over
the Nation who have found a growing
and lively market for their products
which never would have come about had
it not been for the vision and planning
of those who fought for TVA.
TVA has paid its way?in spite of the
efforts to disprove this that keep crop-
ping up at the hands of the private
power lobby year after year, and even
In spite of the efforts? of this lobby in-
side our very Government to destroy
TVA in the notorious Dixon-Yates deal.
TVA, in addition, is an example to
the entire world of how a people, work-
ing with their Government, can accorn-
plish the economic development of an
entire region and provide power and
flood control and the many corollary
benefits that follow.
My colleague from Arizona again joins
a small group of reactionaries in our
Nation who, for one reason or another,
would call progress for the people "gal-
loping socialism"?and who would keep
our Nation tied up to the dock while the
mainstream of civilization flows by.
If it were not for the yardstick that
TVA has provided, I assure my colleague
that many people in many places in our
Nation would be paying prodigious prices
for their power in comparison to what
they pay today.
Senator GOLDWATER'S tune is the same
old tired tune. I cannot imagine why
he has decided to play it again today.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield so that I may make a.
comment on the remarks of the Senator
from Tennessee?
Mr. PROXMIRE. I yield.
Mr. GRUENING. Going back to the
famous propaganda campaign of Samuel
Insull, who was fighting municipal power
and any public power, in a meeting of
these assembled propagandists, the ques-
tion was asked, "What would you do with
a man who advocated municipal power?"
The answer of this expert was, "I would
not try to reason with him. I would not
try to argue with him. I would merely
pin the Bolshevik tag on him."
That is precisely what has been done,
as the Senator from Tennessee has men-
tioned, by our colleague from Arizona in -
calling it socialistic, denouncing TVA,
and putting it beyond the pale.
I have no doubt that if the people of
Tennessee, those who have been bene-
fited by the great project, which was
originated by George Norris and carried
on by Franklin Roosevelt, were to vote
on the question, they would vote for its
retention. Would that condemn them?
Would our colleague put on them the
opprobrious label of socialistic? I sus-
pect they are as good Americans as any-
body in this Chamber.
Mr. KEFAUVER. I thank the Se
tor from Alaska, who understands from
practical experience the important part
the Government must play in the de-
velopment of our natural resources.
Had it not been for TVA, Bonneville,
and many other projects in which the
Corps of Engineers and our Government
have helped, we certainly would not be
'very far long with the harnessing of
our rivers for the benefit of our people.
I thank the Senator for his contribution.
transmitted to the House of Representa-
tives, and on July 31 was referred to the
House Committee on Interior and Insu-
lar Affairs.
On August 7, 1961, the-House passed
H.R. 2925, a companion bill, which has
been received by the Senate today. No
action was taken on the Senate bill,
which, as stated, was referred in the
House on July 31.
Notwithstanding the failure of the
House to consider the Senate bill, which
is customary in such cases, and with 'a
view to getting the matter to the White
House for action by the President there-
on, I ask unanimous consent that the
Senate proceed to the consideration of
H.R. 2925, pass it, and send it to the
President.
Action on the House bill will avoid
further delay in the enactment of the
legislation.
Madam President, this bill has been
cleared with the minority leader and also
the ranking member of the minority on
the Committee on Interior and Insular
Affairs.
Madam President, I ask unanimous
consent that the unfinished business be
temporarily laid aside and that the Sen-
ate proceed to the consideration of H.R.
2925.
The PRESIDING Orr.toiCER laid be-
fore the Senate the bill (H.R. 2925) to
amend the act of March 8, 1922, as
amended, pertaining to isolated tracts,
to extend its proviSions to public sales;
which was read twice by its title.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is
there objection to the request of the
Senator from Montana?
There being no objection, the Senate
;proceeded to consider the bill (H.R.
2925) to amend the act of March 8, 1922,
as amended, pertaining to isolated
tracts, to extend its provisions to public
sales.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
bill is open to amendment. If there be
no amendment to be proposed, the ques-
tion is on the third reading of the bill.
The bill (H.R. 2925 was ordered to a
thir reading, was read the third time,
passed.
AMENDMENT OF ACT OF MARCH 8,
1922, PERTAINING TO ISOLATED
TRACTS, TO EXTEND ITS PROVI-
SIONS TO PUBLIC SALES
Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President,
Senate , bill 799, to amend the act of
March 8,1922, as amended, to extend its
provisions to public sales, was passed by
the Senate on July 28, 1961. It was
IMPRESSIONS OF RUSSIA?EDITO-
RIALS BY
PATRICK, EDITOR, RICAMOND,
VrigEWS LEADER
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. Presi-
dent, Mr. James Jackson Kilpatrick,
editor of the Richmond News Leader,
vigted,,tbe,SovietrUnion?. and: published,
In the News Leader, very,Ampuolve?edi-
torials descriptive, of Russia ,,and the
Sovietteente. -
13ed'aithe the editorials speak so strik-
ingly of Russian conditions, I ask unani-
mous consent that they be printed in the
body of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the edito-
rials were ordered to be' printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[Prom the Richmond (Va.) News Leader,
? May 13,1961]
? DATELINE, LENINGRAD-I
LENINGRAD, May 5.?Aeroflot's flight 612
from Helinski to Leningrad departed on the
evening of May 3 in typical Soviet fashion:
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
t was on time to the split second, and it
very nearly left two passengers on the ramp.
Before the journalist from Virginia could sit
down and fasten his seat belt, the pilot had
both engines of the plane fired up and had
started taxiing at 50 miles an hour toward
the runway. The Russians do nothing by
halves. They are the most efficiently ineffi-
cient people on earth. They can send Major
Gagarin (or someone) spinning around the
earth, but they cannot fix the plumbing in
room 314 of the Europa Hotel in Leningrad.
I They have built a jet airliner as fine as any-
thing yet produced at Boeing or Douglas, but
a plug for the bathroom sink eludes them.
In the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad, they
have assembled an unbelievable collection of
paintings, and lighted them so poorly that
many of the works scarcely can be seen at all.
Here in this busy and beautiful city, it is easy
to go mad about the Russians; it is equally
easy simply to go mad.
It takes only a couple of hours to fly to
Leningrad. The plane itself offers a first re-
vealing glimpse of Soviet Russia today.
There is no loudspeaker system for the
hostess, a rather dumpy blonde of about 28;
she advises the passengers to fasten their
dirty seat belts, and waves a hand toward
the no smoking sign; once aloft, she brings
around a tray of oranges and some lemonade
of a terribly icky sweetness. That is about
the size of her services. The sign stays
constantly on, "smoking prohibited," but
passengers smoke anyway. There are no ash-
trays. The plane easily could catch fire.
This is the fatalist Soviet way. Nichevo.
For the American making his first trip
behind the Iron Curtain, the flight from
Helsinki has elements of high drama. Below,
the Gulf of Finland is dirty blue; the hori-
zon is a gray haze, pink-tinted by the setting
sun. The land mass of Russia, dark and
forbidding, forms gradually from the sea.
