CONTROL OF THE CIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP71B00364R000600190006-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 6, 2006
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: March 9, 1967
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2006/07/06: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000600190006-6
'
March 9, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE 11205
abreast of veterans' needs in the United i
CONTROL OF THE CIA I about the CIA's involveme: t with the
States. We have heard many warnings during The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under National Student Associatio,i and other
the past several years about the need for previous order of the House the gentle- domestic organizations? The Joint
a workable, long-term plan to establish man from New York [Mr. RYAN] is rec- Committee on Foreign Infor -ration and
adequate gravesites for veterans, Legis- ognized for 15 minutes. Intelligence should be establi: ilcd as soon
lotion to that end has been introduceds , Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, the dust as possible.
from time to time. Each time, it ha stirred up by the revelations that the However, the issue of chap i~!ling CIA
been buried in committee. CIA has been secretly financing domes- funds to domestic organizati,:n, must be
Unless the Congress takes some action tic organizations is beginning to settle, met head on. Congress must act to
promptly, the crisis which has all but without any safeguards established to make it clear to the CIA, to a citizens,
closed down Arlington will spread to end this nefarious practice. We now and to the world that the era of CIA in-
other national cemeteries. For example, know that the CIA has given substantial terference with our free instil utlons is at
the veterans of New York are deeply amounts of money to student organiza- an end for all time.
concerned about the future of Pinelawn tions, labor organizations, publishing Today I have introduces we bills
rinelawn was established in 1937, and that it nas channeled funds through the
the forecast for its future indicated that use of tax-exempt foundations. At first
Pinelawn would provide veterans' grave- there was deep concern about this activ-
sites until 1975. ' ity. But already a sense of complacency
In recent years, these forecasts have is developing. Moreover, the CIA's infil-
been sharply amended. It would now tration of domestic organizations has
seem that the close-out date is almost been defended on the grounds that it is
upon us. Without expansion, Pinelawn justified to combat the threat of com-
is not likely to serve beyond 1970. Thou- munism.
sands of acres of Government-owned Mr. Speaker, the issue is fundamental.
land is available for the expansion of Should a free society resort to secret and
Pinelawn on the site of former Camp undemocratic methods in combating a
Upton at Yaphank, L.I. The time to political movement which denies free-
plan such expansion is now, not on the T Does the end justify the means?
eve of another crisis. The e means used by the CIA resulted in
There are many other national ceme- corruption of ourselves. For example,
teries throughout the Nation whose volved the with students the who CIA w wwe knowingly the
future should be outlined in a well-de- position plaand
fined plan. Such a plan does not exist, tailoring n of tlying heir positions s their colleagues and
and will not exist if the legislation aimed The very y pros was suit the CIA.
at creating it is repeatedly swept under protect them, wa them, wa, a corrupting supposed to
the rug. s a corone.
Uugr present rules of this House, leg- The article published in the March is-
islanon O
this kind referred rues of this to the In- sue of Ramparts magazine, which lifted
rly
the tenor and Insular Affairs Committee. It shows lid off
the the effect of the CIA's CIA's operations, seduction clearly
would certainly be more reasonable for No one abo main-
matters of such importance to the vet- taming
the independence ne ce and freedom oerans of our Nation to be in the purview ininnce and of
ou
The Committee on Veterans' Affairs is
familiar with the needs of veterans, and
deals with these needs daily. Certainly,
provisions for gravesites for those who
have helped to defend our Nation Is no
less an important veterans' affair than
any other.
For that reason, f have introduced a
resolution today to amend the rules of
the House to achieve that end. Clause
10, rule XI, would be amended to remove
national cemeteries from the responsi-
bilities of the Interior Committee, and
clause 19 of the same rule would be
amended to make national cemeteries a
concern of the Veterans' Affairs Commit-
tee.
A similar resolution has been intro-
duced by the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania [Mr. SAYLOR], who has also intro-
duced a bill to make operation and main-
tenance of a national veterans' ceme-
tery system a responsibility of the Vet-
erans' Administration. This is one of
the bills which has so far been ignored.
We owe it to those who have fought
for us to provide them with adequate
gravesites. I am convinced that a first
step in this direction will be to transfer
responsibility for such legislation to the
r young people will fall to be repelled
by the CIA's efforts. I will include the
Ramparts article in the RECORD at the
conclusion of my remarks.
If we are to compete with Communist
ideology, we must do so by example, by
showing that our open democratic sys-
tem leads to the greater fulfillment of
man. We cannot compete by emulation.
For to do so leaves no choice. If it is in
our national interest for the Government
to support organizations which cannot
receive sufficient support through pri-
vate means, we should bear that respon-
sibility openly. The decision to support
an organization must be arrived at
through the democratic process-not be-
hind closed doors.
It is time we, as a nation, faced up
to our responsibilities as a democratic
society.
I fear the Central Intelligence Agency
will, through one means or another, con-
tinue to funnel funds to seemingly free
institutions unless Congress enacts an
explicit prohibition.
Since the Bay of Pigs fiasco I have
sponsored legislation to establish a Joint
Committee on Foreign Information and
Intelligence to oversee the CIA. In this
Congress it Is House Joint Resolution
305. But that may not be enough.
e
l
e
which su subcommittees of
action to change the rules to make this tre
Congres
s
possible. pposedly sedly oversee
the CIA. Did these subcommittees know
telligence Agency Act of 1949 io prohibit
the Agency from granting, ectu.ributing,
lending, or otherwise paying, directly or
indirectly, any of its funds "tc any foun-
dation or philanthropic or anization,
labor organization, publishin; organiza-
tion, labor organization. radio cr broad-
casting organization, or educ tonal in-
stitution-including organiza, ions com-
posed of students or faculty ttrtnbers-
incorporated or otherwise organized
under the laws of any Slate, he District
of Columbia, the Common xcalth of
Puerto Rico, or any territory oi- posses-
sion of the United States, or under the
laws of the United States."
The second bill amends th, 'Internal
Revenue Code of 1954 to requite each tax
exempt organization to file a ,ublic an-
nual report which lists the sr iu ces, in-
cluding Government sources, of all its
income and other receipts. TI e rill pro-
vides for a penalty in acidities o those
already in the tax code, for a v, illful fail-
ure to file or fraudulent statem ?n 1.6 made
in connection with the report. 1. willful
failure to file or the making 'raudu-
lent statements will result in 1 he loss of
tax exemption.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that cgislation
is the only way to insure tha the CIA
does not engage in the secret subsidizing
of domestic organizations. T:e enact-
ment of these two bills ,will p: vent the
CIA from engaging in : ecret activities
which do much more damage is than
they do to others.
Mr. Speaker, I include at t point
in the RECORD the Ramparts ar cle pub-
lished in March 1967:
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF INTERNATION,1,L ;'TUDENT
POLITICS AND THE COLD WAR WITII PARTICU-
LAR REFERENCE TO THE NSA, Ch', _Crc.
(By Sol Stern, with the special as isiance of
Lee Webb, Michael Ansara, at..; alichael
Wood).
