CONGRESSIONAL RECORD EXCERPTS - CONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE SOVIET UNION, MARCH 15, 1967

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300050008-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 28
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 28, 2005
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: March 15, 1967
• Content Type: BOOK

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MarcT 15, 1967
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD __ SENATE
Welfare and the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration, which he said are
about to begin, in using communications
satellites for an educational television net-
work. Further progress will be achieved if
Congress accedes to the President's recom-
mendation for congressional hearings on re-
lated issues of public policy.
Whether the full scope of the Carnegie
commission's proposal-which is broader
than Mr. Bundy's-can be realized will de-
pend on support of the proposed tax on tele-
vision sets or- some other means of raising
comparable revenue. At this begi.ining stage
the President's broad support of the corpo-
ration idea is a constructive impetus. We
hope Congress is equally aware that our
country has "only begun to grasp the great
promise" of television, and equally concerned
for that promise's fulfillment.
[From the New York Times, Mar. 4, 1967]
TELEVISION FOR THE PEOPLE
President Johnson has responded swiftly
and constructively to the proposals of the
Carnegie Commission and the Ford Founda-
tion for Federal action to spur the growth
of educational television.
In his message to Congress the President
wisely steers clear of any attempt to preor-
dain the shape of a noncommercial television
system, the relative degree of responsibility
to be allocated to network or individual sta-
tions or the sources of financial support.
Instead, he proposes the establishment of
a Corporation for Public Television, with fif-
teen board members to be appointed by the
President but to operate free of Government
control. By emphasizing that diversity is
the key to effectiveness for the new medium,
Mr. Johnson makes it plain that he puts at
least as much stress on the development of
strong community stations as he does on a
central apparatus to rival the established
networks.
The $i0-raliliori grant the Ford Founda-
tion has made available to finance "imagina-
tive experiments" next fall in noncommer-
cial network programs will provide a demon-
stration of the potentialities on the network
side. The hope must be that some compar-
able source of private financing will be found
soon for comparable experiments. in origi-
nality and service by community TV stations.
Out of such demonstrations can come val-
uable guides to the Johnson-proposed com-
mission on the kind of interrelations that
will best serve the end of "excellence within
diversity" set forth so persuasively in the
Carnegie report. The caliber of the commis-
sion's own members and, equally important,
of its choice for executive director will de-
termine how useful a contribution it makes
to shaping intelligent public policy in a field
of limitless possbilities for cultural enrich-
ment and public enjoyment.
MIAMI, FLA., HERALD ENDORSES IN-
TERSTATE LAND SALES FULL DIS-
CLOSURE ACT OF 1967
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, the Miami, Fla., Herald has,
over the years, taken a leading role in
exposing unscrupulous real estate pro-
moters who sell undeveloped land across
State lines. Only last year Fred Fogarty
the Herald's real estate editor testified
at hearings before the Senate Banking
and Currency Committee on the need for
additional consumer protection legisla-
tion in this area-both on the State and
Federal levels.
I believe, therefore, that the Herald's
editorial of March 1, 1967, entitled "It's
Time United States Moved in on Pi-
racy in Land Sales," will be of great in-
terest to all Members of this body.
In its editorial which endorses the In-
terstate Land Sales Full Disclosure Act,
the Herald declares that-
Even in states that have passed laws to
protect the public, such as Florida, the job
is not getting done. As we have pointed out
so often in this business of states' rights,
what the states refuse to do, the federal gov-
ernment will do.
The Herald ends its editorial by stat-
ing:
What Sen. Williams hopes to enact is a law
patterned after the Securities Acts of 1933
and 1934 that brought a level of honesty to
the stock market. Those laws offer the pub-
lic protection through full and accurate in-
formation on which to make investment
decisions.
The Wall Street bucketshops have been out-
lawed. It is time to do the same with the
land pirates.
I believe the Senate should have the
benefit of the full text of this informative
commentary; therefore, I ask unanimous
consent that the editorial be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Miami Herald, Mar. 1, 1967]
IT'S TIME UNITED STATES MOVED IN ON PIRACY
IN LAND SALES
There are 28 states without legislation to
deal with the land pirates who separate
people from their money in exchange for a
piece of unusable real estate in the middle
of a swamp, a desert, a flood control area, the
side of a mountain or a remote arid plateau.
Yet even in states that have passed laws to
protect the public, such as Florida, the job
is not getting done: As we have pointed out
so often in this business of states' riglats,
what the states refuse to do, the federal gov-
ernment will do.
That is the reason for the hearings that
opened yesterday on the proposed Interstate
Land Sales Full Disclosure Act. Spearheaded
once again by Sen. Harrison Williams Jr. of
New Jersey, this is an effort to establlish
effective authority over mail order land sales
to protect both the buyer and the legitimate
seller against loss and injury.
Evidence of widespread misrepresentation
has been obtained by the Senate's subcom-
mittee on frauds affecting the elderly. It is
the person looking for an idyllic retirement
home who so often fails victim to the
swamp peddler.
And Florida, despite its Installment Land
Sales Board, has more than its share of the
sleazy types who promise a paradise in the
sunshine and deliver an inaccessible or un-
usuable tract of swampy wilderness.
Certainly it is true that the Florida :law
demands that a property report be delivered
to the purchaser. It is also true that many
people put up a down payment despite avail-
ability of a report disclosing that the land
is subject to flooding 80 per cent of the year,
that drainage is not feasible, that mortgaging
would be difficult.
But what happens to the concept of prop-
erty report disclosure when a bucketshop
operation is set up and the customer is
romanced by long-distance telephone with
phony stories of oil discoveries and expected
price increases? These are the sharp prac-
tices that Florida's law now countenances,
What Sen. Williams hopes to enact is a law
patterned after the Securities Acts of 11733
and 1934 that brought a level of honesty to
the stock market. Those laws offer the pub-
lic protection through full and accurate in-
formation on which to make investment
decisions.
The Wall Street bucketshops have been
S 3835
outlawed. It is time to do the same with
the land pirates.
CONCLUSION OF MORNING
BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
HOLLINGS in the chair). Is there further
morning business? If not, morning
business tconclude
ONSULAR CONVENTION WITH THE
SOVIET UNION
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair lays before the Senate the pending
business, which will be stated.
The ASSISTANT LEGISLATIVE CLERK, A
Consular Convention between the United
States of America and the Union of So-
viet Socialist Republics, together with a
protocol relating thereto, signed at Mos-
cow on June 1, 1964 (Ex. D., 88th Cong.,
second sess.).
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the convention.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
pending question is on agreeing to ex-
ecutive reservation No. 2, offered by the
Senator from South Dakota [Mr.
MUNDT] and other Senators.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum, with
the time to be taken out of this side.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The assistant legislative clerk pro-
ceeded to call the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
yield 10 minutes to the distinguished
Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG].
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
I rise to express opposition to the pend-
ing reservation and to any reservation
that would indefinitely postpone or kill
the Consular Treaty, which should be
ratified by the Senate. I plead for rati-
fication as I did some years back for the
limited nuclear test ban treaty achieved
by our late, . great President John F.
Kennedy, with the help of our present
Ambassador at Large, Averill Harriman.
In his plea for ratification of the lim-
ited test ban treaty, President John F.
Kennedy said:
According to the ancient Chinese proverb,
"A journey of a thousand miles must begin
with a single step." My fellow Americans,
let us take that first step. Let us, if we can,
get back from the shadows of war and seek
out the way of peace. And if that journey
is one thousand miles or even more, let his-
tory record that we in this land at this time
took the first step.
Mr. President, we all recall that prior
to ratification of this Limited Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty there were many who
gave out dire warnings that it would
mean capitulation to the Russians, that
it would be a threat to American security,
that they would immediately violate it,
and so forth. Now, we have heard simi-
lar arguments from those opposing rati-
fication of the Consular Treaty with the
Soviet Union-from those maintaining
that this treaty is not in the best inter-
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S 3836 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
gists of the United States. Very defi-
nitely this treaty is in the best interest of
our country. In addition, we have all
been subjected to a forceful blitz of
propaganda attacking this proposed
Consular Treaty, instigated by extremist
rightwing groups such as the Liberty
Lobby, the John Birch Society, and
others of that ilk.
M1,. President, I doubt that there is
one among us who would maintain that
the .imtted nuclear test ban treaty has
in any way endangered the security of
the United States in the 3112 years it has
been in effect. In fact, having reduced
the dangers of radioactive fallout, it has
been highly beneficial and reassuring to
the people of the United States, as well
as to people the world over. Similarly,
we would all find 2 or 3 years from now-
even 6 months from now-that the Con-
sular Treaty with the Soviet Union will
also be of benefit to citizens of the United
States.
Mr. President, some in this Chamber,
realizing that they will be unable to pre-
vent ratification of the treaty, have re-
sorted to other means which would lit-
erally cancel the effectiveness of the
treaty and in fact postpone its operation
indefinitely. Such is the second reserva-
tion proposed by the senior Senator from
South Dakota [Mr. MUNDTI. His reser-
vation, which would literally postpone
the treaty's becoming operative until the
end of our involvement In the war In
Vietnam, would mean, in effect, the de-
struction of the treaty. His argument,
that it Is more important to protect the
500,000 boys in Vietnam than to protect
a few American citizens traveling In the
Soviet Union, is a complete non sequitur.
This treaty, whether it is ratified as sub-
mitted to the Senate or with such a res-
ervation, would not In any way affect the
conduct of the war in Vietnam. Very
definitely, I feel that the Senator from
South Dakota and those others who are
using this kind of argument are appeal-
ing to irrational claims of the type which
always flourish in time of war.
In the course of this debate some of
those expressing vigorous opposition to
our ratification of the Consular Conven-
tion have even asserted that the Russians
have violated every treaty they have
made with this country. Very definitely
this is not true. Admittedly, while the
cruel tyrant Stalin was dictator of the
Soviet Union, he was constantly threat-
ening aggression and violating agree-
ments he made. The Soviet Union dur-
ing his regime blockaded Berlin, posed a
threat to Western Europe, and its leaders
made belligerent statements and rattled
their nuclear weapons. The two great
Communist powers. China and the So-
viet Union, seemed alined against the
free world. That was many years ago.
Stalin is no longer the dictator of the
Soviet Union; yet, too many people think
our foreign policy should be based today
on what occurred 20 years ago follow-
ing World War II.
Times have changed. The Soviet Un-
ion, now a "have" nation instead of a
"have not" nation, Is definitely veering
toward capitalism. Russian leaders of
the Kremlin appear to genuinely seek
friendship with nations of the free world
and they speak of coexistence instead of
coannihilatlon. Along its 6,500-mile com-
mon border with Red China, the Soviet
Union has been massing additional di-
visions of its troops. Bitterly hostile
statements during recent months have
come out of Peking denouncing the lead-
ers of the Kremlin, and the antagonism
between the Soviet Union and Commu-
nist China seems to be-increasing and
has been accompanied by violence and
turbulence in some areas close to the
common border. Also Premier Kosygin
has repeatedly and violently denounced
Communist leaders of mainland China.
Mr. President. in October 1964, I did
not often find myself in agreement with
the distinguished Senator from Arizona,
Mr. Goldwater. However, I recall at that
time he made what I consider to be a
very wise statement when he stated that
within 10 years, if the United States
should be at war with Red China, the
Soviet Union would be fighting as an
ally on the side of the United States
against Red China.
Obviously it would be a grave mistake
were we to reject ratification of this
Consular Treaty. Very definitely the ne-
gotiations for this treaty, which extended
over a period of several years and were
carefully and intelligently conducted by
our officials, who proposed this treaty to
Soviet leaders, should result In ratifica-
tion. The Soviet Union is obligated un-
der this treaty to commitments highly
advantageous to the many thousands of
American tourists who will be traveling
each year in the Soviet Union. In that
regard, only a few hundred Soviet citi-
zens visit the United States annually,
The total this year of American tourists
visiting Russia may exceed 18,000, The
total of nationals of the Soviet Union
visiting our country this year will cer-
tainly be fewer than 2,000. This treaty
is much more in our national Interest
than In the interest of the Soviet Union.
Patrick Henry on a historic occasion,
as recorded In our colonial history of
which we are so proud, said:
There is but one lamp by which my feet
are guided. That is the lamp of experience.
I know of no way to judge the future except
by the past.
Concerning the Limited Nuclear Test
Ban Treaty, the facts are the Soviet
Union has meticulously compiled with its
obligations. Since ratification of that
treaty, there has never been a whisper
of any alleged violation on the part of
the Soviet Union. Surely there is every
reason to believe that the provisions of
this treaty will be respected and complied
with.
It is Interesting to note that at the
recent parliamentary election in the So-
viet Union. Vyacheslav Molotov, who was
the internationally known spokesman
for Stalin throughout his years of power,
when he walked publicly in Moscow to
the polling place where he and Nikita
Khrushchev both voted, received no
cheers, no greeting whatsoever from the
assembled Russians but was looked on
somewhat disdainfully by the citizens
gathered to vote or to look at celebrities
who were expected to vote. In the few
years following the close of World War
U, Molotov was the right-hand man and
March 15, 1967
enforcer of the tyrannica Premier Josef
Stalin.
The low regard that leaders of the free
world held toward him at the time and
in retrospect seems matched by the pres-
ent low regard and in fact contempt of
Russian citizens. At tre same time
Nikita Khrushchev, who became Premier
of the Soviet Union a considerable num-
ber of years following the death of Stalin,
was cheered and greeted enthusiastically
and affectionately by thousands of Rus-
sian men and women. Former Premier
Nikita Khrushchev appeared surprised
and happy over the enthusiastic and
most cordial greeting. According to
newspaper reports he doffed his hat and
said, "Let there be peace."
We take an important step toward
world peace in ratification of this Con-
sular treaty.
Peace hath her victories no less renowned
than war-
Wrote John Milton many years ago.
It is even more true now than then. The
great German poet, Frederic von Schil-
lei', wrote:
Peace is rarely denied to the peaceful.
Our late great President John F. Ken-
nedy said:
While maintaining our readiness for war,
let ut. exhaust every avenue for peace. Let
us always make clear our willingness to talk
if talk will help and our readiness to fight if
fight we must.
Mr. President, the benefits of this Con-
sular Treaty are great. For us to ratify
this treaty would be a smell step forward
on tae "journey of To
change or amend it with crippling-
res-ervations would indefinlt~ly postpone it
and in fact would prove to be a rejection
of the treaty. Were we to do this it would
be taking a step backward instead of for-
ward on that 1,000-mile tourney toward
permanent peace.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. To
whom will the time be charged?
Mr. MANSFIELD. On this side.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered. The clerk will
call the roll.
The assistant legislat:.ve clerk pro-
ceeded to call the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out abjection, It is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield myself 10
minutes. Now that the Chamber is
crowded, I think it is appropriate to
make my remarks in op iosition to the
pending reservation. [Laughter.]
Mr. President, the reservation pro-
posed by the distinguished Senator from.
South Dakota stipulate; that instru-
ments of ratification shall not be ex-
changed until the President determines
and reports to Congress that it is no
longer necessary to assign American
forces to combat duties in South Viet-
nam, or that removing American forces
from South Vietnam is not being pre-
vented or delayed because of military
assistance being furnished by the Soviet
Union to North Vietnam.
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March 15, 1967
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Does the Senator from South Dakota
really believe that the Soviets are so anx-
ious to have the Consular Convention
enter into force that they would be will-
ing to reduce their support to North Viet-
nam? As I have pointed out before, we
wanted the Consular Convention in the
first place and we still want it-and
want it now-because it provides for
the increased protection of American
citizens traveling in the Soviet Union,
It is unrealistic, at best, to expect the So-
viets to make a concession to us in order
to obtain ratification of a treaty that we
are more anxious to have than they
are, and that appears to be more to our
advantage than to theirs.
The obvious effect of this reservation
would be to strain our relations with
the Soviet Union still further. It is quite
true that the Soviets are supplying mil-
itary assistance to North Vietnam.