For miles and miles not a light can be seen.
Then the pale glow that is Leningrad ap-
pears like phosphorescence on a marsh, and
with a long slow turn the plane is down.
WELCOME TO RUSSIA
Instantly, Soviet officialdom enters the
scene: A woman doctor, to check vaccina-
tion certificates; a tough little customs in-
spector to pick up the forms filled out during
the flight; a stocky police officer who stands
? stolidly athwart the cabin door. Everything
is in order, and the customs man, who had
been speaking in Russian only, abruptly
breaks into flawless English: Follow me.
? The 18 passengers file obediently into the
darkness. The Russians use no more light
at night than is absolutely necessary, and
the night is filled with apprehensions. Just
so, we imagine, the prisoners walked at
Buchenwald; it was only for a shower?and
then the nozzles were turned on.
These flights of fancy are soon dispelled.
Clearing customs in Russia is tedious, not
terrifying. The plane had left Helsinki at
8:30 and arrived in Leningrad at 10:10. It
was almost midnight before the last pas-
senger had been cleared to the embraces of
Intourist, the official Soviet tourist agency,
and it was approaching 1 o'clock, after a long
drive down the impressively beautiful Mus-
covy Prospekt, before the visitors finally were
assigned to their rooms.
GRAND RAPIDS ELEGANCE
A guest at the Europa Hotel is simply told.
to go to his proper floor. There a floor mis-
tress hands him a key, and he is left to fend
for himself. This means unlocking a pitch-
black room, fumbling for an old-fashioned
light switch, and blinking in amazement at
his first glimpse of what might have been.the
bridal suite at the Grand ? Hotel, Topeka,
Kans., 1910. The room is furnished in a sort
of early Grand Rapids elegance, with oak
veneered breakfast table and chairs, a 'use-
less chiffoniere, a divan, a wardrobe and, in
a curtained alcove, the bed. Inspection turns
up a bathroom with massive tub, a toilet that
runs incessantly, and a sink adorned with a
yellowed mirror. Above?or more accurately,
in. front of?the mirror is an enormous light
fixture, complete with 15-watt bulb. Home!
If the American novice in Russia is fortu-
nate, he will have fallen in with a more ex-
perience traveler, fluent in Russian, and will-
ing to help him over the first few days. An
English engineer and designer, able to con-
jure up a bottle of champagne after the cafe
has closed for the night, has a way of making
one immensely grateful for Anglo-American
union. Soviet champagne .is quite good, in-
cidentally, and the beer would be excellent
cojd.
The stranger in Leningrad, having arrived
in the middle of the night, cannot have
seen much of the city on his trip in from
the airport. Drivers use only parking lights
in traffic, and the wonder is that the jay-
walking pedestrians are not piled up in
windrows each morning; miraculously, one
is told, such accidents are few. In any event,
the stranger awakens to a surpassingly beau-
tiful city. Leningrad is all buff and beige
and a light leafy green. Its streets are
broad, and the buildings retain much of the
elegance of the old imperial day.
This was the city Peter built to provide
"a window to the west." But the ruthless
exercise of his indomitable will, and by com-
manding every traveler who came to his new
city to bring with him stones for paving
roads, he raised a city where prudent engi-
neers would never have launched the task?
a city built on a hundred islands, knitted
together by 300 bridges?and he built with
so lavish a hand that the visitor's first
thought evokes the essence of recent Rus-
sian history: No wonder they had a revolu-
tion.
DOWN-AT-THE-HEELS GRANDEUR
Along the left bank of the placid Neva
River, much of Peter's grandeur survives to-
day, but it is sadly down at the heel. The
massive green and white Hermitage, built
between 1754 and 1762 as a winter palace for
the Czars, is desperately in need of painting
and refurbishing. Here one finds, higgledy-
piggledy, poorly lighted, a collection of paint-
ings so fabulous that the visitor is left
gasping: Not just 8 or 10 Rubens, but 43
Rubens; not a single gallery of impression-
ists, but a whole floor of impressionists, and
the drab walls alive with the bold color of
Gauguin and Van Gogh. Every day the
Hermitage is jammed with visitors, includ-
ing a remarkable number of American tour-
ists, all on their best behavior.
The riches of the Hermitage stand in
startling contrast to some of the contempo-
rary shortages in Leningrad. The visitor to
the city's finest department store finds cus-
tomers queued up long before the opening
hour. They are waiting eagerly to buy
second-rate piece goods, the quality poor
and the colors drab; children's toys so pa-
thetically poor that an American is embar-
rassed for his own opulence; electric refrig-
erators, at $300 and up, of a general design
not seen in the United States in the past 20
years; television sets, at $140 and up; clum-
sily fashioned shoes, and ready-to-wear
clothes of a cut not really ready to wear.
GENERALLY HAPPY PEOPLE
But a few editorial comments may be in
order. The goods in the Leningrad depart-
ment store of 1961 ought not to be compared
with the goods in a Philadelphia store of
1961, but with the goods available in Lenin-
grad 5 or 10 years ago. By this yardstick,
one is told, the improvement is astonishing.
The Soviet people, witnessing these rapid
gains with their own eyes (and unable to
know envy for an American standard of
living few have even read about), are won-
derfully pleased at the progress being made.
These are generally happy people. Anyone
who imagines the typical Soviet Citizen as
k"Itgjist 8
"chafing under the yoke of coraniunism," or
"yearning to be free of Communist tyranny,"
is only deceiving himself. The Russian peo-
ple want a more comfortable life, to be sure,
but in their view?on the only evidence they
have to judge by?the Communist system is
providing a better life at what to' them is
commendable speed. Revolution? This is
nonsense.
This is not to suggest that reminders of
Communist totalitarianism, and of Com-
munist inefficiency, do not abound. They
do. Portraits and busts of Lenin are every-
where, though perhaps this is not unusual
In a city that looks upon Lenin as Richmond
looks upon Father Byrd. On the Nevsky
Prospekt, the visitor to Leningrad last week
could see an enormous painting, three stories
high, of Nikita Khrushchev, and another
? equally as large depicting the recent space
flight as "another great triumph of so-
cialism," which, indeed, it doubtless is.
The intourist guides are carefully drilled
In Soviet propaganda. In the hermitage,
they will point to parquet floors "restored
by our skilled Soviet craftsmen"; emerging
from the museum of religion in *the old
Kazan Cathedral, they will make a distaste-
ful moue: "We do not believe in God, so
we are really not much interested in this
museum." They have a set speech on the
excesses of the czars and the inadequacy of
the Kerensky government overthrown that
famed October.
One is constantly aware, in short, that this
Is the second largest city in Communist
Russia, Peter is long dead; the children of
peasants are skipping rope in his gardens.
Along the Neva embankment the name of
"Gagarin" is chalked on monuments to van-
ished czars; and the visitor who returns from
the opera at midnight, careening by taxi
down darkened streets, suddenly is aware of
two companies of Soviet sailors. They are
marching in a disciplined close order drill,
duffle bags up. God alone knows where they
are going."
? J.J.K.
[From the Richmond (Va.) News Leader,
May 16, 19611
DATELINE, LENINGRAD?II
LENINGRAD, May 6.?"There is in this city
an incomprehensible mystery," the Marquis
de Custine once observed, "but at the same
time a prodigious grandeur."
The French traveler and diplomat was
writing in 1839 of the Petersburg of that
day, but much that he said remains true in
1961. Leningrad still has a prodigious
grandeur; one has only to walk for an hour
or two along the Neva embankment to sense
the boldness, the vision, and the vanity of
.the czars. They were in their way a cruel
and ruthless and degenerate lot; they never
paused to reckon price in terms of rubles
squandered or peasants sacrificed, but when
it come to piling stone on stone, they
thought big.
Yet the mystery remains also: The-miles
of impassive apartment houses, many-win-
dowed, silent, form a vast human apiary.
There- dwell in these hives 2,800,000 persons,
and 15 years after the war's end they re-
main jammed and doubled up. The streets'
by night are a twilight enigma, and they
too are always crowded. The sleepless trav-
eler, walking the Nevsky ProspeltS long after
midnight, finds countless Russians abroad,
bundled in their shapeless, ill-fitting over-
coats?a people neither smiling nor unsmil-
ing, but simply intent upon going their way.
Perhaps they have trouble sleeping also.
The visitor to Russia who attempts any
appraisal after 4 or 6 days is quite likely to
,fall into foolish error, but a few impressions
may be risked nonetheless. There is in this
Communist system a drive, a terrible dy-
namic, that the Western World will under-
estimate at its peril. To say that this city
?
. '
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 14023
ates from 1703 is to state a truth; to say
that it dates from 1917 is to state a truth
wih greater meaning. With the firing of
the signal gun aboard the Aurora on the
night of October 23, today's Leningrad be-
gan. During World War II, the city endured
900 days of siege; much of it was reduced to
rubble. If the Communist rebuilding has
produced much that is monotonous and
drab, it has still produced in this short span
a viable city. Ten years hence, one would
like to visit Leningrad again. .
The zeal for bootstrap progress assuredly is
manifested in the schools. The American
visitor who insists upon seeing a Leningrad
school may be taken to Skola 157, a 100-year-
old building on Proletariatsky-Dictatura St.
in Smolny District. Granted that this must
be Leningrad's finest?the one school espe-
cially chosen to show the tourist?the fact
cannot be blinked away that the Soviets are
running an impressive program of public
education.
At first glance, the school is much like
some of the older elementary schools in,
Richmond. The wooden floors squeak, the
woodwork needs painting. On the walls are ?
framed portraits of the country's great men.
Between classes, the corridors offer the same
scuffling and chattering to be seen anywhere.
But once the bell rings, Skola 157 is all busi-
ness. It houses 1,200 boys and girls, turned
out in neat uniforms of midnight blue with
red scarves. The first graders go to school ,..-
6 days a week for 4 hours a day; their curricu-
lum is much like ours. At the third grade
level, the classes lengthen from 35 to 45
minutes, and the schedule is stepped up.
Fourth graders begin to get some elementary
biology and science. Fifth graders go from
9 to 3; their morning begins with Russian
language and literature, and goes on to his-
tory, mathematics, and biology. The after-
noon brings geography and (in this particu-
lar school) English. Some days, drawing,
music, or shop is substituted. Physics is
introduced at the sixth grade level, along
with algebra and geometry. The seventh
and eighth bring chemistry, higher mathe-
matics, and even anatomy.
The teaching aids appear amazingly good.
Many of the classrooms have motion picture
and slide projectors. The science labora-
tories are not modern, perhaps, but they
have an air of work performed. The voca-
tional shops offer excellent wood and metal
lathes. One laboratory room is devoted to
electricity. There is a remarkable collec-
tion of stuffed animals, a room of live ani-
mals (including an aviary), and for 10th
grade students, using Skola 157 until their
new school is complete, a complete automo-
bile machine shop. The home economics
rooms, by American standards, seem poor?
until it is remembered that this is an ele-
mentary school. The auditorium is large
. and pleasant. A full athletics program is
conducted, chiefly in after-school hours; an
immense billboard in one corridor honors top
athletes, just as special plaques in the audi-.
toritun honor top students. There is a
library of 32,000 volumes, and though the
reading room is small for a school of this
size, the books appear well worn.
After a child completes the eighth grade
at Skola 157, he has an election: He may go
into a technical school, as an apprentice, or
he may continue in liberal arts training for
3 more years. About 60 percent make the
latter choice. Evidently much depends on
rigorous examinations conducted at the
seventh and eighth grade levels; the pupil's?
choice probably is somewhat limited by what
the state thinks best for him.
Teachers at Skola 157 start at $70 to $80
a month; after 5 years, they get a '10-percent
increase; at the end of 10 years, a 15-percent
increase; after 15 years, a 20-percent in-
crease; and after 20 years, a final 15-percent
increase. At this time they may retire on
40 percent of their salary, or continue teach-
ing with both salary and retirement bene-
fits. All the teachers at Skola 157, one is
told, are college graduates.
How good is the teaching? How much
Communist doctrine are they given? It is
difficult for a stranger to judge. Certainly
the teachers have the tools to teach with.
One imagines that Communist indoctrina-
tion goes on constantly: The school's bul-
letin board last week featured large posters
proclaiming the liberation of Africa from
colonial bondage, and the glorious defeat by
Castro of the American imperialists.
It might be expected that such indoctrina-
tion would produce hostility to an obvious-
ly American visitor. The contrary is true.
The only unpleasant experience this travel-
er encountered in Leningrad came on a
Saturday afternoon tour of the city's fabu-
lous subway system. To the vast embarrass-
ment of the Intourist guide, a red-faced"
drunk insisted upon making conversation;
some male passengers on the subways, equal-
ly embarrassed, dragged him away at once.
The traveler's notebook bulges: it cannot
all be put down. One is minded to write of
the critical Russian audience refusing to
applaud inferior singing at an opera house;
of the groceries; of the champagne bars in
every downtown block; of the unbelievable
number of bookstalls and bookstores of
the pervasive presence of Lenin and all his
name represents. Some things must wait.
The city is busy, constantly busy. Filled
with some of the same national dynamism
that surged in Peter the Great when he
drained these massive swamps, the Lenin-fl are building a cosmopolitan city by
main force of will.
This dispatch is finished at midnight in
the Hotel Europa. It has been raining, and
the May wind brings through an open win-
dow the hiss of passing taxis. In the cor-
ridor of the hotel is a strangely familiar
sound: The insane Russians, at this hour,
are vacuum-cleaning the rugs.?J.J.K.
[From the Richmond (Va.) News Leader,
May 18, 19611
DATELINE: KIEV
KIEV, May 9.?The sleek Soviet jet that
carries a traveler from Leningrad to Kiev is
a far cry from the shabby two-engined plane
that may have brought the visitor in from
Helsinki. However inept and slipshod the
Soviets may be in other fields?and their
crudeness is a source of unending astonish-
ment?in the TU-104 they have excelled. It
is a beautiful airplane, and Aeroflot operates
Its flights on time to the second.
