KENNAN CALLS UNITED STATES-SOVIET DETENTE PURE MADNESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300190032-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 25, 2005
• Sequence Number: 32
• Publication Date: September 30, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

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September 30, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
applies to all non-network business, both
programs and announcements, both "plans"
and frequency discount structures, both radio
and television. Additionally, it was an-
nounced that all Storer stations have been
instructed to intensify their efforts in ar-
ranging interview panels and other. mean-
ingful appearances of candidates for major
offices within the permissible limits of Sec-
tion 315 restrictions and - sound program-
ming. (The law currently provides that polit-
ical rates can be no higher than comparable
commercial rates. The thrust of this policy
would make them 25% less than commercial
rates.) The decision and announcement are
in direct response to the recent recommenda-
tion of Chairman Rosel Hyde of the Federal
Communications Commission and other sim-
ilar comments from government officials com-
menting on the high cost of campaigning and
the need of the,campaigners to reach more
people.
"In all honesty we do not know what the
results of this discount will be as far as
the candidates themselves are concerned,"
stated Michaels, "but under the circum-
stances we felt that it was in order to
make a simple, concise and meaningful con-
cession in the direction requested. We do
know that it will reflect direct out-of-pocket
loss of revenue to the stations, for during the
closing weeks of the campaign the television
stations in particular, operate on virtually
a complete sold-out basis, with or without
the discount, and this will simply mean
less revenue per spot or program used.
"We feel that in many respects television
is being incorrectly blamed for creating high
costs of campaigning, whereas the truth of
the matter is that the increased amounts
spent are the result of the known efficiency
of radio and television in reaching the pub-
lic. These expenditures are larger because the
candidates are using the medium in larger
quantities than ever before by choice. The
candidates with the most serious problem,
of course, are those for the local or regional
offices, and we hope that this move will in
some degree facilitate their use of local radio
and television, even though it is at a net
financial cost to the station.
"We are not looking for old medals or
halos. Business is good, and our stations as
a whole are doing well. Our move is made as
a gesture of cooperation, not of charity or
rate-cutting. We hope that it will be pro-
ductive for the candidates alid the public,
and if the results so indicate, we will give
serious consideration to the application of
the principle on a permanent basis."
The Storer Broadcasting Company sta-
tions are: WJBK and WJBK-TV, Detroit;
WJW, WCJW and WJW-TV, Cleveland;
WSPD and WSPD-TV, Toledo; WAGA-TV,
Atlanta; WITI-TV, Milwaukee; WSBK-TV,
Boston; WHN, New York; WIBG, Philadel-
phia; WGBS, Miami; and KGBS, Los Angeles.
WILL HUBERT HUMPHREY
REPUDIATE L. B. J.?
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, many of
Vice President HUMPHREY'S "fair weather
friends" are proposing that he turn his
back on his great benefactor, L. B. J.,
and repudiate both him and his conduct
of the war. I ask unanimous consent to
have printed at this point in the RECORD
a news release on this subject issued by
me yesterday.
There being no objection, the news re-
lease was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
NEWS RELEASE BY SENATOR MUNDT
WASHINGTON, D.C.-In a statement issued
from his office here Sunday afternoon, Sena-
tor Karl Mundt (R. S.D.), a member of the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, ex-
pressed disappointment over the fact that
UN Ambassador George Ball "resigned from
hi; urgent responsibilities at the United Na-
tions almost on the very day of his confirma-
tion by the Senate and thus placed his inter-
est in partisan politics above his sense of
service to the high office to which he was so
recently appointed."
Mundt said, "In Seeking- a valid reason for
this quick switch from diplomacy to partisan
politics, I presume it must be that President
Johnson has been viewing with steadily in-
creasing dismay the series of vacillating and
contradictory Statements of his auditors
along the campaign trail. Consequently it
appears the President has arranged for a
switch of American Ambassadors to the UN
so that Mr. Ball can travel with Mr. Hum-
phrey in an effort to hold the Vice President
to the Administration's position on Vietnam
and to eliminate the sly criticisms which
have been creeping into Mr. Humphrey's
statements. Both in the State Department
and more especially at the United Nations,
Mr. Ball has been an ardent advocate and a
vigorous spokesman in defense of the John-
son-Humphrey Administration of our Viet-
nam policies and the conduct of the war in
Vietnam. So it Seems his assignment as ad-
visor to Hubert Humphrey is designed to
make sure the Vice President does not waver
from the war policies he has helped to evolve
and which both he and Mr. Ball have so
vigorously supported."