I, SOME NECESSARY EACKGRO~
The chill of the cold war was ..:ready in
the air in August of 1946, when ;tine 300
students from 38 countries . ssemb cc in the
flag-bedecked Artists' Hall in Prag e for the
first World Student Congrec>s, A:ncng the
delegates were 24 American studer,-ti, many
of them World War II veterans. representing
various youth and student organir : m ns and
ten prominent universities. The CO tr nuiists
were in the majority at the Conress. and
disputes arose as to the proper roic of inter-
national student organizations. :,affil, the
Congress ended on an amlcable nc c, with a
call for further cooperation and the C ilding
of a truly representative lni.ernati? ur;d stu-
dent organization-which came Into exist-
ence shortly afterwards, and was nrned the
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If 2506 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
International Union of Students (IUS). The
American delegates, who came to be known
as the Prague 25, returned home, fully con-
vinced that a new, truly representative na-
tional organization had to be created which
could fittingly represent the U.S, student
community in the International student
world.
Establishing themselves as an organizing
committee, the Prague 25 issued a call for
a national conference of student leaders to
organize a now national union of students.
They were remarkably successful. In the
summer of 1947, a new body known as the
United States National Student Association
(NSA) held Its Constitutional Convention in
Madison, Wisconsin. By the time of this
convention, the atmosphere of the IUS had
become even more openly procommunist than
it had been in Prague. However, it was not
until the communist coup had taken place
in Czechoslovakia in 1948 and the IUS had
failed to condemn the communists' mis-
handling of Czech students thatthe break
between NSA and IUS became official.
Finally, in 1950, NSA met in Stockholm
with 18 other national student groups to
form a new international student body which
was ultimately called the International Stu-
dent Conference (ISC). During the first
meetings, the overwhelming majority of the
delegates were opposed to the conception of
the ISC as a "rival," set up to fight the IUS
and international communism. The dele-
gates to the first ISC wanted to avoid con-
troversial political questions and any further
ec'tism of the international student world.
The new International organization grew
quickly and Impressively. By the middle
'50s, over 55 national student unions were
participating, more than half of which were
from the underdeveloped "Third World," and
the ISC had a huge budget providing for
ninny programs of technical assistance, edu-
cation and student exchanges. The ISC be-
came the pacesetter for international student
pclitics and NSA was on Its way to becoming
t5-o most powerful force within the new in-
ternational organization.
As the ISC grew, the students of the under-
developed world pressed the hardest for it to
take political stands on controversial issues
such as colonialism and racism: And as the
"Third World" student unions started to
press political issues in the ISC, it was usual-
ly the NSA delegation that played the mod-
era`ing role, trying to keep the ISC focused
on the problems of "students as students."
In a sense, the very growth of the ISC
engendered it problems. Most student
unions, originally attracted to the organiza-
tion out of resentment against the strictures
imposed by the ITS, became alienated from
It when, partly under NSA's prodding, the
ISC began to set forth its own tight Cold
War positions, By the 1960's, the situation
had begun to reverse Itself: the IUS was
making gestures for consultations that might
lead to a reunification of the world student
movement, while the ISC-with NSA in the
lead-kept to a rigid Cold War line and put
off most of these overtures,
At its peak in 1960, over 400 schools were
affiliated with NSA, Its staff operations and
budget grew every year. Though there was
little income from the dues of its constituent
members, NSA picked up financial support
for its operations from a number of founda-
tions. Most- of this went entirely to NSA's
international operations. NSA was able to
sponsor yearly International relations semi-
nars, foreign student leadership training
projects, scholarships for foreign students,
and still maintain a large travel budget for
its International commission staff and its
overseas representatives.
Despite the formal democracy Zia NSA, there
was little relationship between its overseas
operations and its on-campus base, NAS
Congresses were massive affairs attended
mostly by students sent as delegates from the
student governments of NSA's member
schools. They had little knowledge of NSA's
year-round staff operations. International
affairs and the operations of NSA's Interna-
tional staff were debated by a select few who
could usually move the rest of the Congress
on the basis of their esoteric expertise. Over-
seas representatives of NSA and delegates to
the ISC were never elected by the NSA Con-
gress.
NSA has always shown two faces. Its do-
mestic programs, its Congresses and its re-
gional meetings have always been open and
spontaneous. If NSA national leaders were
occasionally over-cautious, they still moved
with the liberal currents of opinion among
American students. In the 'SOs, NSA took
even more liberal stands than the prevailing
apathy among students might have sug-
gested. And in the '60s. NSA responded to
the new militant protest mood on the cam-
puses. It supported students against the
draft, opposed the war in Vietnam, and par-
ticipated in civil rights struggles. It played
a crucial role in the formation of the Stu-
dent Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
and was one of its staunchest supporters, a
position which cost it the affiliation of many
schools in 1961.
Yet NSA's overseas Image has been very
different. Despite Its liberal rhetoric, NSA-
ers abroad seemed more like professional
diplomats than students; there was some-
thing tough and secretive about them that
was out of keeping with their openness and
spontaneity back home.
In the light of all of this, it is not sur-
prising that a number of NSA's critics have
pointed a suspicious finger at its interna-
tional operations. Nor is it a shock to dis-
cover that some people in the left wing of
NSA, like Paul Potter, who was elected na-
tional affairs vice president in 1961 and went
on to become president of Students for a
Democratic Society, revealed that they had
always suspected NSA's international opera-
tions of being tightly tied in with the State
Department. Very few ever seriously raised
the more sinister spectre of CIA Involve-
ment.
II. SOME FANCY FINANCING
It is widely known that the CIA has a
number of foundations which serve as di-
rect fronts or as secret "conduits" that
channel money from the CIA to preferred or-
ganizations. An intimation of the scope of
this financial web was afforded the public
on August 31, 1964, when Texas Congress-
man Wright Patman, in the course of an In-
vestigation into the use of foundations for
tax dodges, announced that the J. M. Kap-
lan Fund of New York was serving as a
secret conduit for CIA funds. As soon as
Patman made his announcement, representa-
tives of the CIA and Internal Revenue came
scurrying to his office for a hasty conference.
Patman apparently was satisfied with the
results. Without retracting his allegations
about the Kaplan Fund he announced:
11
, The CIA does not belong in this
foundation investigation."
Before bringing down the curtain of se-
crecy, he did, at least, reveal one fact of
substance. It turned out that a number of
other foundations had contributed to the
Kaplan Fund. during the crucial years of
1961-63 when the Fund had been serving
the CIA. Five of these foundations were not
even on the Internal Revenue Service's list
of tax-exempt foundations. They were the
Borden Trust, the Price Fund, the Edsel
Fund, the Beacon Fund and the Kentfield
Fund. The implication was clear that some
or all of these were the channel through
which the CIA money passed Into the Kap-
land foundation coffers.
Ramparts was provided with an unusual
Insight Into the manner in which the CIA
uses legitimate foundations wth liberal In-
terests, such as the Kaplan Fund, in a re-
cent conversation with the president of a
prominent New England foundation who
asked to remain anonymous: "I didn't want
March 9, 1967
my foundation dragged throu ,i the CIA
mud." In 1965 he was approached by what
he described as "two nice middc- aged Irish
cop types who flashed CIA ca -f at me."
The men asked the foundation president if
they could look over the list ,r organiza-
tions that his foundation suppo ?,s. He vol-
unteered the list to them and ; -,tar looking
it over, the agents said that tit rre were or-
ganizations on the list that the, v.ould also
be willing to support, The C A men ex-
plained, "We are trying to pose w alterna-
tive to communism and want to back third-
force programs, which we could n?t do if it
was known that this support ca roes from a
government source."