In the same fashion, this capital of the
Ukraine is worlds removed from its sophisti-
cated sister on the Baltic. Here in Kiev, the
chestnut trees are in full bloom on Kre-
shchatik Street, and on a spring afternoon
the 50-foot sidewalks are jammed with casual
strollers and earnest shoppers. Kiev is
prettier, but less beautiful, than Lenin-
grad; it is older, but less mature. It oc-
cupies a superb site on a bluff above the
majestic Dniepr River. From far away, the'
traveler sees the sun glinting on the gold-
tipped domes of the Troyitskaya Church and
St. Sophia's Cathedral. The church dates
from 1740; the cathedral, founded in 1037
and wrecked by the Tartars two centuries
.later, was restored in 1636. Together, they
make the approach to Kiev a fairybook
picture.
The reality is somewhat less charming
than the illusion. Kiev is a lusty, vital city,
and as such things go into the Soviet_Union,
a ruggedly independent metropolis. The
Ukraine regards itself, in relation to the
U.S.S.R., somewhat as the American South
regards itself in relation to the Central Gov-
ernment: A dutiful member of the Union,
to be sure, but a proud entity in itself. Last
week, In an extended conversation with the
manager of a collective farm just outside the
city, a traveler suggested that tLe farm's
quotas really were set by Moscow and not
by the collective's own management. At the
word "Moscow," Manager Kratko smacked
his fist on the table with an explosive
"nyet." It was the only real irritation he
showed in the course of a rather trying in-
terview.
The Kiev collective farm, organized in
1930, now comprises nearly 6,200 acres ' of
the lush black chernozem soil of the Ukraine.
All told, some 1,700 men, women, and chil-
dren occupy the 682 houses of the accom-
panying village. They make up the collec-
tive; it is their whole life, and it is not an
easy life. The village is a cluster of ancient
log and frame cottages; the farm buildings,
though they had been carefully spruced up
for the inspection of an American delega-
tion, were of a type seen on Virginia farms
30 years ago. The collective has electricity;
the 510 cows are electrically milked and reg-
ularly tested for tuberculin and brucellosis,
yet one saw no slightest sign of any of the
efficient laborsaving machinery now com-
monplace on American dairy farms of even
moderate size. ?
This is in part because Mr. Kratko, an
obviously competent and devoted farm man-
ager, cannot really be interested in saving
labor. Willy-nilly, his hundreds of adult
members must be kept more or less busy.
He is surfeited with dairymaids; they sit
much of the day in a drab cottage and watch
television, sew, or listen to the radio. He
has 1,500 acres in corn, and perhaps 200
farmhands in charge of it. The collective
has extensive apple orchards and raises a
number of truck crops; plainly, a tenth of
the labor force would suffice.
Nevertheless, the Kiev collective appears
to be doing well. Mr. Kratko was reminded
that in January, Premier Khrushchev sharply
criticized the Ukraine for failing to produce
at a satisfactory rate. Mr. Kratko responded
with spirit that his collective was not at
fault; last year his sturdy and weather-
beaten farmers produced more milk per cow
per acre than any other kholkoze in the
Ukraine. However, since the Khrushchev
speech, "material incentives" have been
stepped up. Each worker _now is paid a cash
salary of $55 to $60 a month, plus a bonus
of 3 percent of the amount by which he ex-
ceeds his quota; this bonus is paid in kind?
i.e., in milk or calves or apples?but the
member may then sell his bonus products
at the state-fixed price and keep the money.
In addition, each family has about an acre
and a quarter of its own, on which the in-
dustrious farmer may raise his own vege-
tables and keep a pig or two.
Characteristically, the collective farm
abounds with the usual Communist indoctri-
nation. In the meeting hall where the mem-
bers gather, a large portrait of Lenin looks
down. Communist slogans and messages
decorate the walls. The children attend two
community schools at which the standard
Communist program is carried out.
The last question asked Mr. Kratko had
to do with how one becomes a member of
the collective. "Well," he said genially, "one
applies." And suppose a farmer becomes
dissatisfied and wants to quit for a better
job in town? "Well," he said, not quite so
genially, "all the members would vote on
whether he could leave." And suppose they
voted no? "The question," he said abruptly.
"had never come up." And, with that, the
visiting American delegation was taken,
through a slow, steady rain, to visit the dairy
barns. Overhead, a sleek TU-104 streaked
away from the nearby airfield.
Living conditions are much better, of
course, within the city of Kiev itself. As in
every other Soviet city, housing is in des-
perately short supply, and many of the
1,132,000 people still are woefully cramped
for living room. But here, as in Leningrad,
new apartment houses are springing from the
,
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024 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
fields as far as the eye can see. These are
basically the same five-story, many-balconied
structures seen in Leningrad, but some effort
has been made toward regional ornamenta-
tion. The fortunate residents of these newer
buildings pay a monthly rental of 13 kopecks
per square meter, plus 40 kopecks a month
for gas, which works out to about $4.30 a
month for a two-room apartment. The state
subsidizes the rest of the cost. The people,
of course, pay for it all through the Soviet's
concealed transaction taxes and profits on
state-owned industries.
Typical of the Kiev housing projects is a
May the first community, now under rapid
construction. By next year, 40,000 persons
will live in the 200 separate but identical
buildings. They will have their own kinder-
gartens, day nurseries, shops, schools, hos-
pital, and the like. The traveler who visits
one of the community groceries finds the
same high-priced food, the same limited
variety, the same obedient clerks computing
on the same primitive abacuses that exist
throughout the Soviet Union. And if a
traveler looks closely at the scaffolding
around a building under construction, he
will be startled to note that It is formed
of rough logs and slab wood. The same
sort of scaffolds, he surmises, ust have
been used when the builders of St. Sophia,
a thousand years ago, raised their golden
domes to a God the Soviet now rejects.
Contrasts here, as there are contrasts
everywhere in this strange and turbulent
land: Kindly old women, who smile at a
stranger on an early morning walk, and
slack-mouthed teen-agers who offer to pro-
vide a prostitute by night; swift service and
good food in a hotel restaurant, coupled
with aboriginal elevators and a Not water
system of a diabolical inconstancy. This
Is Kiev; this is Russia?Bach' in the concert
hall, Communist books in the sidewalk
) kiosks, a woman patiently sweeping the
Kershchatic esplanade with a twig broom,
and the noon jet to Moscow thundering on
its way.
J.J.K.
[From the Richmond (Va.) News-Leader,
May 24, 19611
DATELINE: MOSCOW
Moscow, May 16.?Early in the morning,
the ant-line forms: Old women, their heads
wrapped in colorful scarves; wind-tanned
farmers from the Ukraine; shopworkers, stu-
dents, young Soviet soldiers, skull-capped
travelers from the Uzbek. Patiently they
stand, two-abreast, silent, huddled against a
cool spring wind that sweeps across Red
Square, waiting for the clock in Spasskaya
Tower to strike the hour.
