THE PACIFICATION PROGRAM IN SOUTH VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP72-00337R000300060026-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 9, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 16, 2000
• Sequence Number: 26
• Publication Date: February 18, 1970
• Content Type: OPEN

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February 18, 1970' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE
I feel proud and grateful that Nicaragua
was chosen to be host for this Conference by
the unanimouls vote of the delegates last
year in Santo Domingo. It spells continental
recognition of our economic efforts, as well
as of our political stability which, fortified
by democratic principles, has resulted in
dynamic stability.
Our progress and freedom have run along
parallel lines, as have work and the dignity
of man within a peaceful revolution, and
along these paths we shall continue our
forward progress.
In commemoration and in honor of each
and every distinguished participant, and in
recognition of my people's efforts, I declare
for Nicaragua that this year of 1970 be known
as "Saving and Loan for Housing Year."
Upon officially inaugurating this Eighth
Inter-American Savings and Loan Confer-
ence, I fervently invoke the blessing of the
Almighty-in the spirit of our American
forefathers-that this Conference produce
real benefits for the peoples and governments
of this hemisphere.
Thank you.
THE PACIFICATION PROGRAM IN
SOUTH VIETNAM
(Mr. PHILBIN askew aniTwas given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD, and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Speaker, I include
in the RECORD the very impressive report
filed by our able, distinguished colleague
and dear friend, the Honorable JAMES A.
BYRNE of Pennsylvania, head of a special
House Armed Services subcommittee, on
the subject of the pacification program
in South Vietnam.
The committee was composed of Mr.
BYRNE as chairman, and our able dis-
tinguished colleagues and friends, Hon.
WILLIAM G. BRAY, of Indiana and Hon.
CHARLES H. WILSON Of California.
The committee visited and toured the
total pacification area, and its report is
a fine, constructive document that
should be read by every Member of Con-
gress and by the American people.
'I compliment the esteemed Members
for an excellent piece of work, and Mr.
BYRNE for his outstanding leadership.
The report follows:
To: The Hon. L. Mendel Rivers, Chairman,
House Armed Services Committee.
From James A. Byrne, Chairman, Special
Subcommittee of'the House Armed Serv-
ices Committee.
Subject: The Pacification Program in South
Vietnam.
Mr. Chairman, herewith is a report from
me on the study made by a special sub-
committee composed of three members of the
Armed Services Committee, namely the Ron.
William G. Bray of Indiana, the Hon. Charles
H. Wilson of California, and myself, made
on the scene in January, 1970.
The pacification program in. South Viet
Nam made tremendous progress in 1969; how=
ever, there are still many problems remain-
ing and we should be prepared for the pos-
sibility of further setbacks as the Republic
of Viet Nam struggles for stability.
The success of the pacification efforts is
vital to the policy of Vietnamizing the war.
Pacification seeks to provide security for
the people to establish and enhance local
government responsible to the people and to
meet the economic and social needs of the
people.
This program must succeed if the South
Vietnamese Government is going to stand on
its own feet in the years ahead as the Amer-
icans withdraw from Viet Nam.
All the evidence we saw indicated that the
pacification program has made significant
strides in 1969. The trend of development is
encouraging.
The South Vietnamese top leadership ap-
pears to be putting forth genuine efforts to
make government more responsible at the
local level.
A growing number of people are in secure-
areas and on-the-scene observers we talked
to indicated a growing belief in the govern-
ment on the part of the people.
Indications of progress include:
The Regional and Popular Forces have
been increased considerably in strength and
the Popular Self-Defense Forces-the farm-
ers and workers who defend their homes
at night or when under attack-have been
armed and greatly expanded. Joining the
PSDS (Popular Self-Defense Services) con-
stitutes a commitment to the government
both for the man and his family.
Security for hamlets has improved sig-
nificantly. At the beginning of 1969, only a
little more than 50 percent of the hamlets
were in the secure category. By the end of
the year, more than 85 percent were in that
category. The percentage of population con-
trolled by the Viet Cong is less than 3 per-
cent.
There has been a significant increase in
the number of elected village and hamlet
governments-in both cases the number of
such governments elected has jumped from
less than one-half in early 1969 to more
than 90 percent today. Viet Nam is a land
of hamlets and villages so this strengthen-
ing of local government is of great im.
portance.
The large number of displaced persons
has been and continues to be a major social
and economic problem. However, during 1969,
the number of displaced persons has been
reduced from well over one million to about
268,000. During the year, some 488,000 were
returned to their villages and 586,000 were
resettled.
The Chieu Hoi, or Open Arms program,
designed to induce the Viet Cong to rally
to the side of the government, had its best
year by far in 1969. During that year, more
than 47,000 came over to the government
side, as compared to only 18,000 in 1968.
These are just some of the indicators of
progress.
During our three-day stay in Viet Nam,
the subcommittee spoke to Ambassador Ells-
worth Bunker; Gen. Creighton Abrams,
commander of U.S. forces and the U.S. Mili-
tary Assistance Commission in Viet Nam;
William E. Colby, deputy to the ambassador
in charge of pacification; numerous Ameri-
can military and civilian officials at various
levels; and many Vietnamese officials.
The subcommittee also spent a day with
pacification officials in the Danang area and
visited a school and a resettlement village.
I support the policy of turning the con-
duct of the war over to the Vietnamese as
rapidly as possible. Therefore I was particu-
larly anxious to study the progress of the
pacification effort, which is the key to Viet-
namization.
The continued progress in pacification
in 1970, as was achieved in 1969, will be
of immeasurable benefit to the Viet Nam
Government.
However, anyone who has followed de-
velopments in Viet Nam over the years has
learned the value of skepticism. No other war
or major undertaking has suffered so much
from overly optimistic estimates.
We all remember pacification when indices
of progress prove to be illusionary. There are
problems remaining. There is a shortage of
well-trained middle level leadership.
The Viet Cong infrastructure has not been
seriously damaged. The National Police and
the working of legal procedures at the local
level need a great deal of improvement.
The enemy retains the capacity to cause
H 1061
serious difficulty. The success of the pacifi-
cation program is anathema to the enemy's
hopes and it would be a mistake to assume
that he would not challenge it. We should
be prepared for new attacks and setbacks.
The most knowledgable people we talked to
expect some enemy offensive before the be-
ginning of the rainy season in late spring.
It should be remembered also that under
the best of circumstances the pacification
program will require the free world's moral,
financial and technical assistance for some
time to come.
The pacification program is going in the
right direction and has made significant
progress, but has a long and difficult road to
travel.
It can succeed if its present rate of progress
is continued and there is no slackening in
hard work on the part of the Vietnamese
and no loss of patience and perseverance on
the part of both the Vietnamese and the
Americans.
AIR POLLUTION
(Mr. SANDMAN asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at
this point in the RECORD.)
Mr. SANDMAN. Mr. Speaker, air pol-
lution has reached a point in this coun-
try where it has a profound effect upon
the very existance of mankind. If there
was ever a time to attack this problem,
it is now.
I heartily endorse the President's en-
vironmental program, particularly as it
relates to the problems of air pollution.
I firmly believe that the setting of na-
tional air quality standards is timely and
effective.
We do not know the full extent to
which air pollution damages human
health, but we do know that it is hazard-
ous.
National standards would eliminate
our present, more cumbersome proce-
dure by which each State proposes air
quality standards which must be ap-
proved or disapproved by the Federal
Government. The President's proposal
would allow the States to concentrate on
actual control of pollution.
The President's proposal will require
all States to control air pollution. No
State will be a haven for polluters. No
citizen will lack protection because he
happens to live outside a designated air
quality control region.
I also support a revised system of de-
preciation allowances for those indus-
tries that install new devices that curtail
the expulsion of foul odors, dust, and
smoke in the atmosphere.
WORLD FREEDOM DAY
(Mr. DERWINSKI asked and was
given permission to extend his remarks
at.this point in the RECORD, and to in-
clude extraneous matter.)
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, since
January 23, 1955, the people of the Re-
public of China have annually commem-
orated the massive choice for freedom
made by more than 14,000 Chinese Com-
munist POW's of the Korean war a year
earlier. This annual Freedom Day has
inspired and encouraged thousands of
mainland Chinese to defect and find free-
dom in the Republic of China and other
areas of free Asia. The expansion of this
movement over the years has been so
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 H1062
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CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD - HOUSE February 18, 1970
impressive that in 1963 the World Anti-
Communist League decided to observe
January 23 as World Freedom Day.
This `past January 23, World Freedom
Day was successfully observed in the
Republic of China and by freedom ac-
tivists in all of free Asia, the United
States, and other parts of the world. The
collective determination shown in not
only holding the lines of world freedom
but also extending them toward the cap-
tive nations of Asia, Europe, In the
Soviet Union, and in Cuba cannot but
bring encouragement to the 1 billion
captive people in the Red Empire. In the
confident hope that this movement will
expand further in the trying period
ahead. I commend to the thoughtful
reading of all. Americans the addresses
,and significant messages that made up
the program in the Republic of China:
MASS RALLY FOR OBSERVING WORLD FREEDOM
DAY REPUBLIC OF CHINA, JANUARY 23, 1970
PROGRAM
1. Meeting opens.
2. Hymn of Freedom Day.
:3. Peal of Freedom Bell.
4. General Chairman takes Rostrum.
5..Attendance Stands Up at Attention.
6. National Anthem.
7. Salute to National Flag.
8. Reading of Messages from President
Chiang and Others.
9. Address by General Chairman Ku Cheng-
kang.
10. Speech by Vice President Yen. (Band
Music).
11. Speech by Gen. Thomas Lane of the
U.S.
12, Report by Korean Freedom-Fighter
Mr. Dong Joen Lee.
13. Report by Vietnamese Freedom
Fighter Col. Tran Van Dac. (Band Music),
14. Introduction of Newly Arrived Free-
dom-Fighters by General Chairman Ku.
