PUBLIC ORDER AND THE PRESERVATIO OF OUR FREEDOMS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP70-00058R000100200043-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 11
• Document Creation Date: November 17, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 27, 1998
• Sequence Number: 43
• Publication Date: May 1, 1960
• Content Type: SPEECH

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ADDRESS
BY
ALLEN W. DULLES
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
to
ST. GEORGE ASSOCIATION, INC.
of the
POLICE DEPARTMENT OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK
1 May 1960
PUBLIC ORDER AND THE PRESERVATION OF OUR FREEDOMS
I am deeply grateful for the award you have tendered me. As an old
resident of this great and inspiring city, there is no group of men from
whom I should have preferred to receive such an honor.
In accepting this award I wish to pay my tribute to you from the police
force of New York for your contribution in maintaining order within the
framework of protecting our freedoms.
I fear that injustice is often done you by the misuse of the word
"police." We too loosely talk of police states, of police methods, and
the like. Here in this country we well know that the police are the pro-
tectors of our freedoms and of our liberties. When order and discipline
are not maintained, it is we the people who cannot exercise our natural
rights and carry on our appointed tasks.
You, in turn, help to enforce the laws adopted by the representatives
of the people to protect the people from the invasion of their rights.
This is fundamental to our form of government.
If this country of ours does not set an example to the world of main-
taining order under law, what can we expect from other countries less well
. situated than we -- countries new to the task of making democracy work.
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ADDRESS
BY
ALLEN W. DULLES
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
to
ST. GEORGE ASSOCIATION, INC.
of the
POLICE DEPARTMENT OF THE CITY OF NEW YMK
1 Nay 1960
PUBLIC ORDER AND THE PRESERVATION _OF OUR FREEDOi S
I am deeply grateful for the award you have tendered me. As an old
resident of this great and inspiring city, there is no group of men from
whom I should have preferred to receive such an honor.
In accepting this award I wish to pay mgr tribute to you from the police
force of New York for your contribution in maintaining order within the
framework of protecting our freedoms.
I fear that injustice is often done you by the misuse of the word
"police." We too loosely talk of police states, of police methods, and
the like. Here in this country we well know that the police are the pro-
tectors of our freedoms and of our liberties. When order and discipline
are not maintained, it is we the people who cannot exercise our natural
rights and carry on our appointed tasks.
You, in turn, help to enforce the laws adopted by the representatives
of the people to protect the people from the invasion of their rights.
This is fundamental to our form of government.
If this country of ours does not set an example to the world of main-
taining order under law, what can we expect from other countries less well
situated than we -- countries new to the task of making democracy work.
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It may be significant that we meet here today on May let, a day which
has bad particular significance to history. The idea for such a day of
peaceful demonstration was initiated by American labor unions some seventy
years ago. The purpose was to win an eight-hour day. Unfortunately, over
the years, May Day has been more and more taken over by the Commmunists,
and now we have our own separate Labor Day in September.
Before this day is over we may hear from various parts of the world
even from countries near to us, some strange and dangerous doctrines preached.
It is typically one of the techniques of the Communists to take over ideas
which originated for the purpose of peaceful demonstration to protect the
peoples: rights, and make them over into instruments for destroying those
rights .
The problem of maintaining order in the world necessary for the pro-
tection of the rights of the individual has become vastly complicated over
the last few decades by the emergence of Soviet Russia and Communist China
as world powers dominating nearly a billion people. And at the same time we see
emerging scores of new states untried in the ways of democracy.
The Sino-Soviet Bloc is dedicated to changing the face of the world
and to replacing the democratic system of law by the dictator system of the
proletariat. In the course of advancing this program, they have promoted
violence and class struggle as one of their chosen instruments.
Here in the United States we are more fortunate than most of the
peoples of the world. Due to our tradition, the inherent strength of our
institutions and the vigilance and temperance of our law enforcement,
Communist penetration and Communist agitation has been rigorously restrained.
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Unfortunately, in many other countries of the world today this is not
the case,
it is the strategy of the Soviets and the Chinese Communists to con-
centrate first on the weak and then to encircle us, the strong, be penetra-
tion in Asia, Africa, Latin America. Even in some countries in Europe such
as Italy, and France, the Communist parties have considerable open strength,
and a well-organized underground apparatus.
If you have thought of me for your award, it may be because as head
of the CIA, I have the duty to bring together all of the information on the
Communist plot on a world-wide basis, to expose it, and to furnish others
with the means of exposing it, and to collect the evidence on which the
policymakers in Government may frame an effective policy to combat inter-
national communism.