At 1 o'clock the bell sounds, the pigeons
flutter, and the line trudges forward. They
have come, these pilgrims, 10,000 on an after-
noon, to visit the granite mausoleum where
V. I. Lenin and Joseph Stalin lie in their
glass coffins. So, in other lands, do pilgrims
go to Mecca, or to Jerusalem, or to Vatican
City; this is the holy of holies, the shrine of
that perverted, godless, antireligion that
functions for religion in the Communist
state. And nothing the alien visitor finds
in the Soviet Union speaks with greater elo-
quence of communism, its mystique and its
meaning, than the impassive veneration of
this never-ending line.
Why have they come, these square-faced,
sturdy men and women? What do they seek
in the tomb? The visitor who lingers just
past the exit, scrutinizing the faces of the
emerging pilgrims, can read little in their
expressions. A duty has been fulfilled, a
ritual has been observed: They have come tO
Moscow; they have seen the shrine. Some
strange obligation of communion has been
met.
This much Is expected of the Communist
o comes to the crossroads of the Corn-.
munist world, that he visit the tomb; and the
alien traveler, come from the United States,
finds it at once absorbing and depressing ,to
watch this river of humanity flow by. On
the crowded streets one hears the babble of
a hundred tongues. The Chinese sit at
checkered restaurant tables, blinking like
toads behind their steel-rimmed glasses; the
sidewalks swarm with North Koreans, Mon-
gols, tartars, swarthy Latins; a pair of Afri-
cans, tar-black, gaze into a shop window and
saunter away. Presumably these migratory
travelers find here in Moscow some atmos-
phere congenial to their lungs. The Ameri-
can finds Moscow a sealed and stuffy room.
After 6 days, he is gasping for freedom.
This vast and sprawling city offers none of
the pastel beauty of Leningrad, none of the
exuberant greenness of Kiev. Here the drab-
ness, the ugliness, the unrelieved and ordered
sameness at first fascinates, then bores, then
terrifies. In a meaning of the word too deep
for easy explfcation, Moscow is obscene. No-
where is the unseen weight of the totalitarian
state sensed more oppressively; nowhere is
the consciousness of Communist regimenta-
tion felt more keenly.
Yet Moscow, in many respects, is by odds
the most modern and westernized city of
Russia. The women are wearing high heels,
lipstick, even eye shadow. Some men still
may be observed in the bulky double-
breasted suits and pea-green felt hats Of 10
years ago, but not many. Here the scaf-
folding on buildings under construction is
better and newer than the scaffolding seen
in Kiev, but, predictably, the miles of new
apartments offer nothing but the same, dis-
mal facades of men's room tile to be seen in
other cities. This is the architectural style
of social realism, the Soviet Union's bland
insult to the human spirit. To describe this
style simply as dreadful is to put a harsh
word to a generous use. Soviet design is
soul-chilling. It reduces man to the tiny,
hexagonal slot of the bee.
Now and then, Soviet builders have sought
clumsily to rise above the concrete slab, but
set free from prefabricated honeycombs they
know not where to go. They have read, it
appears, that marble is a luxurious material
to build with, and somehow it is thought that
gold adds a certain touch of western plush-
ness. From these imitative aspirations
there arises a Lenin-gradskaya Hotel, tower-
ing 20 stories high?a fake Florentine cathe-
dral, barnacled with crenelations, pinnnacles, _
parapets, and vaulted aisles, the dim corridors
paneled in nlahogany, the multiple lobbies
jammed with-unused easy chairs, stuffed fat
as sausages. The hotel must have cost a
fortune to erect, but how pointlessly was
/the money spent. This magnificence was
intended to impress the Western eye, and in
a sense it is impressive: The hotel rises above
the dreary and colorless streets like a fat
diamond stickpin on a threadbare tie.
So much of Moscow?so much of Russia?
presents this same uncomfortable contrast
of the shining and the shoddy. Imagine, if
you will, a stranger come for dinner. He
arrives, rudely dressed, in high good, humor.
He tears a telephone book apart in a parlor
show of strength; he pronounces dogmatic
opinions on every political subject; he swag-
gers, jests, boasts of better cooking else-
where. But just then he spies the piano;
and flawlessly. superbly, this stubby oaf sits
down and ripples through the Chopin
ballades.
Well, this is Moscow?its boring buildings,?
and its Bolshoi ballet, its second-rate stores
and its marvelous puppet shows, its pedes-
trian contemporary art and its fabulous'
museums. One does not comprehend pre-
cisely how and why thefl Soviet Union can
send 10 tons of metal spinning into orbit,
but cannot lay a level course of bricks.
one day the Russians are catching. Major
Gagarin, as he fall? in some precise trajectory
from outer space; on the next, they are
Aug i8
spreading steel-mesh screens to catch the
bricks that fall from flimsy walls.
And they are so astonishingly good
humored about all this! To be sure, the
Russian temperament has its black and
brooding aspects, but predominately the
Muscovite exhibits the bumpkin cheerful-
ness of a prospering farmer living it up in
town. Sober, the Russian is as kind, as gen-
erous, as hospitable as a Kentucky colonel
making juleps for his guests. No race of
men on earth could be more obliging to
a stranger.
This the American traveler discovers in
Moscow as he visits a hospital, a court of
law, a big department store. Nothing comes
easier than denunciation of the Soviet sys-
tem, its endless frustrations, its exasperat-
ing inefficiency, its blighting effect upon
the creative mind; yet the individual Mus-
covite, smiling at a Yankee's poor attempt
to speak the Russian tongue, is an appeal-
ing human being. He is divorced from his
government in a way the politically active
American scarcely can comprehend; the out-
side world seems hardly to exist for him.
Tolerantly he stands, forever midway in .a
slowly moving queue, a million souls in front
of him, a million souls behind; he is caught
in the ratchets of a political system, and
unresistingly his life winds up like plastic
film.
Moscow is good for an American. Here a
visiting Virginian learns the immutable
truth of some comments on Russia set down
by the Marquis de Custine more than a cen-
tury ago: "Genius like heroism must be
fearless, it lives on freedonc; whereas fear.
and slavery have a reign and a sphere lim-
ited by the mediocrity of which they are the
weapons. The Russians are good soldiers but
bad sailors, In general they are more re-
signed than reflective, more religious than
philosophical; they have more submissive-
ness than will,'-their minds lack energy as
their souls lack freedom."
J.J.K.
From the Richmond (Va.) News-Leader,
May 30, 1961J
DATELINE: WARSAW
WARSAW, May 19.?There is a poignant
scene in Beethoven's "Fidelio," when a
group of prisoners, long held captive in dun-
geon cells, emerge at last into the sunshine
of the prison yard. They lift their arms to
the light, and sing movingly of freedom. It
is not freedom, of course, that they experi-
ence; the prison walls remain. But com-
pared to their dark cells, the bright court-
yard seems a beautiful new world; they
weep for joy at a lessened captivity, for the
aviary replacing the cage.