15. Report by a Representative of Chinese
Freedom-Fighters.
16. Introduction of and Speech by Mr.
Lubmoir Hanak, President of the European
Cordination Center.
17. Reading of Rally Declaration and Out-
going Messages.
18. Hymn of Freedom Day.
19. Cheers.
20. Band Music.
21. Meeting Ends.
PRESIDENT CHrANG KAI-SHEK'S FREEDOM DAY
MESSAGE
More than 14,000 Chinese Communist
POWs of the Korean War resisted threats
and overcame difficulties in their courageous
choice of freedom outside the bamboo cur-
tain. On January 23 of :1954, they reached
this free island bastion of the Republic of
China. Their dauntless spirit and intrepid
action have made a matchless contribution
to the history of man's struggle for free-
dom.
January 23 has subsequently been ob-
served as Freedom Day. This movement to
enhance human dignity and encourage man-
kind's struggle for freedom has countered
attempts at enslavement and has won wide-
spread support among the free and demo-
cratic nations of the world. Consequently,
the World Anti-Communist League decided
in 1968 to observe January 23 as World Free-
dom Day. Growth of this movement bears
witness to the rising unity of the world's
anti-Communist forces. The determination
and fighting spirit of enslaved peoples have
been heightened immeasurably in their
quest for liberty.
I have often pointed out, that Communism
is at the root of all aggressive wars and
that the Peiping regime is the source of evil
behind all undertakings of aggression. Until
the Chinese mainland is freed from the Red
scourge, the world cannot expect an era of
tranquility.
Rapid progress has been made in all as-
pects of the Republic of China's San Min
Chu I (Three Principles of the People) re-
construction in the national recovery base
of Taiwan, Penghu, Itinmen and Matsu. This
has made an important contribution to the
safeguarding of peace and freedom in the
Asian and Pacific region. The Peiping regime
has been forced down the road of political
disintegration, social disorder, economic des-
iccation and military upheaval. The regime
is at the end of its rope and far-reaching
changes can be expected on the mainland
at any moment. Collapse of the regime is
inevitable as soon as it comes under attack
by external freedom forces supported by the
anti-Maoists and anti-Com rtiists of the
mainland,
The triumph of
supplies the
peace is not
portunity
his or he
h to the struggle. We need to
brothers at home and abroad,
the cause of the Anti-Mao and
ivation Front:
pe that our mainland compa-
triots will d ote their attention and their
energies to th tiself-salvation movement to
at the Peiping regime whenever op
permits.
and justice, sweep away the dark clouds of
appeasement and compromise In the face of
the Communist peril and assure the prog-
ress of this worldwide movement to protect
freedom. We are convinced that the early
recovery of the Chinese mainland is indis-
pensable to the reinforcement of Asian se-
curity and the safeguarding of freedom and
noose thrrmvhnut the .grid
t aaeenUa rnvm R. G. JIVU YA:iv VAN L11315t!,
PRESDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM / On occasion of World Freedom Day please
On behalf of the people and the Govern./accept warmest greetings and best wishes for
went of the Republic of Vietnam I wish to success in your work. I would like to stress
extend to you my sincere greeting on the the importance of the purposes of your com-
16th anniversary of Freedom Day: mittee which aim at the defence of freedom
and independence
It is most fitting that the historic event of of the peoples of p the free
world. The attention of GTeek Greek a ole who
the choice of freedom by 22,000 Chinese and have experienced all kinds of Communist
Korean POW's on January 23, 1954, is now aggression Is with you.
celebrated as the World Freedom Day. It
marks the undaunted spirit of freedom lov- MESSAGE FROM His ExcELL1::Ncy TUNKU ABDUL
lag peoples who elected to abandon their RAHMAN PUTRA, PRIME MINISTER OF MALAYSIA
homes and their ancestral lands rather than
live under Communist yoke; the shining ex- It gives me great pleasure in sending this
ample set by the Chinese and North Korean message on the occasion of "World Freedom
prisoners of war who refused to return to Day" in the Republic of China, which falls
their respective homelands upon their re- on January 23, this year.
lease despite Communist blandishments, co- It is a day to be remembered by all those
ercion, and intimidation has ever since be- who cherish freedom and appreciate human
come the symbol of man's deep appreciations values and dignity. The first freedom day
for freedom. was observed in 1954 on January 23 when
In Vietnam after the partition of the more than 22,000 communist prisoners of war
'country in 195d, nearly one million people of the Korea War refused,to return to their,
from North Vietnam moved to the south to communist dominated homelands and 14,000
carry on the fight against communism today. of them chose to make their future home in.
Under the RVN Open Arms program over the Republic of China.
'150,000 VS cadres have rallied to the cause of Ever since "World Freedom Day" has been
'freedom championed by the RVN people and observed, it has promoted the people in the
government. Peoples hiving under Communist free world to struggle for human dignity, jus-?
oppressive rule behind and from the Bamboo
Curtains are yearning for freedom.
Your observance of the World Freedom
Day rekindles their hope and ga'ivanizes our
determination to fight ,.l:Ie Communist op-
pression and hightens strengthens the soli-
darity of free men everywhere.
I sincerely wish you great success in all
the commemorative activities on this World
Freedom Day.
NGUYE?s VAN THIEU,
President of the Republic of Vietnam.
MESSAGE FROM HIS EXCELLECY A. SOMOZA,
PRESIDENT OF THE R.nPTAILIC OF NICARAGUA
REYOURLET,
December 11.
I joyously support encouragement and
guidance commemoratileg World Freedom
Day trusting successful triumph.
MESSAGE FROM HIS EXCELL;:NCY FIDEL SANCHI:Z
HERNANDEZ, PRESIDENTL DE EL SALVADOR
Atentamente me reflero a su oolnunicacion
de fecha diciembre 11, pox la euai me invita
a que formule una Declarac16n sobre el "Di[a
de Is Libertad Mundial" c;ue se conniemorara
en la Repilblica de China. el pr6ximo 23 de
enero.
Estimo altamente el significado de esa cele-
braeldn y que tenga lugar en China, pass qua
ejemplarmente alien to IIa profundo ideal de
progreso dentro de un regimen de dignidad
humana.
PlS.ceme manifestarle por este medio mis
expresiones de sl.mpatia por ese movimiento
en.pro de la Libertad Mintdial, asi como miss
votos porque su traditional celebrac16n con
tribuya a recordar a tod:is las naciones del
mundo quo el bien mss preciado de icts
pueblos as el de su libertad y que su res-
guardo corresponds a i:odos los hombres
dignos de la tierra.
Me es grate approvechad? esta oportunidad
pars patentizarle mis dernostraciones de mi
especial consideraclOn.
MESSAGE FROM H. E. G- EYSKENS, PRIME
MINISTER OF 119LGIUM
Belgium as a free nation has always stood
up for the cause of the victims of persecution
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 WASHINGTON POST DATE
Approved For Release-2001/
U.S. Aides in Y ietna,
Project
scorn. Phoenix
sharply critical of Phoenix, An Idea of the CIA
By Robert G. Kaiser Jr. note a fact that, is not tabu- phoenix was the idea of
one the CIA, and until last ?JA11y
weshingtor. Post Foreign service lated in official statistics:
SAIGON, Feb. 16-The small fraction, probably it was run by the agency, --`
tenth to one fifth, of the Phoenix operations con-
program to neutralize the
Vletcon infrastructure neutralized are cap ducted by Provincial Recon-
etna is ca in.. lured or killed on purpose.
South Vietnam is called the overwhelming majority naissance Units have ln-
SoPhoenifeat a bird of ire rounded up in military volved assassinations. These
units, another CIA organiza-
several feathers. )perations, killed in battles, tion composed of Vietnam-
Some war critics in the ambushes or other military ese troops and U.S. adiiiaers,
United States have attacked action, and described after- were organized primarily as
Phoenix as an instrument of ward as infrastructure. Only a counter-terror group to op
mass political murder. Such a handful are targeted, dill- crate behind enemy lines.
sinister descriptions are no t gently pursued and captured
wasassination one of of their Vietcong
heard In Vietnam, where or killed. Assassination
ng as.
Phoenix has the reputation
of a poorly plotted farce, Phoenix Not Working signments.
sometimes with tragic over- "The most important But the units are now
tones. point about Phoenix," said under local Vietnamese con-
The contradiction between one official who had access trol, and have lost much of
Phoenix's lurid reputation to all the program's statis- their ferocious reputation.
as a sort of Vietnamese tics and records, "is that it "They've lost 50 per cent of
effectiveness " accord-
Murder, Inc., and the scorn isn't working." their U.S. official.
with which it is widely re- That view is repeated by ing to one
garded here typifies one of official ?t n d confidential "There's some killing, but
the most popular grievances U.S. establishments here, and this is a war. There are no
of American officials In it has been the conclusion of organized bump off squads,"
Vietnam: "They don't under- o f f i c i a l and confidential one official with no brief for
stand at home what's going studies, including recent re phoenix insisted recently.
on out here." ports by the CIA and the Efforts to find contrary evi-
The gulf between home- deputy under secretary of dence were unsuccessful.
front and battlefront is the Army, James V. Siena. Many of the accusations
likely to appear Tuesday in phoenix has failed to neu- against Phoenix cannot be
the Senate Foreign Rela- tralize a significant number verified here. Some seem to
tions Committee, hearing of. important Vietcong offi- be based on misunderstan-
room, when American paci- cials. dings of Phoenix terminol-
fication officials are ex- .,We are not bothering statistics.
pected to ' be questioned them now, that's for damn ogy Officials and statist Vietnam are
closely about the Phoenix sure," one of the senior crPhoenix na many
program. Americans in Vietnam said crher cof h In rece ny
Because Phoenix is an off- not long ago. terviews with several offi-
spring of the CIA and be A common description of
cause its operations have-al- phoenix one hears from offi- { cials involved in the pro-
ways been obscured by the c.ials in Vietnam is of a pro- gram, a reporter heard these
points:
cloak of official secrecy, the gram without substance. A ? phoenix is potentially
Foreign Relations Commit- share of the killing and cap-
tee may discuss the program turing that goes on in the dangerous, for it could be
in a closed session. But war is attributed statisti- used against political oppo-
Phoenix's secrets are not cally to Phoenix, but many j nents of the regime,
well kept in Vietnam. officials say-most of Phoe- whether they were Vietcong
The South Vietnamese-run nix's' share could easily be or not. However, there is no
program does involve kill- attributed to something or eevidednceetthat this has hap-
ing. American statistics on somebody else.