As you know so well in order to deal with crime and the artisan of
disorder, whether locally or in the international field we must have intelli-
gence on their plans and objective; on their leadership and their techniques;
and so it is also with the Communist plot.
The general Communist program has been well advertised to us all;
their tactics are often disguised.
It is the Communist view that history rolls inevitably toward the
final victory of Communism.
Khrushchev told us all about this during his recent visit to this
country. In his address last September at the National Press Club, be
explained the "We will bury you" theme.
He said that by this he did not mean any p2ical burial of anyone at
any time, It was merely a question of inevitable changes in the social
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IL.
system over the course of the historical progress of society.
In another address Khrushchev argued that the social system changes
as society develops. First he said there was the feudal system. It was super-
seded by capitalism. Capitalism was more progressive than feudalism. But
capitalism, he claimed, engendered irreconcilable contradictions and as it
outlived itself, it like every earlier system would give birth to its suc-
cessors. Capitalism, he said, as Marx, Engels, and Lenin have proved, will
be succeeded by communism.
Khrushchev would have us believe that this evolution to Communism will
be a peaceful, painless process, One might footnote this view by suggesting
that this had hardly been true in Poland, in Hungary, the Baltic states or
in China.
Although professing that history will take care of us, Moscow and inter-
national communism have a definite program for helping along this so-called
historical evolution.
I shall briefly outline what I believe this program to be. And since
today is Sunday, it is well to start out with the Soviet attack on religion
as one of the cardinal points of their program.
Karl Marx taught that religion is the opiate of the people. As late
as 1954 the Central Committee of the Communist party labeled the church as
"the prop and tool of the ruling classes which they use as a means to enslave
the workers." They propose to instill atheism as a substitute for religion.
Here we can quote history back to them. No great civilisation has ever
prospered and endured without a deep religious background.
The Soviet's atheistic program of attack on the Free World has three
main major elements: first, the military, second the economic, and third
the subversi I s say a word about each of them.
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The military threat is widely advertised and is easier for the people
of the world to understand than their more aubtle techniques.
This threat is based on Soviet missiles and bombers, nuclear weapons
and a large conventional force, ground and air, supplemented by the largest
submarine fleet in being the world has ever known.
For their own political purposes they rattle the missile; this took
place notably during the Suez crisis about four years ago. Some foreign
visitors to the Kremlin these days have also received Khrushchev's estimate
of how many missiles and nuclear bombs were being reserved for them, or
would be required for the destruction of their respective countries. He
hasn't yet told us how many are reserved for the United States.
I believe, however, that Khrushchev is still confident that he can win
the world without actually employing military force. He doesn't want to
acquire a world in ruins if he can take it intact. However, he keeps up
his military forces as an ever-ready threat particularly for those countries
which live under the shadow of Soviet Russia and Communist China.
Then there is the Communist economic threat. This has two main
elements -- their own domestic industrial growth, and their foreign economic
penetration.
Domestically Khrushchev recognizes that the United States is the most
highly developed economic power in the world today. However, he claims
that with the Soviets' higher annual rate of growth, they will catch up
with us in the next ten to fifteen years.
Such boasts are an exaggeration but this does not prevent his peddling
them on the world-wide basis. Nor do those boasts fail to impress the
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underdeveloped and non-industrial nations who see the great strides which
the Soviet has made over a few decades. From a second rate industrial power
they have now come to be second only to the United States.
While Soviet industrial production today is less than one-half of ours,
it is true that their present annual rate of growth is about twice our own,
though their absolute industrial production is still less than ours. If one
takes the free world's industrial production and contrasts it with that of
the communist world, including that of Communist China, the gap in favor of
the Free World is still greater.
In the decade or so which Khrushchev allows for equaling our industrial
production, the Soviet, on the basis of present relative rates of industrial
growth, will narrow the gap, and in 1970 Soviet industrial production could
be about 60 percent of our own.
This is impressive, -- and while not up to Khrushchev's boasts, it
certainly gives us no call to relax.
As for agriculture, the picture is very different. With six times the
number of farm workers that we have in the united States, the Soviet Union
is producibg;rabout twenty-five per cent less in farm products than we are.
The facts are that their agriculture is inefficient. Here they have little
or nothing to boast of. There is too much of Karl Marx and collectivism
and too little free enterprise incentive and ambition on the Soviet farms.
