THE THREAT OF RESUMED MILITARY AID TO GREECE

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• Collection: General CIA Records
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• Release Decision: RIFPUB
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• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: January 4, 2017
• Document Release Date: July 15, 2005
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: October 12, 1968
• Content Type: OPEN

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October 12, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks E `3973'
FIVE YEAR CLIMB
When it is recalled that the great authority
on sea power, Rear Admiral Alfred Thayer'
Mahan, had dismissed Russia's merchant
navy with the observation that "Russia has
little maritime commerce . her merchant
flag is rarely seen," the Soviet climb in but
five years (1963-1967) from number twelve
to number six rank in world merchant ton-
nage is hard evidence of Soviet capabilities
and intentions alike.
Equally significant is the fact that the
Soviet merchant fleet, unlike the merchant
shipping of non-Communist countries, is a
totally controlled instrument of state power
and is habitually used as a political-diplo-
matic weapon. The relationship of the Soviet
merchant marine to Soviet naval forces and
the developing countries of Africa, Asia and
the Middle East is, therefore, related to the
over-all mix of maritime power: bases, facil-
ities-agreements, industrial-technological as-
sets, merchant shipping, and naval (includ-
ing naval-air) forces.
Soviet ambitions on the oceans are under-
scored by current Soviet efforts directed to-
wards the Red Sea-Persian Gulf-Indian
Ocean complex, a vast strategic area of the
world's seas and an area quite new to the
hammer and sickle flag of the U.S.S.R.
AFRICAN-INDIAN OCEAN STRATEGY
The Soviet maritime thrust in the Red Sea-
Persian Gulf-Indian Ocean complex is, like
Soviet expansion in the Mediterranean, an
attempt to gain maximum exploitation from
three increasingly related factors:
(1) The Soviet goal of attaining military-
technological superiority over the United
States.
(2) Soviet exploitation of tensions, politi-
cal instability, and ethnic or other rivalries
in the developing countries of Africa, Asia
and the Middle East through the technique
which the Soviets call "national liberation
movements,"
(3) The power vacuum created through
the British withdrawal East of Suez.
As the military-technological power of
Russia continues to rise, the Soviet leader-
ship believes that this power can be used to
support-psychologically and diplomati-
cally-the revolutionary process in the new
and developing nations. This strategy is
stated frankly as follows in the May, 1968
issue of Kommunist, the authoritative offi-
cial journal of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union:
"The growth of the political influence and
the economic and military might of the world
socialist system exerts a powerful influence
on the course of the struggle between labor
and capital on the international scene; it
ties the hands of the imperialists and cre-
ates increasingly favorable conditions for the
development of the world revolutionary
process."
These are not idle words. They are being
put into practice through Soviet politico-
economic support for socialistic-revolutionary
forces in Egypt, Sudan, Iraq, Yemen and
other countries in the Red Sea-Persian
Gulf-Indian Ocean complex.
SOVIETS ACQUIRE BASES
The Soviet Union is acquiring base facili-
ties in Hodeida in the ? Yemen and is also
using Port Sudan on the Red Sea. A guer-
rilla campaign has been organized against
Mozambique (on the Indian Ocean across
from the strategic island of Madagascar)
from Soviet-sympathizing Tanzania and
these guerrillas have both Soviet and Chi-
nese Communist equipment. In this regard
it should be noted that however sharp the
propaganda attacks the Soviets and Chinese
Communists mount against one another,
they seem to be able to cooperate on the
tactical level in East Africa when they face
what they regard as the common enemy.
Soviet "national liberation warfare" tech-
niques are being employed wherever possible
throughout Africa, but it would appear that
the Red Sea-Indian Ocean coast of Africa
has been given major attention because of
its strategic role in developing Soviet strategy.
The Soviets are also attempting to link the
African and Middle Eastern liberation war-
fare movement to their exploitation of Arab
national feeling.
Thus when two Soviet warships paid an
eight-day visit-for the first time in Soviet
naval history-to the Persian Gulf in May
1968, they were greeted in the Iraq port of
Umm Qasr with a gun salute and with thanks
"for supporting the Arab cause." Not without
interest is the fact that Iraq has now been
equipped with Soviet-type Styx missiles such
as was used to sink the Israeli destroyer
ELATH.
It may not have been accidental that about
the time of this Soviet naval visit in the
Persian Gulf leading Soviet newspapers de-
voted A good deal of attention to the national
liberation movement in Africa. The official
Communist Party newspaper Pravda stated
on May 25:
"The formation of a world system of social-
ism, Which stands as a mighty stronghold of
all anti -imperialist struggles in the world,
the growth of the revolutionary struggle of
the international working class and the rapid
upsurge, of the liberation movement of (the)
African peoples . predetermined the col-
lapse of -,the gigantic colonial prison in
Africa."
"The pre3gnt national liberation move-
ment of the `peoples of that continent has
become an org4nic integral part of the world
revolutionary process," said Pravda.
Equally important was a statement the
same day in th4 official government news-
paper, Izvestia. '.,This emphasized Russia's
"consistent policy for supporting national
liberation movemeitits." It went on to say that
the Soviets had "ac'umulated rich experience
in the defense of revolutionary movements,"
and that the Soviet, solidarity Committee of
Asian and African Countries was giving prac-
tical, physical suppprt to the revolutionary
forces of "Angola, Guinea (Bisau), Mozam-
bique, and Zimbabwe (Rhodesia),
EFFORTS IN INDIA AND CEYLON
On the other side of the Red Sea-Persian
Gulf-Indian Ocean complex, the Soviet Union
has been most active in both India and the
great island of Ceylon. A Soviet naval squad-
ron visited the Indian sub-continent in the
spring of 1968, another first in Soviet naval
history. Calls were' made in Pakistan and in
India and later on An Ceylon.
The visit to India is especially significant
since that the Soviet Union has said it will
supply the Indiali Navy with "F" class sub-
marines, escorts of the PETYA class, MTB's
of the POLUCHAT I class, a submarine sup-
port-ship, and additional auxiliary craft.
Press reports say one submarine and some
other craft have been delivered. This may be
in order to lay the groundwork for a Soviet
naval Air presence in that part of the world
since the.Soviets have had talks with India
looking towards an Andaman Island base.
These islands are in the Bay of Bengal,
strategically located not only with reference
to tile Indian Ocean generally, but also in
relation to the seacoast of Burma, Malaysia, -
apid Thailand.
They would be advantageous bases for the
/new Soviet helicopter and/or VTOL carriers
and for Soviet land based aircraft, many of
which come under the control of the Soviet
Navy. It is also not without interest that
Pravda announced June 1, 1968, that the
scientific research ship COON was "carrying
out hydographic work in the Pacific and
Indian oceans." The Soviets understand quite
well that the search for strategic superiority
is not military alone, but military, scientific,
technological and psycho-political.