North Vietnam is a socialist country,
and thus an ideological ally of the Soviet
Union. But it is also obvious that we
are providing not only military assist-
ance but also half a million men to our
ally, South Vietnam; and our military
assistance to South Vietnam predates
Soviet assistance to North Vietnam, and
is much greater.
The reservation is not designed to
bring the war in Vietnam to an :end. I
only with that it could. If it would, I
would be the first to vote for it. But to
pretend that there is the slightest chance
that any action we take on the Consular
Convention would have this result is, I
think, either a delusion or a deception.
Nor is the reservation intended to show
the Soviets our concern over the situa-
tion in Vietnam-a concern that they
know and understand very well. The
purpose of this reservation is, purely and
simply, to kill the treaty.
There are some in the Senate who
want to kill the Consular Convention be-
cause they are opposed to ratifying this
agreement with the Soviets-or any
agreement with the Soviets-on the
ground that such action will be regarded
as a mark of confusion by our allies and
as a confession of weakness by our en-
emies. I repeat at this point a para-
graph from the statement made on the
floor by the Senator from Arkansas, the
chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations [Mr. FULBRIGHT], on March
7. He said:
It is difficult for me to understand and
accept the fact that there are some in the
Senate who, given an opportunity to im-
prove relations in some small way with the
Soviet Union and of reducing the tensions
that exist in our relations with that country,
prefer that we not do so but that instead we
keep relations frozen and tensions highly
charged. I would certainly understand this
attitude if it were motivated by an opposi.
tion to appeasement-that is, if this con-
vention, or any of the East-West measures
that I have mentioned represented a sacri-
fice to the Soviets designed to mollify them.
But I cannot understand why any Senator
would hesitate to seize an opportunity to
voice his approval for an agreement with the
Soviet Union which offers us certain benefits
in protecting American citizens traveling in
the Soviet Union which we sought in the
first place. I do not see how ratifying such
an `agreement could be construed as a mark
of confusion or a confession of weakness.
On the contrary, if I were the leader of
North Vietnam I would be concerned at any
sign of a rapprochement between an ally on
whom I depended heavily and my opponent,
especially if my ally and my opponent were
the two most powerful countries in the
world. And If I were an ally of the United
States it would worry me to see the United
States spurn an opportunity to reduce the
tensions which might, if they are not re-
duced, lead to a conflict in which I might
become involved simply because I was an
ally of one of the protagonists.
The United States and the Soviet
Union are the two most powerful coun-
tries in the world. We must be able to
regulate our normal affairs, as we have
in the past 6 months by signing a Civil
Air Transport Agreement and an agree-
ment on fishing problems in the north-
east part of the Pacific Ocean-both
Executive agreements, I should add.
Surely our objective in our relations with
the Soviet Union-or with any other
state-should be to reduce the areas of
disagreement and enlarge the areas of
agreement-not to permit our disagree-
ments to widen and to embrace every
aspect of our relations with the other
most powerful nation in the world today.
Mr. President, I understand that refer-
ences were made yesterday, in re-
sponse to the argument raised about
affording protection to 18,000 Ameri-
cans in the Soviet Union, in relation to
the importance of protecting the 500,000
men in Vietnam; or adjacent to it, and a
correlation was made between the 18,000
and the 500,000, and,the effects that the
convention might have on them.
What was not brought out yesterday
was the point that the inclusion of a
reservation tying the treaty to ending
the hostilities in Vietnam, or even de-
feating the treaty, would not accelerate
by 1 day the conclusion of the war in
Vietnam.
I can only say that refusal to ratify
this treaty or even to postpone its pro-
visions and protections until the war in
Vietnam is concluded would be simply a
rejection of protection which, under the
agreement now before the Senate, could
be afforded to the projected 18,000 or
more Americans who would be traveling
in the Soviet Union this year, without
improving the lot of one single person of
the 500,000 now located in and around
Vietnam.
Mr. President, in response to my re-
quest, I have also received another letter
from the Secretary of State, relative to
the pending reservation No. 2.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator's time has expired.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield myself 5 ad-
ditional minutes.
The letter is dated March 14, and is
addressed to me. It reads as follows:
In response to your inquiry, I am pleased
to give the viewpoint of the Department of
State regarding a proposed reservation to the
US-USSR Consular Convention now before
the Senate.
This reservation would provide that the
Consular Convention would not enter in
force until the President advises Congress
that there is "no longer a need for U.S.
Forces in Viet-Nam" or that any war mate-
rial and arms the Soviet Union is furnishing
to North Viet-Nam are "not delaying or
preventing a return of U.S, troops" from
Viet-Nam.
This reservation would preclude or sub-
S 3837
stantially delay the entry into force of the
Consular Convention. We need the Conven-
tion now, and without delay, to secure some
elementary rights of consular access and
notification for American citizens present in
the USSR.
Soviet nationals already enjoy the protec-
tions of the U.S. Constitution and of our
legal system in a free, society, should they
be accused of a crime. But under present
Soviet law, arrested persons can be held in-
communicado for nine months or more dur-
ing investigation of a criminal charge. The
Consular Convention contains major "due
process" concessions by the USSR. It speci-
fies that U.S. officials will be notified imme-
diately (within 1-3 days) when an American
citizen is arrested or detained in the USSR,
and it stipulates that these officials will be
allowed to visit the American without delay
(within 2-4 days), and it provides that ac-
cess will be allowed on a continuing basis
thereafter. These features will become op-
erative without the opening of consulates.
As soon as this treaty is ratified and en-
ters into force diplomatic officers now at-
tached to our Embassy in Moscow who are
notified to the Soviet Government as con-
sular officers will have these important rights
of notification and access, whether or not
consulates are eventually opened as the re-
sult of separate negotiations.
Please do not hesitate to call on me if I
can provide any further information or
assistance.
So I would say in conclusion that we
ought to separate the question of a con-
sulate or consulates in both countries
from the question of the protection of
the projected 18,000 or more Americans
who will visit the Soviet Union this year.
The right to establish consulates is not
before the Senate. That is a preroga-
tive of the executive branch, and if it is
done it will be done on a determination
by the President. But the question of
protecting American citizens in the So-
viet Union is before the Senate, and that
is the important factor of this conven-
tion before us.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who
yields time?
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I yield
myself 10 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from South Dakota is recognized
for 10 minutes,
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, while the
distinguished majority leader is still in
the Chamber, I would like to comment
on the statement he has just made,
which statement represents very actively
and vigorously, certainly, the adminis-
tration's point of view on this treaty.
The first point the majority leader
made was that the Soviets are not very
anxious for this treaty and that there-
fore we could not utilize this reservation
which is now before the Senate, execu-
tive reservation No. 2, as a tool in order
to get from them certain concessions,
because we want the treaty more than
they do.
Mr. MANSFIELD. The Senator is
correct.
Mr. MUNDT. The point is made that
we want the treaty more than they do
and consequently there would be no in-
ducement for them to conform with
the terms of the reservation.
Mr. President, it is undoubtedly true
that the immunity feature of this pro-
vision in the treaty is something which
the Russians want and which we are not
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE AlarcJ. 15, 7961'
so desirous about. We are desirous of
the other two aspects-notification and
consolation. On the basis of that one
unprecedented feature they want and
insist upon, it was agreed at the con-
ferences on the two features of notifica-
tion and consultation that we want.
But, there is something you and I know
that they want more than anything we
want, and something they want much
more even than the Immunity features
of the treaty, and that is that they want
the continuation and expansion of
American exports to help shore up their
stan,ering industrial economy.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President. will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Personally. I think
that American exports to Eastern Europe
and the Soviet Union could have a very
good effect as far as we are concerned.
It is my understanding that the people
in the Soviet Union are demanding more
of their Government in the way of con-
sumer goods.
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator is correct.
Mr. MANSFIELD. And if we can help
to accelerate that demand, I think that
we could lay the groundwork for a shift
away from communism and thereby a
shift toward capitalism, which I think
would be in our interest.
Mr. MUNDT. I Just do not see the
relationship between those two. but I
quite agree with the facts involved, that
the consuming groups in Russia are eager
to have additional consumer goods, and
their country is unable to provide them,
in part because communism is not a good,
efficient, and effective economic and pro-
ductive system, and primarily because,
while they have developed some fine
equipment and some good production
plants, they are utilizing them primarily
for making war supplies-war supplies
which are being sent to Vietnam, in part,
and war supplies which are being erect-
ed and constructed in Russia in part be-
cause of the uneasy and distrustful feel-
ing which exists in terms of potential war
between their part of the world and ours.
It is war equipment which is very ex-
pensive and difficult to make-for exam-
ple, their antiballistic system around
Moscow-so costly, in fact, that we in
this country are importuned by the ad-
ministration to say: "We can't afford to
build one here." However, they are
building one there. They have other
kinds of intricate missile defense estab-
lishments, perhaps not as effective as
their antiballistic system around Mos-
cow, but they have them around in other
areas and communities of the U.S.S.R.
as well.
That, of course. puts a strain on their
economy and makes it more difficult for
them to satisfy their consumer goods,
and because their consumers are becom-
ing restive and because they are becom-
ing embittered about the fact that they
lag behind so much of the rest of the
civilized world, the pressure Is on the
politicians in the Kremlin to make more
consumer goods available to the Russian
people.
If we make them available now to the
Russians, that is important to them. It
is something that they want and insisted
upon and something that they will en-
deavor to expand by means of the eco-
nomic attaches who will come over with
new the consulate or consulates.
We do have available in this reserva-
tion a diplomatic tool. We do have a
negotiating wedge to use in saying to the
Russians: "You want a treaty. We want
a treaty. You want the immunity pro-
vision. This is advantageous to you, but
if you want to have the economic trade
attached to it you will have to curb or
cuinail your shipment of war supplies to
Hanoi," And I hope the shipment of
war supplies to Hanoi will be curbed.
That is point No.1.
This expectation is part of our reser-
vation. It is something that we can use
to get a concession from the Russians.
And I think they can be induced, because
I believe they desperately need this vast
amount of exports that was opened up
by President Johnson's Executive order
of last October 12.
The Senator was correct when he said
that we want the treaty. They want the
immunity and we want the two features
of notification and consultation.
Senators and constituents will have
to weigh those two elements together to
determine exactly who is getting the bet-
ter of the deal; but in all events we get
the right of notification and consultation
for any of the 18,000 who might get In
trouble over there-and they have aver-
aged nine Americans per year. We get
that and nothing else of importance to
us.
I would relate those points to the fact
that we have 500,000 Americans in Eu-
rope who are there in uniform and who
are in big trouble In Vietnam because
they are answering the call of the colors
and responding courageously and bravely
to the needs of the state.
I do not think, therefore, that it is
either a delusion or a deception to be-
lieve that the reservation can help
shorten the war. I think anything that
can help slow down the shipment of
equipment to the enemy in Vietnam-
because they rely on these outside sources
for their supplies-will tend to shorten
the war.
I honestly believe that anything that
makes it more probable, makes It more
likely, makes it easier for the Russians
to send war supplies to Vietnam will
prolong the war. I cannot escape the
conviction, because it seems to me as
clear as the path to the country school-
house. that when we send supplies to the
industrial economy of Russia, we free
men, we free materials, we free machines
to go into war production for their sup-
ply lines to Vietnam, whether we ship to
them consumer goods or strictly non-
consumer goods.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I point out, as the
Senator well knows. that we are not dis-
cussing a trade convention. The matter
before us has nothing to do with trade,
nothing to do with the shipment of goods,
but, purely and simply, is concerned with
the protection of American citizens who
may be traveling in the Soviet Union. Is
that not a correct statement?
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator from
Montana would have to modify that
statement a little before I could give my
affirmation to it. We would have to ask
why they want a consular office in this
country, in the first place. They want
a consular office in this country, in the
first place-and we would, have a con-
sular office in Russia-becc.use it helps to
stimulate economic trade. That is
written into the treaty.
As the Senator from Oregon pointed
out yesterday, all consula offices func-
tion in large part to help stimulate eco-
nomic exchange between the two coun-
tries. In peacetime this might be good,
but in wartime it expands the casualty
lists suffered by American troops in
Vietnam.
Mr. MANSFIELD. But this conven-
tion has nothing to do with the estab-
lishmeant of consulates :ither in the
Soviet Union or in the United States.
That, as I have attempted to indicate, is
purely an Executive function which the
President can put into force at any time.
Furthermore, before a consulate will
be established in this cou atry-if one is
ever (stablished-the Secretary of State
has indicated that he will discuss this
matter with the Committee on Foreign
Relat.ons, with the leadership on both
sides of the Senate, with interested Sen-
ators, and with the chief municipal and
State officers in any area where there is
a possibility that a consulate will be es-
tablished.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator's 5 minutes have expired.
Mr MANSFIELD. Is that a correct
statement?
Mr MUNDT. That is a correct state-
ment I was in the room at the time of
the hearing, when the Secretary made
that statement, and I asked him this
question : -
That is interesting. Does that mean that
if a consular office is to be established, or
several consular offices, and ;,ou consult with
the members of the commitlee and with the
leadership and they say, "No, we don't want
one," does that mean that one will not be
established?
He refused to agree to that. He said:
No. This is a presidential power.
I believe we would be notified. I be-
lieve we would get about the same pro-
tecticn that an Americans traveler gets
in Russia under this treaty. We get
notification and consultation, but we do
not have freedom of action, and I be-
lieve that is also in the rec)rd.
It is an executive function, it is a pres-
idential power, and the Secretary of State
properly said that they would talk with
us, they would consult with us, they would
notify us, but he would not agree to put
a consular office in a community that did
not want it or to estabish one if the
Senate did not approve of it.
Mr. MANSFIELD. The Senator asked
the Secretary of State a question which
no man who is charged with that respon-
sibility could answer definitely.
Mr. MUNDT. He answered it honest-
ly, and I believe definitively.