"As a long time associate and friend of Mr.
Humphrey," however, Mundt added, "I be-
lieve the President and our Secretary of State
are unduly alarmed over the possibility that
Mr. Humphrey will yield to the siren call of
the peace-nicks, the doves, the hippies, .the
appeasers in Americans for Democratic Ac-
tion and others urging him to "come home,
Hubert, come home to your former lovers".
Hubert is a native son of South Dakota and
a man who has spent his life in the Great
Middle West and our people have certain
characteristics which I feel confident Vice
President Humphrey shares.
"For example, from my knowledge of Hu-
bert, I do not believe that he is a hypocrite.
He speaks fast and often but I do not be-
lieve he speaks for the purpose of being
deceitful. For four years he has been per-
haps an even more ardent, devoted, deter-
mined and frequent advocate of this Admin-
istration's position and policies on Vietnam
than has the President himself. I just can
not believe he would now repudiate his past
speeches, admit he was guilty of hyprocisy,
and indict himself as having repeatedly sup-
ported a point of view to which he was indi-
vidually opposed.
"And I have never known Hubert Hum-
phrey to manifest cowardice. Having so often
and for so long given complete and courage-
ous support to the foreign policies and the
war time decisions of this Administration
and having participated in their formulation,
I can not believe he would now run out on
his own convictions because of some political
fear that to remain consistent might jeopar-
dize his personal political fortunes.
"Finally, Hubert Humphrey in my opinion
is no ingrate. He knows better than anyone
-else the tremendous help the devoted friend-
ship of Johnson has meant to the success of
Humphrey. It was LBJ who selected Hubert
as his assistant leader in the Senate and it
was LBJ who personally chose Hubert as his
running mate at the Atlantic City Demo-
cratic Convention. Without these great en-
couragements and boosts by LBJ, HHH knows
he would today not even be running for the
Presidency and I for one just do not believe
that in the closing weeks of the political
campaign Hubert would drive the dagger of
ingratitude into the back of his illustrious
and faithful benefactor.
"I speak as a Republican and as a long
time friend of Dick Nixon's, and as one who
is actively supporting Nixon in his great
S 11663
campaign for the Presidency. But I do feel
that those who do not know Hubert Hum-
phrey well or who do not realize the qual-
ities of citizenship and the personal char-
acteristics which mark the vast majority of
people in the Middle West do our Vice Presi-
dent a gross injustice in continuing to sug-
gest that he now divorce himself from John-
son and turn his back on everything for
which he has consistently stood for so long.
I feel they under estimate Hubert Humphrey
when they expect him to do a gross disservice
both to his faithful friend, in the White
House, his political party, and the power and
prestige of the United States in these dan-
gerous times by repudiating the Administra-
tion of which he is a part and the policies
which he helped President Johnson, formu-
late and implement. Thus, I doubt the need
for George Ball to suddenly quit his post at
the United Nations where experienced lead-
ership is now so necessary in order to make
certain that Hubert Humphrey `stay
hitched' as a member of the Johnson-Hum-
phrey Administrative team."
KENNAN CALLS UNITED STATES-
SOVIET DETENTE PURE MADNESS
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, since Au-
gust 20, 1068, the policymakers in the
White House have seen their hopes for
a detente between the United States and
the Soviet Union dim in the continuing
dusk of detention in Central Europe.
The small ray of light of emerging free-
dom in Czechoslovakia was absorbed in
the omnivorous twilight of fear as Soviet-
bloc troops occupied that land.
Twice before during this term of Con-
gress I have argued in this Chamber that
the Communist threat to the free world
had become greater and not less; that
the increased threat was not just mili-
tary, or political, or economic, but all of
these-a strategic threat.
The deliberate subjugation of Czecho-
slovakia points up this strategic threat.
On September 5 of this year, I reviewed
the six major, assumptions underlying
the recent attempts of the United States
at detente with the Soviet Union. In the
sobering aftermath of Czechoslovakia we
can see how illusory these tenets of
detente are.
It was under the delusion of detente
that the United States allowed NATO to
deteriorate, that we redeployed military
forces in Europe, and that we considered
substantial troop reductions in Europe.
We ignored the precepts for a sound
NATO strategy.
I urged in my statement on September
5 a thoughtful and serious review of U.S.
policy in two critical areas:
First, a full-scale conference of North
Atlantic Treaty Organization foreign
ministers and defense ministers should
be convened to review mutual defense
arrangements in Europe.