The psycho-political element of the over-
all strategic effort blending with the military
is well illustrated by the Soviet naval visit to
Ceylon. A Soviet naval squadron cruising in Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, 19 years of
the Indian Ocean paid a five-day visit to the devoted service to the people of this
Ceylonese port of Colombo, July 7--11, 1968.
Just prior to this Soviet naval visit, Moscow
Radio announced on July 3 that the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union had sent
a congratulatory telegram to the "Commu-
nists of Ceylon, who are celebrating the 25th
anniversary of their party." The telegram
hailed "the Communist Party of Ceylon, the
fraternal solidarity of the two parties, and
the friendship of the Soviet and Ceylonese
peoples."
Conjointly, Moscow Radio reported that
a Soviet news agency representative had in-
terviewed Pieter Keuneman, Secretary Gen-
eral of the Communist Party of Ceylon. He
said that the Communist Party of Ceylon
"was the first to demand the elimination of
the British military bases on the island and
the establishment of diplomatic and trade
relations with, the socialist [that is, the Com-
munist-black) countries." Keuneman went
on to say that the Ceylonese Communist
Party "fully supports the convening of the
international conference of Communist and
workers parties in November in Moscow."
- THE BRITISH WITHDRAWAL
For almost a century the vast Red Sea-Per-
Sian Gulf-Indian Ocean complex was an area
of relative stability. This was so because
Great Britain-and associated friendly
powers-controlled the perimeter boundaries.
Whether it was the East African coast (Ken-
ya, Tanganyika) ; key bases (Aden, :Mombasa.
Colombo, Singapore) ; or important islands
(Maritius, Andaman, Nicobar), British forces
were on hand throughout these sea spaces
and able to respond quickly for any needed
police actions.
What of today? The British have an-
nounced that they will complete their with-
drawal East of Suez by 1971. That this will
likely be irreversible is shown by the fact
that early in 1968 the withdrawal from Aden
became a finality.
The power vacuum already exists. The po-
tential, strategically, is alarming.
Australia, that great and good friend of
the United States, is vitally dependent on the
Indian Ocean. In the 1965-1966 period, for
example, more than half of all Australian
imports and almost half of all exports came
by way of the Indian Ocean.
India, Pakistan, and the countries of East
Africa depend on Indian Ocean routes for all
but a little of their imports and exports.
South Africa, at the Cape of Good Hope (more
significant than ever with the closure of the
Suez Canal), is vitally interested in the In-
dian Ocean. And the Red Sea-Persian Gulf
oil routes are so well known as to require but
passing mention.
Writing in the New York Times, Dec. 4.
1963, C. L. Sulzberger perceptively forecast
the strategy stakes in this oceanic complex.
"In the vast area extending from the Red
Sea across the Indian Ocean to the Pacific
inlets one finds today's main thrusts of both
Russian and Chinese dynamism," he said.
"They frequently compete with each other
but ultimately work in tandem to weaken
Western influence."
Looking ahead to 1969-1970, it can he seen
that the Soviets will try to continue the for-
ward momentum they have begun in 1967-
1968. Will theirs be the power that fills the
vacuum left by the British withdrawal? Or
will the United States build up its naval
forces so as to be able to deploy real strength
for peace and stability in the Indian !)o""?
rimland?
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, October 2, 1968
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CONG SIGNAL RECORD -Extensions of Remarks October 12, 1968
Nation and to her constituents in the
12th Congressional District of New York
will come to an end for Congresswoman
Eolrra F. KELLY when we adjourn this
session of the 90th Congress.
It has been my great pleasure to work
with this great American during these
years. I have witnessed her devotion and
loyalty to the best principles of Democ-
racy. Her long service on the Foreign
Affairs Committee of this House has been
outstanding.. Her contributions to the
preservation of our Nation and the
growth of this country into the world's
leading power are innumerable.
Mrs. KELLY's many years of hard work
in behalf of the Democratic Party, even
before she became a U.S. Representa-
tive, stand out in the best traditions of
concern and involvement in our impor-
tant political system.
It is with regret that I say goodbye to
Congresswoman KELLY, and the out-
standing leadership she has exhibited
will be missed here in the Halls of
Congress.
THE THREAT OF RESUMED MILI-
'T'ARY AID TO GREECE
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, October 10, 1968
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, the other
day Elias R. Demetracopoulos, a Greek
political editor in exile, made a detailed
and informative statement expressing his
concern about a possible change in U.S.
policy toward Greece.
Specifically, he set out his concern that
the United States may be on the verge of
enlarging the restricted flow of military
aid to the ruling junta in Greece.
The juntahas sought to legitimize it-
self through a plebiscite which would do
credit to a Soviet-style election. The day
on which the Greek people will return
to a free system of government seems no
closer.
Because a change in U.S. policy toward
Greece has been rumored, I want to place
Mr. Demetracopoulos' statement in the
RECORD, as follows:
1 have asked you to come here today to
hear some information which I consider im-
portant for my country, Greece, which can
have great repercussions on the present ten-
sion in Eastern Europe, and U.S. policy to-
wards that area. Further, what I have to
state may affect the prospects for-the early
restoration of Greece as a western style
democracy.
According to reliable information, the U.S.
Government. at the highest levels of respon-
sibility, is considering at this very moment,
at least a partial resumption of heavy military
arms shipments to the Greek Junta. This
decision, I understand, will be announced
shortly after tomorrow's "plebiscite" in
Athens, and will represent a fundamental
change in official U.S. policy towards the
totalitarian regime in Greece, a change which
is directly related to recent developments in
Czechoslovakia, the Balkans and the Medi-
terra,nean. A decision to resume such ship-
ments at this time would be a major foreign
policy mistake for a number of reasons.
In the first place, the heavy equipment in
question would take some time to arrive in
Greece, even if shipped on an emergency
basis for purely logistical reasons. It would
be further technically very difficult to as-
similate this equipment into the Greek
Armed Forces and make it operational be-
fore a further considerable period of time
has passed. Accordingly, the immediate mili-
tary impact of shipping arms will count for
almost nothing during the present tension
in Southeast Europe.
The psychological impact, on the other
hand, could be serious for the NATO alli-
ance, as well as for Rumania and Yugoslavia,
who are now directly threatened. with a repe-
tition of the Czech rape. By overtly strength-
ening the military regime in Athens, the
U.S. would likely enable Moscow to move
from a defensive to an offensive position in
terms of world opinion. It will give the So-
viets a pretext, if they ever needed one, for
a possible massive strengthening of their
forces in Bulgaria, in order to offset an al-
leged U.S. inspired threat from Greece.
What of the defense of Greece itself? Here
I would make reference to a top secret re-
port of an official meeting between the then
U.S. Secretary of Defense Mr. McNamara and
the then Greek Defense Secretary Mr. Gar-
oufalias in December 1964 in Washington,
D.C. As this document makes clear, the de-
fense of Greece against Soviet Block aggres-
sion relies basically on the presence of the
6th Fleet. The absence or presence of more
heavy and modern equipment would not af-
fect the capability of the Greek Armed
Forces to maintain internal order, and would
be of marginal significance externally.
