SENATE SOFTENS WORDING IN CAMBODIA AMENDMENT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP72-00337R000200230003-9
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 74
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 9, 2001
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: May 27, 1970
• Content Type: NSPR

WAST~INGT O~L P~S'II' E ~~~~~ ~p PAGE
pprove or a e~2001/'f~IOT : C 3-9
~ Mr _T~x
t~w
en~te ~~o~f:+t~ns vV ord.ing
Iri C~amb~ot~a Amendment
~y Spencer` l~icl
The .Senate voted 82 to 11 mentdenies funds for reten-.
yesterday to soften fhe pream= tion of U.S. troops in Cam-'
ble oi= the Cooper=~~urch 6odia after July 1, the date.
-,
amendment.,on Cambodia, bu't president Nixon has set as the
Republican opponents"of' the deadline for withdrawal of
mea~uS`o' ;a'pp'e2~'ed reafly to U:S. forces. It also bars the
con~ii~tre taikirigr at length to use -of U.S. instructors,- advis-
delay a finaf vote._ " `?` ers" on air power for the pur-
Sen. F"rank~ ~ ChurcFi' ~ (1~- pose of aiding the. Cambodian
Idaho), a sponsor of the anti- government, or U.S. financing
war amendment, said 'e of others to give such aid -
feared the administration-op- unless congress first gives ap-
posed legislation-might be fac- proval.
ing a filibuster. The language adopted yes-
"I ~. .believe. that a' sol~d~ terday softens the original
majority, in the Senate~is now preamble to avoid any overt
,..prepared to support the Coop- ,
er-Church amendment in `its Implication of rebuke to Presi-
`present form," said Church. dent Nixon and to make clear
that the ban on retention. of
The question now is~w~ethe`r
i a tfgte on ,the merits will be `troops will not take place be-
permitted- o'r blocked-ht' fib fore the President's July tar-
e - t d to for withdrawal
a
buster," . ~ ge
The Cooper-Church ;~men~--` ? '~
~F~~er'ut~' oes' o~ stay bier " without Congress
at a crucial tiYrie m our
Stgt~s to avol~ the involve- .tort'" by implying that Con- "wherever they are."
IIIEA~.:.hf the_United States in {.gress feels it must tie him to With about1 a dozeq o ~he~
'Ilse ~ President of the `tiriite-d undermine and uridercu"t him tion to protect U.S. troops
his-
g
c
glxl~~~m~nt ."ire ` "in concert ~ "~}~yertheless, is to take a slap president a 1 w a y s retained
e` declared objectives of 'at the President` of 'the U.'S., power to take emergency ac-
thg -prohibitions stated in' the
e he said the effect the President's hands," the
han
`lie Ian uag-e ~~clares'~i`a'f'???""?` `-~ '~
~ ~ Despite the language gardless of charges of "tying
~y~iile`; praisin~y the "change of
~~m~i?icail ` forces `from Cam-
bodia by July 1. i up, some. Republican 5ena-
Sen. Edward J. Gurney (R- tors indicated they will filibus-
F1aJ called the overall amend- ter-perhaps until the Presi-
ment "a rebuke to the Presi-
dent" that would "tell the dent has had time to announce
world we have no confidence- that all U.S. troops are out of
in his word, no trust in prom- Cambodia.
no faith in honor or abil- Former Under Secretary of
i
ses,
~
reslt~e'n~"~ecause it~`does~ ity ? and would "hogtie the State George W. Ball told the
~' clear~FiatTie is `em- president." House Foreign Affairs Com-
o a e any actions Majority Leader Mike Mans- niittee, meanwhile, that he
(D?Mont.), Church' and saw little benefit and much
"'lp`?-`iotect`American field
,
?'"'Onliin _-T~o~Prt- .P John Sherman Cooper (R-Ay.) .danger from "our Cambodian
incietarl the amendment did adventure'' because U.S. em?
-____.
~a e_ __ a revision. cos- an, amendment ~o rael and thus undermine Uy_
r m__~~ _~ - ------
~ ~ ~~ma'~es 'the ooper- Coo>aer. "A we re saying is worliT far more"important to it
~~r ,~ ~~,,, ~, , ,_ Eo m o am o is and than Southeast Asia
"-h ' en men oo"li"' a ~i - n
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anteed the neutrality of Laos. Iri 1968
our warplanes were opetlly bombing
Laos. _ y
. That we are waging war i11 Indarhina
' n acj; of national insanity. This most
unpopular war'in the history of our Re-
public has now become the longest war in
time and the bloodiest in the total num-
ber of American soldiers killed, wounded,
and maimed for life.
Mr. President, the Washington Post
of May 24 carried a letter written by
four young Army officers. These officers
are all West Point graduates and deco-
rated veterans of the Vietnam fighting.
Mr. President, these "West Point gradu-
ates know from their combat experience
the nature of this war itl which we have
become involved on a major scale in the
muck and the slime of Southeast Asia;
and theirs is a voice we would do well
to heed. _.
.. Mr, President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this ,letter be printed iri the
RECORD at this point aS a part of my
remarks.
There ,being no objection,,the .letter
_ 'wg,$T POINTERS IN DISSENT
'With. regard to your May ~, 1970 article
pertaining to Lt. Louis Font, we also i;radu-
ates of West' Point, wholeheartedly support
the stand taken by Lt. Font. Three of u$
have served in Vietnam; one of vs wa$
wounded.. We have earned between IIS one
Silver star and four Bronze Stars. We have
seen'the ideals of the Republic which we
have sworn to defend perverted beyoD~d rec-
ognition in the systematic destrucfdon of an-
q#her _ people's country. We have seen the
price in lives and treasure that has been
paid by both Vietnamese and .Americans,
and we declare it a waste beyond redemp-
tion. In the pursuit of a series of myths
(Self-determination,-outside aggression, De-
mocracy vs. Communistm, etc.) this nation
has devastated a peasant Asian society-
. physically with our weapons;'CUlturally-with
our attitudes-and in so doing we have di-
vided and neglected our country with its
oWn massive social problems yet unsolved.
This intolerable situation cries out for
Correction; we ase offered instead ley our
President a program designed to lower
American casualties to a Sevel which the
electorate will accept-a tolerable level of
death-while we inch toward disengage-
ment, and Vietnamese continue to die in
large numbers at our hands.
Tn the. name of the America of our hopes
We join Lt. Font in saying-No.
GORDON ,~, , LTVINGSTON,
;. ~C,';ass of 1980:
TIioAIAS ~, ,. .{I'HECKELL$,
;Class of 1585.
ROBERT BOWIE JOHNSON JR.,
fllass of 1955.-
Class of 1965.
WASHINGTON,
TRA~IS.A,C`TIaN OF' ftdUTIP7E
The ,ACTING Pft:ESIDEiNT ro ` tem-
pore: At this time the Senate wiA proceed
ar a4 routine morning
~ tY),e trans tion
btlsine~s yvith_ a limitation. of 3 minutes
on Statements, k ~
to the Senate by Mr. Leonard, one of his
secretaries, and he announced that the
President had approved and signed the
following act and joint resolution:
On May 21, Y970:
S.J. Res. 199. Joint resolution to further
amend the Elementary and Secondary Educa-
tion Act,
On May 22, 1970:
S. 1458.. An act to prohibit the business of
debt adjusting in the District of Columbia
except as an incident to the lawful practice
of law or as an activity engaged in by a non-
profit corporation or association.
EXECUTIVE MESSAGE REFERRED
AS in executive session, the Acting
President pro tempore (Mr. ALLEN) laid
before the Senate a message from the
President of the United States submit-
ting the nomination of Preston Martin,
Of California, to be a member of the Fed-
eral Home Loan Bank Board, which was
referred to the Committeee on Banking
and Currency.
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives; by Mr: Bartlett, one of its
reading clerks; announced that the House
had passed a bill (H.R. 15424) to amend
the Merchant Marine Act, 1936, in which
it requested the concurrence of the Sen-
ate.
ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED
The message also announced that the
Speaker had affixed his signature to the
following enrolled bills:
H.R. 3920. An act for the relief of Beverly
Medlpck and Ruth Lee Medlock;
H.R.6419. An act to provide relief for
Comdr. Edwin J. Saber, U.3. Navy;
H.R. 8402. An act for the relief of the San-
born Lumber Co., Inc.;
H.R.8894. An act for the relief of Capt.
John T. Lawlor (retired) ; and
H.R. 9910. An act for the relief of Hannibal
B. Taylor.
HOUSE BILL REFERRED
The bill (H.R. 15424) to amend the
Merchant Marine Act, 1936, was read
twice by its title -and referred to 'the
Committee on Commerce.
COMMUNICATIONS FROb2 EXECU-
TIVE DEPARTMENTS, ETC.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore (Mr. ALLEN) laid before the Senate
the following letters, which were re-
ferred as inrydicated:
PROPOSED UIIPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATION
(S. Doc: No. 83)
A communication from the President of
the United States, transmitting s proposed
supplemental appropriation for the fiscal
-.year 1970 in the amount of #150,000,000 in
budget authority to provide immediate as-
sistance to school districts which must de-
segregate by the fall of 1970, which with an
accompanying paper was referred to the
Committee on Appropriations, and ordered
to be Printed.
,~,' I`i' F~1VI~ I~RESIbENT-REPORT ON THEADEQUACY OF PAY AND AL-
1'3T'LL ANDJOINT LOWANCES OF THE UNtb'ORMED SERVICES
t51L"" A letter from the Assistant Secretary of
- ~~ L~ ~~ ~ ~ -Defense, Manpower, and Reserve Aftairs,
Messages fn writing from the President transmitting; pursuant to law, a report on
of the United States were. communicated the adequacy of pay and allowances of the
S 7721
uniformed services (with an accompanying
report); to the Committee on Armed Serv-
1oes.
PROPOSED 2-YEAR ERTENSION OF AUTHORTTY OF
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK$ TO PD1iCHASE
U.S. C'HLIGATION$ DIRECTLY FROM THE
TREASIIRY
A letter from the Secretary of the Treas-
ury, transmitting a draft of proposed legis-
lation to amend section 14 (b) of the Federal
Reserve Act, as amended, to extend for 2
years the authority of Federal Reserve
banks to purchase U.S. obligations directly
from the Treasury (with accompanying pa-
pers); to the Committee on Banking and
Currency.
REPORTS OF THE COMPTROLLER GENERAL
A letter from the Comptroller General of
the United States, transmitting, pursuant to
law, a report on the opportunities for sav-
ings through the elimination of nonessential
stock items. General Services Administration,
dated May 22, 1970. (with an accompanying
report) ; to the Committee on Government
Operations.
A letter from the Attorney General of the
United States, transmitting, pursuant to
law, a report on unrecovered costs in pro-
vidtng address 'correction service to postal
patrons, Post Office Department, dated May
22, 1970 (with an accompanying report); to
the Committee on Government Operations.
A letter Yrom the Comptroller General of
the United States, transmitting, pursuant
to law, a report on an inappropriate source
of power used as a basis for allocating costs
of water resources projects, Corps of Engi-
neers (Civil Functions), Department of the
Army, Department of the Interior, Water
Resources Council, dated May 25, 1970 (with
an accompanying report) ; to the Committee
on Government Operations.
REPORT OF THE DIRECTORS OF FEDERAL
PRISON INDUSTRIES, INC.
A letter from the Commissioner, Federal
Prison Industries, Inc., U.S. Department ai
Justice, transmitting, pursuant to law, a
report of the Federal Prison Industries, Inc.,
for the fiscal year 1989 (with an accompany-
ing report); to the Committee on the
Judiciary.
REPORT OF THE DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,
EDUCATION, AND WELFARE
A letter from the Secretary of Health,
Education, and Welfare, transmitting, pur-
suant to law, a report of his department for
fiscal year 1989 (with an accompanying re-
port); to the Committee on Labor and P~Ib-
lic Welfare.
PETITIONS
Petitions were laid before the Senate
and referred as indicated:
By the ACTING PRESIDENT pro
tempore (Mr. ALLEN) :
A resolution adopted by the Military Order
of the World Wars, New Orlans, La., express-
ing its unqualified support for the ROTC
program; to the Committee on Armed Serv-
ices.
A resolution adopted by the Military Order
of the World Wars, New Orleans, La., ex-
pressing its complete and unqualified sup-
port of the Vietnam policy of the administra-
tion of the President of the United States;
to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
REPORT OF A COMMITTEE
The following report of a committee
was submitted:
By Mr. PELL, from the Committee on
Labor and Public Welfare, without amend-
ment:
S. 2293. A bill to amend the National Sea
Grant College and Program Act of 1986 in
order to extend the authorizations for the
_w~-
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 S 7722 Approved For Release~~~~/~/g~~~~~[~PE7~37R~QQ~~30003-9 ~a~ ,~5~ Y9~'0
purposes oY such Aat {Kept. ; No. 91-894) ;
refe;red to the Committee on Commerce,
pursuant to unanimous-consent agreement
?of May 29, 19$9.
EXECUTIVE REPORTS OF
COMMITTEES
As in executive session,
The following favorable reports were
submitted
y g IGIrI', from the Committee
nn Fore n R:eaR ons, without reservation:
Executive A, 91st Congress, second session,
Agreement between the Government of the
United States of America and the Golzern-
ment of Canada, relating to the operation
oPxadiotelephone stations {Ex. Kept. 91-19);
and
Executive C, 91st Congress, second session,
Tre&ty on Extradition between the United
States and_New Zealand, signed at Washing-
ton on January 12, 1970 (Ex. Kept. 91-20) .
BILL AND JOINT RESOLUTION
TriTROI31'JCED
A :bill and a joint xesolution wexe in-
troduced, read the first time, and, by
unanimous coxisent, the second time, and
referred as follows:
By Mr. HARRIS
'&. 887&. A bil] to establish a National Eco-
nomle Equity Board to .protect the public
interest 1n price'stabili'ty and the control of
inflation; to the Committee on Banking and
Currency.
(The remarks to Mr, HARRIS when he in-
troduced the bill appear later in the Record
under the approprlate heading.)
By Mr. FELL (for himself and Mr.
DAVIT&)
S. J. Res. 204.. Joint resolution relating to
withdrawal pP U.S. military forces from
.Southeast Asia; to the Commttee on Foreign
Relations.
:(The remarks of ~ TELL when he intro-
duced the joint resolution appear later in
the RECOR under t~1a a~~pmpriate heeding.)
S1i;T~TATE JOINT ' R1;~SOLUTION 204-
INTRODUCTION Q:E' A JOINT RESO-
LUTION RELATIIQG TO WITH-
L.)1~,AWAL OF TJ'.S. N#TLITARY
FORCES FROM SOUTHEAST ASIA.
Mr. FELL. Mr, President, on behalf of
the senior Senator from New York and
myself, I introduce a, joint resolution and
ask tkiat it be appropriately referred and
that the text. of the .joint resolution be
printed in the RECORD at this point.
The Presiding Officer (]12r, DOLE) .The
point resolution will be received and ap-
~ropriately referred; a,nd, without objec-
i~lox~, the joint resoluti'.on wih be printed
4n the RECORD,
'I"he joint resolution (S. J. Res. 204)
relating to withdrawal of U. S. military
forces from Southeast Asia,. introduced
by Mr. PELL (for himself and Mr. DAVITS) ,
was xeceived, read ~twi',ce by its title, re-
ferred. to the.Committee on Foreign Re-
latigns and ordered. to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
J. RES. 204
Resolved by to Senate and House of Rep-
.resefutatiyes_of .the United States of America
in ~cingress assembled, 'That it la the aense
oP t7t~e, Con resa that combat Porces ai the
~nii d, Bta should be withdrawn from
~Rxfe~sir,Asis by December 31, 1970; that
rQmiti~ng United States forces be withdrawn
~9 BCdn' as .pofisitile thereafter, and that dur-
ing the period of withdrawal, steps should
be taken to provide asylum Por those in
South Vietnam whose lives could be endan-
gered by such action; and,
Resolved further, That, notwithstanding
any other provision of law, no funds appro-
priated by the Congress shall be expended
for offensive operations by United States
forces in South Vietnam after December 31,
1970, provided, however, that funds may be
expended for the secure and orderly with-
drawal of all United States military person-
nel.
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, I think there
is no question but that there is a deep
conviction on the part of the vast ma-
jority of Americans, including the Presi-
dent of the United States and most of
the Congress, that the United States
should cease engaging in military opera-
tions in Southeast Asia.
The big questions are when and how?
My own view is that the answer to the
question "when" is as "soon as .possible."
aAnd, the answer to the question of how is
simply to start doing it.
Again, there are many of us who share
this view. The problem is to find the
right array of words that will carry this
view simply, succinctly and effectively to
the President and to the Nation.
I recognize also there are two crucial
considerations to be taken into account
in connection with our military with-
drawal from Indochina. The first ques-
tion is the protection of the lives of our
awn men to make sure they are not
stabbed in the back as we draw down our
forces, This security is provided for in
our resolution in the phase that funds
may continue to be "expended for the se-
cure and orderly withdrawal" of our per-
sonnel.
The second requirement is to make
sure that there are no blood baths or
slaughter of those South Vietnamese who
sided with us over the past years, regard-
less oP whether their reason for siding
with us was that of cupidity or patri-
otism or both. This objective would be
met by the requirement that "during the
period of withdrawal, steps should be
taken to Provide asylum for those South
Vietnamese whose lives could be endan-
gered."
For these reasons I hope that my col-
leagues will give thought to this resolu-
tion. It meets the objectives of those of
us who want to get out of Southeast Asia,
at the same time assuring that our own
metl's fives are not endangered and that
a South Vietnamese blood bath is avoid-
ed.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF A
BILL
S. 3842
Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, on be-
half of the distinguished Senator from
Wyoming (Mr. McGEE), I ask unani-
mous consent .that at the next printing,
the names of the Senator from West
Virginia (Mr. RANDOLPx) and the Sen-
ator from Delaware. (Mr. Boccs) be
added as cosponsors of S. 3842, to im-
prove and modernize the postal service
and to establish the U. S. postal service.
The ACTING' PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore' (Mr. ALLEN). Without objection, it
is so ordered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSOR OF A
JOINT RESOLUTION
SENATE JOINT RESOLUTION 18T
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I ask un-
animous consent that, at the next print-
ing, the name of the Senator from New
York (Mr. GOODELL) be added as as a co-
sponsor of Senate Joint Resolution 187,
to authorize the President to designate
the third Sunday in June of each year as
Father's Day.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore (Mr. ALLEN) . Without objection, it
is so ordered.
OFFICE OF EDUCATION APPRO-
PRIATIONS 1971-AMENDMENT
AMENDMENT NO. 654
Mr. NELSON (for himself, Mr. KEN-
NEDY, Mr. GOODELL, and Mr. HART) Sub-
mitted an amendment, intended to be
proposed by them, jointly, to the bill
(H.R. 16916) making appropriations for
the Office of Education for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1971, and for other
purposes, which was ordered to lie on the
table and to be printed.
AMENDMENT NO. 658
Mr. CASE ? to the base argils in S;amboda will
at least keep the enemy guessing.
[From the Washington Star, May 22, 1970]
FJAIGON PLACES NO DEADLINE. ON CA~I80DIA
Ror.E
SAIGOI?T.-The South yietnamese military
Command today. that, its forces will stay in
Cambodia "aS long as necessary" to destroy .
.Vietnamese Communist;. forces .and their
sa$etuaries ans~,remove their threat to South
Viet{1aI~1,,~ ~r+>:a rig .;~~ ~+sj.r~?.I~.+~?.?
Tlje anzxotixlc~~rlen~ c ~ rtzsponse to a
eiuestian whether Squt_ ?Vietnamese troops
would with~ri~iV,,#rptti C,S~Gdia-?2y June 30,
he dgadlllie set_by President Nixon for Amer-
loan troops to pull back to South. Vietnam.
A spokesman for the South Vietnamese
command recalled earlier statements by
President Nguyen Van Thfeu and Vice Presi-
dent Nguyen Cao Ky that South Vietnamese
troops would stay Sn Cambodia as long as
necessary to complete their mission and that
they had the ability to stay there alone.
CAMBODLI AID IN 1'~IIE3TION
The spokesman did not indicate whether
this mission includes aiding the Cambodian
government in its fight against the North
Vietnamese and Viet Cong.
Sut Ky said Wednesday that South Viet-
namese forces "are strong enough to conduct
separate operations in Vietnamese territory
as well as in Cambodia. You will see the pres-
ence of our troops sa long as the Communists
fight there: '
The annquncement today clashed with
predictions of some White House officials last
weekend that Sough Vietnamese troops would
withdraw from Cambodia around June 30.
Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker met for 30
minutes today with President Thieu. Spokes-
men would not say what was discussed, but
it Was reported from Washington that the
Nixon administration. had instructed Bunker
and Gen. Creighton W. Abrams, commander
of U.S. forces in Vietnam, to work out a joint
policy of troop withdrawal with Thieu's gov-
ernment.
40,000 IN CAMBODIA
The South Vietnamese military command
also disclosed that it now has 40,000 regular
troops operating in Cambodia,- ti}e largest
number it has acknowledged. They include
elements from eight df South Vietnam's 12
regular Snfantry divisions.
The spokesman also reported that South
Vietnamese marines and infantrymen had
pushed to within three miles of Phnom
Penh, the Cambodian Capital, in recent op-
erations. He said their mission was to pro-
vide security for Route 1, the Phnom Penh-
ta-Saigon highway, to protect the movement
of supplies to South Vietnamese troops op-
erating in Cambodia.
Informed sources said the number of U.S.
troops 1n Cambodia had increased in recent
days from 10,000 to 11,000 or 12,000. The ad-
ditional troops are helping evacuate the
thousands of tons of war materials seized.
BOMBING IN FISHHOOK
About 50 U.S. B52 bombers unloaded 1,600
tans of bombs in the Fishhook region of
Cambodia today, hitting areas where intelli-
gence information indicated the presence of
North Vietnamese storage depots.
Little ground action was reported in Cam-
bodia and South Vietnam. But the eight=jet
StTatofortresses pummeled suspected Cam-
bodian sanctuaries that the sweeping ground
troops apparently have not reached.
About half the more than 1,000 Bbl sorties
flown this month have been against targets
in Cambodia. The other half have been split
between South Vietnam and Laos.. A sortie is
one flight by one B52, Carrying 30 tons of
bombs.
There was speculation that the B52 raids
on Cambodia are being stepped up to get at
territory American troops cannot reach be-
fore June 30, the date President Nixon has
said they will all be out of Cambodia.
Earlier this week,. Lt. Gen. Michael S.
Davison, commander of the 10,000 U.S. troops
ixI Cambodia, said his men. had been able to
cover ;only 30 percent of the territory as-
signed to them since they crossed the border
three weeks ago.
Results of the Bbl raids in Cambodia have
not been announced, 'but informed sources
said the strikes have killed at least 150 North
Vietnamese soldiers and set off scores of.
secondary explosions, indicating hits on am-
muilition and fuel stores.
In South 'Vietnam, enemy troops am-
bushed afive-truck U.S. convoy 1n the Cen-
tral Highlands six miles south of Dalat,
killing two Americans and wounding 13.
THREE COPTERH DOWNED
U.S. headquarters also announced that
enemy gunners shot down three American
observation helicopters at scattered points
along the Laotian border in northwestern
South Vietnam. Three crewmen were wound-
ed.
In Peking, Cambodian Prince Norodom
Sihanouk told Chairman Mao Tse-tang and
a cheering crowd of 500,000 that he is "pre-
pared to persevere in a protracted people's
=struggle" against ?the Gambodian leaders
who deposed him, and against the U.S. and
South Vietnamese troops in his country.
"At the end of the long road there will
be victory and the consequent liberation of
Cambodia," he declared.
The former chief of state also denounced
last week's Aefan-Pacific Conference on Cam-
bodia in Jakarta and rejected its recommen-
dation that another international confer-
ence, simtlar to the Geneva conferences on
Indcchlna and-Laos, be held to restore Cam-
bodian neutrality.
He demanded that the Indochinese people
be left alone to solve ?their problems.
Hsinhua, the Chinese Communist news
eervSce, reported that at least 3 million
persons turned out for rallies in. Peking,
Tientsin and Shanghai expressing support
for the fight to expel U.S, forces from Indo-
china. Mao was flanked at the Peking rally
by all top officials of his regime.
SOUTH KOREA SUPPLIES
Sources in Seoul said the South Korean
government lies decided to provide medical
supplies to the Lon Nol government in
Phnom Penh as the initial step in a program
of nonmilitary assistance to the regime that
overthrew Sihanouk. The newspaper Chosun
Iibo said the cabinet had earmarked $15,000
far,the initial aid.
'She Philippine government also an-
nounced that it would contribute to a "peo-
ple to people" program of food, clothing and
medicine for Cambodian war victims.
Mr. GRIFFIN. Mr. President, will the
distinguished Senator yield?
Mr. C`H'URCH. I am happy to .yield.
Mr. GEi,IF~~N. Mr. President, on previ-
ous occasions when. I have listened to the
distinguished Senator from Idaho, it has
seemed to me that he has made a great
point of the fact that the amendment,
v~hich he cosponsors, is not intended in
any way to question the credibility of the
President of the United States. I may not
quote hil~1 exactly, but I think he has used
wards to the effect that all he seeks to do
is to support the President of the United
States.
In light of the remarks the Senator
has made this morning, and particularly
the quotations which he has now in-
serted in the RECpxn with his approval,
would he Comment again as to whether
the purpose of his amendment raises
doubts and whether the amendment is
intended to raise questions about the
credibility of the President?
Mr. CHURCH;, Certainly not, Mr.
President, the matter I have placed in
.the RECORD this morning-
Mr. GRIFFIN. The Senator does not
agree with what he has had printed in
th0 RECORD?
Mr. CHURCH. No; the Senator draws
the wrong inference from the matter I
have had printed In the RECORD this
morning. All of these insertions relate
to the pressures developing that could
mire us down in Cambodia, despite the
best intentions of the President.
The argument I made is that the time
has come for us to backstop the Presi-
dent. by legislatively establishing his awn
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May ,25, 1970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
limits orl this operation, so as to prevent
the verb thing happening to us in Cam-
bodia that did hapi~en to us in Vietnam.
Mr. President, I look back over tile last
6 or 7 years and remember'a great many
Presidential, assurances af~'one kind or
another. And although I am certain that
every _ time the President making them
was sincere, events rapidly overtook him
and we found that. we were being carried,
.step by step,, deeper and deeper into the
morass. , ;
That was our experience in.Vietliam. I
think we should learn from it.
The way we can avoid duplicatixig that
experience in' Cambodia, in my judg-
e meet, is to adopt the Cooper-Church
amendment.
Mr. GRIFFIN. Mr. President, the Sen-
ator has referred to a statement on ,the
wires by .the Foregn Minister of Cam-
bodia indicating that he will ask Presi-
dent Nixon far American troops to re-
main in Cambodia beyond June 30: Does
the Senatorfram Idaho have any, doubt
or question in `his mind what ilia re-
sponse of tYie President of the? TJnited
States will. be?
Mr. CiitTRCH. Mr. President, '~ cer-
tainly anticipate, in line with the P'res-
dent's pledge to the American people,
that he will reject the request of the For-
eign Minister of Cambodia. But I recall
that,.. at his last press conference, the
President was asked if the South Viet-
namese troops would -leave Cambodia
when the American troops left. And he
responded in words to the effect that
they would have to, because they were
.dependent on us for their logistical sup-
port.
Now, just a few short days later, we
are informed by the Government in Sai-
on that it intends to keep, its troops in
ambodia; And there is growing indica-
tion that this will now be done with the
acquiescence, if not with the supp+rt, of
the administration.
f3o, already the ground is shifting. I do
not mean to .imply that- the President
was riot sincere when he said that the
South Venamese would have fA leave
with us. It is obvious, however, that new
arguments are being pressed upoxi him,
new Teasons for giving way. The policy
is Ding reconsidered. And the earlier po-
sition of the administration is being
eroded.
The resolve that the President dis=
played only 2 short weeks ago is na long-
er reflected by the statements emal:ating
from the State Department or'the Pen-
.. tagon.
This is~.what I ,am concerned about.
And this is why I think,iP`we are going
to strengthen the P'resident's awn Resolve
and back up his own pledge, then we
should enact this. amendment to better
guarantee that the limits he himself has
imposed on 'this Cambodian operation
W111, in fact, be observed.
Mi', $iIli' In order to keeip the
re~8rd a~g~it skiould lie pointed out
that hZ~e others have frequently re-
~erred tcl the ~~v~rnment of South Viet-
na~l.' as a puplset .government crf 'the
~Tnited a~tatgs the fact is that we do not
make: a~, ai' ~~e e~isioris of the Geivern-
`meYit of rSQUt~~}} Vietnam.
Pr'esident_ Nixon's' statement referred
to what the United States would da. And
fie has made it very clear that all Amer-
ican troops will be out of Cambodia by
the -end of June. And I believe him. And
I think that most Americans believe him
and that they do not want to see action
taken in the Senate of the United States
which tends to say to the world that the
Senate does not believe the President of
the United States.
Mr. CHURCH ~Mr. President, since the
Senator from, Michigan is not the only
Member of the Senate who feels -duty
bound to keep the record straight, let me
reiterate. what I have often said: this is
not,. in any way, an amendment which
calls into question the intention of ~ the
President of the United States. X fail to
see. haw anyone could read the language
we are now proposing in the preamble
of this amendment and find in it any
possible implication of rebuke to the
President.
Indeed, we have expressly stated that
we ask this. action. in concert with the
declared objective of the President- to
wit,){idraw American forces from Cam-
bodia by the end of June.
So, I simply think that the argument
made by the distinguished Senator from
MichlBan is entirely withogt any foun-
(~~Nl~til.
A VALUABLE A73DITION TO THE
CAMBODI.~,N DEBATE
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, on Sat-
urday, May 23, the distinguished Senator
from MiS50uri (Mr. $YMINGTON) Spoke at
a breakfast gathering in Columbia, Mo.,
on the current Cambodian situation.
I call attention to this speech, Mr.
President, because oaf the signal contribu-
tion it makes to the debate we are now
engaged in with respect to the amend-
ment offered by the Senator from Ken-~
tucks r"b ' ies~orid to
irximeCliate t~rea~s justified tl-iose combat ac- letter replying to the syndicated Column- bunkers, some mythiaaL Pentagon 1n e
t1oAS in an' area far remcived from airy ist Joseph Alsop. forests? Or do same among our military ar
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political leadership still suffer the illusion. should be so informed by their President.
that a military victory can Abe won in Viet- Then we will be forced to face at last the
riam? Unfortunately, I must conclude, all moral question of great powers destroying
public statements ,aside, that 'the ma~tiva- third countries to avoid ,the possibility of
tian to alcove into C~axn,bodla was the latter. dealing with or lacing each other.