Mr, MANSFIELD. He recognized, as
does the Senator from South Dakota,
that It is a prerogative within the power
of the Presidency itself. But it would
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be difficult. for me to imagine any Sec- That is what the Senator from South get killed as ruthlessly and relentlessly by
retary of State making suggestions as Dakota referred to. Soviet arms sent to North Vietnam as do
to what the procedure would be, if this Mr. MUNDT. That is correct. American boys. That would worry me
convention is adopted, and then going Mr. MANSFIELD. Secretary Rusk much more than a treaty reservation
against strongly expressed wishes on the said: whichhas the possibility of reducing the
part of a community or the State, the Well, I wouldn't want to make a sate- flow of arms from Russia to Hanoi.
members of the Committee on Foreign gorical
from that the Chamber. I was
involved e in was called sorry
some constitutional issues because
Relations, o or the leadership hip of the Sen-
ate o
ate on both sides. The latter, of course, that that I am not prepared to abandon one responding to his statement, and I want
would make it a point to consult with way or the other, but I wouldn't think that to do it in that fashion what he has
we would press to put a consulate in a city present.
the members of the respective parties that would find it unwelcome or a State in
the a majority point that at I made de point
represented in the Senate. that would find it unwelcome, I ehall the shall reiterate
I assume that the Secretary of State
was speaking in good faith when he said That is pretty strong language. No. 5, because he brought it up in differ-
that if opposition did arise, it would be Mr. MUNDT. That is substantially ent terms. The point to which I refer
adhered to pretty strongly, and that no the way I put it. I am surprised that involves the statistics of the situation
consulate, under any circumstances, my memory is so accurate. which confronts us.
would be put into any city where the Mr. MANSFIELD. And excellent, as There are 18,000 Americans traveling
opposition was strong enough to express always. annually in Russia. It is true that nine
itself and to make it feelings felt. I am Mr. MUNDT. The next point the of them a year, on the average, have been
sure the Senator from South Dakota majority leader made was in quoting; the gettii g into trouble. It is true that ap-
feels the same way. Senator from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHTI. proximately 500,000 Americans are in
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator from Kan- I did not get the quotation exactly, but Vietnam. The figures with which we are
sas [Mr. CARLSON] brought that question I am certain the majority leader will confronted are not in dispute. The ques-
up, speaking as a former Governor, as correct me if I am incorrect. I believe tion, it seems to me, is how we can best
to what would happen if the Governor the majority leader made the point that protect that group of Americans most
interposed an objection to a consular the chairman of the Committee on For- worthy of protection in wartime, because
office. The Secretary dodged that one eign Relations, the Senator from I was born and brought up on history
very neatly. He said that question posed Arkansas, said that if he were an ally books which led me to believe then, and
of the United States, he would worry I believe now, that when our country is
a and he didonotcknow tuwhat constitutional question, eresult greatly if the United States did not seize at war we should give every conceivable
would be. every opportunity to make a closer con- support to our men in uniform. That is
I have to assume that they would pay nection or rapprochement with Russia. one of the reasons why I have supported
some attention to a Governor, some at- Mr. MANSFIELD. Not exactly, but to the President's conduct of the war much
tension to a mayor. It is a little difficult bring about a reduction of tensions any- more vigorously and much more consist-
for me to imagine, but I have seen situa- where in the world, which would include ently than many of my colleagues on the
tions in which the Department of State the Soviet Union. other side of the aisle,
ignored the expressed desires of the com- Mr. MUNDT. OK, reduction of ten- i share the unhappiness of many of my
mittee or the Congress. sions with the Soviet Union. I believe colleagues about the unsatisfactory re-
It is much more difficult for me to that all the world, and certainly the Sen- suits, but I have not felt it to be incum-
imagine however that all we are engaged ator from South Dakota, would like to lent upon me to tell the President, who
in is sort of a mock battle about con- bring about a reduction of tensions with is the Commander in Chief, when to
sular offices that nobody expects to es- the Soviet Union. Had I felt otherwise, bomb, whether to bomb, where to bomb,
tablish. It is true that no consular office I would not have suggested the exchange, how to bomb, and what targets to hit
is established by this legislation, but it in the Smith-Mundt Act of the 80th Con- and how often and how hard. I have
is difficult for me to believe that we have gress, with personnel behind the Iron gone along on the fact that we have to
been wallowing through this trough of Curtain as well as in the free countries, protect those boys fighting our battles in
debate and hearings and controversy for Had I felt otherwise, I would not have Vietnam
several months about consular offices supported the appropriation for the pub- I believe that by this reservation or, if
which they do not intend to establish. lication of "Amerikonski," the American necessary, if this reservation is not
I believe we are all realistically aware magazine which is published and distrib- adopted, by some other reservation or
than the plan is to open a consular office uted in Russia, although unhappily it is resolution of understanding or with a
in Chicago, unless Mayor Daly or the not made available to as many of the or- rejection of the treaty, we can do some-
Governor of Illinois should object, and dinary citiens of Russia as we would, like. thing which will help bring the Soviets
then the Russians might or might not I also approve of such a quid pro quo. to the point where they will realize the
do it anyhow. And we expect to open The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr, Mc- ,counterproductiveness"-to use the one in Leningrad. Those are the real- INTYRE in the chair). The Senator's 5 State Department term-of their sending
ities of the matter. minutes have expired. military support to their allies in Hanoi.
The consular offices bring in economic Mr. MUNDT. I believe they have a Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, will the
attaches; and if new consular office were magazine called "Sputnik" they ship over Senator yield?
opened, I wish to relate the trade situa- here. I approve of those things as ex- Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
reciprocal basis.
tion to the next point made by the pis- changes on a rMr. TOWER. I wish to read a United
tinguished majority leader. If I were an ally of the United States Press International dispatch which sup-
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, however, Mr. President, living in Bang- ports what the Senator from South
will the Senator yield? kok or in Seoul, or if I were an ally of Dakota has just said:
Mr. MUNDT. I yield. the United States living in Saigon, or SAIGON.-Communist guerrillas bombarded
Manila, or in any of the other countries
Mr. MANSFIELD. Referring again the giant U.S. airbase at Da Nang with Rus-
to what we were talking about, reference which are helping us in this war I would Sian-made rockets today. Virtually instant
has been made to a query put to the worry a great deal more about the fact American retaliation chased away the Viet
Secretary of State by the distinguished that the United States is signing a treaty, Cong and limited damage in the second as-
senior Senator from Kansas [Mr. CARL- which on the face of it, in the terms in- sault on the post in 17 days.
SON], a former Governor of that State. corporated, and in the language of the U.S. spokesmen said the guerrillas fired 15
Secretary Rusk's reply was as follows. President in presenting It to the Con- 140-mm rockets in 74 seconds from launch
First I shall read what Senator CARLSON gress in the state of the Union message, pan set in bsouthwestrush the Yen River banks
said. links it directly with expanded wartime seve miles of the base,
Having served as a Governor myself, I am trade with Russia. That would worry The use of the Russian made rockets,
interested in knowing, if a Governor ob- me because I would be worrying that my which were first introduced 17 days ago,
jected to the establishment of a consulate, . sons from my country who are fighting made it possible for the Vietcong to
what would happen? side by side with American boys would mount an assault against our boys from
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S 3840 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
a greater distance with greater ease,
Otherwise they would have had to take
their heavy mortors through the brush
in order to get closer to do their evil
>ork. Now, with sophisticated rockets
they can operate from a greater distance
with greater ease. This makes them
more effective.
If the Soviets are as interested in
building bridges as we are they could
start by not sending these Russian-made
rockets to the Vietcong, as well as many
other things that they send.
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator is correct.
The Senator has given a vivid, graphic,
and a current bit of information in com-
plete support of my position that if the
Senate wants to do something to try to
shorten the war-and I cannot guarantee
that ~s going to happen-and if we want
to try even to do something to make it
less possible for the North Vietnamese to
prolong the war, we have that opportu-
nity in this vote.
We would take that step in the form of
a reservation which does not alter,
change, or modify the treaty at all, ex-
cept as to timing. We say to the Rus-
sians: "If you expect to continue these
war-aiding imports from the U.S.A. and
have a consular office over here with eco-
nomic attaches drumming up new busi-
ness and finding new imports which you
would like to have, you are going to have
to discontinue your shipments of war
materials to Vietnam."
This rocket situation is in point, as
well as the fact that the North Vietnam
Communists get all of their petroleum
from Russia. If that supply can be re-
duced it would shorten the war.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD, I would most re-
spectfully disagree with my distinguished
colleague. I do not believe his reserva-
tion would shorten the war one day. I
do not think it would save one Ameri-
can life in Vietnam. I feel that the
adoption of the Senator's reservation
would kill this treaty, and would thus
remove from the 18,000 Americans
that travel in the U.S.S.R. annually, the
protections provided under this treaty.
The question before the Senate on the
convention is not the 500,000 men in
Vietnam or in its immediate vicinity, but
it is the 18,000 Americans within the
Soviet Union who are subject to Soviet
law in a closed society.
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator from South
Dakota would like to consider both
groups of Americans. with special con-
sideration however being given to the
500,000 in uniform. I realize that the
18,000 tourists also deserve protection.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Every American
citizen deserves protection,
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator is correct.
Mr. MANSFIELD. But the Senator
wants to bring in the question of exports
from this country to the Soviet Union,
and he has several times. That question
has no connection with the convention
before us, which is tied exclusively to
only one stipulation, and that is the
protection of Americans who will be trav-
eling in the Soviet Union.
The distinguished Senator from Texas
I Mr. TowER I has mentioned that the
Vietcong-not the North Vietnamese but
the Vietcong-are using Russian made
rockets in attacks on the Marine air base
at Danang in the north.
I think that American bombers and
other types of planes are using American
made bombs and other types of weapons
in the north. You have a two-way
street, with the Soviet Union aiding a
Socialist ally and the United States aid-
ing a democratic ally in South Vietnam.
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. TOWER. I wish to point out that
I do not think the two situations are at
all analogous. Let us remember that
the United States does not choose this
war as an instrument of national policy.
We have been involved in four wars in
this century, none of which we started,
none of which we were prepared for, and
each of which we entered into
reluctantly.
Today in southeast Asia we are trying
to bring an end to the war by convincing
thole who do adopt war as an instrument
of national policy that war is too costly
an implement of national policy to
further employ. That is why we are
there. We did not start this war; they
d;d. L^t them, by some overt act show
us that they are prepared to reject war
as an instrument of national policy;
then, we can, perhaps, start building
bridles of friendship, and I shall be the
first to advocate it.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. The distinguished
Senator from Texas mentioned the pos-
sibility, and I assume he was referring
to the pending reservation, about "end-
ing" the war shortly-and I put the word
"ending" in quotation marks.
The distinguished Senator from South
Dakota has also said more or less that
the adoption of his reservation could
possibly bring about a shortening of the
war.
I -,nn not a military expert. I was only
a seaman second class in the Navy, a
private in the Army, and a PFC in the
Marines, but I do have a pretty active in-
terest in the Far East and southeast Asia
based on spending some time out there,
based on being a professor of history, if
I may use that term without being
lynched-,and I see one of my fellow pro-
fessors rising-
M-. TOWER. If there is to be a
lynching party with the distinguished
majority leader, I believe that it would
have to include me, because I was a pro-
fesscr of political science.
Mr. MUNDT, Let us not discuss the
lynching of college professors, because
then I would get myself involved as well,
[Laughter.]
Mr. MANSFIELD. I withdraw the
reference.
Mr. President, it is my belief that those
who think there is a cheap or easy way
to bring an end to the war in Vietnam
are 'eery much mistaken.
It is true that we cannot and will not
be defeated militarily. We will not with-
draw. We will make every effort to bring
this situation to an honorable conclu-
sion. But, until that negotiating table
March 15, 1'967
is reached, we have a long, hard row
ahead of us in South Vietnam alone.
What we shall see-and I believe and I
know that my remarks will be taken in
the proper spirit because I am not an
expert-will be a reversion from phase
3 of Mao Tse-tung's handbook on war
to ph:ise 2, which will mean a return to
guerrilla tactics and a slcwdown in the
use of organizational uniti of any great
size.
But there are discussion., now-and all
my information is obtained from the
press--to the effect that we are con-
templating a move into the Mekong
Delta. I believe that articles appeared
in the press which stated that elements
of the 9th Infantry have )een sent into
the Mekong Delta area. If I am not
mistaken, the identificatijn was made
becau:;e of a statement made by the
distinguished Senator from Texas a
month or so ago.
Mr. TOWER. If the Senator from
Montf.na will yield at that point-
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
Mr. TOWER. No; that was conjec-
ture on the part of the New York Times.
At that moment, the 9th Division was not
established in the Delta. It was simply
announced that I would visit the 9th
Division and would also visit the Mekong
Delta, and the New York ''imes put two
and two together. I did not know my-
self woere the 9th Division was at the
time. I doubt that we are contemplat-
ing going into the Delta. We are there,
sir. 'The U.S. Navy has been there for
some time patrolling the river. I can
speak with only slightly more knowledge
than the Senator from Montana in that
I am F. mate, bo'sun's third Class, in the
U.S. Navy Reserve.
Mr. MUNDT. If I may interpolate
there, for those who read the RECORD, the
distinguished Senator from Texas has
just about 1 week ago returned from
Vietnam where he spent-how much
time?
Mr. TOWER. One month in south-
east A:;ia.
Mr. MUNDT. How long was the
Senator in Vietnam?
Mr. TOWER. Six days.
Mr. 1UNDT. Six days, looking at the
situation firsthand around him. With-
in the last week, I heard the Senator
make .a very fine address on his observa-
tions there. They were most pertinent
and informative, so that the Senator
does speak with recent, firsthand knowl-
edge o' thesituation in Vietnam.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I would underscore
that. The Senator from Texas has spent
several weeks in Vietnam and this is
only one of many trips which he has
made. However, I want to point out
that all my information comes from the
public prints, that in an incirect way the
Senator from Texas was involved in my
knowledge of the facts-and it is true-
namely, that there are elements of the
9th Infantry in the Mekong Delta. They
were sent there around the latter part
of 1966 or the first part of this year. It
is my belief that those elements have
been increased in recent days and that
there are Navy boats patrolling the rivers
and other waterways in the Mekong
Delta; that if we are going to go into
that area, it will be much more difficult
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March 15, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE S 3841
than the fighting which has already with the kind of weaponry now being Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, will the
taken place in the central highlands, supplied by the Russians, such a guerrilla Senator yield?
and which is still continuing in the phase would not be nearly so effective in Mr. MUNOWER, DT. I yActuallyield,
of course,
vicinity of the four northern provinces killing our boys as it is now.
and the DMZ area. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The what has happened in Vietnam, as the has What we have down there is about time of the Senator from South Dakota Senator fro enemy Montana
has fallen mention k ed,
25,000 miles of estuaries and waterways has expired. is that of various kinds. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I wonder phase 2, the small unit, guerrilla type e have
What we have down there is the main whether I could have a little of the Sena- been warfare. r That the enemy ie w the main
strength of the Vietcong, organizational tor's time. force. As a result we have turned the
and otherwise. Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield 5 minutes
corner, because the enemy had entered
What we have down there are people toTthe heSenator
OFFICER, The into phase 3. It now has turned back to
PRESIDING South
who do not look k upon the Vietcong l as 2. They look to the time when
Communists but as nationalists. Senator from South Dakota is recog- phase
What we have down there is the reser- nized for 5 minutes. they can once again get back to phase voir from which the Vietcong elements Mr. MUNDT. I thank the Senator 3 in their attempts to wrest the coun-
from Montana. try away from the Government of South
draw theio manpower to carry on ac- Mr. MANSFIELD. Let me interrupt Vietnam and its allies.
tivities in nt parts ti Vietnam. this: the Senator to say that the guerrilla What we are now doing is the hard
The point I am getting to is tIn phase No. 2 would be most difficult, and bloody business of finding and seek-
and ade the by Senator both pMr. MUNDT. I agree that it would be ing the Vietcong infrastructure, to cap-
resp assumptions the n It is true that the
the S Seen eatooo r from om Texas as ma
from South Dakota that the end of this difficult. tore lines anofd destroy it. It were th and are
war is not in sight, it is my belief that if Mr. MANSFIELD. Most difficult.
things go as they are and we do not reach Mr. MUNDT. Most difficult, but per- used to aid and send supplies into the
the negotiating table, we shall be in Viet- haps not in terms of loss of human life. delta and the highlands to face our
nam and other parts of southeast Asia Our boys will not then be shot at with forces. This is an important part of our
ground-to-ground rockets, there will be operation. This type of operation was
done is years to touch come. the frosting no Migs operating during guerrilla evidenced by Operation Cedar Falls and
Afor11 we many, have many
Operation Junction City. We find that
on the cake. We have not gotten down tactics, shooting at our flyers, or trying Ope hurting the City. to the that
to bedrock-if I may be excused for mix- to shoot them out of the air. If the war we rat tent that they have seriong manpowe-
ing my metaphors-and the toughest is reduced to one of guerrilla tactics, in tent The Vmain man ower force days lie ahead. All one need do to cor- my opinion, even that would be some pro now being Vietcong ietcon m and replaced
roborate that belief-and I am sure the progress toward eventual peace. by tNorth Vietnamese. In other
Senator from Texas will agree with this The point I am trying to emphasize is by the h the North o replenish
main fVietcong, order is
statement-is to talk to the military men that we are not doing anything to shorten words,
who will have to carry on the activities the war when we propose to expand, not itsemain force, o Army, must rely r being
and ,whose men the heena are , Binh
against guerrilla units; these military decrease, American exports to swell the sent Vietnamese
g
ish, o of supported. urrei dave
men will affirm that the guerrilla phase arsenal of Russia supplying every" so- set south, and
of the war is one attracting their great- phisticated weapon being used by Hanoi not make sense ipthe enemy's
est concern. That means that insofar as to kill American boys in increasing num- lines of communications ons within South
the Mekong area is concerned, much of bers, supplying them with petroleum, Vietnam cod not make atmp to South
d not lines of mpts to de-
the equipment used in the central and and even with the boats, tanks, and suet the enemy.
northern parts of Vietnam will not be trucks, needed for shipping supplies to stray ohsidusable because of the entirely different the guerrillas for that aspect of the war. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
character of the terrain. I want to put the evidence in the time of the Senator has expired.
Thus, I do not look for a short ending RECORD, because I do not want to be ac- Mr. TOWER. May I have 2 additional
to the war, I am sorry to say. I do not cused of having invented the idea that minutes?
look for a cheap way out. I think that there is a relation between the consular Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield 5 minutes to
the solution is not a miiltary one treaty and economic trade and economic the Senator. I would like to get into
which we can accomplish, if only we are policy-I have put it in before and I put this.
willing to pay the price-and it looks as it in again, because I get it from the Mr. MUNDT, Make it 10 minutes, 5
if we are-but a political one by reach- President's state of the Union address minutes from each side.
ing, through negotiations, a settlement which is his proposal to Congress for ac- Mr. TOWER. If we destroy the lines
which will be honorable, tion that he would like to have occur- of communications within the country it
Mr. MUNDT. I share the Senator's the President's statement: means they are still receiving logistic
apprehensions about the long continua- Tonight I now ask and urge the Congress support from outside if we do not destroy
tion of this war. If we continue to fol- to help in foreign and commercial trade those lines of communications. Nobody
low existing policies certainly, if we con- policies. has contended that it is going to be easy,
time to pursue existing practices, and if Note what he is asking. He is asking but I think I am correct when I state
we continue to fight this war and con- us to help our foreign and commercial that our field commanders think we are
duct ourselves diplomatically and ship trade policies by passing an East-West doing pretty well and that we have
strategic supplies and material to the trade bill, and by approving our consular turned the corner-
Russians for them to transship to convention with the Soviet Union. Mr. MANSFIELD. Militarily?
Hanoi, I think it will be a long, long, There is the tie-in. There is the thing Mr. TOWER. Militarily. And the
bloody war indeed and our policies will I would be worrying about if I were lead- only way we are going to be able to carry
be helping to prolong it, ing the Government of Thailand, which out more effectively our pacification pro-
Certainly, if I gave the majority leader is betting its very existence on Amer- grams is in that way. The people in the
any reason to feel that I thought adope ican arms in Vietnam. That would worry Mekong Delta are getting sick and tired
tion of the reservation would bring the me as an ally if I were sitting in the of having the Vietcong extort taxes from
war to p r an e end, I was speaking with more President's seat in the Philippine Is- them, take food away from them, take
hy
hyperb and enthusiasm than I ordi- lands. If I were in any way, shape, or away their young men of 14 and 15 years
Dally engage ngage in. form wanting or desiring the American . of age and. draft them into the Vietcong
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the Sen- forces to win, I would be worried about army. There is growing resentment
ator from South Dakota yield? the action we are taking here in the Sen- against that activity in South Vietnam,
Mr. MUNDT. I was trying to point out ate of the United States unless we placed which I think is bound to have benefit
that I thought it would shorten the war. in the treaty a reservation which would and favorable effects in our winning the
Mr. MANSFIELD. That is the word. give our diplomats a tool to help reduce, people over in South Vietnam. At the
Mr. MUNDT. Not end the war, but and. I believe it could be used to help same time that we are winning them
shorten it. If, in fact, it would do some- stop, the shipment of the flood of arms over, we will be giving them a sense of
thing to bring on the guerrilla phase, from Russia to Hanoi. nationality and developing leadership to
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S 3812 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 15, 1961
further their social and economic devel- So the situation is extremely com- aggression is one of doubt, and that it
opnre rt. plicated, and those who say that the might well be said that the United States
I think the Senator from South Da- signal for peace must come exclusively is the aggressor.
kota. in this reservation, is saying not from Hanoi tend, to me, to oversimplify, Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
that we do not want to build these Signals for peace must come from many Senator yield?
bridges of friendship, but Is saying, "Give sources-from Moscow, from Peking, Mr. LAUSCHE. I yield.
us one overt sign that you want to bring from Hanoi, from the Vietcong, from the Mr. GORE. I said aggression might
about peace, that you reject war as an United States, and from other elements be subject to debate. I did not say "it
instrument of national policy, and show allied with us. might well be said." I indicated that
everybody that that is what you want." Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, will the some reople might say it.
Mr. MUNDT. The Senator is correct. Senator yield? Mr. LAUSCHE. Does the Senator
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I Mr. MUNDT, I yield, make the statement that the United
had intended to go further into the de- Mr. TOWER. I hope the Senator from States is the aggressor?
bate, but I see that the distinguished Tennessee did not get the impression Mr. MANSFIELD. No, the Senator
Senator from Tennessee [Mr. GORE] that I was trying to oversimplify the was ju.3t citing a hypothetical case.
wishes to enter into the debate, so I shall situation. I have seen enough of Viet- Mr. LAUSCHE. Let the Senator
wait until a later time. nam, having been there several times speak for himself.
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the and having been all over the country, Mr. GORE. The Senator from Ten-
Senator yield? to know that there is no way to simplify nessee does not propose
Mr. MUNDT. I am glad to yield to the it, There is so simple way to tell what Senator from Ohio tut t) permit the
words in his
Senator from Tennesseee. is going on there. It is almost impos- mouth and then be interrogated there-
Mr. GORE. I merely wanted to call sible for people to understand how we on. If I have a statement to make, I
attention to the fact that the discussion can enjoy military success when we do shall make it without the assistance of
in the Senate today with respect to the not have a Battle of the Bulge or sldent, if I
Mr. TOWER. However, It is the Viet- with our Armed Forces. We have not am out of order, I will withdraw the
cong in the Delta who are providing food carved out the easiest job for the Army question,
and foodstuffs to feed the members of of Vietnam in the shift of emphasis, The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
the army in the North and the enemy Mr MANSFIELD. What are the three Senator's time has expired. Who yields
forces around Saigon, which must be South Vietnamese divisions, which have time?
logistically supplied. been there for years, doing to pacify or Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, will
Mr. MANSFIELD. Yes; and furnish to sweep the Vietcong, which controls the Senator from South Dakota Yield
manpower in the north, as well, the delta? further?
Mr. TOWER. Yes. Mr. TOWER. They have at least pre- Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I sug-
Mr. GORE. If the Senator will yield vented its being taken over In its en- gest to the majority leader that since
further, this leads to the discussion of tirety by the Vietcong. We do control this is mostly Democratic colloquy, he
what the Vietcong are doing In the Delta the biggest market center in the delta. yield some time from his side of the aisle.
or elsewhere. I merely wanted to state It has been under the control of ARVN Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield 2 minutes
that some people oversimplify this tragic for some time. That is the city of Can to the Senator from Ohio,
conflict. ? Toh. Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, only
Of course there is aggression. There Mr. MANSFIELD. Is the Senator one investigation has been made about
might be some debate as to who is the from Texas of the belief that there is where the aggression has occurred.
treater aggressor. There is no question a tacit understanding between the South That was by the legal committee of the
that there is aggression. On the other Vietnamese in the delta and the Viet- Interns :tonal Control Commission, con-
hand, we tend to overlook the fact that cong, and that it has existed for years? sisting of Canada, Poland, and India, I
the Vietcong are overwhelmingly in- Mr. TOWER. It is not my belief that believe. That investigation was made In
digenous in character and that, particu- there is such a tacit understanding. If 1962. The report of that commission
larly in the delta, they resist the rule of the distinguished Senator from Montana Is available. In substance, il, states that
the government now in power in Saigon, has evidence of it. I think he should the North Vietnamese, by infiltration, by
This. it seems to me, Illustrates that the present it to us, because it is something the sending of troops from the north to
war is still, in considerable part, civil in we should be aware of. the south, and by sending in infiltrators
character, and in which the United States Mr. MANSFIELD. My information and subversive operators, invaded South
has become a participant not only in re- comes from the public prints. Vietnam.
sisting major units from North Vietnam, Mr. TOWER. Then Senator should If there is any other actut:l finding in
but has now taken over what was so re- not believe everything he reads in the existence except the one I have de-
cently to have been the duty and respon- newspapers. scribed, I wish that one of the Senators
sibility of the government of Saigon: Mr. MANSFIELD. I do not. on the floor would make a statement to
the repression of the civil unrest and the Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I that eifcct. I know of only one investi-
civil war elements of the Vietcong, even heard the comment made by the Sena- gation, and that is the one of 1962. It
in the delta. tor from Tennessee that the question of was made by the Legal Committee of the
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 Ma'rch 15, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
S 3843
Commission created by the Geneva ac- vides for notification and consultation BAN ON ALBANIA TRAVEL Is LIFTED
cord of 1954, and its conclusion was that only. They talk about. the 18,000 persons (By Bernard Gwertzman)
the North Vietnamese were sending in- who would be helped by it. That Is not The State Department today lifted all re-
filtrators and others into South, Viet- so. Nine individuals only, on the aver- strictions on travel by U.S. citizens to
Dam- age, would-be helped each year. Albania.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The It seems to me, consequently, that we At the same time, however, the department
Senator's 2 minutes have expired, ought to weigh against these few advan- announced it was retaining its stand on
Mr. LAUSCHE (continuing). To cre- tages, so badly overclaimed, the actual travel to Cuba, North Vietnam, North Korea
ate disorder, violence, and revolution, merits of the treaty, and Red China. Travel to those areas is
permitted only by special permission.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Carl Bartch, a State Department spokes-
the Senator from Alabama yield me 1 Senator's time has expired. man said ending of the travel prohibition to
minute? Mr. MUNDT. I yield myself 2 addi- Communist Albania was not due to any
Mr. SPARKMAN. I yield 1 minute to tional minutes, changes in Albania but rather to a fresh
the Senator from Montana. I wish. to ask the majority leader, be- interpretation of the now U.S. passport regu-
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, the fore he leaves the Chamber, about some- lations that went into effect last year.
Senator from Tennessee needs no de- thing he did not incorporate in his
fense from me or from anyone else; but speech.
what the Senator from Tennessee was I am disturbed about what happened
stating as a fact, in relation to the pen- in the State Department yesterday. One
etration now going on in the Delta, was of the arguments that has been used by
that it was by and large almost entirely, some Senators, in private conversation
if not entirely, a Vietcong concentrat- and perhaps in public debate, is that this
tion, and had been so, not for years but treaty is supposed to be a matter by
for decades. which we can drive a wedge between the
It appears to me-and my figures, U.S.S.R, and Red China,
again, are subject to correction-that as I think it might be good to drive such
far as the forces opposed to us in that wedges, if that is possible. But I was
area are concerned, they number ap- disturbed when the same State Depart-
proximately 20 percent North Vietnam- ment people, who go around whispering
ese and 80 percent South Vietnamese, in the ears of undecided Senators that
most of whom, I suppose, would be con- they may become wedge builders by vot-
sidered Vietcong. ing for the treaty, announced yesterday
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who that the State Department had lifted all
yields time? restrictions upon travel by U.S. citizens
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the to Albania.
Senator yield to me? Mr. President, what is Albania? '[t is
Mr. SPARKMAN. How much time? a Communist country, to be sure. The
Mr. GORE, I would like 5 minutes. State Department's announcement pretty
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I have well knocks in the head the idea that you
the floar. have to have American consulates to pro-
Mr. SPARKMAN. I beg the Senator's tect the American traveler, because we
pardon. do not even recognize Albania, and have
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, will not recognized it for more than 20 years,
the Senator from South Dakota yield Albania is entirely outside the realm
further to me on this matter? of diplomatic recognition, but this action
Under those regulations, the secretary of
state each year must give reasons for any
travel ban.
A full statement of the department's rea-
sons for maintaining current restrictions will
be listed in the Federal Register tomorrow,
but Bartch summed up by saying travel was
banned to North Vietnam because of armed
hostilities there, and to North Korea, Cuba
and Red China because "unrestricted travel
to those countries would seriously impair the
conduct of U.S. foreign affairs."
In practice, newsmen have had no diffi-
culty having their passports approved for
travel to restricted area, But except in rare
instances, they have had great difficulty
getting- visas from those countries. In the
last year, the department also has permitted
scholars and others with legitimate reasons
for travel to have their passports authorized.
Tiny Albania, an enclave in Eastern Eu-
rope, has been Communist since 1945 and
has not had diplomatic relations with the
United States since 1948. It is isolated be-
cause it has very poor relations with neigh-
boring Yugoslavia and in 1961 broke relations
with the Soviet Union. It is Red China's
closest ally in the world and relies on Peking
to a great extent for economic aid.
Bartch would not elaborate on reasons for
maintaining the restrictions on travel to the
other countries, saying, it Is "spelled out" in
the Federal Register.
The Johnson administration has been seek-
ing to improve relations with Eastern Europe
to answer one statement which the Department on the side of -granting a for several years and the lifting of travel
majority leader has made, before he favor to Albania, which is a Chinese restrictions to Albania could be regarded in
leaves the floor. Could we do that, and member of the Communist bloc in Europe this light.
then continue the colloquy? and not a Soviet member, Albania is a member of the Warsaw Pact,
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, I The PRESIDING OFFICER. The but has few ties with the other nations of
yield the Senator from Montana 1 time of the Senator has expired. Eastern Europe since her closest political
addi- friend is. Red China.
tional minute. Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I yield The State Department's decision probably
Mr. MUNDT. I wanted to comment myself an additional 5 minutes. was based on the fact that there were few
on the letter the majority leader re- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The rea
on
not to lift th
st
tion
i
s
s
e re
r
c
s,
ceived yesterday from the Secretary of Senator from South Dakota is recognized
State. I do, not think it will be the only for an additional 5 minutes.
letter put into the RECORD today; there Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, we are
may be some more. But I want to keep being importuned to court the favor of
up to date on them, the Russians by a treaty which means
This one relates to the alleged ad- more trade with Moscow and, at the
vantages of notification and consulta- same time, conceding things to Albania,
tion. It says nothing about immunity, a country aligned with China. This is
because that is the advantage bearing a situation which,tends to create dissi-
the imprimatur of the Russian bear. dente instead of amity between, the
Those are the- three elements which are U.S.S.R. and the United States,
involved in the treaty. I am confused by the dexterity by
From that, the Secretary tries to build which the State Department can argue
the importance of the treaty far beyond every side of every issue and then come
its actual merit. Mr. President, I sub- up with conclusions to serve their im-
mit that when I hear the State Depart- mediate purposes.
ment talk about this treaty, it certainly Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
could be said that never has so much sent that the article entitled "Ban on Al-
been claimed by so many for so few, on bania Travel. Is Lifted," written by Ber-
the basis of what is actually written into nard Gwertzman, and published in the
the language of the treaty. Washington Evening Star of yesterday
Many Senators speak about this treaty be printed at this point in the RECORD.
with easy enthusiasm, alleging that it There being no objection, the article
is going to free American prisoners when was ordered to be printed in the =RECORD,
they get in jail. That is not so. It pro- as follows:
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, I
yield 5 minutes to the Senator from Ten-
nessee,
The PRESIDING OFFICER, The
Senator from Tennessee is recognized for
5 minutes.
Mr, GORE. Mr. President, the distin-
guished and able senior Senator from
Ohio, it seems to me, has just illustrated
another tendency toward which so many
people tend, and that is to interpret
everything that our opposition in this
war does as all bad and everything that
the United States does as all good.
A great leader said a long time ago
that war is hell, It is destructive. It is
vicious. It is deadly.