Finally, even a partial resumption of any
kind of heavy military equipment at this
time would be counterproductive, in that
such a move would also throw away the main
leverage left to the U.S. Government to pres-
sure the junta to move towards a real restora-
tion of constitutional democracy and basic
human rights.
The timing of such a decision by the U.S.
Administration, however, would be of signifi-
cance if it is finalized.
Tomorrow as you know, a "plebiscite" is
being held in Greece on a new draft consti-
tution prepared by the ruling junta. Accord-
ing to the statement of the official spokesman
of the military regime, this constitution em-
bodies the principles of the "revolution", and
therefore its acceptance by the majority of
the electorate would signify approval of the
"revolution" by the Greek people.
There are some aspects of this operation
which are particularly disquieting. The text
itself can hardly be considered democratic by
any standards. Two illustrations, I believe,
are sufficient in this respect. First, the army
is set up as an autonomous organization not
subject to the control of the elected
government.
Furthermore, in addition to protecting the
country from its external enemies, the armed
forces are assigned the mission of defending
it also against its domestic "enemies". The
text significantly omits any obligation of
allegiance on the part of the armed forces to
the constitution or the democratic form of
government. Finally, the Chief of Staff sits
on the new "Council of the Nation," which
has the power, among other things, to dis-
miss the Prime-Minister and. dissolve Parlia-
ment. Thus the armed forces are, in effect. a
self-perpetuating clique of officers, and be-
comes the undisputed controller of-the polit-
ical life of the country.
The second illustration is the treatment of
the freedom of the press. Printed matter can
be confiscated for nine different reasons,
ranging from offense against any recognized
religion, to advocating the overthrow of the
social order or the system, whatever that may
mean.
As if all the amputations of individual
rights and freedoms and the statutory intro-
duction of military control over political life
were not enough, a final article provides that
the provisions pertaining to individual free-
doms of the press, parliament and elections,
as well as to guarantees against arbitrary
arrest and judicial due process, are not to be
applied except as and when the military
government decides.
Thus, the purpose of tomorrow's "plebi-
scite" is clearly to bring the Greek people
to accept the indefinite abolition of demo-
cratic government, individual freedom, and
the rule of law.
In order to achieve its purpose, the junta
has to obtain a :.arge favorable vote for its
constitution and for some months now it
has adopted the following strategy. It has
published two drafts of the text for the pur-
poses of what it has called public discussion,
but has withheld. its final position until a
few days ago. On ';his final text there is going
to be no discussion. Martial law has been
maintained throughout and no campaign in
opposition to the constitution has been per-
mitted. In this connection I would like to
refer you to a New York Times dispatch from
Athens printed yesterday describing the or-
deal of an American family, The Tenen-
baums, who were indiscrete enough to place
a "no" sign on their car while travelling as
tourists in Greece. All Athens newspapers
have been carrying, by order of the censors,
comments praising the "truly democratic"
character of the constitution, and radio and
television, aided by posters and luminous
signs, have been engaged in a saturation
campaign in favor of the constitution.
It would appear, however, that the junta
is so sure of the feelings of the Greek people
that it has considered it necessary to take
some additional steps to discourage the op-
ponents of dictatorship from voting against
the draft constitution in the voting booth.
It has been the established practice in
Greece for lawyers appointed by the courts
to supervise voti:ag in all polling stations.
This required the services at each election
of about 6,000 lawyers. For tomorrow's
"plebiscite" only 500 lawyers will be em-
ployed-all of them "passed" by the security
police. The participation of local notables in
the bureaus responsible for conducting the
elections at each polling station have been
reduced from three to one and, instead of
being drawn by lots from among those
eligible for jury service, they will be ap-
pointed by the junta-appointed local mayors,
so as to ensure that they are government men.
I would like to stress that voting procedure
is of crucial significance in view of the pre-
vailing conditions of fear in Greece today.
The fact, however-, that the junta has had
to resort to these means in order to obtain
the results it wants proves that even the
colonels have no illusions about their popu-
larity. Fully aware of this fact the junta
despite all their precautions announced that
if tomorrow's vote is negative they will not
relinquish power but that they will simply
repeat the exercise. What a travesty!
In these circumstances, the resumption of
shipments of heavy military equipment by
the U.S. can have only one meaning, namely,
to give, in effect, the official approval of the
U.S. government to a fraud the only purpose
of which is to perpetuate military dictator-
ship in the face of mounting popular opposi-
tion. I leave it up to you whether this is in
the interests of the U.S.
I would like to make an eleventh hour
public appeal to the President of the United
States on behalf of all freedom loving people,
including the Greek people, to avoid taking
a disastrous decision which in the long run
will also greatly injure basic U.S. interests
and may very well represent a long step for-
ward in creating the conditions for the
emergence of a new Viet Nam in South East
Europe. I am asking President Johnson not
to sacrifice the lcng term interests and ob-
jectives of the United States as proclaimed
in The Truman Doctrine of 1947 for which
Greece will be eternally grateful and which
kept Greece from becoming another satellite
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October? 17, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks
of the Soviet Bloc, to whatever short term
expediences may be advanced by some of his
advisers.
It must always be remembered that Greece
fought a hard and dirty war against a for-
eign dominated and supported Communist
aggresssion at the peak of the "Cold War"
in Europe. The victory although assisted
greatly by U.S. material help and advice was
finally wrested with Greek, and only Greek,
blood. It was a victory also won under a
parliamentary government with democratic
institutions functioning and certainly with-
out resorting to a military dictatorship as is
the case today.
Finally, I would like to refer briefly to the
astounding statement and subsequent clari-
fying statement made by Governor Agnew at
and after yesterday's National Press Club
luncheon. His remarks indicated a surprising
ignorance of the Greek situation and showed
that he would deny to the Greek people the
same right to fight for their freedom which
was at the core of the American Revolution
and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. In-
deed another illustration is the ill-fated
armed attempt to overthrow the junta by
King Constantine of last December.
HON. JOHN BRADEMAS
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, October 10, 1968
Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, a num-
ber of us in the House and Senate of
both parties are privileged to be members
of the Anglo-American Parliamentary
Conference on Africa, a group which
meets from time to time with our British
counterparts in the House of Commons
to discuss African affairs.
One of the pleasures of our conferences
was the opportunity to become ac-
quainted with Sir Andrew Cohen, a Brit-
ish civil servant who played a key role
in preparing the countries of Africa for
independence.
Earlier this summer Sir Andrew Cohen
died.