The agents then proposed to ,, .pnort some
of the organizations already on :he, founda-
tion's list as well as suggesting a-.xv prospec-
tive recipients. The agents prof it ed that if
this arrangement was accepted. they would
be able to channel CIA mor_ y into the
foundation without it ever being a-aced back
to the CIA. They said that th ,, were very
skilled at these mmnipulatlons.
The president, however, took .n proposal
directly to the board which ref, -etsciit by a
vote of four to one, out of what he founde
tion president called "a 19th c? :.nury sense
of morality. We just did not lik the secrecy
of it."
The CIA-suspect Funds ment,,r:ed in the
Patman Investigations are a kc-.r to under-
standing part of NSA':: fine c. s. Con-
veniently, they are spread all ov r the coun-
try (Borden in Philadelphia, P ,ice in New
York, Beacon In Boston, tCentfi,;d in Dallas
and Edsel, whose last kn,,wn ac ir; ss was in
San Francisco), When a Ramp reporter
checked out the addresses offici:~:l; listed by
the foundations, he usually to nd himself
In a law office where no one W. c willing to
talk about the Funds.
Two foundations that have er pltorted the
international programs of NSA- he J. Fred-
erick Brown Foundation and th. independ-
ence Foundation-have received regular con-
tributions from four of these CIA-linked
Funds: Price, Borden, Kentfield. end Edscl.
Both the J. Frederick Brown and the Inde-
pendence Foundations list, the s- ire address,
60 State Street, Boston, which, is also the
address of the prestigious; law firm of Hale
and Derr. Paul F. Hellmuth, a well-known
Boston attorney and a member _f Hale and
Dorr, and David B. Stone, a Boston business-
man and philanthropist, are th: trustees of
the Independence Foundation. Hellmuth
alone is the trustee of the J. Frei r ck Brown
Foundation.
Of the two, J. Frederick Brow,i is less im-
portant as a source of NSA funk It made
only $3300 in contributions to IIsi,, in 1963.
It also made contributions to tl e American
Friends of the Middle Fast, r Tic ng other
organizations with overseas interess. In an
article in the May 9, 1966 issues o The N,
tion, Robert G. Sherrill 1mpli, d that the
American Friends had CIA ties. No official
of the organization denied the a.:eaiions.
As far as NSA is concerned, th independ-
ence Foundation is the more isportant of
Mr. Hellmuth's two interests. II Ic pendence
got its tax-exempt status in ':ltd. Since
then, most of its funds have com - f: om other
trusts and foundations. In I! J2, for ex-
ample, the Independence Fou::d.rtion re-
ceived a total of $247,00, of which only
$18,500 came from indivLduals :'r corpora-
tions; all the rest came from of :e: founda-
tions. Of the total, the four Fu :d:, cited in
the Patman investigations gave ::00,000.
Between 1962 and 1965, NSA re. ei: ed $256,-
483.33 in grants for its intern. i,,nal pro-
grams from Independence. Much of that
sum went to pay for NSA's Intern tional Stu-
dent Relations Seminars. year extrava-
ganzas which served as effect! -e Training
grounds for future NSA internati' nc.1 leaders.
NSA is still coasting on Inc ?pendence's
largesse. The building which h "u:;es NSA's
present headquarters Is occupied eider a 15-
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March 9, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 42507
year rent-free agreement with the Indepen- Then, in 1963, two contributions to the provided a general administrative ;rant of
dence Foundation. Originally, NSA pur- Rabb Foundation flowed in from the Price up to $120,000 per year and fundef projects
chased the building with a down payment Fund of New York-one of the Funds named such as NSA's magazine, Thr Ames i a Stu-
and a yearly mortgage payment to be se- in the Patman investigation, and a contrihu- dent, foreign student part.h:ipatio;..t NSA
cured from Independence. But Independence tor to the J. Frederick Brown and Inde- Congresses, technical assistance n -ojects;
suddenly changed its mind and bought the pendence Foundations. The contributions and Its funds paid NSA's dues to the ISC.
property back from NSA. Deeds on file with were for $25,000 and $15,000 respectively. In addition, FYSA could be relies' . pon to
the clerk of the District of Columbia reveal Strikingly, in the same year, the Rabb Foun- pick up any operating deficit the` PISA in-
that NSA sold the propety on October 20th, dation itself made two unusual and large currcd during the year, and F: 5.. gives
1965, to the First National. Bank, but that contributions in precisely the same "scholarships" to ex-NSA officers Scar overseas
the bank was acting as a "trustee under an amounts-one for $25.000 to Operations and study.
undisclosed trust." The undisclosed party is Policy Research Incorporated, a Cold War- PYSA has also been the hief 'U.S. source
Paul Hellmuth, who secured the property, oriented strategy organization: and $15,000 to for channeling money over;eas h l:ational
and leased it to the Independence Founda- the Fairfield Foundation. Fairfield, in its unions of students favored by the cSA lead-
tion which turned it over to NSA for the turn, has been a frequent contributor to the ership. And FYSA has been prat 1d.thy the
15-year free rent agreement. Congress for Cultural Freedom, previously only external source of support, -.-c. ant for
Shortly after NSA moved into its new, identified in The New York Times as having the mysterious San Jacinto Four a don, of
plush Washington offices in the fall of 1965, received CIA funds. the programs of the ISO. : et-v _e - 1062-
a reporter from the Washington Post, who During 1964, the Rabb Foundation again 1964, ISO records show that these r. o foun-
was doing a feature article on NSA, asked received unusual contributions, from three dations provided over 90 per cen .f ISO's
NSA President Phil Sherburne who was pay- Funds, and also made three matching dis- program budget (most of it from ?3'SA)-a
jug the rent on the building. Sherburne bursements. It received $25,000 from the gargantuan total of $1,826,0(0 in giants com-
refused to divulge this Information, This Tower Fund, and turned over the exact sum pleted or in progress. The ISO -.v-could be
secrecy in protecting the names of NSA's of $25,000 as a grant to the International literally impotent as an in.ernati,:n.d orga-
benefactors was not unusual. In fact, NSA Development Foundation which has been eu- nization without the support of F'-'1 A, hav-
has never made a full financial accounting gaged in organizing anti-communist peasant ing been unable to establish &::y sizable
to its own Congresses. unions in Latin America. It was particu- alternative sources of funding.