The traveler who emerges into the sunshine
of Warsaw after weeks in the oppressive
atmosphere of the Soviet Union may find his
eyes wet also. Yes, Poland is a satellite of
? Communist Russia. No, there is nothing to
suggest the Poles might escape the political
bondage that keeps them firmly chained to
Moscow. To be in Warsaw is not to be free.
But praise God. How beautiful the sun-
shine is.
The cities of the Soviet Union abound with
bookstalls, but the books are a dreary as-
semblage of Communist doctrine. . Western
newspapers and magazines are unknown.
Here in Warsaw, a book fair is in progress
on Ujazdowskie Avenue. The tents and
stalls are as crisp as a row of tulips; book
jackets are bright and gay?and there is
scarcely a party-line publication to be seen.
One finds, instead, some of the most colorful
children's picture books ever designed, racks
up racks of American and English fiction,
books of poetry, books on art, books on pho-
tography. One stall is selling phonograph
records: From the loudspeaker comes the
wail of a familiar horn. It is Louis Arm-
strong, playing "The St. Louis Blues."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SE
To walk the streets of Warsaw, shop in the
city's crowded stores, relax in the picturesque
wine shops, breathe this air of relative
freedom, is to undergo a renaissance of the
spirit. Here as in Russia, the anti-American
posture of the government has not rubbed
off on the people. The clerks, students, bus
drivers, cabbies, and police exhibit nothing
but the most cordial friendliness to a
Yankee tourist. Could some minor repairs
be made to a camera? Of course, and the
offer of payment is smilingly declined. Could
a roll of film be developed overnight? Rou-
tine will be interrupted, and the film de-
veloped on the spot. Is an American pas-
senger on a bus quite visibly lost? Three
Poles will come to his rescue in broken
Engish, broken French, and fractured Rus-
sian, the better to put him correctly on his
way. These are people who have suffered
terribly, incredibly, from the agonies of war.
Total casualties in Poland amounted to more
than 6 million persons. Of every 1,000 hu-
man beings in Poland in 1939, 220 were slain
by 1945. Here in Warsaw, 85 percent of the
buildings were reduced to rubble. In many
streets, the debris was piled to the second-
story level. The war's end found no elec-
tric power, no telephone system, no water
lines, no sewage disposal. To look at photo-
graphs from that period, and to compare the
Warsaw of 1945 with the Warsaw of 1961,
is to marvel at man's capacity for recovery.
Scars remain, to be sure, and the gaunt
skeleton m of bombed-out buildings still rear
their shocking bones against the sky; the
weed-grown ruins of the Warsaw ghetto
speak sadly and silently of the inhumanity/
of the Nazi occupation.
These memories are quite fresh in the
Polish recollection. "This was all rebuilt,"
they remark. "There was nothing at all
left in that block." "Here was where I
pushed a wheelbarrow 15 years ago." "My
mother and two younger brothers died in
that house there." The proprietor of a
wine shop in the old quarter of the city,
dating back to the 14th and 15th centuries,
makes a proud gesture toward the restored
square. "There were times we thought we
never would smile again," he says in French.
"But this came first?l'ancienne Varsovie,
the old Warsaw?and when the rebuilding
task was well along, we knew the city was
not dead, that it could live again."
The Poles have not forgotten America's
generous contribution toward the postwar
work of reconstruction. They are vaguely
If not precisely, aware of continuing Ameri-
can aid today. In rural areas especially,
one is told, CARE packages and surplus
American crops have done much to main-
tain the tradition of Polish-American friend-
ship that dates from Kosciusko's day. In
the key cities, programs of cultural exchange
have made American books and magazines
widely available. In the book store oper-
ated at the ornate Palace of Culture (a
white elephant gift to Warsaw from the
U.S.S.R.), one may find hundreds of books
published in the United States within the
past year. Little by little, trade between
Poland and the United States is gaining; a
new filter cigarette, Carmens, boasts, on its
red and white package, that it is blended of
?
"the finest American tobaccos." The Poles
make no effort to jam the day-long pro-
grams of Radio Free Europe; they trade
copies of their own sophisticated and su-
perbly edited Poland Illustrated magazine
for a Polish language "Ameryka" put out
by the U.S. Information Agency;" they im-
port a number of Americas,motion pictures.
? These pleasant and encouraging develop-
ments should not obscure other facts that
are not encouraging at all. In almost every
essential characteristic, Poland remains a
thoroughly Communist country. Industry
is entirely owned and operated by the state.
A renewed campaign aganiat the priva
No. 135-18
ownership even of small shops recently ha
been observed. Freedom of the press, which
appeared to improve with Gomulka's return
to party leadership in 1956, once again is
declining. Though the Poles retain much
freedom in their wholly domestic affairs (86
percent of the farms, for example, are in-
dividually owned) , every major policy in
foreign affairs is dictated absolutely by the
Communist line from Moscow. In theory,
three parties contend for seats in the Polish
Parliament; in fact, the Parliament exerts
no more than an ameliorating influence?if
that?on public policies imposed by the
-party. Little publicity is given to shipments
of American aid. The Soviet Union con-
tinues to maintain life-or-death control of
Polish exports.
- As a consequence of all this, one senses
even in the sunshine of a Warsaw courtyard
some of the lingering damp of the prison
cell. The tourist who attemps to photo-
graph some ornamental lions on the Nowy
Swiat is brusquely stopped by an armed
guard; it appears that the lions ornament
the local Communist Party headquarters.
The traveler who begs a translation of local
Polish newspapers finds them filled with the
usual Communist line. An anti-American
mob can be assembled at the party's
command.
This brave and beautiful city is not free,
but it does manifest a warmth and a good
humor 'not witnessed at all in Russia. Where
else in Europe, one may ask, could the
strolling Americans, exploring side streets
and alleyways, glance up to find the street
sign shown at left? The picture was taken
on Winnie the Pooh Street, not far from
arshall Street, in Warsaw, Poland, 1961.
J.J.K.
FEDERAL POWER COMMISSION
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the nomination of Lawrence J. O'Con-
nor, Jr., to be a member of the Federal
Power Commission.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President,
for the information of the Senate, there
will be no votes tonight.
I thank the Senator from Wisconsin.
Mr. KEATING. Madam President,
will the distinguished Senator from Wis-
consin yield?
Mr. PROXMIRE. Madam President,
I ask unanimous consent that I may
yield to the Senator from New York
without losing my right to the floor. ,
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the request of the Senator
from Wisconsin? The Chair hears none,
and it is so ordered.
SMITH FINE CANCELED
Mr. KEATING. Madam President,
from time to time I have endeavored
to keep the Senate informed regarding
the fortunes, both good and bad, of Mr.
William Smith, of Big Flats, N.Y. He
will be remembered as the farmer who
bought a Cadillac with his feed grain
support payments and attached to it a
placard thanking the administration for
Its generosity. His- was the sign read
round the world. .