I know that those of my colleagues who
have had the opportunity to know Sir
Andrew realize that he was an ex-
traordinary human being who made great
contributions not only to his own coun-
try but to the development of Africa and
to the broader understanding on the part
of Americans of the problems of Africa.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
to insert at this point in the RECORD the
text of an obituary paying tribute to Sir
Andrew Cohen as well as the text of an
address delivered by Sir Robert Birley at
St. Paul's Cathedral in London on July
17, 1968 at a memorial service.
OBITUARY; SIR ANDREW COHEN, OUTSTAND-
ING CIVIL SERVANT WHO HELPED PREPARE
AFRICA FOR INDEPENDENCE
Sir Andrew Cohen, K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O.,
O.B.E,, died on Monday at the age of 58. He
had been Permanent Secretary to the Min-
istry of Overseas Development since its crea-
tion in October, 1964.
He was previously, from July, 1961, Direc-
tor-General of the Department of Technical
Co-operation, anti before that, from the be-
ginning of 1957 until May, 1961, he was per-
manent United Kingdom representative at
the Trusteeship Council of the United Na-
tions. Cohen's earlier career was in the
Colonial Office and from 1952 until 1957 he
was Governor of Uganda.
Andrew Benjamin Cohen was born in
October, 1909, the son of Walter Cohen,
sometime director of the Economic Board
for Palestine, and of his wife, Mattie Cobb,
sometime headmistress of Roedean and later
principal of Newnham College, Cambridge.
He was educated on the classical side of Mal-
vern College, and proceeded to Trinity Col-
lege, Cambridge.
In 1932 he passed into the Civil Service
and was assigned to the department of In-
land Revenue. It was the late R. V. Vernon,
then serving in the Colonial Office, who sug-
gested to Sir Charles Jeffries, then estab-
lishment officer, that it would be a good
idea to try to get young Cohen transferred
there. The transfer was arranged and Cohen's
real career began in 1033.
He went through the usual training in-
cluding a spell as Private Secretary to Lord
Rugby (then, as Sir John Maffey, Permanent
Under-Secretary), and a visit to Central
Africa as Secretary to a financial commis-
sion. He was selected for a Commonwealth
Fund Fellowship to visit America, but his
programme was out short by the outbreak
of war in 1939. In 1940 he was seconded to
Malta, where he remained until 1943 orga-
nizing with great efficiency the supply of
food and necessaries to the beleagued
island.
His return to the Colonial Office as head
of one of the African departments was an
important milestone in his life and indeed
in the history of the African colonies. In
1947 he was appointed Assistant Under-Sec-
retary of State in charge of the African Divi-
sion of the Office. As such he was in a posi-
tion to wield great influence, and his strong
personality, high intellectual ability, and
progressive outlook ensured that that in-
fluence would be felt, not only on the Afri-
can territories but in the higher reaches of
Whitehall and Westminster.
Many observers have been justly Im-
pressed by Cohen's dynamism and admin-
istrative efficiency; but his character had
many sides, and at least as important was his
passion for digging out the essential ques-
tions of principle on which administrative
action should be based and for encourag-
ing the free play of ideas.
The turning point of post-war British
Colonial policy is to be found outside Africa.
It was the grant of independence to Ceylon
in 1948 which made it only a matter of time
before the African and other Colonial de-
dendencies would follow the same road. But
how much time? Many people regarded the
matter as outside the "foreseeable future."
Not so Cohen. He realized that the drive for
independence was imminent and gave all his
.energies to helping the African colonies and
protectorates to prepare themselves for it,
so that, when political advance became in-
escapable, economic and social advance
would not lag too far behind. In pursuing
this line, he was fully in accord with the
approach of his Secretaries of State,
Mr. Creech-Jones and, later, Mr. James Grif-
fiths. The latter was so strongly impressed
with Cohen's ability and outlook that he de-
cided, in 1951, to transfer him to the field,
and recommended his appointment as Gov-.
ernor of Uganda.
At first the new Governor was very suc-
cessful. Drastic reforms were introduced and
swift progress made on both the political
and economic fronts. Unhappily his concep-
tion of a unitary State of Uganda conflicted
with the aspirations of Buganda political
leaders, headed by the hereditary Kabaka,
for separate independence. A clash of wills
developed, as a result of which the British
Government, on Cohen's advice, withdrew
its recognition of the Kabaka arid removed
him from the country at the end of 1953.
Cohen came under strong criticism from
many quarters for this action, but he con-
tinued to serve as Governor and gradually
regained much of the confidence he had lost.
Reforms went forward, and the wisdom of
E 8975
Cohen's aims was increasingly recognized by
the local public. With a change of Colonial
Secretaries, It became possible for the Ka-
bake to return on mutually acceptable
conditions, and when Cohen eventually left
Uganda in January, 1957, the foundations of
future independence were firmly laid.
Cohen's next assignement was the diplo-
matic post of permanent United Kingdom
representative on the Trusteeship Council
of the United Nations. Here, as in the Colo-
nial Office and in Africa, his personality
made itself powerfully felt, but undoubtedly
a better use of his abilities was offered by the
creation in 1961 of the new Department of
Technical Cooperation to take over most of
the non-political functions of the old Colo-
nial Office and to develop the organization of
technical and financial assistance to coun-
tries in need of it, irrespective of their po-
litical status.
Appointed as Director-General of the new
Department, Cohen set about organizing it
with his customary "whirlwind" enthusiasm,
and substantial practical progress was made
even during the early years when the ar-
rangements were necessarily makeshift and
the staff, gathered from a number of sources,
was learning to settle down as a team. It was
not until the Department was able to move
into its present accommodation in Eland
House that it could begin to work out its
own tradition and corporate outlook. Trans-
formed into the Ministry of Overseas De-
velopment, the new organization rapidly es-
tablished itself, especially during a partner-
ship between Minister and Permanent Secre-
tary irreverently described as "the Elephant
and Castle" phase, as a very efficient and ef-
fective machine for carrying out an extreme-
ly important aspect of; the British Govern-
ment's overseas policy in the post-colonial
period.
A man so "big" in all sense as Andrew
Cohen was bound to become a legend. Many
years ago a journalist recorded a vision of
him rushing down the Colonial Office stairs
two or three at a time, with a bundle of files
under each arm and his hatbrim held be-
tween his teeth. It was his habit to pace the
room while dictating, and an endearing rec-
ollection is of an occasion when he quite un-
consciously strode out of the room whose
door had been inadvertently left open, and
was last seen disappearing round the corner
of a long corridor still talking and followed
by an anxious secretary feverishly taking his
words, down on her pad as she strove to
keep up with him.
It is said that on one occasion in Malta,
when a delegation had called to complain
about the bread, Cohen was found, during
the conservation, to have eaten the sample
which had been produced as a basis for dis-
cussion.
In 1949 he married Mrs. Helen Donington,
by whom he had one son. He was a warm
and affectionate father to his child and to
his three step-children, and an immence
favorite with their many friends.
TRIBUTE TO SIR ANDREW COHEN DELIVERED BY
SIR ROBERT BIRLEY
I do not think that Andrew Cohen is a
difficult man to talk about. He was too big
a man for that and much too interesting.