The aantinuation of these acts, if justifla- On another level I do believe America's
ble at all, could osily Abe morally del?ended if survival is involved in this awful war-her
the vtFal security interests and welfare of survival not within the family of the world,
the people of the United States of America but within her own borders. As one of the
were at stake. I do not believe that they are, most perceptive abseTVers of the domestic
nox' duo I believe that It ~RSaS the very survival scene, you must recognize the deterioration
oft our country that involved us in this taking place in our society; among young
.tragedy in the first place. people, and between the age groups.
At this late, date, then, how can one But we are a nation constantly being re-
persist in asking the American people, and born, and we can thank our Ctod that those
especially the young, to support this war as newly arrived in our society will not casually
just another painful incident in _history accept their views and presumptions of their
made necessary by some grand and mystical fathers, much less their errors. They do not
design? How can we asg the America:ca people protest their "country's successes on the bat-
~t0 keep a stiff upper lip, to wait out what tiefield," doubtful as those successes may be;
many consider an immoral war, Sn the hope they protest the very existence of the battle-
that one day it will be clear to all how thou- field, for it has no place in their vision of the
sands and thousands of innocent slid cum- country that is to be theirs. And I support
batant deaths were necessary to satisfy some them in that.
archaic definition of the great power bur- When we were young, and struggling as a
den? .collection of colonies to go our own way, to
IP those thoughts had persisted in 'us, even make our own political choices, we had a
111 the face of this great error in Vietnam, spokesman in the English Parliament who
the Cambod-an adventure should have cut supported our effort not out of affection but
all that. Cambodia should have shown ua from a conviction and deep faith that the ai-
that no foreign adventure, Por whatever rea- fairs oP the world could be met by means
son short of national survival, !s worth the other than stark violence. He viewed the
threatened destruction of American :institu- colonialists in the prophetic terms that
bons and traditional checks on presidential could apply to many in America today. "They
discretion, auger misgovernment at a distance; and
And so perhaps we have now learned that sniff the approach of tyranny in every
what once was rationalized, in the atmos- tainted breeze." In pleading before his King
phere of a decade ago
as an atte:mp?t to
,
and country to allow our colonies to be free
. maintain a balance Sn the game of world of England's domination without having to
power politics, has deteriorated into a moms- pass through the crucible of war, Edmund
mental and historSc catastrophe, Now we Burke said:
know it was an error-and now we must not The proposition is Peace. Not peace
only end it, but never commit that error through the medium of War; not Peace to
again. We cannot, in essence, so fear tumor- be hunted through the labyrinth of endless
row and our ability as men to assure peace- negotiations; not Peace to arise out of uni-
on this planet that we must constantly be at versal discord .; not Peace to depend on
War-always striving, ever reaching, always the juridical determination of perplexing
professing a desire for a higher order of life, questions;. or the precise marking the shad-
never relying upon the higher instincts owy boundaries of a complex governmenC. It
within us to attain it. is simple Peace; sought in its natural course,
It is, then this question of America's sur- and in its ordinary haunts-It is Peace
vivai that divides you and me. You attempt sought in the spirit of Peace; and laid in
tp dra.w an inverse relationship between principles purely pacSflc.
United States and Soviet Union actions, i.e.
as we show weakness in Vietnam or on our I wish to conclude on a note as personal
own campuses, Russia shows a greater bold- as can be carried in an open letter. I have
Hess in her actions in the world. I would long valued our friendship and I mean to
" draw a direct relationship that maintains: keep it. There are in America, today enough
The longer we remain bogged down in people by half not talking, communicating,
Southeast Asia, with. periodic escalations ar understanding each other. And I am
that only serve to involve us deeper, the mindful of the respect that President Ken-
more latitude the Savlet Union feels in her nedy and my brother Robert had for you.
Middlo East adventures; You are quite right in noting that President
The greater the growth in our military Kennedy did not hold the view that our
budget and preoccupation with things of country is immune from history's dangers.
war, the greater the growth in Soviet con- I would only add, that while holding that
cerns with such matters; view he also never doubted that the future
fihe louder the official noise And the mare could be different.
conAtcting the arguments for an ABM sys- Your Friend,
tem or Polaris or MIRY program, the mare TED.
ilutnerous the Russian implacements of nu-
clear missiles and construction oP Inissile-
bearing submarines;
The maze we escalate in Vietnam, the more
the Soviet .Union .escalates. her activities
there.
In my view, it was our escalation in South-
east Asia that brought an end to the favora-
ble developments that could have followed
from the Nuclear Test Ban Agreement.
~o it_is that I Cannot be deterred from my
abllgrrex;Ge ~tI thg Vietnam .war- by the argu-
ment .that our. extrication from it means
that America must.. assume the blame for
the death of Jews in Israel: the strange logic
that says that every Asian child who dies
becomes a .ghostly messenger to Mo:>cow,
warning the Marshals of the Soviet U'nlon
that they must go easy on the banks of the
Suez. If it is Russia that we are Haw fi'.ght-
ing in Indochina, then the American p:.~bple
DISSENT AT WEST PQINT
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, there ap-
peared in the Washington Post on
May 24, 1970, a letter that needs no com-
ment from me. It speaks for itself. The
letter fs signed by four graduates of West
Point who express their opposition to
our policy in Vietnam.
It was my intention simply to ask that
the letter be printed in the RECORD. How-
ever, because it is such a poignant and
powerful letter, I will read it instead.
The young officers write:
WEST POINTERS IN DISSENT
With regard to your May 4, 1970 article per-
taining to Lt. Louis Font, we, also graduates
of West Point, wholeheartedly support the
stand taken by Lt. Font. Three of us have
served Sn Vietnam; one of us was wounded.
We have earned between us one Sliver Star
and four Bronze Stars. We have seen the
ideals of the Republic which we have sworn
to defend perverted beyond recognition in
the. systematic destruction of another peo-
ple's country. We have seen the price in lives
and treasure that has been paid by both
Vietnamese and Americans, and we declare
it a waste beyond redemption. Ea the pursuit
of a series of myths (self-determinatLon, out-
side aggression, Democracy vs. Communism,
etc.) this nation has devastated a peasant
Asian society-physically with our weapons,
culturally with our attitudes-aad 11I so
doing we have divided and neglected our
country with its own massive social problems
yet unsolved. This intolerable situation cries
out for correction; we are offered instead by
our President a program designed to lower
American casualties to a level which the
electorate will accept-a tolerable level of
death-while we inch toward disengagement,
and Vietnamese continue to die 1n latge
numbers at our hands.
In the name of the America of our hopes
we join Lt. Font in saying-No.
CORDON $. LIVZNGSTON,
Class of 1960.
THOMAS R. SHECKELLS,
Class o} 1965.
ROBERT BOWIE JOHNSON, TR.,
Class of 1965.
JOHN T. THOMASSON,
CONFERENCE OF MAJOR SUPERIORS
OF JESUITS SPEAK AGAINST THE
WAR
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, each day
the mails bring me fresh evidence of the
pervasive alarm felt by persons in all
categories of the social order against the
persistent American involvement in
Southeast Asia. The most recent goad to
this alarm has been, of course, the Amer-
ican military operations in Cambodia.
I have received a letter that I believe
should be paid solemn heed. It is a letter
from the Conference of Major Superiors
of the Society of Jesus urging that we in
the Senate "take steps to end this war
?without delay." The letter, dated. May 2Q
1970, is signed by John V. O'Connor, S.J.,
executive secretary of the conference, the
headquarters of which is located at 1717
Massachusetts Avenue NW., in Washing-
ton, D.C. The letter is sent on behalf of
Major Superiors in 10 provinces of the
Jesuit order in the United States-the
Provinces of Maryland, California, New
Orleans, Detroit, Oregon, New England,
Chicago, New York, Missouri, and Wis-
consin. Iask that the full tent of the
letter be published in the RECORD.
There being no abjection, the letter
-was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows;
CONFERENCE OF MAJOR
SVPERIORS OF JESUITS
Washington, D.C., May 20, 1970.
HOn. FRANK CHURCH,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR CHURCH: We write to you
as a corporate body of Major Superiors
of the Society of Jesus, as leaders of the
Jesuits who work throughout the United
States. 'Meeting in Tampa for our selni-
annual review of our ministries, we take this
occasion to bring to your attention our con-
cern over moral Sssues afflicting the con-
science of every citizen of this Nation.
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^rr?--?~~ ~? ??'1.'S7r~lCll`~1~L`T~~JCiK1T="b'LaNA'1~""'"""'"'"'"'" '" ll2ay ,25, 19'~D
We speak to you out of our deep appre-
ciation of the .dignity of all human life and
of the brotherhood of alx mankind. We can no
longer be silent in the face of an issue which
encourages and fosters hostile divisions be-
tween man and Irzaa3, at home and abroad.
The tenets of our Chtstian. -faith cry out
gor peace among all men.
We wish to express to'you our deep concern
over "tile moral implications of the war in
Indochina. We must ask whethex the results
which are sought in good conscience by
those who support the war, are any longer
proportionate to the evil involved. Our con.-
cer11 is further heightened by the olouded
origin of American inyalvement in this -war
and by tho questionable morality of the
recent escalation of the war by the invasion
of ~Caml>odi;a and the resumption of the
.bombing of North Vietnam. In addition, we
deplore any attempt to motivate the Ameri-
can people to accept this escalation on the
basis of our never having lost a war.
Over and above the moral. Iunbiguity of
tie war in itself we have a further concern.
over the effects of the Indochina war in our
own "country, namely, violence in our streetsx
unrest on our campuses, and the problem of
the military draft.
Moved by these considera.tianc~ and by our
profession as ministers. of religion, we call far
immediate action from every member of the
Senate of the United. States:
(1) We urge that you take steps to end
this war without delay.
(2) We urge that the national budget be
channeled into peaceful directions by cut-
ting back military appropriations.
(3) We urge you to modify Selective Serv-
ice regulations (the draft) to allow selective
~oonscientious objection, as recently espoused
by the United States Catliolic Conference.
(4) We urge that you take these positive
actions to heal the alienation of our' youth
from this gauntry.
We earnestly address. these reciuests to the "
Senate of the United .States, als Amerloan
citizens and ministers of religion, grievously
distressed over the. present moral stance of
our beloved Gauntry.
Most sincerely yours,
" - JOHN V. Q'CONNOII, S,J.,
EDITORIAL VOICES' OF O,PPOSIT~ON
Mr, CHURCH. Mr. President, illus-
. trative of the vast outpourin?; of protest
against the American military action in
Cambodia is the volume of editorials re-
cently published.
On May 22, the New York Times en-
couraged support for the Chur. ch-Cooper
ameldment, which it described as a
"warning shot across the bows that says:
'No More Cambodias!' "
I fully agree.
The New York.Times urges the admin-
istration to revise its views scl as to un-
derstard that,the amendment .offered
by Senator COOPER and myself is designed
to assist the President in carrying out
his intention to withdl?aw American
combat troops from Cambodia by July 1,
1970. The New York Times concludes
But whether the- Administration accepts
? it or not, the Senate can best serve the na-
tiolial interest now by pressing ahead with
its .(the.. Cooper-Church amendment.) enact-
me21t.
In an earlier. editorial, one appearing
on May 17, 1970,._the_New_York Times
quite properly~Qin~ys nub t~e,g~rave price
we are paying aor~estically for the Cam-
bodian ix}va~igx;. ~~kle New Xoxk Times
states: .... , ... , ..
But the heaviest price for President
Nixon's Cambodian .misadventure has been
paid at home where bitter division and
bloodshed have torn American society ,
Congress can help restore oonfldence at home
and abroad on .the. direction of American
foreign policy by beginning to reassert its
own constitutional powers through adoption
of the Cooper-Church amendment.
The Washington Post, in an editorial
on May 15, 1970, evidenced. pan appreh~n-
sion about the Nixon. position in respect
to Cambodia. Discussing the ambiguity
of whether all American military forces,
air as well as ground, will be removed by
July 1, 1970, or cnly ground troops, the
Washington Post states:
One can appreciate why the Administra-
tion would not wish ~to tell Hanoi and the
Vietcong, from the rooftops as it were, that
if they will only keep their heads down in
Cambodia far six more weeks, they will
never be bothered again. Ambiguity has an
obvious military utility. Yet at a certain
point in the American people's rising fer-
ment, the reasons for keeping the enemy
guessing butt against the claims of Ameri-
cans to be informed and reassured about
their own government's policy. After every-
thing that has happened in the last few
weeks, is there still an argument about where
the priority lies?
And finally, Mr. President, I wish to
call attention to a discussion of Ameri-
can foreign policy, particularly that in
Southeast Asia and the Middle East,
which was written by Wallace Carroll,
distinguished editor and publisher of the
Winston-Salem, N.C., Journal and Sen-
tinel.
Mr. Carroll, in his article that ap-
peared May 17, 19'10, began by stating:
For sixteen years we Americans have been
trying to save South Vietnam. 1Qow it is
time to save the United States of America.
In conclusion, he notes that every
American military unit should be evacu-
~~,tt in
clause 1 of article 1, section 8 of the Con-
stitution it is provided that Congress
shall have the power "to lay and collect
taxes, duties, in posts and excises, to .. .
provide for the common defense." Sec-
ond, in clause 11 it is provided that Con-
gress shall have the power "to declare
war, grant letters of marque and repris-
al, and make rules concerning captures
on land and water."
Our forefathers were jndeed wise in
giving to Congress both the power to ini-
tiate and generally control war and the
power of the purse? to ensure that its
wishes with regard to war were not
abused. They remembered the long his-
tory of kings and rulers who plunged
their countries into disastrous wars with-
,ont the approval of their parliaments and
people. They sought to insure that no
U.S. President would ever involve this
country iu a war without the stated con-
sent of the peoples' elected representa-
tives in the Congress.
Thus, at the Constitutional Conven-
tion in 1787, the framers sought to em-
ploy language that would clearly show
that the power to embark on war rested
solely in Congress. To this end, the words
"to make war" were used in the first
draft of the Constitution to describe Con-
. gress complete control over this area.
It is significant to note that during the
debate over this pravisian, it was sug-
gested that the warmaking powers be
given to the President instead. Voicing
opposition to this suggestion, George
Mason, the great Virginian, said the
President could not safely be trusted.
with it." Others also voiced their objec-
tiau, and the suggestion was forever put
aside.
However, James Madison moved to
substitute the phrase "declare war" for
"make war.'` In suggesting this change,
his recorded intention was to keep the
warmaking authority in Congress but to
leave to the President the "power to
repel sudden attacks." Roger Sherman
agreed, stating that the Executive
"should be able to repel and not com-
mence war." With this understanding,
Madison's change of language was
adopted.
Thus, as the debate reflects, the
framers ~of our Constitution intended
Congress to retain control over the power
to make wax, with the exception that the
President was empowered to repel un-
laterally sudden attacks upon our
shares.
57765
In contrast to the, broad warmaking
powers entrusted to Congress, the found-
ers of our country envisioned the Com-
mander in Chief powers to be similar to
the power possessed by any high military
or naval commander. This was the view
of Hamilton as expressed in "Federalist
Paper No. 69." Hamilton wrote:
The President is to be Commander in Chief
of the Army and Navy of the United States.
In this respect his authority would be nomi-
nally the same with that of the King of
Great Britain, but in substance much in-
ferior to it. It would amount to nothing more
than the supreme command and direction of
the military and naval forces a5 first General
and admiral of the Confederacy; while that
of the British King extends to the declaring
of war and to the raising and regulating of
fleets and armies, all which, by the Constitu-
tion under consideration, would appertain to
the legislature.
There is no question what Alexander
Hamilton had in mina. There is no ques-
tion what James Madison had in mind.
There is no question what any of the
drafters of our Constitution had in mind.
It is rather amazing to me that my dis-
tinguished colleague from North -Caro-
lina (Mr. Eavrx) , a man who prides him-
self on his strict constructionism ap-
proach to the Constitution, would ad-
vocate such a hose and liberal interpre-
tation of the Constitution, which could
hardly ever be justified in the light of
the language of the document itself, or
the recorded words and intentions of our
Founding Fathers who framed the Con-
stitution.
Mr. President, the framers of our Con-
stitution could hardly have imagined
that when they vested in Congress the
power to commit our Nation to war and
made the President the Commander in
Chief of our Nation's troops, they were
creating in one man, the President, the
unfettered power to make for all the
Nation a decision to send our troops.
across recognized boundaries into for-
eign nations for any time and at any
expense.
Likewise, our forefathers could hard-
ly have imagined that in giving Con-
gress the power to initiate war it failed
to also give Congress the power to limit
a war or, indeed, to end it.
The leaders of our young Nation
demonstrated an awareness of Congress
broad constitutional paver with regard
to engaging in war outside our shores.
They recognized that congressional au-
thorization was a constitutional pre-
requisite to committing American troops
to battle outside of our courtly. And
they understood that in limited wars,
Congress was intended to retain control
over the scope and boundaries of Amehi-
can militaiy involvement.
Our first war, which lasted from 1789
to 1801, was. a limited naval war with
France. Although American shipping was
endangered, Alexander Hamilton caul
tinned President Adams not to take ac-
tion against the French fleet without
congressional authority. Hamilton wrote:
In so delicate a oase, in one which involves
so important a consequence gas war, my
opinion is that no doubtful authority aught
to be exercised by the President.
President Adams listened to the advice
of Hamilton and elected to follow the
lead of Congress.
The supremacy of Congress with re-
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May ~5, 1970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
to the desires and best interests of, his
people was the most important single
.power demanded and received by the
barons at Runnymede when Magna
Carta was agreed to by King john. .
Last ,year, Congress, acting under its
pursestring power, -took an important
step in restricting the President's control
'over the use of our Armed Forces abroad,
In the Defense Appropriations Act for
fiscal 1970, Congress provided that "None
of the funds appropriated liy .this act
shall be used to .finance the introduction
of American. ground combat troops into
Laos or Thailand."
This provision serves as a clear px?ece-
dent for similar restrictions on the: use of
"American troops in Cambodia under
Church-Cooper and, indeed, in Vietnam
itself.
Mr. President, the time has come `for
Congress to live up to its own co:nstitu-
t_}~onal authority over the issue of peace.
Its important responsibilities under the
war-declaring clause and the pursestring
Clause of the. Constitution. for too long
have remained dormant. Indeed, for too
long has Congress relied upon an imag-
inary rubber-stamp clause when faced
with the great warmaking and peace-
making,decisions of our Nation. Congress
Can no longer sit back, falsely claiming
that the war is the sole prerogative of the
President. Since Congress has .the con-
stitutional power to limit the war, Con-
gress must share with the President the
culpability for the war's continuance, or
the credit for bringing it to an, end.
There, is abundant constitutional au-
thorny to support the enactment of the
Church-Cooper amendment.
i, urge Congress to exercise this au-
thority and do its share toward ending
our military involvement..-in Southeast
.Asia.
Mr. CHURCH Mr. President, I thank
the distinguished senior Senator from
~VIaryland for his very fine statement in
the fight has narrowed. It is world 2-Wa cannot "Lose" this war, because we
i'iefiCe: power against world power in a battle over have never considered the possibility of wln-
Tt R'!~ Vice President Richard M. Nixon territory. ring it. It is a fact that U.S. troops have
w}ap _joined 4oraes With Secretary of State The U.S. does not need the territory of never lost a single battle 1n ~tLle conflict.
,Sohn ~`oster?13ulles to urge intervention on Southeast Asia, Indochina. At least, the U.S. 3-Our troops would not be endangered. by
trhe..~rt of the T7nited States in the war does not need .St bad enough to justify the the amendment. If the Pentagon isn't ca-
'Ei`r~ne vva ed in Indochina in the fifties in expenditure of 40>000 lives. pabie of pulling out the men safely over a.
aIi 2 . o~ to regain the colonies that had been It is time for us to begin protecting only period of 14 months, t~Ie Pentagon certainly
~t~ppe d from her during World War II. To what is ours, The Monroe Doctrine and the should not be allowed to wage a war.
'.his eterna"I`Sredit, the good sexlse of President Nixon Doctrine are out of date and useless. 4-We would rat be cruelly deserting the
ELsen~iower?`~i're'~~iled, and ?ne vetoed the Thus, one can only come to the conclusion people of South Viotnam. For seven years we
Ninon Du7Ies iecaliimendations. that U.S, troops must be removed from Indo- have dens their fighting; for years prior to
,,.. that we ave them massive doses of arms,
.:, It vyas Ftlgliard ~7`ixon who from the side- china with all possible haste. g'
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 May ~5, 1970. ~ ~ ~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE
money and training. They outnumber their
enemies, Nothing 1s more typical of the
American Way than the concept that, given
an equal chance, a man or a country should
rise or fail on. personal effort and ability. We
spent over 40;000 Arrierican lives giving the
South Vietnamese that equal chance. If they
can't make it now, they never will.
5-Will we lose face as a nation? Certainly
the Communist bloc' will he"r`ald American
withdrawal a,~ a Communist trlumpkx, but
since when have we been buddies wii;h the
? 'Communist bloc? Our allies->rixgiand,
France, the Scandinavian nations--have
been urging withdrawal for years. How scan
we lose face with thorn by doing what they
want us to do7 The foot that we are vir-
taally alone in Vietnam demonstrates what
other Western nations think of our policy
there. ,
6-What, actually, are we flghtin?; for?
Communism does not succeed an a national
Beale, as has been proven time and. time
again. The only thing our presened does is
glue Communists a rallying point. Haw could
-China keep 'the minds of her people off.:their
poverty, hunger .and disease if there were nu
"Imperialist warmongers" to unite a@;ainst?
7-What about Vietnamizatian? Nixon is
sincere !n his be~llefs, but even Nixor: side-
steps the question of eventual total with-
di?a.wal, and even ahe hawks admit the proc-
ess means tun indefinite presence of up to
200,000 men in Vietnam. As Senator Hughes
said Tuesday, even 3f Vietnanxizati~on works
perfectly, those Americax~r who have a flve-
year-old son now will eventually see ]rim in
the jungles of Asia..
8-And finally, isn't America as important
to Americans as South Vietnam? We are the
most .powerful and free nation an earth-
especially if you ar?e a moderately prosperous
white man in Idaho: If our situattou is so
perfect at home that we can continue to ig-
rio~~ it; if .all our problems are Aso small,
then surely there would be no objection if
that five-year-old son was to be brought up
as an Indian on the reservation, or as a black
Six the ghetto. He might commit suk;ide or
be killed in a riot, but what is the al.terria-
tive? .
Suppose he grows up "straight" and man-
ages. to avoid being killed in Vietnam, rthen
enrolls in a university, joins ROTC, becomes
tlxe top man in his class, gets close to his
goal of a career in the army, and walks bo
class Same sunny spring day.
A boy did f ust that recently, and he is dead
now. Not because of National "Guardsmeix, or
violent students, or the ad`mirxistratibn of
I{ent State, but because of the waa.
A .patriotic American. believes in justice
and freedom: I3e believes in our co:nRtitu-
tiaix and a,11 the things America stands for.
He is always searching for ways to make the
country greater, to move closer to a porfect
nation. He does not burn a building; he does
not sit on his hands a,nd keep silent.
He writes his cangr~smen and says, sim-
ply, "I vote yes on the amendment to .end
the war."
[From the Rexburg (Idaho) Standard, May
I2,19~oJ`
'I~FIE `DETERRENT' FALLACY
President I~Tixon's address, to the nation
on ,Camliotfa le#t ?nariy unanswered ques-
tions, "Ilx@ mgst~lmportant one is this: What
will the President do if operations by our
Own &i'xd ~olth Vietnamese. troops are not
succesful?
8aslr.~lly'these operations are deterrent ac-
~loiys; tkttt prgsJd~xit is telling the North Viet-
ai$es0 ~~t tlxey must stop using the Banc-
iiarSes~ aside Cambodia to attack South
~1etFiam, and further, that they mu:~t cease
their; attacT~s on,~the' Cambodian army.. We
'>inow; However, that the Itorth Vietnavxxese in
_.
the past' eve never responded to ow? deter-
rent threats a we-would have wished.
The Vietnamese War is~a history of these
failures of deterrence. We first moved in
troops, when ,this did not suffice, we followed
with ever larger commitment of troops. When
our troops did not have a satisfactory deter-
rent effect, we bombed supply trails. When
this failed we began bombing extensively in
North Vietnam Ltself. In the end we have re-
versed the process, abandoning all of these
purportedly deterrent actions; we cut back
on the bombing and finally stopped it, and
now we are removing our troops.
Mr. Nixon talked in his speech about the
credibility of our deterrent. The point is that
the North Vietnamese, because of the failure
of our deterrent actions "in the past, feel
that our threats are in fact not credible.
There is no reason to believe that the present
deterrent threat is going to be believed in
Hanoi.
Contrary to what the President insinuated,
there are precedents for the option of doing
nothing. In 19G2 Presidentt Kennedy faced a
similar situation in Laos, where the Royal
Laotian army was trapped by Pathet Lao
troops in the Plain of Jars region. His mili-
tary advisers counseled "limited" air and
ground support. When Kennedy asked what
the options would be if the operation failed,.
the reply was that another "limited" in-
crease would be needed to bail out the troops.
He refused to follow that line, and we have
since avoided large-scale fighting in Laos.
President Nixon will no doubt face a simi-
lar question in the near future. If the North
Vietnamese do not believe our threat and the
evidence indicates that they will not-these
"limited" actions by U.S. troops in ~Cam-
bodia may be forced #o continue. Once troops
have been committed to the operations the
only alternative that Nixon will have is to
add more troops until the objective is gained.
In doing this, he will take a grave risk oP
turning what was Johnson's Vietnamese War
into Nlxon's Indochinese War.
[From the North Idaho Press, May 1, 19'ra[
- .STREAM OF THOUGHT
(By R. J. B.)
Because President Nixon does not want
this nation to "become a second rate power",
he is risking involving the United States In
a war for Indochina, with virtually all the
nations of the world arrayed against us, either
actively, indirectly or passively.
No American -wants this country to be a
"second rate power." _
But nations as powerful a this onein the
context of their times--have fallen into sec-
ond rate status because of costly military
adventures induced by pride.
President Nixon said last night he promised
to end the war and win a just peace. A "just"
peace is always one imposed by the victor.
Peace is rarely "Just" in the eyes of the
defeated.
President Eisenhower, many times the
military man that President was, did not see
the necessity for winning a "Just peace" in
South Korea.
He saw instead the necessity of extricating
the United States-from a costly war and ac-
cepted atruce-there has never been a peace
agreement, just or otherwise-that gut an
End, to the fighting.
That truce did not make the United States
a "second rate power."
But a costly military adventure in Indo-
china could make the United States a sec-
ond rate power, even Sf we do win a "just
peace."
The war in South Vietnam so far has cost
us the lives of 50,000 American boys, and a
hundred billion dollars that could have been
better spent correcting the fills we have st
home, including ghettos, housing, education,
medicine, transportation.
Previous administrations involved us in
the war in South- Vietnam because of the
belief. in the "domino theory," that the fall
S 7769
of South Vietnam to the Communists would
lead to the fall of all Southeast Asia to the
Communists.
To the extent that coot involvement in
South Vietnam kept Indonesia from going
Conxmumst, that rationale was correct.
But now President Nixon has made the war
a matter of pride, the pride of winning a
military victory.
And if that victory cannot be won by
fighting and dying in South Vietnam, then
perhaps it can be won by expanding the war
to Cambodia, and if that fails, then into
Laos, for the Ho Chi Minh trail that supplies
the Communist bases in Cambodia runs
through Laos. If the attack on bases in Cam-
bodia can be justified, then attacks on the
Ho Chi Minh trail in Laos can be justified.
' And such an attack 1n Laos will be carried
out, if we insist an winning a "just peace"
in South Vietnam.
The drive into Cambodia will be justified,
if it is successful in accomplishing its ob-
jective in six weeks--to two months, as the
President hopes it will.
But our experience in South Vietnam to
date gives little hope that it will be. Despite
overwhelming air superiority, and superior-
ity in lire power, logistics, supplies and
equipment, we have not yet been able to
"pacify" large areas of South Vietnam. We
have won valleys and mountain taps at great
cost of life, only to find the enemy reoccupy-
ing those areas as soon as we leave.
The guerrilla is awill-of-the-wisp fighter,
and he is doubly effective when the native
population has no spirit of nationalism or
loyalty.
And so the promise that President Nixon
made, that American troops will be with-
drawn from Cambodia as soon as Communist
forces are driven out of the area and mili-
tary supplies are destroyed, must be viewed
with skepticism.
The men who fought and died for Ham-
burger Mill in South Vietnam, or clearing the
Au Shu valley several times, give basis for
such skepticism.
Cambodia is now a battlefield, and the
Cambodians are even less prepared and
equipped to protect their country than were
the South Vietnamese.
Every American wants his nation to be a
first rate power.
But what does "first rate" imply?
Does is require a military victory, no mat-
ter how costly, in the jungles of Southeast
Asia.
Or does it mean respect from other
nations?
Does it mean villages destroyed in South
Vietnam, or ghettos rebuilt in American
cities?
Does it require the spending of "billions of
dollars on arms, or meeting the growing
demands of people at home?
Can the pride of a military victory be
matched by the pride in a peaceful domestic
scene?
In our desire to defeat Communism in the
Jungles, we risk losing sight of the fact
the greater need is to preserve free govern-
ment at home.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, will the
senator yield?
Mr. CHURCH. I yield.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I think
we are all disturbed by the pending ques-
tion and by the supplemental questions
~thait are attached to it.
i have just taken this dispatch from
the Associated Press ticker tape adjoin-
ing the Chamber which I will read into
the RECORD simply because it brings lip,
at least to my mind, two new questions
which have not heretofore been consid-
ered by me.
This Associated Press dispatch comes
from Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
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S 7770 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - A~ May ,25, 1970
Mr. President, it reads:
While a portable phonograph played their
.national anthem,. the Chinese Communists
iowergd the flag on their mamxri" whereas the second pro- All we are attempting to do here, ra-
lnvolvenient iu overaea~ conflicts would be posed wording simply reads "limitation
' view@d~ with alarm, by investors. it would on U.S. involvement in Cambodia." ther than provoke a contentions consbi-
came'i3 a surprise and there is a widespread There is a tutional argument, or provide any basis
beliel.gD..yYa11 Street' that the stock market good deal of difference be- upon which anyone could honestly say
.Can riot withstand.. many more items of un- tween those two approaches. that we are trying to undercut the Pres-
expected bad news. .The second thing I wish to say before ident, is to assert authority khat belongs
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ll~ay ,25r 1970 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE S 7773
to Congress. This is our authority involy-
ing the use of public money.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, if the
Senator Wi11 yield right there-
Mr CHURCH... Z would like to complete
my paint. We are using the purse- power
of Congress to define the limitation an
this operation at the very place wher. e the
President himself has fixed i~t.