The Independence Foundation has served larly active in the Dominican Republic dur- The executive secretary of FYS ; - -s Harry
NSA's overseas operations in other indirect ing that country's period of revolution and Lunn, a tall, ruddy-faced, baldi: man in
ways. It has provided a number of scholar- American intervention, The Rabb Founda- his middle thirties, himself a pas president
ships for former NSA officers, usually in the tion also received a $20,000 contribution from of NSA, who used to make appli? 'itions for
neighborhood of $3000 per year. The pur- the Appalachian Fund, and during that year grants to the foundation whic re now
pose of these scholarships was to enable made a disbursement of $20,000 to the Amer- directs. Lunn vehemently denie- he sug-
former NSA officers to function as overseas scan Society of African Culture. Finally, the gestion that his foundation nigh i;e chan-
representatives where they were free to make Rabb Foundation received $6,000 from the neling CIA money for NSA, a!-'s.ngh he
contacts with foreign student unions and ubiquitous Price Fund, and during the same would not release a financial st; : e rent to
roans as free operatives for NSA, sending year it turned over-would you believe- this magazine. his
-lr
resid
retire National
NSASdeficit to minat d,pLU ne became ,aAme ~1 r raoflsalll
5 back periodic sosedtto been Association o to help states
seas representatives ives were e suppupp
overseas universities, but this was entirely Rabb made at least one other contribution ISC delegation to Southeast Asia. T ion, fol-
pro forma. to NSA in 1965 in the amount of $5,000. lowing a short stint In the Army, ,e vient to
Independence has not restricted its largesse It is not always easy to obtain informa- the Department of DefeIl. e as .: research
exclusively to NSA. In the period between: tion on the foundations which have sus- analyst. From there he went -1 up the
1961 and 1965 it spent $180,000 in financing tained NSA's international operations. Take ladder to the political desk of th - f nlericah
an interesting operation known as the In- the San Jacinto Foundation, for example. embassy In Paris and then on -n- to the
dependent Research Serivee (IRS). This was In the past, San Jacinto has not only funded Agency for International Dcvelopn -=, ;t, where
the organization that made life so miserable Important portions of NSA's International he worked on the Alliance for P-,~-ress. It
for the organizers of the communist-leaning program, but it has also given huge sums was from this last position that Vin came
world youth festivals in Vienna in 1959, and of money to the program budget of the ISC. to FYSA In 1965. Lunn also took 31rc in the
in Helsinki in 1962. The Independent Re- In particular, it has been overly generous activities of the militant!- anti----oonmunist
search Service actively recruited a delegation in supporting The Student, an ISO publica- Independent Research Service at the Vienna
of hundreds of young Americans to attend tion printed in live languages and distributed Youth Festival in 1959, while a was at-
the festivals in order to actively oppose the all over the world as an anti-communist tached to the Department of 13, -ease.
communists. The travel expenses of all the weapon. Lunn's career is a case study n. the inti-
delegates were fully paid for and the bill was One other interesting fact about the San mate relationship between NS., interna-
footed as well for a jazz group, an exhibition Jacinto Foundation is that, like the J. Fred- tional student politics and the C' .5 War. It
of famous American painters and a daily erick Brown Foundation, it has contributed is living documentation of a slog; hat used
newspaper printed in five languages, all of to the CIA-suspect American Friends of the to hang in NSA's old Philadelphia headquar-
which accompanied the delegates. Middle East. No one at NSA, or ISO for that ters: "The student leade-- of t, 1=:.y is the
Although the official position of the NSA matter, appears to have the vaguest notion student leader of tomorrow."
Congress was not to participate In the youth of what the San Jacinto Foundation is, who III. AN EXTRAORDINARY CONVE ::i'. ION
festivals, Important NSA officers and ex-offs- Is on its board of o.irectors or where its The scene was the Sirhiinali i Saddle, a
cers were very active in the Independent Re- money comes from. San Jacinto has also plush, dimly-lit, continental styl--- r staurant
search Service activities in Vienna and Hel- apparently managed to avoid the reporting on Washingli , onts n al styi a Avenue.
sinki. The director of the IRS during the procedures required by law of all tax-exempt It was hinton the twea of March
Helsinki Yoirth Festival was Dennis Shaul, foundations. No records for it have been It was over a table third i error ; onvers h
who was elected NSA president shortly there- entered at the district office of the Internal tion was taking place that ew . - ually re-
after. Shaul has also been the recipient of Revenue Service in Austin, or with the secre- suited in the exposure of tC 2's 15-year-
-
"scholarships" of the Independence Foundation's tarp of the State of Texas, or with the county snfiltdai the the ureic f the Stu,, ot?.t 5-yea-
"scholarships" in 1964. clerk. anion.
When questioned by a Ramparts reporter San Jacinto's mailing address is the offices then hat day.
about some of the activities and sources of of F. G. O'Comler in the San Jacinto Build- There were two Peop!c ,
funds for his Independence Foundation, Mr. log in downtown Houston. Mr. O'Connor is One of them was Phil Sherburne 1 SA presi-
Hellmuth, a normally outgoing man, became the secretary of the foundation. When asked dent for 19G5-66. Athletic-loo7:blonde,
guarded and curt. He refused to divulge the by Ramparts' peripatetic reporter for some in- self-possessed, his NSA post w. :nis latest
addresses or any other information about the formation about the foundation, Mr. O'Con- stop in a meteoric career in stud _nt politics.
money which had been donated to both of ner, a graying, distinguished-looking man in Sherburne's luncheon corns.--is.on that
his foundations. However, he was quite vol- his sixties replied, "It is a private, closed eventful day was 23-year-old Ddi;h:wl Wood,
able about Ads close friendship with the ofii- foundation, never had any publicity and NSA's director of development, < . and rais-
cers of NSA. doesn't want any." ing chief. Wood, too, bed risen rapidly in
Still another foundation which has given As far hack as anyone can remember, the student politics. He left Pon_mn.s College
to NSA is the Sidney and Esther Rabb Chart- mainstay of NSA's overseas operations has during his senior year to become ,, civil rights
table Foundation of Boston, The similarities been the Foundation for Youth and Student worker in Watts, where one of isle projects
betwene the Rabb Foundation and the J. M. Affairs of New York City, founded in 1952. had caught the eye of an NSA oaicer. He
Kaplan Fund are striking. Rabb, like Rap- In contrast to the kikes of Independence and became an NSA consultant in t .e spring of
lan, is a Jewish businessman, prominent in San Jacinto, FYSA has a for-real office, a 1965, and was soon promoted to the post of
liberal democratic circles. The records show full-time staff and an eminently respectable director of development. . Bey -ii-3 raising
that up until 1963 the Rabb Foundation's board of directors. money for NSA, he helped She 'r.irne work
only suorce of income was from Rabb him- In recent years. FYSA annually pumped out new programs, and had ewa :ncen con-
self. And up to that year, the Rabb Founda- hundreds of thousands of dollars per year suited by the White Houae staf e s possible
tion's contributions were minimal and only into NSA's treasury. The figure for October Presidential proposals about the draft and
to local charities. 1065 to October 1966 was $292,753.60. It the lowering of the voting age. Ye had re-
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`W,
ceived a letter from Douglass Cater, special
assistant to the President, commending him
for his excellent reports.
Wood was talking to Sherburne because he
was troubled. He had been running into
irritating roadblocks in trying to raise money
for NSA. He had encountered a curious lack
of concern among other members of the
Association's international staff about the
rigorous preparation usually required for
foundation fund raising. The amount of
money needed often ran into hundreds of
thousands of dollars, yet the proposals being
submitted to the foundations funding the
international program were ill-prepared, per-
functory and brief. Furthermore, President
Sherburne was negotiating with the founda-
tions without Wood's participation.