But I find it difficult to start to do so. In a
way I suppose I am intimidated. He was a
man who would have had no patience
with oratorical flourishes or with the usual
phrases of conventional tributes and if he
had felt that one was indulging in them,
though he would probably not have said
anything, one would have been very well
aware of what he was feeling. But many of
his friends would wish me to express my
admiration for him and I shall do so, feeling
myself as representing them, in the most
fitting words I can muster.
Like all distinguished men of affairs-and
he was a man who dealt with very important
affairs indeed-one might try to look at him
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CONGRESSIONAL RECOR - xtenstons o
in two ways. It is right that we should now tractable problems and many very contrast-
n individuals He could be depressed by
I
T
T
W -JET PLANES FOR ISRAEL
Is
not the to in his official role.
not the time e for any kind of obituary notice, these difficulties; he could find them almost
g HON. JAMES H. SCHEUER
for a list of the offices he held. I should like overwhelming. There was an element of deep
to sum up his work as a statesman-and I passion in his nature and this was no doubt OF NEW YORK
use the word advisedly for, if ever a civil largely the cause of this. It was also perhaps IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
servant was a statesman, he was-to sum up his greatest source of strength For the prob- October 10, 1968
his work as a statesman in this way. We in lems were-to him human problems, affecting Thursday,
our generation (his and mine) have lived always in the last analysis real men and SMr. Speaker, I was
pleased SCHEUER.
hear President Johnson's ens
through several revolutions. One of these women. It is not given to all great adminis- Mr.
has been the end of the British Empire. It trators to feel like this.
noted mthe e t yesterday ya that he thadd e di-
seems to me that it is at least very possible- And, of course, quite impatient. Perhaps
it is too soon to be certain that this may it would not be q e fair say that he go down to History as one of the greatest not able to suffer fools gladly, but he cer- negotiations with Israel for the sale of
achievements of the British people. Perhaps tainly was not able to suffer them for very supersonic jet fighter-bombers, presuma-
for the first time in History the ending of long. bly the Phantom F-4.
a great Empire will be looked on by the ages And, when we think of him as a person, The precarious situation in the Middle
Soviet rearming of Egypt
of the future not as something merely de- we may remember one particular tribute East e precarious
structive and melancholy, but as something which is paid to him by many. All I can East ca that Soviet
nereaing f gyp-
creative. And among all the men who have do is to attempt to express it. His eccen-
made this possible Andrew Cohen stands out tricities, which were never trivial but had ducted as expeditiously as possible so as
among the foremost. He did this particularly something grand about them, were lovable to permit rapid delivery of the planes.
when holding two positions. First as Gayer- and he was loved for them. Stories will be A recent article in Near East Report
nor of Uganda. How can I describe what he told about him for a long time and men and very thoroughly discusses the discourag-
did for that country? Perhaps this one epi- women will be happy when they recall them.
nk
sode will suffice. I have been told by someone, I spoke of looking at him in two ways. This ing that events ents in rea the ding Middle this East. I analysis think
who was -then a student, of the first occasion is, of course, absurd. The administrator, the agree that anyone gr this for Israel will
to imp that he spoke to the students at Makerere companion, the civil servant dictating at aga agree that it s din j. is i planes and achieve Israel
a
University College, very soon after he became his desk or presiding with immense enthu-ire suffic
Governor and how in a very few words he siasm over a conference, the man with his deterrent capability sufficient to meet the
immediately convinced them that he was family in the country, were all one. And let threat caused. by Russian shipments to
looking forward to the time, as something us remember that l'AT the gaint in classical Egypt. The article follows.
entirely natural and to be taken for granted, mythology who h ly to touch the ground Tara IMPOSED "PEACE"
when they would be the leaders and rulers in when engaged-ih an ncounter to receive new The Russians have resumed pressure on
their own country. This was a voice they had strength, so Andrew a home he had only the The Rus Stases t abandon Israel and on
not heard before. to touch to come ack into the struggle the nit to totes to to the Arabs without
We have been told of something that hap- revived. History will pay/ him Y,I d g i iste in a negotiated peace settlement.
hich we cannot d e rdi mistakes
far:
ll
ways w
s
pened a few days ago. The Uganda Assembly The Russian plan ca
d met to hear the budget speech; the floor as well as his achievements and s ents Israel withdrawal to the pre-June 5, 1967
f hi f en
h
k
a
o
armistice lines.
of the house and the galleries were crowded; of inspiration. We thin
and then the Speaker rose and made the and we can say that our lives would e Renunciation of Arab belligerence.
announcement that Sir Andrew Cohen had been less interesting and less enjoyable a d A strong UN presence in the area.
-lied. Then, we have been told, "an extraor- lacking in some inspiration--to some a o- A four-power guarantee by the Soviet
dinary groan ran through the House, from found inspiration--and in memories wh ch Union, the United States, Britain and
the galleries as well as from the floor". Dr. we shall treasure, if we had not known him. 91on Union, , FrAice.
Zake, the Minister of Education, rose to ile of navigation
speak for the Government. "Sir Andrew," he Othiher r the issuesSuez-Canalfreedom and the Straits of
said, "brought dignity to the people of Tiran the Arab refugees and Jerusalem-
Uganda." I think it is right that I should THE LATE HONORABLE ELMER J. wouldoe left to the future.
mention this, for this spontaneous tribute HOLLAND The % proposal left al is not new. It recalls the
fection Yugoslav initiative which both Israel and the
echoed so many expressions of personal af-
during by so many different people of Uganda HON. {~ l-~ A 1 SU1'~IAUA United States rejected a year ago.
d
during his visits to that country since he HOl\ SPARK M. 17I la Ra In P4ris, Israel's Foreign Minister Abba
ceased to be Governor, tributes that meant of HAWAII Eban d@clared that it was identical with a
a very great deal to him. It is good to think IN THE HOUSE OF R1fPRESENTATIVES plan presented by the Soviet Union to the
that exactly at this moment another service Security Council last fall, which Israel,
is being held in his memory in another St. Tuesday, OCtoT 6r 8, 1968 together with a majority of governments, had
Paul's Cathedral at Namirembe, Kampala, in
Uganda. Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, I join rejected. He said that "under the Soviet plan
Israel is called on to renounce its security
:.v ~I m mI P5'G~F the Pennsylvania ,,,;+H r,+ h+a; ;no mare. This is why we re-
And let It be saiu-auu -------
his mildly--that it was not as though during delegation and o her in expressing my
his five years there he had tried to gain popu- deep sorrow over the untimely passing
iarity by not doing unpopular things or by of our colleague,,the Honarable ELMER J.
careful not to create trouble. His work HOLLAND
bein
.