Other ,motives, other purposes, other
objectives may be read in by those who
oppose this amendment. However, I say
respectfully to the Senator, that they
cannot really be found in the wording of
the amendment. itself, nor in any argu-
ment we have given in behalf of
.the amendment. from the very time it
was first 'broug'ht to the Senate floor,
even in its original form.
Our purposes have been consistent
throughout. We believe, however, that
this language -better explains those pur-
poses than the earlier language did.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, wn11 the
Senator yield further?
Mr. CHURCH, I yield.
Mr. HOLLAND. As I understand it
now, from the Senator's latest stmtement,
there is no thought or intent of any
charge that the President has gone be-
yond his powers or violated Congress
power to declare war by the use of Amer-
ican troops in the field, to destroy these
sanctuaries and Ito protect other Amer-
ican troops in the field.
Mr. CHURCH. We have -never miade
that argument. We do not make it now,
and I do not anticipate we will make it
tomorrow.
Mr. HOLIiAND. Mr. President, I am
awPlzlly happy that the Senator has made
that statement, ~becauYse the po:~i~tion
.which, he has just taken is so varlannt
from yvhat many of the letters and lnany
of the editpriais, and even many of the
news reports, have 'been claiming.
I,think that now it should be clear,
so that ail can see it, that there is no
charge even on the part of those offering
this resolution-particularly since they
have offered to soften it in this latest
suggestion-no thought of charging the
President with having done more than
he has a clear authority to do under the
Constitution in protecting Ame~:rican
troops in the field.
Mr, CHURCH. Mr. President,. if such.
an interpretation has been laid upon this
amendment, it has not-been because_of
the arguments made on the part of its
sponsors. It has been the. opponents of
the amendment who have constantly
reiterated that the proponents were at-
tempting somehow to undercut the Presi-
dent of the United States. So, it is not at
all surprising that so many newspaper
accounts bear this,;particular coloration.
I again point out that there is no basis
for these algumerits to be found iri the
text of the ~asnendment itself.
Mr. HOLLAND, Nlr, President, I.thank
the Senator fir his candid, statement.
I simply remark that the sourre of the
accounts I lZave mentioned, charging the
President with xolation of his consti-
tutional rights and with overriding the
Constitutlo.~al rights, have not come, as
I ~iave,s~+xli, tl~rli, in,the main, from peo-
plc who are ..opposing the amendrent>
bqt i'ro;n ,.people ,arid, columnists ri par-
the SEATO treaty, the only treaty the
Senate has ratified, The obligation we
assumed to the Thai Government, under
the SEATO treaty, is first to take appro-
priate action in accord with our consti-
tutional processes if Thailand itself were
attacked; and, second, to consult with
other members of the SEATO treaty in
the event that the Thai Government were
threatened by subversion.
No matter how broadly one would
want to construe these obligations under
the SEATO treaty, they could not pos-
sibly cover a promise to support Thai
forces in Cambodia sent by the Thai Gov-
ernment to assist the Lon Nol regime in
Phnom Penh.
We owe no obligation of any kind to
the Cambodian regime, either directly. or
indirectly, through a Thai intervention.
So far, I have heard no administration
spokesman who maintains .that there is
any formal obligation of any kind on the
United States.
Mr. HOLhAND. I thank the Senator
for that assurance.
I should ljke tp ask the Senator one
more question. Why is it that in the
writing up of the report on this resolu-
tion, which included the original pro-
hibitory section 47, there was no discus-
sion whatever in the report of section
47? It is simply copied into the report
without the slightest discussion. Was
there any reason for that?
Mr. CHURCH. I think the reason. is
purely technical. That language is nec-
essary because it adds a new section to
the Military Sales Act. That is the only
reason,
Mr. HOLLAND. But the report was
rather in detail on other sections which
I think.. were much. less important and
which debate has shown are given much
less importance, both by the offerers of
the act and the offerers of the amend-
ment. I am wondering why we obtained
no information in the report as to the
meaning of that section and as to what
was intended to be accomplished by it.
Mr. CHURCH. I am not sure that I
understand the question of the Senator;
but if I do, the answer is that the. pres-
ent Military ,,Sales Act ends at section
46. Therefore,. in order to affix the
amendment we are discussing, it was
necessary to add a section 47 to the act.
Mr. HOLLANJ,7, I understand that per-
fectly.
Mr. CHURCH. Then, perhaps I do not
understand the Senator's question.
Mr. HOLLAND. I should like to know
why there is no explanation of section
47 in the report. All the other features
were described and explained.
Mr. CHURCH. I; file Senator will look
at page 9 of the report, the whole of the
amendment is set out and explained
there, beginning on page 9 and running
over through page 10 and, as I recall,
elsewhere ixl the report reference is made
to the amendment. The committee re-
port does not omit the discussion of the
amendment.
Mr. HOLLAND. I note that in the
wording to which the Senator has re-
ferred me, this language occurs:
This language would also prohibit the
sending of U.S. personnel into Cambodia as
advisers to South Vietnamese. military units.
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titular who are supporting the amend-
ment; and perhaps they would like to
go a little further than those who are
offering the amendment intend to ga.
But those comments have not come from
opponents of the Senators' amendment.
They have come, in the main-at least,
as my observation has gone from those
who not only support the amendment but
also are trying to urge that it go a little
further each day.
Mr. CHURCH. As the Senator knows,
neither he nor I can speak. for others.
But it is important that we understand
one another, I hope this colloquy has
helped to improve that. understanding
with respect to the pw?poses we seek to
serve in offering this amendment to the
Senate.
Mr. HOLLAND. I thank the Senator.
My second question is this: What is the
Senator's opinion, his able opinion-
because, as a member of the Committee
on Foreign Relations and one who has
studied this subject most conscientious-
ly, I a,m sure he has a worthwhile
opinion on it-as to whether this resolu-
tion goes so far as to touch the pay, the
emoluments, the activities of American
advisers to the Thai, w~[o may go in
there with Thai to help the Cambodians,
and who, by the press dispatch I have
just read into the RECORD, are arriving
today, some of whom had actually ar-
rived today when that dispatch went out
from Phnom Penh?
Mr. CHURCH. The Senator has asked,
if I understood him correctly, whether
this amendment would foreclose U.S. ad-
visers accompanying the Thai farces in
Cambodia; and the answer to that ques-
tion is, "Ijes."
The second subsection of the amend-
ment prohibits the compensation or al-
lowances of or otherwise supporting, di-
rectly or indirectly, any U.S. personnel
in Cambodia who furnish military in-
struction to Cambodian forces or engage
in any combat activity in support of
Cambodian forces.
If the purpose of the Thai forces in
Cambodia is to come to the support of
Cambodian forces, and if they are ac-
companied by U.S. advisers, then the
second subsection of the amendment
would bar the U.S. personnel. However,
the President, himself, has indicated in
his public statements that it is not his
intention to send U.S, personnel into
Cambodia in an advisory role. This
amendment is drawn to conform with
the President's- own intention. There is
nothing in subsection 2 of the amend-
ment which fn any way conflicts with the
declared policy of the President.
In view of that declaration, I assume
that there are no U.S. advisers moving
with the Thai troops into Cambodia. I
must say that this is an assumption, but
it is one that conforms with the Presi-
dential statements.
Mr. HOLLAND. I thank the Senator.
One more question would be this: Is the
Senator able to state whether or not
such a position on our part would be in
conformity with our obligations to the
Thai Government and to the Thai
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S 7774
There is no reference there to Thai power of the President as Commander in dent later decided we should go in and
units. Was that speciflcaliy omitted or Chief. I should like to ask the Senator occupy Cambodia, or assume the obliga-
just not thought of as a possibility so from Idaho if it is not a fact that the . tions of defending the Lon Nol govern-
~far as `its occurrence was concerned? amendment applies not only to the prey- ment, then he would have to come back
Mr. CHURCH. The language of the ent Cambodian conflict but also it ap- and present his case to Congress and ask
amendment speaks for itself in that re- plies ad infinitum, that it does restrict Congress to lift the limitations.
Bard. It covers U.S. personnel furnishing the President in taking emergency action So I say to the 'Senator, as best I can,
military instruction to Cambodian-forces to protect the interests of this country that although it is not possible to define
or engaging in military combat activities if at some future time he deems that to the precise line between the power of the
in support of Cambodian forces. Thus, if be necessary; and, is it not a fact, that President and the power of Congress in a
the action of the South Vietnamese was while no question is raised as to his case of this kind, it is possible to proceed
of a character that partook of: supporting power to have started the present mils- to assert the authority of Congress un-
Cambodian forces, then the amendment Lary action in Cambodia, the effect of der this amendment. And the conse-
would prohibit use of American advisers. the amendment is to say to the Presi- quences that would flow from that are
The same would apply to Thai forces. dent, "In the future, we will not support those I have attempted to describe.
,The language of the amendment makes with our resources or with appropria- Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, to take any
it clear that the prohibition relates to tions any future action on your part in further action with respect to Cambodia
U.S. personnel in Cambodia who furnish Cambodia as Commander in Chief"; and, after all troops have been withdrawn by
military instruction to Cambodian forces does it not, thereby, restrict the powers July 1, it would be necessary for the
or engage in any combat activity in sup- of the President of the United States as President to do, not what he did on this
port of Cambodian forces. Commander in Chief of the Armed occasion, but to come back to Congress
Mr. ,HOLLAND. As a matter of fact, Forces to take emergency action in the and, in effect, ask for permission to take
judging from the report and. the discus- best interests of the country in the thiM~ ctioCH~IsCtlhia>~r.tpresident, if this
signs up to this time, the AF dispatch future.
which was placed in theRECOan" as to the Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, that becomes a part of the Military Sales Act
intervention by Thailand, was not con- question can be answered, I think, the which is signed by the President into law,
sidered as a probability, was it, by the way many questions in the law must be the Senator is correct. That would be
committee or by the authors of the answered; namely, by applying the the requirement insofar as a future ac-
amendment? standard of the reasonable man. tion in Cambodia is concerned.
Mr. CHURCH. Yes, indeed. Rather It is next to impossible to draw apre- Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, in other
than looking upon -this latest news as else line between the powers of the Presi- words the action goes much further than
" something to applaud, I look at it with dent under the Constitution and the having applicability to the present con-
great foreboding. It is precisely the kind powers of Congress in the matter of war. flict in Cambodia. It covers, as well, anY
oi' thing the committee contemplated, the A gray area exists between the two. Sa, future action the President might wish
kind of action that will weld Cambodia form as to avo d th t gray area as mu h emergencythandpthato aCsamdbistt~nguished
inseparably into the links of a widening
war. It is another step in forging the as passible. from the action he took in early May
chain that eventually could draw us com- It is one thing to conjure up a situa- without congressional approval, he would
pletely into this second front, as we have, tio~n in which the President might act have to come back and ask Congress for
in fact, been drawn into tH.e first front reasonably, owing to the immediate permission to use moneys for that pur-
in Vietnam itself. needs of our troops in the field. Even if pose.
The purpose of the amendment is to his action were not in strict accordance Mr. CHURCH. He would have to come
prevent the United States from getting with the letter of the amendment, I am back. and ask Congress to change the
.entangled in the defense of the regime sure that if the circumstances showed law if he wanted to spend money for
in ,Cambodia: Because we did anticipate the action was necessary for the protec- any of the purposes prohibited by the
these developments, because they were tion of our troops, no one in Congress amendment, yes.
expected, we are hardly surprised now. would raise aquestion- Mr. ALLEN. Does this not then curtail
We offer the amendment to help the Mr. ALLEN. Yes, but may Isay- the power of the President, which the
President hold the line against an ex- Mr. CHURCH. Let me finish my Senator says he is not criticizing or tak-
tended involvement on the part of the thought-but if, on the other hand, the ing to task in the amendment?
Unfted States in Cambodia. President ,were to say that the protec- Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I have
Every day, the ticker is full of news Lion of the American troops we have sent never heard the power of the President
which underscores the need for Congress to South Vietnam required us to invade defined as reaching so far as to commit
to assert itself and reinforce the Presi- Norrth Vietnam-a far more important the United States to defend a foreign
dent in his own declared intention to sanctuary of the enemy-or, to think of government. Under the Constitution, our
keep the present operation in Cambodia amore extreme case, if the President assuming an obligation to defend a
limited as to time and limited as to ob- were to say, as Commander in Chief, "I foreign government is something the
jective. have decided that the adequate protec- President proposes, subject to the advice
I surely_ hope that the Senate will see tion of our troops in South Vietnam ne- and consent of the Senate.
the urgency of that need. cessitates the bombing of China or an all- Mr. ALLEN. Mr. President, the junior
Mr. HOLLAND. I congratulate the out attack on the Soviet Union," well Senator .from Alabama had no refer-
distinguished Senator fro?~n Idaho an then, I doubt anyone in the Senate would ence to defending Cambodia. He did have
several things, but one in particular: I argue that the President has inherent reference to the sanctuaries and the
~t13 glad that he got away from the word power, in order to protect our troops in defense of our own armed forces.
"prohibition" and came to the word South Vietnam, to start a third world Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I know,
"limitation." war or initiate a nuclear exchange that but this is what the .amendment pro-
I'think that is a much softer word and could bring an end to civilization, hibits, and Properly so, I think.
..
indicates a softening of th.e attitude of No, it is a question of reasonable in- As I have said, it is impossible to e-
the authors of the amendir~ent, if I may terpretation of power. fine the exact line of Presidential au-
be .allowed to say so. To that extent, i As matters now stand, the President thority as Commander in Chief, insofar
Gpngratulate the Senator very warmly. does have broad discretion in determin- as it relates to protecting our troops in
Mr, GI~UItCIi. I thank the Senator. ing the extent we will involve ourselves the field.
Mr. ALLAN`. 1VIr. President, will the in Cambodia, which adjoins the present I have no doubt that he will do that in
Sexiatvr from Idaho yield? theater of operations. But, if the amend- the future, should a real and immediate
The pRESIDTNG OFT'ICER (Mr. ment is enacted, and the President signs threat to our troops arise. He will do as
Dor.E) , hoes the Senator from Idaho it into law, them we have exercised con- he has done in the past, and he will rest
.yield to the Senator from. Alabama.? gressional power to establish the outer his case upon the inherent pavers of
Mr; YUl3,CH. I yield. limits in Cambodia. We establish those the President as Gbmmander in Chief.
Mr;'Ah~,'': ~I'he Senator from Idaho limits where the President himself has But I do not believe it is necessary to
hfls gm~hasized the foot that the amend- fixed them. As law, the matter would jump from that argument to the conclu-
mci]t does not question the warmaking then take a different shape. If the Presi- Sion that the President therefore pos-
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sesses the inherent power to do on his
own what this amendment reacries-
and that is committing the United States
to the defense of a new regime in South-
Mr. ALLEN,1VIr. President, the Senator
from Idaho has pointed out on several
occasions on the floor that the effect of
the amendment is merely to take the
President at his word and ,work in con-
cert with him with respect to the with-
drawal of our troops fro~n Cambodia.
But the junior Senator from Alabama
seems to recall that. the President in his
address to the Nation mentioned the fact
that it might be necessary in the future
to go again, after the withdrawal from
the sanctuaries, into Cambodia and- re-
capture them.
Yet the amendment offered by the dis-
tinguished Senator from Idaho would re-
quire that befox?e doing that, he must
comeback to Congress and get permis-
sion by way of an appropriation or ,some
expression of congressional approval.
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. l;'resident, I do not
know to what the distinguished Senator
from Alabama alludes when he says that
the President has ndicated that it may
be necessary to go back into Cambodia
again after the sanctuaries.
That Precise question was asked the
President in his last press conference.
He said in answer to the question:
"And what we have also accomplished
is-that by buying time, it means thiat if
the enemy does come back to these sanc-
tuaries, the next time the Soutli 'Viet-
namese will be strong enough and well
t:nough trained to handle it alone."
So the President has not indicate believes he was mislead and American-built plane, a DC-8, I realized
very interesting things, too, because they he is leading in the other direction. He somebody thought they were not safe
differed so greatly in importance. We is well able to sustain that position. I do any longer to stay in Cambodia.
live in a fast world, and somebody has to not even criticize him for it. All I am say- Mr. President, when I read those other
be empowered to act. We love the re- , ing is that the Nation, looking at us, stories about the vast numbers of arms
publican form of government and we must wonder what a group of unrealistic we captured, the immense amount of
like to live under what we call a de- idealists we are ixx the Senate to run in ammunition we captured, the immense
mocrecy. But we know its greatest weak- different directions at different times, number of trucks we captured-and those
ness is the inability to act fast unless we sometimes up the hill and then before trucks were not made;in North Vietnam
delegate some power for fast action in anybody knows it, to be turning and run- or in Cambodia; those trucks came from
those areas that require it. ning ixi the other direction. China or Russia-I knew there had been
With all due respect to my distin- We authorized the then President of an enormously helpful effect from this
guished fx?iend from Delaware and my ''the United States to do whatever was action.
distinguished friend from Arkansas, I necesssaxy to meet that climactic danger Mr. President, why am I making this
know that they know that Con?;ress does over there in the Far East. He acted. We point now? I am making it now because
not-act fast, They know the Senate fre- got more and more men involved there. if, before the invasion, before these raids
quently exercises its prerogatives for The present President, whom I did not into the sanctuaries, we had taken the
"long hearings, for exhaustive: reports,- vote far but he is my President, inherited action that we are asked to take now,
and then long debates before it ever acts. a situation in which over 500,000 Ameri- those raids could not have been taken.
At the other end of the Capitol, some- cans are there and under which, if the Mr. President, there is not any doubt
thing of the same situation exists when figures given by my distinguished friend, about it that what it amounts, to is re-
one considers the long time taken by the the majority leader, are correct, and I claiming the right to limit the degree
Rules Committee to act. So we have to suspect they are as correct as we could the President can give to his own dis-
delegate authority. get them, over 40,OOb men have been cretion and judgment, after he has all
In this important question of trying to killed in combat and over 50,000 Amer- the facts developed, as to how best he
supply arms where they are needed to icon lives have been lost all told, as I can protect the lives of our men, how
keep weakness from being overthrown understand the figures the Senator best he can protect the objectives of our
by force and innocence to be overthrown stated. armies in the field, under a distressing
by violence, we have to give they power to Mr. MANSFIELD. The Senator is situation such as existed there.
somebody, and the President, chosen by correct. Mr. President, I appreciate the fact
all the people in the Nation, i.s the one Mr. HOLLAND. That is a terrible situ- that Senators who are offering this
who should receive such power. It is utter ation, almost equal to the number of peo- amendment have decided to soften it and
idealism to suggest he should not have ple we lose in accidents on the streets that they have forgotten about prohibi-
that power. and highways of this Nation in a year, tion entirely, but are now talking about
So much for that point. as far as deaths are concerned; but limitation. They now say they are trying
Mr. President, who, for a moment, nevertheless a terx7ble situation. to support the President, and not reject
would suggest the President should not But it results, in part at least, from what he has done. One of them, the Sen-
be given the power to act in. this im- what the Senate did in the passage of the ator from Idaho, said the question of
portent matter of aid to Israel, which Tonkin resolution. making war was not involved at all, al-
might become critically needed just as Mr. President, the President of the though he was much contradicted by
quickly as it can be had? That is just one United States inherited that situation, what was later said by the Senator from
instance I thought should be mentioned. and he also inherited the situation under Arkansas.
The second thing is about the war- which the principal danger to our men I do not know which one of them is
making power. The Senator fx?om Idaho who are fighting there and the greatest right, but I know both of them think
said the warmaking dower is not involved frustration from which they suffered was they are right.
in this debate at all; but the Senator the existence of those sanctuaries just The fact of the matter is that what we
from Arkansas, when he carne to the across the border in Cambodia. For 5 are asked to do here is to impose a limi-
floor of ~e Senate, had not beard that years they had been building up. For 5 tation upon the Commander in Chief in
argurnen ,and his.. main point; was that years they had been bringing down that doing those things which he thinks are
warmaking' power was involved in this long, long trail, originating in Russia and necessary to protect his men-our boys-
~lebate, and had become the principal in China, all of the things they needed- fighting in the field. I will never agree to
point init. the motor trucks, the guns, the ammuni- vote for such alimitation.
The f,~ct remains that the mighty good tion, and the food from closer places. Mr. President, I have not had all the
and highly idealistic, but I think oftimes I know, from having ,seen letters-I experience in combat that a great many
unrealistic people are talking about read one of them into the RECOen the Senators have had. I have had some of
something? of critical importance and other day-just how strongly the men my own. I have lain awake agonizing
someti~ing which the Senate has a great fighting there support the action of the during the night when I had a boy fight-
deal to shoulder with respect to the re- President in deciding that, at long last, ing on Saipan, again in Tinian, and
sponsi~r~lity of what is going on. I am he had a chance, without violating the again trying to land on Okinawa. I know
sori~ the Senator from Arkansas is not neutrality of a nation which was claim- something of what is happening in hun-
ker . H~ led effectively, capably, -and ing neutrality, but, instead, going in dreds of thousands of homes in this
resp~nsTbly, as he saw it, the debate for there in raids across the line of a nation country as a result of this terrible situa-
the adoption of the Gulf of 'Tonkin re- that itself had just had a revolution and tian we are In in Vietnam. I do not gloss
et~lutiR_n, ~ "two Senators voted against itself was under a new government which it over at all. It is a terrible thing. I want
that resolution. They have both been re- was fighting the Communists, just as we us to get out of there as quickly as we
tfred from membership ixr the Senate were. And he went, with these quick jabs, can, but to get out honorably and de-
by the people they represented. They into Cambodia, along with the South Gently. Furthermore, I do not want us to
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. J ~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE S 778
impose a limitation an our Commander not going to weaken the hand oP my President's powers as Commander in
iri Chief as he tries to do all he can do to Commander in Chief by limiting him, so Chief, We are, in effect-and some peo-
best meet conditions arising in the field that, whether he knows he is hurt badly pie find this hard to believe~upporting
`which he thinks requires action-action, ir1 this degree, in this matter, or not, the the President in his own announced de-
pot just words, not just debate on_the Congress claims the power to limit him termination.
floor oP the Senate of the United States, in the exercise of the operation-not the As far as I am concerned, apart from
but action, and that is what is the Pres- making, but the operation, of a war irl what I have .just said, I think it was a
ident's duty to perform, the field. I can never vote for that kind mistake to go into Cambodia. It did en-
T am glad he did it. I think it was a of limitation. large and extend the war. It did make it
successful effort, I think if we vote this Mr. President, I yield the floor, an Indochinese war. I de not know what
particular limitation-and now it is a Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, in a is to stop the .Vietcong and the North
limitation, and not aprohibition-we are moment I wish to call up some unob- Vietnamese from coming back. Under any
inviting a land rush-I .will call it just jetted to bills, but first I must express my conceivable circumstances, and no mat-
-that, like the land rush in Oklahoma-on disagreement with the distinguished ter how much they lose in the way of
the part of the Communists to get back Senator from Florida.
nto those sanctuaries and begin to build In the first place, the amendment, as tons of supplies, small arms ammunition,
hem up again just as soon as July 1 .changed, is not "softer." It has ust as mortars, and the like, I do not know of
comes around. They are going to be won- much substance as before. It is just ~ any conceivable situation which could
dering how much the .U.S. Congress strong as before, but it puts down in prevent them from coming back, at
-meant it when it said. we are going to writing the intent of the sponsors {~ their will and on their own time, under
limit the President. They will be thpking, act "in concert" with the President, and whatever conditions may exist at the
time.
"Just what ~d they mean? Did they also to put in a date, which was the So I hope we will not go around the
znearl they are .not. going to permit him President's date.
to go back again and go through this? As far as limitations are concerned, question. Frankly, I do not want. to see
Let us find out. Let~ils Snd out." the limitations were im osed by the the President go back into Cambodia
Mr. President, human nature is some- President himself. He is the one who set even as he says that he has no intention
thing all of us have to know in some de- a.21.5-mile limit. He is the one who set of going back. I was opposed to it in the
gree or other. My knowledge of human the datQ of July 1. What Congress has first place. I found out about it when it
nature is that by passage of such a lim- done, on the basis of its responsibility- was afait accompli. I thinkit was a mis-
itation we are inviting, and we cars con- and we have just as much responsibility, take, and I think we will pay dearly for ft.
fldently .expect, a rush back into those in our way, as does the President-has I do not find fault with any other
sanctuaries, or same of them, to discover been to act in concert and to support Senator's views. We each have the right
very quickly just what the Congress of what he said he intended to do. and the responsibility to form our own
the United States meant if it did such a I think it is about time that Con- views, and we each have to cal] them
foolish thing. At least, my judgmisnt is gress, and especially the Senate, did face ~ we .see them; and we each have to ac-
that it would be foolish, and my judg- up to its constitutional responsibilities cept the consequences.
ment may not be any better than or not and did recall some of the powers which ~ far as I am concerned,. 328,000
as good as those who do not think it it, will Hilly, has casualties, and no end in sight; is a great
would be a foolish. thing; but I think it over the past four de cedes. ~ Presidents deal too much for me. All this Ls happen-
would be a foolish thing, an impractical I intend to vote for the amendment ing to this nation, with a million man
thing, if well-intentioned, and destined tomorrow. I hope it will pass. It is u South Vietnamese Army available, "Vi-
for great trouble fqr uS in the future if to the Senate collectively. I think it is a etnamized," trained, and equipped by us,
we voted a limitation on the part of the step in the right direction, and I think not over the past 2 or 3 years, but, to my
President to act as he thinks he must in it is an accommodation of the Presi- knowledge, speaking personally, since
the protection of his men-our men-in dent's powers and responsibilities within 1954. They cannot protect their borders
the field. those which the Senate, in this instance, with Cambodia. We have to go in; this
So, Mr, President, I hope that, even if and Congress, finally, hold together. Nation has to suffer 328,000 casualties-
for what? For what?
it_ is softer}ed-and I, congratulate my Does the Senator f
Fl
rom
orida wish
friends on their determination to talk to be heard further?
about limitation instead of prohibition- Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I should
and even if there was a division apaar- like to make one further comment, if I
ently, in the committee, under which may.
.some Members wanted to cut out the Mr. MANSFIELD. Surley.
power. entirely to make sales of miliitary Mr. HOLLAND. The President acted in
equipment-which itself, I think, is setting limitations-a mileage limitation
another foolish thing, though my wis- and a time limitation. Both of those
dorn may be lack of wisdom in_thi:> re- things he has the authority to change.
Bard; I think our President should have Both of those things he has the authority
the power and the right to determine to impose in different form, if he is to go
how much we should .help Israel and fn there again. It is my view that that
when we should h
l
I
l
p .
srae
e
and how we was a proper field for him to act in.
should .help Israel, and I think. this will I think the Senate has its proper field
determine the whoje question ofwhether to act in. I do not think we have the
we ale going to have peace or war in the right to say, "because, Mr. President,
Middle East-that power will be left to you have set this limitation of mileage
him by the Congress.. of the United and this limitation of time for this op-
States. eration, we are going to make it binding
So I do not h:ytend to vote for a bill on you, and we will show you that we
dealing with .this softening limitation, intent to limit your power in this re-
even~though?I ~Yarlt?peace as ardently as gard."
anybody ever could,- That is my point, may I say with
I lost a~.e~liew in xorea. I myself was great respect to the majority leader.
shot ~ dgv~xi; in actiop, in a plane. I have Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, may
been through some of these experiences I say with equally great respect that the
that make me kuov~ that war is the most Senator is entitled to his opinion and his
terriklie .thing , than ..human .beings can interpretation, as every Senator is, but
.face. I~wish there were same way to ef- he looks at it one way, and those of us
face it'~rOm the,eaxtll, Mr. President, we who have sponsored this amendment
have not fihyKld ax~y such way, and while look at it in another way.
we'llave ~t_Pqund.any, such way, I am We are not .trying to undermine the.
THE CALENDAR
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of Calendar
Nos. 893 and 894, in that order.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the I~,ECORD an excerpt from the report
(NO. 91-891), explaining the purposes of
the measure.
There being no abjection, the excerpt
was ordered to be printed in the RECOxn,
as follows:
PIIRPOSE OF BILL
The purpose of this legislation 1s to desig-
nate the comprehensive Missouri River Basin
development program as the Pick-Sloan Mis-
souri Basin program,
GENERAL 6TATEMENT
Major river system such as the Missouri
boos become an Sncreasingly significant fac-
tor in the economy of a nation which is mak-
ing vast demands upon water resources. The
Missouri, longest single river in North Ameri-
ca, is no exception. Lang feared for periodic
and destructive floods, and ignored as a po?
tential water resource of incalculable value,
the Big Muddy is today undergoing a trans-
formation at the hands of man. It has al-
ready been harnessed at many points by great
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE May 25, 19T0
m&xunade dams and reservoirs in a compre-
hensive river control program which the
Congress o3 the United States approved in
194, Now well advanced by cooperating Fed-
ex~.t anti State agenefes, this broad program,
probably tfie "most far reaching ever uader-
taken in a major river basin, is Changing the
agricultural, industrial, and ;ecre:Itional life
of the Missouri Basin.
In 1944, bath the Department of the Army
and the ~De~partment ai the Interior sub-
mitted to the Congress comprehensive plans
far the development of the Missouri River
Basin. The plan submitted by the Depart-
ment of the firm was priepared under the
direction O? the th~n Missouri River division
engineer of the Carps ai Engineers, Col.
Lewis A. Pick, and became known as -the
Pick plan. Similarly;'that of the 1epartment
of the Interior was prepared under the di-
rection of W. G. Sloan, then aa;sistant re-
gional director of the Bureau of Reclamation,
and became known as the Sioa.n plan. In
order to resolve the differences between the
two plans, a committee was appointed, com-
posed of two representatives each from the
Corps of Engineers and the Bure.cu of Recla-
mation. Acoordinated plan was agreed upon
and authorized by the Flood Control Act of
18?4. It became generally known s:. the Pick-
Sloan 15`Ian. This plan formed the basis Por
the subsequent development ai the Missouri
River Basin.
W. G. Sloan served the Bureau of Reclama-
tion for same years after development of the
-plan which bore his 3xame, and much of the
construction work of the Bureau's phase ai
the comprehensive program was begun dur-
ing his tenure in office. General Pick went
on to become Chief of Engineers, and served
in this capacity imm March 1949 to January
1863, a period in which much of the initial
construction of the comprehensive plan was
begun. He died in December 1856.