I am not sure that an entirely un-
biased observer-which I am not-
would hold that there is no element of
aggression involved when one nation,
without a declaration of war against an-
other, sails its ships off its harbors, off its
shores, and bombs facilities and harbors
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Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I wish does something else. It puts the State
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S39,14 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE Alai-eh 15, M7
and ports and, by mistake, destroys have not done, except that we have been of death is peace-to Vietnam; but would
homes. drawn into conflict, and sometimes under that not unleash the powers of destruc-
t am not sure that an entirely un- circumstances subject to debate, tion upon a wider scale? Would that not
biased observer would hold that under But however that may be, these two isolate the United States, even if it did
all the circumstances the United States cultures are in confrontation in south- not stir wider conflagration, in the family
has any more moral or political or legal east Asia, of rations?
right to aid South Vietnam than other I hope that we can find a way to live These things illustrate, it seems to me,
countries have to aid North Vietnam. in peace, because the centers of these two the necessity of keeping in focus this
What we have in Vietnam is a con- cultures now have the power almost to tragic, this complicated, this tremen-
frontation of two aggressive cultures. I make the world uninhabitable. dously involved war in which we are a
do not like to describe our culture as I am not sure that it serves the cause par;;lcipant. Perhaps ii we would keep
aggressive in terms of the ugly connota- of peace, however, to oversimplify the these diverse elements in focus and avoid
tions usually attributed to aggression, issue, to distort it, or to confuse the pur- oversimplification, avoid an emotional
but, the facts are that our culture is poses and the motives and the effect of treatment of all that the other side does
Judeo-Christian In its concept and evan- the conflict. as bad and all that the United States
gehcal in its zeal, In its religious fervor, I only rose to suggest that the descrip- doe: as entirely pure, not subject to ques-
and in its political doctrine, tion of the war or the contest now under- tion. a spirit of understanding might be
We believe in principles-and when I way in the delta south of Saigon illus- faci'itated. Perhaps this might facili-
say "we." I include myself. We believe trated that this war was no simply one tate a means of makin; the necessary
in the equality of man. We believe in of aggression on our side and resistance compromises and understandings to
freedom. We believe in self-determina- to aggression on the other. achieve peace in Vietnam, which I would
tion, and we are willing to support our It started with a large element of civil earnestly like to see.
beliefs with our actions, and I applaud conflict, and it seemed to me-and it The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
that. still seems to me-that the nature of pore. The Senator's time has expired.
When, as chairman of the African Al- the hostilities in the delta illustrate that M LAUSCHE. I should like 5 or 7
fairs Subcommittee, I went to 15 coun- it is still civil in considerable respects, minutes.
tries in Africa, I found that the leaders The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Mr. SPARKMAN. I yield 7 minutes
in almost all those countries, if not all Senator's 5 minutes have expired. to tte Senator from Ohio.
of them, had been educated In the mis- Mr. GORE. I ask that I may proceed Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I rec-
sion schools largely supported by the for 5 additional minutes. ognire the deep sincerity of the Senator
Protestant and Catholic churches of the Mr. SPARKMAN. I yield 5 additional from Tennessee in attempting to work
United States. I took great pride in that minutes to the Senator from Tennessee. out E. solution of the danger that exists
fact. Mr. GORE. Several Senators have to the world in South Vietnam, I re-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The been to Vietnam. I visited there once, spectfuily state, however, that In my
time of the Senator from Tennessee has sortie time ago. Perhaps duty should judgment our country has done every-
expired. call me to return there to get a firsthand thing conceivable to bring the shooting
Mr. SPARKMAN, Mr. President, I view. Others seem to have benefited to an end, and to bring the participants
yield an additional 5 minutes to the therefrom, Perhaps the senior Senator in the trouble to the negotiating table.
Senator from Tennessee. kom Ohio and I should undertake to We have not failed. We have attempted,
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The gather firsthand Information. with all our might, to hold back and to
Senator from Tennessee Is recognized I humbly suggest, in conclusion, that induce Ho Chi Minh to sit down with us
for an additional 5 minutes, the overwhelming challenge of mankind and negotiate an understanding that
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, I took great is to find means of living together with- would bring the violence in South Viet-
pride in that fact. My own religious af- out resort to war. Even a brush fire can nam to an end.
filiation is the Missionary Baptist be a tinder box, Even a brush fire any- It was stated a moment ago, "Unfor-
Church. where can be the spark, the tinder box, tunatr=ly, North Vietnam has adopted
As a child I contributed my nickels to set underway a world conflagration war as an instrument of its purpose to
and dimes and looked at the beautiful out of which civilization itself might be spread communism." I believe that is
post cards depicting how the mission destroyed. an accurate statement. North Vietnam
schools were bringing light and freedom There are now in place in the silos wants to spread communism, even
and a better life to the people in distant and on the submarines sufficient weap- thouga war is necessary,
and bereft lands. As a Senator I have ons which within a matter of minutes or Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
supported many bills of foreign aid. hours, according to expert testimony to Senator yield?
So, we have spread our culture. It has which I have listened recently, could de- Mr. LAUSCHE. I should like to com-
been a boon to mankind who have re- stroy more than half of the people In the plete my statement.
ceived it. United States and more than half of Mr. GORE. I believe I said not only
Not only has the United States done the people In the Soviet Union-per- North Vietnam but also other Communist
this, but so have our Western Allies. haps as much as two-thirds of either countries.
But the shot heard round the world country-and perhaps render the re- Mr, LAUSCHE. I belle~?e that is the
was fired in our country. mainder of the country ultimately un- fact.
Democracy is still the most treasured inhabitable. Yet, some people say that The Senator from Tennessee has stated
and most revolutionary political precept we should withhold nothing to crush our that our efforts should be vo find means
known to man. I am proud of those pre- foe in Vietnam. of living together without resort to war.
cepts, and I take pride in the fact that Surely, we could defeat North Vietnam. Mr. President, I would be base in the
it ha appealed to the mankind of the Within an hour or less, North Vietnam worst degree and unfaithful to truth if
world and that we have been aggressive could be rendered uninhabitable-even I were to state that my country has not
in our culture, evangelical in our re- by insects. So if we wish to go to this tried to find means of living together
ligion, generous with our resources, and, extent to bring peace to Vietnam, and if with all the people of the world, Can it
I think, noble In our impulses. the silence of death is peace, it can be be said with integrity that the Com-
But that neither means that we have achieved in an hour, munist3 have sought a similar objective?
always been perfect, nor that every other But, Mr. President, can the situation Everywhere they are trying to spread the
people on earth agree with the nobility be so simplified? My purpose today in domination of communism by whatever
and the perfection of our performance. injecting myself into this debate was not means are necessary, even .o the extent
There is In the world another aggres- to get into a controversy, but to plead of resorting to war.
sive culture, having sort of a material- with Senators and with all my fellow Our country, through the President,
istic religion, which I reject and resist. Americans to resist the temptation of has stared that in southeast Asia we are
But it, too, has zeal. And It, too, has oversimplification of this very oomph- prepared to establish a banking institu-
spread. cated conflict in southeast Asia, tion that will provide financial help not
Unfortunately, it has adopted war as True, as I have said, we could bring only to South Vietnam but also to Com-
an Instrument of Its spread, This we peace-the silence of peace, if the silence munist North Vietnam. Can there be a
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March 15, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
more charitable and a more clear-cut
purpose of trying to achieve peace than
that program of the President? To the
people of South Vietnam up to the end
of 1964 the United States has provided
$2.1 billion of economic aid.
I do not claim that everything our
country does is right, but I do say, in the
words of Decatur:
Our country! In her intercourse with for-
eign nations may she always be in the right;
but our country, right or wrong!
The war is going on. Ho Chi Minh
refuses to go to the negotiating table.
Let us take a look at what might have
been some of the reasons why he refuses
to go to the negotiating table. In this
Chamber-and I am not saying that
the Senator from Tennessee made this
statement-statements have been made
that our country is the aggressor. I
wish to repeat what I said 20 minutes
ago: that the only agency that made an
investigation of the true facts in South
Vietnam reported that North Vietnam
sent in its infiltrators and subversive
operators to create violence in South
Vietnam.
The Legal Committee of the Interna-
tional Control Commission consisting of
representatives of the governments of
Canada, Poland and India in 1962 in-
vestigated and reported:
There is evidence to show that arms,
armed and unarmed personnel, munitions
and other supplies have been sent from the
Zone in the North to the Zone in the South
with the objective of supporting, organizing
and carrying out hostile activities, including
armed attacks, directed against the Armed
Forces and Administration of the Zone in
the South.
There is evidence that the PAVN (People's
Army of Viet Nam) has allowed the Zone
in the North to be used for inciting, en-
couraging and supporting hostile activities
in the Zone in the South, aimed at the
overthrow of the Administration in the
South.
Second. The statement was made,
either on the floor of the Senate or in
other places, that the United States has
made prostitutes out of the women of
South Vietnam. What does the world
conclude when words of that character
come from high ehcelon officials of the
U.S. Government?
Third, Statements have been made
that the United States desires to estab-
lish colonial domination over South
Vietnam so as to exploit its human
beings and its mineral resources. What
good can South Vietnam do for the
United States economically? Not a sin-
gle bit of good. Yet, those are the words
that have come out of this Chamber.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Mc-
INTYRE in the chair). The time of the
Senator has expired.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may proceed
for 5 additional minutes.
Mr. SPARKMAN, Mr. President, I
yield 5 minutes to the Senator from Ohio.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Fourth. The charge
has been made the United States is in-
dulging in terrorism, taking the lives of
innocent men, women, and children of
South Vietnam. The statement was just
made that the United States, by mistake,
has destroyed the homes of innocent peo-
ple in South Vietnam. That statement
is true. But never can it be said that the
United States by design, by plan, or by
deliberation has taken the life of a single
person, as far as I can understand, in
South Vietnam.
North Vietnam, through its Ho Chi
Minh troops and through the Vietcong,
has adopted a plan to deliberately and
designedly maim people and kill them.
Yet the charge is made that the United
States is the country that is promoting
terrorism. I cannot stand by and listen
to that type of argument without raising
my voice.
Fifth. The argument is made that the
United States is demanding uncondition-
al surrender and that, therefore, Ho Chi
Minh cannot go to the negotiating table.
Let us take a look at the facts. Five
times we have paused in the bombing,
once for 37 days. On each occasion we
continued the pause as an indication of
our purpose to negotiate. On every oc-
casion Ho Chi Minh adamantly stood by
and never yielded for a moment. Our
Government said, "We will quit the
bombing; all we ask you to do, Ho Chi
Minh, is to quit sending troops and mili-
tary equipment into the South. If we
quit bombing, we do not want you to use
your military equipment to take the lives
of American boys." Even that argument
has fallen upon deaf ears.
Mr. President, my only purpose in
making this presentation is to give ex-
pression to my honest judgment and not
to stand silent while my country is being
blackened and that of the Communists is
being whitened. I would not be at ease
at the end of the day if by silence I in-
dicated my acquiescence in the denuncia-
tions that are repeatedly being made
about what our country has tried to do.
We have sent, as I recall, more than
$1 billion into South Vietnam, priln.ar-
ily to help those people. I wish to men-
tion one further fact, and I would be
delinquent if I did not do so.
Several months ago the statement was
made that our Government was dressing
its agents in Communist uniforms, and
telling those agents to go out and rape
South Vietnamese women and kill their
men and their children for the purpose
of putting the blame on the Communists.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield 2 additional minutes
to me?
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, I yield 3 additional minute. to
the Senator from Ohio.
Mr. LAUSCHE. I thank the Senator.
Mr. President, that statement was
picked up by Peking and Moscow and
spread all over the world that a Member
of the U.S. Congress had said that we,
in that devious and deceptive way, were
violating the honor and the bodies of the
Vietnamese women and were destroying
S 3845
would be delinquent if I did not state
them on the floor of the Senate.
I hold my friend the Senator from
Tennessee [Mr. GoRE] in the highest
respect. I recognize that he is attempt-
ing to reach some avenue through which
we may procure peace. I know that he
understands, likewise, that I am seeking
that same avenue.
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Ohio yield?
Mr. LAUSCHE. I yield.
Mr. GORE. I thank the Senator for
his generous references. Perhaps if this
exchange has served no other purpose,
it has illustrated that both of us hold
sincere views and that there is a great
similarity, considering the objective and
goal we have in mind.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I yield
myself 3 minutes. Then I shall yield to
the distinguished Senator from Texas,
who wishes to make an address in con-
nection with the pending reservation.
We have been for the last hour lis-
tening to an interesting colloquy, en-
gaged in by three of my fellow members
of the Committee on Foreign Relations
who represent the Democratic Party.
The division of opinion that has been
manifested by them, the divided unity
which exists, the acrimony, the criticism,
and the uncertainty which have been
expressing, all by able, diligent, and
loyal Democratic members of the com-
mittee, are, in my opinion most signifi-
cant signs of our times. But they are
going to shrink into insignificance com-
pared with the growing division of
opinion throughout the country, among
the people generally, among the parents
of the boys in Vietnam and of the young
men and women who confront the pos-
sibility of service there, and among the
populace generally, if we do nothing dif-
ferent, in the whole war picture in
Vietnam from continuing the same
monotonous, bloody formula in which we
have been engaged, with comparative
futility, for 5 long years.
What is that formula? Draft boys,
Draft men. Send them to fight in Viet-
nam. Send strategic materials and sup-
plies to Russia. Send over 400 items,
different in nature, to Russia to relieve
its consumer economy,&nd to strengthen
its industrial complex. Do nothing to
discourage the Russians from sending
to Vietnam all of the modern weapons re-
quired to kill the boys whom we draft and
send there, and to continue to escalate
our casualty lists. In the main, that has
been the formula, at least for the last
3 years, and increasingly since Oc-
tober 12 when the President by Exec-
utive order expanded our shipments of
supplies to step up the capacity of Russia
to supply additional armaments to our
enemy in Vietnam. So I think we must
try something different.
I am impressed by one statement the
Senator from Tennessee [Mr
G
]
.
ORE
the lives of innocent men, women, and made, when he said that the signals for
children, peace have to come from many sources.
Now to summarize: We are. not the I quite agree: We have sent them out
aggressors. We are not trying to prosti- repeatedly from the United States. I
tute the women of South Vietnam. We regret that the President has not done
are not seeking colonial domination. it, very adroitly, certainly not with
We are not practicing terrorism. We effectiveness, although we should not
are not demanding unconditional sur- criticize him for trying. Perhaps one
render. Those are my views, and I cannot be effective under a situation
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 1.5 , 1967
where the punishment received by the
North Vietnamese is probably not so
large as the economic and military input
they are receiving from their allies in
Russia and China. But he is right when
he says that a signal for peace could
come from Moscow. This reservation
might help promote that signal, because
if this reservation should be attached, all
we would need to shorten the war would
be one telephone call from the men in
charge of the Kremlin to the men in
charge of the war in Hanoi. It could go
something like this, to put It In Ameri-
can laymen's language:
"Hello, Ho. This is Kosygin talking.
We are having a little trouble with our
American friends. We are also having a
lot of trouble keeping up our economy
and manufacturing products as fast as
we should like to. We must continue to
get imports from the United States if we
are going to utilize them in our econ-
omy and be able to supply you with the
weapons you need in this war. Now we
are all for you, please be assured, but
self-preservation is the first law of na-
tions, Ho. You know that. So we are
going to have to taper off with our war
supplies to you. As a matter of fact, we
are going to have to cut them off entirely,
We are breaking this news to you gently.
Make the best deal you can and move
soon because we are no longer going to
be your arsenal for war supplies."
Mr. President, that is the kind of sig-
nal for peace that could come out of
Moscow, evolving from this kind of reser-
vation. That is the kind of signal for
peace which would be effective and bring
Ho Chi Minh to the negotiating table
mighty fast. I hope that we do not miss
the opportunity to advise the State De-
partment of this experiment which we
would like to have them undertake, with
no possibility of hurting anyone but with
a great possibility of shortening the war
in Vietnam.
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, would
the Senator from South Dakota yield?
Mr. MUNDT. I yield.
Mr. TOWER It has been said that
the Soviet Union has to supply aid to
Ho Chi Minh so that Moscow can keep up
its rivalry with Peking for Influence in
Hanoi. But, does it not occur to the
Senator from South Dakota, regardless
of how much help the Soviet Union sends
to Hanoi, that the dominant Influence
there politically is now and by nature of
things will be in the future Pekingese and
not Muscovite?
Mr. MUNDT. Of course it will, be-
cause of the situation of geography, be-
cause of race, and because of culture.
That is inevitable.
Mr. TOWER. Does it not occur to the
Senator from South Dakota that the So-
viets are aware of this and that, there-
fore, the only reasoning they could have
is that perhaps they want to keep the
United States bogged down and involved,
wasting men, materiel and money in
pursuing the war in southeast Asia?