Second, concurrently, the United
States must review, in depth, its current
policy of "bridge building" to the So-
viets.
I take heart that Secretary of State
Dean Rusk has recently proposed to hold
a group meeting with the foreign min-
isters of the U.S. NATO allies sometime
soon in New York, This is a first step.
The administration has taken no such
preliminary moves, however, to begin a
review of the policy of "bridge building"
to the Soviets. in fact, President Johnson
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S 11664 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ept0ember 30, 1988
still seems to be pursuing the contrary
intent of seeking a summit conference
with the Soviet leaders.
An Associated Press story, printed in
many leading newspapers on September
22, 1968, reported on an extensive inter-
view with George F. Kennan in which
he discussed our strategic needs in Eu-
rope today. This story points up the folly
of the detente mentality. Mr. Kennan is
an eminent authority on U.S. foreign
policy and on the Soviet Union. He is
generally considered the chief architect
of foreign policy during the Truman ad-
ministration, and served the United
States for more than a quarter of a cen-
tury at various top-level posts in the
U.S. Foreign Service.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this excellent article as pub-
lished in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IDEA OF JOHNSON-KREMLIN TALKS DESCRIBED
BY AMDASSADOR KENNAN AS MADNESS
(By Endre Marton)
PRINCETON, N.J., September 21.-The
United States should dispatch 100,000 troops
to West Germany and then tell the Soviet
Union: "We will not take them out until
you leave Czechoslovakia," scholar-diplomat
George F. Kennan suggests.
He describes as "pure madness" any idea
of President Lyndon B. Johnson meeting with
Russian leaders under present circumstances.
"What respect would the Russians pay to
the word of a lame duck president? What
has Mr. Johnson to offer them? It is a bad
policy to go and plead with people when
you have no cards in your hands, no carrot
and no stick," Kennan said in an interview.
Kennan, regarded by many as the top
American authority on Communism, strong-
ly questtoied that there would be a detente
or relaxation of tensions between East and
West.
"I have never understood this talk about
detente," Kennan said. "I have not seen any
evidence of detente and I wouldn't trust
any so-called detente if it is not supported
by free contacts between governments and
peoples."
An atmosphere of co-operation with the
Soviet Union, he explained, "simply doesn't
exist. Their conspiratorial method of diplo-
matic action cannot create such an atmos-
phere."
NUCLEAR WEAPONRY
There has been some progress in the field
of nuclear weaponry and the nonprolifera-
tion issue, Kennan said. But he went on:
"This is not detente. This is simply the dic-
tate of obvious and bitter situation, present-
ing danger for both. An agreement on non-
proliferation can be concluded without af-
fecting our general political relations. The
real test of relations would be if the Soviets
permitted normal contacts between peoples.
"Any real detente," he said, "would have
to begin with agreement on the future of
Eastern and Central Europe. But I don't see
that anything has changed in this respect,
or that we would be any closer to the solu-
tion of the German problem."
Kerman said, in reference to published
reports that Mr. Johnson still wanted to
meet with Russian leaders:
"The suggestion of such a meeting at this
time smacks of one of the .worst phenomena
of American diplomacy in earlier years,
namely: the abuse of external relations of
our people as a Whole for the domestic-
political advantage of a single faction or
party. The idea of the President's going to
Russia at this time strikes me as pure mad-
ness."
WHAT TOPIC?
What would Mr. Johnson discuss with the
Russians? Kennan asked.
"Germany? There has been no preparation
with our allies. The President has nothing
new to offer and nothing to suggest. Viet-
nam? The Russians have warned us a hun-
dred times that Vietnam is a burden on our
relations. Is Mr. Johnson in a position to fold
up the Vietnam war? I do not think so. And
the Russians really cannot undertake to speak
for Ho Chi Minh. Perhaps they could use
their influence with him but not when they
are put on the spot by all the publicity of
a summit meeting."
Although talking in scholarly terms, Ken-
nan did not conceal his emotions when he
discussed the Czech invasion. In 1938, after
the Munich conference where Britain and
France sacrificed Czechoslovakia to appease
Hitler, Kennan was assigned to the Prague
legation and six months later he witnessed
the Nazi occupation of that country.
"The Russians did not intervene in Czech-
oslovakia to re-establish a military balance.
They intervened because of their internal
weakness," he said.