ESTIMATED COST TO THE VNM'L~D' STATES IF
LEGLSLATION ZS ENACTED
Enactment of this legislation. will not re
suit in any cost to the IInited States.
VIEWS OF THE FEDERiSL AGENCIES
`The Department oi'the Army and the De-
partment of Interior offer no objection to en-
actment of this bill.
CaOMMITTEE VIEWS
The committee believes it ~ittlllg and
proper to designate the comprehensive Mis-
sourl River Basin development as the "Pick
33oan Missouri River Basin program," ix1
h"onor of two great men who contributed so
much to the development of the water re-
sources of the Nation and in particular to the
development oY the great Missouri River
Basin. Accordingly, early enactment of this
legislation is recommended.
PICK-SLO?,N MISSOLTftI I3AStN
PROGRAM
The bill (S. 1100) to designate the
comprehensive Missouri River Basin de-
velopment program as tYxe Pick-Sloan
Missouri River Basin progl'atn, was con-
sidered, ordered to be engrossed for a
third reading, read the third time, and
passed, as follows:
~. lloa
8e it enacted b~ the Senate and House
0'~` R~ee~pr'esentutives of the "United States of
1tme7'iCa in `C'on ress assemb~ted, That the
Calii,~t@hezl$it~e pr'~gram of fIoc~ii cosltrol, nav-
~~ga~ on irxipro'~ei'Yient, and dE;velapment for
Lh@ 1VIissouri,River Basin, which arose out of
the.y~co`oTdlnation ai' the m'ultipls-purpose
pl~alx~ reCO'8iiyiencled in the report of the Corps
~1Fi F;nglneers~ Tffiited States Army, Contained
11I ~~el~se IYocuinent Numbered 475, Seventy-
ei~g'lifill Congress; and in the report of the
$1&2?e&11 oi" Reclamation, Department of the
Interior, contained in Senate Document
Numbered 191, Seventy-eighth Congress,
shall hereafter be known as the Pick-Sloan
Missouri Basin program. Anq law, regulation,
d?aoument, or record oI the United States in
which such program is designated oa~ referred
to under the name of the Missouri River
Basin development program, or under any
other name, shall be held and considered to
refer to such program under and by the
name of the Pick-Sloan Missouri Basin
program.
NEWT GRAHAM LOCK AND DAM
The bill (S. 1500) to name the author-
ized lock and dam No. 18 on the Verdigris
River in Oklahoma and the lake created
thereby for Newt Graham, was consid-
ered, ordered to be engrossed for a third
reading, read the third time, and passed,
as follows:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That lock
and dam numbered 18 on the Verdigris River,
Oklahoma, a feature of the Arkansas River
and tributaries navigation project, author-
ized to be constructed by the River and Har-
bor Act of July 24, i946 (60 Stat. 641, 647),
as amended, shall be known and designated
hereafter as the Newt Graham lock and dam,
and the lake created thereby as the Newt
Graham Lake. Any law, regulation, map, doc-
ument, record, or other paper of the IInited
States in which such lock and dam and lake
are referred shall be held to refer to such lock
and dam as the Newt Graham lock and dam,
and the lake as the Newt Graham Lake.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the RECORD an excerpt from the re-
port (No. 91--892) , explaining the pur-
poses of the measure.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PURPOSE OF HILL
The purpose of this legislation is to desig-
nate lock and dam No. 18 on the Verdigris
River, Okla., as the Newt Graham loc}r and
dam, and the lake created thereby as the
Newt Graham Lake.
GENERAL STATEMENT
The current poject for comprehensive
development of the Arkansas River and
tributaries was authorized by the River and
Harbor Act of 1948. Tt provides fora navi-
gation route from the Mississippi River
through Arkansas to Catoosa, near Tulsa,
Okla., the production of hydroelectric
power, additional flood control through up-
stream reservoirs and the related benefits
of recreation and fish and wildlife enhance-
ment. The navigation route will begin at the
confluence of the White River and the Miss-~
issippi, proceed about 10 miles via the White,
through the manmade Arkansas Post Canal,
the Arkansas River and the Verdigris River,
a distance of some 450 miles. The naviga-
tion channel will have a minimum depth of
9 feet with a series of 17 locks and dams, x3
in Arkansas and five in Oklahoma.
Newton R. Graham played an important.
role in water resources development in the
Arkansas River, serving as vice president of
the Oklahoma Planning and Resources.
Board and as the Oklahoma representative
an the Arkansas-White-Red River Basins
Interagency Committee. He was instru-
mental 1n the development aP the Arkansas
River navigation project. It has been said
that no single man in Oklahoma or Arkan-
sas was mare responsible for the successful
promotion of the Arkansas River Basin de-
velopment than Newt Graham. Mr. Graham
died in 1967 at the age of 74.,
ESTIMATED COST TO TH[E VNITED STATES IF
LESISLATION ~ I9 ENACTED
Enactment of this legislation will not re-
sult in any cost to the United States.
VIEWS OF THE FEDERAL AGENCIES
The Degartment of the Army and the
Bureau of the Budget indicate they have
no objection to enactment of this legisla-
tion.
COMMITTEE VIEWS
In view oP -the contributions made by
Newt Graham to the comprehensive devel-
opment of the Arkansas River Basin, the
committee considers it fitting to designate
one of the projects in the system in his
honor. The committee therefore recom-
mends passage of S. 1500.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, when
did the application of the rule of ger-
maneness expire?
The PRESIDING OFFICER, At 3:24
p.m.
Mr. MANSFIELD. So I was within my
rights under that rule?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Sen-
ator is correct.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I thank the Chair.
S. 3876-INTRODUCTION OF A BILL
TO ESTABLISH A NATIONAL ECO-
NOMIC EQUITY BOARD
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, John
Maynard Keynes, the father of the "new"
economic theory, once said that:
There is no harm in being sometimes
wrong-especially if one is promptly
found out.
It is high time that we recognize that
the economic and fiscal policies being
pursued by our Government are not
working and that the Nation's economy
is in very serious" trouble.
Inflation, as we know, had become a
burdensome problem before the present
administration took office, and many had
hoped, as was promised, that the policies
of this administration would bring eco-
nomic stability.
Instead, we have now witnessed, during
more than one-third of President Nixon's
term in office, continuing and increasing
inflation at an intolerable rate, higher
unemployment, which threatens to in-
crease still further, and the highest in-
terest rates since the Civil War-all at
the same time.
We .have seen America's housing in-
dustry become more depressed and less
able to meet the housing crisis of this
country, depressed profits in most indus-
tries-with the exception of the big banks
which are realizing the highest profits in
history-increased failures of small busi-
nesses, the worst decline in the stock
market since 1929-32-and I am in-
formed that it dropped sharply again to-
day-and an increasing lack of con-
fidence in the economy generally and in
the economic policies of the Government.
For a good while, various spokesmen
regularly assured us that the "game
plan" of the administration was working
and that the effort to get the economy
on the right track was near "schedule."
These statements have now been proved
by events to have been too optimistic.
And optimistic statements have proved
to be no substitute for effective policy.
..Approved For Release 2001/11/01.: CIA-RDP72-003378000200230003-9
 NE~~ W YORK TIM~~ DATE ~ 1~`t ~"'J(,'I PAGE~_
~~NATE SUP~Q
NIXONONPU~
~r3i ~VVS I)iVl~l~n_Qll ~n
:~ ~"uture R~lein~a~d.ia;
_ . 3 ~__ t.~,.~ _- -
_.~J.y4~rY~T'~ g~I~1111EY~,'~~ ~.
~ ~ ~ .,
_'~ 8 ?rat ~, ~e_tn ~,~~rolongec~
~kiodia de~~te, thug. Senate
.,made `lei _ t~Y that it er}-
S~dwa,~, Mans, although it
~~~~ iy~d~d gn . cufbi?ig
`
e somew? -`4~~ 'T ~p -~~ Y~~ ~ `~~~~~~' ""~"1111" """ "`-I oeen a vote, reads as follows:
-~`~""-"""'1at?`mconclusive t'e~'js`lon lest the authority be harms Congress that curb chin- , n..._,_?
used by the President to cir- bents are im o tant to the se- "`.1s "iu~CU JLdL05
dote csjL? oti? g ?' ~'~S r - P ,t' ~ forces in Cambodia;
~
~
~~ cu
v
nt th
ti
ti
ni
-
.
tn
ve -sec
e
e opera
ons :u
ty of the United States. 2. Paying the compensation
~,le that was;~,?~f~erelar~a~n ,of the amendment. ien9tnr Ft~ilhrioht'c ..n,.,,,Io:,.? _ - _.. _
~_? ~~~_~?~ ? ~-...=aa.~~ ---- .-~-~-~ ^.?... ~, ~: supporting, d~rectl or indirect-
r#~?y sales i11 sponsored y - Y
What had been cast as a his- ly, any United States. personnel
er
4eztatoxs Jahn ~herm~;j
rx Coo
p
,
,
u-blicari off' ~entuck ~a tonic constitutional debate was -- LA Cambodia who furnish miti.
P ,LL Y, alternst~lY lackadaisical .and I made this determination retro ~ t~yTjnstruction to Cambodian
~
D
f
F
C
t
F
emocra
?ur?~
n ,
~
o
.?
emotional. ~~t ? o~___ oint this
p, - - morning, the Senate had to re-
?ri z -?-~ --- -_ --_. -__-.._
t t Qr~ ,,~%~'~'~ '` Mansfeeld of Montana, the Sen- '
r~ r ,p~r~ovt a rr~t any 4 ate ma'~oi~lty leader and a co-
v1 ?` .J.rx1e~C~t~aY'~es Qr: Coxgt~j't spansor of the Cooper-Church E
s 1~ ~ -$ ~ amendment, and Senator Robert E
~~$'~ $s o to ~'he Cam dian
lo. P. Griffin, Republican of Michi- i
;,-GaY~e,tr owever, tT~e de- earn,
bade ~, tel?e~,~p? the?preamble, ~ Dismissing the revised, pre-, ~
h~ to meet tT~e o~lectioti~s amlble as nothing more than r
"cosmetics," Senator Griffin
X31" the ~l~ate house .w?c~, ?s , :saki that the amendment was ~
,poW~rsT the sponsors, revised resident" that undercuts and f
themlale to emp~iasize that ' uncTermines him at a very. 1
`de a Un?eted ~t~PC rr ' _---------
_ r - x~lY3~ E ?'kme a Sri i ~u dln 1k ba - ,~t#aw~mmecrdttenTe [vf Y}TP A
~Uriited States in ~ambo~a after ~"."`~?"~ ~"? ?= ~r_- ~--
July 1,>, his rt~c'~nce a'~ Te rep~ie
Turning on Senator Crriffin
The nevi
sign also- made ex- ~tvo desks away, Senator
elicit that funds would not be ;Cooper told his Republican col-
cut off until July 1. i '~e,,,,,s +ho+ if +h,, imnNratinn
The revised. preamble was
adopted 82 to 11, the first vote
.since the Cambodian debate bq-
gan nearly two weeks,. ado. The
margin was misleading, how-
ever, for many voted for the
revised preamble who, vYere
still opposed to the amendment.
Bare Nl;aa~ri Possible
At this point the Coaper-
Church amen?dment~~~,ears to
joritq. But when a
reached on it is in
oved ~o~ Release 2+001/~.1 :..CIA-,~?DP - 7R000?~002.30003-9
attar t P mPrl(`a Tl rnnnR A " ( Ct ? ,.,.. ,.. ? .. ,...., a,._ ..:..,_
Lens act or an other lawv ma
withdrawn from Cambodia. Senator Mansfield observed that y Y
~;~~uld be to t~ffer ~ i5_ "a ~eneral_air of ma- ;be expected after July 1, 1970,1
a serves of amendments. laise ~ri-t~sls chamber that car- for the. purposecs of:" Ths is?
After a Senate Republican ries with rt innuendoes and as- followed by the operative por-
policy committee luncheon, h pensions that are not a .healthy bons of the amendment.
Senator Hugh Scott of 2?ennsyl-f sign" and that brought back The original preamble read:
vania, the Republican- leader, PPP "a very bad memory" of an
insisted 'there was- no desire to' earlier period in the Senate. "Prohibition of assistance to
delay a vote. But he smilingly; He was apprently referring to Cambodia:
observed, "You cannot stog' the period of McCarthyism when "In order to avoid the in-
Senators from offering .amend; debate was often punctuated by volvement of the United States
ments." ~ attacks on the personal mo- in a wider war in Indochina
.F,or~tl~e mamepntl? th yAdmi ? tives.,o1:_Senatora. -__ _ _ .and' expedite the withdrawal of
istration was re ortedl taken Senator J. W. Fulbright, 'American forces from Vietnam
a noncommittal position. A~ chairman of;~the Senate For- it is hereby provided tha?, un~
Senator Scott made clear, how sign Relations Committee, less specifically authorized by
ever, the amendment will nod meanwhile, charged that the law hereafter enacted, no funds
be acceptable to. the Adminis, 9dministration had "disregard- authorized or appropriated pur-
tra.tion unless it includes ref, ed'.' and "subverted" the spirit suant to this act or any other
ere~iice to the authority of the ~f the foreign aid ]aw. law may be expended for the
President as Commander in Under a provision in the for- purpose of:"
Chef
meets the latest in the series :
?f :~xitical ..jabs that Senator ;
~j,Rfan hac thrn~ 3~ the bi_ _L
was that he was trying to "un-'
dermine" t21e President, "I',
challenge you from the very II
bottom of my soul: ' ~~
All we are saying, Senator 1,
Cooper said, "is that before
;;the operation is extended and,
bodia, under the Constitution
the President must come to
Congress and get its approval:'
Mansfield Backs Cooper
active, to cover a decision that
~~s lot" engage ?many combat
had already been made. I
"The shipment of arms to the activtiy in support of Carnbo-
Cambodian Government was be- _dian forcers;
gun on April 22," he told the
Senate. "The President's deci-
sion to send those arms was
anpottriced eight days later in
his speech of April 30. But.
the formal- determinations re-'
quired by law were not made
until May 21, nearly a month
after the arms were shipped."
Text of Both Versions
Following is the text of the
revised preamble approved to-
day: "Limitations on United
States involvement in Cam-
bodia,
"In concert with the declared
objectives of the President of
the United States to avoid the
involvement of the United
States in Cambodia after July
1, 1970, and to expedite the
withdrawal of American forces
from Cambodia, it is hereby
provided that unless s ec:fical-
ly aUt3z~T#zed, k2y law hereafter
enacts no funds authorized
or appropriated pursuant to
3. Entering. into or carrying
out any contract or agreement
Ito .provide military instruction
in Cambodia or to provide per-
sons to engage in any combat
activity in support of Cambo?
dian fore qr
4. Gontict~g : ~' combat
activity in support of Cambo-
bodia in support of Cambodian
forces.
- re~l~#ng immediately,
want tp postpone a
~
t~~xnilirar~~mvolvement~ _. ~ sponsors of the amend- aot a dlm i;ra VP e~ idenpccan ^_The rest of the amendment,
 It~ay'~,20, X70
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COl~'GRESSIdNAL RECdRD - SENATE S 7549
Mr. BENNETT. The President said we
will be out of Cambodia by the end of
June, and I am willing to wait until the
end of June to see if he lives up to that
program.
Mr. GRAVEL. Suppose we begin to get
unsuccessful in Cambodia. Do we cut and
run, as the Senator has said, or do we
expand our activities to protect the goals
we created?
Mr. BENNETT. The Senator and I may
be good Senators, but we cannot predict
the military situation at any time be-
tween now and the end' of June.
It may be that the- President would
have to tell the country his program has
-not worked and he has a new program to
take its place. This has happened before
with other Presidents. I do not think the
end of the world is coming at the end of
June; and Z cannot guess what all the
options of the President may be, or try to
limit them.
Mr, GRAVEL. One has to examine the
'options as I have ex iii
wiping out these sanctuaries that have
caused us trouble because of the guer-
rilla activity the Senator says we have
experienced there and the Senator :>a,id
earlier that we would gain about 9
months' time, what would happen at the
end of that 9 months' time? What would
be the positive gain that we would have
accomplished?
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, I do
not have the kind of mind that can pro-
Sect exact events. But Ithink that there
are these possibilities.
We have 9 months in which the Viet-
namese Army can improve its capacity
to protect itself.
We have 9 months.in which Russia and
China can take stock of. their situation
and evaluate the value to them of con-
tinuing this conflict.
'We have captured or destroyed large
volumes. of ,supplies that will be costly
in terms of lives, money, and time to
replace. "
We have 9 months in which repre-
sentatives of the other free nations of
Southeast Asia, tivho met in Jakarta last
week, can consider whether or not i;hey
want. tq expand their relationship into
one of military support for each other,
and thus move in to help take the burden
off of us. Many things can happen in
9 months.
Mr; GRAVEL. Suppose what happens
will be what happened in the last ix Years;
that is, all the other nations of Southeast
Asia will not ,use their economic muscle
ixi connection with South Vietnam, and
the situation will remain 'the same and
we will continue to withdraw troops.
Then where is the net gain as far as the
goal attained with respect to our tak-
ing people out of South Vietnam?
Mr. BENN~TT. In the firstPlace, I do
not. think the last 5 years can be' pom-
pared with the present situation, because
now the North Vietnamese have de;Iib-
erately and gpenly involved the bam-
bodians. Ithink this has created greater
pressure qn the Thais; who have been. in-
volved. in minox guerrilla warfare, .,but
who see the North Vietnamese taking
over South Vietnam.
History does not stand sill and I think
there is a very good chance that the
events of the next 9 months might
lead lIs closer to a resolution of this pro-
gram. In the meantime, we -have weak-
ened the capacity of the enemy to make
war because we have destrgyed a substan=
tial amount of his supplies and rendered
useless , even if temporarily; this hide-
awaY, this sanctuary, -this safe haven to
which he oould run. He may be able to
build it up &gain but 9 months is a
long time to be without those supplies.
Mr. GRAVEL. The Senator makes
mention ai' the existence of guerrilla ac-
tivity in Thailand. Would it not seem
logical, smc@ we have gone into Combo-
..,
dia,tA take away some of the sanctuaries,
tq ?move intq Thailand, and to hit some
of thgse ~anctuarles~which are becoming
active?
Mr. I3~TT. Those sanctuaries ran-
be used ~~ainst us because there is
not
Ao conolx border with South Vietr.~am.
. Mr`. GR~.~L, 'i`~iey can be used in
c~nnecticln with Cambodia.
~
I yield the floor. L~/~' ?`
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Bartlett, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
House had agreed to the amendment of
the Senate to the bill (H.R. 12878) to
amend the act of August 9, 1955, to au-
thorizelonger term leases of Indian lands
at the Yavapai-Prescott Community
Reservation in Arizona.
The message also announced that the
Holzse 11ad agreed. to the amendments of
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 S 7550
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.CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE May,?z0, ~~~'0
the Senate to the bill (H,R. 11372) to
amend the act entitled "An act to au-
thorize the partition or sale of inherited
interests in allotted lands in the Tulalip
Reservation, Washington, and for other
purposes; ' approved June 18, 1956 (70
Stat.290).
The message further announced that
the House had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
12941) to authorize the release of 4,080,-
000 pounds of cadmium from the na-
tional stockpile and the supplemental
stockpile; asked a conference with the
Senate on` the disagreeing votes of the
-two Houses thereon, and that Mr. PHIL-
BIN, Mr, BENNETT, and Mr. Klzrc Were ap-
pointed managers on the part of the
House at the conference.
The message also. announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendments
of the Senate to the bill (H,R. 15021) to
authorize the release of 40,200,000
pounds of cobalt from the national stock-
pile and the supplemental stockpile;
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing-votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. l.'xlLaliv~, 1Vir, $Err-
NETT, and Mr. KING were appointed man-
agers on the part of the House at the
conference.
The message further announced that
the House had. disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate. to the bill (H.R.
1583.1) . to authorize,, the disposal, of bis-
muth from the, national stockpile and
the supplemental stockpile; asked a con-
ference witli_the Senate ox1 the disagree-
ing votes of the two. Houses thereon, and
that Mr. PIIILHIN, Mr. $ENNETT, and Mr.
KING were appointed managers on the
part of the House at the conference.
The message also announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendments
of-the Senate. to the bill (H.R. 15832) to
authorize the disposal of cast,~r oil from
the national stockpile; asked a confer-
ence with the Senatc,on the disagreeing
votes of the two Houses thereon, and that
Mr. PrIILBIN, Mr. BENNETT,, and Mr. KING
were appointed managers on the part of
the House at the conference.
The message further announced that
the House_llad disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the .bill (H:R.
15833) to authorize the disposal of acid
grade fluorspar from the national stock-
pile and the supplemental stockpile;
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing .votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. PxILBiN, 1VIr.
$ENNETT, and Mr: KING were appointed
managers on the .part of the House at
the conference.
The message also announced that the
House had s~js~~ggrg~d to the amendments
,:rof'the ~~n&t~~o the X111 (H.R. 15835) to
authorize the. disposal of magnesium
from the natio, alstockpile; a?iked a con-
ference witk~t g Senate on the disagree-
`ing,votes of i;~lie two, Houses th.ereon+ and
..that M~, Pxll.ezx Mr. BENrrET'x,, and Mr.
King were a~lo~nted managers on the
part of the House at the conference.
The laiessage further announced that
the ptisii ~ disagreed to the amend-
men of t~g Senate to the bill (H.R.
15336) to authorize the disposal of, type
1}., chemical grade manganese ore from
-the, national, stockpile and tlhe supple-
: mental sf~oc'kpile; asked a conference with
the Senate on the disagreeing votes of
the two Houses thereon, and that Mr.
PHILBIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr. KING
were appointed managers on the part of
the House at the conference.
The message also announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendmelts
of the Senate to the bill (H,R. 15837) to
.authorize the disposal of type B, chemical
grade manganese ore from the national
stockpile and the supplemental stockpile;
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing votes- of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. PHILBIN, Mr. BEN-
NETT, and Mr. KING were appointed man-
agers on the part of the House at the
conference.
The message further announced that
the House had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
15338) to authorize the disposal of shellac
frpm the national stockpile ; asked a con-
ference with the Senate on the disagree-
ing votes of the two Houses thereon, and
Mr. PHILBIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr. KING
were appointed rilwnagers on the part of
the House at the conference.
The message also announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendments
of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 15839) to
authorize the disposal of tungsten from
the national stockpile and the supple-
mental stockpile; asked a conference
with the Senate on the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses thereon, and that Mr.
PHILBIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr. KING Wore
appointed managers on the part of the
House at the conference.
The message further announced that
the House had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
15998) to authorize the disposal of Suri-
nam-type metallurgical grade bauxite
from the national stockpile and the sup-
plemental stockpile; asked a conference
with the Senate on the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses thereon, and that Mr.
PHILBIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr. KING Ware
appointed managers on the part of the
House at the conference.
The message also announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendments
of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 16289) to
authorize the disposal of natural Ceylon
amorphous lump graphite from the na-
tional stockpile and the supplemental
stockpile; asked a conference with the
Senate on the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses thereon, and that Mr. PHIL-
BIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr. KING were ap-
pointed managers on the part of the
House at the conference.
'The message further announced that
the House had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bi1T (H.R.
16290) to authorize the disposal of re-
fractory grade chromite from the na-
tional stockpile and the supplemental
stockpile; asked a conference with the
Senate on the disagreeing votes of the
two Houses thereon, and that Mr. PHIL-
BIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr, KING were
appointed managers on the part of the
House at the conference.
The message also announced that
the House had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
16291) to authorize the disposal of chry-
sotile asbestos from the national stock-
pile and the supplemental stockpile;,
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. PHILBIN, Mr.
BENNETT, and Mr. KING were appointed
managers on the part of the Iiause at
the conference.
The message further announced that
the House had. disagreed to the amend-
ments of the S@nate to the. bill (H.R.
16292) to authorize the disposal of co-
rundum from the national stockpile;
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. PHILBIN, Mr.
BENNETT, and Mr. KING were appointed
managers on the part of the House at
the conference.
The message also announced that
the House had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
16295) to authorize the disposal of nat-
ural battery grade manganese are from
the national stockpile and the supple-
mental stockpile; asked a conference
with the Senate an the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses thereon, and that Ml?.
PHILBIN, Mr. BENNETT, and Mr. KING
were appointed managers on the part of
the House at the conference.
The message further announced that
the House-had disagreed to the amend-
ments of the Senate to the bill (H.R.
16297) to authorize the disposal of mo-
lybdenum from the national stockpile;
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. PHILBIN, Mr. BEN-
NETT, and Mr. KING were appointed man-
agers on the part of the House at the
conference.
ENROLLED BILLS SIGNED
The message also announced that the
Speaker had affixed his signature to the
following enrolled bills, and they were
signed by the Acting President pro tem-
pore (Mr. METCALF)
8. 19. An act to reimburse certain persons
for amounts contributed to the Department
of the Interior; and
S. 1934. An act far th relief of Michel M.
Goutmann.
AMENDMENT OF THE FOREIGN
MILPrARY SALE'S ACT
The Senate continued with the con-
sideration of the bill (H.R. 15628) to
amend the Foreign Military Sales Act.
Mr. FONG. Mr. President, I am op-
posed to the third committee amend-
ment, which includes the so-called
Cooper-Church amendment, primarily
because if enacted the Cooper-Church
language would endanger the more than
400,000 American troops ordered to duty
and now serving our country in South
Vietnam.
I am as concerned,as any other Mem-
ber of this body about the risk involved
in the President's decision to clear out
the enemy sanctuaries in Cambodia.
I am as concerned as any Member of
this body about the constitutional pre-
rogatives of the Congress and the con-
stitutional prerogatives of the President.
But, today, we are not debating wheth-
er Congress shquld_ authorize our troops
to be ordered into Cambodia. We are
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ay ~0, 7 9 ~0~ CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD -SENATE , S 7551.
laced with the fact that they have been Let us give him the opportunity to fu1- Suppose again, Cambodian forces
ordered there- and that thousands of fill. his pledge. This is the least we should were striking an enemy base in Cam-
Americans are presently in Cambodia as do. bodia from which the enemy was attack-
tvell as "Vietnam. I simply cannot comprehend how those ing U.S, forces in Vietnam. Does the
At Such a time and , in such cdreuxi~- who support the Cooper-Church amend- Senate of the United States want to pro-
- stances where the lives of more t11a31 ment can justify to the American peo- habit any American or any other person
400,000- Americans. as .Well as millions of pie why they would be willing to under- from helping Cambodian forces trying
South Vietnamese people.. are at stake, mine the credibility of the President- to prevent the enemy from killing Amer-
the Senate of the United States should the only American who can negotiate icon troops?
take na action that would jeopardize our peace-at this critical time. Mr. President, it is a good thing Por
forces under fire. Now let us look at the second provision the American people that France did not
It is my firm, belief that the Cooper- of the Ccx~ner-Chnrnh amanrimant Tr,? have a similar. prohibitions against as-
['l
..r.,.,.~.,.w.., a
p~ardize American men now in .;South.- thorized by law hereafter enacted-no
east Asia. ~ funds may be spent to pay the compen-
Let us examine. what the Cooper- sation or allowances of, or otherwise sup-
G'hurch amendment would do,. port directly or indirectly, any U.S. per-
The first provisions of the amep~dmerat sonnel in Cambodia who furnish military
provides that--unless specifically au- instruction to Cambodian forces or en-
tharized by law .hereafter enacted-no gage in any combat activity in support of
tuncLs may be spent to retain U.S. forces Cambodian forces.
in Cambodia. The Senate Foreign Relations Com-
The Senate foreign Relat#ons Com- mittee report states that this language
mittee report states that; this provision is designed "to prevent (A) involvement
"Will prevent the indefinite presence 11] by U.S. personnel, military or civilian,. in
Cambod#a of U.S. forces in Vietnam combat activities in support of Cam-
which are now there to engage in ac- bodian forces, and (B) any U.S. person-
tions against Vietcong and North. Viet- nel from providing military instruction
namese forces -and bases-and would ~ Cambodian military forces."
also prohibit the sending of U.S'. per- I would be the last person to want to
cannel into Cambodia as advisers to see American forces bogged down in any
i3outh Vietnamese .military units."' quicksand in Cambodia.
The President has assured us that -all
U.S. farces will be out of .Cambodia by On the. other hand, the Senate of the
3uly 1. United States should at this time be ex-
I believe the President has every in- tremely wary of enacting a provision
tendon of fulfilling his scheduled with- which could conceivably hamper the
QrawalYrom Cambodia. President in his efforts to protect our
$Y adhering, to his ann9unced sched- American troops temporarily in Cam-
ule the President will not only be keep- bodia, our American troops scheduled to
ing faith with the American people and be withdrawn from Vietnam, and our
the. U.S. Congress, but he will also be American troops who would still remain
establishing his credibility with the en- in South Vietnam.
tare world,. including, the enemy. Suppose Cambodian forces were strik-
' .As the President of the United. States ing an enemy base in Cambodia from
is our one and only Commander in Chief which the enemy was attacking U.S.
and as the President of the United States forces in Vietnam. Does the Senate of
is the only officer who Can conduct for- the United States want to prohibit any
'eign relations, this credibility is crucial American from helping Cambodian
to expediting an end to the war, expedit- forces trying to prevent the enemy from
ing an end to U.S. combat involvement, killing American troops?
and expediting negotiations toward a I simply cannot comprehend how
just peace, those who support the Cooper-Church
If the Senate adopts this amendment, amendment can justify to the American
the Senate of the United States will be people their proposal to deny assistance
saying not only to the President but to to Cambodia even if Cambodia is heip-
the entire world that it doubts the I'resi_ ing our troops.
dent's credibility. The third provision of the Cooper-
Mr. President, I repeat. If the Senate Church amendment also provides that-
adopts this amendment. the Senate of ,,,,ia~~ ~r,e,.4fln.,n? ....~-i...-:..,.~ ti__ ,____
~. aa.~au-uv iuuua may pe
to the President but to the entire world spent to enter into or carry out any Thfs being true, then it follows as
that it doubts the President's credibility. contract or agreement to provide mill- night follows day that where the safety
In def}once of traditional American tary instruction in Cambodia or to pro- of American men in battle is concerned,
~a#r.Dlay, the Senate whl be doubting the vide persons to engage in any combat the Senate of the United States, indeed
Presldent's,credbility on Cambodia long activity in support of Cambodian forces. the entire Congress, should leave to the
before the 1?xesident has. had the oppor- According to the Senate Foreign Rela- Commander in Chief and to his field
!unity to, establish his Credibility. lions Commitee report, this language is commanders every option to protect our
I repeat. The ,Senate will be doubting ' rathEri noway are its supporters advocat-
frig a return to "fortress America:' Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask
Action taken by the Senate in no way unanimous consent that, following the
prayer-arid disposition of the Journal on
tomorrow, the distinguished Senator
from Indiana (Mr. HARTKE) be recog-
nized for not exceeding one-half hour.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ORDER FOR RECOGNITION OF SEN-
ATOR FANNIN TOMORROW
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I asp
unanimous consent that, following the
remarks of the Senator from Indiana on
tomorrow, the distinguished Senator
from Arizona (Mr. FANNIN) be recognized
for not to exceed 20 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ORDER FOR TRANSACTION OF
ROUTINE MORNING BUSINESS
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that on tomorrow,
there be a period for the transaction of
routine morning business, with state-
ments therein limited to 3 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ADJOURNMENT UNTIL 11 A.M.