g
at the United Nations and in this country ELMER HOLLAND was one of our most
since then will, of course, be part of History. distinguished dblleagues, a man wh9pe
He was a very remarkable Civil Servant, com-
bining a quite staggering capacity for work service and devotion to his State end
with equally remarkable powers of imagina- the Nation were repeatedy dente
tion. He saw endless opportunities for crea- through six full consecutive erns an
tive work-perhaps I might refer especially parts of two other terms' 'The noble suits
to his enthusiastic support for education in of his dedication have l'ng;commanded
the developing countries-he inspired those our respect, and his acco lishments in
with whom he worked to see these opportuni-
ties too. I believe to his many already shall stand as beacons for those who fol-
Commonwealth. generations to come in in many parts of the he
Commonwealth. My mind goes across the low him here in this Chamber.
three thousand miles to thatother service in _ On many occasions I sat next to ELMER
St. Paul's Cathedral. It was not just the ad- HOLLAND in the first row of the House
ministrative ability and the great intellectual Chamber. I found him to be possessed of
energy he showed that make us feel now that a keen sense of humor, despite the phys-
we are at one with that congretation in Kam- foal handicap of his last few years. I
pala. To understand this we must look at him have lost a friend.
also in another way; we must glance at his To the members of his bereaved fam-
one. personality which was by no means a simple ily, extend my profound condolences,
'
He certainly did not ride easily over the and hope that they will find some meas-
difficulties which faced him, quite inevitable ure of comfort in the fullness of his life's
difficulties because he had to deal with in- services to his fellowmen.
jetted it."
WHERE DOE3 THE UNITED STATES STAND?
But the Department of State was slow to
react to the Soviet proposal. This occasioned
some surprise.
And it was not until this afternoon that
the Department finally made public com-
ment. The Department let it be known that
it had replied to the Soviet Union by stress-
ing U.S. support for Ambassador Jarring's
efforts "to promote agreements among the
parties on a peaceful settlement" based on
the Nov. 22 1JN Security Council resolution.
In effect, it discouraged bilateral U.S.-Soviet
talks.
Three weeks ago, in his speech to the B'nai
B'rith, President Johnson called for a "real
peace of justice and reconciliation-not a
cease-fire, not a temporary truce, not a re-
newal of the fragile armistice."
The President once again called for "secure
and recognized borders" and for lines which
"must be agreed by the parties involved as
part of the transition from armistice to
peace."
In our last issue, the Near East Report
anticipated the new Soviet initiative and
welcomed the President's reassurances as sig-
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(loner 12, 1968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --Extensions
nificant when viewed in relation to any fu-
ture U.S.-Soviet talks on the Near East.
Accordingly, difficult questions came to the
fore: Had there been a change in U.S. policy?
had there been some erosion?
Several theories were offered to explain the
U.S. readiness to take the Soviet proposal
s=oriously.
Since the Russian invasion of Czechoslo-
vakia, the United States has feared a new
confrontation with an unpredictable Russia
either in Europe or in the Near East. Ac-
cordingly, the Administration is anxious to
reach some kind of detente with the Russians
in the Near East if that is possible.
The United States fears that Arabs and
Russians will enjoy a propaganda advantage
in the UN General Assembly and that it will
be increasingly difficult for the United States
to support Israel's insistence on peace treaties
in the international forum.
Some diplomats may be using the Soviet
proposal for leverage on Israel in connection
with the Jarring mission. While the United
States has accepted Israel's view that any
withdrawal must be in the context of an
overall settlement, the United States has not
agreed with Israel that there must be direct
Arab-Israel talks. For many months, Wash-
ington has been urging Israel to agree to in-
direct talks and to offer Jarring a map or a
peace prospectus.
Israel finally agreed but it wanted some
assurances that such talks would lead to
concrete results. Israel then asked Jarring to
find out from the Egyptians what they meant
by their concept of peace and how they
envisaged the relations of the parties.
To this, it has been reported, there has been
no satisfactory reply.
Eban will offer Israel's proposals for a peace
settlement at the UN General Assembly on
Oct. 8. He met with Secretary of State Dean
Rusk in New York yesterday.
The United States wants the Jarring mis-
sion to continue, In Washington, there is ap-
prehension that if the Jarring mission is
stalemated the Soviet Union and the Arabs
may try to force a new UN resolution serving
an ultimatum on Israel and demanding the
imposition of sanctions.
All this Soviet pressure recalls the 1957
debacle when the Soviet Union and the
United States joined pressures to force
Israel's withdrawal without a firm and lasting
settlement.
ADVICE FROM THE PRESS
Significantly, two Washington newspapers
which frequently reflect State Department
views both urged Israel to consider the
Russian initiative.
In an editorial on Sept. 28, the Washing-
ton Post states that the four-power guaran-
tee "is not an acceptable substitute for what
the parties themselves must agree to guar-
antee. That approach was tried and found un-
workable." Nevertheless, the Post continues,
"the Soviet bid should not be dismissed out
of hand." It contends that the Russian plan
will provide a "focus" for UN efforts in the
search for peace.
"A policy switch from keeping the pot boil-
ing to one of allowing the broth to chill
ought to be greeted with hope. So tense and
dangerous is the Middle East now that the
slightest hint of relief should not be ignored,"
tl-.e paper says.
The Evening Star, on the same day, notes
"that with tension in the area still at fever
pitch, the Israelis will do well not to dismiss
the proposal out of hand."
l t concedes that the Soviet Union's motives
arc "suspect" and it speculates that one mo-
tive might be "to throw up a smokescreen of
phony peace prospects to dissuade the U.S.
from furnishing Phantom jets and other
arms to Israel and to buy time while the
Arab armies complete their retraining and
equipping."
"Another motive, the editorial continues,
"might be to draw public attention away
'from Czechoslovakia."
Moreover, the Star says, the Soviet plan
"falls considerably short of a solid guaran-
tee" . The Israelis have reason to doubt
the UN's staying power as a peacekeeping
force and the ability of the four powers to
work In concert in the Middle East, given a
divergence of their views about the region.
Nevertheless, having given the major
reasons why Israel is justified in rejecting
the Soviet proposal, the Star argues that
"if the Israel government maintains an un-
responsive attitude to the Soviet proposal, it
runs the risk of weakening its case in the
eyes of the world. Moreover, there is just that
outside chance that the Soviet Union's open-
ing gambit could develop into full-fledged
negotiations."
This seems very strange.
Israel is being pressed to consider a pro-
posal which is prejudicial to the prospect of
peace and security on the pretext that one
might win world opinion by appeasing a
power which has always been so contemptu-
ous of world opinion.
The Soviet proposal would defeat Israel's
major objective, the attainment of treaties
which obligate the parties themselves to pre-
serve the peace.
On the other hand, it would help the Arabs
win their major objective: a "political solu-
tion" which forces Israel to retreat and ex-
empts the Arab states from any responsibility
to meet with Israel, to recognize her, to work
with her to curb terrorism, to limit arms and
to cooperate with her in trade and develop-
ment for the mutual benefit of all the peo-
ples of the area.
