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• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70B00338R000300040041-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 2, 2005
• Sequence Number: 41
• Publication Date: August 17, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

August 17, 1965
And how fortunate we are to live in such a
time, when justice so mingles with necessity,
and faith with opportunity.
Almost from the moment of birth, the Al-
liance for Progress was beset by doubt. But
men of rooted faith in every country held
firm to purpose. And if we have not reached
the farthest limit of expectation, we have
done much; more, indeed, than many
believed.
This 4 years has been the greatest period of
forward movement, progress, and fruitful
change in the history of the hemisphere. And
the pace is increasing.
Last year Latin America as a whole ex-
ceeded the Alliance for Progress target of 21/2
percent per capita growth rate. Our exports
tell us we will do the same this year. And
In the Central American Common Market
growth Is almost 7 percent.
A large. and swelling flood of resources con-
tributes to this progress. In 4 years, the
United States has contributed almost $4%
billion in grants, loans, goods, and expert
assistance. The nations of Latin America
have channeled $22 to $24 billion into devel-
opment. And more than $1 billion has come
from other countries and international
agencies.
At the heart of Alliance are the twin urgen-
cies of planning and reform. Ten nations
have already submitted development pro-
grams, and others are on the way. Fourteen
countries now have major tax reforms under-
way-and the rate of tax collection is
steadily rising. Fourteen -nations have now
instituted land reform programs. Others
are confronting the growing importance of
population control. One government after
another is determined to reconcile reform
and economic growth with the struggle
against destructive inflation. And I salute
those, like the people of Brazil, who help
lead the way.
In my own country we have constantly
worked to improve the speed and usefulness
of our own participation in the Alliance. And
we have made progress...
In the last year and a half we have loaned
over $847 million-almost $150 million more
than the two full preceding years. The num-
ber of loans is increasing. The amount of
investment guarantee is on the rise. Hous-
ing guarantees have gone up 20 times in
only 2 years.
Thus in both United States and Latin
America we are moving more and more
swiftly to meet the obligations and reach the
goals of the Alliance for Progress.
And behind the statistics lie the countless
stories of human needs met, human suffering
relieved, human hopes fulfilled.
Twenty-five million people--13 million of
them children-are receiving food from Al-
liance programs.
More than 11/2 million people have new
homes.
A million children now have new class-
rooms, and 10 million textbooks have been
produced.
Hundreds of thousands now can find relief
from suffering in more than 850 hospitals,
health centers, and health units now in serv-
ice.
More than 100 million people are now pro-
tected from malaria.
And across the face of the hemisphere new
roads are being built. Electric power lines
are going up. And institutions for savings
and credit and development are opening
their doors.
These are important gains. But, perhaps
more importantly, the banners of reform, of
social justice, and of economic progress have
been seized by governments and leaders and
parties all over the hemisphere. Elections
are fought and won on the. principles of the
Alliance. Where once the light of hope
flickered in few places, it now burns in many
nations. And in the oppressed countryside
and desperate slums growing numbers of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 19841
.people know that in distant capitals-under
different slogans and with varying success--
their leaders are working to brighten their
days and insure their dignity.
For the fact is, even though forces of in-
justice, privilege and tyranny hold many
fortresses, they are on the defensive now.
And we can say, far more surely than we once
could: Their final day is coming.
But whatever we have accomplished we
know the road ahead is longer and more
steep than the way behind. If many have
been helped, many more are still untouched.
If some are newly free, millions are still
shackled by poverty and disease, ignorance
and malnutrition. If we have made more
progress than before, we have made far less
than we must.
To this end, we must all increase the efforts
we are now making; to build modern in-
dustry and the structures on which it rests;
to attract a growing flow private investment
and technology to Latin America; to speed
up the process of social reform.
But it is not enough to continue what we
are doing. From the experience, achieve-
ment and failures of the first 4 years we can
now shape new directions.
Recently I received-as did the other
American Presidents-a letter from CIAP
suggesting changes and new departures.
The leadership of this organization is itself
one of our healthiest developments. And I
pledge my Government to review this let-
ter with care and sympathy.