TOMORROW
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, if there
be no further business to come before the
Senate, I move, in accordance with the
previous order, that the Senate stand in
adjournment until 11 a.m. tomorrow.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 5
o'clock and 5 minutes p.m.) the Senate
adjourned until tomorrow, Thursday,
May 21, 1970, at 1-1 o'clock a.m.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate May 20, 1970:
SECURITIES AND EXCHANGE COMMISSION
Hugh F. Owens, of Oklahoma, to be a
member of the Securities and Exchange
Commission for the term of 5 years expir-
ing June 5, 1975.
U.S. TAX COURT
The ibllowing to be a fudge oP the U.S.
Tax Court for a term. expiring 15 years after
he takes office:
Howard A. Dawson, Jr., of Arkansas.
Bruce M. Forrester, of Missouri.
Leo H, Irwin, of North Carolina.
Samuel B. Sterrett, of Maryland.
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 `~Ma~ ,20,.197'OApprov~~~r1~~~~TA~~2~~RI~IA~P~~,o(~i(~3~~F~Q~~~~30003-9 E447~
EXTENSIONS OF .REMARKS
LETTERS FROM CONSTIT'~[TENTS
HON. ALBERT H. QDIE
4F i~INNk`SyS1'A
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 19, 1970
Mr. QUIE. Mr. Speaker, every Mem-
ber of Congress, of course, is being bom-
barded with mail from constil;uents in
regard to the Vietnam war noRr compli-
Gated by the Cambodia offensive.
One of the letterg I have received ixl
opposition to the war came 'fr'om Mrs.
James Ii. Carroll, 785 Upper Colonial
Drive, St. Paul, Minn. It is her first letter
to a Member of Congress.
T believe her thoughtful letter be-
speaks the concerns of millions ~o~ Amer-
icans toward this conflict. Mrs. Carroll
offers. no one-shot solution to our pres-
ent dilemma in Vietnam, but her letter
sets out some of the .effects of this war
on the American people and 'the con-
cerns that beset all of us,
I should like to have her letter re-
printed in the RECORD,
In addition I should like to have re-
printed aletter to the President from
Mrs. Oran S. Olson, of 819 Albert T,ea
Street, Albert Lea, Minn. Mrs. Olson
writes as the mothex of a questioning
teenager and mak@s the point that,
if wefare to have meaningful dialog be-
tween youth and their elders, both sides
must listen,
I commend both ~cLf these wame~ on
their excellent lette;s .in support; of their
indiv~ciual points of view..
HOn, ALBERT QUIE,
House'oj Representatives,
Congress of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEA$ M$. QUIE: Last night on the news
you were reported as saying that you had
some misgivings about the situation in
Cambodia but that "we must support the
President," I heard, this with alarm. I can
see supporting the President's program for
taxation, or space, or school lunch or what-
ever as a matter of .party )yblitics even if in
conflict with your own views, but when he
embarks on something which i.~ in direct
contradiction to the, .line of &ctiort hg pro-
posed in his drive for the presidency and
which. is of. questionable legality having
been done without consent of Congress as
well as being un-Christian I find it repre-
`.iensible not to work for a change of direc-
ion.
I will. not waste time discussing the mo-
ality of the Vietnamese (and now Cam-
odian) .intervention which I con.slder to-
tlly indePensible"but pass on at once to the
Messing issue of national self interest, since
n she materialistic societp we have become
,his seems. the only area in which pressure
night have a chance of success.
~'or na,any years the north Vietnamese
nave pursued their. objectives with .foreign
aid in money and mat@riel bLit _apparently
withoutry}~ljpower,help. Despite c;normous
aid in' ~vexy category. South Vietnam has
been Iai~?4ble lp ,lie sequred wliic]lI to me
spe&ks in capital letters about the lack of
coneertl,'ilSYlong the average Vietnamese as
to the importance of which politioal idea
will utimately prevail. On television last
.week a young American soldier said some-
thing to the effect that he saw many Viet-
namese who were not involved in fighting
and found himself wondering why he was
fighting for them. I ask myself the same
question.
The only accomplishments I see coming
from this engagement are totally negative. .
1. We have brutalized a generation of
young men who must one day take their turn
as leaders.
2. In sending almost half a million to
Asia we have wideneu and deepened expos-
ure to drugs and increased our problems in
that area. `
3. We have left a legacy of countless
fatherless children who by the nature of
cultural patterns in Asia are alienated from
the moment of their birth from their coun-
tryment by lack of paternal name.
4. We have proved by our lack of success
how well guerrilla activity works even in an
undeveloped country. Think of its potential
here! Does this explain the increasing
amount of bombing and arson activities in
this country? What dangerous knowledge to
place in the hands of heedless revolution-
aries who desire to destroy, not reform this
great nation.
5. We daily increase the alienation of our
young people, This to me is incredible and
unacceptable. I have young people in school
and on college campuses and I will not have
them called bums because they dare to pro-
test this war. Too long have we left the
young people express and bear witness to a
dissent many of us share with them. We
must join them at once.
In closing I wish to mention the silent
majority which I contend Mr. Nixon com-
pletely misunderstands, They are not a silent
majority, but an apathetic majority of peo-
ple like me who have not wanted to get in-
volved on either side of an issue. They do
not protect you from a revolution, 'nor sup-
port you li you get in one. They were around
in 1775 when an angry militant minority
struck against an intolerable governmental
system of exploitation and repression and
succeeded in spite of the silent or apathetic
majority who would not adequately feed,
clothe or support them as anybody who has
read about Valley Forge remembers. They
were even around during the last war, get-
ting black market tires and gas and wanting
triple time in war industries if overtime fell
on a holiday!
This is my first letter to a congressman
and I write because I am unhappy and deep-
ip frightened. I see an angry nucleus in the
United States and I see it on a snowballing
course as it races through the discontented
unanswered areas of need 1n our country-
race relations, poverty, requirements for edu-
cational reform. These are the questions far
which we must find solutions-not the politi-
cal problems of Asia which need Asian an-
swers.
Sincerely yours,
MrS. JAMES H. CARROLL.
ALBERT LEA, MINN.,
May 12, 1970.
The PRESIDENT,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: This iS a letter
from one of the "silent majority." Last night
my husband and I had an interesting but
very disturbing conversation with our 17-
year-old daughter. She seems to think that
because we do pot participate in peace rallies
and marches that we do not care-that we
have no read concern for the welfare of our
country. I told her that we da care and that
on different occasions have written letters to
our Congressmen. We believe that is what
the young people should do instead of march-
ing down city streets and causing disturb-
ances.
A "peace rally" was held in a downtown
park in our small city last Saturday after-
noon. This would have been just fine except
for a certain element that was not content
with staying in the park. They paraded down
main street. and as a result of this march
one person was knifed and is in the hospital
with a punctured lung. We believe that high
school teachers and college Professors have a
lot to do with inciting these young people
to this sort of action and this is deplorable.
We told our daughter that perhaps if the
young people would stop relating to the
"hippies" in their appearance that people
might listen to them and not "turn them
off." The young people talk of "revolution"
and they had better be listened to. However,
at the same time, the young people had bet-
ter listen to their elders and rot "turn us
off."
We tried to explain to our daughter that
we too are opposed to the Viet Nam war. We
hope and pray that the troops will be re-
moved from Cambodia by the end of June as
you say. Also, we told her that as long as
the President of the United States made the
decision to send troops into Cambodia, we
should pray that something good will come
out of this venture.
One other thing that upsets me just as
much as the war in Viet Nam is the drug
situation in the United States of America.
Forget about going to the moon and clean
up our part of the earth not only from air
pollution but from drug pollution!
Very respectfully yours,
MPS. GRAN $. OLSON.
"COME WITH ME INTO MACEDO-
NIA"-THE PRESIDENT AND HIS
CRITICS
HON. WILLIAM G. BRAY
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 19, 1970
1VIr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker-
In every circle and at truly every table
there are people who lead armies in Mace-
donia, who know where the camp ought to
be placed; what ports ought to be occupied
by the troops; and when and through what
pass that territory should. be entered; where
magazines should be established; how pro-
visions should be conveyed by land and by
-sea; when it is proper to engage the ene-
my; and when to lie quiet. And they not
only determine what is best to be done, but
if anything is done in any other manner than
they have proposed, they arraign the con-
sul as if he were on trial before them .
If therefore, anyone thinks himself quali-
fied to give advice respecting the war I am
to conduct, let him come with me into
Macedonia .but Sf he thinks this too
much trouble, and prefers the repose of
city life to the toils of war, let him not on
the land, assume the office of pilot. (Lucius
Aemilius Paulus, speech in Rome prior to
departing to take command in Macedonia,
168 B.C.)
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 E 4480
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORI3 -Extensions o f Remarks Maas N 0,19 ~'D
On April 30, -1970, the President re-
ported to the Nation that United States
end South Vietnamese troops were at-
- tacking Communist sanctuaries in Cam-
bodia in an effort to save lives of Ameri-
can troops and to end the Vietnam war.
Tlie immediate objective, as the Presi-
dent made clear, was to clean out and
destroy a series of North Vietnamese
rriilitary sanctuaries along the Combo-
: dian border; from which hit-and-run
-raids were constantly being made into
South Vietnam:
For 5? years, these sanctuaries were
untouched. The United States had no
wish to`move into the territory of Cam-
bodia, aneutral country. But within re-
cent weeks; alter the ouster of Prince
SihaxYOUk, of Cambodia, North Vietnam
dropped all pretense of Hanoi's respect-
ing Cambodia's neutrality, and thou-
sands of Communist soldiers fanned out
~ll over Cambodia itself.
If this effort succeeds, all of Cambo-
dia-would turn into one mammoth stag-
'ing area and give a 600-mile-long priv-
~leged saiietuary for Communist raid-
, erS into South Vietnam.
Cambodia asked for heIh. The United
Mates had three options:
First. Do nothing. Meaning, allow
North Vietnam to take, unhindered, a
tremendous strategic anc! tactical ad-
- :..vantage.'
second. Massive arms assistance to
Cambodia. But its army i.s smaA; quick
and effective utilization of arms aid
would be next to impossible.
.:Third. C.o in and clean out major
;North '~etnamese sanctuaries and sup-
ply bases which were being used for at-
tacks an-both Cambodia and South Viet-
- nom. _
President Nixon took the third option.
As he put it in his April. 30 address: .
Our purpose is not to occupy the areas.
Qnce enemy forces are driven out of these
Sanctuaries &nd their mfli.tary supplies de-
Btroyed; we will withdraw,
-. This entire move pus the- President
into an extremely difficult position here
at home--as he knew :it would. Again,
-from his speech:
,!~ Republican Senator 'has said that this
action means my party has lost all chance of
Winning the November elections. Others are
Saying todag that this move against the
ene~lny sanctuaries will make me a one-term
President.
2QO one is more aware than I am of the
ppoolitical consequences oi' the action I have
taken.... But I have rejected all political
c4~?stdeTatians in making this decision.
VS?hether nip party gains in November is
21~tliin~ camgared to the lives of 400 thou-
&a~di liraVL> Americans fighting far our coun-
tdry aril for the cause of peace and freedom
3u Vietnam. Whether I may be a one-term
President is insignificant oompared to
WYethei? by our failure to act in this ca~isis
the: Vnited States proves itself to be un-
wiirtby t0 -lead the farces of freedom in this
chM$ica'f lieriod. I would rather be a one-term
iderit -than to be a two-term President
~t~ie ctist of seeing Aanerica became asec-
pjSd. ra?e power and see this nation accept
the first defeat in its proud 190-year history.
,~,i1cl he,conCluded with tiffs paragraph:
,$`is et~stoinAry in a speech-from the White
,~ou~ir to kfik"'support for the President of
"tfnited States. To:night> what I ask far
31I 1~i1fi'$"'important. I ask for support of our
'~rpv~''fneri fighting tonight half-way around
the world-not for territory-not for glory-
but so that their younger brothers and their
sons and your sans will be able to live in
peace and freedom.
So what does it all add up to; what is
being attempted? Crosby S. Noyes, a
leading columnist for the Washington,
D.C., Star, wrote in that paper on Tues-
day, May 12, 1970:
The nature and function of the bases in
Cambodia are quite different from the Com-
munist lasses in Vietnam itself. Their value
to the enemy has lain In the fact that they
were genuine sanctuaries, immune from at-
tack, They provided the end of a long supply
line, leading up through Laos to North Viet-
nam, They were the staging area far all of
the enemy's military activities in the vital
and heavily populated third and fourth carps
areas of South Vietnam.
The existence of the Cambodian sanctu-
aries-and their continued immunity from
attack-has been the essential presumption
in the Communist plans for a successful pro-
tracted war_ Without them, there is virtually
no prospect of sustained guerrilla activity in
the southern two-thirds of the country.
What is being demonstrated, quitz simply,
is the extreme vulnerability of these bases,
once the decision is made to attack them, The
North Vietnamese can, with great effort, re-
build their bases and stockpiles over the next
six months to a year. And if they do, the
South Vietnamese, with or without American
help, are now prepared to destroy them all
over again in a matter of a few days. In short,
whatever the leaders in Hanoi decide to do,
the Cambodian sanctuaries are no longer an
essential factor in their calculations.
To Americans weary of the war, this may
seem to amount to a dubious victory. But to
the North Vietnamese, also weary of the war,
it is a disaster. And to their brethren in the
South, it is the promise of ultimate salvation,
This, then, is what President Nixon
has in mind. His action has come under
most heavy and bitter attack-most of
it ill-informed, hasty, and making up in
shrillness and harshness of invective
what ft lacks in commonsense. It is now
charged the President has further di-
vided the country. Rot. If anyone has
further divided the country, it is a clique
of self-seeking politicians who are at-
tempting to make what was President
Nixon's rare act of raw, naked political
courage into an outrageous affront to
military judgment, strategic planning,
and a careless, wilful), deliberate, mis-
calculation of the Vietnam war, Not a
bit of this has any truth in it; the falsity
of the charges has not stopped the Presi-
dent's detractors from shrieking in ever-
increasing crescendo of decibels. As so
often happens, however, a foreign maga-
zine has come up with the best and most
incisive commentary on the President's
domestic problems following the Cam-
bodian move that I have yet read. The
fallowing is taken from the lead editorial
in the London Economist of May 9, 1970,
and was entitled "The Real Wax":
If Mr. Nixon did not have to worry about
public opinion-if he had, say, Mr. Kosygin's
power to manipulate it or ignore it-the at-
tack on the Cambodian_ sanctuaries would
have been a risky but rational stroke of war,
He could have told himself that it would
simplify the task he has set himself in Viet-
nam, which 1s to leave South Vietnam in
a position to defend itself, even though it
was probably not absolutely essential for
that purpose. It is not in any genuine way
a violation of Cambodia's neutrality or its
sovereignty. It is an extension of the war
only in the limited sense that it has pushed
the main arena of confrontation 20 miles to
the west. These were all arguments for giv-
ing his men the order to march. Yet Mr.
Nixon must know that his freedom of action
in trying to bring the Vietnam. War to a
satisfactory conclusion is limited by the
length of the tether that American public
opinion sets upon him, The judgment must
be that this week he has come very close
to the rope's end.
It will be said that this is putting things
the wrong way round: that public opinion fs
not just the tug on the end of the rope
when things go too far; it is where any cal-
culation of policy ought to start. The answer
is that on most issues, and especially those
of foreign policy, the President of the United
States has to make up his mind-and act-
before most other Americans know what they
think. The formulation of policy comes first,
and checking it against popular approval
happens afterwards. It is hard to see how
else a president can be expected to act when
ho is dealing with an adversary who has no
effective public opinion of his own to bother
about. If a democracy lets its internal debate
drag on too long it wfil,flnd it has lost the
power to take any effective action. That is
what Demosthenes told the Athenians when
they were threatened by Philip of Macedon;
and the Macedonian army -proved him right.
How has it gone so far? As of Monday,
May 18, 1970, with 2 weeks of the total
8-week gamble past, reports were good.
At this time, it is estimated that after
U.S. forces leave Cambodia by President
Nixon's July 1 deadline, it will take the
Communists at least 6 to 8 months to re-
supply to previous levels. But the truth
is Hanoi may have received a major mil-
itary and psychological blow.
Many things point to this. First, this
is the first time in the war that Hanaf
has been hit where they did not expect a
blow to come. Communist troops cleared
out so quickly they did not even set booby
traps or land mines; they just left.
Second, materiel already captured or
destroyed exceeds total tonnage captured
in all of 1969 in South Vietnam. Pacifica-
tion gains in South Vietnam have made it
impossible for the estimated 100,000
North Vetnamese regulars, and 200,090
Vietcong guerrillas, to live off the coun-
try. Removal or destruction of the Cam-
bodian supply dumps mean short rations;
this means lower morale-which has al-
ready showed up in the first week of the
Cambodian operation, defections from
Communist forces went up to 960 from
508 the previous week,
Secretary of Defense Laird has made it
quite clear that it will be August or Sep-
tember before the "overall strategic suc-
cess of the program can be judged." Bu
it looks well on the way to giving Sout1
Vietnam a fi- to 12-month breathin
space; and vastly increasing the chance
for Vietnamization of the war, and fw
ther withdrawal of American troops.
TI3E CON$TITVTIONAL ISSUE
I find it bitterly ironic that the ve
same voices that are the first to chore
praise fora "liberal" Supreme Court de
cision that admittedly does a very loos
job of reading the Constitution now in
sist on a hard-line, strictly construction
ist reading of the same document whet
it comes to President Nixon's Cambodia)
move. This is a gray area; the more
thoughtful of the President's critics have
openly admitted this. There are now very
active moves afoot in Congress to write
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 pprove or a ease -
` ~ n ~le UUU- UUL30003-y
112ay ~'0, ~ 970 CONGTtESSIONAL RECORD ' Extensions o emar s ~ ~ 81
'before -Nazi Ger-
uite plat ft Britain helpless
de
d h
.
q
e ma
definite restrictions into Bending legls- was concerned, an
lation that will force a Southeast Asian his readiness to take the blame as blame mony, a U.Seaccommodation with Hitler
timetable on the President, tYlat would should be laid on.
cut oil funds for any further operations As far as the prerogatives of the House would have been possible; so he today
in either Cambodia or South Vietnam by of Representatives are concerned, this counsels unilateral, immediate with-
a. rartl~.in date. Dofiig this; it is argued, charge was answered quite concisely by drawal from Vietnam. If this country
f Tennessee (Mr had followed Brewster's counsel in ],941,
om
of Congress to taRe a hand in foreign
`
policy.
On the surface, it all looks so very, very
simple; but it is a deceptive, treacherous
question, containing plenty cf historical
precedent to argue both sides. It is quite
true that many of the Founding Fathers
ofthis country in their own private re-
marks, writings, ' and actions, veered
sharply away from having the Executive
make any sort of unilateral move such as
President Nixon; has done. bn the other
hand, however; we have Thomas. Jeffer-
son. himself writing in a letter to C. A.
Rodney, in 1810,'that-
In times of peace the people look most to
their representatives; but in war, to the
executive solely.
The history of our country"s" foreign
involvement bears `this out. There are,
give or take a few, around 150 incidents
since the birth of our Republic when
the President has committed cur Armed
Forces to action abroad 'without prior
cQnSultatioil with er consent of the Con-
gress. 'i'he two Itoosevelts, Woodrow Wil-
son, Harly Truman, Dwight Eisenhower,
John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and
Richard Nixon-to name' those of this
ceriirury alone-have ah moved tsoops'in-
to action or across national frontiers
without so much as a by-your-leave from
Capitol, Hill.
One of our country's most outstanding
scholars and historians, Henry Steele
Commager, in his book "Presidential
Power," 'said:
T11e Issue Analyzed It muss; be ad-
mitted at once that the constitutional docu-
went itself says very little about the matter
of the conduct of, foreign relations and the
exercise of war powers, and what it does say
A group of distinguished lawyers, op-
posed to the Cambodian decision, did
note in their own brief-which was re-
printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-
that President Nixon's move "is riot with-
out historical precedent and not without
justification under a broad interpreta-
tion. of the collective security theory: '
Now> let us get one thing very straight:'
President Nixon had one thing and one
`,hill, only in mind-really two things,
oalribined-when he made his decision.
t was to pr'otect' American fides, and
?eed up the American w'ithdrauial from
ietnam. Almost overlooked in his most
scent press conference were three words
had never 'used before. He stated
dte .flatly. that he .put his withdrawal
~ogram' "above everything else" This
`as never :put so Bluntly nor firmly pre-
i6i>.sly.
Z}, w~S not tie "Eresident's intention `to
n with the: Senate
ntat
f
lo
ro
r~at~ a ~gn
.r , ~kle House, ale alias enough canfron- First Committee. Brewster is today presi- gave a very thoughtful and rational dis-
to keep him dent of Yale; his recent intemperate re- cussion of the problem in its lead edi-
urce
t~ier
f
s
so
rom a
ati0ns
lee~'Eipled. rIt was. certainly not to create marks about the impossibility of the torial, and Y wish to cite the concluding
a ltptlona"1` crlsis,F Neither, certainly Black Panthers getting a fair trial were paragraphs of that editorial:
;p~'""~~` ~~a~y doriiestic politics; hfs April denounced by practically every major In effect, in an era of instant. mass com-
;0 sPeec{h made it clear he knew what newspaper in the country regardless of munications and push-button warfare, the
the risk wa?s, as far as public opinion political persuasion.- As he would have senators are resting their constitutional case
Approued For Release 2001/11/01 :CIA-RDP72-003378000200230003-9
the gentleman r
BROCK) in the House on May 6, 1970. His the swastika would fly over the world
remarks, in part: today. What if we follow his counsel
I have heard a great deal of criticism here today?
today from those who have opposed the war NOW, just what is it historians say
in the past, saying that the poliices of the about the Bourbons of France? "They
nest administration were wrong. I agree. But forgot nothing, and they learned noth-
h
t
when it became known that we had last
American lives because our men were fired
at from sanctuaries in Cambodia and the
permission to fire back was refused? Were
Ghey standing up for American youth at that
time? Where were those who criticized this
war when we found out that, under the pre-
vious regime in Cambodia, a major amount
of war materiel coming into South Vietnam
was not coming dowm the Ho Chi Minh,.Trail
but coming through the seaport of Cambodia
called Sihanoukville? Where were they then?
Indeed. Where were they; not only in
the Congress, but in the universities?
Where were they? For that matter, while
I am speaking of universities, it might
be well to take a look at this desire for
involvement that is now being shrieked so
loudly, by both students and faculty.
Their self-imposed, self-anointed mantle
of political maturity and perception gets
somewhat ragged and stained if we.take
a brief look, not too many years back,
to see how and on what topic they have
performed fn the past.
For the students themselves, Carl
Henry, a leading Protestant theologian,
former writer for the New York Times,
and founding editor of Christianity To-
day, recently reminded the American
Baptist Convention that 30 years ago
the senior class at Princeton voted Adolf
Hitler the man of the year-because he
gat things done. So much for student
political perception.
The faculty, the administration? The
following quotations appeared in the May
17, 1970, Washington Post:
I assume I have been invited here to pre-
sent and explain the point of view of those
many young citizens who oppose active of-
ficial participation in the war abroad .
Fundamentally, we believe that the peace
of this hemisphere has more to offer the
rone
ing." After being booted off the
of France, they or their spiritual descend-
ants must have wound up attending,
teaching, or running, U.S. colleges.
I would venture to say that all the
screams about the constitutionality of the
President's decision from the liberal left
is because they suddenly realized what
they, themselves, and their predecessors
in and out of Government, were so hasty
to create when the Executive was a man
more to their liking, has now been used
in a way by a man whom they admittedly
hate, and will do all they can to cut
down.
Max Lerner, prominent columnist and
a writer with immecable liberal qualiflca-
tions, smashed his verbal hammer down
on some writhing fingers just last week
when his May 14, 1970, Washington Star
column contained this paragraph:
What do the new revolutionaries want to
do with Nixon? Many talk of impeaching
him, but that is the same sort of nonsense as
the old far-right movement to impeach Earl
Warren. The real question about Nixon's use
of presidential power is not whether it !s
constitutional (the liberals themselves made
it constitutional in their broad interpretation
of it under Franklin Roosevelt) but whether
Nixon can make it effective.
How very true. Now, in conclusion, let
us get some facts straight about the
short- and long-run implications of these
pending amendments that, it is said, will
"end the war," by limiting the Presi-
dent's freedom of action due to suspend-
ing funds for further operations in
Southeast Asia.
There is absolutely no clear-cut defi-
nition of what involves American "parti-.
cipation" in a war, nor is there ever likely
to be. One Senate amendment defines it
as furnishing advisers to a fl-iendlY coun-
try-today, Cambodia-but if this is so,
come of a devastating transoceanic war.... then We were certainly a belligerent in
If a transatlantic war is to be waged, we trite Greek civil war, 1947-49. Loss of life?
would rather make the enemy cross the wet- HOW about the Dominican Republic in
er to try to land. We resent the un- 1965? And were we certainly not, under
willingness of certain people to be honest these premises, at war with North Korea
and square with the public we have re- and Communist China in the early
rented the use of glib phrases just because
they sound well even though they may be 1950'5? And with North Vietnam Since
loaded with dynamite which may determine 1964?
our future. We resent the effort to hide The truth of the matter is, simply, that
from the American pepole tomorrow's con- these amendments to limit funds are at-
sequences of what we do today. tempts to reassert a congressional pre-
The time was February 1941; the place rogative that has withered and fallen
was before the Senate Foreign Relations into disuse, not only and solely through
Committee; the topic was lend-lease to lack of use,.. but through the inexorable
Britain; the speaker was Kingman Brew- movement of time and history. The
ster then chairman of the Yale America Washington, D.C., Star on May 17, 1970,
 Appro CONGRESSIONAL R~COKDCIA~.x~ensaans~3~71~pe(~230003~pa~ 2f1, X970
E 4482
on a document forded to deal with contin= emotion is blinding reason. Why they ca ~ BUSrxESS(IBsy Hobart Rpwen)~ TaExn
gencies in the age of fail. The founding fath- not see that Nixon is facilitating the orderl oun and old, U.S. busi-
ers were wise men, but they were not proph- American retreat from Vietnam shows, too, To many persons, y g
ets. Only a lunatic in the lSth Century could how cultivated fear and distrust can befuddle ness presents an image of insensitivity to the
have predicted the world in which we live the minds of those who wish to believe key issues of the day. Thus, at the meeting
today. The problem, then, is to interpret the Nixon is playing some kind of a trick to gro- of the Business Council a week ago, farmer
Constitution to deal with the world as it is, long the war. Commerce Secretary John T. Connor got a
not as it-was or as we might wish. it to be. But from that point of view nothing fails cold shoulder when he denounced the inva-
It happens to Be an extremely dangerous like success. With the Cambodian operation sion of Cambodia, warning of "tragic con- _
world. Nixon is further along toward a withdrawal sequences" at home and abroad.
We cannot believe it is the intention o~i that will leave behind an independent gov- ..Within the populace at large," Mr. Connor
Congress--or the' wish of the people-to re- ernment in Vietnam that would not have told his executive suite peers. "it is already
strict the president's ability. to protect the been thought possible a few months ago. clear that the Cambodian move will result in
lives of American troops in Vietnam. The The very success of the operation so far more widespread dissension in this country,
point is not whether they should be there; is cause for- complaint. He shouldn't have involving many other loyal citizens besides
the point is that-they are there, (italics in done it, the argument goes, because the war most of the young, the intellectuals and the
anginal text) despite what we believe to be would be widened. blacks. This time, many of the silent major-
Mr. Nixon's sincere "desire to bring them But it is not being widened for the simple sty will cease to be silent and will speak out
home , as rapidly as possible. On this basis and valid reason that clearing oust the Cam- against the continuation and expansion of
alone, the Cooper-Church amendment, which bodian sanctuaries reduces the ability of the this senseless warfare."
would outlaw any future operations by U.S. Communist side to conduct the war, at least gut when Mr. Connor was asked by news-
troops in Cambodia after June 36 and ban for the next 6 to 12 months while 150,000 men what sort of reception he had gotten,
virtually all aid to that country? is wrong Amencan troops are coming home. Business Council Chairman Fred J. Borch
and ought to be defeated. We hope that no Nixon is also being criticized because it now (General Electric) brusquely cut in to say:
mo'l'e American expeditions will be necessary, becomes apparent that he seized an appor- ..polite."
but we would support thexx ii we felt they tuni:ty to help create the conditions he thinks The Business Council need not have agreed
Would save the lives of Axnencan soldiers who must prevail in Indochina .when all com- ~y,ith Mr. Connor to have taken his warnings
might otherwise die in Vietnam. bat troops are gone. Why not? What is so more seriously. Even supporters of President
As to the larger question of i'uture un- sacred about enemy troops operating out Nixon's move into Cambodia cannot shut
declared"wars, we nbted'in these columns of Cambodia against the desires of the Cam- their eyes to the deep division it has caused
a tew days ago that the alternative to an un- bodian government? in our society.
declared war often is not peace but a de- It has been pointed out that this would be Matching the economic and social conse-
clared wax. Given the temper of the times, like denouncing the British for invading quences stressed by Mr. Connor, the foreign
President Johnson aTinost certainly could German-held Holland in World War II apex- policy implications m_ay be equally signifi-
have obtained a declaration of vvar against atians at ArxLhem. Cambodia's neutrality was cant. As CBS White House Correspondent
North `7letnam at the time of i~he Tonkin violated no less by the North Vietnamese than Dan Rather observed the other day, many of
Gulf incident. " `_ was Holland's neutrality by the Germans. our European friends have concluded that
~t would be useful-most of all to press- The difference, of course, is that the critics the United States, not Russia, is the chief
dents-to have constitutional provision for ai Nixon Sn the Senate and on the inflamed threat to world peace today. .
some exigency short of war. Swt; such does college campuses want no success at all in So the issue, as raised by Mr. Connor, can
not exist and there is little chan~~ae of crest- Indochina. hardly be ignored by leaders of the business
ing one:- Any? p`r`e'sident's practical need for They want defeat and admission of wrong. community. Indeed, at another level, it is
popular" political support far Yds policies, They want atonement and apology-apology not being ignored by Wall Street, which no
doubled with the infinite capacity of Con- for justifiable exercise of power to bring longer equates war and inflation with happi-
gr'ess to make life miserable for the Chief political stability to Southeast Asia, apology ness an the stock market.