After six months of this confusion, Wood
told Sherburne, with whom he had grown
quite close, that he either had to be given
full responsibility for the fund raising pro-
grain or he would have to resign. It was at
this time that Sherburne invited him to a
heart-to-heart lunch conference. The fol-
lowing is Wood's account of what transpired
during this and subsequent conversations:
Sherburne began by telling Wood that NSA
had "certain relationships with certain gov-
ernment agencies engaged in international
relations" which Wood didn't know about.
This, explained Sherburne, was why Wood
couldn't have full responsibility for NSA's
fund raising. Wood was astonished. "You
mean the CIA?" he asked. Sherburne nodded
yes. Sherburne then told Wood that he was
supposed to have been Informed of the CIA
relationship after he was appointed director
of development, but that other NSA staff
members and CIA contacts had decided he
was politically unreliable. As well as hav-
ing been a civil rights worker, Wood had
gained a reputation as something of a rad-
ical. Because he couldn't be told of the CIA
relationship, it was necessary to keep him in
the dark about. certain aspects of NSA fund-
ing.
Sherburne told Wood he hoped that every-
thing said over lunch that day would be kept
secret. He was divulging the information
only because he did not want Wood to leave
NSA. Later he explained that he wanted
a friend he could trust with whom to discuss
the CIA relationship, other than staffers who
were already involved.
The CIA, said Sherburne, had managed to
inject itself into the Association's interna-
tional operations in 'the early 1950's. Since
that time, virtually every president and in-
ternational affairs vice president of the or-
ganization had been aware of the CIA rela-
tionship and had cooperated.
Sherburne went on to say that most of
the foundations that had funded NSA's in-
ternational operations were merely passing
along CIA money. Moreover, some of them
had made up NSA's yearly deficits, and had
financed the purchase and renovation of
NSA's new offices in Washington. This ex-
plained the mystery surrounding the acqui-
sition and the rent for NSA's new national
offices.
Among the CIA-front foundations specifi-
cally mentioned, according to Wood, were the
Independence Foundation, the San Jacinto
Foundation, the Foundation for Youth and
Student Affairs, the Sidney and Esther Rabb
Foundation, and the J. Frederick Brown
Foundation. To the heat of Sherburne's
knowledge, CIA money did not pass through
the Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foun-
dation, the Asia Foundation, and other
groups which had also funded NSA interna-
tional programs in the past.
Sherburne presented the Agency's involve-
ment in international student politics as a?
fait accompli; he argued that the CIA's vast
supply of money was absolutely essential.
Although he had serious doubts about the
desirability of the relationship, he felt that
NSA could not get as much money from any
other source; moreover, the Agency had sup-
ported many worthwhile and liberal overseas
programs. In any event, Sherburne felt that
a sudden termination of the relationship
would leave NSA in disastrous financial
straits.
The CIA was interested almost exclusively
in NSA's international programs. Over the
years no staff member who worked exclu-
sively on NSA's national program was in-
volved in a CIA relationship, and few, if
any, even knew about it. Keeping the CIA
connection secret was made easier by the
fact that NSA's national and International
departments were in different cities from
1947-1960.
During their frequent conversations, Sher-
burne gave Wood a partial glossary of "black"
language that was used by NSA's CIA opera-
tives whenever they discussed the relation-
ship in a semi-public place. They referred to
the CIA as the "firm" and not the Agency;
people were not described as operatives or
agents but as being "witty"; those who
worked inside the Agency bureaucracy were
referred to as the "fellas" or the "boys."
Frequently, important NSA-ers were given
code names for their contacts with the
Agency. Sherburne's code name was "Mr.
Grants" (based on his facility for fund rais-
ing).
Sherburne told Wood that normal proce-
dure involved a careful evaluation by former
NCA International officers of international
staff members for their reliability-as well
as a full national security check by the CIA.
If a member passed the test, he was made
"witty."
The prospective "witty" staff member
would usually be taken out to lunch by an-
other already "witty" staff member, and a
representative of the CIA. NSA's dealings
were with Covert Action Division No. Five of
the CIA's Plans Division, and the personnel
they dealt with there were themselves former
NSA officers. Thus, when the new officer
was takn to lunch, he at first assumed that
he was merely going out with another staff
member and an NSA alumnus. The pros-
pective "witty staff member was told at lunch
that there was information relating to work
on the international staff which affected na-
tional security and which he should know
about, but which required him to sign a na-
tional security oath. If he signed the oath,
which pledged him to keen secret any in-
formation that was then divulged, he was
then told about the CIA relationship and
asked to cooperate.
The implication was clear that if the in-
ternational staff member ever divulged any
of the Information about the relationship,
there could be severe legal penalties. Thus
the international officers were placed In a
position in which they could not acknowl-
edge the existence of the relationship, even
to other "non-witty" NSA-ers. Sherburne
made the first breach in a 15-year wall of
secrecy.
The typical "witty" international staff
member would first consult with an Agency
representative about his overseas programs.
Grants for international programs, travel al-
lowances and expense accounts for NSA
members going to overseas student confer-
ences, would then all be supplied by CIA-
frontfoundatians.
So Intimately was the CIA involved in
NSA's international program, that it treated
NSA as an arm of U.S. foreign policy. The
point is illustrated by a story that Sherburne
told Wood. At one point during his tenure
in office, Sherburne was to attend the Inter-
national Student Travel Conference in Istan-
bul. There had already been much talk In
NSA circles of omening up some bilateral con-
tact with student unions in Soviet-bloc
countries. Sherburne felt his trip to Turkey
would provide a good opportunity to meet
with Soviet students and discuss possible
student exchanges. Sherburne sent off a
cable to the Soviet National Union of Stu-
Mc. 'C;Ii 9, 1967
dents saying that ne woi '.d be in Istanbul
and requesting permissie,:-: ~o travel on to
Moscow for a meeting with l:a Soviet student
organization. But Ure CI_ g n wind of Sher-
burne's cable and admonr and him for doing
such things without fir:: consulting the
Agency. A CIA agent expl..i;ed to Sherburne
that since KGB (the Sovi. i. "CIA") assumed
that NSA took its cries fro n the U.S. govern-
ment, Sherburne's gestur _ -night be inter-
preted as an official chant, :n CIA policy on
bilateral student contacts ,herhurne, even
though he was president e tnc United States
National Student lssocia o_c, was enjoined
against making such dil lo.natic overtures
without first requesting p,: n.iission irons the
Agency.
The Soviet Union has a? ta.ys spent a good
deal of money working .cith student and
youth groups, especially ii underdeveloped
countries. The CLi's ins--.rt.nsent for coun-
tering Soviet efforts w.:a NSA, working
through the Interratione ;:.tudent Confer-
ence. Former "wity" NS';:,taffers were al-
ways in the Secretariat of iae ISC.
And NSA, with iie CIA s ,id, was able to
play a major role in con prating with fa-
vored national unions of s udents all over
the world. No other union of students in
the Western world has thr l.n:d of financial
backing as NSA. The C is idian Union of
Students, for example, op -:acs on a budget
of about $14,000 a year icrts international.
programs, all of which cc-ut from the dues
of member schools.. NSA. i n its almost un-
limited funds, W.is able o conduct a full
program of foreign ciiplom: ,+N.
Of course, the C1A was interested in
intelligence. "Witt':," NSA nternational siaff
members would pass alo, , reports on for-
eign student leaders direrclh to the Agency.