AN UNREALISTIC PLAN
Close examination of the Soviet plan sug-
gests that it raises many more problems than
it solves.
Does the Soviet Union really mean that
Israel should withdraw completely to the
June 4, 1967 lines?
Would Jerusalem again be divided and
Israel barred from access to the Old City
and the Western Wall?
Would the Syrians return to the bunkers
of the Golan Heights?
Would an Egyptian Governor General re-
sume the rule of Gaza?
Would Egyptian tanks and jets return to
Sinai?
And what kind of UN force do the Russians
envisage?
Would the Russians themselves or East
European satellites provide soldiers?
Would Bulgarian jeeps patrol the environs
of the Holy Places?
Does Jerusalem become another Berlin,
with four guaranteeing powers controlling
their own zones, with their own military
headquarters?
Do Egyptian guns return to Sharm el-
Sheikh to resume the blockade of the Straits
of Tiran, the situation which prevailed on
June 4 and which precipitated the war?
And who would be responsible for curbing
terrorism in the absence of treaty obliga-
tions?
How would the four powers enforce their
guarantees?
Would the UN Security Council be the
final arbiter in the case of dispute and would
the Soviet Union feel free, as always in the
past, to veto any Israel complaint or protest?
In the light, of these questions, it is obvious
that the Soviet proposal as a substitute for
a peace treaty should be emphatically re-
jected. Any equivocal response suggests weak-
ness and encourages the Arab states to believe
that they can persist in their negative po-
sition: They may feel free to continue to
demand Israel's withdrawal and to spurn
moves toward negotiations, recognition and
peace.
There is irony in the coincidence that the
new push for appeasement in the Near East
comes just 30 years to the week of the shame-
ful and ignominious sellout at Munich which
led to World War II.
of Remarks E 8977
AN ANALYSIS OF THE NEW LEFT-
A GOSPEL OF NIHILISM
HON. JOHN M. ASHBROOK
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, October 10, 1968
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, in Au-
gust, 1967, the magazine, Christianity
Today, published an article by Mr. J.
Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, on a recent de-
velopment in this country, the New Left.
As usual, Director Hoover goes right to
the heart of the matter and recommends
a reaffirmation of the basic spiritual and
moral values which have been our heri-
tage. As a large percentage of college-
age New Leftists comes from affluent sur-
roundings, one cannot blame their in-
dividual discontent on poverty, nor can
large Federal aid programs cajole them
into assuming constructive roles as citi-
zens.
Of clergymen and concerned laymen,
Mr. Hoover asks:
Are they involved in a dialogue-a heart-to-
heart conversation-with these young people,
endeavoring to answer some of their probing
questions about human existence, such as:
Who am I? Why am I here? What is the pur-
pose of life? What values have meaning?
All of us, clergymen and laymen, need to
look deeper into our hearts to answer these
questions.
To be sure, excesses by the New Left
must be dealt with firmly and forcefully,
and they must be given to understand
that we do not intend to stand idly by
while our society and its institutions are
rent asunder by malcontents and anar-
chists, be they foreign or home grown.
The above-mentioned article by Mr.
Hoover should be required reading for all
citizens concerned about this recent phe-
nomenon in American life. To give it
wider dissemination, I insert it in the
RECORD at this point:
AN ANALYSIS OF THE NEw LEFT: A GOSPEL
OF NIHILISM
(By J. Edgar Hoover)
The time has come for Americans to focus
on a new kind of conspiracy in our country-
a movement called the New Left. In recent
months the effects of the New Left have been
seen in many places: In demonstrations
against American policy in Viet Nam, in
civil disobedience, in calls for young men to
resist the draft, in campus turmoil, in at-
tacks against law and order, in desecrations
of the American flag.
What is the New Left?
Actually, the New Left as a movement is
difficult to define. If you visit a New Left
meeting, you will find some of the partici-
pants smartly dressed, others with dirty T-
shirts and baggy trousers. A high percent-
age are Beatniks-wearing long hair and
beards, unkempt clothes, and sandals. A few
are Hippies, experimenting with drugs and
enamored with esoteric rituals such as "love-
ins," "be-ins," and "happenings." If you
listen to their conversation, you will hear
a steady flow of obscene and foul language.
Sexual promiscuity is not considered in bad
taste.
Most of the participants are students. The
New Left Is predominantly a college-age
movement found in the college and uni-
versity community-but not exclusively. Be-
sides undergraduates, the New Left contains
a wide assortment of other participants:
college faculty members (mostly young),
graduate students, guitarists, writers, Intel-
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E 8978 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extensions of Remarks October 12; 1991
lectuals of various types, ex-students still Basic to the New Left's mood is the idea only leads to permanent physical addiction
"hanging around" the campus, curiosity- that contemporary American society (con- but also makes even more difficult any transi-
seekers, Communists, Trotskyites. temptuously called the "Establishment") is tion to the world of reality. For many young
"We have within our ranks," comments the corrupt, evil, and malignant--and must be people the use of drugs is a retreat, a with-
national vice-president of Students for a destroyed. To reform it, to change it for the drawal into a psychedelic world where they
Democratic Society (SDS), the largest and better, is impossible. It must-along with its can evade making the basic decisions of life.
best known of New Left groups, "Com- Judaic-Christian values-be liquidated. This problem of drugs should not be taken
munists of both varieties, socialists of all "Let's face it. It is, to use the crudest psy- lightly by our society.
sorts, three or four different kinds of chological terminology, a sick. sick, sick How should this 'decadent' society be de-
anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists, syndicalists, society in which we live. It is, finally, a stroyed? New Leftists are not sure. Their talk
social democrats, humanist liberals, a grow- society which approaches collective in- is vague but violent. "The only overtly politi-
ing number of libertarian laissez-faire sanity-a system of authority-dependency cal power we have," says one New Leftist, "is
capitalists, and of course, the articulate relationships which deAtr6ys life and health the power to disrupt. But even this limited
vanguard of the psychedelic liberation and strength and creates debility, depend- power can be significant. . . . We need to
front." ency, and deathliness." develop techniques of creative disruption."
In this amalgam is found much nonsensi- paraging American history. They contemptu- To "radicalize" the youth, to build a "radical
cal chatter but also serious conversation by ously hiss and boo officials of our govern- or revolutionary consciousness," to create a
some highly motivated and articulate young ment and show scornful disdain for opinions "sense of radical self-identity"-these are
onstant New Left phrases
c
facing our nation today, such as poverty, civil
rights, world peace, automation, the stu-
dent's role on the university campus, human
dignity in a rapidly developing urban and
industrial economy. Here is the paradox of
the New Left: Many of the New Leftists are
mere intellectual tramps who seek the exotic
and eccentric as emotional outlets; but some,
in one way or another, are seriously search-
ing-not only for answers to society's prob-
lems but for values of human existence in a
world of great uncertainty.
To equate the New Left with a political
party or-a tightly disciplined organization is
to miss its true identity. It is is not an
organization. It does not have a constitution,
bylaws, or an official membership.
Rather the New Left is a mood, a philos-
ophy of life, a Weltanschauung, a way of
looking at self, country, and the universe.
And in this mood lies its tragedy-and its
danger!
For the New Left's mood-and philosophy
of life-is not one of support for America and
its traditions, of upholding moral and demo-
cratic values. Rather, it is one of definance,
hostility, and opposition to our free society.
It seeks to destroy, not to build. Its whole
approach is one of negativism-to criticize,
belittle, denigrate the principles on which
this nation was built. Cynicism, pessimism,
and callousness are its mottoes. At its heart,
the New Left is nihilistic and anarchistic.
Hence, to dismiss the New Left, as some
to, as a collection of simpletons. eccentrics,
and jocular fools is to commit a grave mis-
take. Its adherents should not, as so often
happens, be judged strictly by their Beatnik
cress and ways (repugnant as they may be
to most Americans) . New Leftism poses
today challenging and provocative questions
for the nation-questions that each thought-
ful citizen should carefully analyze, study,
and understand. Who are these young
people? Why have they chosen to disparage
the society and institutions that gave them
birth? Why is their gospel one of nihilism?
Why have they rejected the values of our
J udaic-Christian civilization?
The imperative need for knowledge is
shown by the rapid growth of the movement.
Just a few months ago the SDS's national
vice-president enthusiasticallyreported that
his group had some 30,000 adherents. "Start-
ing from almost zero," he said, "we have
achieved that number in seven years; we
have grown ten-fold in only two years." More
and more the New Left is reaching into the
high-school age group. New Left Notes, organ
of SDS, comments:
"The 600 members of SDS who are in high
schools are the most underrepresented group
in our organization. . A high school
organizer would be able to make high school
members more than peripherally involved
_n the affairs of SDS. Moreover, he could
begin to help build a more solid high school
movement. This would not be difficult."
To analyze the New Left is to become sud-
denly aware of the nihilistic wasteland it
presents.
heart is extremely totalitarian, intolerant,
and opinionated in nature). They urge re-
sistance to the draft (even on occasions try
to interfere physically with the legitimate
activities of armed-services personnel on col-
lege campuses present for the purpose of re-
cruiti>ag), burn or mutilate draft cards, en-
deavor to dictate to university administrative
officiq s how these institutions should be run.
In this spirit of nihilism, the New Left
mani
ness, if it
f
proble
alone can
ti( ns. Ther
tion of the of
person over the age of thirty-though this
age minimum is rhp'dly decreasing). The
older generation (our'`S)mpotent, neurotic
elders") is characterized laving sold out
to "imperialistic monopoly ca talism" (note
the use of Marxist terminology and having
"betrayed" the youth. Hence, it i of to be
trusted-and no wisdom and advic . can be
expected from it.
Therefore, the New Left has little appre-
ciation of and respect for history ("we lave
little or no sense of history") or for the
accumulated heritage and wisdom of for er
years. By rejecting the past, they lack a
clear view of the future and fail to under-
stand the nature of man as a human beint.
has no practical or even idealistic idea
what the future should be. Their chief ai
despite their protestations to the contrapy,
is to destroy, annihilate, tear down. I
Their heroes are Castro, Che Guevara, Ttao
Tse-Tung, Ho Chi Minh, or whoever they
ebulliently believe is a fighter (preferably
the romantic guerrilla type) against a
"status quo" capitalist natior..
Ideologically, the ideas of existenialism,
especially as reflected in the writings of the
French authors Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert
Camus, have been influential. But a major
influence has been Marxism. Karl Marx is
frequently quoted in their writings. They
talk much about the concept of "alienation,"
which derives in large part from Marx. By
"alienation," they mean their separation
from, and lack of allegiance to, the institu-
tions of contemporary society. These institu-
tions (such as our educational system, pri-
vate industry, the government, the military
services), they claim, are "choking," "sti-
fling," and "stunting" young people, creating
in them a "slave psychology." As one New
Leftist put it: "From the moment he enters
school, the student is subjected to innumer-
able procedures designed to humiliate him
and remind him that he is worthless and
that adults are omnipotent."
In part, the New Left's Beatnik style, their
use of obscene language, their inclination
towards drugs, is an attempt to shock their
elders, a way of ostentatiously declaring their
"freedom" from what they call the "old," the
"decadent," the "bourgeois " All too fre-
quently, the hallucinatory world of drugs not
This mood of "creative disruption" in the
past has been reflected in various tactics of
protest, such as demonstrations, sit-ins, peti-
tion campaigns. But the mood of New Left
protest, unfortunately, is now giving way to
one of resistance. This is one of the tragedies
of any movement of protest that refuses to
find an outlet through legitimate channels of
society and in cooperation with other groups
-it moves to more radical, extreme, and
bitter positions. Many New Left leaders, mak-
ing judgments from increasing feelings of
personal frustration and hatred, are talking
in terms of resistance (a word frequently used
by them) to the society they detest.
One SDS leader says:
"We have to build a movement out of
people's guts, out of their so-far internalized
rejection of American society, and present
people with a revolutionary alternative to the
American way of life.
"Many of us in SDS share a conviction that
this is what has to happen. That we must
resist, and that people must break free. None
of us is sure we can win. All we can say is
that there are other ways to lead our lives
in the face of the obscenity of what American
life is-and that we intend to live them that
way."
Still another New Leftist talks about the
movement's future:
"There is a continuing need for serious dis-
cussion of alternative scenarios for an Amer-
ican revolution. I do not believe advocates of
electoral activity have offered one. . I feel
the formation of counter-communities of
struggle and the creation of local pockets of
power is the way to begin to find a strategy
of revolution."
After favorably quoting Karl Marx, an SDS
writer says:
"It is important that we begin to talk in
terms of five, ten, fifteen years because that
is the time and energy it will take to build a
Revolutionary movement and socialist politi-
cal party able to take power in America. At
this point, we in SDS must begin to write
about and talk about socialist theory, so that
we will be prepared to play a major role in
developments, creating larger numbers of
socialists, and developing socialist conscious-
ness in all institutions in which we organize."
The news media not long ago quoted a
top New Leftist as saying: "We are working
to build a guerrilla force in an urban environ-
ment." "We are actively organizing sedition,"
Another stated: "I think violence is neces-
sary, and it frightens me."
What does all this mean? That there are
young people who disagree with society, who
are willing to protest and make their views
known-this is all to the good. America needs
a questioning generation. It needs young
people who will speak up frankly and firmly.
The spirit of protest and dissent is inextri-
cably interwoven in the fabric of American
society. We want no silent generation. In a
dangerous nuclear world, beset with uncer-
tainty and fear, the human spirit will-and
must-seek answers,
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