Executive, seexns'to us to provide an ode- for helping little countries avoid external ~ a matter of fact, because.of the invasion
quote curb on the gresidential powers. domination, 'apology for as unselfish a na : of Cambodia, the U.S. Treasury came within
Tn the end, despite the Constitution, power tional sacrifice as any nation ever made... a hair, for the first time in modern financial
belongs to him who "is willing land able to Success on Nixon's part will be greeted history, of suffering a failure in a $3.5 billion
@Xercise it. Presidents of both parties have a,i,th the reproach that he has not gotten all -borrowing. This has almost completely eluded
sent tr'oaps into foreign countries primarily troops put of Vietnam and has let the Thieu- the attention of the general public.
because. Congress has been unwilling ar un- gy government go down the drain. There is When the Cambodian crisis erupted, finan-
~ple to acct. If congressional .action were no winning that argument with his oppo- cial markets-banks and other investors-
necessary before a solitary Marine could land, nents. Nor will they, it appears, win their decided that it was not a good time to lend
there would be much talk, few casualties and argument with him. mnnev to Uncle Sam. If the Federal Reserve
fewer` freedoms, in this country and the
ould have failed and
i
,_
world.-
]rt seems to us that the Senate would do
better. to support the PresidenE in his' ef-
Forts to extricate us quickly and honorably
From a war which almost everyone agrees,
prpbably including most of those who to
their credit-have had the courage to fight it,
has lasted too long.
The truth behind it all--a11 of this
..present criticism=is harsh ;i,nd terrible
ill, its;implications, but I believe the ma-
jority of the American people know it for
What 3t is. It was summed up in the title
of a co~Iumn by Richard Wllson in the
Monday May 18, 1J7U, Washington, D.C.,
Star:""IJxriolianal Crities Want No Indo-
chna Success." I wish to conclude by
quoting from 1Vtr. Wilson's column:
Or;c~ these sanctuary ar2as have been made
reasonably secure the kind of war the Com-
muriist side has cdfillucted in the past could
xiat continue a?ad the South Vietnamese are
fully justified in dem~axx~lfng that they re-
" rain"there as'long as they can, or until they
lie as certain. as' possible that Cam-
'" bod art forces can prevent Communist re-
pcc+ ~it7an _ ,. _.
~ is iri the American interest, also, so
t~iat the wltl~drawal can. continue with the
ixlinixx~u`m ai external threat.
l
-
x^p~i"y'~ $lie senate and the ragSng, rioting co
lege students cannot see this illustrates how
THE ECONOMY OF OUR NATION
ng w
eratfon, the borrow
undoubtedly caused a financial panic.
If one grim fact stands out from the epi-
it is that the Tresury and the Federal
ode
,
s
HON. FRANK E. MOSS Reserve had no clue-when the borrowing
was announced-where White House foreign
of Qxna policy was taking the country. At least that
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES unnerving realization of bad management in
Washington should have shaken up the Busi-
Wednesday, May 20, 1970 ness Council.
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, on Sunday, But aside from the Southeast Asia war it-
May 18, self, it would seem that the Business Council
May 17, and again on Monday, "and other modern businessmen can ill affori
Mr. Hobart Rowen published in the ~ ignore the social issues pressing upon all o'.
Washington Post two articles concerning us in today's America: racism, poverty, poi
the economy of our Nation. Mr. Rowen is lution, urban congestion, to name a few. Ye'
the business and financial editor of the American t business thinktithattu orpora
Washington POSt and a most discerning leaders give either lip service or public rel:
and able reporter of financial trends and bons time to these problems, and little el;
developments in the Nation. What he The profit motive is, still the main, a~
Says iri his tW0 articles is sobering, iri- perhaps exclusive guide for business. For e.
deed, and I believe should be Considered ample, a man like George F. Bennett, press
thoroughly by Members Of the Senate dent of Boston's State Street Investment Cc
and, indeed, by all who have access to and treasurer of Harvard University, say
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. flatly that HSTVard's large stake in Corporat~
I ask unanimous consent that the arts- enterprise should not be managed "for and
Iles be printed iri the Extensions Of purpose other than the growth of capita
and income."
Remarks. It is this sort of attitude" that court.
There being no objection, the articles trouble. Harvard Business School of Admin-
were ordered to be printed in the Rscoen, tih~ttsonxx~ n epeoorpleo~ a alienates by lsuch
as follows:
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 May 19, Y970?ipproved For ~~~g~Qp~4(/~QZ :~7-Z-g~~~j00200230003-9
Under the previous order, the Senator
from Missouri (Mr. SYnzlxcxox) is now
recognized, for 1 lyour.
CAMBODI,F~-WHERE IS THE
PROFI'T' IN THE KYLLING?
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, in
the debate on the Semite floor last week
the distinguished Senator from Missis-
sippi, the chairman of the Senate Armed
Service Committee made the following
.observation:
I am not an expert on military matters
and how to fight a war, but I have been close
to the subject far some time.
Those words are applicable to my own
experience, in that during mast of the
adult years of my life I have been work-
ing for a strong and secure America, so
that we could maintain a free America.;
and it is from that background I present
these few remarks.
As the Senate now' considers the
Cooper-Ghurch amendment, we should
ask ourselves, what is true security?
During the debate on this an'iendment,
opponents of the legislation-specifically.
the chairman of the Armed Services
Committee-stated that passage of this
proposal would be__."sending such glad
tidings to our adversaries, not only those
in Hanoi, but those who are allied with
thiem-Peking, .Moscow, and others-
that we are going to tie, a part of our
othex hand behind us."
The distinguished chairman went
even further when he said:
...This is not a time to be stepping Yn here
and stopping a procedure of battle that has
every evidence of being highly profitable.
There is no reason to promise now that we
.will never. do St again unless we can get a
law passed.
It was, not the Members of the Sen-
ate, however,, or even the authors of this
amendment, who -first set down the
guidelines which have been described as
"sending such glad tidings to our ad-
On May 9, at his nationally televised
press conference, President Nixon laid
out the time schedule that noav is being
criticized as "stopping a procedure of
battle that has every evidence of being
highly profitable."
The President declared, both to this
Nation and to our enemies:
ALl Americans of all kinds, ircauding ad-
visors, will be out of Cambodia lay the end
of June.
It was the President wh9, in meetings
with congressional leaders on May 5,
assured that U.S.forces would not gene-
. trate.Camboda. beyond 21.7 miles with-
out congressional. approval.
It was the Secretary of State who, at
his press conference on May 13, said U.S.
troops would not become "militarily in-
volved" with .the Cambodian Govern-
ment .after Completion of the present
operation.
Igo the ppponents of the Cooper-
C,hurcll_~m~ndment believe that Hanoi
1~ecal~e. .joyful when these statements
Were madQ. tS2 the. American people? Or
does ioy only begin when the Senate en-
dorses the announced. policies of the
President and his- top officials?
Rather than at this time getting into
the constitutional .problem posed by an
American President I would comment on
the words "highly profitable" with re-
spect to various aspects of this tragic
business.
We are told that many additional
Americans have .already been killed in
Cambodia, each and every one of whom
no doubt was looking to the future. I
heard on the radio Saturday morning
that 138 Americans were killed in Cam-
bodia.
Where is the profit in these additional
killings?
On May 4, during a protest against the
expansion of the war, the killing spread
to the United States. Four students were
killed by National Guardsmen; and then
six more were killed; and then two more.
Where was the profit in those killings?
A responsible reporter writes from
Cambodia that he saw disillusioned GI's
going into action from their helicopters
with such signs on their helmets as:
VPe are the unwilling, led by the unquali-
fied, doing the unnecessary, for the ungrate-
ful.
No doubt the GI's in question now
realize that the announced plan of Viet-
namization nails down the fact there will
be no favorable military decision. They
know that, and also that among, them
are the ones who will be killed tomorrow
and in the long days to come.
They know also that for over 4 years
the North Vietnamese and Vietcong have
had full use of Cambodia as a sanctuary
for their troops. This was ti~tie long be-
fore the policy of Vietnamization was
decided upon by this administration; and
..therefore they know that the U.S. inva-
sion of Cambodia was a military reaction
to a political development-not a mili-
tary development-the overthrow of
Prince Sihanouk.
In any case, where is the profit.in the
fact that such thinking is spreading
around among members of our Armec}
Farces?
Where is the profit in a statement
made to me recently by one of the finest
of all generals? "'T'he better`younger offi-
cers are completely disillusioned. Many
have already resigned, and many -more
plan to resign."
Again, what is a true definition of se-
curity?
The American people have been both
shocked and saddened by the televised
evidence of the unnecessary killing of
South Vietnamese civilians. For many
months some of our youth in the Army
.have- been under indictment for murder
in connection with civilian killings, and
now we are told that four marines have
also been indicted for similar alleged
murders.
Where is the profit in charges of mur-
der against American servicemen, or in
the killings upon which these charges
are based?
.One of the great educators of our
country, who has had unusual success in
,preventing unrest on his campus, told
me recently that, whereas 3 years ago re-
turning veterans were leaders in his ef-
forts to preserve order, today they were
the leaders in creating disorder.
And again, in .any case, regardless of
S 7385
any short term tactical military profit
achieved through the capture of a quan-
tity of supplies 10,000 miles away from
our own land, as the world watches the
United States start putting the torch to
the hamlets of another little country,
where is the long-term profit?
From the standpoint of our diplomatic
relations with other countries, the in-
vasion of Cambodia has been sheer dis-
aster. Even a casual look at subsequent
statements made by the heads of other
nations shows the degree of that disaster.
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, would
the Senator yield, or would he prefer to
finish his speech? I would be happy.to do
it either way.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President,
could I finish my remarks? I am on lim-
ited time.
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I com-
mend the Senator on the excellent speech
he is making, and I shall wait for him to
complete his prepared remarks.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President,
where is the profit in this further erosion
of our world prestige?
From an economic standpoint, the in-
vasion of Cambodia has already resulted
in heavy financial reverses for millions
of Americans. To this should be added
the fact that the war in Southeast Asia
has been the primary cause for ua hav-
ing, simultaneously for the first time in
our history, the three dangel?ous eco-
nomic components of first, unprecedent-
edly high interest rates, second increas-
ing inflation, and third, growing unem-
ployment.
No one could say there is any profit
in this series of developments, because it
is all too clear there has been heavy loss.
Let us now look at the testimony be-
fore the Senate of one of the most re-
spected and admired leaders of Ameri-
can business, Louis B. Lundborg, Chair-
man of the Board of the Bank of Amer-
ica, the largest bank in the world Mr.
Lundborg testified in part as follows:
In my judgment, the war 1n Vietnam is n
tragic national mistake.
r ? ? r w
The fact 1s than collectively, as a nation,
we have made a mistake,. a colossal one, In
any other context of life, when a mistake has
been made-whether by a person, by a com-
pany, or by a nation-there is only one thing
to do; face up to it. No amount of cover
up-rationalizing, alibiing, or ducking the
facts-will avoid the inevitable day 6f reck-
oning; it only compounds the cost.
s x
In my judgment, it is time the share-
holders of America the people-begin to
call for an end to the squandering of Amer-
ican blood, morale and resources on what is
in essence an Asian war of nationalism.
I believe, Mr. President, that I have
been to Vietnam as often as any other
Member of Congress. And if there is one
thing I am sure of, it is the accuracy of
that remark with regard to nationalism.
Mr. Lundborg continues:
Certainly the disillusionment of the young
over our whole Vietnam experience has weak-
ened their willingness to follow adult leader-
ship in anything.
I shudder to think of our being con-
fronted. by a real military threat-a direct
and immediate one-to our awn national se-
curity while our youth are in this mood.
The overriding question is this one-"Does
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S 7386 Approved For~g~~~1RB~I~~P~~D#Y'1~000200230003~ay Y9, 1970
the United States from either a practical or C8u5e they are 1lnwillirig t0 die for a breathe all over again, and he began physi-
moral viewpoint have either the right or the cause in which they, and so many other cal therapy. "They did a great job," Marke
might to set itself up as the unilateral po- Americans, do not believe. says. "The volunteers and the USO people
liceman for the world?" Mp answer to that This latest Cambodian expansion of the were terrific. Even among the in-service
question is that such a position is morally corpsmen there's disaipiine. IP you don't get
indefensible and practically tinstafnabie. war is defended on the grounds it Sup- attended to by one of these corpsmen, a
" + + Tespect,l thatl the ~ best waY toltsuPPort weekend pamight just mean somebody's
This has been an Issue that has left our In Se tember of 1968, the time came for
people confused and bewildered, with no them would be to bring them home under transfe rto a Veterans Administration hos-
clear sense of direction, no clear sense of a phased and orderly withdraws:. plan. pital. For Dumpert, as for other wounded,
national purpose, no confidence in the moral- This, iri itself, would be the greatest it meant that his condition had been am-
ity _af such national directions as are appar- single Step toward stopping the killing proved and stabilized to the point where
ent, of Americans, the killing of South Viet- extended care could begin. But, as it turned
* + + ? ' namese, the killing of North Vietnamese, out, the Bronx vA Hospital was nothing to
We must remind ourselves that? big and the killing Of Laotians, the killing of look forward to.
powerful as we are, we are only one nation Cambodians, the killing Of all men, "The day they moved me into that gloomy
among manY? Women, and children? and it would also 3-C ward, I knew I was back at the battle-
This in essence is our mistake 1n Vietnam. help to restore much of the lost faith field," Dumpert says. "It was the misery of
We .have somehow lost the vision to see that Khesanh all over again. I sgent over a month
economics-not ideologies and noi; military iri Government which today character- and a half in an 8x21-foot bunker in Khe-
operations-is the key to favorable world izes the thinking of so many of our citi- sanh. I remember the smell of four other
development in the latter third of the 20th ZeriS. guys plus myself, when we had to use water
century. There fs only one way out of our These military, diplomatic, and eCO- to drink, not to wash with, when we lived
current dilemma and that is the elimination nomic sacrifices might be justified if the with garbage rather than dump it and get
of war In Vietnam. war we continue to fight week after week, hit by a sniper. But at least in Khesanh, you
Should we, not listen also to the words month after month, and year after year could joke and be lighthearted. Death was
around you but there was still the possi-
of John W. Gardner, one of the great in Southeast Asia was contributing any- bility of getting out. Here in this ward, liv-
1Sublic servants of our time, when he thing to our national security. But I have ing with the misery of six neglected gaps
says: ' ' been directly Connected with the mill- who can't wash themselves, can't even get
While each of us pursues his setflsh inter- tart Planning inCiderit't0 the Security Of a glass of water for themselves, who are left
est. and comforts himself by blaming others, the United States for some 30 years; and unattended far hours ...it's sickening.
the nation disintegrates. I use the .phrase am sure in my own mind that Vietnam "Nobody should have to live in these con-
soberly. The nation disintegrates and all it entails is now reducing instead upitnosurine bags, iandtwithouteenough at-
Nothing we are doing to help or harm our of increasing the true security of the
friends in Southeast `~sia can compare to United States. tendants to empty them, they spill over the
what we are doing to ourselves as a nation. floor. It smells and cakes something awful.
ExIIIBrr 1 The aides don't commit themselves whole-
The @rosion of spirit that we have experi-
enced is beyond calculation. Weighed against IT'S LIKE YOII'VE BEEN PuT IN JAIL oa BEEN heartedip, but with what they earn a year
that erosion, any geopolitical' advantages in PUNISHED Fox SOMETHING why should they? I've laid in bed on one
the war must seem as pltfully small. I hasten (By Charles Childs) side from 6 a.m. to 4 p.m., without getting
to add my own view that judged in the The sae a at Khesanh had been lifted and moved or washed. When and if you do get
strictest national security terms, ozzr involve- g a shower, you come back and you're put into
Marine Marke Dumpert had gone back to abed on the same sweaty sheets you started
~me~t in Southeast Asia is hopelessly counter Quangtrl not feeling much other than the with. It's like you've been put in jail, or
to ur best interests. Choking sensation of knowing he had been you've been punished for something:'
i.
incredibly lucky. He had been in one of the
Mr. Gardner Pater Observed: The rats were worst. "I had been sleep ng
We are not going to solve our domestic toughest battles of the war and he had sur- on my stomach," Dumpert recalls. "It wasn't
problems until this war is over. It; is just as vived it. Hardened and immunized by the it o'clock, but I had closed by eyes. I sud-
sim le as that. experience, Dumpert, then a private, vol- denly awoke to find a rat on my hand. I can't
P unteered to accompany a corporal and a move my hand, so I tried to jerk my shoul-
One of the domestic problems which lance corporal on a routine check of the ders. I screamed and the rat jumped slowly
now Confronts us> a direct result of the front lines. He had been in Vietnam for off my bed. When the aide arrived, I told
Vietnam war, 15 the need to care for three months. That was the day he was hit. him. He said, `Aw, you must be drunk.' No-
"As we headed out from the camp," Marke body has done anything to this day, so some
those brave men who have returned to remembers, "I was seated up front by the of the amputees who are not totally disabled
this country, but who will never be the door, the lance corporal beside me and the have taken to setting traps, to protect us.
Game again. In this conrieCtion, I ask corporal driving. I heard a crack, a sound ii you're anervous-system Injury you can't
unanimous consent that an article by I'd heard a lot at Khesanh. You start to feel anything, and you could get bitten in
Charles Childs entitled, "It's Like You've sweat when that happens because you get the night and not know it."
Been Put in Jail or Been Pwiished for so you can tell how close a shell is. I could Escape from his predicament seems alto-
Something," in the issue of Life mega- 'tell it was one of those six-foot Russian- gether impossible. Dumpert liopes to finish
zine of May 22, having to do with the ex- made rockets because they sound like a high schgol and has a dream o! becoming a
perience in a veterans' hospital Of a freight train crashing. Just when I took a lawyer, despite his disability. But his will to
breath ... it happened." struggle has been seriously impaired by ne-
wounded marine, as Well as another Blasted off the road, Dumpert was thrown glect and frustration.
article from the same issue entitled into coiled barbed wire. After him came the ?`I peel that the way we Vietnam veterans
"From Vietnam to a ~.A. Hospital: AS- truck, rolling over him and grinding him into are being treated," he says, "is abnormal. I
sigriment to, Neglect," be printed in the the barbed wire. The pain was terrible. He regret having to sap this, but now I have
RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks. felt a sensation of white heat, like a light nothing but disgust for my country. I used
The PRESIDING OFNICER;. Without bulb exploding in his eyes. His neck was al- ~ hate the guys who ran off to Canada to
ready broken but in some .miraculous way avoid the draft. Now I don't hate them. I
objection, it is SO Ordered. he remained conscious, don't like them, but I respect them for
(See eXhibit 1.) Luckily the truck was not far from the what they did. Ii I had known what I know
Mr. SYMlNGTON. Mr. ]?1'e5iderit, I camp when it was hit, so help soon arrived. now, I would never have enlisted. I don't
had planned to read a part of that short Dragged out and freed from the tangle of mean just my injury, but the insensitivity
article this morning on the floor of the barbed wire, Dumpert was rushed to a and lack oP care. They would have had to
Senate but it is so Sad, SO terribly Sad sandbags eon eachislde oP his headiA Medeh drag me into the service kicking. It makes
and tragic in all its actualities and impli- me wonder about Vietnam-about whether
vac helicopter removed him to a hospital the people I saw die, and people like me who
cations that I have decided not to do so ship that was cruising in the South China are half dead, fought for nothing."
this morning. I would only asl:, How Can Sea. The whole episode, from injury to hos- _
anything like this be going on in America, pital Ship, had taken only 75 minutes. Four FROM VIETNAM TO A VA HOSPITAL ASSIGNMENT
the richest Country iri history, the land days later, Medevac surgeons operated to TO NEGLECT
of the ,free and the home of the brave? fuse Dumpert's broken neck back in place.
Far. ,Prom any profit, the tremendous Then they told him: he would survive but Besides the dead, there are the wounded:
he would be paralyzed for the rest of hLs 275,000 of them to date. A man hit ixz Viet-
Losses resulting from this war in Indo- lire from the neck downwards. -nom liar twice as good a Chance of surviving
china, both at home" and abroad, a1'e ri0W After surgery on the medical ship, Marke as he did in Korea and World War II-heli-
.becoming ever more clear; and the youth was flown to the Philadelphia Naval Hospi- cogter teams evacuate the wounded faster,
Of the COUntTy continue to protest, be- tel. There they helped him to learn how to often within minutes, support hospitals per-
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 May 19, 1
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form 'mirabulous repairs on injuries that
tend to be'more'devastating than ever be-
fore. But having been saved by the best field-
medicine in history and given initial- treat-
ment in first-rate m1lit~ry facilities, one out
of every se+ierl U.S. servicemen wounded in
Vietnam 1s fated to pass, into the bleak
backwaters of our Veterans Administration
hospitals. ` _
With 166 separate institutions, the VA
hospital system is the biggest in the world.
The 800,000 ,patients it treats in a' year,
mainly men wounded in earlier wars, range
from -cardiac to psychiatric cases. It is dis-
gracefully understaffed, with standards far
below those of an average community hos-
pital. Many wards remain closed for want oY
personnel and the rest are stra:[ned with
overcrowding. Facilities for long-term treat-
ment and rehabilitation, indispensable for
the kind of paralytic injuries especially com-
mon in this war of land mines and booby
traps, are generally inferior. At MCiami's VA
hospital, while sophisticated new equipment
sits idle far Lack of trained personnel,
patients may wait hours for needed blood
.transfusions. At the VA's showplace hospital
1n Washington, D.C. a single registered nurse
may minister to as many as 80 patients
at a time. At the Wadsworth VA f[ospital in
Los Angeles, doctors who work there de-
scribe ward conditions .as "mediev,ai" arid
Veterans Administration Director Donald
E. Johnson insists publicly that veterans re-
cedve . "Care second to none." The; evidence
is overwhelmingly against him. A flye-month
inquiry, by a .Senate subcommittee chaired
by California's Alan Cranston ]ras docu-
mexxted gross3nadequacies and laid the main
131ame directly on a cries of cutbacks in the
VA, medical budge. This sum presently
amounts to roughly $1.8 billion a year, some-
what less than the co$t of one mo~nah's fight-
ing in Vietnam. Additional, appropriations
of ffi122 million fox next, year awa1L, probable
congressional approval Wand could help ease
the immediate Crisis. But .within the next
is months 18,000 more men from Vietnam
are expected to corrie under the Veterans
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. SXMINGTON. I had said I would
yield to the Senator from Idaho. Then,
I would be happy to yield to the Senator
from New York,
Mr. CHU1=tCH. NIr. President, I com-
mend .the distinguished -Senator from
Missouri' for the very thoug_ krtful and
hard-hittixlg address he has made this
morning,, I must say that he has taken all
of the arguments and reduced t;ilem to a
succinct statement of his position.
What it comes down to, as he; has em-
phasized, is that it is this war that hurts
the United Mates, hurts us abroad and
hurts us at home; and tie crisis that #las
come to this country is the resillt of our
interminable involvement in this war
which offers no conclusive results, and
tears apart the fabric or our own society.
There are limits to what a democratic
country can do when it come:; to war;
it cannot persist indefinitely i',n a war
that can neither. be stopped nor won; it
cannot keep forcing young people to fight
wheal so many of them believe the war to
be wrongful, without sowing the seeds of
sedition iii our,c~~uri land,
That is what is happening to us now
and it -bas's far .greater bearing on the
future Qf the ,Republic than anything.
ti}at is npw or ever has been at stake for
us in Indochina,
I think of all the arguments that have
been voiced against the pending amend-
ment, the most incredible was that taken
to the press galleries a few days ago,
when the two commanders of the largest
veterans organizations of the country
condemned the sponsors of this amend-
ment in terms that impugned their
patriotism and alleged that the amend-
ment would be greeted with joy and jubi-
lation in Moscow and Peking. The facts
are just the opposite. It is the Cambodian
operation itself, rat this amendment,
that has brought joy to Peking.
A .distinguished commentator, Mr.
Stanley Karnow, wrote in the Wash-
ington Post of Monday, May 11, 1970,
that the Chinese Government greeted
with enthusiasm the decision of the Pres-
ident to enter Cambodia. The political
repercussions pace a far larger danger to
the United States in the long run, a much
greater potential threat to American se-
curity, than anything that is involved in
the present war in Vietnam.
For example, there is evidence that
China and Russia are laying their guar-
rel. aside, a quarrel that had split the
Communist world into two warring
camps. What a price to pay. Next, there
is evidence that the Chinese, for the first
time in years, are reestablishing their
leadership over the Communist move-
ment in Asia. Oaf course, as the Senator
knows, the Chinese leadership has been
by far the more aggressive in the com-
petition between Peking and Moscow.
I .say to the Senator that he has
brought back into balance the question
which faces us. It would be in line with
his remarks. if the article by Mr. Karnow,
to which I referred, entitled "Nixon's Ex-
pansion of the War Seems To'i3elight
Chinese," might appear here in the REC-
ORD
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NIXON'S EXPANSION OF THE WAR SEEMS TO
DELIGHT CHINESE
(By Stanley Karnow)
HONG KONG, CHINA. Experts here have
finally figured out Mao Tse-tung's where-
abouts during his recent long absence from
public view. He was secretly ensconced in the
White House, advising President Nixon to
send American troops into Cambodia.
The circur'rrstantial evidence to support
that intelligence is reflected in the fact that
nobody has been displaying greater delight
at the widening war in Indochina than the
Chinese Communists.
Mao .and his associates. are not crazy. On
tpe contrary, they are tough, shrewd and,
despite their apparent adherence to rigid
doctrines, extraordinarily flexible.
Mast of all, they are patient enough to
have played a cautious wafting game in the
hope that Mr. Nixon would accommodate
them by stumbling into Camobdia.
~ For the conflict now spreading throughout
the Indochinese peninsula serves their cause
in several ways. And, barring the unlikely
prospect of its spilling over into China itself,
this welcome development is costing them
next to nothing.
In terms of their own strategic ambitions,
the Chinese have three inter-related obJec-
tives in Southeast Asia.
First and foremost, they -want to oust
American military power, partly because_they
are concerned with their security and partly
S 7387
because a U.S. presence thwarts their other
aims in the area. '
Second, they want to curb the influence in
the region of the Soviet Union, which they
also see as a potential military threat as well
as an ideological rival.
Third, they want a future Southeast Asia
composed oY frail states that pose no chal-
lenge. to Chinese hegemony but, as in cen-
turies past, pay tribute to the rule of the
"Middle Kingdom" in Peking.
The American involvement in Vietnam,
they perceive with obvious pleasure, has
bogged down the United States in a situation
it cannot win and refuses to lose. Therefore,
they calculate, an extension of the conflict
will only drain U.S. resources further.
Besides stirring dissent in the United
States and thus fulfilling their dogma that
the "masses" inevitably rise against their
"fascist masters" the Indochina mess also
appeers to the Chinese to be an opportunity
to "isolate" America internationally.
By no Coincidence, consequently, they have
invited a French cabinet minister to visit
China this summer for the first time since
France recognized Peking in 1954. Moreover,
they are improving their ties with Britain
and Yugoslavia, and progressing toward dip-
lomatic relations with Canada and Italy.
In the meantime, just as Mao wished, the
specter of a bigger Indochina war is weaken-
ing the Soviet position in the area as the Rus-
sians waver between trying to. promote the
moderation they really prefer and backing
Communist escalation in order to assert their
revolutionary credentials.
One sign of Soviet confusion has been ap-
parent in the Kremlin's delay in recognizing
Prince Sihanouk's Peking sponsored govern-
ment-in-exile. As a result, Moscow has clear-
ly lost ground to the Chinese in Hanoi.
Meanwhile, with no indication from Wash-
ington that they can expect to gain anything
from 26 years of struggle, the Vietnamese
Communists are settling down to "protracted
war: '
Again, ,this suits Peking's long-range
dreams, since 1t augurs an exhausted Viet-
nam that the Chinese are convinced they
can eventually dominate.
In an unusually candid talk with an
American some time ago, a Hanoi offtcial
stress this point. "You think you are block-
ing-China by fighting us," he said, "but in
fact, you are destroying a barrier to Chinese
expansion in Southeast Asia if you destroy
us."
Mao himself emphasized a similar point
when, a few years back, a Japanese visitor
to Peking apologized to him for Japan's ag-
gression against China in the 1930s.
"The Japanese invasion inspired the Chi-
nese people to rise and fight," Mao reported-
ly told his visitor. "Our army grew by a mil-
lion men, and our support grew to include
one hundred million people.
"S.o, instead of your apologizing to me,
perhaps I should thank. you."
It would be tragic if Mao repeated those
same lines to an American visitor in Peking
years hence. The way things are going, that
possibility is not inconceivable.
Mr. SYMINGTON. I thank my col-
league for his kind and generous remarks
with respect to the thoughts I have ex-
pressed this morning. In effect, I am fol-
lowing his leadership fn this matter,
along with that of my distinguished col-
league, the_Senator from Kentucky (Mr.
COOPER) and also, as coendorsers of the
amendment, the able majority leader,
and the ranking Republican of the Sen-
ate who also is the ranking minority
member of the Committee on Foreign
Relations.
I could go into more military detail
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 S 7388
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as a member of the Committee can Armed
Services, or more diplomatic detail as a
member of tide Committee on Foreign Re-
lations, or more economic detail as a
member of the Joint Economic Commit-
tee with re,~spect to just what this war is
doing to the United States of America.
My talk this morning, howeve;r, was to
present in the main what I believe this
war is doing to the faith of Alnerica in
itself, and to the moral fiber of its people.
I am glad to yield to the able Sen-
ator' from New York, with whom I am
privileged to serve on the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, like the
Senator from Missouri, I am also a co-
sponsor of the Church-Cooper amend-
ment. Iwas especially taken by a par-
ticular phrase the Senator used in the
speech, the phrase, "the best way to sup-
port them would be to bring them home,
under a phased and orderly withdrawal
plan."
I would like to ask the Senator whether
this is not his fee]ng in response to the
thought uttered.by so many that all ad-
vocates of withdrawal mean that in some
precipitate, disgraceful, and heedless
manner, without any regard for' security,
about which the Senator knows a great
deal. We send ships up to the piers, put
the men aboard, anal take theln out. In
.the .first place, this just .could not be
Therefore, I ask the Senator whether
he does not feel that by using that
phrase, "a phased and orderly with-
drawal," he is really asking the Presi-
dent to go back to the one stancz he took
which did give some small measure of
reassuranco'to many in the country and
resulted in a kind. of uneasy truce be-
tween those who wanted to get out of
Vietnam and those who did rlok. That
truce has now, in. a sense.,. been shat-
tered, with a tremendous strain upon the
social structure of our country by those
whose suspicion has been aroused that
there is not going to be any ph.~,sed and
orderly withdrawal, even on the Presi-
dent's timetable. Arid, one of the greatest
things the, President could do is decisive-
. ly to terminate the Cambodia operation
and to give the country, by deeds and
words, reassurance that, at least, he was
going back to his olzginal plan of phased
anal orderly wl`t~rdrawal. The President's
earlier speeches in this vein had reduced
the national tensions over Vietnam-be-
fore the latest Cambodia speech.
Mr. SYMINGTON. I thanlt the able
Senator. Of course he is right.
I changed my position publicly on this
war as the record will slow, in the fall of
1967-October, to be exact-after one
more trip to Vietnam. I became con-
winced that the price we were being asked
to pay was not worth- the candle. There-
fore, Iwas glad when the President
announced a policy of orderly deescala-
tion and withdrawal.
I `was _glad that he felt, during the
campaign; t would be possible to solve,
with a_, reasonable time, this cancer
on the world's future .which. could be
summed ,up 4n the word'"Vietnam."
Wla~ worriQS,me today about this lat-
est situation. is the. secrecy involved, also
that it looked-like, at least to t;hg unin-
formed, of which I am one, a change in
direction. I have been a member of the
Senate Armed Service Committee since
the first day I came to the Congress, and
for a decade have been a member of the
Central Intelligence Agency Subeommit-
tee, and for close to a decade of the For-
eign Relations Committee. And I say to
the Senate, without reservation, that I
knew nothing about the attack on Camp
bodia until our troops were in that land.
Yesterday the able and distinguished
Secretary of Defense testified before the
Foreign Relations Committee, and he
stated that details had been given him
by the Central Intelligence Agency
months ago as a reason for this adven-
ture, invasion-whatever the word
would be-with respect to Cambodia.
I have great respect for the Secretary
as a public servant and a former Mem-
ber of the Congress, but will say that
none of ,that information ever came to
the committees on which I sit, includ-
ing the committee supposed to super-
vise the Central Intelligence Agency. I
do believe the growing tendency toward
secrecy in government-incidentally I
am writing an article about that now-
is perhaps the greatest danger of all to
the survival of the Nation.
Mr. JAVITS. I am very grateful to the
Senator for his statement.
Mr, SYMINGTON, i thank the. Sena-
torfor his kind remarks.
Mr. PROX1ViIRE. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. SYMINGTON, I am glad to yield
to the distinguished senior Senator from
Wisconsin.
Mr. PROXMIRE. I join in the general
Commendation of the Senator from Mis-
souri in this excellent, thoughtful, and
convincing statement. I am particularly
impressed because the Senator from Mis-
souri (Mr. SYMirrcxorr), who is a former
Secretary of the Air Force-the first
Secretary of the Air Force-has been an
18-year member, of the Armed Services
Committee. I note an page 3 of his state-
ment:
Where is the profit in a statement made
to me recently by one of the finest of all
Generals, "The better younger officers are
completely disillusioned? Many have already
resigned, and many more plan to resign.
That is the first time that kind of situ-
ation has been called so authoritatively
and forcefully to my attention. This is
impressive, and depressing. These Young
officers have been identified in the public
mind as those who have been "gong ho"
and all out in favor of military action
in Southeast Asia and as those who have
felt that the action was militarily sound.
I think the Senator from Missouri raises
a most interesting and significant ques-
tion in that regard. It follows the state-
ment that he makes that the Cambodian
action was a political action, very largely
or at least based upon a political develop-
ment, and not based strictly on military
considerations. So I want to thank the
Senator from Missouri for that informa-
tion.
I would like to ask him a question in
connection with his observation on the
economic effects. I3e points out that this
is the first time in our history when we
have had record high interest rates,
growing unemployment, and rising infla-
tion simultaneously, and he 'says this is
the result of the Vietnam war, the im-
plication being that any prolongation or
extension of the Vietnam war is going
to aggravate our economic situation. Is
that the Senator's conviction?
Mr. SYMIN'GTON. First, Mr. Presi-
dent, Iwould thank my able colleague
from Wisconsin. As a member f the com-
mittee he has chaired, the ~oint Eco-
nomic Committee, I do not believe any-
body in this country has done more to
help the load of the American taxpayers,
through his wise and courageous han-
dling of that committee. Much of what
2 feel about the economic problems now
facing this Nation is a result of having
worked with him, and for him on that
committee.
I quoted someone who knows probably
as much as he does, and far more than
I do, about the economic situation when
I quoted Louis Lundborg, head of the
world's largest bank. It was he who
brought up the figures to show how seri-
ous this situation was getting from the
standpoint of our economic survival, let
alone our economic prosperity.
In this connection he made two broad
presentations, the first as president of the
bank, the second as an individual citizen.
The basis of the first one presented
showed among ,other things the fallacy
in the Marxian prediction about capital-
ism needing war to maintain profits. Ex-
actly the opposite has been going on with
respect to the economy of the United
States today.
In further development of his think-
ing, Iremember one figure he gave which
was quite startling. In the 4 years prior
to the escalation of the war in 1965, the
profits of the corporations of the United
States increased 71 percent. In the 4
years since the escalation of the war,
profits have increased but 9 percent. I
might add that, while I do not know what
the figure is going to be this year-the
Senator from Wisconsin would know that
better than I-based on earnings state-
ments Ihave seen thus far, that figure
may be considerably lower, if not elim-
inated.
I do-thank my colleagues.
Mr. PROXMIRE. If the Senator will
yield for just one further question, on
page 4 the Senator asks the question
about the United States having a prac-
tical or moral right to set itself up as
the unilateral policeman for the world.
I think this is a question we ought to
ask and consider in depth because, on so
many of these issues, we find that on both
sides of the issue everyone agrees. We all
want to get out of Vietnam; we all want
to get out as rapidly as we can; it is a
matter bf tactical judgment, and so forth.
It is t>:lle, however, that the President
of the United States indicated that, if we
got out of Vietnam too precipitously, we
would be through as a peacekeeper in
Asia.
The Senator from Missouri hits this
point raised by the President directly
and explicitly when he says:
My answer to that question is that such a
position is morally indefensible and prac-
tically unsustainable.
In other words, we cannot be the
policeman for the world. It is not our
moral obligation, we will fail if we try
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IYI'ay 19, ~ 9T 0 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
to do it, and it is an intolerably expensive caznerariieri had picked up on the helmets
project in terms of life and treasure. Is of some of our .troops going into Cam-
this the conclusion of the Senator from bodia.
Missouri? Does he, know how many troops were
Mr. SY1VtINGTON. Mr. President, the involved in that?
able Senator from Wisconsin gives me Mr. SYMINGTON. How many were
credit for a statement that I would have involved in what?
made, and perhaps have made in almost Mr, MILLER. How many troops were
comparable Ianguage; but it was actually involved in the helmet incident.
made by the" president of the Bank of Mr. SYMINGTON. First, it was not on
America. television, rather reported under a byline
I do believe he is right. What worries by a reporter who stated there were
me as much about Vietnam as anything many others like it and gave this one
else is not only the nature of our commit- particular quotation, which I thought
ment there, but the degree, because :C am particularly unfortunate.
not happy about the situation in the Mr. MILLER. Surely the Senator from
Middle East and perhaps mast worried Missouri had heard that same phrase
about possible future developments in before. That is not a new phrase. That
Europe. is a phrase that was kicking around dur-
I know how much, in Europe as well ing World War II. The Senator from
as in Korea, American troops mean to Iowa saw that phrase written in various
the people of those countries; and the places, both in the United States and
gigantic cost of these military efforts be- outside of the United States, during
yond the cost of Vietnam. World War II.
We are spending more than $100 mil- But the question I am really trying to
lion a day in our various current foreign get at is, how many---
military opeartions. We have 384 major Mr, SYMINGTON. It is an interesting
bases abroad, and over 9>000 minor in- phrase. No doubt, that is why the young
stallations. We have commitments that man remembered it. I do not remember
are almost incredible in size and scope. the phrase before.
I heard the other day that, in a country Mr. MILLER. The point I am trying
in which I did not know we had more to make is that in a military establish-
than 16 Americans, we actually have ment--and I am sure no one knows this
more than 3;000. better than the former Secretary of the
~o I would say that the people of the Air Force'-you are always going to find
world as well as this Nation are begin- a certain number of people with certain
Wing to question just what ,the; able viewpoints, and I think it would be doing
Senator from Wisconsin points out was. a disservice to the several thousands of
on the mind of the president of the Sank ~-our own ground forces who went into the
of America: Do we have, from either a
practical ar a normal viewpoint, the right
to lie the policeman for the world?
Mr, President, as the Senate knows, I
atn chairman of a subcommittee that,
starting a year ago last February has
been looking Ynto these commitments;
and would be the first to say that most,
it not all,. of the commitments were made
prior "to this administration. What
amazes me, especially because of my
other committee assignments, is the
se8recy under which these arrangements,
agreements, actually commitments were
made.
I think it is only fair to point out that
at the same dine we were deescalating
in the open a war in Vietnam, we were
escalating secretly a war in Laos. Naw
we go into a third country, and we have
also started, at least Periodicali;y, again
to bomb North Vietnam.
What we are really doing today, in
effect, is fighting not in one country, but
in all the four countries which originally
constituted the French colonial province
of Indochina, Whether or not it fs
mprally right is for each of t1s to decide
far himself.
I worry when I 'see pictures like one
on television, a fine looking young Amer-
ican GI with a child apparently dead,
who;sad, "I have seen worse, but I don't
liI~e tia see "t`hE` kids get it."
11I'T:'MILLER. Mr. President, will the
Sena~r yield?`
M~, ~Y2t2INGTON. I am glad to yield
to my ~;ble friend from Iowa.
Mx. MILLER, Mr. President, the dis-
tinguished Senator from Misauri re-
ferred to-some inscriptions that; some TV
Best that, because a few men had these
inscriptions on their helmets, they were.
representative, at aIi, of the attitude of
the great majority of the thousands who
went into the Cambodian operation, I
would hope that the Senator would not
suggest that this was a representative
viewpoint, any more than the typical GI
gripe that we all heard about in World
War II was representative of the true
feelings of most of the men who-partic-
ipated in those wars.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Well, Mr. Presi-
dent, Ifully respect the position taken
by the distinguished Senator from Iowa.
I too have had some experience in sev-
eral wars that involved this country; and
was in Great Britain during the blitz and
the Battle of Britain.
Based on trips to Vietnam-and I have
been all over Vietnam, Mr. President,
including an armed chopper to the Cam-
badian border, at such Green Beret spe-
cial force camps as I3uc Co and Plei Me,
and I think I know the feeling of soldiers
in these campaigns. I have had major
generals in Saigon tell me that they
would not continue in a war conducted
in this way; and then prove it by resign-
ing from the services and giving up their
careers.
I have had people on carriers protest
bitterly about the fact the rules of this
war were being handled by the State
Llepartment and not by the military
services,
Let me point out to my friend from
Iowa that when I talked about a great
general-and there never was agreater-
that was not my quotation. What was
~ 7389
said about morale in the military services
is what he said, and there is no man with
a finer battle record in the history of the
United States.
Mr, MILLER. Mr. President, the Sen-
ator recounted a number of places that
he visited in South Vietnam, and he
knows that I visited the same places, and
possibly talked to many of the same
people.
Mr, SYMINGTON. I am glad that the
Senator did.
Mr. MILLER. Well, I did, and that
goes back to January 1966. I think the
Senator was over there earlier than that.
Nevertheless, I, too, have talked with
those people. When the Senator talks
about the morale of our fighting Hoops,
I have picked up the same morale re-
action in talking with some people that
he probably talked with, including those
an aircraft carriers.
Mr, SYMIlVGTON. Let me assure my
able colleague that I think the morale
and the fighting capacity and the quality
of American troops in Vietnam is as
fine as it has ever been in our history,
I was talking about what a general
was saying in Washington. I have heard
protests about the way the war is being
conducted. I have heard a great many
people say, "If we're going to fight this
war, why don't we fight it to win?"
I do not want to get into a discussion
with the Senator from Iowa about
whether or not the Americans have high
morale, because the American fighting
man is the finest in the world today; and
I think it is unfortunate he is being
called upon by his superiors to do things
which in his heart and mind he thinks
wrong. That is what they have. said to
me. I can give illustration after illustra-
tiorb
Mr, MILLER. The Senator from Iowa
appreciates that, and he certainly was.
not intimating that the Senator from
Missouri would have any other idea than
that.
The one point I must emphasize is
that I do think that while it is sensa-
tional from a press standpoint for some-
body to get out there and see an inscrip-
tion on the helmets of a few men who
say something to the effect that they
think that going into Cambodia to clean
out the sanctuaries is not good and that
they do not support it, and that the peo-
ple leading them are misled, we ought to
take into account that most of the thou-
sands who do this do not go around with
that attitude. That attitude can be found
anywhere in the Armed Forces today, I
am mainly interested in the viewpoint
of the thousands doing their job, who
are not going around slurring the lead-
ership. That is the point I wanted to
bring out.
The Senator spoke about younger offi-
cers and how some of them are leaving,
The Senator from Iowa has talked with
a great many younger officers who have
that attitude, but I think it is impor-
tant to tell the Senate why they feel this
way. The Senator has already alluded to
one reason-he knows, because he has
talked with-which is the way the war
was conducted for over 4 years, tying one
hand behind the backs of our men.
I have said on the floor of the Senate
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE May 19, 1970
many times that if we were going to send
men over there and because of certain
factors we were going to tie one hand be-
hind their backs, they should not have
been sent over there in the first place. I
think that this underlies one of the great
reasons for the drop in morale among
the junior ofllcers. They see the military
demeaned. They read about certain
things relating to the military, some of
which are said on the floor of the Senate,
and they begin to think they are second-
rate citizens: It is not a case of their not
having a high regard for our country.
It is not a case of their wanting to back
out of Vietnam. But it is a case of their
bearing a great amount of unfair attack
becat~e they are carrying oui; their or-
ders to the best of their ability.
I should like to make one final point
to my colleague the Senator from Mis-
souri. Perhaps I ought to Precede that
by a question. The Senator referred to
the escalation in Laos. I should like to
ask him whether he could tell us why he
referred to it as an escalation in Laos.
What does he mean by that? The rea-
son Iask this is that; .like most of us
here, I have followed the Laotian situa-
tion for a long time. I know that certain
statements were made on the floor of the
Senate about Laos; But-I do not under-
stiand this use of the term "escalation of
the war in Laos," because, to my knowl-
edge, what we have been doing in Laos
has been going on for a long, long time.
I am wondering what basis the Senator
has for referring to it as an escalation.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, as
the ? Senator knows, our subcommittee
held extensive hearings on Laos for many
weeks. We completed those hearings ,in
October. Then dve had a running discus-
sion with the State Department as to
what should or should not be made a
part of the public record. Finally, in
April, we re~.ched. an agreement as to
what should be published. There was
considerable discussion-it is fair to say
"resistance"-as to what should be pub-
lished, on the part of the State Depart-
ment. But we finally arrivE;d at agree-
ment.
One example of escalation: In 1969, as
against 1968, in some montkLS in i969 we
increased the air strikes against north-
ern Laos 100 percent. That had nothing
to do with the Ho Chi Minh trails. This
was northern Laos, closer to Red China
than to said trials, Tn other months in
1969, as against 1968, we increased those
strikes 200 percent.
That is why I-felt justified in present-
ing there was an escalation of the
secret war going on in Laos.
Nir. MILLER. I appreciate the Sena-
tor's response. Of .course, I do not .know
what the 100 percent or` Z00 percent is,
and I am not asking the Senator to re-
veal the numbers.
Mr. SYMING'1'ON. T wanted to reveal
them, but_ the State Department would
,nit. agree to more than percentages. It
was plent~ y.
Mx. MILLER,. The Senator knows that
-went some people hear talk about esca-
lation in Laos they are thinking of some-
thing else.,,
IVI`r SYMhVGTON. I was not think-
itig of anything else.
l~Ir. MILLER. I am happy that this has
been brought out. We are talking about
bombing attacks over Laos, which have
been going on for a long time. The shift
of some of these attacks into the north-
ern part of Laos is the basis for his
term "escalation in Laos: '
Mr. SYMINGTON. I was in Laos in
1966 and in 1967. We were attacking,
secretly, in northern Laos during those
years. To the best of my knowledge, none
of us Yrere knew that. Nobody was told
on the Armed Services Committee or on
any other committee of which I am a
member. I cannot pursue this further
because of classification.
Mr. MILLER. The Senator means air
attacks,
Mr. SYMINGTON. Not entirely.
Mr. MILLER. Well, may I say, to wind
up this part of the diseus~sion, that so
far as I know, it has been pretty gen-
erally known that air attacks over Laos
have been going on for years and years
and years. They vary in intensity; they
vary in area in Laos. I must say that
some of the air attacks in northern Laos
are not unxelated to the flow of supplies
and men to the south.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, let
us get it straight. I went to Laos, stayed
in Laos with friends operating an Ameri-
can operation out of Vientiane, went
again later and stayed with the Ambas-
sador. At no time was I ever told that
American pilots, with their identifica-
tions, were attacking northern Laos. I
only found that out as a result of the
hearings we later held in this country.
I would rather not pursue this on the
floor of the Senate, but would be glad
to go over, in detail, testimony given us
under oath in the subcommittee. I be-
lieve we may be getting on dangerous
ground if we continue discussion as to
just where it was, and under what con-
ditions, the United States was operat-
ing in Laos.
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I agree.
I might say that I could repeat the
story that the Senator just stated. I was
not referring to that type of air attack.
I was referring to the particular air at-
tacks ~by our Vietnamese and aircraft
carrier planes which, I think it is com-
mon knowledge, were being used to fly
bombing sorties over all of Laos, north-
ern and southern.
Mr. SYMINGTON. I felt the able Sen-
ator from Iowa was referring to the air
attacks to which I was referring.
Mr. MILLER. I should like to make one
final point. The Senator talked about
the invasion of Cambodia. I must say,
with all due respect to the Senator from
Missouri, that I think the use of the
term "invasion of Cambodia" is most
unfortunate.
To me, the privileged sanctuaries
which have been occupied by the North
Vietnamese troops for 5 years were
really no more part of a neutral country
than the North Pole. They were taken
over, controlled, dominated, and occu-
pied lock stock, and barxel by North Viet-
namese troops.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr?
HOLLINGSa . The time of the Senator has
expired.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, even
though 2 hours have expired, I ask
unanimous consent that the unfinished
business still be laid aside temporarily,
and that at the conclusion of the re-
marks of the distinguished Senator from
Missouri (Mr, SYMINGTON), there be a
period for the transaction of routine
morning business, with statements lim-
ited to 3 mintues therein; and'that at an
appropriate time after that, the unfin-
ished business be laid before the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
HOLLINGS). Is there objection to the re-
quest of the Senator from Montana?
The Chair hears none, and it is so
ordered.
Mr. GRIFFIN. Mr. President, before
the Senator from Missouri responds to
the Senator from Iowa, will he yfeId to
me briefly?
Mr. SYMINGTON. I will be glad, as
always, to yield to the able assistant
minority leader.
Mr. GRIFFIN. Perhaps the Senator
from Iowa has not finished.
Mr. MILLER. I had not quite finished
my question, if my colleague would mind
my continuing.
Mr. GRIFFIN. If possible, I would like
to have the Senator from Missouri yield
to me before he responds, because I have
something I wish to add to the point
being made by the Senator from Iowa.
Mr. MILLER. My point was that to
equate that type of operation to what I
would hope everyone would agree would
be an invasion activity of North Viet-
namese troops in going in and trying to
take over all of Cambodia, would be un-
fortunate. i do not want to get into
semantics about it, but it seems to me
there is a great deal of difference be-
tween the two situations.
Mr. SYMINGTON. With great respect
to the Senator from Iowa, let me say
this: It was in 1961 when I first went to
South Vietnam. The next time was in
1965. When I saw the buildup develop-
ing iri Cambodia, I recommended we at-
tack Cambodia at that time, because, at
that time, based on limited information
I felt we could get the war over at a cost
that would be acceptable, But I was mis-
led, frankly, as to-just what was the
situation and what we were really doing.
As you well know, the sanctuaries in
Cambodia remained.
Later on, when I began to realize that
the whole operation was diplomatically,
militarily, and economically a disaster
to the American people, I changed my
thinking; and it was for that reason I
fully supported President Nixon when he
announced he was going to establish an
orderly withdrawal. I felt, when he went
into another Country as part of that
orderly withdrawal, along with escalat-
ing the war in Laos as part of that
orderly withdrawal, it was an invasion.
But, I do not want to get into semantics
about it.
If the able Senator from Iowa believes
that crossing the boxder of another
country is not an invasion, perhaps, an
intrusion, or a tactical military opera-
tion, that is his privilege. I certainly do
not object.
Mr. GRIFFIN. Before the Senator
leaves that subject, let me say that a
phrase which the Senator from Missouri
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has, used irs his speech bothers me. those in Japan, in the Philippines, in
Although he differs with the senior Sen- Okinawa, and on Guam who were de-
ator from Missouri on this amendment, voted exclusively to achieving whatever
the junior Senator `from Michigan has it was we were trying to achieve in that
respect for the experience and views of part of the world.
the senior Senator from Missouri.. What The only reason I am talking today is.
the Senator from Missouri says is often- because we have an amendment now be-
times reported, so the words he woes are fore the Senate which I honestly believe
important. is an effort to limit what would appear
Mr, SYMINGTON. May I say, Mr. to be a change in what I felt the adminis-
1?resident; .that I have equal respect for tration planned to do.
my colleague from Michigan. Now I am glad to yield to the Senator
Mr. GE2,IFF'IN. I thank the Senator from West Virginia.
from Missouri. I do not' know whether Mr. R,ANDOLPH. Mr. President, the-
he intended to use the phrase or n.ot, but knowledgeable senior Senator from Mis-
at one point in his speech the senior sauri (Mr. SYnrtNGTON) has placed the
Senator from Missouri talked -about the incursion into Cambodia in its proper
"attack on Cambodia." I wonder whether perspective, and I join in asking the
he really meant to say "attack or.: Cam- penetrating question which he has asked:
bodia," referring to the recent operation Where is the profit in the killing?
there. Surely, that is not the intention My colleague has strengthened the
of the Senator from NTissouri. view I expressed in this forum on May 6,
Mr. SYMINGTON. It is difficult for me when I said that the sending of U.S.
to' see how,. iP one crosses the border of troops into Cambodia presents a real
another country, with a gun_ in his danger-one that could lead, in my opin-
hands acid shoots- people on the other ion, to our active involvement in a con-
side of the border of that country, he is flict expanded beyond Vietnam and pos-
not attacking that country. However, I sibly into an Indochina war, with severe
d0 not object to any semantic interpre- human and economic consequences.
tations my able friend? from Michigan I said, too, on May 6, that it is mY
xnay put on what we did. I did not come fear the main result of the Cambodian
to the floor of the Senate today to talk action actually will cost more lost lives
about whether it was an invasion, or an and will cause more casualties.
intrusion; or what; rather to present con- But, Mr. President, even as some meas-
sidered opinion-about the whole opera- ure of tactical and strategic advantages
tfon. The results of actually now fighting accrue from the sending of our forces
in all of Indochina; and what this is do- into Cambodia along with troops of the
ing to the overall security and prosperity South Vietnamese Government-and I
of this country. - do not doubt that there will be some such
Afr. GRIFFIN. I am willing to concede advantages-I share the views so Capa-
that there are legitimate and sincere dif- biy and vigorously expressed by Senator
fexences of opinion and they should be SYMINGTON that the overall risks and the
expressed. But the country should not be negative aspects will outweigh the short-
misled. or sidetracked by the use oaf words range gains. This has been my view since
the Cambodian action was announced
which carry the wrong meaning. I know initially. And the reactions at home and
.the Senator, from Missouri realizes and abroad have been such as to increase my
agrees that the United` States is in no doubts that the military values will prove
sense Challenging the Government of
Cambodia; we are not "attacking" the m the long run to have been worth the
divisiveness created between our own
forces' of Cambodia, -and the operation
underway is not an "attack" on Combo- people and the disrespect of our coun-
tand his try's foreign policy being. manifested by
d
t
ers
un
dia. Accordingly, I do no
use Qf those words. more and more nations of the world. tins into. the spiritual aspect at tms
I think we are, I say to my colleague, time, I worry about all these people who
The PRESIDING OFFTICEI2. (ll2r. endangering the' prospects of negotiating
EAGLETON~. The time of the Sen:~,tor has a peaceful settlement and increasing the have been killed, whether Americans or
expfred. likelihood that human death and prop- not, I want to be certain in my own mind
lylr. MANSFIELD: Mr. President, I ask erty destruction will be extended over a that it was and is good for the United
unanimous consent that the Senator may broader front and over a longer period States, necessary to the security and
have an additional 30 minutes, because of time,-even if we do withdraw more of well-being of our Nation.
E know there are -some of us who have our manpower on the schedule an- I was glad when the policy of Vietnam-
been waiting patiently here~and would nounced from the White House. ization was announced, because I felt
like to participate in this debate as well. I have, of course, no right to quote di- that under that policy there would be
.The PRESII3IIQG dF'F'ICER,. 'Without redly the former negotiator at the Paris less killing. However, I find now to my
oUjection, it is so ordered. peace talks-CYrus Vance. But he was in regret that, although it is spoken of as an
Mr. SYIVIING"I'Cf~T. Before I gield to West Virginia on Sunday. And I was additional effort to get out of this coun-
the Senator from `Nest Virginia (Mr. with him on the occasion of his com- try on the best basis possible, the killing
RANDQLPIi) ,let me make this paint to my mencement address at my alma mater, of Americans has increased heavily and
good friend from Michigan; again for Salem College. the number of wounded has also
whom I have the greatest respect-as he I was grateful not only to hear his ad- increased heavily.
knows. To the best of" my knowledge this dress-which I shall have printed in the Mr. President, there is a young man
is tie first time I-have taken the Hoar of RECORD at a later time-but was also has beensent back oethas ountry. and
the $.S. ? Senate to `criticize iii this way Pleased to have had the opportunity to
whatever fs cur`r'eiitTy going on in South- talk with this eminent negotiator who, His record, which I first said today I
east .Asia,; I said I' did, not believe the with Averill Harriman, represented our would not read, concerns the way he has
pt)licy of Vietnamizatibn would arork, and Nation at the Paris peace talks. b ble bus nass.v He isestilli anpAmerican
tY>tie reason for that thinking is simple. I think it is of importance to point out and a human being, even though he is
Actl,~, at the'pea'k of the past adminis- that Mr. Vance believes this thrust into aralyzed from the neck down.
tration's eilorts~ there were not 545;000 Cambodia will have the result, which P
Amer'~cans working over there on Viet- the President certainly does not intend, Inasmuch as it is now a matter of pub-
nam, but close to 800,000; if we count of widening the war. He feels that it will lic record, I would like to read briefiv
those in the fleet, those in Thailand, do just that. - from this article as to how tl}is young
~...
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S 7391
Mr. President, I think it is important
that we recognize that the Senator from
Missouri is the only Member of the Sen-
ate who is a member of both the Armed
Services Committee and the Foreign Re-
lations Committee. And as he has talked
here today with the Senator from Iowa
(Mr. MILLER) and the Senator from
Michigan (Mr. GRIFFffi) , it has been
noted by him that he has experienced a
change of views relating to events in In-
dochina. He points out that it is a result
not only of his visits to South Vietnam
but also the results of his analysis of the
problem, indeed, his perceptive and pene-
trating analysis as we have heard him
expressed it here today.
Mr. President, I had the privilege of
reading the remarks of the Senator from
Missouri before I came to the Senate
floor. I have gone over them again and
again. And I am strengthened in my
thinking by his arguments and the inclu-
sion, very frankly, of the testimor~y of
Louis B. Lundborg, the chairman of the
board of the Bank of America.
I found this to be very helpful.
I congratulate my colleague. It is im-
portant sometimes that the record show
that we not only sit together but that we
also stand together in the Senate. He has
spoken intellingentiy, and he has made
an important contribution to the discus-
sion of the vital subject which is the
pending business.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
thank my able colleague, the Senator
from West Virginia. He and I have been
friends for a number of years. I first
knew him as an expert on air power, one
of the great experts in this country.
As we all know, he is one of the more
able Members of the Senate.
I am sure doubts have grown in the
minds of all Americans, hearing week
after wecek over the years such figures as
25 Americans had been killed, 75 South
Vietnamese had been killed, and 2,481
North Vietnamese and Vietcong had been
killed. For years, this was the way the
score was reported you might say, in-
 S 7392 Approved For ~;~~~1 X00200230003-may Y9, 19~'D
Marine, wounded at Khesanh and sent are fighting the war itl Vietnam and in oft he wordcaadvisers~ Semantic sm is
back to this country, is now living. Southeast Asia itself.
The article states: This is the failure not of the military becoming quite an art ixl this Govern-
"xobody should have to live in these condi- but the failure of the civilian rulers of Carry rifles, sidearmseaxnmun'tion, bayoy
tions," Dumpert insists. "we're all hooked up -our democratic structure.
to urine bags, ana without enough attend- The Senator from Missouri spoke elo- nets, daggers, stilettoes, semantics can
ants to empty them, they spill over the Boor. quently in a way that shacked many who still prove that they are not really U.S.