This information helped t .a CIA in evaluat-
ing the political t-,ndenc_a. of prospective
political leaders 1:i. crit::a. areas of the
world.
One of the lures the C 4 dangled before
NSA was the assurance tht ^d his intelligence
gathering role did not se, ru to require NSA
to violate its foreign polic_ principles. The
CIA is interested in alters dives to commu-
nism in the under-aevele: col world, even if
the only alternative is t moderate left.
"Witty" staff members 4;,:?r.' told that, in
working with the CIA, ti cN would be pro-
viding the informa-:ion th t would help get
a more enlightened foreig . .- olicy presented
in high Washington circles:
Thus an NSA in.arnati, a,l staffer, while
on an overseas assidmnen tie. ared with the
CIA, visited student groeas in Spain that
were militantly pro:.esting ::? -mast the Fran-
co dictatorship's su';pressin of free student
unions. This NSA-or, a ,s..uine supporter
of the Spanish students, j.~ined a protest
meeting and was roughed p by the Spanish
police, jailed, and held irceanmunicado for
three days. The name rani member had
previously gone to the Dr_n:nican Republic
shortly after the Amer -. an intervention
there. He brought back a report on his
contacts with university : t dents who had
participated in the civil v it on the side of
the constitutionall::ts.
To NSA the CIA relatioaslmip was a com-
fortable one. It meant s s of money, a
sense of doing Imnortar work, overseas
travel, and, perhape most is.:portant of all,
very little feeling of havi ig sold out one's
political conviction:;. Th: CIA relationship
meant something more p -.opal, too. For
years elected (and appofn:e:[) officials and
staffers of NSA have been , .?t,ing draft defer-
ments. The deferment gin . for having an
"occupation vital to the aaonal interest"
would last as long a:: the n tx::her worked for
NSA; it was then possible is him to go on
to graduate school and i,?c'lvc a student
deferment again.
The standard practice ' as. for the presi-
dent of NSA to Bend a 1, ;..tor to the local
draft board stating that tie staff member's
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March 9, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
services were required In an area that af- in Cairo, said: "It is none of your business," Intense and harrowing discuset i with two
fisted the national interest. Always In- and promptly hung up the phone, of the current NSA national off'. .:r ., an NSA
chided was a Cold War paragraph about how At the end of a year of relative Independ- staff member, and a former na' c:nl affairs
NSA was combatting communism. In what ence, Sherburne was faced with approxl- vice president.
had become almost a form letter, the NSA mately a $35,000 deficit that no one picked In the Washington conversions with
president, asking for an occupational defer- up. The deficit has remained. despite staff Wood, the officers of NSA despc -niy tried
ment for his staff member, wrote: "NSA is cutbacks. The "firm" doesn't like rebellious to dissuade him from giving tl~, informa-
largely responsible for the creation and children. tion to this magazine. Wood r 'rsnd and
maintenance of the International Student By the end of a year of wrangling with the instead urged the officers to affn: i to story
Conference, which was established in 1950 CIA, Sherburne was convinced that it was publicly, which would be the o, ;y way of
to combat the communist-controlled Inter- impossible to maintain an independent but salvaging NSA's dignity. The ore ;r;; would
national Union of Students. More than 50 friendly relationship. In an attempt to find not commit themselves.
countries-almost every state with a na- new funds that would free NSA of its finan- There followed two weeks of heel :, eucus-
tional union this side of the Iron Curtain- cial dependence on the CIA, Sherburne went log and emergency meetiuis at b head-
now participate in the International Student to see Vice President Humphrey in July of quarters. NSA officers visited a 2 saber of
Conference." 1966. Humphrey had been friendly to NSA, well-known NSA alumni, includin': D rnglacs
During 1965-66 the war in Vietnam es- had addressed its National Congress in 1965, Cater of the White House st:;f, to ,er their
calated, and a panic developed in the NSA and had met Sherburne once previously, advice. At least one of the o?,Rcers ?tsi went
office when stag members suddenly found Sherburne told the Vice President about the straight to the Agency, The cur oat CIA
themselves re-classified 1-.A under the im, CIA ties and NSA's financial predicament. operative whom he contacted is ormee
pact of the Increased draft quotas. Sher- Humphrey promised to help NSA get other NSA president. He is officially emp+oled by
burns took the matter of the office staff's independent sources of financing. the Agency for International Dev: ta.,ment
status to The Selective Service Presidential Humphrey kept his word and wrote to Roger
Review Board, and also went directly to Biough, Chairman of the Board of U.S. Steel,
General Hershey. No NSA staff members. David Rockefeller of the Chase Manhattan
"witty" or "non-witty," were drafted. The Bank, and Henry Ford, among others. In a
Agency looks after Its own. typical letter (the one to Roger Blough),
Humphrey said:
IV. THE PRESIDENT R^3EL5 I have been very much Impressed by the
When the CIA made Phil Sherburne work done over the pact few years by the
"witty" it got more than it bargained for. National Student Association. I know the
Sherburne has a tough-minded, gritty inde- officers of the Association well.
pendence that soon led him into conflict with As with other such groups the NSA has
those who were paying NSA's bills, Not only had a continuing financial difficulty.
did Sherburne break the CIA cult of secrecy, I believe that this organization should be
but he also began fighting for NSA autonomy able to find support in the private sector,
In international programming. which will enable it to continue its work
Sherburne's initial attitude to the Agency Independently and In the best spirit of pri-
was friendly but reserved, He was willing to vate initiative.
take CIA money for NSA projects and to con- Despite Humphrey's entreaties, only a few
stilt with the Agency on matters of common hundred dollars rolled in from "the private
interest, but he was the first NSA president sector." Thus NSA went to its 1966 Con-
who demanded full control of international gress, the deficit still on its back, and its
programs. Previously, international pro- relationship with the CIA badly damaged.
grams---scholarships, student exchanges, con- Sherburne continued to resist Wood's eug-
ferences and the like-had all been worked gestions that be make a thoughtful public
out by NSA staff members and their CIA statement about the relationship and have
contacts. It openly discussed as P. public issue.
But the Agency resisted Sherburne's re- vet what Sherburne had accomplished
forms and applied pressure through their was considerable. For the first time in years,
foundations. For the first time in years new national officers were elected without
there were delays in the granting of funds apparent commitments to the CIA relation-
from foundations such as FYSA and San ship. The only problems bothering the new
Jacinto. But Sherburne fought back. He re- officers were their knowledge of the past,-
fused to release the funds (paid for by and the large financial deficit-for it ap-
FYSA) that would have paid the dues of peared that Iiuniphrey's friends in the "pri-
NSA to the International Student Confer- vate sector" were not as interested in sup-
ence. Finally, most of the money was re- porting NSA as a rather un-public part of
leased to NSA and a modus vivendi of sorts
the "public sector" had been.
was reached. Eventually, Sherburne told V. EPITAPH TO A CAPER
Wood, Covert Action Division No. Five be-
came so upset at its errant child, it con- Phil, Sherburne finally went to Harvard
sidered severing ties with the NSA alto- Law School after his year of escapades with
gether. the CIA. He was in Cambridge when Ram-
- ' some in- parts called him early last month to get his
un
t
-
At one
point the officers asserfi' ie-1 the
staff, told them- of the impending and
flatly denied that it wets trun. Ti.-y rug-
Seated that Wood was making up it, _+ :+,ury
to revenge NSA for having l,-3t hit j. ~b as
director of development. Finally, i:.ther
staff meeting was called and it was at -r,itted
that the story was true.