Mr. PROXMIRE. Madam President,
will the Senator from New York yield to
me on that subject?
Mr. KEATING. I am happy to yield
to my friend, who has been so generous
yielding to me.
ATE 14025
Mr. PROXMIRE. The Senator from
Wisconsin has done his best to stay with
the subject cf the O'Connor nomination,
but he cannot resist discussing Mr.
Smith, particularly since Mr. Smith has
been referred to by the Senator from
New York as a farmer. I wonder if the
Senator from New York can inform the
Senate as to whether Mr. Smith has any
other business and whether Mr. Smith
has a substantial income from his other
business?
Mr. KEATING. Yes. Mr. Smith has
other businesses. He inherited a farm
from his father and has worked it very
successfully. He has built up the pro-
duction of dairy products and other farm
products, which has led him also to go
into the refreshment business near his
farm. He is a successful man.
Always, in all the remarks I have
made, I have pointed out?as Mr. Smith
readily admitted when he was in Wash-
ington?that Mr. Smith is not a typical
farmer, in that he has a larger acreage
and is probably better off than most op-
erators who raise corn on their farms:
Mr. PROXMIRE. The point the Sen-
ator from Wisconsin wished to empha-
size is that Mr. Smith is certainly not a
typical farmer, inasmuch as he has a
great deal of outside income. I think it
is admirable that this man is successful,
and he deserves much credit for it.
Frankly, literally scores of farmers to
whom the Senator from Wisconsin has
spoken, in the State of Wisconsin, were
quite distressed by the action.
I believe the farmers of New York are
primarily dairy farmers.
Mr. KEATING. Poultry farmers, as
well as dairy and fruit farmers. I hope
the Senator will not forget the poultry
farmers, because they are very impor-
tant.
Mr. PROXMIRE. In the State of New
York there are poultry and dairy farm-
ers. The farmers recognize that cheap
feed means cheap milk. Cheap feed
means cheap eggs and cheap poultry.
A policy which permits an overproduc-
tion of feed and results in lower and
lower feed prices is disastrous to the
farmer, because, within a very short
time, the farmer finds he is receiving a
lower price for his milk and poultry and
that he is in great distress.
The simplest equation, or at least the
equation which is most common and
most widely recognized, is the corn-hog
_ ratio. As the price of corn goes down
the price of hogs follows inevitably.
This is also true to a considerable ex-
tent with respect to milk. It is also true
with respect to poultry. Our farmers
recognize this. I am sure the farmers
of New York do, also.
This is why.we are so concerned about
the efforts of the administration to do its
best to bring order into the feed grain
area. We hope it will do its best in a
very puzzling, perplexing, complex, and
trying area to reduce the surpluses and
to provide some kind of floor under feed
-prices, to make it possible not only for
the feed grain farmer?and the torn
farmer, but also the dairy farmer and
the poultry farmer, to look forward to a
period of stability, a period when he can
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?P"
EDITORIAL PAGE
The Riehmnrd I ,arter
Wedne*dav, May 31, 1961
The Tractors 4re Irrelevant
One of the more cotr,non filings of
the human race, shared H. Aniericans
tO a remarkable degree hes in man's
giddy willingness to he diverted from
the main theme. The hand is not really
?
quicker than the eye; the! eye is merelY
looking sornetvhere And in.
political argument, be( the irrele.
*ant of...en is more lifo',V;:jng thah
the truly significant, w,, are forever
11.14.hling over minor pint
This business 01 -tiactors as
tribute" 00 e n such a iversion.
In the :o;ig h. i. F", 1,41 ra?t,:., amaz-
offer to ft.. a ? no.: capturrsd
IS far :")(0, isrir!ozer: ?Tk.,' amount
to3 no more than a footh(,;, in history.
This new,:qviper believe: president
Kennedy blundt.,cd sacikin endorsing,
this ransom tiorrmi, '.ve cherish a
sneaking suspicion that If the ransom-
raising campaigr, over the top,
glit4 million of th, miiion will
have been contributed surreptitiously
In public funds tniesmitted from the
bittiging bank account of the Central
/atm ligence AgenCy.
Put the tractor deal is a side issue.
It does not greatly matter. And the.
more we let ptiPic attention be diverted
to this ludicrous affair, the less
!thought will be directed to the main
question: What, if anything, Is the
United States ?,foing to do about Com-
munist Cuba When will we learn to
'fight Communist imperialism moil*
effectively?
A sound Cuban policy, in our view,
demands two elms. The first is to
isolate Castro's regime and to bolster
friendly governments in Latin America
and South America, so that Com-
munist influence 111 the Caribbean
stops where it is. The second, less
:immediate aim, should be the .over-
,tbrow of Castro's governreent and the
re-establiahment of a free C'iba nce
again allied to the Western Her 'sphere.
How are these aims to be achieved?
Not by posing Walter Reuther in the
saddle of A tractor, with FAeen
Roosevelt perched larkily on the hood.
They can be achieved only by the sot t
of tough, intensive, political warfare
in which the. Communist enemy has
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shown such remarkable ski l. The
United States must masl,.!- the tech-
nique of having its r'7,.-4 staunch
friends at the right place, a: the right
Ants Why have we failed so woefully
In this regale .
The Kremlin does not fail. All the
thne Mr. Khruslichev is busy diveeting
the world's attention witir space shots,
disarmament delays, exliertations to
his farmers, and talks to visiting tour-
ists, the Soviet government quietly
presses its well-planned program of
International subversion. When the
-Congo explodes, the CoTi.rnunists have
Arst a Luniumiea. and thee a Gizenga
ready to take over. They had Walter
Ulbricht, Wilhelm Pieck, nto Grote-
wohl and the infamous Ililde Benjamin
thoroughly trained to seize positions
of power in East ciermany. They do
not *end cub scouts to Laos or camp-
fire girls to North N: ea, they convert '
susceptible natives into trained Com-
munist agents.
The United States li:o; no counter-
plan of action. Foreign aid, a Peace -
Corps a ransom computed in trac-
tors ? these are the inept devices of ,
mar foreign policy.: Our government is
not grooming a cadre of responsible ,
Cubans who might form a reliable ?
government in exile; we are n?:+t giving
known friends the hard, muscular sup-
rt the ta,yiet gives its puppets; we
Atm not pt2ng our own ttlthaed
agents In key positions. On the ccin-
trary, given a good friend?Tshornbe
In Katanga, Trujillo in the Dominican
Rkpublie, Salazar In Portugal?we join
In cutting his throat.
If one one-hundredth of the vast
sum about to be squandered on
"foreign aid" were quietly invested pt.
findtng, training, indoctrinating, anti
rewarding a few key Cubans; Vene-
zuelans, Brazilians. and the like, some
realistic steps might be taken toward ?
ercorning the Communist coup in
The Russians keep working,
filt and day. along prect.;ely.these
And we are captivated by a:
controversy over tractors! No wonder
the United States keepstting licked. .
We have Itcaning.