NO CHALLENGE TO PACT
"It is againsj the rules of the game for
them to intervene when a Communist regime
evolves as the Czech Communist regime was
evolved. There was no challenge to the War-
saw pact. There was no attempt to over-
throw the Communist regime in Czechoslo-
vakia. There was no Western interference.
Just because another Communist regime
evolves slightly, under the pressure of its
own public opinion, in the direction of
greater freedom, that is no reason for upset-
ting the military balance of Europe."
"What should we do now?" Kennan asked.
"Perhaps move 100,000 men into Germany
and tell the Russians: 'We will not take them
out until you leave Czechoslovakia.'
"The trouble is," he continued, "that we
don't put any cards in the hands of those
elements in the Soviet Union who never liked
the idea of sending 300,000 or 400,000 men
into Czechoslovakia in the first place and
who might like to reverse this policy now."
The United States, Kennan said, was para-
lyzed during the 1956 Hungarian uprising
and is paralyzed now in the Czech crisis be-
cause "unfortunately our attention was and
is diverted by crises In other parts of the
world."
"What could we have done in these situ-
ations, if we had not been tied up with
these other situations?" he asked, and re-
plied:
"We might, it seems to me, have at least
proposed some modification of our military
position in Germany as quid pro quo for
Soviet forebearance in Hungary or in Czech-
oslovakia, as the case might be.
U.S. WITHDRAWAL
"We could have proposed, for example, a
withdrawal of American forces Bavaria or
some other area in return for Russian with-
drawal from Czechoslovakia. This might not
have been accepted, but it would have given
the Czechs a talking point in their dealings
with the Russians and exposed the hollow-
ness of the Russian claim that they need for
though there are now about half a million
more Russians in the area. Moreover, had
this thing not come along, we were well on
the way to withdrawing our troops unilater-
ally and the Russians knew it.
"Our forces in Germany were apparently
regarded' as an expendable asset since we
were gradually withdrawing them, yet we
were unwilling to use this withdrawal as a
pawn in 1956 and again now."
WORLD CHANGE
Neither the United States nor the Soviet
Union has recognized that the world has
changed since the end of World War II "when
the Russian empire was established as a re-
sult of our deplorable weakness in 1939,"
Kennan said.
The Russians, he said, "do not recognize
that they cannot get away from such aggres-
sion any more before world opinion, and our
government does not recognize that, whereas
it was obliged to tolerate such aggression in
1956, it cannot and should not pass it over
in the same way in 1968."
Kennan was asked whether there was a
danger that the Russians, encouraged by a
passive attitude, might threaten Western
Europe. He replied.
"A year ago I would have said: definitely
not. Now I don't know. Recent Russian be-
havior has not been rational. What happened
in Czechoslovakia must be the reflection of
some curious internal struggle within Russia.
After all the Soviets gained nothing. Surely
no one who had primarily Russia's external
relations at heart could have made such a
decision.
"I cannot believe it was a properly pre-
pared decision of the Soviet hierarchy. It
must have been the work of some faction
which happened momentarily to be in a po-
sition to enforce its will on the others. There
is evidence of rivalry between factions in
Russia. I strongly suspect the influence of
the secret police, supported by a portion of
the officer corps and a portion of the party."
NO RUSSIAN GAIN
The Russians did not gain, he continued,
because all four areas of Soviet foreign rela-
tions suffered.
"In the capitalist world their interest suf-
fered great damage," Kennan said. "The
same is true in the nonaligned world, includ-
ing Tito's Yugoslavia. For Russian relations
with Communist parties in the non-Com-
munist world, the Czech invasion was dis-
astrous-in the long run, probably irrepa-
rable-the greatest blow since the Hitler-
Stalin pact. In the Communist bloc, they
secured one satellite precariously and for the
moment, but at the cost of largely losing
another, namely Romania. In addition to
that, the invasion ruined the mild elements
of reapprochement with Yugoslavia."
Stalin, Kennan said, was "more prudent in
1948 and wise enough to recognize that force
was not enough. He knew that there was no
alternative Communist leadership in Yugo-
slavia to replace Tito and he was too wise
to try to overthrow a regime when he had
no alternative, just as the Russians have no
alternative in Czechoslovakia."
The new Soviet leaders, he said, "did not
study their Stalin." There has been a
military reasons to station troops along thel~ "strange streak of adventurism" in Moscow
western border of Czechoslovakia. And there since Stalin's death which led to the 1962
might have been people in the Soviet high
command to whom such an offer would have
had a serious appeal."