Meanwhile, on the west coat, twc I:ani-
parts editors were talking to 9d Sd: .v _ tz,
NSA's current national affairs vice prt s-s it.
Schwartz, talkative and quick-Witte. I -A
been the leader of the liberr, : eau, in
NSA. He was in Berkeley, worlcinr e a
behind-the-scenes student political as'' 1: o
negotiator during the Universay of " fornia campus crisis precipitated by the `x
of Clark Kerr.
It seems a direct, ironic res.ili; of Id
War politics that Schwartz had to dre.
liberal Berkeley activities and er ass iii' '
to discuss his organization's cooperation ?i
the CIA. Through a long and tiring dl: -i
sion that lasted most of one nigh!:, Schv....:: .
did not deny NSA's relationship to the 1-
Instead. he pleaded that great damage ec-, r
be done to the good works of N to by :l a
revelation of this relationship. As the '...
cession ended, he muttered something ab is
losing his draft deferment.
A few days later, iii Washington, D.C . :..
Ramparts editor had an almost ident'. a
conversation with two other NSA offic
The talk began in NSA's national he. quarters, a four-story colonial-stale br
building in a quiet residential sect ion.
the desk in President Gene Groves' of
there was an autographed picture or Ilub' t
Humphrey. With Groves was Pick Stearn
the International affairs vice presidc.it.
During the conversation neither Steam
nor Groves denied NSA's CIA connections
g
a rs
Sherburne s effort at es
dependence left its financial marks, Previ- reaction to Mike Wood's revelations. In a the past but stated that "all of our cures:
ously, any year-end operating deficits were subdued voice he said: "I think I would pre- financing comes from legitimate sourer
quickly picked up by FYSA or some other fer not to say anything until I have had which observe the normal legitimate report
foundation. In 1962-63 NSA had blundered a chance to look at the article pretty care- ing procedures." And yet NSA's :urren
into a disastrous financial venture with a fully. . . . I think the article should be dis- budget records grants totaling $56,673.:30 fron
book cooperative and wound up with approx- cussed by the current adrnhilstration of FYSA. Stearns was asked, "Will you iiatl7
imately a $70,000 deficit. After NSA made a NSA, and that anything that I would say say you have had no contact with the CIP
pro forma appeal to alumni that brought in would be resolved in discussions with them." during your time in office?" He shook his
practically hil, several key CIA foundations Then he was asked, "Did you sign a na- head.
and individuals came through with the cash tional security oath?" Sherburne paused a Stearns and Groves pleaded that disclosure
and the debt was miraculously retired in two few moments and said, "At this point I don't of the CIA relationship would be disa-itrotis
years. The cost of NSA's move from Phila- want to make any comment" for NSA. It would put them in an awful
delphia and at least $35,000 worth of furni- Sherburne was under enormous pressure, political predicament. If they publicly ad-
ture and renovations for the new Washing- not only out of a remaining loyalty to NSA, mitted past CIA connections, itwould tirnish
ton offices were just as easily absorbed. but also from the CIA. That "enlightened" NSA's image badly at home and abroad, and
Among others, FYSA put up $15,000 and two organization had viciously turned on him hurt its, chances of receiving grants from
men, Thomas Millbank and George Baker, for talking to Wood, and wits trying hard to other government agencies. NSA staff ieem-
put up $10,000 and $5000 respectively. Mill- Intimidate him into publicly denying Wood's hers also feared CIA retaliation, esper-ially
bank and Baker are both well-established story. the loss of their draft deferments.
yew York corporate executives and fellow Sometime in the middle of January, the Having kept quiet about the CIA since b,-it
nembers of the Racquet and Tennis Club, NSA officers and Sherburne heard that election, the officers now went into action to
"hese two men once joined with FYSA in Michael Wood had passed his information minimize the effects of the forthcoming tiis-
caking an $18,000 grant to the ISC for a along to Ramparts. Sherburne called closures. NSA President Gene Groves ;few
,aria American student conference. When Wood and asked him to fly to Boston, where off to Leiden, Holland for an emergency 3-
.)m-eked about his interest in NSA and Inter- Sherburne pleaded with him for an, entire mit meeting with the leaders of the 33C.
ational student politics by this magazine, day to retract his story, Then they both Groves came back convinced that NSA must
Cr. Millbank, once an assistant naval attache flew to Washington for four more days of make some acknowledgment of the CIA re la-
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tionship-but at the urging of his colleagues
in Leiden there would he as few details as
possible admitted.
If older Americans have been a little put
off by the style of the draft card burners or
the Mario Savios, there has always been
somewhat of a consensus about the good
works of the young men and women of the
United States National Student Association.
The NSA seemed to mix the idealism of the
community organizers, the FSM activists and
the Peace Corps with the buttoned-down
practicality of young junior executives.
The quality which rank and file NSA-ers
have cherished most about themselves is in-
dependence, especially independence from
government controls. It was this quality
that was supposed to distinguish their or-
ganization from national unions of students
in the communist world. The quality for the
most part was genuine, for the rank and file
never knew of the CIA connection.
There were many arguments put forward
by NSA's current officers as to why the CIA-
NSA relationship should be kept secret, and
many similar arguments desperately made
to Mike Wood as to why he should not have
given the information to anyone. Of all the
reasons given-by Stearns and Groves to
Ramparts' editor in Wasihngton, and by
others who pleaded with Wood-the most
pathetic, which appeared again and again,
was this: exposing the story would not only
hurt NSA, it would hurt the CIA. Covert
Action Division No. Five, after all, was not
in the buisness of assassinating Latin Amer-
ican leftists, it was supporting liberal groups
like NSA, groups with international programs
in the best tradition of cultural exchanges
between countries. NSA might be anti-coln-
munist, but certainly no one could ever argue
that its anti-communism was more militant
or more narrow-minded than that of the
average American. Rather, it was less so.
Thus the exposure of the NSA-CIA tie would
deeply hurt the enlightened, liberal, inter-
nationalist wing of the CIA. Conservative
congressmen, such as L. Mendel Rivers of the
House Armed Services Committee, would cut
off Agency funds for these purposes, and the
head-liners in CIA's "core" would be proven
right in their contentions that the Agency
shouldn't give large sums of money to sup-
port liberal students, no matter what in-
telligence it was getting in return.
The twisted sickness of this Orwellian argu-
ment should speak for itself. Yet it is ex-
traordinary, and frightening, that it could
be so easily made by the talented young
liberals at the head of NSA. One would
think the idea of "an enlightened wing of
the CIA" would be an obvious contradiction
in terms. But the idea's acceptance and sup-
port by a generation of student leaders in-
dicates how deeply the corruption of means
for ends has become ingrained in our soci-
ety, and how much dishonesty is tolerated
in the name of the Cold War.
AN EPILOGUE
(By Michael Wood, San Francisco, February
1967)
The decision to tell this story was the most
agonizing of my life, Phil Sherburne, whose
personal trust I have betrayed, was a close
friend. Though we disagreed on many sub-
jects (especially on how to handle the CIA),
in seeking to terminate NSA's relationship
he acted with a dignity rare among those
who knew the facts.