It smells and cakes something awful. The are aware of his remarks lri regard to the combat troops. I think that is something
aides don't commit themselves whole- disenchantment of some of the better we should pay close attention to.
heartedly, but with what they earn a year officers with whom the Senator spoke. Then, I read in the newspapers this
why should they? i've laid in bed on one side The war in Southeast Asia is the sad- .morning. where, outside the CIA and, I
from 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., without getting moved
or washed. when and if you do ge:t a shower, Best and most tragic we have ever found ~nmentlis spending $2 9 billionhmsintel-
you come back and you're put into bed on ourselves engaged in.
the same sweaty she8ts you started with. It's There have been colossal blunders and ligence activities and that there are em-
like you've been put in jail, or you've been errors committed by our fighting men, ployed in these intelligence-gathering
.punished for something." from those in the military who command activities something on the order of
The rats were' worst. "I had been sleeping them down to those who, although they 136,000 people. I wonder what the de-
on my stomacri," Dumpert recalls. "It wasn't do not wish to be there, go into battle and partments are coming up with to justify
11 o'clock, but I had closed my eyes. I sud-
denly awoke to and a rat on ,ny hand. I do whatever must be done. They have tremendous numbernofl personnelsuch a
can't move my hand, so I tried to jerk my done their part.
shoulders. I screamed and the rat jumped Mr. SYMINGTON. They certainly As the Senator indicated, he is on the
slowly off my bed. When the aide arrived, I have. CIA Subcommittee, and so am I. We are
told him. He sofa, `Aw, you must be drunk: Mr. CRANSTON. The failure, I believe, on the Committee on Foreign Relations,
Nobody has done anything to this day, so has been a failure, not by the military. and ? 'e have access to certain CIA infor-
some of the amputees who are not totally .Their advice has not always been the motion. Incidentally, Mr. Helms is aTl
disabled have taken to setting traps, to pro- soundest-no one can always give the able administrator. In addition, the Sen-
tect us. If you're a nervous-system injury
you can't reef anything, and you cauid get soundest advice. But the failure has been ator is on the Committee on Armed Serv-
bitten in the night and not knout it." the failure of military chiefs, ranging ices, which likewise has an interest in
Escape from his predicament: seems al- from Presidents to Secretaries of De- intelligence operations.
together impossible. Durrlpert hopes to finish fense, to Members of the Senate and I cannot see what information we are
high school and has a dream of becoming a Members of the House of Represents- getting which calls for the employment
lawyer, despite his disability. But his witl to tives, to handle the approach to this of 136,000 people and the expenditure of
struggle has been seriously impaired by war in the sound way it should be $2.9 billion a year, exclusive of the CIA
neglect and frustration. which spends in the hundreds of millions
I feel that the way we Vietnam veterans handled.
are being treated," he says, "is abnormal. I I think there has been a failure to od dollars, and exclusive of similar acti~-
regret having to say this, but now I have handle it in this body with Presidents, ities in the State Department.
nothing but disgust for my country. I used and that is the sum and substance of I cannot reconcile myself to the fact
to hate the guys who ran ofP ta. canaaa to what we are now seeking to deal with, to that an invasion of Cambodia is not an
avola the Graft. Now I don't hate them. I reestablish responsibility and action in invasion of Cambodia. AS the Senator
don't like them, but I respect them for what this body fn accordance with our con- pointed out, when you cross lines and
they did. If I had known what I know now, I
would never have enlisted. I don.'t mean just stitutional responsibilities. Is that not the send in arms and troops, and back them
my injury, but the insensitivity and lack of view of the Senator from Missouri? up with logistical air and all other kinds
care. They would have had to drag me into Mr. SYMINGTON. It is. I say to the of support, and go into a country, into
the service kicking. it makes me wander able Senator from California that I am which we had not been asked, that is an
about Vietnam-about whether the people delighted he is looking into the problems invasion no matter how you spell it.
i saw die, and people like me who are hail incident to the way our veterans are be- We have not reached an era of double
seas, fought for nothing." ing handled. i have deep feelings about think or double talk of 1984 and I think
There are, therefore other sadnesses this matter. These are wonderful young we can still understand the English lan-
incident to Vietnam that just do not Americans, brave and courageous in their guage in simple form.
have to do with tfie killing of people. I sacrifice. It worries me and is some- I was interested in what the Senator
hope that this article, published -this thing that grows within me. I cannot had to say. I was thinking along the
week in Life magazine, which will be help it. We live here in comfort. They go same lines, Although not as eloquently
investigated promptly by the proper out in those jungles. I accept it only if as the Senator, I want to say for the
committee of the Senate. it is sure to be right for my country. record I am delighted that up to this
Mr. CRANSTON. Mr. Pre5ldent, will Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will .debate on then Cooper-IChurchname de
the Senator yield? the Senator yield. -
Mr. SYMINGTON. I yield. Mr. SYMINGTON. I yield to the dis- ment has been nonpolitical. That is the
Mr. CRANSTON. Mr. President, Icam- tinguished majority leader. way it should be because it is not a poli-
Irlend the Senator from Missouri for the Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I tical question.
way in which in, his prepared and ex- have been listening with great interest to We Democrats have plenty to answer
temparaneous remarks he summarized practically all the debate, and I have for, and we cannot avoid part of the
so succinctly the problems. we face in read the speech of the Senator several blame. So let us look at it on an impartial
connection with this war in Vietnam and times over. basis. Let us look at it from the viewpoint
ixl so many other aspects. I have been struck by his constant ref- of the Senate, regardless of party, of the
The. neglect of our veterans who have erence to the questions. What does it Senate as an institution with certain
-been wounded in Vfetnarn is a matter profit us to become involved in Cam- rights under the Constitution, rights
that I have been investigal;ing through bodia? What does it profit us if the na- which all of us, regardless of party,' ought
the Veterans Affairs Subcommittee of tion loses its being, its reason for exist- to be the first to defend, because this is a
the Committee on Labor and Public Wel- ence, its right to live, and the chance to Government of checks and balances.
fare for the last 6 months. hold its head high? Once that is lost, once you give too much
Tt is, indeed a shacking situation. We I have been reading the newspapers, power downtown to the Executive, then
will shortly be seeking large amouxlts of and I read in this morning's press that it is time to begin thinking about the dis-
addit~anal funds to deal with the prob- American advisers had advanced into solution of the Senate as an established
leln, ,know that the Senator from Mis- Laos with South Vietnamese troops, i part of this Government.
souri''and others will do all. they can to understand this is not the first time; I May I say that all of us over the past
sup~art that effort. understand it may well happen again. To five decades have been, in large part, in-
Our failure to do what vve should for me, thaChurch amendment off lastfyear Executive. We haveswillingly allowed the
-
C
_
oaper
(hose veterans who have been wounded
SIl Ve~n&m :matches, I think, our failure which `forbade the use of~ ~Aiganani ublican administramo~ati~ a ads RTee
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_ ~ -
p
ti
..
hosepowers. We cannot hlame floe Presi- Mr, SAXBE. I have listened with a
dent. What Mr, Nixon is doing :Is in the great deal of interest,. to the remarks of
footsteps of his predecessors. What he is the- Senator from >.Viissouri ansi also to
doing is based on the fact that we have those of .the maloxity leader. As a new-
allowed it to,be,dame. comer, listening to those who have been
In Cooper-Church we have a ieally here for some. years, I am struck by the
nonpartisan .amendment to a very im- fact that the whole cpncept of our posi-
portant bill. This is something which Lion in the world has .changed-the con-
should bring. about an accommodation cept of brinkmanship of Dulles, later of
between both sides of the aisle.:.Cog~ether Rusk; the feeling that we have the bur-
we can recognize the President's power den of the world peacemaking on our
on the one hand,. but on the other see ,_ back; really the rehabilitation after
that our constitutional obligations are World War II, the billions of dollars we
met if we have transferred that power we .spent throughout the world, not only for
must try to pull it back a little because the now prosperous nations of Europe,
while the executive branch is important, but also for the more. remote nations, to
3ust as important is the legislative the degree that that was achieved. Cer-
branch. In many respects, the legislative tainly there .was great- success in the
branch is funciamentai because we .are Western countries, and a great deal
closest to the people. That is something lesser. success for our friends to the South
- which we should never forget. and to the .East.
I express the hope that this will net I,wonder how much of what we have
become a partisan issue., There is no basis today is. the residual effect of our not
for it to became a partisan issue; there being able to respond to the change that
is no ~ustiflcation. L wish that 'nth the has come about-the change in Europe,
administration we can arrive at orne s9rt the change in the outlook of the distin-
af accommodation which. will uphold our guished .Senator fro,Trt. Arkansas, the
responsibilities and our , authoritY> and change, in the outlook of the distin-
at the same tune xecognize that the guished. Sefiator from Montana.
President's rights under, the Cpnstitu- These things I approve of, because
tion, rights which should not be_iunpinged there were many who were willing to fol-
on, but rights to which he is entitled. low, as I was, but had great admiration
high constitutional principle. Hopefully,.
we can work together__and bring. about
some sort of understanding which will
uphold the right of the President axd
uphold equally the right, o f the Senate
aand the Congress. hopefully we can do
so without becoming personal or palitica,l.
If we .operate in that manner, in my
opinipn the Republic will be the bene-
ficiary.
,I ;hank the Senator fox letting me take
so much of his time.
Mr. SYMINGTQN_ Mr, President, first
I thank the majority leader, one of the
great experts on the Far East, for his
kind and gracious remarks; also for the
wisdom of what. he has.. said about this
matter being nonpartisan,
-Ito, this Connection, I would suggest to
- the Senate that I understaxxd an amerid-
ment may be offered, which I would vote
for so. as to tape partisanship out as
much as possible, a date in the amend-
went which is the date,, by which the
President said the troops would be out.
There has been seine discussion that this
amendment might in spine way dispute
the credibility of the President. That
would be the last. thing I_ would want to
do.` I would hape~ as we measure the
words ai' , the dxstingwshefl Xajority
leader, that we would cohsider the pos-
. sibihty of accepting that amendment,.
One of the thoughtful., books written
by former Secretary of State Dean Ache-
son stated that the greatest single de-
velopmezlt in the.., Gpvernment of the
' United,States durit}g the present century
,kteel~.t~?e ~1,~tti,er delegation of power
by the legislative, bro,??ch, to the .exeeu-
tlve birai}c~; 8.ttd it seems.. to me regard-
1e~s. of party, that is what we axe taik-
izlg abQut,,'~his morrlitag.
~GLr. S~'~~'QN..I yield to the dis-
t~'nguished Senator fxom Ohio,
for the Senator's views, and the feeling
that-we had to take. our position in this
world and that we could turn around
these trends that We Celt, led to brutality
and led to loss of respect of the indi-
vidual in Southeast Asia. But now we
have, it seems to me, a bureaucracy in
our defense system, in our State Depart-
ment, that is aself-generating thing and
continues long after the original move-
ment.
What we, are,, talking about today Ls
reasserting our presence as. a legislative
body, and I am thoroughly in accord with
that-reasserting this presence not so
much with the President and the execu-
tie and the few people he brings into
Government, but this vast body of people
whom the Senator from Missouri has
seen and the Senator from. Montana has
S?7393
unanimous consent that the distin-
guished Senator may continue for 10
minutes, under the same circumstances.
The PRESIDING. OFFICER. Without
ob,~ection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SAXBE. Not the young people we
have deplored, but people who have taken
the trouble to make themselves present-
able, not to themselves, but to us. I think
we can recognize and appreciate that.
They .have been effective. They have
been effective to me, I think they have
been effective to .everybody. But this
group of young .people cannot under-
stand the sluggishness in response, and
we are hard put to explain it to them.
I know that I am, and I know that the
Senator is, in trying to explain how we
as Senators in a great deliberative body
have so little power and effect on what
we think and what we can do. I know
that the House Members have very much
the same reaction..
If we meet as we are today and say the
things that have been said today, not
lust about Vietnam> but about our dab-
bling in affairs all over the world, and
about our domestic pxoblems, I think we
can demonstrate at least to them our
great concern and show them that there
is reaction, that there is response, that
there is interest, and each can and will
respond and work to do something about
it.
So I take this opportunity to commend
the Senator from Missouri for his state-
ment and his support of those who are
willing to review and examine the com-
mitments that we have all over the world.
Mr, SYMINGTQN, I thank the able
Senator from Ohio for his wise remarks,
also for his kind words. I believe he has
put his finger on the nub of this prob-
lem: Do we, the Congress, have an equal
position with respect to the division of
powers in pur Government? And if we
do, can we express ft effectively, on a
strictly bipartisan basis?
It has been my experience before to
have listened to the Senator from Ohio,
and I have been impressed by the posi-
tion he has taken on important issues
before us.
Mr. MANSk'.CELD~, Mr. President, will
the Senator from Missouri yield to me
briefly, before he yields to the chairman
of the Foreign Relations Committee, only
because of what the Senator from Ohio
has said?
Mr. SYMINGTQN. I yield to the able
majority leader.
Mr. MAN,SF'III,,D. I think the Senator
from Ohio has put his finger on the most
important factor in this. Government. If
machinery that clanks along in the
Pentagpn, and all of this that we see
operating almost under its own power,
and we talk about this thing almost
futiley here. In fact, there are people
who say what we are doing today is an
exercise in futility, because it goes to the
House and disappears. like last winter's
snow...
This seems tp me to be most important
with respect to what the Senator from.
Missouri is saying here, because if we do
not do this now, it is going to keep itself
self-generating, going on in further de-
ployment, further expansion, further
jobs,. .further numbers, of people in our
far-flung diplomatic ventures and em-
bassies-all of this without a real connec-
tion with what is being done or said by
the representatives of the people.
We have had a great influx of people
in our offices recently, most of them not
of the shaggy, unwashed kind that we
have .deplored--
The_PRESIDIsNG OFFICER. The addi-
tional 3.4 minutes of the .Senator have
expired.
Mr. l+~iANSFiELD. Mr. President, I ask
is not the appointees of an administra-
tion, but it is the continuing bureauc-
racy in all these departments-not lust
Defense, not lust State. Presidents come
and go, as do Senators and Members of
Congress. But the permanent bureauc-
racy fs continuous. All too often it deter-
mines policy. They prevail upon a Presi-
dent, on a Secretary, or head of depart-
ment. They influence us down here. They
are there all the time. They get their
oars in and get their ideas embedded and
then a President_or the Congress is faced
with a Bat accompli.
I am glad the Senator emphasized the
continuing, permanent bureaucracy, be-
cause that ~ where tnu~h damage can be
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 S 7394 Approved Fo~~~'~t:B~]~~P-7$~1~~000200230003~y 19, 1970
done, especially in the two Departments bers of this body, both from the Democratic service, especially in view of his own ex-
mentioned. side and from the Republican side. I want perience, and I hope everyone will take
I thank the Senator. the Members oP this body to know that I it in good faith, and will agree that this
Mr. SYMINGTON. The majority leader understand it. I recognize this as being one should not iIl any respect be considered
of the strengths of our system, rather than
is so right, as is the Senator front Ohio. one of its weaknesses, and I know that, in a partisan matter.
I am on Foreign Relations, ArmE;d Serv- the end,-out of this kind of criticism and Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
ices, and the subcommittee of tYie Com- debate will come better policies and stronger thank the able and distinguished chair-
mittee on Appropriations that has to policies than would have been the case had man of the Committee on Foreign Rela-
do with the military. The majority leader we simply had an ab,~ect Senate--0r house tions, the Senator from Arkansas. In my
just told the Senate what also he told me of Representatives, for that matter-simply opinion, he is one of the great Members
approving whatever ideas came from the ex- of this body. Z do riot always agree With
earlier that we are spending $2.:9 billion ecutive branch of the Government. him, but agree with him a lot more these
for intelligence. That is a lot of money. This does not mean that we do not feel
But as 2 understand it, no member of this very strongly about our proposals when we days than I once did in the Past. It is an
bgdy can stand up and say he knew any- send them here. rt does mean that 1, as a inspiration to have the opportunity to
thing about this recent developlr~ent, de- former Member of this body, one who served work with him on the Committee on For-
spite the fact we apparently passed on in it and who presided over it for s years, eign Relations; because, if it is proper
recognize this great tradition of inaepend- &nd right for the Senate of the United
appropriations of almost $3 billion to ence, and recognise it as one of the great States to have some authority in the big
obtain intelligence in order to make strengths of our Republic.
proper judgment. ,' . ? decisions that are made in this country,
I yield now to -the able chairman of This administration wants to develop a there is no one on this floor who will deny
the Foreign ReT'ations Committc'.e. relationship in which we will have that con- that the person who has done more
fir. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, first sultation, and in which we will have the toward achieving that end than any other
I want to commend the distinguished advice, not just the consent. Member of this body is the Senator from
Senator from Missouri for his statement I do not know how, in the face of that Arkansas.
:which reflects, I think, in a very succinct statement, anyone could say we are par- i note that my colleague, the distin-
and lucid manner much of the testimony tisan in discussing the subject. Of course, gulshed junior Senator from Missouri
we received in the Foreign Relations Senators may have differing points of (Mr. EAGLETON) is in the chair. He gave
me a-figure hard to believe. I used it the
Committee, and also, I am sure, what he
has learned from-his experience on the
Armed Services Committee and irhe other
committees on .which he serves,.
There is no other man in 'this body,
I think, who has had quite the oPpor-
tunity to ge$ all points of view from
~uarious branches of the Government, and
from witnesses, that he has had. So I
think it is a very fine statement, and I
.agree with his conclusions.
I also wish .to .express my aR;reement
with what the Senator from`Olio and the
majority leader have just said., because
this is ongoing Government, with
these great bureaucracies, and it is quite
interesting how many of the important
members of the, greatbureaucra,cies con-
time on. Some of the most important
ones in the State Department; as well as
in Department of'ISefense, have Become
identified with policies that had their
origin many years ago, under quite dif-
ferent circumstances; and I think are
quite unable to adjust to the change in
circumstances, Not being elected, and
not having to associate .with tYie people,
T do not think they are well acquainted
with the mood of the country, either.
That, of course was not their particular
responsibility.
The Senator from Missouri has done
a great service in condensing his views
for this body and for the public.
On this matter; of partisanship: Cer-
tainly the immediate problem is one for
the Senate as _an institution. It should
not be; and I hope will rv~t be, a partisan
issue. In that connection, I think it is
appropriate that the Senator allow me
to read two paragraphs of a statement
President Nixon made to this body. Many
people have forgotten President Nixon`s
statement of Iast November 3 in the Sen-
ate. it bears directly on this question, and
Q ~ht to disabuse. anyone of the idea that
& move o~ the greatest importance to
est>tblsh the rgle of the Senate in policy-
II],a1~fIig is a partisan matter.
I repeat, this is a quotation for Presi-
dent_Nixon, He says;,..
' 1 ltxad,, looking back over 'this period of
tune, that th~s administration ha:. been sub-
fsoted to some sharp cr'it?oism by some Mem-
view as to the wisdom or merits of the other day, and repeat it now to confirm
proposal. If Senator really think it is in the thoughts-re construction-that were
the interest of the country to pursue the in the mind of the Senator from Arkan-
war in Vietnam and to widen it into sas, based on the testimony of the wit-
Cambodia, that is another matter, but it ness he heard this morning: namely, in_
is not a partisan matter. Senators on the city of St. Louis, with 6&5,000 people,
either side can have legi~imate differ- where, because of what is going on, the .
ences as to that view. housing industry is dead, last year, in
We do not question motives. I recognize our city, there were built 14 single unit
that those who believe the war is in the homes-14, for 665,000 people.
interest of the country are just as Pa- I mention that because at the same
triotic as those who da not so believe. time I noticed on the ticker that there
This is a clear difference of view as to the was a plan to build 10,000 homes for the
role we should play and what we families of the military in South Viet-
should do. nom.
But as to the role of the Senate in Mr. STEVENS. Mr. President, will the
our kind of government, I do not know Senator yield?
how any Member of this body could Mr. SYMINGTON. I am glad to yield
quarrel with the idea that the Senate to my friend from Alaska.
has a legitimate right, duty, and respon- Mr. STEVENS. I have listened with
sibility to express itself when we get into .interest to the comments of the Senator
these extremely difficult matters. and those of the majority leader.
May I conclude with one other thing As a newcomer to the Senate, I, too,
that bears directly on what the Senator hope this does not become a partisan
said in his main speech? We had two debate, but I have a few questions for
witnesses before the committee this my friend from Missouri.
morning, one representing the housing I do not know that ever before in our
industry, the other the National Educa- history, in order to express the will of
tional Association. I wish to say only that the U.S. Senate, there has been an
they confirm all the way what the Sena- amendment passed which would deny
for said about the impact of the war,and payment of compensation to those in
the expenditures in war, the diversion of the military who follow the orders of the
our resources into military activities, the Commander in Chief, in order to bring
impact of that upon the housing Indus- about a change in the policy of the
try, which is in a very critical situation, United States.
and, of course, on the education of our As I interpret this section-and I am
yqung people, and the deplorable con- just a country lawyer, looking at some
dition which the schools face now. School words that have been written by a coxri-
districts cannot sell bonds, they cannot mitteG here in the Senate on which I do
build new schools, they cannot get equip- not serve-it would deny the right of the
ment, because no one will buy the bonds, executive branch to pay compensation
and the votes for the bond`issues have to the dependents of those people who
fallen down to where they cannot Pass happen to be prisoners of war in Cam-
bonding bills any more. bodia as a result of this action. It would
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Sen- also lead to the situation where, while
ator's time has expired. the President of the United States has
Mr. SYMINGTON. I ask unanimous said that the forces will be out of Cam-
consent to continue for 5 minutes. bodia by June 30, in order to create a
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without question of credibility we are going to
objection, it is so ordered. be asked to vote upon this matter before
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I shall conclude in June 30.
a moment. I do not want to delay the I wonder, if it is not really a political
Senator, but I think he has done a great matter, if it is not a partisan matter, why
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 s ~
-May Y9, 1970Approved For 8~1~6R'~h~1~1 72~~00200230003-9
do we not put off this decision until the
President has had a chance to live up
to his commitment to the country, and
to live u~ to the commitment he has
made to the Senate, that the forces
would be out of Cambod}a by June 30?
The Senator has mentioned the will-
ingness to put in the date of July 1, Why
do we not agree we will vote on it on
July 1? Why i ,it that there is such ,a
propensity for voting. on this measure
in Ma.Y this year?.As I recall, we voted
on a similar .appropriations measure i.n
December or January for the present
fiscal year.
I keep, hearing that it is not partisan.
I keep hearing that this is not a partisan
debate and that there is no intention here
to embarrass President Nixon and that
we believe President Nixon, yet we have
to act before the time comes for his.com-
mitment to act. I wonder. whether a mat-
ter such as this should not be used to
reunite the Senate. We talk all the time
about the country being divided; but
since I have been. in the Senate, I have
found greater division in the Senate than
I have found in the country.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
1V~r. STEVENS. I ask unanimous con-
sent that the Senator from Missouri may
be allowed 5 additional minutes,
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Witbout
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. STEVENS. Whether we say it is
partisan or nonpartisan, it is a debate
that really is going to divide us on a par-
tisan basis, whether we like it or not. I
happen to have helped elect. President
Nixon,. and I would like to see th.e Amer-
ican people know that when he says the
forces? will be out by June,. 30, they will
come out, because he ?ays they a,re going
to come out, .and not because the U,S.
Senate says. he must live up to what he
said he would do and bring there out by
June 30.
I think there is a great deal of par-
tisanship .under the surface. 'JVhether
it is on the surface or not, it i.s there.
While I would join the Senator` to re-
fitrict the powers of a. President--I think
this is sp.~ething that many of us have
been talking about for .years-]: do not
want to 'restrict the powers of the Pres-
. rent at a time when ix looks as though
I am slapping Dick Nixon in the face be-
cause he has not had the time to do what
h_e said he would. do.
In view of the Senator's comment
about July 1, I wonder whether he would
join us in having a vote on this matter
on July 1 and give the President i~he time
to, do what he said he would do.
Mr. SXMINGTQN. Mr. President, in
answer to the distinguished Senai,or. from
Alaska, in the amendment, the traatter of
the payment of people only refers to the.
military. advisers in Cambodia.. It does
not refer to the troops.
I do nQt believe the Senator was in the .
Chamber when I suggested that we put
a date of July 1 in the amendment so
there .would b~ xlg,question o#' al;tacking
the. credibility of the President, some-
thing ?he Senator. from Alaska_:referred
to a few minutes ago,
arri sorry the Senator feels the dis-
cussipn is partisan, especially after state-
ments made on both sides of the aisle this
morning, Does the Senator believe that
two cosponsors of this -proposed amend-
ment, the distinguished senior Senator
from Kentucky and the distinguished
senior Senator from Vermont, are in-
terested in a partisan debate on this mat-
ter, or does he think they are doing it
sincerely, in the best interests of the
country?
Mr. STEVENS. I .have been in this
Chamber listening to this debate and I
am certain that all Members who sponsor
this amendment are doing it in their own
conscience in t]Ze best interests of the
country. But I think some of us fear that
the impact of what they are doing is a
discredit to the President of the United
States at a time when he has given his
word tq the country that something will
occur.
My basic question is this: Why should
we create a credibility gap so far as the
President of the United States is con-
cerned? He has said what the forces will
do. He has given his commitment to the
country. Why do we not give him a
chance to carry it out? Then I am sure
that many of us would join with the Sen-
ator from Missouri in taking action to
restrict the power of any President so far
as any future actions are concerned.
I do not question personally the mo-
tives of people who sponsor this amend-
ment. What I am saying is that many
of us are backing the President because
we want him to have a chance to prove
his credibility. I think many Senators
have witnessed many times in the past-
and I am not being partisan about this;
I am sure it goes back to President Eisen-
hower's administration as well as any-
one else-when Presidents have said they
are going to do something, and it was
not done. I think part of that is reflected
in this amendment.
i believe that we should? not act in a
manner which would appear to say to the
President of the. United States, "You
have said you are going to get them out
by June 30, but we do not believe you,
and therefore we are going to tell you
that you are going to have them out, be-
cause none of your troops can get paid if
they are still there."
incidentally, I am still inclined to dis-
agree with the interpretation as to the
payment of those who are still there who
have dependents and who are there by
action of the enemy and not by action
of the President.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The ad~
ditional 5 minutes of the Senator have
expired.
The Senator from Missouri has yielded
the floor.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, does
the Senator from Alaska have any fur-
ther questions?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The pre-
vious 5 minutes have expired.
Mr. SYMINGTON. I ask unanimous
consent to continue for.2 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SYMINGTOIQ. Is there a further
question the Senator from Alaska would
like to ask? If there is, I would Yield for
from Missouri if he would join us in
a question.
Mr. STEVENS. I asked the Senator
S 739
having a vote on this matter after the
President has 'had an opportunity to
carry out his commitment to the
country.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, with
respect to this point, I think that what
was advanced is that the adoption of
this amendment might cripple the Pres-
ident's credibility. It is difficult to un-
derstand how an amendment which does
only what the President says he
intends to do will impair the President's
credibility.
Congress has credibility problems, too.
I have heard no complaints to the effect
that the President, by waging an unde-
clared war, if he has-some say he has,
and some say he has not-has destroyed
the~redibility of Congress. Congress has
watched its powers erode and accrete to
the President for such a long time, as I
mentioned earlier in the debate, that a
move to perform the functions intended
by the Founding Fathers apparently
brings an automatic charge that it is
stepping into the President's territory.
The President's credibility can be no
greater than he creates by performance,
and that is exactly true of Congress. If
he fulfills his promise to the American
people about limiting our involvement in
Cambodia, I will vote-as I said earlier-
for an amendment to eliminate the prob-
lem of credibility, an amendment which
provides that it will only apply after the
first of July and after Congress has
adopted the amendment, and the credi-
bility of both the President and Congress
will be enhanced.
That would be my answer to that
question.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Sen-
ator from Missouri has yielded the floor.
Mr. DOLE obtained the floor.
Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, I regret that
the senior Senator from Missouri does
not wish to respond to additional ques-
tions. But I note that on page 2 of his
prepared statement he says that for the
first time in history, an American Presi-
dent has ordered forces to invade a coun-
try on his own, without seeking congres-
sional approval.
Mr, SYMINGTON. I did not say that.
Mr. DOLE, The Senator did not say
that? _
Mr. SYMINGTON. No.
Mr. DOLE. I would ask the Senator
from Missouri whether he recalls the
situation fn 1948 that confronted Presi-
dent Truman with reference to South
Korea. Did not President Truman order
troops to South Korea without obtaining
congressional approval or support?
Mr, SYMINGTON. President Truman
obtained congressional approval-and sup-
port immediately. At the time, I was a
member of his administration. He also
obtained the support of the United Na-
tions.
But I eliminated that phrase from the
speech as delivered, because I felt it
might be objected to.
Mr. DOLE. I do not want to object
but would hope the Senator from Mis-
souri would be consistent.
Mr. SYMINGTON. May I say that the
reason I have yielded the floor is I have
kept the distinguished senior.. Senator
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from Tennessee (Mr. Goxg) waiting for
--Etxr hour. ,He has a speech to deliver..
I do not want the,Senator to think I
was being discourteous.
Mx. DOLE. laet xxte read from a Harvard
Law Review article, volume 81, No. 8,
June 1968:
"The mast striking illustration of the shift
iu the power to commit forcers tq combat is
the Korean episode. x'aced with the Invasion
of south Korea, President Truman alter
brief consultation with advisors, committed
thg nation's troops to repel the invaders. "At
no time was,. congressional authorization
sought for the Pull-scale conflict which re-
sulted. Although there is considerable evi-
dence that without iniznediate action Korea
would have been overrun, there is also evi-
dence that the sequence of events left time
to seek congressional approval anti that fail-
ure to do so reflected as deliberate assertion
oY presidential prerogative.
Sa, Mr. President, I would reply to the
Senator from Missouri, as to what may
have happened in Cambodia.. He was a
part of the Truman administration, he
was a member of the Truman adminis-
tration at that time, so as the Senator
from Alaska has poixited out, we cannot
dismiss what may appear to be partisan
politics with respect to this--
3VIr. SY1Vi:INGTON. Let me say, on a
personal basis, that I am very, very
proud to have been a member of the Tru-
man administration: President Truman
was a great President
Mr. DOLE. Did the, Senator object at
that time to going into Korea?
Mr, SYMINGTON. Mr. President, I
think that, to compare what he did,
when. we went into Korea, wYien he sent
itr troops of the United Stai;es .ter help
that countrg defend. itself against an at-
tack, to compare that with this invasion
of Cambodia is not. an accurate compari-
aan. Ihave stated my. position today on
this $oor. I will say, with great respect,
that it is past, the time, it seems to me,
to be partisan about this situation. My
hope is we -will look at th.e pending
amendment on a strictly nonpartisan
,basis.
AQr. YOUNG of SQhio. President,
will the Senator from Kansas yield?
Mr. DOLE. Mr. President, i ask. _ ani-
mou~ consent to proceed far 3 addit onal
minut
Z'1reRESIDINCr OFF'IC>aR, Wii