But from this letter-and from our own
experience-we can already see the shape of
future emphasis.
First, we must step up our efforts to pre-
vent disastrous changes in the prices of those
basic commodities which are the lifeblood
of so many economies. We will continue--
we did this week in London-to strengthen
the operation of the coffee agreement and
search for ways to stabilize the price of
cocoa.
We will also try to maintain a regularly
expanding market for Latin American sugar.
And consistent with the CIAP recommenda-
tions-I will propose today that Congress
eliminate the special import fee on sugar,
so the full price will go to the Latin Amer-
ican producers.
Second, we must try to draw the economies
of Latin America closer together. The ex-
perience of Central America reaffirms that of
Europe. Widened markets--the breakdown
of tariff barriers-leads to increased trade,
more efficient production, and greater pros-
perity.
The United States will, as CIAP suggests,
contribute from its Alliance resources to the
creation of a new fund for preparing multi-
national projects. By building areawide road
systems, developing river, basins which cross
boundaries, and improving communications
we can help dissolve barriers which have
divided the nations.
In addition I hope the American nations
will consider the establishment of a pro-
gram-patterned after the European Coal
and Steel Community-for the production
and trades on a continental basis, of fertili?.
zer, pesticides, and other products needed to
increase agricultural production. My coun-
try is willing to help in such a venture.
Thus, in ways he never imagined, we can
move closer to the dream of Bolivar.
Third, we must emphasize the needs of
rural Latin America. Here is the scene of
the most abject poverty and despair. Hero
half the people of Latin America live. And
it is here, in the countryside, that the foun?.
dation of a modern economy will be built.
Through diversification of crops we can de..
crease dependence on a few export products,
Through increasing production, the countries
of Latin America can feed their own people,
Through increasing farm income, we can pro
vide growing markets for industry.
Fourth, we must, as CIAP also suggests,
direct more of our effort toward those things
which directly touch the lives of individual
human beings-homes and education, health
and food. It is not enough simply to say
that a growing economy will ultimately meet
those needs. Misery and pain and despair
exist in the present; and we must fight them
in the present as best we can. This is not
only the command of compassion. It is the
counsel of wisdom. For factories and banks
and dollars do not build a nation. People
build a nation. On those people-their
health and knowledge and faith; their par-
ticipation and their sacrifice-rests the fu-
ture of all of us and all our nations.
This is the common thread which runs
through the Great Society in my country
and the Alliance for Progress in all our coun-
tries.
These are a few-and only a few-of the
many tasks which lie before us as we labor
to complete the second revolution of the
Americas.
The task of development is a practical
process. It demands skilled leadership, care-
ful judgment, and imagination firmly
tempered by possibility. But it demands
something more. For our progress is not its
own end. It is an instrument to enlarge the
dignity of man. And so we must build on
faith and on belief and on those values
which are the resistant' and enduring mark
of our civilization.
This means that each man should have
the chance to share in the affairs of his na-
tion-to participate in that liberating
process of self-rule we know as democracy.
It is fundamental to our Alliance that all
our nations should be free, and all our peo-
ple part of that freedom. We have not yet
achieved that for all our countries, indeed
for all the people of my own country. But
that is our goal for this entire continent.
And, however we build, the Alianza will not
be success until that is accomplished.
It is to protect that right of self-determi-
nation that the OAS now works in the
Dominican Republic. I know all of you
share the wish that the future government,
chosen by the Dominican people, will be de-
voted to the principles of liberal democracy
and social justice; and that you share as well
the intention of my country to help rebuild
that memory and strife-scarred land.
This also means that each man's nation-
great or small-must walk as an equal with
all others-free to shape its society, select its
institutions and find its own way to the
future so long as it respects the rights of
its fellows. And from that enriching diver-
sity of custom and tradition-practice and
the conduct of affairs-we will all draw
strength and, perhaps even wisdom.
This also means that each man must have
a chance to share in present benefit and
future progress. God did not create any
man to live in unseen chains,` laboring
through a life of pain to heap the table of a
favored few. No farmer should be enslaved
to land he can not own. No worker should
be stripped of reward for toil. No family
should be compelled to sacrifice while others
escape the obligations of their society. "In-
deed," said Thomas Jefferson, "I tremble for
my country when I reflect that God is just."