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,)
STAT
11 April 1961
AEMORANDUM FOR THE DIRECTOR:
1. This memorandum is for information only.
2. The attached RICHMOND TLI,IES DISPATCH editorial of 6 April 1961
quoting Scotty Reston's article of 5 April 1961 (copy attached) may be of
special interest to you.
cc: DDCI
C/WH
-STAZ21: J. GROG
Assistant to the Director
APP I ; Ilf li
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1 ? triPitonit 4315Patt1
DAVID 1 IINNANI kIRVA14, Prandial old PighOshor
VotonNius Mom!, Jklitur Joni. 14. CoLootiv. itimatifig %Mee
Tberoisy, Awe e, 1041
. 4 I
Plain Talk by Mr. Kennedy,
The Treaty of Paris estab-
dshed Cuba's, independence .
the turn of the century, but stip-
alated that its gollertiratnt matt
-
mot enter into relatletts with Afl?
foreign power WV* might ,
Unger Cuban
Brood
stipulation is
ifilbeseiseifir
? letsrlehtion Ot
? ernment Ise a.
.D4e hitappeal to
11101 Older'
?Cuba during the past
Months: that "between 100
200" Cuban airmen are
trained in Ceectualovaltia to
riot MIO Raters,
estimested Slip Cu
are being
MOM*
had ta erg riltbij?
SI 110
nO 1 rall7liirte urge rem
aggilnst CAETe0,--SO long u Cuba
remained an independent.repub-
lie. Cubans hay( a right to live
under. a Marxist rcgime, if they
go desire.
But the ggvernment of Cuba,
as a member of the American
family of nations, has no right
to align itself with the Mosoow-
Peiping conspiracy.
There may st:11 be a few "lib-
erals" in this country who Clint the document as he did: Weans@
tenaciously to the Mission that *development reported by Central .
Fula% Carreo's government has :Intelligence called for an end to ;
not forfeited its independence the mincing of words, ? ?
by cooperating with Soviet Rao- 4hietto'5 Obs does not exist
14*. ? og a vacuum, where irreepensi-
Juno PASTOtell column of yes- bliter 'might be. cdisdoned.. Him
terday should make even dose ties tj Moscovr threaten the
bitter-enders real** the vin- owe f the Western becalm
germ Of 81101 WielfUl thinking. *pert'
Centttl intelligence reports It was high -this was made
s viell* ? lanclesi
that some 10,000 tons of Cont.- Apar, thout, beating *bout the
mtmist O
. ..4 . .?
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by
to
' : ?
. It may. be 'argued tint
sorr Kklintrra White
was a venture in the MO' of
"brinkmanship" critics deplored ?
and condemned when it .
forced upon the late filiatintar
Din.tes. The taliguage -et the* ? -
document onukl have Welt kW
blunt.. .
We are constrained to con-
clude that Ms. .KENKIDOk
purposely forthright, and UMW
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Washington
' The Story Behind the
Cuban. Statement
By JAMES RESTON
WASHINGTON, April 4-- When
the Kennedy Administration publicly
en ounces iihe Cuban Government as
, a "Soviet satellite" which confronts
the Western Hemisphere with a
l? grave and urgent challenge," it Vs:
-; obvious that the Cuban crisis is en-'
i tering a new end critical phasie.
President Kennedy, who approved
the State Department's White- Paper
on Cube after consultation with Sec-
retary of State ttu..k and the head
of the Central Intelligence Agency,
Allen Duller, has heretofore avoided
language of this sort. .
His public statements on Laos. for
example, have, dropped the hostile
and quarrelsome language of the
Cold War, but the tone of the Cuban
statement Is sharp and even omi-
nous, and this difference i.s not at
all accidental.
The use of the words "grave and
urgent challenge" reflects a little-
known fact. Ws is that the Admin-
istration has reason to believe that
there are now between 100 and 200
Cuban airmen in Calscliodoinkla be-
ing trained to fly Soviet MIG fight-
ers. So, far as is known here, there
are as yet no MIG fighters actually
in Cuha, though it is not ruled out
that some may be there in crates as
part of the 110,000 tons of Comm'-
flirt arms which U. S. sources sav
have been shipped to Cuba in the
last nine months.
In any event, it is widely believed
in official quarters here that if this
training program continues behibe
the Iron Curtain ? there are 2,700
Cuban technicians of every NOrf now
being trained in Communist coun-
tries?the military balance of power
in the Caribbean will be itch within
six 'months that only a major inva-
sio,i of Cuba by Western Hendspliere
forces, including the United States,
eould h'ope to deal siith the military
Atuation.
The Kennedy Government does
not wish to see such a liituaUon
develop. It has no desire to land
marines in Cuba and open up the
old cries of Yankee Imperialism,
especially when it is involved in a
.nrajor effort to discourage thikCorn-
, monists from .enitalinif hi military
Ioperations in Southeast Asia, Africa
and elsewhere, ?
Accordingly, the 'State
Derail-
mint's Cuban declaration had thi ee
objectives. It wished to. make clear
before the forthcoming debate in
the U. N. that Washington was not
oppoSed to the social revolution in ?
Cuba but to the betrayal of that i
revolution by Dr. Castro. It wanted
to urge the other Latin-American
nations to be realistic *int Castro's
"fateful challenge to die biter-Amer-
ican system." And it wanted to give
hope to the anti-Castro forces with-
iq Cuba and those training in this
country and in Guatemala that the
United States would support any
genuinely democratic government
establialted in Cuba.
This Administration is not acting
on the Assumption that the Soviet
Union wants to establish a, missile
or military base in Cuba. Any such
attempt would undoubtedly be met
directly with military. intervention
by the United States.
4 What Is afoot is an effort to es-
tsblish a Communist political base,
' backed with enough force to exploit
the weakness of other governments
throughout the Caribbean and Cen-
tral. America and create a serious
political diversion for the United
States In the Western Iternjaphere.
4 can be taken for granted that.
While the Kennedy Administration
does not want to Intervale with Its
own troops Cuba it dens not in-
tend to stand aside and watch a
situation develop which Waal farce
such intervention.
Kennedy made this dent' enough
&will the Presidential (smelly.
"We must," he said on Oct. 20 in
New York. "attempt to strengthen.
the *on-Ratista democratic anti-Cas-
tro forest in exile and hi Cuba itself
who offer eventual hope of ever-
Waving Castro."
Matra is well aware of the fact,
that these forces are being trained
In this country and in ouatemala.;
Ass matter of fact, the Cuban ra-
dio is daily charging the Central In-1
Wingate' Agency. with financing:
and directing -invasion units.
Thus a Serious dtuation is devel-
oping which this GOVINIUriett does!
net Want, but cannot avoid. Thei
President would.no doubt prefer tol
let Unto take care of Castro, es*Pe.:
daily since there are so many other.
problems OMNI up in the White
House desk, but the 01111114g of a
Cuban air ibroe behind the Iron Cur-
tainand the prospect of finding So-
viet MIGa ciNer the Caribbean inevi-
tably. force. the Administration to
make an urgent review of 'Ute whole
prageni.
.0
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