Mr. MUNDT. There is no question
about it. What is it costing the Rus-
s.ans:? They are short of many Indus-
trial supplies but they are getting them
from this country and Hanoi thus gets
the arms it needs-via the Soviet Union-
the arms will then eventually be used
against our American troops in Vietnam.
There are 400 different items we now
make available to Communist Russia,
some of them on credit. There is, for ex-
ample, this new automobile factory which
is going to be set up in Russia, under Fiat
management from Italy, in part with
money borrowed from our American Ex-
port-Import Bank. Some of our exports
will be exchanged for Russian imports
which will drive down American raw
material prices In our own economy, such
as timber and fur's, the Importation of
which will add to the price distress In
this country for those products.
What are we really doing to induce
the North Vietnamese Communists to
come to the peace table?
Ho Chi Minh has a very good formula
operating for him. Let us put ourselves
in Ho Chi Minh's place, and we wonder
why he has not answered any of the 36
suggestions for peace negotiation which
President Johnson states he has sent out
to him?
I believe that President Johnson Is
telling the truth on this report of his
repeated calls for peace.
Will someone please indicate what we
would have to do to make Ho Chi Minh
come to the conference table, when the
means of shipping him petroleum and
materiel of war are shipped to him free
from Moscow? This is good for Ho.
He Impresses Into service many of the
soldiers for his army who are not even
for him. He picks them up In the north.
He takes them away from the peasants
in the Delta area of the south. He has
something pretty good going for him
there, He is safe and free from bomb-
ing. His people are not subject to the
kind of bombing that the people of Ber-
lin, Munich, and other German cities got.
Ho tells his people, "Don't worry. You
are not going to get bombed as the peo-
ple of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were In
Japan."
We have got to induce him In some way
to come to the conference table. We
cannot do it unless we do something dif-
ferent from what we have been doing
these past 5 war torn years. Lyndon
Johnson could not do it in 36 tries. I
say that Kosygin can do It in one effort
with one telephone call: "Hello, Ho.
The deal Is all over, Ho. We have gotten
ourselves in a bad spot. Our people
want a little bit more of those consumer
goods. They have had a taste of it and
we cannot continue to utilize our labor
force, our materials and our machinery,
to continue sending you all these war
supplies. We are going to have to dis-
continue our assistance. Good luck, Ho,
old fellow, but count us out."
We stand a chance to get the war
pier In that way If our President and
his diplomats will use this reservation
as a device for influencing Russia to
cease its effective program of prolong-
ing the Vietnamese war. That could
shorten the war, Mr. President. That
N% III shorten it, In my opinion. President
Johnson, having failed 36 times in try-
ing for peace under prevailing conditions,
I suggest the Senate make at least this
one attempt of its own to open up a new
approach to peace.
The President can try for the 37th,
the 38th, or the 39th time, but it is a
maladroit system to seek peace by call-
ing upon our enemy to come to the con-
ferertce table while he thinks he is win-
ning
The other way I have just described
seems to be a lot more realistic, positive,
prac,ical, and workable procedure since
It w1l convince our enemy he cannot
win because his war supplies from Rus-
sia have been shut off.
I think that Senators should vote to
Insist that we give our boys and our
country that opportunity for peace and
not deny it by saying, "No, we will just
use the same old routine which, after 5
year.), and 36 Presidential pleas, and
50,000 casualties, has brought no pros-
pects for peace."
Today, the majority leader stated that
the war in Vietnam could go on for many,
many years. I am afraid he may be
right. This reservation, however, pro-
vides a realistic opportunity to end it.
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, if in fact,
the ratification of this Consular Pact
could be that illusive first step towards
an ?nd to our differences with the So-
viets, that step which some felt was
taken when administration-pressured,
massive wheat shipments to Russia were
agreed to, or again when we ratified the
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, or more re-
cently, when by Executive order of Octo-
ber 12, 1966, the shipment of some 400
new types of exports to Russia was au-
thorized, if there were any concrete in-
dication this could be that first step to-
wards world peace, then I would take it
unhesitatingly. But let us consider the
facts.
Recent efforts by Sovie=t Russia to un-
derraine freedom, in particular in Viet-
narn, need little documentation; they
are well known to us all. Propaganda-
wise, we are today labeled by the U.S.S.R.
as an aggressor nation, World opinion
mobilization against us Is an ever cur-
rent Soviet tactic. Massive shipments
by Russia of arms and ammunition and
all manner of military supplies now
going Into the North Vietnamese hands,
are being deployed against our American
and Allied troops this very moment.
Mr. President, if ratification were in-
deed that first step towards peace, the
fact that the Soviets have generally
never hesitated to disregard any or all
pars of our agreements with them, when
It was to their benefit to do so, might be
overlooked.
L'et us overlook almost all, Mr. Presi-
dent, if the adoption of this measure
would end present hostilities. Or if we
were yet in that cold was period, perhaps
this treaty ratification would be in the
best. interests of world peace.
But from everything we can see, this
is' not that first step, and most certainly
we are no longer in that cold war era.
This is an extremely hot war era. The
greatest number of American casualties
suffered thus far in Vietnam in any
7-diy period, occurred just last week.
The January 12, 1967, issue of the Re-
por~er contained a very interesting and
enlightening article by Albert Parry en-
titled "Soviet Aid to Vietnam."
The article made specific reference to
reports by a Soviet newsman and pic-
tures taken by Soviet camermen who
recently accompanied Vietcong guerrilla
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
units operating within 35 miles of
Saigon.
It is from reports like these-
Said Parry-
that we get an impression of the growing
Russian presence in Vietnam. The picture
can be filled out by bits and pieces of infor-
mation, some casual and scattered, yet sig-
nificant, and the Soviet and other East Eu-
ropean. press; the monitored texts of the sur-
prisingly frequent broadcasts on the subject
emanating from sundry East European radio
stations; and the reports on the topics reach-
ing us from a wide range of non-Communist
diplomats, soldiers, seamen, newsmen, trav-
elers, and other observers in Southeast Asia.
And one thing is clear: the Russians are
stepping up their aid to Vietnam.
Despite the sheer, logistics involved,
the Russians are shipping tons and tons
of military supplies via the 7,500-mile
sea lanes from Eastern Europe, The
Soviets themselves claimed not long ago
that more than half the vessels entering
the harbor of Haiphong were ships of
Soviet registry.
I know, Mr. President, that on the day
I left the fleet in the Gulf of Tonkin,
where I was a visitor aboard the aircraft
carrier Kitty Hawk some 4 weeks ago,
there were 12 ships in Haiphong, one of
which was of Hong Kong registry one of
which was of Chinese registry, and 10 of
which were of Soviet registry.
Quoting further from the Reporter
article, "Odessa-Mamma," as the Rus-
sians fondly call the port, "is the fore-
most source of all this traffic. An Eng-
lish-language broadcast from Moscow to
southern Asia on December 23, 1965,
exulted :
Odessa is the biggest port on the Black Sea.
Its busiest route is the one leading to Hai-
phong. A constant caravan of big merchant
ships is plying this lane.
Continuing with the article:
In March 1966, in reply to Chinese charges
that the Soviet help to Hanoi was all too
scant, the Moscow leaders sent a confidential
letter to all fraternal Communist parties.
Carefully leaked out to the world at large
via the East German Communists (who sent
copies to their connections in Bonn), the let-
ter stressed that in 1965 North Vietnam re-
ceived from the Soviet Union arms and mili-
tary equipment worth half a billion rubles
($555 million). The list included rocket in-
stallations and conventional anti-aircraft
guns, MIGS and other planes, and tanks,
coastal artillery, and small warships.
Since the fall of 1965, the number of con-
ventional anti-aircraft guns in North Viet-
nam has risen from fifteen hundred to at
least five thousand; one unofficial estimate in
Washington puts the figure at seven
thousand.
Mr. President, I note at this point that
North Vietnam has the most sophisti-
cated air defense that any of our pilots
has ever seen.
I continue to read:
In the fall of 1965 there were only four
North Vietnamese batteries firing SAMS. By
early October, 1966, this number had risen
to twenty-five or thirty, each with six
launchers. There were then some 130 sites
from which the batteries could operate;
twenty per cent were occupied and active in
any given time.
Mr. President, the Soviets are not
merely supplying arms, ammunition and
other equipment, Extensive training
programs within Russia both for North
Vietnamese civilians and military per-
sonnel are an integral part of Soviet
assistance, in addition to extensive tech-
nical assistance by Russian experts domi-
ciled in North Vietnam.
I continue to read:
The sheer numerical record is impressive.
... On March 15, 1966, Radio Moscow
boasted that at that time nearly three thou-
sand young Vietnamese men and women were
studying in the Soviet Union, and that while
a total of 2,300 Soviet experts worked in
North Vietnam in the years 1955-1964, some
4,500 Vietnamese experts had been trained
in the Soviet colleges and universities by the
spring of 1966.
The most significant case in training in-
volves the North Vietnamese air cadets now
being taught by Soviet Air Force veterans
to fly supersonic MIG-21 jets.
The Mig-21 is the hottest interceptor
that the Soviets have. As a matter of
fact, it is a very, very fine intercepter,
and one that our own aircraft and our
own 'pilots have great difficulty in deal-
ing with.
I continue to read:
One group of cadets succeeds another at
graduation ceremonies ... .
... In mid-December western intelligence
raised its unofficial estimate of the number
of MIGS in Vietnam to 180 or even 200, the
latest being some delta-winged MIG--21Cs
and -2lDs.
Mr. President, other Communist na-
tions besides Russia, of course, are aid-
ing North Vietnam, with certainly it lot
of urging, advice, and assistance from
the Soviets.
I continue to read:
Of the "people's democracies" contributing
to Ho Chi Minh today, East Germany is
probably the most active. Military aid .. .
includes arms and electronic equipment
especially made to stand up in tropical
weather; also motorcycles and bicycles, so
important for messenger service on North
Vietnam's war-torn roads where automobiles
cannot get through easily ....
I point out that bicycles are a very im-
portant war item for the North Viet-
namese.
By extending the handlebar and plac-
ing a pole behind the seat and push-
ing it along the road, a North Vietnamese
can carry 500 pounds of rice. It does
not take very long to figure how many
bicycles it will take to move a ton of
rice down the Ho Chi Minh trail.
I continue to read:
The major part of Ho Chi Minh's medical
supplies seems to come from East Germany,
and a hundred East German doctors are
reported to be serving In North Vietnam.
In addition to the eight hundred Russians
reportedly already present in North Vietnam
on air-defense missions, some East German
officers and men are rumored to be em-
ployed in North Vietnam's missile training.
In goods and capital aid not directly of the
war-materiel kind, Ulbricht's government is
thought to have delivered to Ho Chi Minh
from June 1965 to October 1966, a total of
$4 million worth.... Besides, regular com-
merce between East Germany and North
Vietnam amounts to over a million dollars
a year, consisting mostly of industrial wares
going to North Vietnam and some food, and
consumer goods being sent to East Germany.
It is really interesting to note that
with all of the hue and cry from some of
our professional bleeding hearts in this
S 3847
country concerning how we are treating
the North Vietnamese, it is interesting
to note how the North Vietnamese are
treating their own people.
They do not have enough food to eat,
and yet they export their food in ex-
change for war material. I wonder why
the bleeding hearts do not jump on
them.
I continue to read:
But the bloc's largest economic aid to
and trade with Hanoi is, of course, extended
by the Soviet Union. Gathered at a summit
meeting in Moscow in mid-October 1966, the
Soviet Union and its eight allies agreed to
give about $1*billion worth of additional
help to Hanoi in materiel 'and money, of
which $800 million is' to come from the
U.S.S.R. The others' contributions are
typified by the Polish pledge of $30 million.
... Although precise figures are difficult
to obtain, it is estimated that in the ten
years through 1964, Soviet economic aid to
North Vietnam totaled some $350 million....
Moscow's exports to North Vietnam rose
from $47.6 million in 1964 to more than $74.8
million in 1965-this of course in addition
to some $555 million worth of arms sent in
1965 alone....
In its German-language broadcast to Ger-
many on June 21, 1965, Radio Moscow de-
clared that of the funds that North Vietnam
was then getting from socialist countries
(including China), nearly half came from
the Soviet Union. A third of this Soviet aid,
the broadcast said, was given free of charge.
Some fifty industrial enterprises had by then
been built or rebuilt with Soviet technical
aid. Such Soviet-assisted plants produced
... about ninety per cent of its coal and
more than half of its machine tools. The
country's power, mining, engineering, and
technical industries. were all helped or run
by the Russian donors and advisers.
From other Soviet sources we learn that
the economic division of the Soviet embassy
in Hanoi is in charge of all this aid.... An
economist staff member (of the Soviet em-
bassy) supervises Soviet engineers and other
experts who serve in the expansion of the
Haiphong port, at the Hanoi machine-tool
works, in the construction of a large re-
frigerating plant, at an electrical-supply
factory, and at the coffee and tea planta-
tions. It is claimed that the machine-tool
plant, covering fourteen acres, is entirely
fitted out with Soviet equipment.
I am hopeful that that machine-tool
plant is one of the targets earmarked for
destruction by our gallant Air Force.
I continue to read:
Another staff member of the Embassy's
economic division is in charge of other Soviet
engineering crews busy in North Vietnam's
mines, geological exploration for more
minerals and metals, and projects aimed at
the expansion of certain of the country's
large industrial enterprises, .. .
The nation we are asked to sign this
treaty with, Mr. President, is that nation,
Soviet Russia, which has it within her
power to end that war which has been
responsible for the deaths of over 7,000
Americans and for the infliction of over
47,000 American casualties.
Let the Soviet Union bring North Viet-
nam to the conference table; let the So-
viets discontinue their shipment of tons
and tons of military supplies into North
Vietnam and then let us consider this
ratification.
In the colloquy between the distin-
guished Senator from South Dakota and
me a few minutes ago, it was noted that
what we are saying here is that we are
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S 3848 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
not trying to preclude the establishment
of bridges between East and West.
What we are trying to do here is
simply to say: "By some overt deed or
act, show us that you reject war as an
instrument of national policy. Show us
that you will not foment the takeover
of government by military means."
If they want to sell communism on its
own merits, I have no objection, because
I do not think they can do so in any
country that is relatively progressive and
prosperous.
Indeed, there has been no establish-
ment of Communist governments in this
world without resort to military force.
I understand that some people in this
country are concerned because the gov-
ernment in South Vietnam is not a popu-
larly elected government in the sense
that we understand popularly elected
government.
I point out that there are no govern-
ments behind the Iron Curtain that are
elected in the sense that we understand
an elected government, either.
Mr. President, the opinion has been ex-
pressed, and rightly so, that we should
be concerned with the protection and
well-being of American tourists travel-
ing in Russia, The opinion has alsobeen
expressed by many that vastly increased
East-West trade will help bring an end
to present differences.
Perhaps so, perhaps not. As I have
pointed out, the Soviets will likely con-
tinue to harass, mistreat, even arrest
and imprison our citizens whenever It
suits Soviet propaganda purposes. In
that connection, it is a little amusing that
we are reluctant to allow Stalin's daugh-
ter to seek political asylum in this coun-
try because we are afraid it would upset
our delicate relations with the Soviet
Union. If some member of a highly
placed American family defected to the
Soviet Union, does anyone think the
Russians would waste any time in parad-
ing that person in Red Square and mak-
ing all possible propaganda capital out
of the situation? Who is really serious
about reducing tensions in the world?
Arid there is no assurance that in-
creased trade will ease tensions.
While I am extremely concerned, as
we all are, about the safety of our tour-
ists, I believe that our primary concern
should be for those American and South
Vietnamese personnel and other Allied
servicemen-the gallant Australians, the
courageous Koreans, New Zealanders,
and others-who are daily risking their
lives in the cause of freedom, in order
that Vietnam and other southeast Asia
nations may determine by themselves,
and for themselves, the form of govern-
ment they and their peoples desire.
First things first, Mr. President. As
I have stated, let Soviet Russia help
bring this war in Vietnam to an end. Let
them bring an end to the loss of Ameri-
can and allied lives. Let there be some
tangible, meaningful move toward peace
by the Soviets. Then let us consider this
treaty.