Phoenix results (which are phoenix's unsavory repu- ? P h o e n i x contributes
radically more conservative substantially to corruption.
Some local officials demand
than the Vietnamese fig-
with threats of ar-
ff
s
payo
stemsures) show 19,534 members tation apparently rests under the Phoenix pro-
of the so-called Vietcong in-
from its clandestine nature, -,ram, or release genuine
frastructure (VCI) "neutral-
ized" during 1969-6,187 of its connections with some Vietcong for cash-
them killed. deliberate assassinations,
The rest were captured and accusations made by
(8,515) or rallied to the gov- several public figures and
ernment cause (4,832).1 army veterans about its ac
m
Vietcong more than hurting
it. By throwing people in
prison who are often only
low-level operatives-some-
times people forced to coop-
erate with the Vietcong
when they lived in VC terri-
tory-the government is al-
ienating a large slice of the
population. "We should not
jail people," said Ho Ngoc
Niluan, chairman of the
rural development commit-
tee of the Vietnamese
House. "That makes them
enemies of the government."
A Campaign Is Necessary
All the officials inter-
viewed were persuaded that
a concerted campaign
against the Vietcong organi-
zation is necessary if South
Vietnam is to have any
chance of independent sur-
vival in the long run, but all
also agreed that the Phoenix
program had failed to hurt
the VC organization so far.
Phoenix was adopted by
the Vietnamese government,
at American urging (or per-
haps insistence), in Decem-
ber 1967. It is supposed to
unify the fragmented intel-
ligence agencies in Vietnam,
and share the best informa.
tion among all operating
units. Provincial security
committees, part of the
Phoenix structure, also have
the power to try and sent-
ence suspects to prison for
up to two years.
There are 441 Americana
attached to Phoenix, all a
advisers. Americans play nc
direct role in Phoenix opera-
tions.
Phoenix offices in the 44
PAGE I
0026-2
? Phoenix is helping the
v
provinces and ri~ost of the
242 districts of South Viet-
nam (all with U.S. advisers)
are supposed to maintain
dossiers on Vietcong offi-
cials in their area and a
"blacklist" of wanted men
and women.
Ideally, Special Branch
Police - (an intelligence unit
of the National Police, ad-
vised and financed by the
CIA), local troops and Prov-
incial Reconnaissance Units
are supposed to conduct op-
erations to' arrest these
wanted persons. Arrested in-
dividuals are interrogated.
When there is some evi-
dence of a Vietcong connec-
tion, they are brought to
But several ofcia s
volved in the pr ovled tP *Release 2001/08/07 : CIA-RDP72-00337R000300060Q26 2y team. High-level
cludingi some who are suspects are supposed to be
bound over to a military
field court.
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Reality Differs From Model
As so often in Vietnam,
reality bears small reseMbi-
ance to this ideal model. In-
terviews with officials aild
observations in the country-
side reveal deviations from
the ideal.
The main problem is that
Vietnamese don't seem in-
terested in really prosecut-
ing the program.
"They just aren't inter-
ested," said one official.
"They don't want to be
caught trying to get the VCI
if they think maybe next
year the VCI will be in con-
trol."
Some local officials have
made private accommoda-
tions with the Vietcong, U.S.
and Vietnamese officials
say. They are unwilling to
upset these arrangements by
chasing VCI.
Only in the last few
months has the central gov-
ernment put strong empha-
sis on Phoenix. Some offi-
cials think this new pressure
may improve performance.
Largely because of Viet-
namese disinterest, the local
Phoenix offices simply do
not work. Many keep no
records. Others mount no
operations. Phoenix is often
run by poor-quality person-
nel, chosen for their jobs by
local officials who don't
want to waste their good
people on the program.
Most district officers are
run by junior army officers
who have little sense of the
sophisticated political prob-
lems of hunting down Viet-
cong officials.
Neutralization Quotas
Perhaps to prod recalci-
trant local officials, the cen-
tral government aSgns
Phoenix quotas to the prov-
inces. Thus a province chief
has to report neutralization
of a certain number of VCI
every month to stay In good.
"They will meet every quota
that's established for them,"
one American adviser noted.
But meeting the quotas of-
ten means disregarding any
standards. Officials often
count every man arrested,
even if he is released imme-
diately for lack of evidence.
American advisers refuse to
confirm many of these al-
l e g e d neutralizations,
accounting for much of the
difference of almost 100 per
cent between U.S. and
South Vietnamese Phoenix
statistics.
Quota-conscious district
and province chiefs also pad
their Phoenix figures with
any number of citizens cap-
tured or killed in military
operations, whether genuine
VCI or not.
"Vietnamization" of Phoe-
nix has, in a sense, already
been completed-the only
Americans involved are ad-
visers. But some officials
think most of the advisers
should now be withdrawn.
"We've done all we can,"
one official said. "If they
want to get the. VCI, they
can do it. We can't do any-
thing more."
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February 9, 1970
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
'consciously and unconsciously from those
who live with them and they learn to develop
according to the demands and expectations
of adults who are significant to them. These
"significant" adults are mothers and fathers
and if we are to understand and meet the
needs of these "disadvantaged" children we
must make a large investment in helping
mothers understand the importance of the
learnings children acquire in their early years
and we must also help them contribute posi-
tively to the development of these Iearn-
ings.
Our Parent Aides are the mothers or
grandmothers in the homes in which we
teach. We presently have forty eight aides,
one-third of whom are on welfare roles.
These aides come from a wide range of
economic, educational and occupational set-
tings. All of them live within the boundaries
of inner city. About one-third of the aides
have worked with us for the two year period.
During the present school year we lost sev-
eral and had to begin the search for other
Interested mothers. The major reason for
losing these women 'is moving!
As urban renewal sweeps the city, more
homes are being destroyed and families are
lost In the maze of destruction-construc-
tion, illness, maternity and acceptance of
full-time jobs were also cited as reasons for
losing mothers.
Present Aides meet together about one eve-
ning every six weeks. These meetings were
held to keep them in touch with each other,
inform them of certain principles related to
young children and encourage them to be-
come very involved in their child's interests
and skills. The aides are at various stages of
development and many of them are able to
assume leadership roles in the program.
Others participate only with much direction
and still others, approximately four or five,
show little enthusiasm and ability to work
well with the child.
in addition to these meetings, the teach-
ers spend time planning the future events
and activities with their aides, and do exten-
sive homevisiting to the homes of children
whose mothers are not aides. There visits
provide an opportunity for mother and
teacher to talk in general about the program,
Its goals and progress and in particular about
her child, his interests, problems and de-
velopment. Many teachers have also held
evening meetings in the parent aides home
for parents of children who attend class at
that aide's house. These meetings have been
particularly successful and enjoyable. Per-
haps, the more familiar atmosphere of meet-
ing In a home in their own neighborhood and
the company of neighborhood mothers con-
tributes to the lively conversation engaged
in at these meetings. This open agenda type
meeting has drawn exchange on various
topics: children's eating habits, bedtime
problems, the "good" and "bad" of television,
older children's teasing younger siblings and
the all-time favorite "fighting."
One of the remarks heard repeatedly was
... "how good it is to have a night out to
myself."
During the latter months of the '69 school
year, the community teachers requested more
time to plan and work with their parent
aides. In an effort to provide some oppor-
tunities for this, we used one to two hours
each Monday in May and found that these
were very valuable sessions. By simply ask-
ing a parent aide: "What activities would
you like to include in the program in the
next few weeks?", teachers received dozens of
'Ideas. of the activities most enjoyed by the
aides and also discovered which activities
the mothers felt were the most Important for
the children. Language time and trips seemed
to receive the highest rating. These experi-
ences prompted the teachers to request more
association with the aides on a regular basis
during the next school year. One suggestion
which seemed to receive all of teachers' ap-
proval was to use one-half of our Monday
In-Service for Parent Aide sessions. Further
explanation will be given this in our recom-
mendations appending this report.
In order to receive more reactions from
parent aides and other parents involved in
the Community Teacher Program, we un-
dertook taped-questionnaire interviews with
twenty four parent aides in May, 1969. These
tapes are on file at the Community Teacher
Office, 46 Moran Street. It is our impression
that the Community Teacher P o ram has
successfully demonstrated feasibility of
home instruction for h young children
and their mothers. observations, evalua-
tions of the childre , taped interviews with
parents and teachefs, and multiple question-
naire support osxt belief that the Commu-
nity Teacher Program has contributed effec-
tively to:
1. An increase of knowledge and skills in
the children 'which will enable them to meet
the school situation with greater ability and
flexibility.
2. An iporease of knowledge and skills in
the teaclers which will enable them to bet-
ter and stand the needs of young children
and co ribute more positively to their de-
velopme t.
8. A. rease of knowledge and skills in
the tea,
ache hich has enabled them to un-
derstand how ung children learn, the ef-
fects of deprivat on learning and how to
innovative setting as t Community Teach-
er Program.