We must surely tremble for our continent
as long as any live and flourish protected by
the walls of injustice,
If. we follow these commands in all our
lands then progress will fulfill our dreams.
But if we sacrifice them to weakness, or
interest, or to false promise, then the hand
that builds will become the hand of desola-
tion.
I am, as best I can, trying to follow them
in my own country. This year new laws
will help the old to find health, families to
supplement the cost of homes, Negroes to
share In democracy, the poor to find an exit
from poverty, and children to seek learning.
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19842 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
For my Nation, like yours, is still strug-
gling to find justice for all its people. And
because we are fortunate in abundance we
must try to help others who seek it for
their own people.
And there is also something more. The
process of development is still an unknown
process. Although we mask our uncertainty
with charts and tables, calculations and in-
tricate theories, we are still uncertain. But
one thing we do know. Development is not
just a matter of resources or trade, produc-
tion or crops. Rather, in some mysterious
way, a people-because they have great lead-
ers and because they have great hopes and
because they themselves are.great-an entire
people begin to stir, and sacrifice and work.
And a nation begins to move.
And today throughout this continent this
is beginning to happen.
It is that-not the numbers or reports-
which tell us these have been fruitful years-
and that with luck, and with skill, and with
intransigent resolve we will clear away the
thousand barriers that lie ahead-if enough
hands grasp them, and all are allowed to
make the journey.
To all that was pledged that momentous
August day-and everything promised
since-I here, on this anniversary, again
pledge my administration and my personal
life in office.
As for the future, leave that to this new
world, It will be ours, as it was promised
so many years ago.
LOS ANGELES RIOT
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I wish to
say a word about the riot in Los Angeles.
The Governor of California has an-
nounced that the riots are over and that
there is, as we know, an uneasy peace
being enforced by 15,000 National
Guardsmen and more than 1,000 police
officers. Six days of rioting and looting
have taken a terrible toll-33 persons
dead, 812 injured, 2,870 arrested, and an
estimated $175 million in property dam-
age.
The extent of the damage caused by
these Los Angeles riots will never really
be known. I speak today because per-
halps the greatest injury suffered iri the
riots was the serious blow to the remark-
able record of the civil rights move-
ment--a record of order and nonvio-
lence in the face of substantial, unbear-
able provocation-which has brought so
much dignity, so much patriotism, and
so much support to the movement.
Another reason that I speak today is
that we had a little flurry in Philadel-
phia last night. We have already had
one in Springfield, Mass. We had such
reactions last year in Newark, N.J.;
Rochester, N.Y.; and New York City.
The entire face of society-and espec-
ially of those of us who have been so ar-
dent in this movement-must be turned
against any such trend.
Bloodshed and anarchy, arson and
murder-whatever their deep-seated so-
cial or psychological causes-cannot be
tolerated in a society founded upon the
rule of law.
As one who has spent his entire public
career working in the cause of equal op-
portunity and civil rights, I shall be
among the first to sit down calmly and
assess the causes and the added cures
for this madness now that the storm is
over. However, I- cannot condone bar-
gains or bribery as a means of assuring
Approved
order. Nor can I subscribe to the al-
legedly simple answers which we are be-
ginning to hear-"Let the courts and the
police get tough." "Let the civil rights
leaders control their people." "Let there
be a halt to civil rights demonsirations."
Such proposals refer even to those con-
stitutiorially guaranteed nonviolent
demonstrations which have touched the
conscience of the Nation.
We should not permit these arsonists,
murderers, and snipers to destroy the
benefits derived from these demonstra-
tions.
The great movement for equal oppor-
tunity must continue, notwithstanding
the actions of the hoodlums of Los An-
geles. It is the manifest destiny of this
Nation to expand freedom for all. How-
ever, it would be foolish for us to ignore
the riots.
Though progress has been all too pain-
fully slow in education, housing, jobs,
and even in voting, we have accomplished
more in the last decade than in the pre-
ceding century.