My able and distinguished colleague,
the Senator from South Dakota, has of-
fered a reservation to deter implementa-
tion of the Consular Pact until peace or,
in effect, concrete moves toward peace
in Vietnam are forthcoming, It is a
wise reservation, and I strongly urge its
adoption.
If It were adopted, I believe I could
reconsider my opposition to the ratifica-
tion of this treaty. But unless this res-
erv ation is adopted, I cannot reconsider
my opposition to the ratification of the
treaty.
I cannot see why our gestures of
friendship toward the Communist coun-
tries must always be unilateral. Can we
not. ask something in return? I do not
believe it is too much to ask: "Stop kill-
ing our people with your weapons. Stop
killing the people of South Vietnam with
your weapons. Reject war as an Instru-
ment of national policy." The day the
Communists reject war as an instrument
of national policy, then we will In our
tine see no war, and perhaps we will see
no war for generations to come.
Let us remember who started the war.
Plainly, we are not the aggressor.
I listened to some debate today with
respect to whether or not we are the
aggressor. The clandestine Infrastruc-
ture for the conduct of war in South
Vietnam was created by Ho Chi Minh,
with the aid of Peking, before the French
had left southeast Asia. Do not think
for one moment that everybody who
opposed the French now opposes the
established government In South Viet-
nam. I have been in the field with
Vietnamese soldiers who won their battle
spurs fighting against the French. They
fought against the French because they
wanted to create in Vietnam a climate in
which they could determine and plot
their own lives and their own destinies
without outside interference. This they
cannot do if & clandestine infrastructure,
armed, possessed of main force units to
fight, brings the people under complete
subjugation. Then there will be no pop-
ular decisions. Then everything will be
dictated from the top.
Let us in the Senate say today to the
Soviet Union: "We desperately want to
establish these bridges with you. But
before we do so, give us some justifica-
tion. Show us a little good faith. We
will overlook the 50-some-odd treaty and
convention commitments that you have
breached with us. We will overlook
the misrepresentations, the scrap paper
treatment that you have given us in our
sacred commitments to each other, if
you will simply, by an overt act, show
us that you desire to see a world at
peace."
Mr. President, I suggest the absence
of a quorum, and I ask unanimous con-
sent that the time consumed thereby be
charged to neither side.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
t NANIMOU8-CONSENT AGREEMENT
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, If I
may have the attention of the Senate.
March 15, 1967
I am about to make a unanimous-consent
request.
I ask unanimous consent that, im-
mediately following the disposition of
the Mundt reservation No. 2, the reserva-
tion to be proposed by the distinguished
Senator from Nebraska [Mr. CURTIS] be
made the pending business; that there
be a time limitation of 1 hour, the time
to be equally divided between the dis-
tinguished Senator from Nebraska [Mr.
CURTIS], and the chairman of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations [Mr. FUL-
BRIGHT], or whomever he or they may
designate.
Mi. MUNDT. Mr. President, I have
spoken with Senator CURris, the author
of the reservation. He shares with me
the optimistic hope that my reservation
will be adopted, in which event his reser-
vation will be unnecessary. But if the
fates go against us and my reservation
is rejected, he will then offer his reserva-
tion Immediately following; and if he
can i ave that consideration, he is willing
to get along with that amount of time,
and we have no objection.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the request of the Senator
from Montana? The Chair hears none,
and it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who
yields time?
Mr. TOWER. I ask unanimous con-
sent that the time consumed not be
charged to either side.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. SPARKMAN. We will take the
time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
Th,e legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. M:?. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
Ths PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
KENI,EDY of New York in the chair).
Without objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. President, a
parliamentary inquiry.
Th?e PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
what constitutes business before the ab-
sence of another quorum can be sug-
gested?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. We have
not had a completed quorum call today.
Mr MANSFIELD. Mr. President, is
it necessary that business intervene be-
tween two suggestions of the absence of
a quorum?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. If the
Senate completes the quorum call
anotl.er quorum call would not be in
order if a point of order were made.
Mr MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The, PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE S 3849
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection; it is so ordered.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, may we
have a report on the time which has
been consumed?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from South Dakota has 60 min-
utes remaining.
Mr. MANSFIELD. And the other
side?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Ap-
proximately 55 minutes.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I yield
15 minutes to the Senator from Iowa
[Mr. MILLER].
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The.
Senator from Iowa is recognized for 15
minutes.
RESERVATION POINTS UP THE "TIMING PROBLEM"
OF CONSULAR TREATY
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the
pending reservation to the proposed Con-
sular Treaty with the Soviet Union pro-
vides that there will be no exchange of
instruments-in other words, that the
treaty will not take effect-until the
President of the United States deter-
mines and advises the Congress as fol-
lows: First, either that it is no longer
necessary for the United States to main-
tain Its combat forces in South Viet-
nam-which, for all practical purposes
would mean that the war in Vietnam is
over-or, second, that the withdrawal of
our combat forces from South Vietnam is
not being prevented or delayed because
of military assistance furnished North
Vietnam by the Soviet Union.
It will, therefore, be seen that adop-
tion of this reservation will not require
renegotiation of the treaty with the So-
viet Union, as would be the case of an
amendment to the treaty, and that the
only thing affected would be the time the
treaty became operative. Once the
President determines and advises the
Congress that either of the two situa-
tions exists, the treaty would go into
effect.
This reservation points up what I be-
lieve to be the principal problem with
the treaty. Perhaps this problem can be
made more clear by asking whether my
colleagues would have voted for this
treaty at the time of the Cuban missile
crisis. I doubt that they would have,
and the reason, of course, would have
been that public opinion would have been
incensed over such action at a time when
the Soviet Union, directly or through its
military assistance to Cuba, was posing a
threat to the lives of many of our people.
I respectfully suggest that there is - a
great similarity to the timing of this
resolution of ratification, with the So-
viet Union furnishing over 95 percent of
the petroleum and all of the sophisticated
weapons used by North Vietnam against
our troops and those of our allies. These
weapons do not merely pose a threat, as
was the case of the missiles in Cuba.
They are actually killing and wounding
our people; and the Soviet leaders have
made it abundantly clear that they pro-
pose to continue to make this assistance
available so that the killing and wound-
ing of our people will go on,
While it is true that this is taking
place 12,000 miles away, whereas Cuba is
only 90 miles off our shores, I simply can-
not see that the mileage has anything to
do with the essential nature of the sit-
uation. The timing of the proposed rati-
fication is, in my judgment, very bad.
What is the justification for ratifying
this treaty? I believe the basic reason
was given by Secretary of State :Rusk
when he said, as shown on page 41 of
the hearings record:
I think it is also important for us to try to
find those points at which we can put rela-
tions on a more normal and peaceful basis
wherever possible.
I am aware that there are some who
say that the main reason for the treaty
is to insure some measure of protection
to the 18,000 U.S. citizens who travel in
the Soviet Union. And it is true that
upon ratification of the treaty by both
the U.S. Senate and by the Soviet Presi-
dium these tourists would be assured of
notification going to our representatives
of their imprisonment and of some vis-
itation privileges by our representa-
tives-although the extent of these visit-
ations is somewhat nebulous. On the
other hand, testimony of the Secretary
on page 8 of the hearings record reveals
that only about eight of our visitors to
the Soviet Union per year have been de-
tained; and it is in this context, rather
than in the context of the total of 18,000
tourists, that I believe this feature of the
treaty's ratification should be considered.
Viewed in this light, it is apparent that
the Secretary of State's point that we
should put relations on a more normal
and peaceful basis wherever possible
looms as the principal and overriding
reason for ratification.
May I say that I believe all Members
of the Senate concur that we should
strive to have more normal and peaceful
relations with the Soviet Union. But
this does not mean that we should take
this action at all times-during a Cuban
missile crisis or during the war in Viet-
nam. There is a time for action and
there may be a time when action might
well cause reactions contrary to our na-
tional interest. The Secretary's point is
well taken, but it does not at all meet the
problem of the timing of ratification. It
may be suggested that the timing is es-
sential to our national security. I have
checked this point out very carefully,
Mr. President, and I can state without
equivocation that whether this treaty is
ratified now, 6 months from now, or
2 years from now will not have any
material effect on our national security.
In other words, there is no urgency at all
for the ratification of this treaty. In-
deed, even if it were ratified, we have
been told by the proponents that it might
not be for years that consulates would be
established. No one has yet come for-
ward with any reason or reasons why
this treaty must be ratified now rather
than, say, a year from now.
There has been much discussion about
building bridges. I want it understood
that I will not take a back seat to any
Member of the Senate as far as concerns
a desire to build the right bridges at the
right time. I supported the cultural and
scientific exchange program. I believe
the exchange program, on a people-to-
people basis, will provide a means for
greater understanding between the peo-
pies of our two countries. But at the
same time that I say I will support
building the right bridges at the right
time, and it may well be that this par-
ticular treaty is a bridge-I do not know
whether it is or not; no one really knows;
we can all recognize its pluses and
minuses-but assuming it is- a bridge,
that does not mean this is the time for
it.
I remember the time of the proposed
ratification of the limited nuclear test
ban treaty in 1963, when it was heralded
as a shaft of light in the darkness, when
it was heralded as a step forward. I
said, at the time I made my speech, that
I would support ratification, but no one
knew whether it was a shaft of light in
the darkness or whether it was a step
backward or a step forward. It would
be years before we would know.
I invite the attention of the Senate to
a statement I made within my statement
on the nuclear test man treaty ratifica-
tion, in which I was pointing out that
it seemd to me the ratification of the
limited nuclear test ban treaty under
those circumstances constituted an ac-
commodation. policy with the Soviet
Union, whereas, in my judgment, history
had shown that a policy of firmness was
more effective than a policy of accom-
modation. I said at that time:
I could be wrong when I say that a policy
of firmness is the one to' follow, rather than
a policy of accommodation, and I hope I am.
I do know that when we have followed a
policy of firmness-as we did in Berlin and
as we did during the briefly imposed Cuban
blockade-it has worked. But if a majority
of my colleagues in the Senate feel that we
should follow a policy of accommodation
and ratify the treaty without a meaningful
first step by the Soviet Union first, then
I will go along-with this clear understand-
ing: I want to see a meaningful first step by
the Soviet Union, clearly demonstrating a
change in policy, before ratifying any amend-
ments to this treaty or any other treaties
with the Soviet Union affecting the security
of our country.
The distinguished senior Senator from
Ohio [Mr. LAUSCHEI stood on this floor a
few days ago and said, "I want someone
to show me one step--one meaningful
step-the Soviet Union has taken toward
a detente," and I do-not think a single
Senator rose to answer him.
I repeat those words. Since the rati-
fication of the limited nuclear test ban
treaty I have not seen a single step. As
a matter of-fact, I suggest our relations
with the Soviet Union are worse today
than they were at the time of the rati-
fication of the limited nuclear test ban
treaty.. And I suggest that our relations
with the Soviet Union may well be worse
a year from now if we ratify this treaty
at this particular time, because a
psychological propaganda war will be
waged by the Communist world and
adopted by the Soviet Union as a result
of the ratification of the treaty. I sug-
gest it will weaken our position in the
eyes of our allies and many neutral na-
tions in the world if we, in the face of
what is happening in South Vietnam
today, ratify this treaty at this particular
time.
There is another aspect to this ques-
tion, and that Is its. impact on the morale
of the over 400,000 men representing
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 1lar'cii 15, 1'67
this country in Vietnam, not to mention
the men from our allied countries. I
know it is said that about 18,000 Ameri-
can citizens travel in the Soviet Union
each year. I recently received a letter
from a friend who was there last year,
He said during his trip through Russia
the train on which he was riding had
been stopped. His party had been taking
pictures. He said that for a few minutes
there was anxiety, because they knew
they might be thrown into a Soviet
prison and it might be weeks or months
before anybody would know about it.
He said :
I hope you will see fit to vote for ratifica-
tion of this treaty, so that these anxious
moments will not be gone through by future
tourists to the Soviet Union.
I have already pointed out that only
an average of six persons a year have ac-
tually been detained, according to the
Secretary of State. I am concerned
about the anxious moments of our tour-
ists in the Soviet Union, but I am much
more concerned about the anxious mo-
ments and the morale of the more than
400,000 troops fighting in South Vietnam,
who were ordered to go there, who did
not go there voluntarily as our tourists
go voluntarily to the Soviet Union,
Mr. President, when I left Vietnam a
year ago, I said that after visiting the
wounded in the hospitals and after talk-
ing to the troop leaders who have to
write the letters home to the wives or
parents of the boys who will not be com-
ing back-"If we are going to make any
mistakes, let us make a few mistakes on
their side." If there is going to be an
error about whether this treaty should
be ratified now or a year from now, let
us make a mistake in favor of the troops
in South Vietnam.
There are some who say that the Soviet
Union really wants to be the great cata-
lyst for bringing peace to southeast Asia.
Perhaps that is so. There may have been
some statements to that effect.
But there have certainly been some
statements not to that effect, Mr. Kosy-
gin stated very bluntly that the Soviet
Union was going to continue to furnish
all the military support necessary for
North Vietnam, that they were going to
support fully the defeat of the "Ameri-
can imperialists" in South Vietnam.
That does not sound to me as though
they have any intentions of serving as a
great peacemaking catalyst in the war
in South Vietnam.
I might also point out that the policy
of the Soviet Union has been, for a num-
ber of years, as announced at the time
of Mr. Khrushchev's tenure in office,
that the Soviet Union was going to wage
an economic war with the United States,
and it was going to win that economic
war. Incidentally, they will continue to
maintain military might, so that if nec-
essary they can use military power to
defeat us; but their first choice appar-
ently is to defeat us on the economic
front.
I ask, Mr. President, when the United
States-the "enemy" according to Mr.
Khrushchev and his successors on the
economic front-is spending $20 to $30
billion a year on the war in Vietnam, with
more than 400,000 of its finest men In
South Vietnam, and the Soviet Union is
spending only $1 or $2 billion, with none
of As manpower being used, does it not
seem that this is a pretty good trade off,
as far as the Soviet Union is concerned?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator's 15 minutes have expired.
Mr. MILLER. I yield myself an addi-
tional 5 minutes, Mr. President.
If in fact they are interested in defeat-
ing the United States on the economic
front, I would say they will gain an ad-
vantage by continuing the war in Viet-
nam, rather than serving as the great
peacemaking catalyst to bring it to an
end. To me it is deeds that count. and
not words. If the Soviet Union really
wants to bring the war in Vietnam to an
end, the best way to do that is to cease
and desist from supplying the 96 percent
of the petroleum and all the sophisti-
cated weapons to North Vietnam. There
are many of our military leaders who ad-
vise that if that were to happen, the war
in Vietnam would come to a very quick
end.
I think that we might do well to recog-
nize that this treaty is desired by the
Soviet Union. Statements have been
made that the United States took the
initiative on the treaty. We did take the
initiative, but not on this particular
treaty. We took the initiative on a con-
sular treaty back in the Eisenhower
years; but there was nothing said at that
time about providing immunity from
criminal prosecution of consular officers.
On the contrary, we have the testimony
in the record that this particular pro-
vision of immunity from criminal prose-
cution-the first ever to appear in a
Consular Treaty-was inserted in this
treaty during the negotiations at the in-
stance of the Soviet Union, not at the
instance of the United States. That is
one very big reason why the Soviet Union
wants this treaty.
I say that if they want the treaty, they
should let us see a meaningful step on
their part to bring the war in Vietnam
to an end. If they do not wish to take
that meaningful first step, Mr. President,
I suggest that we are not going to get very
far in meeting the objectives set forth by
Secretary of State Rusk; namely, that we
put relations on a more normal and
peaceful basis whenever possible. Every-
one wants to put those relations on a
more normal and peaceful basis, but that
will not arise because of ratification of
this treaty, if the Soviet Union is not will-
ing to take some steps to bring the war
in Vietnam to an end.