But, Kennan continued, "for this we would
have had to have prepared the ground long
since in discussions, with our European al-
lies-we would have had to clarify Western
thinking generally on the question of the
function of our forces in Europe and the con-
ditions for their eventual withdrawal. But
this-preoccupied with Vietnam and, in gen-
eral, uninterested in Europe-our govern-
ment has never done."
And now; he continued, "we are appar-
ently not even reinforcing our troops there,
Cuban missile crisis and, since then, to
Soviet penetration in the Middle East and
the Mediterranean, he added.
It is regrettable, he said, that the West
Germans were late in abandoning the rigid
doctrine which barred diplomatic contacts
with Communist countries recognizing East
Germany.
BRANDT'S POLICY
"Things might have been different if we
had more flexibility in past years and if the
West Germans had adopted earlier Willy
Brandt's policy of let (East German Com-
munist chief Walter) Ulbricht hang himself,"
Kennan said.
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September 30, 1 8 CONGRESSIONAL- RECORD -
- - SE-NATE S 11665
"The mere fact that Ulbricht got so many, Great Britain, and the Nether- to "twilight's last gleaming." "----ming" is
frightened when one began to talk seriously lands are outstanding in the deep feel- down on another low B-flat, kind of a grunt.
of East-West contacts, shows that Brandt's ings of patriotism which the are able to Between this and "whose bright stars" there
policy was correct." they , _ _
__ _,, __,,....w,., -.1- a Y-6 - ---- _- .,a...,.,,-.., one is out of rhythm. The same occurs after
Foreign Service officer, wrote in an analysis Of those nations.
about the "jealous uncertainty which seemed On the other hang the unofficial ??- the low B-flat of "streaming." Then, with no
a
e
.,m
k
., aspic us, so
bureaucratic, so Oriental." Those views did
not change, he said, and he added:
"I cannot trust any government which
controls closely and jealously the contacts
of its own officials and citizens with for-
eigners and permits them no leeway. Such,
relationship is precarious: it rests on no
cushion of mutual confidence, it can be up-
set any moment and should not be trusted."
Noting the "almost psychotic fear in the
Soviet Union of contacts with foreigners,"
Kennan spoke about U.S. relations with
Britain:
"Take our relations with them. There are
a thousand ways we can satisfy ourselves
that nothing seriously adverse to our inter-
ests is going on there that we wouldn't know
about. If we are in doubt, there is always
someone to whom we can say: `Come over,
have a drink and let's talk about It.' 11
Matilda" is an example of a 'song which rockets' red glare." The baritones and the
is popular in its own right as a musical basses have by now capitulated and are sing-
composition. ' ing an octave lower. The sound of the. con-
I would be interested in hearing from gregation has become hesitant and thin, and
Senators who hear or read my words so it remains through the high F of "land of
today about their views on our national the free," normally attempted only by the
sopranos and the tenors. Finally, all the
anthem. Perhaps the time has come to voices join in confidently on "and the home
consider some alternative. of the brave!" which only partially dissipates
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there the general malaise. Everybody sits down
objection to the request of the Senator with a thud.
from New Hampshire? Over the years a number of songs have been
There being no objection, the article proposed-.as replacement for the nationalan-
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, them. Least controversial is America the
as ordeS: Beautiful; it has dignity but is not exciting.
America ("My Country 'tis of Thee") has the
"OH SAY, CAN YOU-ULP"-OUR same melody as God Save the Queen. There is
WORRISOME NATIONAL ANTHEM occasional activit
on beh
lf
P I
y
a
o
rving Berlin's God Bless America. It's a catchy tune,
(NOTE.-Mr. London; a leading bass-bari- but it lacks nobility. Then there's Dixie, It's
tone of the Metropolitan Opera Company one hell of a song, but it Is the property of
OUR NATIONAL ANTHEM: "OH SAY, was recently appointed musical administra- the South.
CAN YOU-ULP" tor of Washington's John F. Kennedy Center The finest of all, in my opinion, is the well-
for the Performing Arts.) loved song, The Battle Hymn of the Republic.
Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, Mem- One hundred and fifty-four years ago Sept. It was Winston Churchill's favorite hymn,
bars of the U.S, Senate are blessed with 13, Francis Scott Key wrote a poem titled and he asked that it be sung at his funeral.
many more opportunities than most citi- The Star-Spangled Banner. He set his words Originally John Brown's Body, it was reset,
zens to attend public .gatherings at to the tune of a popular English drinking during the Civil War, to a poem by Julia
which our national anthem is sung. For song, To Anacreon in Heaven. It is likely Ward Howe ("Mine eyes have seen the glory
that the lads who sang the original version, of the coming of the Lord"). This version
those of us who have any sort of ear for In a state of bacchic bliss, were unaware of made people aware of its inspiring force. It
music, the experience can, at times, be- the song's vocal difficulties. Unfortunately, has, moreover, a range of only one octave, so
come quite unnerving. most of us today who sing The Star-Spangled practically everybody can sing it.
A distinguished American musician, Banner are cold sober. Congress, in 1931, de- I propose that Congress commission one
Mr. George London, formerly with the creed that this song was to be our national of our leading poets to write a new set of
Metropolitan Opera Company and now anthem; we've been struggling with it ever words to this great hymn, contemporary and
musical administrator of the John F. since. divorced from any reference to the Civil War.
musical dmini for the frfarmin Arts F. difficulties of our national anthem awe In this time of stress and division a great
g me. I prepare for it as I would for a major new, and singable, national anthem would
has recently written a music review of operatic role. When required to sing it in give all Americans a spiritual rallying point
the "Star Spangled Banner." Mr. Lon- public I warm up long in advance and do a independent of party, policy or region.
don and the publishers of Life magazine lot of worrying and pacing back and forth.
deserve the thanks of the American peo- And yet I am rarely satisfied with my per-
pie for so clearly presenting the basic formance. If you want to know the truth, WHAT TO DO ABOUT THE ELEC-
musical difficulties which our national most singers try to avoid singing it in pub- TORAL COLLEGE?
anthem poses to singers. - lic. It's just too hard.
I believe that Mr. London's review will at The national anthem is sung at ball games, Mr. MUNDT. As the election of 1968
prizefights, political rallies and the like. draws near, more and more citizens are
come as welcome expert confirmation of As often as not, the soloist is somebody's understandably expressing concern
the feelings which many Senators, I am friend or relative who has recently started to about the antiquated procedures by
certain, share with me in regarding the study voice. With the announcement, "La- which our electoral college. operates. In-
difficulty of adequately singing our na- dies and gentlemen, our national anthem," creasingly serious-minded citizens are
tional anthem. I uat unanimous consent any other singers in the audience start to
sweat for the poor devil. His electronically asking. what is the best and most effec-
that it be printed in the RECORD following projected nervousness becomes palpable. It tive type of reform which should be
my remarks. obliterates the music, the words and the considered for removing the uncertain-
There is another reason, Mr. Presi- patriotic fervor. The performance is greeted ties and the inequities of our present pro- -
dent, why I bring this matter to the at- with perfunctory applause by perhaps 30 cedures.
tention of the Senate. Our national an- pairs of hands. For man
them, it is true, does have a strong his- What is wrong with The Star-Spangled Government Y YeSoci are, the American Good
toxic place in American history, although Banner? First of all, it covers a range of an and headquartered in
It has been our official anthem only since octave and five tones, far too great for the Washington and directed by Mr. J.
1931 It does have a certain nobility, and average untrained voice. In terms of phras- Harvie Williams,. has been. conducting
it will always 931.. It does remain close to the hearts ing-where one breathes-it is awkwardly careful studies about the electoral college
1
constructed. The words do not automatically procedures and the optimum methods
of our citizens. Nevertheless, it lacks a (a test in good lyric writing) communicate for improving them. After long years of -
certain emotional feeling which the an- their message. Many Americans, hazy about analysis and examination, the American
thems of other nations seem to have: the meaning, merely parrot the lyrics and Good Government Society has decided
For example, those of us who have seen often sing them wrong. There is a popular that among all the suggestions before
the moving picture "Casablanca" an ay tlesof the Revolutionary sWar rather than the Congress dealing with the electoral col-
remember the stirring scene which takes attack by the British on Baltimore's Fort lege, Senate Joint Resolution 12 presents
place in Rick's American Cafe when Vic- McHenry during the War of 1812. the most effective remedy with the least
tor Laslow, as a leader of the French Consider a hypothetical performance of disruption of our established constitu-
resistance, stood up before German mili- The Star-Spangled Banner on, let us say, tional concepts.