Interviews with kindergar teachers in
six inner-city schools clearly port our
hope that children who participa in the
Community Teacher Program entere a~hool
quite prepared and maintained gis
throughout their kindergarten year. ti
Presently, Dr. A. P. Scheiner, Pediatrician,
and Lynn Cramer, social worker have seen
and made reports on fourteen of our chil-
dren. Two are reported to be mildly retarded
while twelve fall within the normal intel-
ligence category but are functioning below
their capacities due to environmental handi-
caps. Nine of the thirteen also exhibited a
variety of physical disorders and follow-ups
will be done on these children. Two children
have been recommended for the Day Care
Center for the Handicapped, one child has
been placed In a more structured nursery
school and five children were placed in the
special class within our own program. Ef-
forts are now being made to work closely
with the Convalescent Hospital for Childre
and the Neighborhood Health Center
initiate a program of health-education v-
ices on a family continuity basis. Data
available at Community Teacher ffice, 46
Moran Street, Rochester, New rk.)
GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND
Mr. DELLENBACK. Mr. Speaker, I
ask unanimous consent that all Mem-
bers may have 5 legislative days in which
to extend their remarks on the subject
of my special order today.
I NEED YOUR HELP
he automobile industry does not appear
H 727
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentleman
from Oregon?
There was no objection.
AUTOMOTIVE AIR POLLUTION
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New York (Mr. FARBSTEIN) is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. FARBSTEIN. Mr. Speaker, on July
31 of last year, I introduced H.R. 13225,
legislation to ban the sale of the internal
combustion engine unless stringent new
emissions standards could be met. The
purpose of this legislation was to force
the American auto industry to develop a
nonpolluting engine.
This legislation, the amendment I of-
fered on the floor of the House in Sep-
tember to accomplish approximately the
same objective, and the hearing I held in
New York City in connection with this
question appear to have played a signifi-
cant role in giving national focus to a
question which just last summer was pri-
marily the concern of residents of Cali-
fornia.
The extent of that concern in New
York City can be found in the results of
my December constituent questionnaire
which found a 19-to-1 ratio in favor of
legislation to ban the internal combus-
tion engine. I received over 8,000 replies
to this one-question questionnaire.
The wording of the question was based
upon that of- a national public opinion
poll taken last fall and read as follows:
cern
tion
mob
gine
d about automotive-caused air pollu-
e engine, the internal combustion en-
causes air pollution. I have introduced
legs ation to outlaw the sale of the internal
co ustion engine effective in 1978 in order
to force auto makers to develop other en-
gi es.
By casting your ballot on this question,
gress know where the people of New York
stand.
Please complete, stamp and mail the ques-
tionnaire before December 30.
Do you favor legislation to ban the internal
combustion engine?
The results revealed that middle-age
respondents were more supportive of a
legislative ban and-that women were
more favorably inclined than men. The
respondents included 51.2 percent women
and 48.8 percent men.
The breakdown of the results by sex
and age groups follows:
Under 30
30-65
65 and over
Total
Favor ------- --------- .------
91.9
94.6
90.3
95.5
98.1
94.1
95.2
Opposed-------------------
8.1
5.4
8. 7
4.5
1.9
5.9
4.8
The auto is responsible for 60 percent
of air pollution in the United States and
up to 92 percent in urban areas. It is
clear that the public mood is not for
modest modifications in current ap-
proaches to pollution control, but for
radical departures to stem the mad mo-
mentum of environmental destruction.
The auto-must be cleaned up if the prob-
lem of air pollution is to be solved,
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H 728 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD -HOUSE
The intensity of the feelings co! the
residents of Lower anal Middle Manhat-
tan on this subject it revealed not only
in numerical results of the poll, but in
the following additional remarks which
were written in on the returned ques-
tionnaires :
I am going to have to leave the city be-
cause of the pollu;loa.
Emphatically.
Everyone I know agrees this, is necessary.
The air pollution makes itdifficult for me
:o breath and sleep at nights.
Immediately.
Private automobiles should be banned
from Manhattan and other large cities,.
I favor any recommendations of Ralph
Nader.
start with buses.
yr%J
STATE DEPARTMENT REMARKS ON
SAIGON GOVERNMENT
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Indiana (Mr. HAMILTON) is
recognized for 30 minutes.
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I have
recently been corresponding with the
State Department on the subject of the
South Vietnamese Government. Because
of the informative nature of the replies
I have received from Mr. H. G., Torbert,
Jr., Acting Assistant Secretary for Con-
gressional Relations, I think they are
worthy of public attention. While not all
Of my inquiries were answered to my
complete satisfaction, :l want to com-
mend Mr. Torbert for his efforts.
His letters reveal much that is sober-
ing, and even discourag}ng, about the
Saigon government and our relationship
with it, and help one to understand the
sometimes dubious activities of a polit-
teal system so recently exposed to dem-
ocratic practices.
The correspondence follows:
NOVEMBER 13, 1969.
Eton. WILLIAM P. ROGERS,
Secretary of State,
Department of State,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Ma.. SECRETARY; The structure and
functioning of the South Vietnamese goo-
.3rement are prime topics of debate and
concern. President Nixon and you are often
,accused, as were your predecessors, of trying
-;e "prop up" the government in Saigon. The
critics say that if the. South Vietnamese
government would become less corrupt.
broaden its base, and become more respon-
:?ive to the people, greater progress in the
\Tiennamization of the war could be made.
my own thinking am these issues would be
.aided considerably if yeas answered for me
the following questions pertaining to the
;ouch Vietnamese government and our
alh2nce with It:
CORRtTPrT:0N
I. How prevalent is corruption in the pres-
ent government?
2. What is the gross loss, in monetary
turns for F'Y 1969, of American military and
e~x,rom.ic goods due to corruption on the
pw-t of the South Vietnamese?
What steps is the united States taking
to -educe this corruption?
4. What steps has the Thieu-Ky govern-
n: en!: taken to reduce corruption among its
own, officials?
5. What progress has been made In these
eit rra in the past year?
6. is there any evidence that Thieu and
Ily are themselves involved in the corrup-
tion,
PDT, XCi9
1. Have Titaieu and Ky made efforts to
broaden the base of their government? If s%
what are they?
2. What Is the United States doing to en-
courage Thieu and E:y to broaden their po-
Ittical base? What progress has there been in
these efforts?
3, What is the make-up of the present
cabinet? What; was the effect of the last re-
shuffling of cabinet positions?
4. What groups, ethnic, religious, or politi-
4aal, are excluded from the political arena?
5. What is the present nia- ber of political
prisoners?
6. Are there any leaders of political factions
in jail? If so, how many and who are they?
7, What is a "neutralist" in the South Viet-
namese context? Can, any one run for politi-
cal office?
8. Finally, what Is your assessment of mien
as a political leader? Is he effective? How ac-
tive is the political opposition? Is Thieu dedi-
cated more to the establishment of a respon-
sive and reponsible government or to staying
i n power?
Your response to these questions should
clarify the situation considerably. Both the
critics and the supporters of our policy are
interested in the current status of the gov-
ernment we are defending. Only an Objective
s atement describing present conditions of
the political fabric of South Vietnam will
raise the level of debate in this country from
one of exchanging accusations to one of rea-
soned interpretation of established facts.
I look forward to your reply,
Sincerely,
LEIS H, HAMILTON,
Member of Congress.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, December 5,196,9
Hon. LEE H. HAMILTON,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN HAMILTON: The .Secre-
tary has asked roe to reply to your letter of
November 13 concerning the Government of
South Viet-Nair.. The questions you raise
are pertinent ones, and we welcome the op-
portunity to answer them.
You mention first the problem of cor-
ruption. There is no doubt that this problem
is a serious one in Viet.-Nam.. President Thieu
and other high Vietnamese officials have
acknowledged this and over the past year
and more have taken increasingly effective
measures to reduce or eliminate corruption
in government ranks.
For example, the Inspectorate, an autono-
maus fourth branch of government provided
for In the Constitution, has now `been in
exi:utence about a year and has begun to
make its influence felt. Its investigations
have led to the dismistsal, transfer, or dis-
cipiining of a number of civil and military
officials, and it has recommended that the
Executive prosecute others charged with
more serious offenses. The Executive has on
its own taken action against corrupt and
ineifective_ officials, including trial and im-
prisonment of several officials (up to and In-
cluding the rank Of province chief) in recent.
months. These punitive actions have, we
believe, been salutary.
Equally significant are the procedural
means of fighting corruption, and here U.S.
advice and assistance has been of major im-
portance. Our advisors have helped the Gov-
ernment of Viet-Nam to revise and simplify
its import-licensing procedures, reduce port
congestion and customs clearance time, and
step up tax collections. The Vietnamese au-
thorities have also simplified administrative
procedures for various public services. All
these measures heave served to reduce the
opportunities for, and incidence of, corrup-
tion
While we do not have figures on the gross
loss of U.S. economic and military goods due
Feb ?ucrry 9, 1970
to corruption, we do bee--ave there has been a
substantial improvement; in this situation.
For Instance, actions by ourselves and the
Vietnamese government out. the loss rate for
AID-financed project co?nmodities from 15%
In 1967 to about 7% by the beginning of this
year. For the Commercial Impart Program,
the rate of loss and di?version has been re-
duced from an estimated 8% in 1966 to loss
than % %.
Despite such progress, much remains to be
done about the problem of corruption, and
we believe it requires redoubled efforts by
all of us. Vietnamese cud Americans alike.
I assure you we intend to do all, we can to
see that these efforts are iraade.
We know of no evidence whatsoever that
the President or Vice President are them-
selves involved In corrul'!'ion, Quite the con-
trary, their public repute !-ions for honesty are
excellent.
I turn now to the grtesi ions you pose about
the Vietnamese political situation.
Since be took office, President Thieu has
made major efforts to iaroaden the base of
his government by including in his cabinet
representative political flares with personal
or organizational followings of their own: at
the same time, he has taught to maintain
or increase the efficiency of government op-
erations by appointing ministers with spe-
cific technical qualiflcati~'as. Needless to say,
it has not always been possible for him to
realize both of these gotc:s In every respect.
From May 1968 until Sep c other of this year,
his Prime Minister was 'roan Van Huang, a
highly respected civilian political leader and
one of the President's le:;cting opponents in
the 1967 election. On Sep :ember 1 President
Thteu appointed a new eat,net, with General
Tran Thien Nhiem as inane Minister. In
the process of forming this cabinet, Presi-
dent Thieu offered ministerial positions to a
number of political leaders; while Some ac-
cepted his invitations. others declined for
reasons of their own. We understand that
one who declined such ,v.i invitation was
Senator Tran Van ton, who in recent months
has often taken position:. critical of Presi-
dent Thieu. The present cabinet does, how-
ever, Include several well-known political
figures, including two unsuccessful vice-
presidential candidates; tl'e leader of a win-
ning slate in the 1967 Upper House election;
and a respected former Deputy Prime Min-
ister in previous goverarnents. Like Its
predecessor, the Khiem ei+l inet is balanced
from the standpoint of religious and re-
gional representation. Three of the 31 Min-
isters and Vice-Ministers (including the
Premier) are ranking military officers. (For
your information, I am enclosing Summary
biographic data on mcmb.'rs of the present
cabinet.)
President Thieu has also roved to broaden
the base of the government at the village and
hamlet level by strongly encouraging an
expansion of local self-rule. Some 90% of
the country's village and hamlets now have
elected administrations, which have in turn
been given greater respon-ibilities and re-
sources as well as assistance by the central
government. We believe V.is program has
been particularly successful in generating
further support for the govarrument in re-
cent months:
The United States believe-.a that President
Thieu's goal of broadening his government,
both nationally and locally. is a highly de-
sirable one and we have conveyed our views
on this subject to him by appropriate means.
At the same time, we recognize the problems
which President Thieu and his government
face in a society which traditionally has
offered few opportunities for responsible and
constructive political activity and whose con-
stitution and democratic inrtttutions are of
recent origin.
The problem of political arisoners is a
complex one, especially since the term "polit-
ical prisoners" Itself Is freq.:ently misused.
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February 9, 1970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
The Vietnamese government is faced with
having to distinguish between those engaged
in what might be considered here as legiti-
mate political dissent and those who are
known or suspected to be active on behalf of
the enemy in wartime. The vast majority of
prisoners in South Viet-Nam (aside from
common criminals) are in the latter category;
the exact number in the former category, i.e.
those who might more properly be called
"political prisoners", is not known but is be-
lieved to be quite small. We do not know of
any leaders of political factions in jail except
possibly for Mr. Truong Dinh Dzu, who, al-
though he leads no particular political, orga-
nization, did run second in the 1967 presi-
dential election. (He was prosecuted for later
actions involving statements he made to the
press several months after the election.)
No ethnic or religious groups are excluded
from political activity in South Viet-Nam,
and indeed, many such groups are conspicu?-
ously active on the political scene. The only
political groups or individuals excluded are
those who are communist or pro-communist,
i.e., those who support the attempt by Hanoi
and the Viet Gong to overthrow the legal
government by violence and terror.
In the Vietnamese political context the
terms "neutralist" and "neutralism" have
highly unfavorable connotations; they have
been used by persons who advocate the re-
moval of the present government by extra-
constitutional means and collaboration with
the Viet Cong. It is presumably for this rea-
son that the 1967 election laws excluded
"pro-communist neutralists", along with
communists, from running for office. There
are no other political or ideological ltmlta-
tions on the eligibility of candidates to run
for office. Legitimate neutralist political ac-
tivity is obviously permitted, as recent ac-
tions by certain political figures in Saigon
have indicated.
Finally, in answer to your last question,
President Thieu's actions over the past year
or more would seem to indicate that he is
indeed dedicated to the establishment of a
"responsive and responsible government", as
you put it. He and his colleagues haev im-
proved the effectiveness of the government
significantly, have mobilized the population
more effectively in its own defense, and have
expanded security, economic activity, and
local self-government in the countryside.
They have done this in cooperation with a
vigorous and independent National Assembly
and within the over-all democratic frame-
work established by the Constitution, despite
inexperience and very difficult wartime con-
ditions. Legitimate opposition exists and is
expressed openly wthin this framework.
We think these efforts by the South Viet-
namese leadership of all persuasions and at
all levels are worthy of our continued sup-
port and encouragement. Both we and they
recognize that serious problems remain,
some of which you touch on in your ques-
tions. We intend to coperate with the Viet-
namese and to assist wherever we can as
they meet these problems.
I hope the above will be useful to you in
considering this matter. If I can be of fur-
ther assistance, please let me know at your
convenience.
Sincerely yours,
H. G. TORBERT, Jr.,
Acting Assistant Secretary for Congres-
$1onal Relations.
SUMMARY BIOGRAPHIC DATA ON MEMBERS OF
SOUTH VIETNAMESE CABINET APPOINTED
SEPTEMBER 1, 1969
Prime Minister and Minister of Interior:
Tran Thien Khiem. Born Saigon, 1925. Bud-
dhist. Military officer, 1946 to the present,
with rank of full general since August 1964.
Chief of Joint General Staff, 1962-63; com-
mander of III Corps Tactical Zone, 1964. Par-
ticipant in military coup which overthrew
Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963 and in coup of Janu-
ary 1964 which installed Nguyen Khanh. Am-
bassador to the United States, 1964-65, and
to the Republic of China, 1965-68. Minister of
Interior since May 1968; in addition, Deputy
Prime Minister in charge of Pacification and
Reconstruction, March-August 1969.
Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of
Education: Nguyen Luu Vien. Born Vinh
Binh province (southern Viet-Nam), 1919.
Buddhist. Physician and professor of medi-
cine. Medical officer with the Viet Minh from
late 1940's until about 1951. Signer of the
"Caravelle petition," requesting reforms in
the Diem government, 1960; imprjsoned
1960-61. Member, Council of Notables, 1963-
64. Minister of Interior and Deputy Prime
Minister in cabinet of Tran Van Huong, 1964-
65. Civilian member of the National Leader-
ship Committee (Directorate), 1966-67; also
Deputy Prime Minister for Social and Cul-
tural Affairs, 1966-67.
Minister of State for Cultural Affairs: Mai
Tho Truyen. Born Kien Hoa province (south-
ern Viet-Nam), 1905. Buddhist. Retired civil
servant. Began civil service career in 1924.
Chief of administrative services in Long
Xuyen province for the Viet Minh, 1945-46.
Subsequent career included positions as di-
rector of cabinet in Ministries of Economy,
Foreign Affairs and Interior 1946-55, and as
Inspector of administrative and financial af-
fairs in the Presidency from 1955 until his
retirement in 1960. President of the Asso-
ciation for Buddhist Studies, 1956; Vice-pres-
ident of the General Association of Viet-
namese Buddhists, 1959; and founder of the
Southern Buddhist Studies Association,
1964. Member of the Council of Notables,
1963-64. Vice-presidential running-mate of
Tran Van Huong in 1967 elections. First ap-
pointed Minister of State in the Huong cabi-
net, May 1968.
Minister of State for Reconstruction and
Development: Vu Quoc Thuc. Born Nam
Dinh province (North Viet-Nam), 1920.
Catholic. Economist and scholar; licientiate
in law from the University of Hanoi and
Ph. D. in economics from the University of
Paris. Assistant dean, faculty of law, Hanoi,
1951-53. Minister of Education in the Buis
Loc government, 1953-54. Governor of the
National Bank of Viet-Nam, ?1955-56. Dean of
the faculty of Law, University of Saigon,
1957-63. Author of several specialized legal
works and economic studies. Unsuccessful
candidate for Upper House of the National
Assembly, 1967. Head of the Post-War Plan-
ning Study Group, in collaboration with Dr.
David Lilienthal, since February 1967. Orig-
inally appointed Minister of State in the
cabinet of Tran Van Huong in May 1968, and
continues in that position.
Minister of State (without portfolio):
Phan Quang Dan. Born in Nghe An province
(central Viet-Nam, north of 17th parallel),
1918. Buddhist. Physician, graduate of the
University of Hanoi and holder of Master of
Public Health degree from Harvard Univer-
sity. Long political career, dating from at
least 1940. Minister of Information 1948-49.
Early opponent of Ngo Dinh Diem; only op-
position candidate elected to the National
Assembly in. 1959, but not permitted to take
his seat because of alleged violation of elec-
toral laws. Arrested by Diem in 1960 and held
without trial until June 1963; then sen-
tenced to seven years' imprisonment, but re-
leased after Diem's overthrow. Elected to the
Gia Dinh provincial council in May 1965 by a
large majority and chosen by the council to
serve as its chairman. Chairman of the Xa-
tional Political Congress in 1966 and elected
to the Constituent Assembly from Gia Dinh
province later that year; had active role in
drafting of the present Constitution. Sur-
vived an assassination attempt in December
1966. Running-mate of Phan Khac Suu,
third-place finisher in presidential election
of 1967.
Minister of State (without portfolio):
Nguyen Tien Hy. Born Hanoi (North Viet-
Nam) 1915. Physician, educated in Viet-Nam.
H 729
Formerly associated with the anti-French
and anti-Communist Dai Viet party, estab-
lished in the late 1930's. Signer of the "Cara-
velle petition," 1960, together with Nguyen
Luu Vien (above). Member, Council of
Notables, 1963-64. Minister of State for Edu-
cation in the government of Phan Huy Quat,
1965. Unsuccessful candidate for Upper House
of the National Assembly, 1967.
Minister of Foreign Affairs: "Fran Van Lam.
Born Cholon section of Saigon, 1913. Cath-
olic. Pharmacist. Elected to Saigon City
Council, 1952. Government delegate (region-
al administrative officer) for southern Viet-
Nam, 1954-56. Member and president of Con-
stituent Assembly elected 1956, which subse-
quently became National Assembly, and pres-
ident of latter until 1957 at which time he
became majority leader; re-elected in 1959.
Resigned to become Ambassador to Australia,
1961-64 (concurrently Ambassador to New
Zealand, 1962-64). Elected to Upper House of
the National Assembly as leader of a ten-
member list of candidates, September 1967.
Member of finance and foreign affairs com-
mittees and later chairman of the interior
committee, until taking leave from Upper
House to assume present position.
Minister of Defense: Nguyen Van Vy. Born
Hanoi, 1916. Buddhist. Military officer, begin-
ning approximately 1940, with extensive ex-
perience in infantry and airborne units and
also in staff assignments. Military advisor to
the Vietnamese delegation at the Geneva
Conference, 1954. Political exile In France,
1955-63. Returned to Viet-Nam late 1963 and
rejoined Vietnamese Army; served as chief
of staff at the Joint General Staff from No-
vember 1966 until appointment as Minister
of Defense in the cabinet of Nguyen Van
Loc, November 1967. Has continued in that
position to date. Promoted to lieutenant gen-
eral, October 1967.
Minister of Justice: Le Van Thu. Born
Saigon 1915. Buddhist. Lawyer, with degree
from the University of Hanoi, and former
journalist. Officer in the French Army,
1939-43; customs official, 1943-45. Active in
the resistance against the French, 1945-51.
Publisher and editor of a daily newspaper
and a weekly magazine in Saigon, 1952-56.
Attorney, 1952 to date, and for a time chair-
man of the Court of Appeals. Member of
the Council of Notables, 1963, and of the
High National Council (and chairman of its
constitution-drafting committee), 1964. First
appointed Minister of Justice in the Huong
cabinet, May 1968, and continues in that
capacity.
Minister of Economy: Pham Kim Ngoc.
Born Hanoi, 1928. Investment banker. Served
for six months with the Viet Minh at the age
of 17. Graduate of the London School of
Economics, 1955. Employed by Credit Com-
mercial, largest commercial bank in Viet-
Nam, 1955-68 (deputy director-general, 1959-
68). Served briefly as Deputy Minister for
Economy in 1967 and as special assistant to
the Minister of Economy in 1968. Organized
own investment and banking firm, The
Saigon Trading Company, in 1968.
Minister of Finance: Nguyen Bich Hue.
Born Hue (central Viet-Nam), 1924. Bud-
dhist. Educated in France, where he received
law degree, 1951; graduated from Institute
of Statistics and Economic Studies, 1953;
and from Ecole National d'Administration,
1955. Employed by the National Bank of Viet-
Nam, 1956-69, rising to director-general
(1968). Author of numerous articles on eco-
nomics and monetary affairs.
Minister of Revolutionary Development:
Tran Thanh Phong. Born Vinh Binh province
(southern Viet-Nam), 1926. Buddhist. Began
military career at officer candidate school in
1951 and rose through Infantry-command
and staff assignments to become division
commander; chief of operations of the Joint
General Staff (1965) ; and chief of staff, JGS
(1967). Promoted to rank of major general,
1966.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE Feb'r'uary 9, 1970
Minister of Information: Ngo Khac Tlnh.
Born N1nh Thuan province (central Viet-
Nam), 1923. Buddhist, Pharmacist. Served
in the National Assembly, 1957 63 and as its
deputy secretary-general, 1960-62. Unsuc-
cessful candidate for the Upper House of the
National Assembly, 1967. Recently associated
with the Revolutionary Social Humanist
party,
Minister of Chieu Hoi (Returv"e Program) :
Ho Van Cham. Born Thug Thien province
(central Viet-Nam), 132. Confusianist. Phy-
sician; studied medicine in Hanoi and Sai-
gon, with degree from the latter university
in 1959, and interned ,at St. Luke's Hospital,
New York, 1964-66. Member of the Vietnam-
ese Army medical corpx> since 1958; author of
many articles on military medicine. Unsuc-
cessful candidate for Upper House of the
National Assembly, 1967. Member of the
Revolutionary Dal Viet party.
Minister of Land Reform, Agriculture and
Fisheries: Cao Van Than. Born Saigon, 1932.
Holds law degree from the University of
Paris and master's degree in economics from
the University of Pittsburgh. Advisor to Pres-
ident Thieu, prior to appointment to this
position in revised cabinet of Tran Van
Huong, March 1969.
Minister of Public Works: Duong 3 ich
Nhuong. Born My The (southern Viet-Nam),
1932. Buddhist. Hydro-electric engineer, ed-
ucated at the University of Grenoble in
France. Government experienoc in the Di-
rectorate-General of Planning, 1957-59, and
as director of cabinet of the Ministry of
Public Works and Communications, 1963-64.
Also in private employment, most recently
as director of the Tan Mai Pap3r Mill Com-
pany, 1969-69.
Minister. of Communications and Post:
Tries Van Vien, Born in Cholon district of
Saigon, 1932. Buddhist. Engineer; graduate
of the National School of Telecommunica-
tions in Paris. Previous positions: Head of the
National School of Post and Telecommuni-
cations, Saigon; regional postmaster for
southern Viet-Nam; Director of Telecom-
munications.
Minister of Health: Tran Minh Tung. Born
in Saigon, 1930. Catholic. Physician and ape-
cialist in internal medicine. Graduate of the
medical school of the University of Hanoi,
1955. Member of the Anmy medical corps,
with the rank of colonel; previously assigned
as commandant of the Army Medical School.
Also secretary-general of the Vietnamese
Medical Association.
Minister of Social Welfare: Tran Nguon
Phieu. Born in Gia Dinh province (southern
Viet-Nam), 1927. Buddhist. Physician, with
medical degree from the University of Bor-
deaux. Member of military medical corps for
17 years,
rising to the rank of lieutenant
colonel. Unsuccessful candidate for Lower
House of National Assembly, 1967. Served as
Secretary of State for Refugee and Social
Affairs in the cabinet of Nguyen Van Loc,
1987-88, and as special assistant to the Min-
ister of Health, Social Welfare and Relief,
1968-69. One of principal organisers of relief
measures after Communists' Tet offensive of
early 1968.
Minister of Veterans' Affairs: Pham Van
long. Born in Son Tay province (northern
Viet-Nam), 1919. Buddhist.. Former Army of-
ficer. Joined French Army in 193(] and fought
against the Japanese in Viet-Nam and south-
ern China. Rose to become division com-
mander, deputy corps commander, and corn-
wander of the Capital Military District (Sai-
gon and vicinity). Retired in 1965 with the
rank of major general. Subsequently associ-
ated with several veterwis' organizations and
with the National Salvation Front, a political
organization founded in 1968 by .senator Tram
van Don.
Minister of Labor: Dam Sy Hien. Born Nam
Dinh province (North Viet-Nam), 1914. Con-
fucian Buddhist. Lawyer and economist, Civil
servant in North Viet-Nana from 1945 until
1954, when he fled to the South. Subsequently
worked as staff member of the Vietnamese
Confederation of Labor (CVT) and partici-
pated in many'ICFTU and other international
labor conferences. Minister of Social Wel-
fare in Khanh and I%uong government, 1964--
65. Appointed Minister of Labor in Huong
cabinet, May 1968, and continues In that po-
sition. -
Minister of Ethnic Minority Development:
Paul Nur. Born Ko:atum province (central
Viet-Nam), 1925; member of the Bahnar
tribe of the central highlands. Catholic. For-
mer school teacher and civil servant, Teacher
and headmaster of elementary school in Ron-
turn, 1943-58. A leader of _the Highland Au-
tonomy Movement, as result of which he was
imprisoned by the Diem regime, 1956--6:3.
Deputy Province Chief of Kontum for Mon-
tagnard Affairs, 1963-65. Special Commis-
sioner for Montagna:rd Affairs, 1964-67, First
appointed to present position November 1967.
Minister of State at the Prime Minister's
(iffoe: Nguyen Van Vang. Born in Kien Hoa
province (southern Viet-Nam), 1915. Career
civil servant, 1946-139, with experience as
district chief, province chief, special assistant,
to the president for Chinese affairs, and
government, delegate (regional administra-
tive officer). Served with Inspector General's
office from 1965 until his appointment as
Minister of Revolutionary Development in
the Huong Cabinet, March 1.969.
Minister of State for Parliamentary Rela-
tions: Cao Van Tuong. Born in Hue (central
Viet-Nam) 1916. Catholic. Holds degree of
licentiate in law. Served with the Viet-Minh,
1946-51. Civil servant in the Ministry of
Labor, 1952-56. Elected to the National As-
sembly in 1956 and served for a time as its
deputy chairman. Legislative advisor to the
Lower House of the present National Assem-
bly before his appointment to this position.
In addition to the 24 men listed above,
there are seven vice-ministers who are con-
sidered, members of the Cabinet:
Vice-Minister of Economy (for Industry):
Pharr Minh Duong. (Southerner)
Second Vice-Minister of Economy (for
Commerce) : Man Cu Uong. (Northerner;
Buddhist)
Vice Minister of Finance: Ha Xuan Trung.
(Central Viet-Nam; Buddhist)
Vice Minister of Education: Tran Lou
Cung. (Northerner; Buddhist)
Second Vice Minister of Education: Nguyen
Danh Dan, M.D. (Northerner; Buddhist)
Vice Minister of Interior: Le Cong Chat.
(Southerner, Confucianist)
Vice Minister of Information: Le Trong
Qut, attorney. (Central Viet-Nam Buddhist)
Acting Assistant Secretary for Congressional
Relations, Department of State, Wash-
ington, D.C.
DEAR MR. TORBERT: Thank you for your
letter of December 5. Your efforts in answer-
ing my questions are greatly appreciated
Several issues I raised, however, are still
unresolved in my mind.
With regard to my question of "What is
the U.S. doing to encourage Thieu and Ky
to broaden their political base?" you replied
only that "we have conveyed our views on
this subject to him by appropriate means."
I am wondering; what "appropriate means"
are? The question is what specific steps have
we taken to encourage the South Vietnamese
government to broaden its base.
With regard to the cabinet formed on
September 1, you state that it is "balanced
from the standpoint of religious and regional
representation." This does not indicate its
political orientation, which has been regarded
in the American press as being more nar-
rowly and loyally pro-Thieu than its pred-
eoessor. Did not the reshuffling reduce' rather
than enlarge Thleu's political base?
Third. you state that the number of polit-
ical prisoners is "small." Could you Indicate
a numerical figure? A New York Times arti-
cle of October 25, 1969, gave a figure of about
5,000 noncommunist political prisoners. Does
this coincide with your estimates? What is
our position on their imprisonment, and
what specific steps have been taken by the
U.S. Government to have them released?
Concerning Truong Dint) Dzu, what was the
nature of the statements he made that re-
sulted in his imprisonment? What was he
charged with? What Is our position with
regard to his imprisonment, and has the U.S.
Government made any efforts to have him
released?
Finally, on the question of a neutralist,
what is the difference between, a "pro-com-
munist neutralist" (your phrase) and a per-
son advocating a coalition government of
communist and non-communists? Is the
latter apt to be punisiied for his views?
Your comments on th,e above questions
would be appreciated.
I look forward to your reply.
Sincerely,
LEE 13 :. HAMn.TON,
Member of Congress.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, D.C., January 26, 1970.
Hon. LEE H. HAMn,TON,
House of Representatives.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN HAMILTON: I am writ-
ing in response to your letter of December
16, in which you raise a number of ques-
tions about my reply of December 5 to your
earlier letter concerning the political situa-
tion in South Viet-nam.
On the general subject of "broadening" of
the Government of Viet-Nam, I am sure you
recognize that this is a matter of Vietnamese
domestic politics. Of course, insofar as it re-
lates to that government's ability to carry
out more effectively the South Vietnamese
people's current struggle against Communist
aggression and subversion, it is a subject in
which the United States, as Viet-Nam's prin-
cipal ally, has an obvious Interest. When I
mentioned our having conveyed our views
"by appropriate means," 1: was referring to
our expression of this interest in communi-
cations said conversations undertaken
through normal diplom il:ic channels and
contacts.
In this manner we have indicated support
of various programs and courses of action
which in our opinion would contribute to
further strengthening of the Vietnamese gov-
ernment's political base and popular follow-
ing. We have. for example, noted our sup-
port of expansion of responsible local govern-
ment, which I described to you previously.
As anothsr example, we also have offered our
assistance to President Thieu's proposed new
land reform program, which we believe can
make a further significant contribution.
With specific regard to the Vietnamese
cabinet reorganization effected on Septem-
ber 1, 1969, we were of course sympathetic to
President Thieu's declared hope of forming
a new cabinet which would be as broadly
representative as possible but which would
at the same time enhance governmental ef-
ficiency and improve executive-legislative
relations. We also realized, however, that
all these goals would not be easy to achieve.
It is difficult to meas are the extent to
which any cabinet represents a "broadening"
or a narrowing of a national leader's political
base, particularly in a go.ernmental system
such as Viet-Nam's where primary executive
authority Is vested in the President rather
than in the Prime Minister or the Cabinet,
In the recent reorganization, press attention
here focused mainly on the replacement of
a civilian prime minister and proven vote-
getter, Mr. Tran Van Huong, by a military
man, General Tran Thlen N:hiem. Less often
noted, however, was the addition as Minis-
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February 9, 1970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
tiers of State of another vote-getter, Dr. Phan`
Quang Dan, and a respected Southern civil-
ian:, Dr. Nguyen Luu Vien, who appears to
speak for much of the same constituency as
fir. Nuong: (Minister of State Mai Tho
Trtiyen, Mr. Huong's running-mate in 1967,
remained in the Cabinet.) As I noted in my
previous letter, President Thieu reportedly
asked still other representatives of political
groupings-including some of those in the
"opposition"-to join the government, but
they apparently declined for reasons of their,
own, perhaps relating to their own personal
political ambitions.
I turn now to the questions you raise on
the subject of "political prisoners." I regret
that the information available to us does
not provide an adequate basis for a reply
to your inquiry in numerical terms. Part of
the problem here is that of defining the term
"political prisoners", as I described in my
previous letter.
While we recognize that this problem is
essentially an Internal Vietnamese matter,
we do not of course condone arrests and
detentions on purely political grounds (i.e.
as a result of what would normally be con-
sidered legitimate political activity) and
have made our views known in appropri-
ate fashion. We feel the Vietnamese authori-
ties are aware that shortcomings exist in
the administration of jteistice in South Viet-
Nam and are making serious efforts to reme-
dy such shortcomings. These include efforts
to clarify existing laws and decrees, to speed
the disposition of cases and the release of
suspects against whom there is insufficient
evidence to warrant prosecution, and to ex-
pand and improve detention facilities and
procedures. We have generally encouraged
and supported the Vietnamese in these ef-
forts and we are rendering specific technical
and other assistance where we usefully can.
According to the information we have on
the case of Mr. Truong Dinh Dzu, he was
convicted in July 1968 on charges of com-
mitting "acts aimed at weakening the anti-
communist spirit and struggle of the peo-
ple and the armed forces," in violation of
Article 17 of Decree Law 004/65, dated July
19, 1965. These charges derived from state-
ments Mr. Dzu made to the press in April
1968 in which he apparently advocated a
"coalition government" with the National
Liberation Front.
Without in any sense attempting to de-
fend or otherwise pass judgment on the
Vietnamese government's actions in this case,
I think it is important to recognize the con-
notation of the term "coalition government"
In the present Vietnamese context. To most
politically- aware Vietnamese, the term re??
calls the experience of non-communist na-
tionalists who in good faith participated in
Ho Chi Minh's coalition government of 1940
but who were quickly repressed and in many
eases executed by the Communists. Many
Vietnamese are qually aware of the Com-
munist concept of coalition government as it
has been applied elsewhere, notably In Czech-
oslovakia after World War H.
In regard to our position concerning Mr.
Dzu's imprisonment and the question of his
being released, his case is of course a matter
between the Government of Viet-Nam and
one of its own citizens. We have nevertheless
followed the case closely and have noted to
the Vietnamese authorities our interest In
it. I assure you we will continue to do so as
appropriate.
I cited the phrase "pro-communist neu-
tralist" in my letter of December 5 in re-
sponse to your question: "Can anyone run
for office?" the term is not ours, but rather a
literal translation from the Vietnamese
laws-voted by the Constituent Assembly-
which governed the 1967 Presidential, Up-
per House and Lower House elections. The
complete text of the relevant clause (iden-
tical,in the three electoral laws) is as foi-
tows: "The following persons will not be al-
lowed to be candidates: . . Those who
have directly or indirectly worked for com-
munism or pro-communist neutralism
or worked in the interests of communism."
To the best of our knowledge, the question
whether advocacy of coalition government
with the Communists is tantamount to "pro-
communist neutralism," within the meaning
of the 1967 electoral laws, did not arise. I
would point out, however, that in recent
weeks some prominent public figures In Viet-
Nam have openly and freely advocated a
"third force" domestic government and a
"neutral" foreign policy for the Republic of
Viet-Nam. I think it possible to conclude,
therefore, that within the Vietnamese polit-
ical context, advocacy of "neutralism" is not
automatically interpreted or regarded as
"pro-communist neutralism."
I hope that this information will be useful
to you in your further consideration of this
matter.
Sincerely yours,
H. G. Toaara?r, Jr.,
Acting Assistant Secretary for Con-
gressional Relations.
HON. JOSEPH P. ROSTENKOWSKI
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The
Chair recognizes the gentleman from
Oklahoma (Mr. ALBERT).
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, the Honor-
able Joseph P. Rostenkowski, former
collector of customs, passed away at
Frank Cuneo Memorial Hospital on Sun-
day, February 8, 1970.
He was-the alderman of the 83d ward
from 1931 to 1955. He was also ward com-
mitteeman and served continuously In
that capacity from 1936 to 1960. When
he retired, he was appointed by President
John F. Kennedy as collector of customs
of the port of Chicago.
His first elected office was as State sen-
ator from the 27th senatorial district of
Illinois to the 57th general assembly.
Twenty-five years later, his son DAN
served as State senator from this area
for 6 years.
Mr. Rostenkowski was a pioneer in or-
ganizing various activities for young peo-
ple in the Polish Roman Catholic Union.
He served in the U.S. Army during World
War I and was also an active member of
the American Legion, He was a member
of the LaSalle General Assembly,
Knights of Columbus, Lafayette Council,
Northwest Kiwanis Club, and Loyal Order
of the Moose.
Mr. Rostenkowski served as a delegate
to the Democratic National Convention
in 1936, 1940, 1944, 1948, and 1952. While
serving as alderman in the city council,
for 25 years, he was chairman of the
committee on schools, chairman of the
licenses committee, and the important
rules committee.
He is survived by his son, Congressman
DAN ROSTENHowsmi and two daughters
Marcia and Gladys Rostenkowski.
The body will be at the Stanley Funer-
al Home, 3060 North Milwaukee Avenue,
Chicago, Ill., on Tuesday and Wednesday
with funeral services on Thursday morn-
ing at 10 a.m. at the St. Stanislaus
Kostka Church, 1351 West Evergreen,
Chicago.
Mr. Speaker, I join all Members in ex-
tending our deep condolences to our be-
loved colleague, DAN ROSTENKOWSKI, on
the passing of his father.
H 731
PRESERVATION OF THE QUALITY
OF OUR ENVIRONMENT
(Mr. EVINS of Tennessee asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute.)
Mr. EVINS of Tennessee. Mr. Speaker,
the matter of. the improvement of the
quality of our environment and the pres-
ervation of our heritage has become a
national issue and a national concern.
To respond to this challenge requires
a national commitment and Congress has
clearly demonstrated its intent and its
determination to act to solve this prob-
lem of pollution of our air, water, and
land.
In this connection I am today intro-
ducing a bill to establish a major new
public agency to promote the improve-
ment of the quality of our environment
through the establishment of at least
six'regional national laboratories to con-
duct research into all aspects of pollu-
tion and to provide information upon
which decisions affecting the environ-
ment may be made.
I am pleased to join Senator HOWARD
H. BAKER, JR., of Tennessee, and Senator
EDMUND S. MUSKIE, of Maine, in sponsor-
ing this bill. A companion bill is being in-
troduced in the Senate.
The concept of this bill and the net-
work of laboratories it would authorize
originated in Oak Ridge, Tenn., where
much environmental research is under-
way in the laboratories of the Atomic
Energy Commission.
MILITARY FAMILY HOUSING CON-
STRUCTION TO PROCEED
(Mr. SIKES asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, the Depart-
ment of Defense has informed me that
approval has been obtained from the ad-
ministration and the Bureau of the
Budget to proceed with the construc-
tion of military family housing. This is
an exception to the general reduction In
Federal construction announced last
September.
The President announced, on Septem-
ber 4, 1969, that he had directed all agen-
cies of the Federal Government to put
into effect immediately a 75-percent re-
duction in new contracts for Government
construction. Although the intention of
this construction reduction was, at least
in part, to "release resources of home-
building" in order to meet the great
need for more housing, the application
of this reduction delayed the construc-
tion of more than 2,800 units of family
housing for the military.
I wrote Secretary Laird on September
15 as follows:
I am extremely concerned about the im-
pact on the Military Construction Program of
the construction cutbacks announced by
President Nixon on September 4.
The Committee has heard ample evidence
from Department of Defense witnesses of the
pressing backlog of construction needs, esti-
mated at $19.8 billion. The inability to meet
these needs degrades the efficiency and effec-
tiveness of the Services' operations. Past ex-
periences with freezes directed to the Mili-
tary Construction Program, the Reserve
Forces Facilities Program, and the Family
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H 732 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -? HOUSE _
Housing Program indicate that as a result of
such freezes, needed facilities are built in
a less-than-adequate manner, at higher cost,
or both.
More important is the effect on the morale
and Well-being of our servicemen of inade-
quate housing, both family housing and
bachelor housing. This Committee has often
voiced the suspicion that the housing needs
of members of the Aimed Services and of
their dependents are given a lower priority
than those of their fellow citizens who are
civilians. If the Administration feels that
adequate housing of our citizens rates a high
priority, then this ought to be reflected in
greatly increased budget requests for mili-
tary family housing and bachelor quarters,
not in a freeze on this construction.
Testimony before this Committee en the
fiscal 1970 budget request indicates that the
estimated deficiency at the end of fiscal year
1974 for married per.,:onnel entitled to quar-
ters amounts to 121,600 units. There are a
mere 4800 units requested In the family
housing construction budget this year. l: urge
you to make the strongest efforts to have
the Family Housing Program excluded from
any construction freeze and to proceed with
a reasonable program in this area without
further delay.
I am glad to report that Secretary
Laird has persisted in his efforts to have
military family housing excluded from
the freeze, As a result, the Budget Bureau
is releasing some 2,840 family housing
units, in addition to the 2,422 units
which the Department of Defense had
scheduled for construction, for a total
of 5,262 homes to be awarded in fiscal
year 1970.
There is still a large housing deficiency
to be met in order to adequately house
military families. It is; estimated to be
as high as 120,000 units. I hope that the
release of this housing in fiscal year 1970
and the somewhat more generous request
for 8,000 units In fiscal year 1971 rep-
resents a decision by the administra-
tion to provide adequate housing for the
families of military personnel. In my
view, this is important not only to in-
sure that military families receive ade-
quate housing but to show the many ded-
icated personnel who serve in our Armed
Forces that, in spite of much of the rhet-
oric which has become currently fash-
ionable, we do appreciate their diligence,
their dedication, and their se- vice.
DEMOCRAT STATE OF TH:T: UNION
REBUTTAL
:Mr. BERRY asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. BERRY. Mr. Speaker, the Demo-
c;e'at state of the Union rebuttal yesterday
was fairly Interesting. After 1 year, Pres-
ident Nixon is to blame for the inflation
created by their 8 years of spending,
Vietnam after their 8 years of war, and
pollution that hardly raised its ugly head
in the past 8 years, but now has become
a great political issue.
The most interesting challenge, how-
eve:r, was laid down by at least two of
their staff when they charged that farm
subsidies were responsible for the high
cost. of groceries. This may sound good
to the woman on. the other side of the
grocery counter, but I wonder if they
would be interested in meeting the sit-
uation head on.
In order to keep prices down for the
consumer, this Nation is importing $500
million more livestock and dairy prod-
ucts than It exports. We wonder if they
would be willing to place some sort of
embargo on these imports and give the
American farmer the American market
for his product. If he had this, he would
ask no subsidy or no support from the
Federal Treasury.
Livestock and dairy production is re-
February 9, 1970
Vietnam. The Americans fight to preserve
the right of the South Vietnamese--the vast
majority of whom fen r and reject Hanoi--
to choose and live by their own government.
But North Vietnam, having seen one West-
ern power worn down by sapping tactics on
the home front, Is sure the same strategy
will pay off again. Indeed, this is what the
declarations In the Hanoi press and radio
are all about.
sponsible for 70 to 75 percent of the farm as our side grows stronger. The situation is
income of the Middle West and yet most""?ettlfprecarious but President Nixon's Viet-
namivation plan shows real signs of working,
of the one and a quarter billion dollars The bitter paradox is that Hanoi grows more
worth of meat and dairy prod is resolute as American will seems to waver
ported is in direct competition with here at home. (This would appear to be wish-
products produced in our ],Midwest. ful thinking on the part of Hanoi, in view
Let us not condemn one side of the of the recent Gallup poll and the resolution
coin without; turning to the other side to by the House of Representatives strongly
get the full reason..'or some of these supportingA the President's plan.) Ifs the
11 agriculture asks is a an immediate American pullout, he has no
reason to negotiate At. Paris or anywhere
Y HANOI FIGHTS ON
the REcoxlo and to include ex-
matter.)
RY. Mr. Speaker, I was
the statement of my col-
In my article in the Feb ary 1970 is-
sue of the Reader's Digest entitled "From
Hanoi-With Thanks," there a docu-
mentary report on how Hanoi has been
using these statements, the facts o these
statements, the marches, and mo to-
riums to prolong the war through ol-
tering morale of their people by usI1}g
these quotes and these facts.
In addition to the documentary is the
statement of Edmund A. Gullion, dean of
the Fletcher School of Law Diplomacy,
Tufts University, entitled "Why Hanoi
Fights On." Before becoming dean of the
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,
Edmund Gullion served the U.S. Depart-
partment of State in many posts in
Europe, Africa, and the Far East. He was
deputy chief of the American mission in
Saigon from 1950 to 1953, and Ambas-
Mr. Gullion recently visited South Vie -
nam with a delegation from the Citi s
Committee for Peace With Freedofn in
Vietnam.
Gullion's statenrU-follows:
While Hanoi broadcasts its thanks to the
Americans who search in protest against the
war, there are other Americans who see the
repetition of a grim and familiar pattern.
Hanoi moves by the same calculations which
paid off for it In the defeat of the French
in 1954.
As the late Ho Chi Minh once told the
French: "You will kill ten of our men and
we will kill one of yours. And in the end, it
will. be you who will tire of it." French power
was shaken but not shattered by the defeat
at Dienbienphu. What broke France was the
collapse of will on the home front. The
French were fighting to preserve a hold in
American and Vietnar-zese men will lose
their lives.
The documentary report from the
Reader's Digest is=as follows:
"End. the war now!". "Qet out of Vietnam I"
Such cries are heard in peace demonstrations
across America today. For the most part, they
are voiced by sincere, well-meaning citizens
who genuinely want peace. But an anxious
public, however sympathetic with every
American's right to dissent, should nonethe-
strations. To what degree do they prolong the
less ponder the real effect of such demon-
strations. To what degree do they prolong the
war by comforting Hanoi with the false as-
surance that the United States is rapidly
losing its resolve to defend South Vietnam
and will soon abandon it t,o the communists?
Hanoi itself has provided the answer-
with a calculated arrogance that clearly ex-
plains its Intransigence at the Paris peace
talks. Here, traced from 1966 to the present,
is a seanpling, in somewhat condensed form,
of the abundant evidence from North Viet-
nam's own information sources. The record
shows .that the enemy not only is closely
informed about the demonstrations in the
United States, but is also counting on them
to help him. win the war.
The North Vietnamese newspaper
Nhan Dan, February 2", 1966:
In America the debates on the Vietnamese
roblem will become increasingly fiercer. The
eat Influence upon the morale of the' U.S.
rvicemen on the front lire. That is why the
ment which, like a sharp knife, is stabbing
them in the back.
Radio Hanoi, November 6, 1966:
The Vietnamese people hail and. support
the struggle waged by the American people
against the U.S. war of aggrr'sasion in Vietnam,
said Dr. Le Dinh Tha.m, chairma-i of the
Vietnam Peace Committee. "This struggle
is a valuable encouragemeztt and backing for
the Vietnamese people, who sincerely thank
the American peace fighter.; for their efforts
to strengthen their solidarity with the Viet-
namese people and coordinate their struggle
with them."
Radio Hanoi, November 8. 1966:
The Vietnamese people highly value the
protest movement of the American people.
We praise the American perw,! champions who
courageously turned the courts which were
trying them into forums to condemn the
war. We praise the American journalists and
writers who, in dadaaae of repreee.on and
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