However, what should give us pause about their economy is that they
are putting into national power goals, into military hardware, heavy industry,
and related fields, a far greater percentage of their total production than
are we.
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We are spending a great deal these days for the production of the
certain types of consumer goods which add little to the sinews of our
national strength. And in making comparisons with the Soviet Union, we
must realize that it is the use to which we put our great economic resources
rather than their absolute size that determines the measure of national power.
I am no economist, but I feel that it is our primary duty these days
to produce primarily that which will keep our country strong and free. Strong
not only in the sense of military might but in education, science and
technology: -- free not only in the sense of freedom from want but free
to develop the best that is in us; with the tools to enjoy our leisure but
not necessarily every imaginable gadget.
I admit this is easier to say than it is to accomplish in a free society.
In his regimented state, Khrushchev takes his military hardware out
of the hide of his people. He limits the volume of consumer goods, of housing
and the like. As a consequence, Khrushchev today faces a domestic problem
of no mean proportions in meeting the growing demand for more progress in
raising the standard of living.
The other phase of the Soviet economic threat is targeted abroad.
It is carried out on a highly selective basis but it is very efficiently
publicized.
The areas of Soviet economic penetration are chiefly the Middle East,
including Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, - South and Southeast Asia,
including India, Burma, and Indonesia. Recently, the Soviet Union is turn-
ing its attention to central Africa and to the hemisphere to the south of
us, with Cuba now receiving Soviet credits and oil products from Communist
countries.
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It is well to remember that the less developed countries look upon the
Soviet Union as a nation which in a few decades has developed from a back-
ward country into the worldts second industrial power. These less developed
countries aspire to do the same. Although they do not expect to reach any-
thing like the high economic and industrial levels of the United States,
they are attracted to Moscow's claims that rapid industrial progress can
be achieved if they just conform to Communist methods and discipline. We
know the fallacy of that argument but many of the lesser developed countries
do not.
The third major element of the drive of communism to fulfill its boast
of inheriting the earth lies in the field of political action, propaganda
and the subversive effort to undermine free governments everywhere.
They start of course with the weakest and most vulnerable targets but
they lose no opportunity to work even against the strong and the sophisticated.
Their weapons include the control of their far-flung Communist Party
organization, underground and above ground, on almost a world-vide basis.
Then they have their front organizations in the fields of labor, of veterans,
students, youth, women, and the various professions.
Their so-called world peace and "ban the bomb" movements appeal to the
aspirations of peoples in various parts of the world.
The over-all strategy of International Communism is generally worked
out in Moscow or, in some cases, in Peiping, at secret conferences of
Communist delegates from various areas of the world.
Take Latin America, for example. At the 21st Communist Party Congress
held in Moscow a little over a year ago, guidance was given to the Communist
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leaders in secret regional session. The Latin American Communists were
directed to develop the theme of nationalism and to omit any reference to
relations with Moscow. They were told to use every effort to eliminate
pro-American elements, and to develop their local revolutions with the
United States as the main target and whipping boy. I need hardly point out
that these directives are being implemented. The theme in Latin America is
liberation from what they describe as the domination of the "Colossus of
the North."
Moscow's strategy for dealing with the labor movements in Latin America
was revised. So-called neutralist and independent local Latin American
labor confederations were to be organized. Membership in the Communist
Party was to be played down and concealed.
Many of the Latin American Communists who attended the Moscow briefings
received supplementary indoctrination at a later meeting in Peiping.
This is just a short blueprint of the strategy of International
Communism.
It is a formidable threat to our free institutions and those of the
free world.
But Communism is not the wave of the future. It is reactionary,
repressive, atheistic and intolerant.
As such it will not satisfy the strivings of mean and while it may pro-
duce material strength, it does not create moral values,
There is some evidence today that those who are living under communist
domination are becoming more and more restive as education and knowledge of
the outside world become more general behind the Iron Curtain.
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The example set by this country as the leader of the Free World
alliance will play a major role in the shaping of the future and in the
meeting of the Communist threat.
In the opening paragraph of the Federalist papers in which men who had
a great part in the framing of our Constitution and our system of govern-
ment expressed their views, there is this statement, "There seems to have
been reserved to the people of this country by their conduct and example
to decide whether societies of men are capable of establishing good
government."
It has been an inspiration to me to meet with you today, to receive
this award and to know that throughout this land there are great bodies of
men who like you are dedicated to the upholding of law and maintenance of
order under the framework of the preservation of our freedoms.
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