tary officers to lead his companions in Columbus Day. The festivities begin with the Mr. J. Harvie Williams testified before
the singing of the -"Marseilleise." The national anthem. Our troubles start almost the platform committees of both the Re-
Republic of France has truly been blessed Immediately. The first two tones are fine:
with an anthem which, when sung at "Oh-oh" emerges with confidence. But the Publican and the Democratic National
times of great national stress, can bring word "say," down on a low 13-flat, is, for the Conventions. Both conventions ap-
sopranos and tenors, just hot air. (All are - proved platform language which in gen-
tears to the eyes and hope to the heart. singing in unison, of course, not in four- eral encompasses the suggestions made
So too, the national anthems of Ger- part harmony.) Things improve until we get by Mr. Williams in his testimony,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ep ern er 30, 1968
Mr. William has also been active in
the recent legal effort before a district
Federal court in Virginia to have .the
existing methods by which the electoral
college votes are evaluated and counted
declared unconstitutional.
The platforms of both of our major
parties contain planks favoring "reform"
of the electoral college. Neither party
wishes to abolish this institution, which
many of us believe to be of supreme im-
portance in our constitutional structure,
and essential to effect the separation of
executive and legislative powers and to
place them on the same foundation in
the electorate-the States as such and
the people of the United States.
Only one witness, so far as I have been
able to learn, urged "reform" of the elec-
toral college before the platform commit-
tees of the Republican and Democrat Na-
ttional Conventions.
At least two witnesses urged both par-
ties to abolish the electoral college. Nei-
ther platform committee accepted this
truly radical proposal, destructive of our
constutitional system.
The Republican plank reads:
We propose to reform the Electoral College
system . . .
The Democratic plank reads :
We urge reform of the Electoral College .. .
The one witness favoring reform of the
electoral college before both platform
Committees was J. Harvie Williams, ex-
ecutive secretary of the American Good
Government Society of Washington, D.C.
Mr. Williams made the same statement
to both platform committees with slight-
ly different introductory paragraphs. He
called the statewide election of all presi-
dential electors "gerrymandering pure
and simple, gerrymandering without a
taint, gerrymandering perfected and
glorified." Mr. Williams added that-
On its face, then, the upcoming Presiden-
tial election will be as gerrymandered as the
wit of man has thought to be possible; and
this condition is the clear cause of the per-
plexities that seem to be overwhelming some
politicians and many pundits.
Mr. Williams' statement on the sources
of power of the Houses of Congress and
the sources of power of the Executive,
paraphrased from the Federalist No. 39
by James Madison, bring these funda-
mental ideas into sharp focus. He says:
Representatives in Congress and represen-
tative Electors are apportioned together by
the Constitution to the People of America
who are the source of power of the House of
Representatives and of four-fifths of the Ex-
ecutive Power.
The Presidential Electors of each State
allocated by the Constitution with its two
United States Senators represent the States
as coequal political societies, and these States
are the source of the Senate's power and one-
fifth of the Executive Power.
These two paragraphs, it seems to me,
make the case against "abolishing" the
electoral college from our Constitutional
structure.
Mr. President, in order that Mr. Wil-
liams' statement may be more widely
read, I ask unanimous consent that his
statement, entitled "Electoral College
Reform, a Proposal in Keeping With
the Structure of the Constitution," made
to the. Republican Platform Committee,
and the separate introduction used be- .
fore the Democratic Platform Committee
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the items
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ELECTORAL COLLEGE REFORM 'A PROPOSAL IN
KEEPING WITH THE STRUCTURE OF THE CON-
STITUTION
(Statement of J. Harvie Williams, before the
Republican Platform Committee)
The Republican Platform of 1960 included
this plank:
"We favor a change in electoral Co`l-
lege System to give ev voter a fair voice
in presidential elect
That plank w rought forward into the
1964 Platform. (what I say has some weight
in your delib9tations, the result might in-
clude the added thought in this statement.
"We favo/ a change in tlje Electoral Col-
lege to givp every voter a fair voice in Presi-
dential elections, both as a citizen of the
United Sates and of his own state."
What we are talking about here is the Con-
stitutionstructure of our political society.
That limited Constitution of Govern-
ment, the {~gIal sovereignty of a Federal Union
of States, aiYc~ the separated Legislative and
Executive Pov~'e with both derived partly
from the States aoequal political societies
and mostly from the,. People of America in
their respective States.
This subject is at par wi'h-..the Formation
of the Union because we seek to reconcile the
source and constituency of the 'E iecutive
Power with the source and constitue'nc,,y of
the Legislature power, as the C'onstitutign
establishes them.