There is much confusion in the coun-
try, Mr. President, regarding this admin-
istration's policy on Vietnam. I happen
to be one of the many Senators, from
both sides of the aisle, who have sup-
ported that policy from its inception. I
voted for the Tonkin Gulf resolution, and
I believe I knew what I was voting for at
that time, even though there are some
among us who voted for it, who now say
they did not know what they were doing.
My guess is that most of us knew well
what we were doing.
But I am concerned that there Is an
apparent misunderstanding around the
country, on the part of a good many
people, over our policy In South Vietnam,
One reason might well 1: inconsistent
actions and statements on the j X1 of the
administration. Here we are, asiieu to
ratify this consular treaty at the time
the war in Vietnam is going on. The
Secretary of State has come over and
said that he thinks that this would be a
plus, that it might be helpful in bring-
ing about more normal and peaceful re-
lationships; and yet you can pick up a
publication from the Department of
State, setting forth the Secretary's views
and those of Gen. Maxwell Taylor, an ad-
ministration witness, entitled "The
Heart of the Problem," relating to the
war ;n Vietnam, and find such state-
ment, as the following. I quote first
some of Mr. Rusk's statements. On
page the says:
But we are in Viet-Nam because the Issues
posed there are deeply intertwined with our
own security and because the outcome of the
struggle can profoundly affect the nature of
the world In which we and our children will
live.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator's time has expired.
Mr MILLER. Another 5 minutes, Mr.
President.
If that is so, then since when are we
entering into a Consular Treaty, a bi-
lateral treaty, for the first time in recent
years, with the chief supplier and equip-
per of the enemy in South Vietnam?
Secretary Rusk went on to say:
What are our world security interests In-
volved In the struggle in Viet-Nam? * *
We must recognize that what we are seek-
ing to achieve In South Viel -Nam is part of
a prccess that has continued for a long
time--a process of preventing the expansion
and extension of Communist domination by
the use of force against the weaker nations
on the perimeter of Communist power.
This is the problem as It looks to us. Nor
do the Communists themselves see the prob-
lem is isolation. They see the struggle in
South Viet-Nam as part of a larger design for
the steady extension of Ccmmunist power
through force and threat.
Th!n further on he says:
But the Communist world has returned to
Its demand for what it calls a "world revo-
lutior," a world of coercion in direct con-
tradiction to the Charter of the United Na-
tions. There may be differences within the
Communist world about methods, and tech-
niques, and leadership within the Commu-
nist world itself, but they E.hare a common
attachment to their "world revolution" and
to Its support through what they call "wars
of liberation."
Then General Taylor had this to say:
Kosygin told Mr. Reston in his interview
of last December:
"We believe that national liberation wars
are just wars and they will ontinue as long
as there Is national oppression by imperialist
powers."
Bef)re him, Khrushchev, :n January 1961,
had the following to say:
"Now a word about national liberation
wars. The armed struggle by the Vietnam-
ese people or the war of the Algerian people
serve as the latest example of such wars.
These are revolutionary wars. Such wars are
not only admissible but inevitable. Can
such wars flare up in the future? They can,
The Communists fully support such just
wars and march In the front rank of peoples
waging liberation struggles."
These statements were made in 1966,
and I must say that people who read
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those statements by secretary Rusk and the equipment to fight the war and thus ator from South Dakota, of which I am
General Taylor and agree with them-as give the impressi
t
on
o our men over a cosponsor, and which is to be voted
I do-find it very difficult to reconcile there that we are willing to enter into upon shortly.
them with the urgent request by the ad- an agreement with the enemy that is In the debate yesterday, and in the
ministration to ratify this treaty at this supplying the armor and the weapons RECORD of the debate on earlier days, my
time. with which to kill them. attention has been called to, and I lave
Mr. President, I hope this reservation i commend the Senator for the fine been somewhat intrigued by, the opposi-
will be adopted. I hope that it will be speech he is making, tion of the State Department to these
adopted, because I think it will be good Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I thank reservations. The Department's objec-
for the morale of more than 400,000 men the Senator from South Carolina for his tions are based on the ground that if the
from the Armed Forces and those who gracious comments, treaty were ratified, "reservations or un-
will be following them and those who are Mr. President, I wish to point out an- derstandings by the United States would
lying in the hospitals and the parents other thing, and that concerns the atti- give the U.S.S.R. an opportunity to qua-
and the relatives of those who will not be tude of the Soviet Union once this treaty lify or interpret its own obligation un-
coming back, is ratified at this particular time. With- der the treaty in ways that would de-
If the reservation Is adopted, then I out the reservations, such as the one prive this country of the treaty's impor-
can conscientiously vote for this treaty. pending before us, it would indicate to tant benefits."
However, unless this reservation, or the leaders in the Kremlin that they do That statement appears in a letter
something very much like it, is accepted, not have to take a meaningful first step signed by the Secretary of State.
then I regret very much that I cannot in order to obtain concessions from the In another letter, signed by the Assist-
in good conscience vote for the ratifica- United States.
tion of the treaty. ant Secretary for Congressional Rela-
I think it is about time for the United tions, we have comment on the reserva-
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, will States to make it clear that, while we are tion proposed and voted upon yesterday,
the Senator yield? ready, willing, and able to enter into, that the immediate consequence of an
Mr. MILLER. I yield. better arrangements and better rela- effort to adopt this reservation "would
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I tions with the Soviet Union, if they want be to kill the convention."
take this opportunity to commend the a treaty, then they had better be taking Mr. President, I wonder how much
able Senator from Iowa for the mag- some meaningful first steps. different is the attitude of the so-called
nificent address he has just delivered. Mr. President, if we do not do that, detente mentality which has developed,
I associate myself with his remarks on this would mean that we are cdnti:nuing particularly in these last 4 years. We
this subject. to follow a policy of accommodation; All are supposed to have developed a detente,
The point the Senator made about the that I know and all that I have heard a relaxation of tensions between the
Dsychological effect, in my judgment, is from those who are the most knowledge- United States and the Soviet Union. It
a very important point, able in handling communism and Com- has been said that the events of the
If the United States, through the Sen- munist aggression indicates that it is a detente have produced what one may call
ate, ratifies this treaty, it will indicate policy of firmness and not belligerence- a detente mentality. This has become a
to the world that we can now trust the a policy of firmness and not accommoda- dominant mentality, one which influ-
Communists, that we are willing to enter tion-which works.
into an agreement with them and extend If there is someone who can show me ings ences
one this bulwark
relaxation writof
the hand of good friendship at the very that a policy of accommodation ' has tensions.
time that they are providing munitions, worked, I would like to see his evidence. At best, this mentality is a state of
armament, and equipment-90 percent I pointed out at the time I voted for mind which places above all other con-
of it-in Vietnam to kill our soldiers the nuclear test ban treaty that I thought siderations the desire to resolve our dif-
there, this would be in the area of an accommo- ferences with the Soviet Union, even if
Not only will it have a psychological dation policy. I said I hoped that we it would require fundamental concessions
effect from that standpoint, but I can would see some meaningful first steps on our part to achieve that goal.
also visualize that it will have a bad follow afterward. There is a body of opinion which now
psychological effect on our men fighting There have been none. There may holds that any measure which our coun-
in Vietnam, have been some talk, but there have not try takes to strengthen its security will
I dare say that if a poll were taken to- been any meaningful first steps. damage further progress of this detente
day of the American soldiers in Vietnam, I regret very much that our relations ? and, therefore, tend to encourage hard
not 1 percent of them would favor the today with the Soviet Union, especially line leaders in the Kremlin. Thus, even
ratification of this treaty. I do not be- as they concern the war in Vietnam, are in the field of national security the
lieve that 1 percent of them would worse than they were then. I hope that United States should refrain from taking
want their Senators to vote for the I am wrong. However, I suggest that if action which would upset or provoke
treaty. we do not let the Soviet Union know that Soviet leadership.
Mr. President, it is my firm judgment we must have some meaningful first According to the proponents of these
that, from a psychological standpoint, steps before we enter into these treaties, theories, which are followed by the idea
from the standpoint of affecting other the relations will get worse and not that we must develop interdependence
nations in the world, it will mislead better, with the Soviet Union so that it will-move
other nations as to our true intentions Mr. President, I yield the floor, closer to the capitalistic policy and our
toward the Soviets, unless our Govern- Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I country will move closer to the Commu-
ment has reached the point where it suggest the absence of a quorum and ask nist policy-God forbid the day-we
feels it can trust them. Sometimes I unanimous consent that the time for the should give every assurance that the
wonder if some in the Government have quorum not be charged to either side. United States has peaceful intentions
not reached that point. However, the The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without and that we do not intend to engage in
people of America certainly have not. objection, it is so ordered. The clerk aggressive activities against the Soviet
I believe that the people of America still will call the roll. Union.
feel that they cannot trust the Soviets. The legislative clerk proceeded to call Some of these proponents go so far as
A witness testified only last week be- the roll.
fore the Internal Security Subcommit- Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I ask eto that the Unit'States not
ngageein pr vo ative actions oft any
tee concerning Cuba. He testified about unanimous consent that the order for kind which would serve as a' deterrent to
the missiles that are now in Cuba, We the quorum call be rescinded.
have eye witnesses to the fact that some The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without, pfurther roper elations1ebetween ethef uSov ett
of the missiles that were alleged to have objection, it is so ordered.
pro-
been removed in 1962 have been brought Mr. MUNDT. I yield 10 miuntes to vUnion the ocative and
act o snitod S. tatesrefrained These
from
back to Cuba. the distinguished Senator from Nebraska would include the improvement and in-
I do not believe that the American [Mr. HRUSKA]. crease in the people want to enter into this agreement Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I sup- even in the building of strategican antiballistic
at a time when Russia is furnishing all port the reservation proposed by the Sen- missile system.
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S3852 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 15, 136;
Somehow it seems all right for the eign radio broadcasts, which are moni- Senators to page 12 of the committee
enemy to install such a system, but when tored in this country. The transcripts report accompanying the Consular Con-
we think in terms of installing similar are made available to Senators who wish ventiorh's resolution of ratification in
weapons, or something that will protect to read them from day to day. I believe which are quoted some statements made
our cities, we are dealing in undesirable the Senator will be Interested In a radio in the Tricontinental Conference held
action broadcast emanating from Pravda on in Havana, Cuba, in January 1966, by the
This Is difficult logic to follow. One March 3, about the Vietnamese war and head of the Soviet delegation, Sharaf R.
must wonder as to the position of the our part In it: Rashiclov, who said:
State Department In saying: "Oh, let us The aggressors will not succeed in forcing The Soviet delegation came to this Con-
not adopt any reservations. Let us not them to their knees. The Soviet Union and ference to promote in every conceivable way
provoke the other side because they othe- Socialist countries will render them all the unity of anti-imperialist forces of the
might not agree to the treaty. Let us do necessary aid in their heroic struggle. three continents so as to unfold on a still
greater scale our common s, Tuggle against
what they say. Let us not disturb their That does not sound like a detente to imperialism, colonialism, and neocolonialism
peace of mind and the assurances we me. or a desire to decrease the supply of headed by the U.S. capitalists.
give them. Let Congress advise and con- arms to Vietnam. l declaration of the Confer-
not to the treaty by agreeing to it, but Mr. IIRUSKA. The Senator is correct. The enCC e? final
part:
not by giving our best judgment as to His observation makes good sense.
what should be added to or taken away Mr. President, in conclusion, this en- The Conference hereby proclaims that the
from the context of the treaty." tire matter boils down to how one views primary task of the peoples of Asia, Africa,
I wonder if this is not pursuing the the Soviet Union and the international and Latin America is to inten+,ify the struggle
agalns; imperialism, colonialism, neocolo-
same line where we say, "Let us not en- Communist movement today. If the in- nialism, and to win and cons3lidate national
gage in the business of provoking the ternational Communist movement Is independence especially against the exploita-
other side." I think we have indulged truly undergoing deep and profound tion practiced by the Yankee;. The merging
in that obstreperous attitude far too long change and is now charting a course of of eftcrts will turn active solidarity on our
for the good of this country. cooperation with emphasis on peace continent into a new historical force of co-
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, will the rattler than conflict, then those who twat dimensions.
Senator yield? argue the detente mentality for restraint I ask the Senator from Nebraska, is
Mr. HRUSKA. I yield. on the part of the United States and rati- this not another example, and a recent
Ali,. MUNDT. I was interested in the fication of this treaty are entirely cor- one, of the lack of detente mentality on
phrase "detente mentality" which the recs. If, on the other hand, the Soviet the part of the Soviet Union?
Senator used. It calls to mind that there Union has not undergone a meaningful Mr HRUSKA. There is no question
used to be a little statement which was change in long-range terms, vis-a-vis the about it. I think that is one of the meth-
generally used around this country a few world, and if it persists that its ultimate ods by which the Soviet Union has ex-
years ago that said: "Praise the Lord goal is victory over the United States and pressiy denied the existence of any
and pass the ammunition." other non-Communist countries, then change for the better in their relation-
I do not believe that a detente can the decisions made In the spirit of the ships with us. Certainly, the pledge to
evolve or flourish in an atmosphere in detente In such matters as ratification of continue to form traint'hg schools for
which the Russians pass the ammunition this treaty are wrong and would endan- sabotage and espionage, and for increas-
to Hanoi, and we do nothing but praise ger our national security In a most mean- ing their assistance to various wars of
the Lord. Is that not correct? ingful way. national liberation to which they have
Mr. HRUSKA. That Is an unequal di- The help extended militarily and eco- comrzitted themselves in Havana is no
vision of responsibility. nomically by the Soviet Union to the evidence of that detente or relaxation
Mr. MUNDT. It looks as if we are North Vietnamese and the Vietcong has of tensions, unless we want to lull our-
going to get the sticky end of the deal. well been documented. It is there as a selves into a false sense of security.
I can understand how they are able to harsh fact. It is the elimination of that Mr. MUNDT, Mr. President, I now
shore up their economy to have bread help before we implement this treaty yield 10 minutes to the distinguished
and butter, arms to Hanoi, and an anti- that is the essence of the reservation Senator from New Hampshire, who is
ballistic-missile system around Moscow which has been proposed by the distin- one of the coauthors of the pending
that the Secretary of Defense has said guished Senator from South Dakota. reservation.
we cannot afford to have in the United it is my hope that the Senate will ap- The PRESIDING OFFICER. (Mr.
States. prove that reservation, and the proposi- HOLI,INGS in the chair) The Senator
It, looks as If this is not as a detente tion that we should remove that element frorr. New Hampshire is recognized for
should, which would be equality of re- if this treaty is to be adopted and become 10 minutes.
laxation between the two countries. effective. Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, I thank
Mr. HRUSKA. I also wonder when Mr. President, there is another matter the distinguished Senator from South
there is a constant reaffirmation of the that we will get to later in the debate. Dakota for yielding to the at this time.
historic goals of the Soviet Union and For 180 years we have had these con- I have not taken much time in the de-
the means whereby they expect to sular treaties and functions of consulates bate and appreciate having this time.
achieve them, which has been repeatedly without the absolute criminal immunity, Mr. President, in my opinion this res-
brought to the attention of the world in this treaty contains. Now, all of a sud- ervation Is of paramount importance. It
the celebration of their 50th anniver- den, we have to make that concession goes to the very heart cf my objections
sarv. to the one and only country that is mak- to the consular treaty. I do not wish to
Why should we not be provoked, too, ing it possible for the continuance of speak disparagingly or without due and
by the program they announced and de- hostilities against 500,000 American boys careful regard to the importance of any
Glared, and have been following. in their that will be in Vietnam by the end of this international agreement, but I am com-
Tricontinental Conference of January year. The figure is now In excess of pelted to feel that the importance of
1966? We have the right to be not only 400,000. That is what is difficult for this treaty, in and of itself, has been
concerned, but provoked. We have the those to understand who have studied greatly exaggerated and overestimated
right to be provoked by the large mill- this subject. by both proponents anc opponents.
tary budget the Soviet Union announced The PRESIDING OFFICER, The To be sure, the matter of immunities
only recently, which is caused by the time of the Senator has expired, from criminal prosecution given to con-
help they have been extending to Viet- Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, I yield suli