Moreover, I still believe in NSA, and deeply
respect the progressive stance it has taken
among American students for 20 years. Yet
the issues involved are larger, and my public
trust as a citizen of the United States must
transcend my private trust.
For years the United States National Stu-
dent Association has stood for "a free univer-
sity in a free society." Its resolutions on
academic, political and social freedoms are
clear. Its constitutional commitment to free
and open democracy is of long standing. Its
defense of civil liberties has been staunch
and consistent. Yet because of NSA's rela-
tionship to the CIA, its leaders have for 15
years undermined those principles.
This story is only a case study in CIA cor-
ruption. When I was told of Covert Action
No. Five's infiltration of NSA, I was also told
of numerous other organizations similarly in-
filtrated. A few have been named in this
article; many others have had to be omitted,
In an age when the average man's only access
to the centers of decision is through private
institutions, the responsiveness of those in-
stitutions to his wishes is critical to the
healthy workings of a democracy. The spec-
tre of CIA infiltration of domestic institu-
tions-and the covert creation of coordinated
leadership among them-must horrify those
who regard unfettered debate as vital to rep-
resentative democracy.
Those of its who worked for NSA during
1965-66, experienced an unusual sense of
personal liberation. While actively involved
in many of thq insurgent campus and politi-
cal movements of the day, we were also
able to move freely through the highest eche-
lons of established power. If those who oc-
cupted the command posts didn't always
sympathize with our goals, they listened
nonetheless and were sometimes affected. We
felt like full citizens, able to move freely
without compromising our principles. It
gave its a heady feeling and a sense of power
beyond our years.
The mobility and influence was as it should
be for a national union of students; to learn
that it had been bought with so terrible a
compromise made me realize how impotent
we really were.
Because of the pain involved in public dis-
cussion of so sensitive an issue, I have often
wished that I bad never learned the truth.
Yet to avoid the truth, however painful,
would be irresponsible.
There have always been staff members of
the international commission who were en-
tirely unaware of the relationship. It is un-
fortunate that all of them could not be pro-
tected, and that many of them may suffer the
onus of NSA's guilt. I should like to note,
however, that Gregory Delin, Gilbert Kulick,
and Marcia Casey were in no way aware of
the relationship. I am similarly sure that
Mrs. Isabel Marcus Welsh, international af-
fairs vice president in 1959-60 had no knowl-
edge of the CIA's presence in NSA.
For those individuals in NSA who-like
myself for a time-knowingly allowed them-
selves to he part of the relationship with the
CIA, the worst consequences are internal.
Very few staff members so involved were cal-
lous Cold Warriors who cynically appreciated
their work with the CIA. Most of them,
rather, were deeply committed liberals, whose
consciences had no rest while they served
two masters. All of them, I am sure, have
at times felt horribly trapped in the con-
flict between their actions and their liberal
principles.
Perhaps worst of all is the everyday dis-
honesty, the need to clam up when in the
presence of "son-witty" staff members, to
fudge, to make excuses and deflect embar-
rassing questions. Perhaps a professional in-
telligence operative, who sincerely believes in
anti-communism at any price, can learn to
suppress with not too much damage that
most basic instinct of youth-to be open,
frank, questioning of all things, in com-
munion with his friends. But for the typi-
cal NSA staff member, part of a generation
whose instinct is to unmask hypocrisy, the
compromise comes very hard indeed. Many
of them have suffered as a consequence the
most agonizing sort of emotional schizo-
phrenia--part of the human toll in an other-
wise impersonal and cynical international in-
telligence operation.
Mai ;-/, 9, 1967
AND A JUDGM. .J!
(By Marcus Raskin, c'~-dire:'o-.'. Institute for
Policy Studies, Washl ton, D.C.)
In Simone he Beauvoir's r n man a clef, Ttc
Mandarins, there is a passag v: here the State
Department tries to "hel; Henri Perron
(supposedly Camus) by of ring him news-
print if his journal holds t. ati independent.
neutralist line. Perron cc..itrues the offer
to mean that the mrrtazine si.ould not crit-
icize the fundamentol met] ix's of American
foreign policy, and turns can the "aid."
To protect the mag.uine`s n,lopendence he
also turns down aid from cc,u.:unist sources.
But the gods play with met a:id their ideals.
For a period of time the '.a--,,azine receives
its funds from a man wht took gold from
dentists who collaborated vin the Naziz.
Living in the world makes ''.t hard to avoid
dirty hands, perhap : beta as we are ego-
centric and overvalue the w- ri we do. When
we try to bring our irojec: into being they
become more import tot to as- than the rea-
son we initiated then:.
For example, it is not wr ea in the Torah
or the Constitution that ed cetional institu-
tions had to become front. f-.sr the govern-
ment, places where the the oric for the Cold
War is supplied and the ea :a ons and tech-
nology for hydrogen born is are manufac-
tured. Nobody forced the nto this posi-
tion. Nor did the small cliquish groups
who ran the National Sti ::rat Association
have to take money from :e CIA. Perhaps
15 years ago it was a:isier C a:. way. For the
young college graduate wh t s a "student
leader" there was nothing ':_?_titc as flattering
as being approached by ti;r JIA to help in
the National Effort. Fur Is -more. it was
the way up the stratus h:,, ter, to success,
travel, excitement, money. id government
or foundation jobs. By fe lading that read
the student leader, of t,v generation-a
decade ago--played it safe. As a result, they
became instruments of th- i'old War.
I have tried to figure , is why the CIA
would bother attena .Ling I., got to American
students. After all, it tak a goad deal of
trouble and expense to a( lp front orga-
nizations and all the other oils that used to
be the monopoly of the c n.munists. The
best way to understand the CIA's motives is
to see it as primarily a co.ut:serciai institu-
tion which deals in buying ranting and sell-
ing people.
Yet after we examine the _'I I's motives and
purposes, we are lef,, with ,,,Id War wreck-
age as serious and immo: ?.1 as the Bay of
Pigs. operation, the tt-2 e:e:flights, or the
Guatemalan caper. .Ve arc alt with the fact
that one generationi atte::.ped to corrupt
the young by paying ther:, if, buying and
renting them on the install .ant plan. (Now
that there is a crack in the Or isn't it about
time that we have a put -c accounting of
CIA funds? How much of r.,t loot sticks in
the pockets of the CIA operatives them-
selves?) We are lefi with -be fact that the
CIA made patsies out of t1 :41sands of young
Americans who went abrt f to conferences
or who studied under NSA .u,pices, but who
unknowingly were being p u for, and were
used by the CIA as contact . ?-overs and mail
drops. Furthermore. how 3.1 we now face
other nations who took u:: ti. our word that
our students were "free" nut therefore dif-
ferent from the Comm :--nist-run youth
groups? The CIA owes I, : apology to the
innocent college students c. tats last genera-
tion.
MORls' TAXES IF .iCOME TAX
SHARED BY STATEt; BLESSED BE
TAXPAYER
The SPEAKER pro i,?li-pore. Under
previous order of the House the gentle-
man from Florida Mr. FUQUA] is rec-
ognized for 10 minutes.
Approved For Release 2006/07/06: CIA-RDP71 B00364R000600190006-6