The Constitution itself reconciles these
separated powers by placing them on the
same foundation i$ very nearly the same
shapes. But that reconciliation has been dis-
torted by directives of the State legislatures.
That distortion of representation lies solely
in the statewide election of the representa-
tive members of the Electoral College. An
evil distortion, it is the proper target of all
valid charges leveled against the Electoral
College as an institution. Other charges, by
socialists and propagandists, come to nothing
under close examination.
The Constitution provides in Article II,
Section 1:
" He (the President) shall ... together
with the Vice President ... be elected, as
follows:
"Each State shall appoint, in such Man-
ner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a
Number of Electors, equal to the whole
Number of Senators and Representatives to
which the State may be entitled in the
Congress: .
The whole number of Senators of a State
is fixed at two by Article I, and the whole
number of Representatives apportioned
thereunder varies from one to forty-one
among the States according to their propor-
tions of the population of all the States.
Exactly like the at-large election of Re
sentatives in Congress, the election of" pre-
sentative" members of the Elec College
by general.ticket, under t -di ective of State
Legislatures,--is ge mandering pure and
simple, gerrymandering without a taint, ger-
rymandering perfected and glorified.
Neither the at-large election of Representa-
tives nor the election by general ticket of all
Presidential Electors is representative of peo-
ple in proportion to their numbers in the
whole population. Both are a representation
of States as ungqual bodies politic. On its
face, then, the upcoming Presidential elec-
tion will be as gerrymandered as the wit of
man has thought to be possible; and this
condition is the clear cause of the perplexi-
ties that seem to be overwhelming some poli-
ticians and many pundits.
Representatives in Congress and repre-
sentatives Electors are apportioned together
by, the Constitution to the People of America
who are the source of power of the House of
Representatives and of four-fifths of the
Executive Power..
The two Presidential Electors of each State
allocated by the Constitution with its two
United States Senators represent the States
as coequal political societies, and these States
are the source of the senate's power and one-
fifth of the Executive Power. They are and
should be elected by citizens of the respective
States in that Federal capacity.
One measure of the tremendous distortion
in voting power between citizens of the
United States is the contrast between those
living in New York who vote for 41 repre-
sentative members of the Electoral College
and their fellow citizens in Delaware who
vote for only one.
The time has come to apply the rule of
equal representation to the national repre-
sentative element in Presidential elections,
by litigation and by a proper amendment of
the Constitution. Such an Amendment would
require the election of representative Electors
in single-member districts, composed of com-
pact and continuous territory and contain
as nearly as practicable the number of peo-
ple which entitled the State to one Repre-
sentative in Congress.
Unquestionably, single-member districts is
the only way for people to be represented in
proportion to their numbers in the popula-
tion, whether in the Electoral College or in
the House of Representatives.
One result from this fair representation
plan would be the elimination from our
political vocabulary the term "large pivotal
State," because United States Citizens in
each State will be equally represented and
'4nother result would be the elimination of
the-balance-of-power leverage on large blocks
of electoral votes, and thus take the Execu-
tive Branch out from under the domination
of voti blocs. Members of these voting
blocs will, of course, continue to have their
rightful political influence in proper propor-
tion to their numbers in the electorate.
The contingent election of a President-
when no pe'son has a majority of the Elec-
tors-appoint d-now devolves on the House
of Represent(tives voting by States with one
vote each, aid. a majority of the States re-
quired to el ct. That provision of the Con-
stitution, wch follows the voting plan of
the Contine tal Congress and of the Con-
stitutional nvention itself, is very much in
the news t a ay.
It shoul be superseded by putting the
contingen election into a joint session of
Congress oting by the head. This would ex-
tend th principles of representation of
States In
People to the contingent choice
of a resident when the Electoral College
fails 6 elect.
F ally, with the President and Congress
r onsive to the same constituency of States
them will tend to diminish; and the center
of political gravity in Presidential elections
will move from Now York City to about
southern Illinois. Hopefully, public quiet as
a normal condition will be restored to our
people.
ELECTORAL COLLEGE REFORM-A PLANK IN
KEEPING WITH THE CONSTITUTION
(Statement'of J. Harvie Williams before the
Democratic Platform Committee)
The 1968 Republican Platform includes
this brief plank:
"We propose to reform the Electoral Col-
lege system."
It is good as far as it goes, but it doesn't,
go far enough. When it says "reform" it is
good; and it is good when it doesn't say
"abolish." All the rest is left up in the air.
May I offer for consideration language that
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