Now, in the very week when tens of
thousands of disenfranchised Negroes
are streaming to registration offices in
the South, within weeks of the estab-
lishment of a Federal Fair Employment
Commission, and within a month of the
opening of a substantial number of newly
desegrated schools in the South, this
new, worse than ever, violence! erupts.
The ones who are hurt the most by the
action of these hoodlums are not those
in the white power structure, of Los
Angeles, nor the bigots and the racist.
The American people are the ones who
suffer. It is not only the Negro home
owner in Watts, the shop keepers, or the
parents of children who have been shot
by snipers, who suffer, but also--without
any relationship to actual participa-
tion-those Americans across the coun-
try who are working loyally and devot-
edly for freedom now.
We cannot let this happen. We have
worked for the cause too long to allow
the progress won at such cost, by so
many, to be jeopardized and damaged.
Mr. President, the violence which has
occurred in Los Angeles is a disease.
It must be treated as a disease which can
destroy the life and the vitality of the
civil rights cause and which, therefore,
must be cured, operated upon, and sup-
pressed before it spreads.
Mr. President, we must also look at the
causes of the riots. We must examine
the question of whether the repeal of
California's fair housing law. contributed
to the mounting discontent. We must
explore the reasons for the absence of a
genuine anti-poverty. program in Los
Angeles. We must decide what kind of
program at the Federal level can be ini-
tiated immediately to alleviate the pres-
sures. I intend to cooperate fully in
this task on the Federal level.
Today I call upon the victims of these
riots-all those who are a part of the
American civil rights movement-to
speak out strongly and to close the ranks
quickly against this disaster so that,
with peace restored, we can return to the
great, arduous task of building a society
with equal rights and equal opportunity
for all.
August 17, 1965
Mr. President, with others in this body
and in the United States, I turn my face
against violence, and join in supporting
its suppression. At one and the same
time, we do not condone bargaining or
appeasing. We must look to the things
that we can do to avoid a repetition of
such an occurrence.
It is extremely important that we not
be disheartened by what has occurred,
but that, on the contrary, we should close
ranks and continue our progress. It, is
important for the Federal establishment
to realize its responsibility not only to
assist, but also to urge the authorities in
California to take the required actions
to reduce the mounting discontent which
has produced this terrible disaster in
the United States, a disaster which is
harmful not only to the people of the
United States, but also to our image in
the eyes of the other nations of the
world.
DEPARTMENTS OF LABOR, AND
HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WEL-
FARE, AND RELATED AGENCIES
APPROPRIATION BILL, 1966-CON-
FERENCE REPORT
Mr. HILL. Mr. President, I submit
a report of the committee of conference
on the disagreeing votes of the two
Houses on the amendments of the Senate
to the bill (H.R. 7765) making appro-
priations for the Departments of Labor,
and Health, Education, and Welfare, and
related agencies, for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1966, and for other pur-
poses. I ask unanimous consent for the
present consideration of the report.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The report
will be read for the information of the
Senate.
The legislative clerk read the report,
(For conference report, see House pro-
ceedings of August 12, 1965, pp. 19474-
19475, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.)
The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob-
jection to the present consideration of
the report?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the report.
Mr. HILL. Mr. President, the bill as
approved by the committee of conference
provides total appropriations of $8,011,-
331,500, a decrease of $11,770,000 from
the Senate allowance, an increase of
$47,297,000 over the House allowance, but
a. decrease of $282,482,500 from the
budget estimates for 1966. The total
amount approved exceeds the appropria-
tions for 1965 by $308,936,500.
For the Department of Labor, the total
appropriation is $547,607,500 or $10 mil-
lion less than approved by the Senate,
and $40,536,500 less than the budget es-
timates for 1966.
Mr. SALTONSTALL.
will the Senator yield?
Mr'. HILL, I yield.
Mr. President,
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
what did the conference committee do
with relation to the administrative costs
on research grants to private institu-
tions?
. Mr. HILL. The Senator and I had a
meeting with the Subcommittee on De-
fense yesterday afternoon. This subject
came up. The House provision provided: