A RESOLUTION EXPRESSING THE SENSE OF CONGRESS WITH RESPECT TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PERMANENT PEACE IN THE MIDDLE EAST

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 11, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: June 20, 1967
• Content Type: OPEN

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 Approved For Release 2004/05/25 : CIA-RDP69B00369R000200300001-0
June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
for Cuba Committee, exposed security mal-
feasance in the case of defecting employes in
the National Security Agency, spotlighted di-
version of government funds to identified
Communists, pinpointed the true nature of
the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs, revealed Commu-
nist manipulation behind last month's "Viet-
nam Week" demonstrations.
As to the charge that HUAC has "served no
legislative purpose," the facts again are
otherwise. It has made an estimated 160 leg-
islative recommendations, some 45 of which
have been enacted into law or adopted as
administrative regulations. And it has dili-
gently pursued its "legislative oversight"
function by monitoring the way in which
the security laws are enforced.
Nevertheless, the opposition to the com-
mittee goes on. A full-fledged campaign
against it is being waged by an organization
called the National Committee to Abolish the
House Un-American Activities Committee.
My opponent last night, Richard L. Criley, is
the Midwestern director of this group. Ac-
cording to material put into the Congres-
sional Record by former Indianapolis Con-
gressman Donald Bruce, May 3, 1961, seven
of the 13 original leaders of this group have
been identified as members of the Commu,
nist Party.
According to Bruce's statement and a re-
lease this week by Rep. Richard L. Roude-
bush, Midwestern director Criley has been
identified by four different witnesses as a
member of the party. Questioned about this
identification, Criley took the Fifth Amend-
ment-in effect pleading that a truthful
answer would be incriminating.
Noot all opposition to HUAC stems from
such sources, of course, but the sustained
agitation does. And that's one key reason
that the committee is so "controversial."
(Mr. BLACKBURN (at the request of
Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to Include. extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. BLACKBURN'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. BROTZMAN (at the request of
Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. BROTZMAN'S remarks will.ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. CURTIS' remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. GARDNER (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. GARDNER'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
SELECTIVE SERVICE BILL
(Mr. GUDE (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. GUDE. Mr. Speaker, the impor-
tance of legislation that will affect the
lives of all our young men cannot be
minimized. The selective service bill that
we are considering today will probably
affect more young men in the next 4 years
than any other piece of legislation in
this 90th Congress.
I shall vote for this bill reluctantly. I
do so feeling that during this period of
crisis and due to our military commit-
ments around the world, we cannot af-
ford an interruption in our Selective
Service program.
My reluctant support is based primari-
ly on the fact that this fails to provide
for uniform national standards, and al-
lows for a haphazard. system in which
each local draft board sets its own stand-
ards which inevitably must result in un-
justifiable inequities. I am very disap-
pointed that the other body has watered
down provisions that would have insured
uniform national criteria for classifica-
tion of men for the draft.
This bill authorizes that the Federal
Government recommend such stand-
ards. I am hopeful that this will be a
beginning in working toward uniform
classification standards and that it will
i
ize the inequuitWs that exist.
mi
n
m/
U
C tESSING THE
A 4
SENSE O CONGRESS WITH RE-
SPECT TO THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF PERMANENT PEACE IN THE
MIDDLE EAST
(Mr. WHALEN (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. WHALEN. Mr. Speaker, armed
conflict in the Middle East has ceased.
The long debate dealing with the unre-
solved problems in this area now has
begun.
Future world peace may well hinge
upon the outcome of these discussions.
Thus, the United States has an im-
portant stake in current Middle East
negotiations.
While representatives of the executive
branch serve as our country's spokesmen
during the dialog on the Middle East, it
is imperative that their views reflect na-
tional attitudes.
The most effective means of discerning
and expressing national views is through
congressional action.
To this end, I am introducing today the
following House resolution "expressing
the sense of the House of Representatives
with respect to the establishment of
permanent peace in the Middle East."
Some 54 of my colleagues, as of now,
have agreed to support this resolution,
and I am taking the liberty of listing their
names below.
I invite the other Members of the
House of Representatives who have not
done so already to join me in this expres-
sion of national policy.
The text of the resolution and the
names of Members who have introduced
identical or similar resolutions follows:
H 7563
H. RES. 645
Resolution expressing the sense of the House
of Representatives with respect to the es-
tablishment of permanent peace in the
Middle East
Whereas, an internal Middle East conflict
inherently endangers the peace and well-
being of the world community of nations;
and
Whereas, an open door in the Middle East
is vital to the flow of world commerce; and
Whereas, by United Nations Declaration
Israel legally deserves the status and rights
of a sovereign nation and the territorial in-
tegrity which such status entails; and
Whereas, many thousands lost their lives
in the recent Middle East conflict: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the House
of Representatives that permanent peace in
the Middle East can be achieved only if:
1. The existence and sovereignty of Israel
is acknowledged by the Arab nations;
2. Freedom of passage in the Suez Canal
and the Gulf of Aqaba is guaranteed not only
to Israel but to all nations;
3. Final settlement of the boundaries of
the State of Israel is made and such bound-
aries are acknowledged by the Arab nations;
4. Effective restrictions are imposed upon
the flow of arms into the Middle East from
other members of the world community;
5. All nations address themselves to a final
and equitable solution of the refugee prob-
lem in the Middle East; and be it further
Resolved, That the House of Representa-
tives, in order that lasting peace may be
established in the Middle East, urges the
President of the United States:
1. To use all diplomatic resources at his
command, including our membership in the
United Nations, to work for the accomplish-
ment of the five aforementioned objectives,
and
2. To avoid repeating the mistake of 1956
which led to resumption of hostilities eleven
years later, by opposing, as a precondition
to the discussion and negotiation of the
aforementioned five objectives, the relin-
quishment by Israel of territories possessed
at the time the cease fire was effectuated.
CONGRESSMEN FILING THE MIDDLE
EAST RESOLUTION
Charles W. Whalen, Jr., Garner E. Shriver,
Theodore R. Kupferman, Daniel E. Button,
Fred Schwengel, John E. Hunt, Jerome R.
Waldie, W. E. Brock, Seymour Halpern, Ed
Reinecke, Lionel Van Deerlin, Lawrence G.
Williams, E. S. Johnny Walker.
Thomas G. Morris, Tom Railsback, Howard
W. Robison, Richard L. Ottinger, James H.
Scheuer, James A. Byrne, Barratt O'Hara,
Robert L. F. Sikes, Louis C. Wyman, Cath-
erine May, William L. Hungate, John Brade-
mas, Bill Nichols, Margaret Heckler.
Thomas M. Rees, Garry Brown, Joel T.
Broyhill, William L. St. Onge, J. Herbert
Burke, G. Elliott Hagan, William F. Ryan,
Harold R. Collier, Richard S. Schweiker, Tor-
bert H. Macdonald, Henry P. Smith III,
Robert L. Leggett, Donald E. Lukens.
Dan Kuykendall, Walter S. Baring, James C.
Corman, J. Irving Whalley, James C. Gard-
ner, Peter Kyros, John Slack, Morris Udall,
Robert Denney, Guy Vander Jagt, Gilbert
Gude, Florence Dwyer, Edward G. Biester, Jr.,
William V. Roth Jr., George Bush.
QUESTIONNAIRES HELP OUR
CONGRESSMEN
(Mr. BURTON of Utah (at the request
of Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
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. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967
Mr. BURTON of Utah. Mr. Speaker, all
of us in Congress hope we qualify as ex-
perts on the needs and desires of our
constituents. Nonetheless, it seems nec-
essary to "touch base" with the people
frequently in order to keep our feet on
the ground, for the world changes and
the moods of our constituents change-
and not always in harmony.
I am sure that most of us are aware
of the great value of mailed question-
naires, and I am sure that if the citizens
of our districts could sit in our places
they, too, would feel that the efforts
expended in registering their opinions are
unusually worthwhile.
Our distinguished colleague from
Colorado [Mr. BROTZMAN] recently con-
ducted such an opinion poll-as did I.
In the course of comparing notes, he
showed me an editorial from a newspaper
in his district, the Longmont Daily
Times-Call, which seemed to present the
rationale of the opinion poll unusually
well.
Mr. Speaker, I am inserting this edi-
torial in the RECORD for the benefit of the
Members:
QUESTIONNAIRES HELP OUR CONGRESSMEN,
We have always admired those people who
are easy with a pen and can sit down and
turn out a short, sensible letter to their
Congressman. We have known a few people
who not only can, but do send their views
to Washington in this way. Unfortunately
they are a rare type with the result that
our representatives in Washington are often
forced to grope for the opinions of most of
their constituents.
Finding the sense of their districts has
become an increasingly difficult problem for
our congressmen and senators. First they
can spend very little time at home because
Congress stays in session much longer than
it used to. Being a Washington representa-
tive is not the part-time job it once was.
Secondly the number of people each Con-
gressman and senator represents has in-
creased many times making: it just about
impossible to talk to a very large proportion
of the people in a district or a state.
In many ways we are inclined to deplore
the use of questionnaires by Congressmen
to find out what people are thinking, but
for the moment, we cannot think of a better
way for them to do the job.
The recent questionnaire which Congress-
man Don Bratzman sent out: did a fine job
of presenting eight questions of major im-
portance to the country. Of the 190,000
questionnaires sent out over 29,000 were
returned which represented the opinions of
49,000 people (two votes being allowed per
card).
Answers to some of the questions seemed
less than consistent. People want to raise
the SocialSecurity benefits, but at the same
time they oppose a tax increase. And without
a tax increase they want to continue the war
in Vietnam until North Vietnam gives in.
They showed no desire for us to stop bombing
the North without definite concessions.
It is going to be hard to keep the war
going at the present pace and Increase home
spending without a tax increase.
People seem reluctant to get China into
the UN; although the margin against this
is far smaller than it probably would have
been a few years ago.
Youth should be interested in the poll to
the extent that most people thought the
draft was fair and that 18-year-olds should
not vote. It is interesting to note that Con-
gress is working to change the draft law since
the poll was taken, though not materially.
People were not clear at all as to how they
feel about the federal government becom?ng
a giant tax collecting agency that would pull
in the funds for the states and then parcel
them back out on the basis of how much the
states had paid in.
The clearest point of all which we hope all
congressmen, in Colorado and across the na-
tion, take to heart is that 94.4 per cent of
the poll answerers think Congress should
have a code of ethics.
(Mr. BERRY (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. BERRY'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mrs. HECKLER of Massachusetts (at
the request of Mr. ROTH) was granted
permission to extend her remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
[Mrs. HECKLER of Massachusetts'
remarks will appear hereafter in the
Appendix.] -
THE OIL IMPORT PROGRAM
(Mr. SMITH of Oklahoma (at the re-
quest of Mr. ROTH) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. SMITH of Oklahoma. Mr.
Speaker, it gives me a great deal of
pleasure to sponsor this bill.
The independent segment of the oil
industry in the State of Oklahoma is
struggling for its survival. Since the
8-year-old mandatory oil import pro-
gram was undertaken in 1959 to protect
the national security as relates to petro-
leum fuels, there have been accumulated
pressures on the oil import program
which can be summarized as follows:
Certain proposals by five different
companies to construct new or ex-
panded refinery-petrochemical facilities
in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands,
with authorization to move about 95,000
barrels daily of light products and an in-
determinate volume of residual fuel to
the U.S. mainland.
Pending "trade zones" at Taft, La.,
and in Bay County, Mich., both approved
by the Foreign Trade Zones Board, the
Department now has the responsibility
for acting on applications to permit
30,000 barrels daily of foreign petro-
chemical feed stocks sought for proc-
essing in these zones.
The Canadian exports into U.S. mar-
kets, which were estimated and then de-
ducted from other-offshore-imports
in each allocation period, exceed agreed-
upon volumes in each period, and be-
cause of new Canadian capacity are re-
sulting in increasing pressures which
many doubt can be contained under the
informal arrangements that have ap-
plied to Canadian imports in the past.
For reasons that still are not clear,
Interior proposed, and the President
signed, an amendment to the oil import
proclamation to give Secretary Udall
"discretionary" authority to import
asphalt outside the 12.2 import ratio. The
proposal was said to be tied to develop-
ing "asphalt shortages" and "higher
prices" ; however, I must say I have been
unable to find evidence of either "asphalt
shortages" or "higher prices."
In addition to thevery real potential of
these threatening and widening "loop-
holes," confidence in the import program
is further undetermined by Government's
declared- intent to manipulate the pro-
gram as a coercive means of holding down
oil prices. Secretary Udall has notably
mentioned that keeping down prices is
the basic reason for the proposal to per-
mit greater asphalt imports.
Not one of these propositions to hike
imports has any relationship to security
considerations. All are simply private
measures to give specific companies spe-
cial or preferred treatment in their access
to foreign oil or its products. Each could
have only one effect-to improve its spon-
sor's economic position in relation to
competitors.
The five active applications which
have been made to coastal projects in
Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands would
create gaps in the import program; and
as well, additional inflow of foreign pe-
troleum products, assuming all the prod-
ucts were approved, would aggravate the
U.S. balance-of-payments deficit by an-
other $100 million. Further, it would sim-
ply destroy - the Department of Defense
cuts in foreign product purchases and
imports in order to ease the U.S. balance-
of-payments deficit.
In relation to the applications which
were made to the Foreign Trade Zones
Board some 2 years ago to establish trade
zones in Taft, La., and Bay County,
Mich., which were approved by the Sec-
retary of Commerce, it should be noted
that import allocations of 74,000 bar-
rels daily to Puerto Rico firms already
exceed the equivalent feed stocks of
about 50,000 barrels a day which go into
the export limit. Further, if petrochemi-
cal processors are granted preferential
access to foreign feedstocks, others for
comparable reasons would be compelled
to seek similar treatment. Indeed, can
the Government, in fairness, dole out
preferential treatment to just one or two
without giving similar treatment to oth-
ers? Such a "trade zone stampede," as
Mr. Udall has stated, "could wreck the
whole import program."
In relation to the supposed shortage of
asphalt and to rising prices of the prod-
uct in the U.S. highway program, all
evidence indicates that there is subse-
quent excess of the current demand. A
recent study pointed out that in 1958 the
asphalt capability from our domestic
crude was 700,000 barrels a day. Since
1958, production of crude has increased
24 percent. In 1966, asphalt demands
were only 368,000 barrels daily. In actu-
ality, the asphalt stock situation actually.
improved in 1966, rising from 16.1 mil-
lion barrels at the beginning of the year
to 17.3 million barrels at the end of 1966.
Therefore, it would seem evident that
there is no available information which
would justify granting importers of as-
phalt or asphaltic oils preferential treat-
ment under the import program.
In addition to this accumulation of
threats to the stabilization of the import
program, the completely unauthorized
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. rnivrRF.SSTfNAL RECORD - HOUSE
interference into oil pricing, first in the
Oklahoma-Kansas crude oil prices last
fall, then in gasoline pricing, now in
asphalt prices, serve to shatter confidence
in the entire program. These actions
serve only to raise the question as to
whether imports are to be firmly limited
to serve oil security objectives or ma-
neuvered to keep depressed oil prices
further depressed.
While the import ratio has held fairly
stable, domestic production and explora-
tion have continugd to decline along
with operating rigs, drilling completions,
footing drilled, and seismic crews have
reached new lows in 1966. The additions
to our reserve have been inadequate. In
Oklahoma, 1959 and 1966 activity com-
pares as follows :
Total well completions fell from 6,230
to 4,069, a 35-percent decline.
Footage drilled declined from 21,278,-
000 feet to 18,142,000 feet, a reduction
of 15 percent.
Operating rigs were reduced from 226
to 141. In 1967, rig activity has further
declined.
While drilling of exploratory wells in-
creased in 1966, the 505 wildcat wells
drilled were less than one-half the num-
ber drilled in 1959.
Crude oil.production increased 11 per-
cent compared to an increase of 18 per-
cent in crude oil imports into districts I
through IV.
The only basis for mandatory oil im-
port program is national security, and
that basis must be completely reaffirmed.
With that overall objective in mind we
should :
Commit ourselves to the preservation which results from lack of repairs an
h mes
t t
o
for expenses incurred by the taxpayer
on improvements and repairs to his res-
idence. This is the heart of my program.
It is a forceful incentive to home beau-
tification and continuing upkeep.
I am certain that many of us have
observed increasing signs of general de-
preciation in many communities. This is
especially evident in lower income com-
munities, and that is understandable in
the light of the soaring costs of mate-
rials and skilled labor.
Home depreciation is a progressive
blight. A repair that goes undone one
year may cost twice as much to correct
in the second year, and four times as
much in the third year.
Eventually, if the regular, periodic
maintenance work has not been carried
out, there comes a point where the cost
of repairs becomes so prohibitive as to be
impossible. From that point on, creeping
blight becomes rampaging blight.
The Bureau of the Census in 1960 re-
ported that only 74 percent of all the
housing in America could be deemed to
be in sound condition. Since then, there
has been a steady increase in the costs
of home maintenance. We can hardly
hope that the rate of deterioration had
decreased. In fact, we can safely assume
that delapitation has spread.
We must do everything in our power
to encourage the physical preservation of
the American home, for it is the founda-
tion of the American community.
Enactment of the two laws I have in-
troduced today will go a long way to-
ward making that preservation more
o
of the general principles of the Curren improvements
CE FORCE
uota system with a reasonable reduction The first bill would provide deprecia-
q
in the overall level of imports. Lion allowances to make up for wear and The S FAKER. Under previous order
Include all nonresidual imports into tear on a home. We have ample precedent of the House, the gentleman from Mas-
districts I through IV_ within the pre- for this in the depreciation allowances sachusetts [Mr. CONTE] is recognized for
scribed import ratio. enjoyed by the owners of business and 10 minutes.
Subject all products moving from off- commercial property. Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I stood be-
shore chemical plants to the same restric- Homes are the stock in trade of Amer- fore the Members of this House on June
Lions that such produ would have if scan communities, providing the taxes 5, as the parties in the Middle East
moving from foreign sotour rces. which form a major part of local tax plunged into their first day of open
Allow feee imports into trade zones income. If they are kept in good repair, struggle, to express once again my grave
and re tquire he extent products are t inopro- the locality's tax resources remain disappointment and concern for the ac-
portion on to the raw U .S. .S. prodlduct quota impo onrts. pro- strong. tion of the U.N. Secretary General U
port the The general economic health of cities, Thant in withdrawing the troops of the
Delay me use ut of the on "discretionary" suntowns, and villages reflects the condi- United Nations Emergency Force from
asphalt import authority Pt least uhas tion of their homes. The money spent Egypt on May 18. That action was taken t the Oeted its of study Emergency P nofiblanning has for upkeep and repairs goes into the tills directly upon the request of President
aspects of it both finished of local businessmen. Furthermore, the Nasser, and without the consultation or
aspects and the asphalt content crude. nt cr fifinished businessmen of a well-kept home area advice of any formal body within the
asphalt a are always more prosperous-and let us United Nations.
xem ng not forget that their incolne taxes swell It was the stated opinion of the See-
and crude e the by defense
tCution of overland recognize
these imports o from controls tbut exempLting restrict the Federal Treasury. retary General at that time that Egypt,
overland d import growth to the same rate Even more basic than that, we must in exercising her rights as a sovereign
as the U.S. crude demand growth. never lose sight of the fact that the con- nation, had full right to demand and ex-
Establish more specific guidelines for struction industry is the bellwether of the pect the immediate withdrawal of the
the operation of the Oil Import Appeals overall economy in urban area. When the U.N. peat kewhile the epi force. General Mr. Thant ar-
Board. construction industry thrives and its
Because so many States, including mechanics are earning steady incomes, had created the emergency force in 1956,
Oklahoma, are supported by the oil in- local industry and commerce also thrive. the actual admission of the troops to
dustry, and because the whole stability My proposals can provide the incen- Egyptian soil had been the result of di-
of our economy could be at stake, I would tive to homeowners to maintain the con- rect negotiations between the Secretary
urge my colleagues to move as quickly as dition of their homes and to improve General and the Egyptian Government,
possible on this measure. them, providing a tremendous shot-in- thus precluding the need for General As-
This measure will provide long-range the-arm to the construction industry, sembly consent to a withdrawal.
stability and insure an ample oil supply and helping it to help the economy. To many of us these legalisms seemed
to this country in the interest of our na- The second bill I am introducing today hollow. We felt, as Israel's Foreign Min-
tional security. The American oil indus- would provide for a deduction of up to ister Abba Eban noted before. the U.N.
try has too long suffered from the fourth $750. in the owner's income tax return Security Council, that-
agency of Government who rules by
agency decree. It behooves us to protect
our national economy and resources by
supporting this measure.
A BREAK FOR THE HOMEOWNER
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from New
York, [Mr. HALPERN], is recognized for
15 minutes.
Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, it is high
time we gave a break to the homeowner-
the backbone of our Nation. For far too
long, the homeowner has been the for-
gotten man on the American scene, and
the one hardest hit by the tax collector.
The American homeowner-the pillar
of our communities-has no organized
pressure group for massed demands upon
the Congress. His basic rights and needs
have a way of being lost in the turmoil
of behests and pleas which always swirls
about this Hill.
I urge all of my colleagues in this
House to remember that we are the
spokesmen for the American homeowner,
and he depends upon us to be aware of
his burdens and needs, and to act for the
fulfillment of those needs.
One of these needs, and one of the most
important, is a meaningful measure of
tax relief. I have pressed for such relief
in previous sessions of this House, and I
shall strive for this goal again in this
Congress.
For that reason, I am introducing to-
day two bills aimed at assisting home-
owners, and heping to fortify American
communities against the spreading blight
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H 7566 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967
It is not a question of sovereignty that is Nations, who has agreed to its publication It being agreed that consent of Egypt is in-
here involved. The United Nations has a this week by the American Society of Inter- dispensable for entry and presence of the
right to ask that when it assumes a function, national Law.
the termination of that function shall not AS the decision on the U.N.E.F. [United such cones in. any part of its tersefor is sent take place in conditions that would lead- to Nations Emergency Force] was taken under shall withdraw." longer persist, these forces
anti-Charter situations. - Chapter VI [of the Charter] it was obvious I replied to this in a memo dated 12 No-
We asked along with Mr. Eban, as we from the beginning that the resolution did vember in which I said: "I have received
may well ask now : in
state. This was clear both fm the rlu- g on of the no way limit the sovereignty of the host your aide-m?raoire setting out the under-
What is the use of a United Nations pres- tion of the General Assembly and from the Government tacceptss mywhich
announcing ytoday
ence if it is, in effect, an umbrella which is second and final report on the emergency that agreement on the arrival in Egypt of
taken,away as soon as it begins to rain? force. Thus, neither the General Assembly the United Nations force has been reached.
Today we have evidence to support our nor the Secretary General, acting for the I wish to put an record my interpretation of
doo y we have which bares the illogi- General Assembly, created any right for two of these points." Regarding the point
cal framework of Mr. Thant's argument. ng consent vasaa conditi on fort he presence I then continued: IEwant to put onm6moire
record
I refer the attention of my colleagues to and functioning of the U.N.E.F. on Egyptian that the conditions which motivate the
the aide-memoire of August 5, 1957, by territory. Egypt had the right, and the only consent to entry and presence, are the very
the then Secretary General Dag Ham- problem was whether that right in this con- conditions to which the tasks established for
marskjold, which was released in yester- text should and could in some way be limited, the force in the General Assembly resolution
day's New York Times. Here we find the CABLE FROM BURNS [requesting preparations for establishment
rvnnrA of ecn,-nt .,e
_-cl iLu1VII OI
Hammarskj old, who foresaw our current this last-mentioned problem-the limitation
problems in the withdrawal of the U.N. of Egypt's sovereign right in the Interest of
force, and the Egyptian Government. political balance and stability In the U.N.E.F.
We learn that those ne OtiatloriS re- operation-was the fact that Egypt had spon-
g taneously endorsed the General Assembly
sulted in the tacit agreement that the resolution of 5 November [creating the force]
UNEF would not be removed until the and by endorsing that resolution had con-
General Assembly could meet to deter- sented to the presence of the U.N.E.F. for
mine whether the mission of the troops certain tasks. They could thus not ask the
had been completed. U.N.E.F. to withdraw before the completion
I can only find it deplorable that our of the tasks without running up against their
present Secretary General was unable own acceptance of the resolution on the
to exercise the vigor and foresight of his force and its tasks.
f The question arose in relation to Egypt
predecessor in guarding the stabii[t
o
Y first in a cable received 9 November from This explanation of mine was sent to the
the Middle East. Burns [E. L. M. Burns, Canadian lieutenant Egyptian Of still more shocking consequence general who was chief of staff of the United cation in the imorning of thee12th with Dr.
however is the disclosurethat Mr. Thant Nations Truce Supervision Organization in Fawzi where we agreed on publication of
acted not only in poor judgment but in Palestine and who became in November 1956, our agreement on the entry of the U.N.E.F.
defiance and denial of a negotiaten commander of the United Nations Emer- Into Egypt. In view of the previous ex-
gency Force and is now adviser on disarms- changes, I had no reason to believe that
precedent. He contended that the deci- ment to the Canadian Government] covering my statement would introduce any new dif-
sion to remove the UNEF was his alone, an interview the same day with Fawzi [Mah- ficulty. I also counted on the fact that Egypt
and that- moud Fawzi, Egyptian Foreign Minister in probably by then was so committed as to be
It is not for the General Assembly to act; 1956 and now Deputy Premier for Foreign rather anxious not to reopen the discussion.
it is not within the competence of the Gen- Affairs of the United Arab Republic]. In that However, I recognized to myself that there
eral Assembly to act. Interview Egypt had requested cl ifi
t
. In so doing Mr. Thant not only re-
jected, but in effect denied the existence
of the procedure established by his pred-
ecessor to deal with just the kind of
emergency situation which: arose in the
Middle East. This procedure contrary to
Mr. Thant's statement specifically pro-
vided the General Assembly with com-
petency to act on this very question
which arose. At a time when the need
for deliberation and contemplation re-
garding the Middle East was of the high-
est order, the Secretary General chose to
ignore the means for accomplishing this,
so wisely established by Mr. Hammar-
skjold.
Mr. Thant has stated that the memo-
randum was known to him. It is truly un-
fortunate that he did not see fit to follow
or reveal the wisdom which it provided
for him, for the United Nations and for
the cause of peace.
Mr. Speaker, I offer the full text of
the Hammarskjold document as re-
printed in yesterday's- New York Times,
for inclusion in the body of the RECORD:
TEXT OF HAMMARSKJOLD MEMORANDUM ON
MIDEAST PEACE FORCE -
on was an element Of
of the question how long it was Contempla
ted I felt I simply had to take ingvi w oh the dwhic
nh
that the force would stay in the demarcation ger that further delays might cause Egypt
line area. To this I replied the same day: to change its mind, accept volunteers and
"A definite reply is at present impossible, throw our approaches overboard.
but the emergency character of the force However, the next morning, 13 November,
links it to the immediate crisis envisaged in I received a message from Dr. Fawzi to the
the resolution of 2 November [calling for effect that the Government of Egypt could
truce] and its liquidation. In case of differ- not subscribe to my interpretation of the
ent views as to when the crisis does not any question of consent and withdrawal, as set
longer warrant the presence of the troops the out on 12 November, and therefore, in the
matter will have to be negotiated with the light of my communication of that date,
parties." In a further cable to Burns the "felt impelled to consider that the an-
same day I said, however, also that "as the nounced agreements should remain inopera-
United Nations force would come with tive until all misunderstandings were cleared
Egypt's consent, they cannot stay nor up." The Government reiterated in this con-
operate unless Egypt continues to consent." text its view that if its consent no longer
On 10 November Ambassador Loutfl persisted, the U.N.E.F. should withdraw.
[Omar Loutfi, chief Egyptian delegate at the I replied to this communication-which
United Nations in 4956, later an Under Sec- cause a further delay of the transportation
retary of the United Nations, who died in of troops to Egypt by at least 24 hours-in
19631, under instruction, asked me, "wheth- a cable sent immediately on receipt of the
er it was recognized that an agreement is communication. In drafting my reply I had
necessary for their (U.N.E.F.'s) remaining in a feeling that it now was a must to get the
the canal area" once their task in the area troops in and that I would be in a position
had been completed, I replied that it was to find a formula, saving the face of Egypt
my view that such an agreeement would while protecting the U.N. stand, once I would
then be necessary. discuss the matter personally with President
On 11 November Ambassador Loutfl saw Nasser.
me again. He then said that it must be In the official reply 13 November I said
agreed that when the Egyptian consent is no that my previous statements had put forward
more valid, the U.N. force should withdraw. my personal opinion that "the reasons" for
To this I replied that I did ne,t. flnA -u-
...awn, ua consent Could be made before leading to the
was not completed. I also said that for that
WASHINGTON, June 18. Following is the the tasks which had justified the entry, had
text
pleted withdrawal of previously consent of an aide-memorie prepared Aug. 5, been completed; if, as might happen, differ- withdrawal of the :force before stated) in the my task view,
1957, by Dag Hammarskjold, then Secretary . ent views on the degree of completion of the comreason a
was
General, for his files on negotiations covering tasks prescribed proved to exist, the matter "although within the rights of the Egyptian
the presence of United Nations troops in the should be negotiated.
United Arab Republic. Before his death, Mr. The view expressed by Loutfl was later of the basic resolution ofnthetGeneralaAs-
Hammarskjold gave a copy of the memoran- embodied in an aide-memoire, dated the sembly." I continued by saying that my ref-
dum to a friend, Ernest A. Gross, former same day, where it was said: "The Egyptian erence to negotiation was intended to indi-
United States representative at the United Government takes note of the following: A. cate only that the question of withdrawal
of the force], 4 November, are - directed.
Therefore, I assume it to be recognized that
as long as the task, thus prescribed, is not
completed, the :reasons for the consent of the
government remain valid, and that a with-
drawal of this consent before completion of
the task would run counter to the accept-
ance by Egypt of the decision of the Gen-
eral Assembly. I read. the statement quoted
in the light of these considerations. If a dif-
ference should develop, whether or not the
reasons for the arrangements are still valid,
the matter should be brought up for nego-
tiation with the United Nations."
MESSAGE FROM FAWZI
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June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
should be a matter of discussion to the ex-
tent that different views were held as to
whether the task of the Generale Assembly
was fulfilled or not. I referred In this respect
to my stand as explained already in my mes-
sage of 9 November, as quoted above.
FREEDOM OF ACTION
I commented upon the official reply in a
special personal mesage to Fawzl, sent at the
same time, where I said that we "both had to
reserve our freedom of action, but that, all
the same, we could go ahead, hoping that a
controversial situation would not arise." "If
arrangements would break down on this
issue" (withdrawal only on completion of
the tasks), "I could not avoid going to the
General Assembly" (with the conflict which
had developed between us on this question
of principle) "putting it to their judgment
to decide what could or could not be accepted
as an understanding. This situation would
be a most embarrassing one for all but I
would fear the political repercussions, as ob-
viously very few would find it reasonable that
recognition of your freedom of action should
mean that you, after having permitted the
force to come, might ask it to withdraw at
a time when the very reasons which had
previously prompted you to accept were still
obviously valid." I ended by saying that I
trusted that Fawzi on the basis of this per-
sonal message could help me by "putting
the stand I had to take on my own rights,
in the right perspective." The letter to Fawzi
thus made it clear that if the Government
did not accept my stand on withdrawal as a
precondition for further steps, the matter
would be raised in the Assembly.
On the basis of these two final communi-
cations from me, Egypt gave green lights for
the arrival of the troops, thus, in fact, ac-
cepting my stand and letting it supersede
their own communication 13 November.
In my effort to follow up the situation,
which prevailed after the exchange in which
different stands had been maintained by
Egypt and by me, I was guided by the con-
sideration that Egypt constitutionally had
an undisputed right to request the with-
drawal of the troops, even if initial consent
had been given, but that, on the other hand,
it should be possible on the basis of my own
stand as finally tacitly accepted, to force
them into an agreement in which they lim-
ited their freedom of action as to with-
drawal by making a request for withdrawal
dependent upon the completion of the task-
a . question which, in the U.N., obviously
would have to be submitted to interpreta-
tion by the General Assembly.
OBSTACLES TO SOLUTION
The most desirable thing, of course, would
have been to tie Egypt by an agreement in
which they declared, that withdrawal should
take place only if so decided by the General
Assembly. But in this naked form, however,
the problem could never have been settled. I
felt that the same was true of an agreement
to the effect that withdrawal should take
place upon "agreement on withdrawal" be-
tween the U.N. and the Egyptian Govern-
ment. However, I found it worthwhile to try
a line, very close to the second one, accord-
ing to which Egypt would declare to the
United Nations that it would exert all its
sovereign rights with regard to the troops
on the basis of a good faith interpretation
of the tasks of the force. The United Nations
should make a reciprocal commitment to
maintain the force as long as the task was
not completed. If such a dual statement was
introduced in an agreement between the
parties, it would be obvious that the pro-
cedure in case of a request from Egypt for
the withdrawal of U.N.E.F. would be as fol-
lows. The matter would at once be brought
before the General Assembly. If the General
Assembly found that the task was completed,
everything would be all right. If they found
that the task was not completed and Egypt,
all the same, maintained Its stand and en-
forced the withdrawal, Egypt would break
the agreement with the United Nations. Of
course Egypt's freedom of action could under
no circumstances be limited but by some
kind of agreement. The device I used meant
only that instead of limiting their rights by
a basic understanding requesting an agree-
ment directly concerning withdrawal, we
created an obligation to reach agreement on
the fact that the tasks were completed, and,
thus, the conditions for a withdrawal estab-
lished.
I elaborated a draft text for an agreement
along the lines I had in mind during the
night between 15 and 16 November in Ca-
podichino [Italy] I showed the text to Fawzi
at our first talk on 16 November and I dis-
cussed practically only this issue with Nasser
for seven hours in the evening and night of
17 November, Nasser, in this final discussion,
where the text I had proposed was approved
with some amendments, showed that he very
fully understood that, by limiting their free-
dom of action in the way I proposed, they
would take a very serious step, as it would
mean that the question of the extent of the
task would become decisive for the relations
between Egypt and the United Nations and
would determine Egypt'- political freedom of
action. He felt, not without justification,
that the definition given of the task in the
U.N. texts was very loose and that, tying the
freedom of action of Egypt to the concept
of the task-which had to be interpreted also
by the General Assembly-and doing so in
a written agreement, meant that he accepted
a far-reaching and unpredictable restriction.
To shoot the text through in spite of Nas-
ser's strong wish to avoid this, and his strong
suspicion of the leg-- construction-especial-
ly of the possible consequences of differences
of views regarding the task-I felt obliged,
in the course of the discussion, to threaten
three times, that unless an agreement of this
type was made, I would have to propose the
immediate withdrawal of the troops. If any
proof would be necessary for how the text of
the agreement was judged by President Nas-
ser, this last mentioned fact tells the story.
It is obvious that, with a text of the con-
tent mentioned approved by Egypt, the whole
previous exchange of views was superseded
by a formal and explicit recognition by Egypt
of the stand I had taken all through, in
particular on 9 and 12 November. The pre-
vious exchange of cables cannot any longer
have any interpretative value as only the
text of the agreement was put before the
General Assembly and approved by it with
the concurrence of Egypt and as its text was
self-contained and conclusive. All further
discussion, therefore, has to start from the
text of the agreement, which is to be found
in document A/3375. The interpretation of
the text must be the one set out above.
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Mas-
sachusetts [Mr. CONTE] is recognized for
10 minutes.
[Mr. CONTE addressed the House. His
remarks will appear hereafter in the
Appendix.]
WHERE IS THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE
ARMY?
(Mr. KASTENMEIER (at the request
of Mr. ECKHARDT) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker, re-
cent news reports from South Vietnam
have quoted Premier Nguyen Cao Ky as
saying that 600,000 American troops
H 7567
would now be required to win the war
that is raging there. This would necessi-
tate the sending of an additional 137,000
men to South Vietnam.
Despite the 1964 campaign promise
made by President Johnson that Ameri-
can soldiers would not be sent 9,000 or
10,000 miles away to do what the Asians
ought to be doing for themselves, we have
sent aproximately 463,000 troops to Viet-
nam and now, the United States finds it-
self being told by this petty Vietnamese
military dictator what our future mili-
tary manpower commitments ought to
be. Although one might ask the where-
abouts of the South Vietnamese military
forces these days, and question its overall
lamentable performance, the sad and
tragic fact is that the Rusk-McNamara
team will acquiesce in Ky's demand for
additional American troops "to do what
Asian boys ought to be doing for them-
selves."
Mr. Speaker, I include an editorial
which appeared in the June 16, 1967, New
York Times that comments on the con-
duct of the war:
i
PREMIER KY'S WAR?
Premier Nguyen Cao Ky of South Vietnam
has pronounced judgment: 600,000 American
troops are needed to win the war in Vietnam.
He calmly, and with apparent confidence,
made his desires known a few hours after the
Pentagon announced that Secretary of De-
fense McNamara, Under Secretary of State
Katzenbach and others are flying to Saigon
Sunday. .
The united states seems on the verge of
one more major escalation of the Vietnamese
conflict. General Westmoreland's recent trip
to the United States, coupled with seemingly
inspired reports from Washington and Sai-
gon, reinforces the belief that an American
force of 462,000 men plus other forces at sea
and in Thailand is considered insufficient.
All this even though President Johnson
said again and again in his 1964 electoral
campaign that he had no intention of send-
ing "American boys 9,000 or 10,000 miles
away from home to do what Asian boys
ought to be doing for themselves."
Unfortunately, Premier Ky's soldiers have
not even shown the determination needed
to defend their own people in the pacifica-
tion program. As a result the defensive work
as well as most of the offense has had to be
taken over by American soldiers. This is aside
from the fact that the pacification campaign
has, to date, been a failure; its promised re-
vitalization has not occurred.
It would stretch Credibility to detach Pre-
mier Ky's figure of 600,000 American soldiers
from the fact that he Is a candidate for the
Presidency of South Vietnam and has been
conducting an open drive for the post even
before the official opening of the campaign.
He is apparently running on a program of
outpromising any other candidate, with
American troops and supplies as his promis-
sory notes.
Escalation on the ground and in the air
has merely extended the scope of the war
and the casualties without bringing any dis-
cernible progress toward an end of hostilities.
The sole effect of each increase in forces is to
provide the impetus for yet another increase
and multiply the risk of world holocaust.
The quest for a military victory In Vietnam
has perhaps been spurred by the speed of the
Israeli victory in the Mideast. If so, it would
be well to consider the enormous and baffling
problems that now face Israel, the Arab states
and the great powers as a result of a military
success that the United States could not at
this late stage duplicate in Vietnam.
The longer the Vietnam war goes on and
the greater the costs on both sides, the more
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 H7588
Intractable the obstacles to a negotiated
settlement will become. In any case Marshal
Ky should be told that the war is not being
fought to advance his political career,
(Mr. KASTENMEIER , (at the request
of Mr. EcIUMRDT) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. KASTENMEIER'S remarks will
appear bereafter in the Appendix.]
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Ing so he distorts the Secretary-General's
report. I understand his predicament, but
I cannot admire his audacity.
The unfounded charge of alleged Israel
troop concentrations is the keynote of the
Egyptian case for moving its forces against
Israel. If it is pulled away, the whole flimsy
edifice of Egyptian propaganda will collapse
like a house of cards. By the alchemy of
constant repetition, the Egyptian propagan-
da machine tries to transmute the big lie
into golden truth. This technique has been
tried before, and not so long ago-with ini-
tial success and final disaster for its prac-
titioners.
Mr. President, to return to the narration
of the events. On 16 May, one day after my
government had conveyed these assurances
to the Secretary-General, President Nasser
moved against UNEF, and deployed, heavy
Egyptian forces right along the Israel border.
In his report to the General Assembly the
Secretary-General, with his accustomed re-
straint and courtesy, has painted a vivid
picture of the attitudes and actions of the
Egyptian authorities. An ultimatum was is-
sued, and while It was being delivered Egyp-
tian military forces took over positions held
by UNEF, and shells were even fired to speed
up the evacuation. With UNEF safely out of
the way, more Egyptian forces were poured
into Sinai. At this point the situation be-
came critical.
Israel defense forces were still on their
normal peace footing. But In the light of
these sudden and threatening moves, my
Government was compelled to take limited
precautionary measures.
On 22 May the Secretary-General, alarmed
at the rapidity with which the situation was
deteriorating, left on his journey to Cairo.
While he was en route, President Nasser, in
a fiery speech proclaimed the blockade of the
international waterway of the Straits of Tiran
and the Gulf of Aqaba.
When the Secretary-General arrived in
Cairo, not only did he find himself con-
fronted with the fait accompli of the block-
ade, but. also with the same whipped-up
crowds greeting him with cries: "We want
war with Israel." Next came announcements
that operational blockade measures were be-
ing put into effect, and that mines were be-
ing laid in the international waterway.
The Secretary-General returned to New
York earlier than expected and his report is
now before the Security Council. In para-
graph 10 of that report (x/7906) he stated:
"The decision of the Government of the
United Arab Republic to restrict shipping in
the strait of"Tiran of which I learned while
en route to Cairo, has created a new situa-
tion. Free passage through the Strait is one
of the questions which the Government of
Israel considers most vital to her interests ...
While In Cairo, I called to the attention of
the Government of the United Arab Re-
public the dangerous consequences which
could ensue from restricting innocent pas-
sage of ships in the Strait of Tiran. I ex-
pressed my deep concern in this regard and
my hope that no precipitate action would be
taken."
Mr. President, this is President Nasser's
reply to the representations made to him by
the Secretary-General. On 26 May he said:
"Sharm el Sheikh means real confronta-
tion with Israel. Taking such a step means
that we should be ready to enter full-scale
war with Israel. It is not an isolated opera-
tion."
This speaks for itself.
As the Secretary-General himself has
stated, the important immediate fact is that
the situation in the Straits of Tiran repre-
sent a very serious potential threat to peace.
The position of my Government was stated
in unambiguous terms by the then Foreign
Minister of Israel at the 666th Plenary meet-
ing of the General Assembly on 1 March 1957,
and I repeated that statement when I spoke
June 20, 1967
at the meeting of the Security Council on
24 May last. I wish to confirm today again
in the most solemn terms that this is the po-
sition of the Government of Israel. Every
interference with the freedom of navigation
In these waters is offensive action and an
act of aggression against Israel, the infringe-
ment of the sovereign rights of all nations to
the unimpeded use of this international
waterway and a gross violation of interna-
tional law.
There is today no controversy whatsoever
over the international character of the
waterway in question. For ten years now it
has been used uninterruptedly, hundreds of
thousands of tons of shipping with all their
different cargoes and under many different
flags including Israel's have freely passed to
and fro.
I wish to recall, Mr. President that state-
ments recognizing the international charac-
ter of the Straits of Tiran and acknowledg-
ing that freedom of navigation for all coun-
tries is the rule there were made at the 666th,
867 and 668th Plenary meetings of the Gen-
eral Assembly Irk March 1957 by many coun-
tries, particularly those with important mari-
time interests, notably the U.S.A., Argen-
tina, France, United Kingdom, Italy, Nether-
lands, New Zealand, Australia, Japan, Bel-
gium, Canada, Norway, Sweden, Portugal,
Iceland and Denmark, and others.
In response to the recent unilateral and
arbitrary action of the Egyptian Government
many more unambiguous and emphatic
statements by these and other Governments,
have been issued, not only in support of
Israel's vital rights and interests in the
Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba, but
also to uphold their own rights and interests
and to safeguard the integrity of the law
of the sea.
In face of the proclaimed lawlessness of
the Egyptian Government, the assertion of
these rights and the protection of the estab-
lished law is a matter of supreme and urgent
concern to each member of the international
community.
In the light of this situation, the eviction
of UNEF from Its position at the entrance
to the Straits, at Sharm el Sheikh, was not
only an act of defiance of the will of the
United Nations and a violation of Egypt's
pledged word, but was the signal for the
revival of belligerance after ten years of tran-
quility In the Gulf of Aqaba.
What, Mr. President, was the realrole of
UNEF? Its main tasks were in Sharm el
Sheikh and in Gaza-to see to it that Egypt
did not interfere with freedom of naviga-
tion, and to deter terrorists and marauders
from crossing the borders of Israel. UNEF ac-
quitted itself of these two tasks with dis-
tinction. Israel, along with all peace-loving
nations pays tribute to the officers and men
of the Force who have so faithfully carried
out their strenuous mission for peace.
From what I have said it becomes obvious
that a United Nations force has no tasks
to fulfill in Israel. The entrance to the Gulf
of Aqaba is not in Israel, and the marauders
and infiltrators do not operate from Israel
territory.
Mr. President, the proclaimed and prac-
ticed policy of belligerence so brazenly pur-
sued by the Government of the United
Arab Republic is the crux of the matter.
This is the underlying cause for the present
and other crisis situations in the Middle
East.
This belligerence made an empty shell
of the Armistice Agreement. The two central
violations of the Egyptian Israel Armistice
Agreement are the denial of free passage in
the Suez Canal and the denial of free passage
in Aqaba. In September 1951, the Security
Council ruled that such belligerent practices
and blockades cannot co-exist with the
armistice regime.
While the United Nations ruled that bel-
ligerence Is incompatible with the armistice
RITY COUNCIL ON MAY 29, 1967
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
ECKHARDT) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr.. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, on May
29, 1967, Israel Ambassador Gideon Ra-
fael spoke before the Security Council
of the United Nations. In his address,
Mr. Rafael reviewed the repeated acts
of aggression of the Arabs which led to
the recent crisis in the Middle East.
I commend to the attentionof our col-
leagues Ambassador Rafael's address as
follows:
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR GIDEON RAFAEL,
PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF ISRAEL TO
THE UNITED NATIONS BEFORE THE SECURITY
COUNCIL ON MAY 29, 1967.
Mr. President, on Saturday, May 13th-
just two weeks ago--the streets of Cairo
reverberated with the sound of tanks and
the cries of agitated crowds whipped up by
cheer leaders chanting: "We want war with
Israel."
We in Israel looked on this spectacle with
detachment, thinking that this was just one
more outburst of chauvinist frenzy which is
such a common feature of the' Arab military
dictatorship regimes.
But the tanks and the marching columns
did not return to their barracks. They moved
forward into Sinai as the spearhead of a
massive military concentration along the
southern borders of Israel.
While the military machine was moving.
with ever increasing momentum, the Egyp-
tian propaganda machine poured out a tor-
rent of threats against Israel and charged
that we had massed large forces on our
northern border in preparation for an at-
tack against Syria.
Although the trumped-up nature of these
propaganda allegations was obvious, my Gov-
ernment nevertheless instructed me to in-
form the Secretary-General of their com-
plete unfoundedness. As the Secretary-Gen-
eral confirms in his first report to the Secur-
ity Council (S/7896), I conveyed to him on
15 May the assurances of my Government
that Israel had not concentrated any troops
anywhere, and harbored no aggressive inten-
tions against any of her Arab neighbors. I
requested the Secretary-General to convey
these assurances to the Arab Governments
concerned. He acted without delay on our
request and added that the independent in-
quiries which he had conducted through his
own United Nations representatives in the
area confirmed the facts conveyed to him
by Israel. At the meeting of the Security
Council on 24 May, I drew the Council's at-
tention to the relevant paragraph of the
Secretary-General's report. This notwith-
standing, the Representative of the United
Arab Republic in his letter of 27 May to the
President of the Security Council not only
brazenly repeats this fabrication, but In do-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE H 7569
regime, Egypt wants to use the armistice
agreement and United Nations machinery
as a cover for the continuation of that very
belligerency which the Armistice Agreement
was intended to end. This is the meaning of
the innocent-looking sentence where the
Secretary-General reports President Nasser's
assurances that all that he wanted was "a
return to the conditions prevailing prior to.
1968". What were these conditions, Mr, Presi-
dent? Illegal blockade of the Suez Canal;
armed incursions by organized gangs of Feda-
yeen; and illicit interference with the free-
dom of navigation through the Straits of
Tiran. The Government of Israel will not
permit a return to these conditions.
This is the real issue, and not the mixture
of stale allegations and fictitious charges put
forward by the representatives of the United
Arab Republic.... The Representative of the
U.A.R. has presented to the Council at length
and in detail his version of the historical
developments of the last twenty years. It
was a fascinating exercise in fiction and di-
version. Unfortunately, he forgot to mention
one basic fact which determined the course
of events to follow: On May 15, 1948, the
Egyptian Army and those of other Arab
states invaded the State of Israel with the
avowed aim communicated to the Secretary-
General of. the United Nations to occupy the
territory of Israel and to destroy its inde-
pendence. This aggression, which was com-
mitted in flagrant violation of the charter
and of General Assembly and Security Coun-
cil resolutions, was resisted and defeated by
the people of Israel.
It is this unsuccessful attempt to wipe out
Israel which is the basic cause for the future
developments. This Arab invasion of Israel
was called at the time by the principal mem-
bers of the Council by its true term: aggres-
sion. And all that followed is directly traced
back to that aggression-and to that alone.
If there is still any doubt, Colonel Nasser
himself has dissipated the last vestiges of it
and thrown off all pretence. In his speech be-
fore the Central Council of Arab Trade Un-
ions on 26 May 1967 he revealed his true in-
tentions-not new to Israel or to those who
knew the realities of the Middle East, and
shocking to those who believed that they
were dealing with a responsible leader. This
was his message:
"The Arab people want to fight,
We have been waiting for the suitable
day when we shall be completely ready since
if we enter a battle with Israel we should be
confident of victory and should take strong
measures, We do not speak idly.
We have lately felt that our strength is
sufficient and that if we enter the battle
with Israel we shall with G-d's help, be vic-
torious. Therefore, we have now decided that
I take real steps.
UNEF stays as long as we wish and un-
til we are ready. I have said at one time that
within half an hour we can say to the UNEF:
go. And this is what has really happened.
The battle will be a full-scale one and our
basic aim will be to destroy Israel."
Mr. Presidents, these threats do not need
any Interpretation. This is not the first time
in our generation that we have seen to what
lengths of folly dictators can go unless
checked in time, and what disasters they can
inflict on mankind, including their own peo-
ple. Is it too late to hope that this organiza-
tion, born out of the shambles of a dic-
tator's madness, will rally in defense of its
own principles and restrain President Nas-
ser from the course on which he is set? The
people of Israel, steeled in hardship and op-
pression, stand firm, resolute and united and
will not shrink from defending their liberty
and independence.
It is not too late for reason to prevail.
The Government of Israel believes that four
immediate steps should be taken In the pres-
ent crisis:
(1) All inflammatory statements and
threats against the territorial integrity and
political independence of any state should
cease,
(2) The Charter obligation of non-belliger-
ence must be strictly complied with.
(3) The armed forces should be withdrawn
to their positions as at the beginning of the
month.
(4) All forms of armed incursions, acts of
sabotage and terrorism should cease, and the
Government's concerned should take all steps
to prevent their territory from being used for
these hostile acts.
(5) In the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf
of Aqaba there should be no interference
with any shipping.
If these steps are taken promptly, the deep
anxieties of the hour will be lifted and the
present dangerous tensions will subside.
STATEMENT OF HON. ABRAHAM J.
MULTER IN FAVOR OF REORGA-
NIZATION OF DISTRICT OF CO-
LUMBIA GOVERNMENT
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
ECKHARDT) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, on June
14, it was my privilege to testify before
the Subcommittee on Executive and
Legislative Reorganization of the Com-
mittee on Government Operations in
favor of the President's Reorganization
Plan No. 3 of 1967 for the District of
Columbia.
I know that all of our colleagues are
in favor of making our Capital City a
model for the country and the world.
I therefore call their attention to my
statement, which follows:
A MORE RESPONSIVE AND EFFICIENT GOVERN-
MENT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
(Statement of Hon. Abraham J. Multer,
Democrat, of New York, before Subcom-
mittee on Executive and Legislative Re-
organization, House Committee on Gov-
ernment Operations, June 14, 1967)
Mr. Chairman: I very much appreciate
the opportunity to appear before you this
morning in support of Reorganization Plan
No. 3 of 1967 submitted to us by the Presi-
dent on June 1st.
As you know, Reorganization Plan No. 3 is
designed to provide the people of the Dis-
trict of Columbia with, in the words of
President Johnson 'in his February 27th
message on the. Nation's Capital, "The' most
responsive and efficient government we are
capable of providing."
In 1965 the House rejected-temporarily,
I am sure-a bill to give true home rule to
the District of Columbia. In its place it
substituted a "Referendum" bill which never
got to conference with the Senate. It was
my privilege to be the sponsor of the Admin-
istration's Home Rule bill and to play a
role in the attempt to enact it into law. I
have supported home rule legislation since
I came to the House in 1947.
We are not, however, here considering
Home Rule, much as we may want it. That is
within the jurisdiction of the District Com-
mittee. This committee does have jurisdic-
tion over this Reorganization Plan and I
will address myself to that,
The District of Columbia government needs
an overhauling. It has needed it for too long.
The commission form of government is out-
moded and today's urban problems demand
a more efficient form of government. Presi-
dent Johnson is giving the people of Wash-
ington that opportunity in Reorganization
Plan No. 3.
I have taken an active interest in city
government all of my adult life, I have served
as counsel to the Democratic Leader of the
New York State Assembly devoting a large
part of my service to New York City legisla-
tive problems. Prior to my election to Con-
gress in 1947 I served as special counsel to
the Mayor of New York City handling City
Home Rule legislation that was requested
from the State Legislature. For about twelve
years I have been a member of the House
Committee on the District of Columbia. Dur-
ing those years I have become acutely aware
of the many deficiencies of the commission
form of government we have here in Wash-
ington. It is no reflection upon those who
have taken upon themselves the task of
serving as Commissioners that this is true,
since the system itself is at fault and only
rarely those who administer it.
All of my experience leads me to the con-
clusion that I express to you-the District
government badly needs reorganization and
the plan before this Committee offers the
best answer to that need.
This plan will put the responsibilities for
executive leadership In the hands of one man
who will be expected to exercise that leader-
ship in the best interests of the people of
Washington. He will be aided by a City
Council made up of residents-those most
familiar with the city's problems and most
capable of dealing with those problems.
The. plan in no way usurps the legislative
responsibilities of either the House or Senate
Committees on the District of Columbia.
This is not a substitute for home rule and
I hope that no Member of the Congress will
consider it as such. The people of the Dis-
trict of Columbia are still taxed without rep-
resentation-a phrase which may have a
familiar sound to the Members of the Com-
mittee-and they still have no voice in any
way in the House or in the other body. This
plan does not give that to them and no re-
organization plan can do so. That can be
initiated and accomplished only by the full
legislative process.
The same is true as to any attempt to give
the City of Washington an elected executive
and/or an elected council or local legislature.
However, we must not let the situation in
the District continue as it has since the
1870's when representative government was
abolished. The Congress must allow this plan
to take effect if there is to be any improve-
ment in the situation.
There are those who suggest that the plan
is in need of improvement or that it should
be rejected in its entirety, This plan has been
known to the Members of the Congress and
the Members of the House District Commit-
tee since the President carefully outlined it
in his message of February 27, 1967. At no
time since, have I heard any reason which
would merit rejection of the plan.
If the objective of some of my colleagues
be to improve still further the government of
the District of Columbia, that may be done
by legislation which is and will remain the
full province and opportunity of the Com-
mittee on the District of Columbia.
But the prospects for such legislative im-
provements are not encouraging. All the time
I have served on the District Committee I
have urged the strengthening of the Dis-
trict's government structure. The Committee
has been many times to the well, but the
District has never had a drink of water.
The lesson of our legislative history is that
the detailed job of government reorganiza-
tion must be done by means of a reorganiza-
tion plan. This is what the Hoover Commis-
sion recommended and this is what the Con-
gress directed in the Reorganization Act of
1949. I hope that Congress will allow this
plan to go into effect.
I need not, I am sure, describe the plan
to the Members of the Subcommittee. You
have heard able supporting testimony from
Members of your own Committee as well as
your colleagues on the District Committee on
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H 7570 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
both sides of the aisle. Better government is
not, I am pleased to sag, a partisan issue.
I do, however, wish to. state briefly what I
see as the strength of the proposed new
structure for the District government.
It will-
Bring strong executive leadership and new
esprit to the District government;
Replace the outmoded commission form of
government with Its divided leadership and
closed and clouded lines of authority and re-
sponsibility;
Establish through the Council, official rep-
resentation for citizens of the District In the
making of rules, regulations and budgets of
their local governments;
Increase the capacity of the District gov-
ernment to draw top personnel;
Give the District a strong representative
for negotiations with other area governments
and federal agencies;
Allow the President to search nationwide
to head up the District government;
Give unified direction to government re-
sponses to urban problems, reduce overlap-
ping and improve coordination of programs.
The plan is not a substitute for home rule.
It will not bring elected government. This
can only be done by legislation and I hope
the District Committee will turn its height-
ened attention to that longstanding need.
In the interim, however, the District must
have better government, better management
and broader citizen participation. The plan
provides all three.
Let me turn now to the opposition to this
plan as posed by some of our colleagues.
Discussion of motives rarely accomplishes
anything except to fray tempers.
Nevertheless, I dare say only because I be-
lieve it needs saying: The only reason for
opposition to this plan is legislative pride of
authorship and I deem it false pride. What
else can account for the introduction of this
plan as a bill which. has been referred to the
House District Committee.
Everyone, including all of the opponents
who serve on that District Committee, agree
that the District government needs reorga-
nization.
Why, therefore, has not one of them, ever
before June 5, 1967, introduced a bill to ac-
complish that?
How many more years of service on that
committee will they need to study the prob-
lem?
How many more years do they need to
study this-plan?
We have heard from the sponsor of the
bill embracing this plan word for word, that
the plan needs improvement. He says he
cannot make any specific suggestion as to
how or in what respects until he studies it
some more. I would think that introduction
of a bill in a Member's name is a certification
by that Member that he knows its contents
and that he sponsors its provisions.
He says that if the plan becomes effective
under its terms, turmoil will result. He gives
us no intimation of how such turmoil can be
avoided if his bill or any other reorganiza-
tion plan becomes effective.
He tells us that a recommendation has
been made as to reorganization which can
be accomplished by the District Commis-
sioners, without Presidential or Congres-
sional action.
He overlooks the obvious. Good or bad,
the District Commissioners have no inten-
tion of following that route. They are sup-
porting this plan. Furthermore, the three
District Commissioners cannot replace them-
selves with one Commissioner, nor can they
provide for. a council as called for by this
plan.
Opponents of the plan say they do not
like an appointed council and that an elected
council is better. They refuse, however; to
commit themselves to introduce or support
a bill for an elected council.
June 20, 1967
They quibble about the council being bi- RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
partisan or non-partisan, but refuse to indi- ter.)
cate how the matter should be handled. Mr. DENT. Mr. Speaker, while the de-
They argue about residence requirements
of the Commissioner, but will not say what tails of the Kennedy round results are
they should be. not yet available, enough is known to
No one says it, but I ask how many of the greet it as a time bomb loosed against
opponents of this plan are concerned about the American economy. It is the product
the racial complexion of the Commissioner of a doctrine that fits the modern com-
and of the Members of the Council. petitive realities of American industry
Are they afraid that the non-white rest- and agriculture in world markets about
dents of this community will prove their as well as a tintype fits the modern
loyalty, competence and integrity in govern-
The argument that the law does not per-
mit reorganization by this method falls of
its own weight when we read the statute
which specifically and in. so many words
permits it.
This plan scrupulously adheres to and
stays within the four corners of the statute.
It does not add to or take away any au-
thority or power heretofore vested in the
District government by legislative enactment.
Moreover, there is no impairment nor im-
pediment of the privilege, power and right
of the Congress to change any thereof.
Permit me to briefly outline the history of
this plan so that the Congress may properly
evaluate the opposition to this plan.
On February 27, 1967, the President, in a
message to Congress, outlined this plan.
Almost Immediately thereafter the House
District Committee was convened in execu-
tive session with a view to adopting a resolu-
tion opposing the plan on the ground that
it would invade that Committee's jurisdic-
tion.
I urged that the Committee immediately
proceed to acquire jurisdiction by introduc-
ing legislation and conducting hearings to
accomplish the reorganization.
No such action was taken.
The President did his utmost to get the
best advice available on what should be in
and what should be omitted from this plan.
Every Member of the District Committees
of both bodies of Congress was given every
possible opportunity to make suggestions to
improve this plan. There was full and frank-
discussion of every facet and fair considera-
tion given to all thereof.
Every Member of the House District Com-
mittee received a draft of the plan with sev-
eral alternate provisions covering those mat-
ters as to which a difference of opinion had
been expressed. We were requested to indi-
cate our preferences as to those items as well
as any other ideas we wished to express,
It was only after the expiration of a rea-
sonable time thereafter that the President
sent us this plan.
We then spent two more days in informal
executive session of the House District Com-
mittee to review the plan in detail.
It is my very considered opinion that not
a single valid objection was developed to any
part of this plan.
It was made clear that the legislative
jurisdiction of the District Committees and
of the Congress were neither being trespassed
upon, invaded, nor prejudiced in any manner
whatsoever.
The Committees were and are free to rec-
ommend any bills they see fit to add to,
take away from or change any part of this
reorganization in advance of it becoming
effective, simultaneously therewith or at any
time thereafter.
I urge that the plan be approved and that
this Committee recommend against pass-
age of any disapproving resolution.
Again, I thank you for the opportunity to
present my views to you.
THE KENNEDY ROUND
(Mr. DENT (at the request of Mr.
ECKHARDT) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
of the Kennedy round will fade away in
years ahead as the disenchantment sets
in.
camera.
After the shouting and the huzzahs die
down these realities will rise from the
fog and economic facts of a stubborn
kind will stare us in the face. The need
for protective devices will not be reduced
but will grow.
As the tariff disappears as a safeguard
other devices will take its place. Non
tariff trade barriers will assume greater
importance. International negotiations
as twisted and tortured as was the Ken-
nedy round do not change the facts of
economic relations. The United States
is competitively weak even under the ex-
isting tariff levels. It is weak in the face
of imports. It is weak in foreign markets.
Some other countries are also competi-
tively weak v[s a vis yet other countries
in varying degrees. They will not hesi-
tate to do what they regard as necessary
to safeguard their industries and agri-
culture. It would be living in dreamland
to believe the contrary.
This country lost heavily in the Ken-
nedy round. Its dependence for protec-
tion aside from a few agricultural prod-
ucts rested almost wholly on the tariff.
This is not true of other countries. The
tariff was the lesser of their protective
devices. We are in the position of dis-
arming ourselves of the predominant
weapon in our arsenal. The other coun-
tries merely give up one of many pieces
in their arsenal'.
The inevitable demand in this country
in the future will be for the greater use
of nontariff barriers.
The overwhelming factor in our in-
ternational trade resides in our high
level of wages on which our economy
depends for moving the vast volume of
goods turned out by our industry and
agriculture. The technological lead over
other countries that in the past made it
possible to maintain our insular eco-
nomic position. in a world of much lower
wages is disappearing, contrary to the
complaint of other countries about the
brain drain to the United States. Com-
petitively these high wages are an export
liability and a handicap in the face of
imports, much as our economy at home
depends on them.
Scores of industries important to our
economy already face a deteriorating
competitive outlook in foreign trade.
With present tariff levels coming down
10 percent each year for 5 years, the out-
look will be bleaker yet. The flight of
capital overseas will be accelerated.
Imports of manufactured goods, al-
ready a menace to many industries, will
find our market an increasingly easy
mark. Labor will feel the impact sharply.
This is the situation. The early praises
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H 7552 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967
SUPREME COURT DECISIONS Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, in an ad- they became independent more than a cen-
tury and a half ago.
(Mr. ERLENBORN asked and was giv- dress to the Nation and to the world, The men I met with know that the needs
en permission to address the House for 1 President Johnson yesterday outlined a of their 220 million people require them
minute and to revise and extend his re- series of basic principles which, if ac- to modernize their economies and expand
cepted, could lead the way to lasting ac- their trade. I promised that I would ask our
marks.) cords in the many areas of conflict in people to cooperate in those efforts, and in
Mr. ERLENBORN. Mr. Speaker, it has the world. giving new force to our great common enter-
been my privilege to introduce many bills in this address, delivered prior to the prise, which we take great pride in, the
during my relatively short tenure in the opening of the United Nations special Alliance for Progress.
House, of Representatives, but none General Assembly session, Mr. Johnson On meeting of chiefs of state, of course,
which surpasses in satisfaction the bill cannot transform a continent. But where
discussed the problems of Latin America, their problems
which I propose today. of Europe, Of Southeast Asia and last, leaders candidly, are and willing where to they face are ready o join
Its principal proposer is not me, but a but not least, of the Middle East. He of- in meeting them responsibly, there can be
distinguished citizen the 14th Illinois fered a realistic approach for the only hope for the future.
District, which I represent. I announced future. The nations of the developed world-and
a contest in early spring. The title was In his speech President Johnson I am speaking now principally of the Atlan-
"There Ought To Be a Law," I asked my placed particular emphasis on conditions tic Alliance and Japan-have in this past
constituents to suggest ideas for laws which would establish the basis for last- year, I think, made good progress in meeting
which they believed to be in the public frig peace in the Middle East. The points their common problems and their common
interest. responsibilities.
Inevitably, there were humorists. One he enumerated were primarily directed I have met with a number of statesmen-
to the combatants in the Middle East, to Prime Minister Lester Pearson in Canada
of them suggested: Israel and the Arabs. These suggestions just a few days ago, and the leaders of
There ought to be a law against "There emphasized that which we, Members of Europe shortly before that. We discussed
Ought to Be a Law" contests. Congress serving on the Foreign Affairs many of the issues that we face together.
More than 2,500 of the entries, how- Committee, have been endeavoring to We are consulting to good effect on how
ever, were serious and they expressed achieve for the State of Israel since its to limit the spread of nuclear weapons.
We have completed the Kennedy Round of
people's concern for good government. creation. taWe have pin a healthy noun of
My staff culled out the best entries, re- I outline these conditions and em- partnership, and we are examining together
doting the contenders to about 25. phasize the first: the condition that Is- the vital question of monetary reform.
These were type onto a mimeograph rael has the right to live in peace, with We have reorganized the integrated NATO
stencil and copies were made without proper respect for its rights as a soy- defense, with its new headquarters in Bel-
Identifying the contestants. The copies ereign nation. Once this condition is gium.
reached agreement on the crucial
were distributed to the contest judges- established, the other problems, no less We ave of maintaining allied military
all distinguished residents of the 14th important, can be adjusted. These are: question h strength
in Germany.
District. Among them were three State The refugee problem, the arms problem, Finally, we have worked together-al-
Senators, two Federal judges, and nine the water problem; the boundary prob- though not yet with sufficient resources-to
college presidents. They graded the en- lem; the free-passage-international wa- help the less developed countries deal vgth,
tries, each privately; and it then was terway problem, and the troop-with- their problems of hunger and over popu a-
only a- matter of scoring to find a win- drawal problem. tion.
rice. Mr. Speaker, at this point I would like We have not, by any means, settled all.txe
g ourselvelves
with other that t f face us, nations. But either t amoonigloss es
He is Carl Baldwin, an engineer who to insert the speech of President John- issues
works for Electro-Motive Division of son in the RECORD. It is my hope that the to lament what has not been done, than to
General Moors Corp. suggestions as outlined will be imple- take heart from what has been done.
merited. You know of my personal interest in im-
His proposal was not new; there being REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT AT THE FOREIGN proving relations with the Western world and
three other similar suggestions already POLICY CONFERENCE FOR EDUCATORS the nations of Eastern Europe.
introduced in this Congress. I have Cho- Secretary Rusk, ladies and gentlemen, I I believe the patient course we ale pur-
sen, however, to seek a different proce- welcome the chance to share with you this suing toward those nations is vital to the
dure from the others. morning a few reflections of- American for- security of our nation.
In essence, Mr. Baldwin proposed that, elan policy, as I have shared my thoughts Through cultural exchanges and civil, air
agreements.
in overturning an act of Congress or of in recent weeks with representatives of labor Through consular and outer space treaties.
a State legislature, a two-thirds major- and business, and with other leaders of our Through onst ar hope o will soon become
ity of the Supreme Court would be society. During the past weekend at Camp David- a treaty for the nonproliferation of nuclear
needed-in other words, six Justices, where I met and talked with America's good weapons, and also, if they will join us, an
rather than only five, would be required friend, Prime Minister Holt of Australia, agreement on anti-ballistic missiles.
to declare a law unconstitutional. I thought of the General Assembly debate We have tried to enlarge, and have made
Others have introduced constitutional on the Middle Esat that opens today in great progress in enlarging, the arena of
New York. common action with the Soviet Union.
amendments to ef this h After But I thought also of the events of the Our purpose is to narrow our differences
consulting lting with emmi nent leegisslats lative past year in other continents in the world. where they can be narrowed, and thus to
thority, however, I decided that the in in, I thought of the future-both in the Mid- help secure peace in the world for the future
tention could be carried out by an act of dle East, and in other areas of American generations. It will be a long slow task, we
Congress. The Constitution, as I am sure interest in the world and in places that realize. There will be setbacks and discour-
you know, is silent as to the size of the concern all of us. agement. But it is, we think, the only rational
for them and for us.
Court and its procedures-indeed, is si- So this morning i want to give you my poliiterica, m in Asia, we have encouraged
lent on its power to find a law uncon- estimate of the prospects for peace, and the the nations of the region in their efforts to
stitutional. hopes for progress, in these various regions join in cooperative attacks on the problems
of the world.
Mr. Speaker, for being the winner of I shall speak first of our own hemisphere, that each of them faces: economic stagna-
this contest, Mr. Baldwin was awarded then of Europe, the Soviet Union, Africa tion, poverty, hunger, disease, and ignorance.
a prize. He and MTS. Baldwin have come and Asia, and lastly of the two areas that Under Secretary Nicholas Katzenbach just
to me last week on his recent ex-
in Washington as my guests. They are concern us most at this hour-Vietnam and reported the Middle East. tended trip throughout Africa. He described
in the gallery at this moment to be ores- to me the many problems and the many op-
ent for the introduction of his bill. Let me begin with the Americas. portunities that exist in that continent.
l
i
l
i
a
on
can Africa is moving rapidly from the co
Last April I met with my fellow Amer
Presidents in Punta del Este. It was an en- past toward freedom and dignity. She is in
EACE-THREATS TO .-raging experience for me, as I believe the long and difficult travail of building na-
PEACE it was for the other leaders of Latin America. tions. Her proud people are determined to
For they made, there at Punta del Este, the make a new Africa, according to their own
(Mrs. KELLY asked and was given historic decision to move toward the eco- lights. -
permission to extend her remarks at this nomic integration of Latin America. They are now creating institutions for
point in the RECORD and to include ex- In my judgment, their decision is as im- political and economic cooperation. They
traneous matter.) portant as any that they have taken since have set great tasks for themselves-whose
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June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
attachment to the labor force is seasonal the labor market. Jobs in recreation, as in
or supplemental to some other activity, most service establishments, are not covered
often students, housewives, or farm women. by a "minimum wage," and generally labor is
Thus a high proportion of such- workers are not unionized. These factors mainly account
women. for regional variations-. Fo xample, in
More conclusively, of the many millions GatIinburg and Cherol ourly wa ange
of dollar visitors and tourists s end th
p
b
b
? e re the -
suiting incomes to the
et where
etween lab labor people serving is un nized, the range is be-
visitors are on the average very low, usually tween $1.00 and $.40. In the other areas the
inadequate as income for a family and often range is betwee 750 and $1.50. It should be
even for a single person. noted that eve farm laborers could not be
The analysis based
provided by the recreation industry, even _ Aside from ~he predominantly low wage
those that are year-round, exaggerates the level, employm nt is adversely affected by the
economic impact
because so few of
th
b
,
.
e jo
s uneven season l labor demand. There are two
pay a living wage. There is a limited: demand employment spects to the seasonality of
for Occupational Rkills which
a
a .... ~. ..
p
y
are m
i
constrmus - and to the pe k activity within the season.
went places and
eifts,=
in son ha become longer but the peaks
workers, professionals in the theater,
ubli
m
p
c re
a
park employees, and a few at administrative A further employment effect of seasonality
and managerial positions at larger recreation Is the scarcity workers to fill jobs demand-
establishments. In the small and medium ing greater skil s. In all study areas it was
sized enterprises the urn rietors will
_ - .-
o'm
n
ally
the labor force in the study on the v==a' are peeso ea by the proprietors and
y their families. hey have difficulties in
basis of skills and wa
es
reve
l
th
g
,
a
s
at. some recruiting or hol ng adequately skilled per-
areas provide hardly any jobs that pay an sons largely beta a of the competition with
adequate family income. permanent or oth rwise more advantageous
In the final analysis, therefore, after hav- positions which re available in nearby
ing sifted out the short-term and casual towns. There is a c nsistent pattern of daily
employment, and, in turn having narrowed commuting of the skilled and semi-skilled
the, year-round employment to that em- workers who live in or near recreation areas
toolent which provides a primary family to the surrounding owns.
find just a few area
h
s w
ere per-
_,, . .,;00 employees make a living out of I think Mr. N than points out the
reties -aside, of course, from the pro- problems involved. s issueof the Red-
to and managers. All the other hun- wood National Par comes while the peo-
thousands of rna.n-years e
'esent
p
luumber of these jobs are filled by w men lives in the wake of nsecutive disasters.
+ .many in the peak periods by stn eats. First it was an cart wake, next a flood,
the three major groups of nter- then tidal waves, fires and, seemingly,
:, food, (2) lodgings,.nd (S) a use- every other destructive act of nature.
recreation services, we fin that Even so, none of th a could do to the
the tit labor-intensive establishme are will and spirit of the eople in the First
ggt
els, tourist courts m
anil
s
W~
,
p
. District what the F eral Government
ei
t
and employees per
i 000
p
s
n
s
W retGlpts) and the lowest intenit is in now might possibly d -put them out of
ti3}e. ment and recreation ervice work or demean t eir existence by
Qt1,000 of receipts . Within tlje major A5 Members of Con ress we accept the
groupings of businesses there are, of nurse, high calling of governing instead of be-
variations in labor intensity. For pie, ing governed. We are charged with im-
hotels, because of the extra service th
allu issuer parks and recreation Camp show 01 America. If we fill ose it wisely they
a lower intensity than motels. Ai1io g the will be the better for it. If not-by de-
eating and drinking establishments eR+nriving ma? and wo
of
i_ =-L_
en
the
ore = s ,r- n ns~ve their chosen calling a out of proportion
than refreshment places and bars. The idest to need-then we are of legislators but,
range is found among the recreation or ervice instead, economic ha het men, unmind-
establishments, but as a general rule urr an _ .
intensive than outdoor recreation fa sties. build and prosper for himself, his family,
The measurement of impact does' n t end his community and s God.
with the number of jobs created. It s the Now, with one fell swoop, a multimil-
wage level (as well as duration of e ploy- lion dollar industry, way of life, a com-
ment which IS discussed under season lity) munity of people ht be plucked out of
which determines total disposable. i ome their place in the sun, shorn of their
for localspending by recreation em pi yees. birthright, their p operty and-their eco-
Compared to manufacturine emnlnvmen +11.
low, and the recreation sector includes me sun could ever replace the skill, produc-
of the lowest wages. Most of the occupa ns tion and pride at now exists among
requiresi
l
mp
e skills and little training; c n- them as laborer i one of the most basic
sequently the pay is poor. industries in.t la n nd.
copter service for the Washington area,
has been rekindled h the announce-
ment of 11 airlines th they would seek
Government approval to link Dulles,
Friendship, and Natio al Airports with
one another, and down wn Washington.
An application to provide nonsub-
sidized helicopter selvi a has been pend-
ing before the Civil eronautics Board
for several months. I t s not my purpose
to endorse the pro sal of any com-
pany who has had p evious experience
in this field or that of he airlines.
M It is my intent, ho ever, to urge the
to certificate a carrii'r to operate in the
Washington metro -5litan area. I also
wish to commend t.e airlines for their
Ground congests . to the three area
airports is a hydr eaded monster that
grows bigger and g;er. This inconven-
ience to the tray ling public must be
Many of you this Chamber were
present last su er when members of
the Commerce m m.ittee's Transporta-
tion and Aer nautics Subcommittee
staged a 1-day easibility demonstration
to show how h licopters could effectively
and speedily ransport travelers from
Capitol Hill area airports.
Helicopter rvice would sharply reduce
in-transit t' a between the downtown
and area rports. This is a fact that
=,r Ouch auueu>.e. so Lual Mlle operation of regularly sched-
type of recreation employment throughout Par cularly, when with judicious fore- uled helicopter service can commence as
the country because of regional differences in sight they can have a better Redwood soon as possible.
H 7551
National Park and Seashore and the
people of northern California can keep
the place of usefulness and dignity their
labor has earned for them.
I hope all of you will keep an open
mind on this matter, it is readily recog-
posal ever to be considered by the
ne should make up their mind un-
time as the House has com-
the only w
the facts.
of conservation .
conservation and
redwood region on
California.
AREA HELICO
and was given
Mr. PICKLE. Mr.
eaker, interest in
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-June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
accomplishments will require years of strug-
gle and sacrifice.
We very much want that struggle to suc-
ceed, and we want to be responsive to the
efforts that they are making on their own
behalf.
I can give personal testimony to the new
spirit that is abroad in Africa, from Under
Secretary Katzenbach's report, and from
Asia, from my own travels and experience
there. In Asia my experience demonstrated
to me a new spirit of confidence in that area
of the world. Everywhere I traveled last
autumn, from the conference in Manila to
other countries of the region, I found the
conviction that Asians can work with Asians
to create better conditions of life in every
country. Pear has now given way to hope in
millions of hearts.
Asia's immense human problems remain,
of course. Not all countries have moved ahead
as rapidly as Thailand, Korea, and the Re-
public of China. But most of them are now
on a promising track, and-Japan is taking a
welcome role in helping her fellow Asians to-
ward much more rapid development.
A free Indonesia-the world's fifth largest
nation, a land of more than 100 million peo-
ple-is now struggling to rebuild, to recon-
struct and reform its national life. This will
require the understanding and the support
of the entire International community.
We maintain our dialogue with the au-
thorities in Peking, in preparation for the
day when they will be ready to live at peace
with the rest of the world.
I regret that this morning I cannot report
any major progress toward peace in Viet-
nam.
I can -promise you that we have tried every
possible way to bring about either discus-
sions between the opposing sides, or a prac-
tical de-escalation of the violence itself.
Thus far there has been no serious re-
sponse from the other side.
We are ready-and we have long been
ready-to engage in a mutual-de-escalation
of the fighting. But we cannot stop only
half the war, nor can we abandon our com-
mitment to the people of South Vietnam as
long as the enemy attacks and fights on.
And so long as North Vietnam attempts to
seize South Vietnam by force, we must, and
we will, block its efforts-so that the people
of South Vietnam can determine their own
future in peace.
We would very much like to see the day
come-and come soon-when we can cooper-
ate with all the nations of the region, in-
cluding North Vietnam, in healing the
wounds of a war that has continued, we
think, for far too long. When the aggression
ends, then that day will follow.
Now, finally,, let me turn to the Middle
East-and to the tumultuous events of the
past months.
Those events have proved the wisdom of
five great principles of peace in the region.
The first and greatest principle is that ev-
ery nation in the area has a fundamental
right to live, and to have this right respected
by its neighbors..
For the people of the Middle East, the path
to hope does not lie in threats to end the
life of any nation. Such threats have become
a burden to the peace, not only of that re-
gion but a burden to the peace of the en-
tire world.
In the same way, no nation would be true
to the United Nations Charter, or to its own
true interests, if it should permit military
success to blind it to the fact that its neigh-
bors have rights and its neighbors have. in-
terests of their own. Each nation, therefore,
must accept the right of others to live.
This last month, I think, shows us another
basic requirement for settlement. It is a hu-
man requirement: Justice for the refugees.
A new conflict has brought new homeless-
ness. The nations of the Middle East must
at last address themselves to the plight of
those who have been displaced by wars. In
the past, both sides have resisted the best
efforts of outside mediators to restore the
victims of conflict to their homes, or to find
them other proper places to live and work.
There will be no peace for any party in the
Middle East unless this problem is attacked
with new energy by all, and, certainly, pri-
marily by those who are immediately con-
cerned.
A third lesson from this last month is that
maritime.rights must be respected. Our Na-
tion has long been committed to free mari-
time passage through international water-
ways, and we, along with other nations, were
taking the necessary steps to implement
this principle when hostilities exploded. If a
single act of folly was more responsibile for
this explosion than any other, I think it was
the arbitrary and dangerous announced de-
cision that the Strait of Than would be
closed. The right of innocent maritime pass-
age must be preserved for all nations.
Fourth, this last conflict has demonstrated
the danger of the Middle Eastern arms race
of the last 12 years. Here the responsibility
must rest not only on those in the area-but
upon the larger states outside the area. We
believe that scarce resources could be used
much better for technical and economic de-
velopment. We have always opposed this arms
race, and our own military shipments to the
area have consequently been severely limited.
Now the waste and futility of the arms race
must be apparent to all the people of the
world. And now there is another moment of
choice. The United States of America, for its
part, will use every resource of diplomacy,
and every counsel of reason and, prudence,
to try to find a better course.
As a beginning, I should like to propose
that the United Nations immediately call
upon all of its members to report all ship-
ments of all military arms into this area, and
to keep those shipments on file for all the
peoples of the world to observe.
Fifth, the crisis underlines the Importance
of respect for political independence and ter-
ritorial integrity of all the states of the area.
We reaffirmed that principle at the height of
this crisis. We reaffirm it again today on be-
half of all. This principle can be effective in
the Middle East only on the basis of peace
between the parties. The nations of the re-
gion have had only fragile and violated truce
lines for 20 years. What they now need are
recognized boundaries and other arrange-
ments that will give them security against
terror, destruction and war. Further, there
just must be adequate recognition of the
special interest of three great religions In the
holy places of Jerusalem.
These five principles are not new, but we
do think they are fundamental. Taken to-
gether, they point the way from uncertain
armistice to durable peace. We believe there
must be progress toward all of them If there
is to be progress toward any.
There are some who have urged, as a
single, simple solution, an immediate return
to the situation as it was on June 4. As our
distinguished and able Ambassador, Mr. Ar-
thur Goldberg, has already said, this Is not
a prescription for peace, but for renewed
hostilities.
Certainly troops must be withdrawn, but
there must also be recognized rights of na-
tional life-progress in solving the refugee
problem-freedom of innocent maritime
passage-(imitation of the arms race-and
respect for political independence and ter-
ritorial integrity.
But who will make this peace where all
others have failed for 20 years or more?
Clearly the parties to the conflict must be
the parties to the peace. Sooner or later it is
they who must make a settlement in the
area: It is hard to see how it is possible for
nations to live together in peace if they can-
not learn to reason together.
But we must still ask, who can help them?
Some say it should be the United Nations,
some call for the use of other parties. We
H 7553
have been first in our support of effective
peace-keeping in the United Nations, and we
also recognize the great values to come from
mediation.
We are ready this morning to see any
method tried, and we believe that none
should be excluded altogether. Perhaps all of
them will be useful and all will be needed.
I issue an appeal to all to adopt no rigid
view on these matters. I offer assurance to
all that this Government of ours, the Gov-
ernment of the United States, will do its part
for peace in every forum, at every level, at
every hour.
Yet there is no escape from this fact: the
main responsibility for the peace of the re-
gion depends upon its own peoples and its
own leaders of that region. What will be
truly decisive in the Middle East will be
what is said and what is done by those who
live in the Middle East.
The can seek another arms race, If they
have not profited from the experience of this
one, if they want to. But they will seek it
at a terrible cost to their own people-and
to their very long-neglected human needs.
They can live on a diet of hate-though only
at the cost of hatred in return. Or they can
move toward peace with one another.
The world this morning is watching,
watching for the peace of the world, because
that is really what is at stake. It will look
for patience and justice-it will look for hu-
mility-and moral courage. It will look for
signs of movement from prejudice and the
emotional chaos of conflict-to the gradual,
slow shaping steps that lead to learning to
live together and learning to help mold and
shape peace in the area and in the world.
The Middle East is rich in history, rich in
its people and in its resources. It has no need
to live in permanent civil war. It has the
power to build its own life, as one of the
prosperous regions of the world In which we
live.
If the nations of the Middle East will turn
toward the works of peace, they can count
with confidence upon the friendship, and the
help, of all the people of the United States
of America.
In a climate of peace, we here will do our
full share to help with a solution for the
refugees. We here will do our full share in
support of regional cooperation. We here will
do our share, and do more, to see that the
peaceful promise of nuclear energy is applied
to the critical problem of desalting water and
helping to make the deserts bloom.
Our country is committed-and we here
reiterate that commitment today-to a peace
that is based on five principles. -
First, the recognized right of national life;
Second, justice for the refugees;
Third, innocent maritime passage;
Fourth, limits on the wasteful and de-
structive arms race; and
Fifth, political independence and terri-
torial integrity for all.
This is not a time for malice, but for
magnanimity: not for propaganda, but for
patience: not for vituperation, but for
vision.
On the basis of peace, we offer our help to
the people of the Middle East. That, land,
known to everyone of us since childhood
as the birthplace of great religions and learn-
ing, can flourish once again in our time. We
here in the United States shall do all in our
power to help make it so.
Thank you.
Mr. Speaker, in contrast to President
Johnson's temperate and reasoned argu-
ments, the speech of Premier Kosygin,
delivered 1 hour later, was deeply dis-
appointing, but only to those who do not
understand communism, its ways and
objectives. His address should awaken
all people to the distortion of truth by
all Communist leaders. Mr. Speaker, I
request that at the close of these re-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE June 20,71'967
marks the address of Premier Kosygin
before the General Assembly of the
United Nations in New York be inserted
in the RECORD. I will not analyze his re-
marks. They are self-explanatory and
cannot be misinterpreted. I believe he
seeks a way out of the Soviet defeat in
the Middle East. He wants, the Soviet
Union to be viewed in the eyes of the
peoples of the world as a peace-keeping
and peace-achieving nation.
[From the New York Times, June 20, 1967]
TEXT OF ADDRESS TO GENERAL ASSEMBLY BY
MR. KOSYGIN
Mr. President, distinguished delegates,
representatives from almost all states of the
world have gathered for the emergency
special session of the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly to consider the grave and dan-
gerous situation which has developed in
recent days in the Middle East and which
arouses deep- concern everywhere.
True enough, no hostilities are being
waged here at this moment. The fact that
there has been a cease-fire is a certain suc-
cess of the peace-loving forces.' It also does
considerable- credit to the Security Council,
though it failed to discharge fully its obliga-
tion under the United Nations Charter. The
aggression is continuing. The armed forces
of Israel occupy territories in the U.A.R.,
Syria and Jordan.
As long as the Israeli troops continue to
occupy the seized territories, and urgent
measures are not taken, to eliminate the
consequences of the aggression, a military
conflict can flare up any minute with a
new intensity.
That is exactly why the Soviet Union took
the initiative in convening an emergency
session of the General Assembly. We are
gratified to note that many states supported
our proposal. Thus they displayed their
awareness of the dangers with which the sit-
uation is fraught and manifested their con-
cern for the consolidation of peace.
OBLIGATION IS SHARED
The General Assembly is confronted with
a responsible task of adopting decisions that
would clear the way toward the restoration
of peace in the Middle East. This task con-
cerns all states irrespective of differences in
social or political systems, philosophical con-,
cepts, irrespective of geography and align-
ment with this or that grouping. It can be
solved only if the multiple and complex
nature of today's world does not push into
the background the common objectives that
join states and peoples together, and above
all, the need to prevent a military disaster.
What question is now uppermost in the
minds of all peoples? We believe that all the
participants in the General Assembly will
agree that all nations are concerned above
all about the problem of how to avoid this
disaster.
No nation wants war. Nowadays nobody
doubts that if a new world war starts it would
inevitably be a nuclear one. Its consequences
would be fatal for many countries and peo-
ples of the world. The more far-sighted
statesmen from various countries, outstand-
ing thinkers and scientists warned of this
from the first day nuclear weapons came into
existence.
The nuclear age has created a new reality
in questions of war and peace. It has vested
in the states a far greater responsibility in
all that pertains to these problems. This
cannot be called in question by any poli-
tician, any military man, unless he has lost
the capacity for sensible thinking-all the
more so in that military men can imagine
the aftermath of a nuclear war better than
anyone else.
"NO STONE UNTURNED"
However, the practice of international re-
lations abounds in facts which show that
certain states take quite a different approach.
Continuous attempts are undertaken to in-
terfere in the internal affairs of independent
countries and peoples, to impose on them
from outside political concepts and alien
views on social order.
No stone is left unturned to breathe a new
life into military blocs. The network of mili-
tary bases, those strong-points of aggression
flung far and wide all over the world, is being
refurbished and perfected. Naval fleets are
plying the sea thousands of miles from their
own shores and threaten the security of
states in entire areas.
Even in those cases when the aggravation
of tension or the emergence of hotbeds of
war-danger is connected with conflicts in-
volving relatively small states, not infre-
quently it is the big powers that are behind
them. This applies not only to the Middle
East, where aggression has been committed
by Israel backed by bigger imperialist powers
but also to other areas of the world.
For nearly three years now the United
States, having cast aside all camouflage, has
been carrying out direct aggression against
the Vietnamese people.
This war is waged so as to impose on the
Vietnamese people an order to suit foreign
imperialist circles. It will be no exaggeration
to say that the world has branded with igno-
miny the perpetrators of this aggression.
There is a way to solve the Vietnamese
problem, and it is a simple one: The United
States must leave Vietnam, it must with-
draw its forces. First and foremost it must
immediately and unconditionally stop the
bombing of the Democratic Republic of
[North] Vietnam. No statements about
readiness to find a peaceful solution of the
Vietnamese question can sound convincing
unless this is done.
Such statements by United States states-
men should not depart from what the
United States actually does. It should be
taken into account that the continuing war
in Vietnam intensifies the risk of this mili-
tary conflict overflowing the boundaries of
this area, and is fraught with-a terrible dan-
ger of escalating into a major military clash
between the powers. This is precisely what
the present course of the United States for-
eign policy is fraught with.
A hostile stance in regard to Socialist
Cuba, the armed intervention in the Congo
and the Dominican Republic, the attempts
of armed suppression of peoples in the colo-
nial territories striving for their independ-
ence-these are all links of the same chain,
a manifestation of a far-from-peaceful pol-
icy of those who by their actionscreate and
fan international tensions and precipitate
international crises.
EUROPEAN ISSUES CITED
Let us turn to Europe-the continent
where the fires of both the First and Second
World Wars started. There the principal con-
cern of the Soviet Union and of our friends
and allies and many other states has been,
throughout the postwar period-and still
is-to prevent a new world war, to curb the
forces that would like to take revenge for
the defeat in World War II.
The forces that would like to follow in the
footsteps of Hitlerites have long since clearly
emerged in the process of the struggle for
peace in Europe. These forces are rooted in
West Germany. It is there that a refusal to
put up with the results of the war is openly
voiced throughout the postwar years a de-
mand to revise the European borders estab-
lished after the war is put forward, and ac-
cess to weapons of' mass destruction is
eagerly sought after. These forces have
aligned themselves, to the danger of the
peoples, with non-European aggressive
forces.
The militarists and revenge-seekers in the
Federal Republic of Germany should know
that any attempt to translate their hare-
brained plans into reality would entail grave
disasters for the peoples, and above- all it
carries a deadly menace for West -Germany
itself. - -
The Soviet Union is firmly in favor of
peace in Europe, and bases its European pol-
icy upon respect for the boundaries estab-
lished after the war, including those be-
tween the two sovereign German states-
the German Democratic Republic and the
Federal Republic of Germany.
This is a far-from-exhaustive list of events
that enfever international life and sometimes
lead to great tension and the appearance of
hotbeds of war.
PAST CLASHES RECALLED
If the events in -the Middle East are ana-
lyzed, the conclusion will unfailingly be made
that the war between Israel and the Arab
states, too, did not result from some kind of
misunderstanding or inadequate understand-
ing of one another by the sides.
Nor is this just a local conflict. The events
that took place recently in the Middle East in
connection with the armed conflict between
Israel and the Arab states should be con-
sidered precisely in the context of the general
international situation.
I would not like to go into details, but basic
facts have to be mentioned in order to give
a correct asessment of what has happened.
What were the main features in relations
between Israel and the Arab countries dur-
ing the past year? These were the continu-
ously increasing tension and the mounting
scale of attacks by Israeli troops against one
or another of its neighbors,
On Nov. 26, 1966, the Security Council
censured the Government of Israel for a care-
fully planned "large-scale military action"
against Jordan in violation of the United
Nations Charter, end warned that if such
actions were repeated the Security Council
would have to consider "further and more
effective steps as envisaged in the Charter."
Israel, however, did not wish to draw a
lesson.
Last April 7, Israeli troops staged an at-
tack against the territory of the Syrian Arab
Republic. This was a largescale military op-
eration involving planes, tanks and artillery.
Following this, Israel provoked new military
incidents on its boarder with Jordan.
TROOP BUILD-UP CHARGED
Once again Israel was warned by a num-
ber of states about responsibility for the con-
sequences of the policy it pursued. But even
after that the Israeli Government did not re-
consider its course. Its political leaders
openly threatened wider military actions
against Arab countries. The Premier of Israel
made it clear that the armed attack on Syria
in April was not- the last step, and that Israel
was itself going to choose the method and
time for new actions of this kind.
On May 9, 1967, the Israeli Parliament au-
thorized the Government of Israel to carry
out military operations against Syria. Israeli
troops began concentrating at the Syrian
borders, and mobilization was carried out in
the country. - -
In those days, the Soviet Government, and
I believe others too, began receiving informa-
tion to the effect that the Israeli Govern-
ment had timed for the end of May a swift
strike at Syria in order to crush it and then
carry the fighting over into the territory of
the United Arab Republic.
When the preparations for war entered the
final stage the Government of Israel sudden-
ly began to spread both confidentially and
publicly profuse assurances of its peaceful
intentions. It declared that it was not going
to start hostilities and was not seeking a
conflict with its neighbors.
UNPRECEDENTED PERFIDY
Literally a few hours before the attack on
the Arab states the Defense Minister of Israel
swore his Government was seeking peaceful
solutions. "Let diplomacy work," the Minister
was saying at the very moment when the
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Jane 20, 196' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Israeli pilots had already received orders to
bomb the cities in the United Arab Republic,
Syria and Jordan.
An unprecedented perfidy, indeed)
On June 5, Israel started war against the
United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan. The
Government of Israel flouted the Charter of
the United Nations, the standards of inter-
national law, and thus showed that all its
peaceful declarations were false through and
through.
What followed is well known.
Here, within the United Nations, I will
only recall the arrogance with which the un-
bridled aggressor ignored the demands of the
Security Council for an immediate cease-
fire.
COUNCIL EVENTS TRACED
On June 6 the Security Council proposed
an end to all hostilities as a first step to-
ward the restoration of peace. Israel widened
the operations on the fronts.
On June 7 the Security Council fixed a
time limit for the stopping of all hostilities.
Israeli troops continued_ their offensive, and
Israeli aircraft bombed peaceful Arab towns
and villages.
On June 9 the Security Council issued a
new, categorical demand prescribing a cease-
fire. It was also ignored by Israel. The Israeli
Army mounted an attack against the defen-
sive lines of Syria with the purpose of break-
ing through to the capital of that state,
Damascus.
The Security Council had to adopt yet an-
other, and its fourth, decision, a number of
states had to sever diplomatic relations with
Israel and to give a firm warning about the
use of sanctions before Israeli troops stopped
military actions. In fact, the greater part of
the territory of Arab countries now actually
occupied by Israel was seized after the Se-
curity Council took a decision on an imme-
diate cessation of hostilities.
The facts irrefutably prove that - Israel
bears responsibility for unleashing the war,
and for its victims and for its consequences.
But if anybody needs additional proof that
it was Israel who unleashed the war in the
Middle East, that it is actually an aggressor,
that proof was furnished by Israel itself. It
is impossible to interpret in any other way
the refusal of the Israeli Government to
support the proposal of the Soviet Union to
convene an emergency special session of the
United Nations General Assembly. If the Gov-
ernment of Israel did not feel its guilt before
the peoples of the world, it would not have
been so afraid of our discussion and those
decisions which this General Assembly must
take.
Israel has no arguments that would justify
Its aggression. Its attempts to justify itself,
just as the attempts of its advocates to white-
wash the policy and actions of -Israel which
are based on the assertions that the attack
on the Arab states was a forced action on the
part of Israel, that the other side left no
alternative, are a deception.
If Israel had any claims against its neigh-
bors, it should have come here to the United
Nations and here searched for a settlement,
by peaceful means, as Is prescribed by the
U.N. Charter. After all, Israel claims to be
entitled to the rights and privileges offered
by the membership in the United Nations.
But rights, cannot exist in isolation from
duties.
More and more reports are coming of
atrocities and violence committed by the Is-
raeli invaders on the territories they have
seized. What is going on In the Sinai Penin-
sula and in the Gaza Strip, in the western
part of Jordan and on the Syrian soil occu-
pied by the Israeli troops, brings to the mind
the heinous crimes perpetrated by the
Fascists during World War II. The indigenous
Arab population is being evicted from Gaza,
Jerusalem and other areas. In the same way
as Hitler's Germany used to appoint Gauleit-
ers in the occupied regions, the Israeli Gov-
ernment is establishing an occupation
administration on the seized territories and
appointing its military governors there.
NO PLACE, FOR ZIGZAGS
Israeli troops are burning villages and de-
stroying hospitals and schools. The civilian
population is deprived of food and water and
of all means of subsistence. There have been
facts of prisoners of war and even women
and children being shot and of ambulances
carrying the wounded being burned.
The United Nations cannot overlook these
crimes. The Security Council has already ad-
dressed itself to the Government of Israel
with a demand to insure the safety, well
being and security of the population in the
occupied regions. The resolution Is in itself
an accusation of the aggressor. The United
Nations must compel Israel to respect inter-
national laws. Those who mastermind and
commit crimes on the occupied territories of
the Arab countries must be severely called
to account.
Faithful to the principle of rendering aid
to the victim of aggression and supporting
the peoples who fight for their independence
and freedom, the Soviet Union has resolutely
come out in defense of the Arab states. We
warned the Government of Israel both be-
fore the aggression and during the war that
if it had decided to take upon itself the
iiesponsibility for unleashing a military con-
flict, that Government would have to pay
in full measure for the consequences of this
step. We still firmly adhere to this position.
Where the question is one of war and
peace, of protecting the rights of peoples,
there must not be a place for political zig-
zags. It does, of course, happen that to solve
this or that problem the states chart several
possible routes. But in such matters as the
one considered now by the emergency session
of the General Assembly, there is no alterna-
tive to the resolute condemnation of the
aggressor and those forces that stand behind
him, no alternative to the elimination of
the consequences of the aggression. There is
no other way to bring about the cessation
of the aggression and rein in those who
might wish to embark on new adventurers
in the future.
On may ask, Why is the Soviet Union so
resolutely opposing Israel? However, gentle-
men, the Soviet Union is not against
Israel-it is against the aggressive policy
pursued by the ruling circles of that state.
In the course of its 60-year history, the
Soviet Union has regarded all peoples, large
or small, with respect. Every people enjoys
the right to establish an independent na-
tional state of its own. This constitutes one
of the fundamental principles of the policy
of the Soviet Union. It is on this basis that
we formulated our attitude to Israel as a
state, when we voted in 1947 for the U.N. de-
cision to create two independent states, a
Jewish and an Arab one, in the territory of
the former British colony of Palestine.
Guided by this fundamental policy the So-
viet Union was later to establish diplomatic
relations with Israel.
A POLICY OF SEIZURE
While upholding the rights of peoples to
self-determination, the Soviet Union just
as resolutely condemns the attempts by any
state to conduct an aggressive policy toward
other countries, a policy of seizure of foreign
lands and subjugation of the people living
there.
But what is, in fact, the policy of the
State of Israel?
Unfortunately, throughout most of Israel's
H 7555
tory of the Arab state, whose creation the
U.N. decision had envisaged. About a million
people found themselves evicted from their
homeland and doomed to hunger, suffering
and poverty. During all these years, deprived
of a country' and of means of subsistence,
these people remained in the status of exiles.
The acute problem of the Palestinian refu-
gees, created by Israel's policy, remains un-
solved to this day, constantly increasing ten-
sion in the.region.
This was also the case in 1956, when Israel
became a party to aggression against Egypt.
Its forces invaded Egyptian territory along
the same routes as today. At that time Israel
also tried to retain the seized lands, but it
was obliged to go back, beyond the armistice
lines, under the powerful pressure exercised
by the United Nations and the majority of
its members.
The members of the United Nations are
well aware that all through the years that
followed, Israel committed aggressive acts
either against the United Arab Republic or
against Syria or Jordan. Never had the Se-
curity Council been convened so often as it
was in those years to consider questions re-
lating to conflicts between Israel and the
Arab states.
As we have seen, the very recent aggressive
war unleashed by Israel against the Arab
countries is a direct continuation of the pol-
icy which the ruling extremist groups in
Israel kept imposing on their state through-
out the lifetime of its existence. It is this
aggressive policy that is resolutely and con-
sistently opposed by the Soviet Union to-
gether with other Socialist and all peace-
loving states. The duty of the United Na-
tions is to force Israel to obey the demands
of the peoples.
If the United Nations failed in this, it
would not fulfill its lofty function, for the
purpose for which it was created, and the
peoples' faith in this organization would be
shaken.
SUPPORT FROM IMPERIALISM
It is only on the path of peace, on the path
of renunciation of the aggressive policy to-
ward neighborhing states that Israel can as-
sert itself among the countries of the world.
We would not have been consistent and
fair in estimating Israel's policy if we did
not declare with all certainty that in its ac-
tions Israel has enjoyed outside support from
certain imperialist circles. Moreover, these
powerful circles made statements and took
practical actions which might have been in-
terpreted by Israeli extremist solely as direct
encouragement to commit acts of aggression.
For example, how else could one qualify
the fact that on the eve of the Israeli agres-
sion a plan was urgently devised in the
United States and United Kingdom (and this
was widely reported in the press) of estab-
lishing an international naval force to bring
pressure to bear upon the Arab states? How
else could one qualify the military demon-
strations by the American Sixth Fleet off the
coast of the Arab states, and the build-up
of the British Navy and Air Force in the Med-
iterranean and the Red Sea area, or the in-
crease of modern arms and ammunition de-
liveries for the Israeli Army?
The incitement campaign against the Arab
states and their leaders was promoted espe-
cially in the United States and West Ger-
many. In the Federal Republic of Germany,
in particular, it was announced that discrim-
inatory financial measures against--the Arab
states had been introduced. Recruitment of,
so-called volunteers for Israel started in sev-
eral West German cities.
history the ruling quarters in Israel con- DELAYING TACTIC SEEN
ducted a policy of conquest and territorial Incidentally, after the start of hostilities,
expansion that cut into the lands of neigh- when in the first hours of the armed clash
boring Arab states, evicting or even extermi- the Soviet Union strongly condemned the
nating in the process the indigenous popu- Israeli aggressors and demanded universal
lation of these areas. condemnation of their perfidious acts, an im-
This was the case in 1948-1949; when Israel mediate cease-fire and the withdrawal of
forcibly seized a sizable portion of the terra- troops beyond the armistice lines, the very
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1,967`
same forces which could not be termed other
than accomplishes of aggression, did all they
could to help Israel gain time and carry out
new conquests and attain Its designs. As a
result, the Security Council found itself un-
able to take the decision which was prompted
by the existing emergency. This is why the
responsibility for the dangerous situation in
the Middle East lies squarely not only with
Israel, but also with those who backed it in
these events.
At the present time extremist belligerent
circles in Tel Aviv claim that their seizure
of Arab territories engineered by them pro-
vides them (this they have the effrontery to
assert) with grounds to present new de-
mands to the Arab countries and peoples.
An unbridled anti-Arab propaganda cam-
paign, played up by the press of certain West-
ern countries, is being conducted in Israel:
the force of arms is extolled, new threats
against the neighboring countries are voiced,
and it is declared that Israel will heed no de-
cision, including that of the current session
of the U.N. General Assembly, unless it meets
its claims.
The aggressor is In a state of intoxication.
The long-nurtured plans of recarving the
map of the Middle East are now put forward.
The Israeli leaders proclaim that Israel will
not leave the Gaza Strip or the western
banks of the River Jordan. They contend
that Israel intends to maintain its control
over the whole of Jerusalem, and assert that
in case the Arab countries are reluctant in
complying with Israeli demands the Israeli
forces would simply remain in their present
positions.
ATTIITVDE OF THE WEST
What is the attitude of the United States
and British Governments to the Israeli
claims? Actually, they are promoting the
aggressor here as well. In what other way can
the aggressor interpret their position in the
Security Council, which blocked the adop-
tion of the proposal on an immediate with-
drawal of Israeli troops behind the armistice
lines?
The words in support of political inde-
pendence , and territorial integrity of the
Middle East countries coming lavishly from
the U.S. representatives could make sense
only if those who uttered them would in no
uncertain way reject the territorial claims
of the aggressor and favor an immediate
withdrawal of troops.
By putting forward a program of annexa-
tion, Israel seems to have completely lost a
sense of reality, and has embarked on a very
dangerous path.
Any attempt to consolidate the results of
aggression is bound to fail. We are confident
that the United Nations will reject attempts
to impose on the Arab peoples a settlement
that might jeopardize their legitimate inter-
ests and hurt their feelings or self-respect.
Territorial conquests, if they were recog-
nized by various states, Would only lead to
new and perhaps larger conflicts. Conse-
quently, peace and security in the Middle
East would remain illusory. Such a situation
cannot be permitted to arise, and one may
rest assured that this is not going to happen.
Atempts to consolidate the fruits of aggres-
sion will in the long run backfire against
Israel and its people.
CONTINUED CHALLENGE
By occupying territories of the U.A.R.,
Jordan and Syria, Israel continues to chal-
lenge the United Nations and all peace-
loving states. This is why the main task of
this Assembly is to condemn the aggressor
and take steps for an immediate withdrawal
of Israeli troops beyond the armistice lines.
In other words the task Is to clear all terri-
tories of Arab countries occupied by the Is-
raeli forces from the invaders.
The Israeli aggression has resulted in
paralyzing the Suez Canal, an important
waterway which has been transformed by
the invaders into a battlefront line. The
Soviet Union voices a categoric demand that
the Israeli forces should be immediately re-
moved from the shores of the Suez Canal
and from all occupied Arab territories.
Only the withdrawal of Israeli forces from
the seized territories may change the situa-
tion in favor of a detente and the creation
of conditions for peace in the Middle East.
Is it not clear that unless this is done
and the forces of the Israeli invaders are
evicted from the territory of the Arab states,
there can be no hope of settling other un-
solved problems in the Middle East?
Those who unleashed war against the Arab
states should not cherish hopes that they
could derive some advantages from this. The
United Nations, called upon to serve the
cause of preserving peace and international
security, must use all its influence and all its
prestige in order to put an end to aggression.
In its demand to condemn aggression and
withdraw troops from the seized territories of
the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan, the Soviet Gov-
ernment proceeds from the need to maintain
peace not only in the Middle East. It should
not be forgotten that there are many regions
in the world where there are bound to be
those eager to seize foreign territories, where
principles of territorial integrity and respect
for the sovereignty of states are far from
being honored. Unless Israel's claims receive'
a rebuff today, tomorrow a now aggressor, big
or small, may attempt to overrun the lands
of other peaceful countries. .
The peoples of the world are closely watch-
ing to see whether the United Nations would
be able to give a due rebuff to the aggressor
and safeguard the interests of the peoples of
one of the major world's regions, the Middle
East. The present developments in this region
give rise to anxiety on the part of many states
from the point of view of their own security.
And this is quite understandable.
If we here, in the United Nations, fail to
take the necessary measures, even those states
which are not parties to the conflict may
draw the conclusion that they cannot expect
protection from the United Nations.
THE COST OF ARMS
In order to enhance their security they may
embark an the path of an arms build-up and
increase their military budgets. This will
mean that funds earmarked for the develop-
ment of the national economy and the im-
provement of the living standard of the peo-
ple would be channeled to an even greater
extend to the arms race. Those who cherish
peace cannot and must not allow events to
take this course.
There is another important aspect of the
aggression perpetrated by Israel. The point
is that this aggression was aimed at toppling
the, existing regimes in the U.A.R., Syria and
other Arab countries, which by their deter-
mined struggle for the consolidation of na-
tional independence and progress of the peo-
ples evoke the hatred of the imperialists.
On the other hand, this is countered by
solidarity and support on the part of the
peoples which have embarked on the path of
independent development. Therefore, to per-
mit the actions of Israel against the Arab
states to go unpunished would mean oppos-
ing the cause of national liberation of peoples
and the interests of many states of Asia,
Africa and Latin America.
The Soviet Union does not recognize the
territorial seizures of Israel. True to the ideals
of peace, freedom and independence of the
peoples, the Soviet Union will undertake all
measures within its power both in the United
Nations and outside this organization in or-
der to achieve the elimination of the conse-
quences of aggression and promote, the es-
tablishment of a lasting peace in the region.
This is our firm and principled course. This
is our joint course together with other Social-
ist countries.
BLOC PARLEY RECALLED
On June 9, the leaders of Communist and
Workers parties and Governments of seven
Socialist countries declared their full and
complete solidarity with the just struggle of
the states of the Arab East. Unless the Gov-
ernment of Israel ceases its aggression and
withdraws its troops beyond the armistice
lines, the Socialist states "would do every-
thing necessary in order to aid the people of
the Arab countries to deal a firm rebuff to
the aggressor, to safeguard their legitimate
rights, to quench the hotbed of war in the
Middle East and to restore peace in that
region."
No state, however far situated from the
area of the aggression, can remain aloof from
the problem which has been proposed for dis-
cussion by the' present emergency session.
The problem concerns war and peace. In the
present tense international situation hours or
minutes can settle the fate of the world.
Unless the dangerous developments in the
Middle East, Southeast Asia or any other
place where peace is being violated, are
curbed, if conflicts are permitted to spread,
the only possible outcome today or tomor-
row would be it big war. And no single state
would be able to remain on the sidelines.
No state or. government, if it genuinely
displays concern for peace and the prevention
of a new war, can reason that if some event
takes place far from its borders it can regard
it with equanimity. Indeed, it cannot.
LOCAL WARS PERILOUS
A seemingly small event, or so-called "lo-
cal wars," may grow into big military con-
flicts. This means that every state and gov-
ernment should not only refrain from bring-
ing about new complications by its actions-
it must undertake every effort to prevent
any aggravation of the situation and, more-
over, the emergence of hotbeds of war, that
should be quenched whenever they appear.
This should be stressed especially in connec-
tion with the recent events in the Middle
East, which have greatly complicated the al-
ready complex. and dangerous international
situation.
The Arab states, which fell victims to ag-
gression, are entitled to expect that their
sovereignty, territorial integrity, legitimate
rights and interests that had been violated
by an armed attack, will bereconstituted in
full and without delay. We repeat that this
means, first of all, the withdrawal of Israeli
forces from the occupied territories. This
is the crucial question today, without which
there can be no detente in the Middle East.
Elimination of the consequences of aggres-
sion also means restituting the material dam-
age Inflicted by the aggressor upon those
whom it attacked and whose lands it occu-
pied. The actions of the Israeli forces and the
Israeli aircraft have resulted in the destruc-
tion of homes, industrial projects, roads and
transportation in the U.A.R., Syria and Jor-
dan. Israel is in duty bound to reimburse
the full costs of all it has destroyed and to
return all captured property. It is in duty
bound to do this within the shortest pos-
sible time.
Can this session measure up to this task
and can it attain it? Yes, it can. The General
Assembly should pronounce itself authori-
tatively in favor of justice and peace.
The Soviet Union and its delegation are
ready to work together with other countries,
whose representatives have assembled in this
hall. They are ready to work together with all
other states and delegations in order to at-
tain this aim.
Much depends on the effort of the big pow-
ers. It would be good if their delegations as
well found common language in order to
reach decisions meeting the interests of peace
in the Middle East and the interests of uni-
versal peace. -
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Jane ,20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
RESOLUTION IS OFFERED
Guided by the lofty principles of the
United Nations Charter and the desire to
eliminate the consequences of aggression and
restore justice as quickly as possible, the
Soviet Government submits the following
draft resolution to the General Assembly:
"THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,
'Stating that Israel, by grossly violating
the United Nations Charter and the uni-
versally accepted principles of international
law, has committed a premeditated and pre-
viously prepared aggression against the
United Arab Republic, Syria and Jordan, and
has occupied a part of their territory and
inflicted great material damage upon them,
"Noting that in contravention of the res-
olutions of the Security Council on the
immediate cessation of all hostilities and a
cease-fire of June 6, June 7 and June 9,
1967, Israel continued to conduct offensive
military operations against the aforesaid
states and expanded its territorial seizures,
"Noting further that although at the
present time hostilities have ceased, Israel
continues the occupation of the territory of
the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan, thus failing to
cease the aggression and challenging the
United Nations and all peace-loving states,
"Regarding as inadmissible and Illegitimate
the presenting by'Israel of territorial claims
to the Arab states, which prevents the res-
toration of peace in the area.
"1. Resolutely condemns the aggressive ac-
tions of Israel and the continuing occupa-
tion by Israel, of a part of the territory of
the U.A.R., Syria and Jordan, which consti-
tutes an act of aggression;
"2. Demands that Israel immediately and
without any condition withdraw all its forces
from the territory of those states to posi-
tions beyond the armistice demarcation lines,
as stipulated in the general armistice agree-
ments, and should respect the status of the
demilitarized zones, as prescribed in those
armistice agreements;
"3. Also demands that Israel should resti-
tute in fun and within the shortest possible
period of time all the damage inflicted by
it aggression upon the UA.R., Syria and
Jordan, and their nationals, and should re-
turn to them all seized property and other
material assets;
"4. Appeals to the Security Council to
undertake on its part immediate effective
measures in order to eliminate all con-
sequences of the aggression committed by
Israel."
The Government of the Soviet Union ex-
presses the hope that the General Assembly
will take an effective decision which would
insure the inviolability of the sovereignty
and territoral integrity of the Arab states,
the restoration and the consolidation of
peace and security in the Middle East.
The covening of the General Assembly
emergency session is a fact of great interna-
tional significance. If it were to happen that
the General Assembly should find itself in-
capable of reaching a decision in the in-
terests of peace, it would deal a heavy blow
to the expectations of mankind regarding
the possibility of settling major interna-
tional problems by peaceful means, by
diplomatic contacts and negotiations. No
state that genuinely cares for the future of
its people can fail to take this into con-
sideration.
The peoples should rest assured that the
United Nations is capable of achieving the
aims proclaimed by its Charter, the aims of
safeguarding peace on earth.
JARMAN ANNOUNCES HEARINGS
INTO TV-RADIATION PROBLEM
(Mr. JARMAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.).
Approved
Mr. JARMAN. Mr. Speaker, during the
past several months there have arisen
questions concerning the matter of X-
radiation in connection with color tele-
vision.
The answers that our Government ex-
-parts in the field have given to these ques-
tions leave a great deal to be desired and
only point out the need for a thorough
look into the problem.
For that reason I joined with my col-
leagues on the House Interstate and
foreign Commerce Committee, Hon. PAUL
ROGERS of Florida, in sponsoring H.R.
10790, the Radiation Control for Health
and Safety Act of 1967.
We have both discussed this matter
with the chairman of the Interstate and
Foreign Commerce Committee, Hon.
HARLEY STAGGERS of West Virginia.
As chairman of the Subcommittee on
Public Health, I am now pleased to an-
nounce that there will be hearings held
to study the problem of X-radiation in
connection with electronic devices that
have the potential of emitting radiation.
I feel that the viewing public has the
.right to be guaranteed that there will be
no danger involved in television. And I
feel that through these hearings we can
establish just what action is needed to
give this guarantee.
I anticipate that we should start the
hearings in the last part of July or the
early part of August.
ROGERS COMMENDS HEARINGS ON
TV-RADIATION PROBLEM
(Mr. ROGERS of Florida asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute.)
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker,
I would like to commend the distin-
guished gentleman from Oklahoma for
his effective action in calling hearings
into the problem of X-radiation in con-
nection with electronic devices which
have the potential to emit radiation.
As a cosponsor of H.R. 10790, the Ra-
diation Control for Health and Safety
Act of 1967, I, too, feel that the American
public should have every protection that
can be provided.
The public needs to be assured that all
necessary action needed to establish the
proper level of radiation will be taken. I
feel that the Public Health Service has
been in error in not establishing these
standards earlier considering the millions
of people who come in contact with po-
tential sources of radiation every day.
I also commend our distinguished
Chairman of the House Interstate and
Foreign Commerce Committee, the Hon-
orable HARLEY O. STAGGERS, of West Vir-
ginia, for assuring that these hearings
will be held.
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE
(Mr. BRINKLEY asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. BRINKLEY. Mr. Speaker, our Na-
tion today walks the razor's edge of dan-
ger. And the ominous specter which
overshadows our land is an enemy with-
in the house of our country. They ad-
vocate revolution and they are effectuat-
ing it by riot, the latest chapter of which
H 7557
was written in Atlanta, Ga., last night.
Teddy Roosevelt, in 1904, said:
No man is above the law and no man is
below it, nor do we ask any man's permission
when we require him to obey it.
America 1967 should reaffirm and
brand these words into its soul.
Mr. Speaker, Negro Americans cannot
afford special treatment. Consider the
'Proudest and noblest Americans of them
all, the American Indian; a living ex-
ample of inequities followed by special
treatment. This example illustrates what
special treatment does to a man or to a
people. Such treatment is an inequity
to the people affected and rather than
atoning for past inequities, amplifies
them,
My grandfather, Mr. M. H. Brinkley,
of Faceville, Ga., taught his children that
the answer to many problems could be
found in the Book of Proverbs, and last
night I looked there and found these
words :
As snow in summer, and as rain in harvest,
so honor is not seemly for a fool. As the bird
by wandering, as the swallow by flying, so
the curse causeless shall not come. A whip
for the horse, .a bridle for the ass, and a rod
for the fool's back. Proverbs 25:1-3
Mr. Speaker, our Nation cannot toler-
ate insurrection led by Stokely Car-
michael, or anyone else, cannot afford to
defer to him, cannot afford to honor him
with preferential treatment.
In behalf of the people of the Third
District of Georgia, as Representative of
the Third District of Georgia, I have
communicated with the Attorney Gen-
eral of the United States, as follows, be-
lieving that the latest episode of civil dis-
obedience leaves no doubt as to the evi-
dence against Stokely Carmichael, and
leaves no doubt as to the legal remedy:
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D.C. June 20, 1967.
Hon. RAMSEY CLARK,
Attorney General of the United States, De-
partment of Justice, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. ATTORNEY GENERAL: The "long,
hot summer" as an excuse for violence is
once again upon us. My concern has inten-
sified from that of urgency to downright
alarm.
Stokely Carmichael is touring the South
preaching insurrection and rebellion as wit-
ness the shocking incidents in Prattville,
Alabama last week and in Atlanta, Georgia,
yesterday.
Carmichael has made it abundantly clear
that he holds in complete contempt the laws
of the United States and of the several states
and believes that the Negroes must rebel
and seize control of this country.
Federal law prescribes:
"Whoever incites, sets on foot, assists, ar
engages in any rebellion or insurrection
against the authority of the United States
or the laws thereof, or gives aid or comfort
thereto, shall be fined not more than $10,000
or imprisoned not more than ten years, or
both; and shall be incapable of holding any
office under the United States," (18 U.S.C.
2383)
It appears to me that a strong case can
be made against Carmichael under this Stat-
ute. I call upon you in your capacity as
Chief Legal Officer of the United States to
investigate Carmichael's activities carefully
and quickly and to initiate appropriate ac-
tion under this or other Statutes.
Assuring you of my cooperation, I am,
Cordially yours,
JACK BRINKLEY,
Member of Congress.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE . June 20, T967
DESECRATION OF THE AMERICAN
FLAG
(Mr. REINECKE (at the request of
Mr. ROTH) was granted permission to
extend- his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. REINECKE. Mr. Speaker, today
we have been considering a very impor-
tant and- very necessary piece of legisla-
tion, a bill to prohibit- the desecration
of the American flag. I am pleased to
have authored legislation similar to the
considered by the House today.
I would like to call to the attention Of
the House a resolution by the Los Ange-
les County Council of the American
Legion, supporting this legislation:
RESOLUTION
Subject: Desecration of the American
Flag.
Whereas: It has been called to our atten-
tion that there have been various American
Flag burning incidents; and
Whereas: We- have learned that there is
presently pending In Congress certain Bills
for the purpose of meting out punishment
to those who would desecrate our Flag;
Now, therefore, be it resolved: That the
Los Angeles County Council of The Ameri-
can Legion, in regular meeting assembled,
this 2nd day of June, 1967, goes on record
as favoring the passage of such laws and
favoring the imposition of appropriate
penalties on all those guilty of desecrating
or burning the American Flag; and
Be it further resolved:: That this resolu-
tion be amended to provide that copies of
this Resolution be sent to both California
Senators and to the Congressmen from the
State of California.
This is to certify that the foregoing resolu-
tion was unanimously adopted by the Los
Angeles County Council of The American
Legion, in regular meeting assembled, the
2nd day of June, 1967.
WILLIAM CouLsoN,
Adjutant.
TEACHERS CORPS PROGRAM DE-
SERVES CONTINUATION AND EX-
PANSION
(Mr. FEIGHAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, the High-
er Education Act, which includes exten-
sion of the National Teachers Corps for 3
years, may be scheduled for House action
early next week. I urge passage by both
the House and the other body.
If this legislation is enacted before
June 30, $3.8 million in frozen Federal
funds will become available for summer
college training of special teachers for
schools in slum areas.
Recently, Cleveland School Supt. Paul
W. Briggs wrote me explaining the suc-
cess of the Teachers Corps program in
my home city. Also the Cleveland Plain
Dealer newspaper has printed an excel-
lent editorial in support of the Teachers
Corps. Under leave granted I submit the
letter and editorial for consideration by
my colleagues :
CLEVELAND PUBLIC SCHOOLS,
Cleveland, Ohio, June 16,1967.
Congressman MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN,
Rayburn Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FEIGHAN: The Cleve-
land Public Schools are engaged in a Na-
tional Teacher Corps project in cooperation
with the University of Akron. This relation-
ship was initiated in March, 1966, when the
proposal for a Teacher Corps project was
drafted jointly by the University and the
school system. Four Teacher Corps teams, in
cluding fifteen interne and four master
teachers, are assigned to junior high schools
enrolling large percentages of disadvantaged
youth. Their work has augmented in a very
meaningful way the efforts of the regular
faculties.
The principal beneficiaries, of course, are
the children for whom the work of the
Corpsmen Is an extra dimension of support
and motivation. The help which individual
pupils have received has resulted in a notice-
able academic improvement.
Corps members have also assisted greatly
In establishing wholesome relationships with
parents and other residents of their school
communities.
The National Teacher Corps represents an
outstanding effort to improve school oppor-
tunity for disadvantaged children. It ap-
proaches the problem In an area of crucial
significance-the need for more and better
prepared teachers.
This program not only offers a special
training opportunity to the corps members,
but its involvement of other teachers pro-
vides enriching professional experiences for
the total school staff.
As a new thrust in preparing teachers to
serve disadvantaged children, the National
Teacher Corps is one of the more promising
developments in teacher education as well
as in school-university collaboration.
Our estimate of the Teacher Corps is indi-
cated by our willingness to have several of
our ablest teachers serve as team leaders and
by our commitment to continue participa-
tion in the project.
We encourage your support of legislation
to continue and expand the National Teacher
Corps Program.
Yours truly, -
PAUL W. BRIGGS,
Superintendent.
[From the Cleveland Plain Dealer, June 1,
1967]
EXPAND THE TEACHER CORPS
Congressional failure to extend the Na-
tional Teacher Corps would have as its prin-
cipal victims the disadvantaged children of
the country.
Even many opponents of the Great Society
agree that this program designed to improve
the quality of instruction in poverty areas
has been strikingly successful.
Fate of the program whose authorization
expires June 30 is now in the hands of a
House subcommittee regarded as hostile to
the corps idea.
Prospects are that the program will sur-
vive in curtailed form when, based on merit,
it actually should be expanded.
The corps has 1,213 members at work in
275 schools across the country. About a dozen
are assigned In Cleveland.
The program offers incentives and special
training to teachers who have the talent
and the compulsion to work with children
in the poorer neighborhoods.
Included are 945 teacher-interns in elemen-
tary or secondary schools who are working
for masters' degrees in nearby universities.
The corps was devised as one way of off-
setting the pattern in which schools In more
affluent neighborhoods have been luring the
better teachers with higher pay and less try-
ing conditions.
Delay on the legislation reportedly has al-
ready damaged the corps' summer recruit-
ment and training program.
A major factor in unrest In impoverished
areas has been a disparity in educational
standards. In the one year of its existence,
the teacher corps - has shown an exceptional
capacity to improve standards In the poverty
schools.
Education is the answer to so many of
the slum problems that Congress would be
shortsighted indeed to curtail or scrap the
teacher corps. It deserves to be expanded.
(Mr. LANGEN (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. LANGEN'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
MASS TRANSPORTATION ACT
(Mr. WIDNALL (at the request of Mr.
ROTH) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the REC-
ORD and to 'include extraneous matter.)
Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, because
of the inquiries I have had with regard
to my bill, H.R. 10443, which I introduced
to amend the Mass Transportation Act
of 1964, I thought it would be appropri-
ate at this time to insert some comments
regarding this legislation into the REc- -
ORD. The bill follows basically the sugges-
tion offered in testimony by the League
of Cities this spring before the House
Special Subcommittee on Housing, of
which I am the ranking minority Mem-
ber. It provides that nonpublic sources
may contribute up to 231/3 percent of the
total cost of a project, the other 10 per-
cent coming from some non-Federal but
public source.
The law, at present, provides for Fed-
eral assistance for capital expenditures
on a two-third-one-third matching
basis with regional, State, county, or
local public bodies involved in the pro-
vision or improvement of mass transit
facilities, including bus, rail, and rapid
transit. Where no comprehensive trans-
portation planning has been completed,
a 50-50 - matching grant is utilized for
emergency situations. Although private
transportation companies can benefit
from theresults of the grant, such as by
leasing commuter cars bought by State
and local transportation agencies or by
utilizing newly created parking areas,
the private company cannot contribute
to the local share. This places the entire
burden on the community, and it is this
which my bill seeks to change.
The result of the 1964 act is that many
small communities and cities without
public transportation systems, and with-
out the funds to draw upon, cannot as-
sist their local transit companies, usually
bus companies, to benefit from the act.
Theprivate companies are, however, un-
able to provide all of the necessary money
for new equipment, et cetera, themselves,
but could contribute part of the money
necessary to cover these costs. My bill
would allow the private companies to
contribute.
I have included some local cash in-
volvement in my amendment, to avoid
any overt pressure on the private com-
panies by communities, and to cut down
on the possible flooding of HUD with
applications on behalf of private com-
panies by communities who would have
nothing to lose by making such applica-
tions. The specific percentage to be pro-
vided is negotiable, 'and some exceptions
may have to be devised for regional
transportation authorities overseeing pri-
vate systems.
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June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE H 7547
promised to needy peasants oftentimes fails
to reach them.
Perhaps the main finding from my trip
is the great number of disunited groups in
South Vietnamese society. The Buddhists
are divided into two groups. Both of them
oppose Communism; but one wing believes
that,the United States is fighting without
the support of the Vietnamese people. In
addition to the Buddhists there are two
otller sects, the Hao Hoa and the Cao Dai,
which add to the factions in South Vietnam.
Another group is a million Chinese who are
fearful of China, their mother country.
The Catholics are still another group.
Their laymen belong to a political group
named, "Greater Solidarity Forces." The
Catholics are hoping for peace and adhere
closely to the counsel of Pope Paul. Besides
these elements there is a labor union of
nearly half a million. Further, there is a
faction of intellectuals, educators, and col-
lege professors which, while they do not
want Communism, are very critical because
the United States is not solving the problem
of unity that is so greatly needed in South
Vietnam.
Besides these groups there is the jealousy
that exists between the South Vietnamese
public and the several Northerners who rule
in South Vietnam. Still further, there are
the groups of refugees, mountain tribes and
peasants.
The military forces also represent a group
which is resented by many who would like
more civil liberty. These many groups in
South Vietnam do not conflict too openly.
The said part is-and this is a great fact
about South Vietnam-they do not co-
operate with one another. There is no com-
mon belief that binds them together, and no
leader that they all look up to. In this state
of disunity they are hard put to oppose the
monolithic dogma of Communism which the
Viet Cong teach to the peasants.
The coming elections are regarded with
some hope, but there is much fear that they
will be manipulated by the security officer,
General Nguyen Loan.
The conduct of American troops is highly
praised by observers in Vietnam. Our troops
are doing their duty to the fullest. While
there is much destruction by bombing in
South Vietnam, most of the pockmarks from
bombing that I saw from the air were out in
the fields and not in the villages. I saw only
four cases of persons in the hospitals who
were burned by napalm.
I tried to find out why the Viet Cong fight
so hard. It was generally agreed that only
10 percent of them are Communists, and
That part of the war which is the paci-
fication and winning of the peasants is very
difficult. For centuries the central govern-
ment, and outsiders generally, have been
taking from the peasants high taxes, high
rents, and all the rest, while giving almost
nothing in return. It is the near impossibil-
ity of rooting out this distrust and resis-
tance to outsiders and foreigners from among
the peasants that makes the winning of the
war such a long process.
I asked nearly everyone how long it would
require to "win" the war. About half of the
people I interviewed spoke of "three or more
years". The other half said it would take "a
long time". Nobody, however, would say what
the "win" would be like. Would a complete
pacification of the distrustful peasants be
regarded as a "win"? Or would we have to
defeat the North Vietnamese army?
At present that army faces our marines
with three divisions at the Demilitarized
Zone. I was told that North Vietnam has 14
divisions In reserve. I suspect that if we
should succeed in pacification we would have
to leave hundreds of thousands of our troops
to maintain quiet after a so-called victory.
My own recommendations, which are of-
fered with full awareness of the very com-
plicated situation, would be as follows:
First, stop the bombing of North Vietnam
unconditionally. If the bombing is weakening
North Vietnam, I was told that this would
make her more and more dependent on Red
China.
Second, our forces ought to be regrouped
in the bases at Danang, Nha Trang, Saigon,
and coastal fortifications. Fewer of our boys
will be killed in these positions and it will be
a sign to the South Vietnamese that they
have to join in straightening out their own
affairs.
Third, the United States ought to call all
factions In South Vietnam together. They
should be urged to assume more of the bur-
den of saving their country.
Fourth, the United States should invite all
nations with any stake in Vietnam to partici-
pate in a solution. This should include the
United Nations, the Viet Cong, and the
Geneva Accord nations.
A new awareness that I bring back from
Vietnam relates to the responsibility we have
to those brave village officials and religious
leaders in the countryside who have sided
with us in spite of the Viet Cong terror. I
think we have to make sure that these people
are guaranteed protection under any settle-
ment that is negotiated.
Finally, I'd like to pay tribute to the many
dedicated Americans in the U.S. AID program
and in private organizations who serve with
we have been feeding while they received
the armament they sought from the
Soviet Union. Through our foreign aid
program, as in the instance of India, we
find truth remaining in the old adage
about "biting the hand that feeds you."
I commend Mr. Rynerson's editorial to
the attention of my colleagues. I hope
that we will begin to learn some lesson
from these recent events:
WE NEVER LEARN
The United States has rescued the Egyp-
tians not only with food, which ran into
the millions of dollars, but in 1956 when we
actually backed off the Israelites, Britain
and France on the matter of the Suez canal.
But despite this help which kept the Nasser
government in power and his people from
starving, we find these ungrateful people
burning our libraries, endangering American
lives, tearing up our embassies and consu-
lates and costing us millions of dollars for
no good reason at all.
It's high time that we begin to re-evaluate
our positions around the world. It is time
we begin to think into the future. It's time
that we let not only the people whom we
help know that we are the ones keeping them
alive, but it's time we let Russia and the
communists around the entire world know
that we are tired of their actions in stirring
up trouble wherever they can to embarrass
us. We imagine that their faces are even red-
der than normally over this Mideast fiasco
which can be laid right at their doorstep.
But mark these words-someone in our gov-
ernment will want to open trade with Rus-
sia and her satellites-poo-pooing the idea
that they'd cut our throats in a second if
they could figure out how to do it without
being openly involved. Will we never learn?
LENOX BICENTENNIAL
(Mr. CONTE asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, Lenox,
Mass., nestled in the heart of the Berk-
shires, has experienced many fine mo-
ments. This week Lenox, famed for its
natural beauty all year round, celebrates
its 200th anniversary. The official series
of events opened June 18 with religious
services in all churches and close with a
gala parade on June 25, expected to be
one of the largest gatherings in the his-
tory of the county.
I had hoped, Mr. Speaker, to march
in the parade with my fellow citizens.
My duties, however, will take me else-
where for the day, and so I would like to
take this opportunity to inform my col-
leagues of some of the outstanding events
in Lenox's history.
Lenox's first citizen, Jonathan Hins-
dale, came from Hartford, Conn., in 1750
to get away from the world and the ever-
increasing population of Hartford. Hins-
dale's cabin, located south of Courthouse
Hill, still is intact and stands as a monu-
ment to the town's first settler.
The early history of Lenox was peace-
ful, yet in 1755 all the inhabitants were
forced to flee hastily to Stockbridge as a
result of attacks by "marauding red-
skins acting in unholy collusion with the
French."
The settlement of the conflict with
France once again made Lenox safe, and
the community began to thrive. In 1765
the present towns of Richmond and
ists. For 25 years the Vietnamese peasants such devotion in Vietnam. I hope their work
have been fighting intruders-first, the continues if ve ever reach a time of peace.
French, then the Japanese, then the French
again, and then oppressive governments of
their own. All this has developed a dislike
of outsiders that is sometimes transferred
to United States soldiers. In many villages
it takes a long time for the Vietnamese
peasants to recognize that our soldiers are
not trying to take from them.
The Viet Cong fight because they have
suffered from the French occupation. Nearly
all of the generals, in the South Vietnamese
army are men who fought on the side of the
French. There is little opportunity for ad-
vancement in the South Vietnam army for
anybody who doesn't have some college
training. Uneducated, but able, peasants find
more opportunity with the Viet Cong than
they do in the South Vietnamese forces.
The pacification teams that the South
Vietnamese government sends into the field-
59-man cadres--are criticized in some cases
for corruption and lack of dedication. They
are unable by and large to stay in the coun-
try villages unless they are supported by
platoons or companies of the South Viet-
namese army.
VER LEARN
(Mr. hIALEY asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. HALEY. Mr. Speaker, I have asked
permission at this time to place in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an editorial, "We
Never Learn," which appeared in the
Winter Haven Daily News-Chief of June
16, 1967.
Publisher and Editor William E.
Rynerson expresses concern over the
fact that we never do learn from the
events that occur in connection with our
foreign policy. This Middle East crisis
is a regrettable, unfortunate thing, It is
another one of those situations where
we have been arming other people of the
world through our foreign aid program
and the ones we have not been arming,
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H 7548 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE June 20, 1967
Lenox were incorporated. The town was valley from Mount Greylock to the those who must make their way, who
named Richmond after a liberal English dome, the Aspinwall stood, until its must endure all of the troubles each of
noble, Charles Lenox, Duke of Richmond. catastrophic destruction by fire in 1931, us faces iin today's fast-moving world,
On February 26, 1767, the eastern sec- as a reminder of an era of luxury; an with a major physical handicap. And
tion, separated from the rest of the town era when Lenox took all the polish our difficulties pall even more than some-
by the central mountain range, was in- wealth could put upon It. what in comparison to those whose
corporated under the name of Lenox. The Lenox of the 19th century also handicap inhibits or completely destroys
The list of Lenox's Revolutionary War stood high in the literary world. Cath- the function of one of our five major
patriots is imposing. The most famous erine Sedgwick, sister-in-law of Mrs. senses.
was Col. John Paterson. Under Pater- Charles Sedgwick, moved to Lenox in We can only guess, for example, at
son's leadership the Lenox regiment 1821. There she wrote her first novel, "A the day-to-day agony and the dimen-
built in 1775 the first fort for the siege of New England Tale," which made her one sions of courage needed to overcome it
Boston. Paterson's men were later to of the pioneers of the new and inde- for one who has lost the power to hear.
cross the Delaware with General Wash- pendent American literature. Her pres- In an age in which more and more de-
ington and fight in the, battles of Trenton ence also attracted a group of gifted pends on oral communication, on the
and Princeton. By 1777, Paterson's regi- English women to Lenox, among them distinguishing of sounds for virtually
ment was cut almost. to 200 men,- one- Fanny Kemble, the noted actress who every kind of communication, from a
third of its original strength. Judge said of Lenox, "I never looked abroad simple declaration of affection to an ur-
Julius Rockwell commemorated these upon the woods and villages and lakes gent warning of imminent disaster; it
valiant soldiers at Lenox's celebration of without thinking how great a privilege is difficult for those of us blessed with the
America's centennial when he said: it would be to live in the midst of such power of hearing to imagine a world of
And herein consists the great merit of beautiful things." utter silence.
these officers and men. They suffered, sick- Nathaniel Hawthorne spent a year It is, therefore, with a great deal of
ened, died, that we might live; that we might and a half in Lenox. Occupying a tiny pride, and of gratitude and apprecia-
live in America under American government. house overlooking a hillside, Hawthorne tion, that Icall the attention of this body
Rockwell also paid tribute to the moth- was so overwhelmed by the scenery that to an institution in the First Congres-
ers, wives, and sisters of these soldiers he remarked, "I cannot write in the sional District of Massachusetts that is
who were found everywhere encouraging presence of that view." Nevertheless, he dedicated to easing the burdens of the
their men. Says Rockwell : completed "The House of the Seven deaf ; to bringing the miracle of com-
They knew a free government would Gables" with herculean determination munication to those who have lost the
elevate the character of their sons and bless in only 5 months. "Tanglewood Tales" natural sense which so many of us take
the homes of their daughters. and many other stories also were written for granted.
Lenox's achievements in religion and in this house on Stockbridge Bowl, I am happy to relate to my colleagues
education were splendid r lig where Oliver Wendall Holmes was a fre- the story of the world-famed Clarke
on the battlefield. The First her record quent visitor. Other notable visitors to School for the Deaf, in Northampton,
tional Church was erected in 1768 at the Lenox were Ralph Waldo Emerson, Har- Mass., which is now celebrating 100 years
town's expense. The town meeting the net Beecher Stowe, and Edith Wharton. of helping deaf children. ad- Lenox's interest in the arts has not In the 1860's the deaf child faced a
journed explicitly on.August 3 of that only continued but expanded, now to in- dismal future. Such children usually lost
year to witness the pounding of the first elude the world-famous music festival the ability to speak, if they ever had it,
stake. Lenox then became the county seat which takes place every summer at and were placed in an asylum. Their
for Berkshire County in 1787. Tanglewood, the estate donated to the deafness was a very real prison for them
Lenox Academy, where to graduate Boston Symphony' Orchestra by Miss and for society. In 1861 Gardiner Green
was a virtual passport to any college, Mary Tappan and her niece Mrs. Rosa- Hubbard sought help for his young
often even Into the sophomore class, was munde Hepburn in 1937. Combining the daughter, made deaf by scarlet fever.
founded in 1803. Mrs. Charles Sedgwick's magnificent simplicity of the huge con- The only alternative he- could accept
School for Girls, later to become Lenox cert hall, called "The Shed" and the meant sending his daughter to a special
Schoolfor Boys; was established in 1828. musical vision of Serge Koussevitzky, the school in G3rmany. Seeing an obvious
These institutions, in addition to the rare orchestra's conductor at that time, the need, Hubbard started a personal cam-
physical beauty of the town, made Lenox festival has become a unique musical paign to enlist State help- in properly
a superior intellectual and cultural at- event in the whole country, nay, tile providing for the deaf in this country.
traction. y' whole world. His efforts, unfruitful at first, became
The peaceful solitude of the Housa-
tonic Valley was invaded by the railroad Looking back, then, over 200 years of successful after he joined with Miss Har-
for the first time in 1838. The new conhistory, Lenox has much for which to be net Rogers a tutor who had mastered
nec rtih with Albany, Bnew New proud and thankful. She remains today a the technique of oral education for the
fo
York opened the way , for Boston,
the and and bastion of intellectual and cultural op- deaf. In 1866, Miss Roger's brother-in-
York n able e estae thAt soon surplanted vast portunity as a credit to the physical law, Mr. Thomas Talbot, saw fit, as a
thefashio Yankee farmer. French bounty nature has bestowed upon her. I member of the State Legislature of
palaces, sincerely hope my colleagues will join Massachusetts, to directly seek Governor
Italian villas, and Elizabethan Halls me in expressing my deepest gratitude to Bullock's aid on behalf of his sister-in-
quickly replaced the traditional symbols Lenox on this, her 200th anniversary. law and Mr. Hubbard.
of New England. - The time was right. A "gentleman
In 1868 the county, seat was trans- from Northampton," Mr. John Clarke,
ferred from Lenox to Pittsfield. The CLARKE SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF- who suffered from deafness, wanted to.
move was made primarily to accomodate 100 YEARS OF PROGRESS help deaf children. He offered the State
the summer visitors who found the hub- (Mr. CONTE asked and was given $50,000 for the establishment of a school
bub, jostling, and general confusion of permission to extend his remarks at this for the deaf in Northampton. With this
the courthouse quite unpleasant. Thus point in the RECORD and to include ex- fortunate - financial support, Clarke
the calm of the "gem of the Berkshires" traneous matter.) School and the Clarke Corp. became a --
was maintained. Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, each of us reality in June and July of 1867. So it is
The Gay Nineties marked the height in our daily lives faces innumerable that we now commemorate the 100th
of this social splendor. Parades, hunts, problems and frustrations; some minor, anniversary of the Clarke School and
horse shows, and gold tournaments all some major, and too many of critical its pioneering efforts in the field of oral
added to the festive mood of the times. urgency. Our tensions and anxieties education of the deaf.
From 1883 to 1900 the valuation of the seem to mount day by day and, in this The events leading to the founding
town more than doubled. Its worth in hectic 20th century, we have made an in- of the Clarke School involved a number
1900 was $3,750,004 as compared to dispensable necessity of the aspirin tab- of people, reflect the power of an idea
$1,599,411 in 1883. Symbolic of this era let and the stomach alkalizer. in -a determined group of people, and
of the moguls was the completion of the But as burdensome and uncertain as demonstrate the role that an alert and
huge Aspinwall Hotelin 1902. Crowning life has become for many of us, our responsive government can play. The
the ridge and commanding a view of the troubles pall somewhat in comparison to Clarke School continues to function
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House of Representatives
TUESDAY, JUNE 20, 1967
The House met at 12 o'clock noon.
The Chaplain, Rev. Edward G. Latch,
D.D., offered the following prayer:
And they that know Thy name will
put their trust in Thee: for Thou, Lord,
hast not forsaken them that seek Thee.-
Psalm 9: 10.
0 Thou in whose presence our spirits
find strength, our minds are given fresh
insights and our hearts feel the warmth
of Thy love-at the gateway of another
day we pause in silence before Thee. In-
cline our souls to seek wisdom and truth
and mercy at Thy hands. Reveal to us
the way we should go, the decisions we
should make, the plans we should fol-
low and may all our work be based upon
intelligent conviction and dynamic faith.
Hear us as we pray for those who bear
the burden of war and are ready to give
their lives that we may continue to live
as free men. May we not be heedless of
their courage but be ready to bear with
them and to support them that out of
this turmoil there may come an endur-
ing peace.
Cleanse our national life from discord
and violence and suspicion. Keep us
from hating one another lest in our ill
will we destroy ourselves. Lead us, 0
Lord, in the ways of unity and peace and
good will for Thy name's sake. Amen.
THE JOURNAL
The Journal of the proceedings of yes-
terday was read and approved.
MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A message from the Senate by Mr.
Arrington, one of its clerks, announced
that the Senate had passed without
amendment a joint resolution of the
House of the following title:
H.J. Res. 601. Joint resolution extending
for 4 months the emergency provisions of
the urban mass transportation program.
The message also announced that the
Senate requests the House of Repre-
sentatives to return to the Senate the
bill (S. 1577) entitled "An act to com-
plement the Vienna Convention on Dip-
lomatic Relations," together with all ac-
companying papers.
The message also announced that the
Presiding Officer of the Senate, pursuant
to Public Law 115, 78th Congress, en-
titled "An act to provide for the disposal
of certain records of the U.S. Govern-
ment," appointed Mr. MONRONEY and
Mr. CARLSON members of the Joint Se-
lect Committee on the part of the Sen-
ate for the Disposition of Executive Pa-
pers referred to in the report of the Ar-
chivist of the United States numbered
67-11.
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION
OF JOINT RESOLUTION MAKING
CONTINUING APPROPRIATIONS
Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan-
imous consent that it may be in order
on Monday, June 26, or any succeeding
day in June, to consider a joint resolu-
tion making continuing appropriations.
The SPEAKER. ' Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
Texas?
There was no objection.
PR15TDENT JOHNSON'S FORMULA
FOR RESTORATION AND MAIN-
TENANCE OF PEACE IN THE MID-
DLE EAST
(Mr. ALBERT asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, never
have the American people had a better
opportunity to compare and to contrast
the sincerity of their own Government
and that of the Soviet Union regarding
international peace than by reading in
adjoining colums of their newspapers the
concise and conciliatory address of their
great leader, President Johnson, and the
address of Premier Kosygin before the
United Nations. Premier Kosygin Once
more betrayed the true motives of his
Government to take advantage of the
present crisis in the Middle East for the
purpose of bringing more nations and
more people under the sway of Russian
power.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to record my
approval of President Johnson's for-
mula for restoration and maintenance of
peace in the Middle East. Once more he
has displayed great ability as a states-
man, and his high qualities as the leader
of the American people.
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. ALBERT. I yield to the gentle-
man from Louisiana.
Mr. BOGGS. I would like to join in
the remarks made by the gentleman
from Oklahoma and commend him for
making them. May I add that I would
hope that while Mr. Kosygin Is in the
United States he would use this oppor-
tunity, the great opportunity that pre-
sents itself, for the promotion of world
Peace, which is desperately needed in the
Middle East, Southeast Asia, and many
other places on the earth, rather than
using it as a crude propaganda effort
for Russian power politics which we all
understand so well. I commend the gen-
tleman from Oklahoma for his- fine
speech.
Let me include an editorial from the
New York Times for June 20. However, I
believe that the President was eminently
correct in delivering his address here in
the Nation's Capital.
The editorial follows:
MR. KOSYGIN AND MR. JOHNSON
Since the hope had been so slight that he
would show some genuine statesmanship in
his address to the General Assembly yester-
day, it cannot be said that Premier Kosy-
gin's sterile and pedestrian performance was
much of a disappointment. It can only be
said that Mr. Kosygin failed in his respon-
sibility as leader of one of the most powerful
states on earth by rejecting this opportunity
to advance the peace of the world in gen-
eral and of the Middle East in particular.
This does not mean that the doors are
automatically closed to an eventual peace-
ful anti just settlement of the Arab-Israel
question; but it does mean that Premier Ko-
sygin did little yesterday-in striking con-
trast to President Johnson-to keep them
open. It also means that the Soviet Premier
felt it necessary to stand before the world
tribunal and engage, in his quiet way, in a
transparent distortion of history, in crude
vilification, in crass propaganda in order to
prove to the Arab states that the Soviet
Union, after all, really is their friend. With-
out flamboyance, without emotion, the Pre-
mier of the Soviet Union nevertheless harsh-
ly reiterated the almost entirely negative
position taken previously by his representa-
tive in the Security Council, a demand for re-
turn of the status quo ante, which could
only insure an indefinite continuance of
bloody turmoil throughout the Middle
East.
A slight ray of hope that Mr. Kosygin
might be willing, despite his public posture,
to undertake some realistic discussions lies in
the few phrases of his speech suggesting
readiness "to work together [for justice and
peace] with other countries," with special
reference to "the Big Powers." This is small
evidence to go on; but the inclusion of such
phrases could conceivably be significant.
In contrast to the generally obdurate and
accusatory line of the Soviet Premier, the
President of the United States set forth a
reasonable approach to the Middle East prob-
lem. Employing dignified and measured lan-
guage, Mr. Johnson addressed himself not to
a false reconstruction of the past, as did Mr.
Kosygin, but to a realistic program for the
future. We only regret that he did not come
to New York to make his speech before the
General Assembly.
The establishment of conditions for a last-
ing peace between Israel and the Arab states
is the basic American concern, premised of
course on the recognition that Israel not
only has the right to live, but is going to go
on living.. Once that fact is accepted, the
other pieces of the puzzle can be made to fit
together-but only if the Arab states can
be persuaded to accept it. The Soviet Union
could do much, if it would, to persuade them.
Then, and only then, the refugee problem,
the arms problem, the water problem, the
boundary problem, the free-passage prob-
lem and the troop withdrawal problem would
be capable of solution.
The President stressed t4at the United
States Is ready to see any method of peace-
making tried, both in and outside the United
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H 7472 CONGRESSIONAL
Nations, and among any or all parties. He
gives the impression of "playing it cool,"
which is just about the best way for the
United States to act in a situation that has
been far too hot too long. What is called for
at the moment is no precipitate action by
the victorious Israelis in respect to Jerusalem
or anywhere else, by the Arabs in the despera-
tion of their defeat, or by the great powers
in maneuvering for position. This is, as Mr.
Johnson suggested, a time for magnamity
by the victors, for patience by the van-
quished, and for vision by the Parliament of
Man.
LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM FOR THE
PERIOD JUNE 29 TO JULY 10
(Mr. GERALD R. FORD asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute.)
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
I take this time for the purpose of asking
the gentleman from Oklahoma, the dis-
tinguished majority leader, if he has any
information for the membership as to
plans for the House over the Fourth of
July weekend,
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. I yield to the
gentleman from Oklahoma.
Mr. ALBERT. I am very happy that
the distinguished minority leader has
made this inquiry, because I think the
House is entitled to know what the plans
are.
After the close of business on Thurs-
day, June 29, we plan to adjourn by reso-
lution until Monday, July 10. We will
have a total of some 10 days' vacation
during the Fourth of July period.
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Will the gen-
tleman from Oklahoma reaffirm what I
understand is the intent, that we will
have business on Thursday, June 29?
Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is cor-
rect.
Mr. GERALD R. FORD, And we will
have business on Monday, July 10?
Mr. ALBERT. The gentleman is cor-
rect.
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. I thank the
gentleman from Oklahoma.
SEMANTICS OF THE
U.N.
RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967
are being made in the United Nations.
Everyone recognizes this as an attempt
at facesaving by Russia and her Arab
allies. Unfortunately, if these facesaving
speeches are played over and over long
enough, there may be some people who
will be convinced. We may even find the
U.S. Government allying itself with some
of these demands upon Israel. We allow
ourselves to be backed into strange
corners at times to the mystification of
even our best friends.
Efforts have been made to arouse con-
cern in the United States over the fact
that oil from the Middle East is no longer
available. I would remind those who ap-
pear disturbed that producers in the
United States would welcome an oppor-
tunity to place more oil on the market;
so would South American producers. I
would also call attention to the fact that
the Arabs have little else to sell but oil.
They will be needing a market. The Com-
munist world cannot absorb their out-
put. They will be needing a market much
sooner than we need their oil. And, be-
fore we again accept their oil, it should
be stipulated that there will be repara-
tions for all the damage dnd destruction
to American property, whether it be for
the personal effects of U.S. refugees from
Cairo or refineries owned by American
oil interests.
The question of access to water routes
is even more academic. Israel controls
the important water routes. This should
be guarantee enough that there will be
free access to the Suez and to the Gulf of
Aqaba in the future.
The President of the United States
has said the issues affecting the Middle
East must be resolved within the area by
the affected powers, In other words, there
is very little other than confusion that
the U.N. can contribute to peace in the
Middle East.
In the meantime, we are paying nearly
half of the cost of all the maneuvering
and backing and filling which is taking
place there.
PERMISSION FOR SUBCOMMITTEE
ON FEDERAL AID TO HIGHWAYS
AND SUBCOMMITTEE ON ROADS
OF THE COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC
WORKS TO SIT DURING GENERAL
DEBATE TODAY
Mr. HOWARD. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Subcommit-
tee on Federal Aid to Highways and the
Subcommittee on Roads of the Commit-
tee on Public Works be permitted to sit
during general debate today.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from New
Jersey?
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
reserving the right to object, would the
gentleman notify the House whether the
request has been cleared with the mi-
nority member of the committee.
Mr. HOWARD. It has been cleared
with the gentleman from Florida [Mr.
CRAMER].
Mr. - GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
I withdraw my reservation of objection.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from New
(Mr. SIKES asked and was given per-
mission to address the- House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, undoubtedly
the Nation is weary of the endless
semantics of the U.N. Currently, it is en-
gaged in a long and tedious series of
charges and countercharges involving the
Middle East. This is largely meaningless
in that the U.N. has no jurisdiction, and
further, it Is discussing a problem which
already has been resolved. The Israel
forces in less than a week settled all the
problems for the foreseeable future which
have so long plagued the Middle East.
If there is any change from the present
status, it must be with the recognition
and consent of Israel. No amount of talk
in the UniteeNations can modify this
situation one whit.
There is no reason to anticipate that
Israel should or will bow to the far-
fetched and even stupid demands that
AGOGY
(Mr. FARBSTEIN asked and was giv-
en permission to address the House for
1 minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)-
Mr. FARBSTEIN. - Mr. Speaker, it is
tragic that Premier Kosygin came all
the way to New York to deliver the divi-
sive, destructive speech that the world
heard yesterday. If his purpose was mere-
ly to curry favor with his Arab clients-
as it certainly seemed to be-then he
should have gone directly to Cairo and
Damascus and saved himself a lot of
travel.
Now is the time for constructive states-
manship, not for demagogy.
We are :faced with a situation in the
Middle East that demands solution, not
recrimination.
As Israel's Foreign Minister, Abba
Eban, so eloquently inferred, the chief
villain in this crisis has been the Soviet
Union and its irresponsible shipments of
war materiel to the Arab nations. The
Soviet Government started the trouble
by pouring into the Arab world billions
in instruments of slaughter, when these
billions should have been spent for edu-
cation, for food, for homes. His Govern-
ment would be performing a real service
to the Arab States If he reversed his
grievous policies and began to spend
Russian money to make a better life for
the Arab refugees to which his Govern-
ment have contributed not a cent and
the other Arab people. It is a shame that
he is wedded to practices which will only
exacerbate relations between Arabs and
Israelis and their conditions of life.
In contrast, the early morning speech
of President Johnson, offered a much
more prudent and constructive policy for
the disputing nations as he held out the
hand of peace through his five great prin-
ciples. Recognition of each nation's right
to live, justice for the refugees, respect
for maritime rights, opposition to the
arms race, and respect for political in-
dependence and territorial independence
are principles which can and should be
embraced by all the nations in the Mid-
dle East.
Premier Kosygin made a serious mis-
take to come to New York to deliver
words of hatred. Now it is time for a
restoration of sanity.
TO PROVIDE - ADDITIONAL READ-
JUSTMENT ASSISTANCE TO VET-
ERANS WHO SERVED IN THE
ARMED FORCES DURING THE
VIETNAM ERA
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
I ask unanimous consent to take from
the Speaker's table the bill (S. 16) to
provide additional readjustment assist-
ance to veterans who served in the
Armed Forces during the Vietnam era,
and for other, :purposes, with a Senate
amendment to the House amendment,
disagree to the-Senate amendment, and
agree to the, conference asked by the
Senate.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Tex-
as? The Chair hears none, and appoints
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June 20, 1967
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
the following conferees: Messrs. TEAGUE
of Texas, DORM, HALEY, BARING, ADAIR,
and AYRES.
PROTECTION FROM RIOTS AND
MOB VIOLENCE
(Mr. DORN asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his remarks
and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, again this
summer we are witnessing a wave of riots
which are sweeping across the Nation
and bringing destruction of private prop-
erty, looting, burnings, injury, and even
death to innocent citizens. Just this week
rioters have killed, wounded, and de-
stroyed persons and property in every
section of our country. These rioters do
not represent freedom of peaceful as-
sembly, legitimate protests, or respon-
sible picketing in pursuit of constitu-
tional rights or economic justice.
We have been given ample warning
that no community will be safe from
these well-organized and well-trained
rioters that have been provided insidi-
ous know-how, money, and equipment.
They can cross State lines and descend
upon peaceful communities jeopardizing
the health, happiness, and general wel-
fare of our people.
Our local policemen, sheriffs, and State
law enforcement agencies are doing a
magnificent job in upholding law and
order throughout our Nation. Our State
and local law enforcements can deal with
local crime and local mobs, but when mob
leaders cross State lines bringing with
them their trained "demonstrators" and
rioters, then local law enforcement agen-
cies and officers need help.
Yes, we are faced with stark mob vio-
lence which is often instigated by profes-
sional agitators crossing State lines for
the purpose of creating anarchy and a
breakdown in law and order by force.
When communities are invaded by
mobs from other States it is a threat to
the general welfare and warrants the
urgent attention of Congress. When
Molotov cocktails are hurled into pri-
vate homes and places of business, and
pitched battles instigated by mob leaders
rage in the streets, the United States be-
comes an object of ridicule all over the
world.
Our men in Vietnam and those stand-
ing guard for freedom throughout the
world are greatly embarrassed and their
morale shaken by such mob violence.
The international Communist conspiracy
in its diabolical scheme to conquer the
world is thus aided by violence and
anarchy in the cities of our country.
I supported the amendment last year
which would have made it a Federal
crime for any person to across State lines
for the purpose of exciting riots and mob
violence. Mr. Speaker, the same legisla-
tion is now before the Rules Committee
in the form of H.R. 421. I urge the com
mittee to grant a rule permitting this
legislation to come before the House for
consideration. The situation is urgent.
Law abiding citizens need the support
and reasurrance of their Congress in the
critical months ahead.
CORRECTION OF VOTE
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, on roll-
call No. 139 I am recorded as not voting.
I was present and voted "yea." I ask
unanimous consent that the permanent
RECORD and Journal be corrected
accordingly.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from New
York?
There was no objection.
SVk' IP IN AND OUT OF
THE UNITED NATIONS
(Mr. MULTER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, all those
who had the opportunity to hear or to
read President Johnson's remarks of
yesterday morning must agree that he
was fair, he was honest, he was the
statesman par excellence.
Once again, he proved that he and the
United States want nothing anywhere
more than we want peace everywhere-
peace in the Middle East-peace in
Southeast Asia-peace everywhere-but
peace with justice.
He ignored the epithets thrown at us.
He disregarded the incitement to hate
by those who would destroy us. He
humbly held out in good faith the hand
of friendship and showed the world the
path to good neighborliness and to-
getherness and helpfulness.
Almost immediately thereafter the
world that watched and listened to the
proceedings at the United Nations saw
and heard a vituperative exhibition by
Communist Russia that was the com-
plete antithesis of our President's pos-
ture.
Kosygin was unfair, dishonest, and
most unstatesmanlike.
He typified the worst of the big bullies.
His threatening diatribe was intended
to frighten and scare.
His reference to Hitlerian tactics of
murder, ravage, arson, and wanton de-
struction reminded us of the days when
the Russian Communists were cooperat-
ing hand in glove with the Nazis until
Stalin and Hitler fell out.
The only thing that makes the Arabs
and the Communists appear to be
brothers is their identical capacity to
spume hate and their vile and vicious
incitement to destroy a world that God
intended for brotherly love.
They cannot succeed. They will not
succeed.
The world will yet attain peace with
justice despite the intransigence and
truculence of the aggressive Arabs and
the covetous Communists.
VOTE AGAINST PREVIOUS QUES-
TION ON RULE TO OPEN WAY FOR
AMENDMENTS ON DEBT CEILING
BILL TO PREVENT SECRETARY OF
TREASURY PAYING U.S. DEBTS
TWICE
(Mr. PATMAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
H 7473
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I urge my
colleagues to vote against the previous
question when the closed rule on H.R.
10867, the debt ceiling bill, is offered to-
morrow.
A vote against the previous question on
the rule is necessary so that we may open
the way for amendments to the debt ceil-
ing bill.
Mr. Speaker, I plan to offer an amend-
ment which will provide:
First. That the Secretary of Treasury
be prohibited from paying any obligation
of the U.S. Government more than once;
and -
Second. That the Secretary of Treas-
ury be prohibited from paying interest on
any obligation of the U.S. Government
that has already been paid in full.
My proposed amendment, of course,
would require that the U.S. Treasury
cease to pay $1.9 billion annually in in-
terest on $45 billion worth of bonds being
held in the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York. These bonds are part of the Fed-
eral Open Market Committee's portfolio
and they have been paid for in full once,
Mr. Speaker, a vote against the previ-
ous question will enable the House to ex-
press its opposition to the paying of any
Federal debt twice or the paying of in-
terest on obligations that have been paid
in full.
PERSONAL ANNOUNCEMENT
(Mr. DULSKI asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute.)
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, on June 19
I was in my district and am not recorded
on rollcall votes Nos. 139, 140, 141, and
142.
If I had been present, I would have
voted as follows:
On rollcall No. 139-"yea."
On rollcall No. 140-"yea."
On rollcall No. 141-"yea."
On rollcall No. 142-"yea."
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA RE-
ORGANIZATION ACT: BETTER
AND MORE REPRESENTATIVE
GOVERNMENT
(Mr. ADAMS asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ADAMS. Mr. Speaker, the battle
for more representational government for
the District has been underway for years
in the Capital City of the United States.
Today the issue is whether of not the
90th Congress will support President
Johnson's proposal to modernize and
strengthen the government of the Dis-
trict of Columbia.
. While not a substitute for the long
sought objective of home rule, the re-
organization plan will give the District
strong executive leadership and a
"broadly representative" city council.
The President has proposed a single
Commissioner to replace the present
three-man Board of Commissioners. This
Commissioner-chosen from outstanding
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1117474
candidates from all over the country-
will be similar to a mayor in his execu-
tive responsibilities and actions. He will
be joined by a nine-member Council-
similar to city councils in most urban
communities-which will make rules and
regulations for the city-the local ordi-
nances-as will as budgetrecommenda-
tions. Appointments to the Council will
be made with a view toward achieving
a membership broadly representative of
the District community.
This proposal is essential if we are to
have a local government capable of
meeting the needs of District residents.
The time is long overdue for such posi-
tive action. And I think the 90th Con-
gress must be responsive to a proposal
that is so fair and just.
This proposal will help restore some
of the basic rights of 800;000 Americans
who reside in Washington. It is a pro-
posal that is warmly endorsed by the
civic and religious and business leaders
of this community. It is a proposal fa-
vored by the overwhelming majority of
District residents.
Even the opponents concede that reor-
ganization of the District government is
necessary. Resolutions of disapproval
should not rest on an alleged jurisdic-
tional basis. The District of Columbia
Committee remains free at any time to
make improvements in the plan. 'Many
of us on the committee will support
these improvements but do not believe
we should stop this plan or take a chance
that nothing will be done.
I hope we will pass this plan and then
continue with the job in committee to
correct those deficiencies which have not
been or could not be reached through the
reorganization plan.
4k= MIDDLE EAST
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. GILBERT. Mr. Speaker, the con-
trast between the leader of the free world
and the leader of the Communist world
was never more clearly manifested than
it- was yesterday, when both addressed
themselves to the issue of peace in the
Middle East.
President Johnson's words were full of
hope. They embodied an objective ap-
proach to the grievous problems that
have beset the Middle East, largely as a
consequence of the mischief making of
Moscow. President. Johnson faced the
Middle East question realistically, with-
out dogma, without any effort to acquire
gross partisan gain. He showed wisdom
and strength.
Premier Kosygin, in contrast, pre-
sented a grim message to the United Na-
tions, grim because it was so devoid of
the spirit of conciliation that must be
forthcoming from the Soviet Union if
there is to be peace and progress, where,
in the past, there has been war and- pov-
erty. Premier Kosygin gave us an exer-
cise in absurdity, an experience in fanat-
icism, a demonstration of demagoguery.
He did nothing whatever to advance the
cause of a Middle East settlement.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 20, 1967
We must face the fact, I feel; that there
will be not stability in the Middle East
until the Soviet Union decides that its
people and its assets - are more than
pawns in the cold war. As soon as Rus-
sia recognizes that its own interest is
served by stability, then we can all work
toward that worthy end.
In the meantime, Mr. Speaker, I am
confident that the President will not
abandon his support of the justified in-
terests of Israel, a country which I believe
will be magnanimous in victory just as
it was self-reliant in crisis. Israel re-
solved the military problem in the Mid-
dle East. This Government must remain
at Israel's side while the diplomatic bat-
tles are waged to prevent still another re-
currence of war in our day.
CORRECTION - OF VOTE
Mr. McMILLAN. Mr. Speaker, on roll-
call No. 126 I am recorded as not voting.
I was present and voted "yea." - I ask
unanimous consent that the permanent
RECORD and Journal be corrected accord-
ingly. -
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to-
the request of the gentleman from South
Carolina?
There was no objection.
PERMISSION FOR COMMITTEE ON
RULES TO FILE CERTAIN REPORTS
Mr. COLMER. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Committee
on Rules may have until midnight to-
night to file certain reports.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Mis-
sissippi?
There was no objection.
THE LATE JAMES R. BEVERLEY,
FORMER GOVERNOR OF PUERTO
RICO
(Mr. POLANCO-ABREU ask and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute - and - to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. POLANCO-ABREU. Mr. Speaker,
Puerto Rico was saddened this past week-
end by the death of its former Governor,
James R. Beverley, who for the better
part of his life served public purposes in
the island and contributed heavily in
civic functions benefiting the Puerto
Rican people, although he was a Texan
by birth.
James Beverley came to Puerto Rico
in 1925 and took up posts as Deputy At-
torney General, Special Adviser to the
Public Service Commission, and Attorney
General until 1931, when he was ap-
pointed Governor by President Herbert
Hoover. He left that office in 1933, but
his public service was really just begin-
ning.
Governor Beverley had fallen in love
with Puerto Rico, and he remained on
the island where his children were born
and raised and where he made his per-
manent home and enjoyed the lasting
affection of his fellow Puerto Rican citi-
zens.
Upon leaving the office of the chief
executive, Governor Beverley established
a law firm, today known as Beverley,
Castro & Rodriguez Lebron. His son Wil-
liam, joined this, firm years ago.
Throughout his life as a leading attor-
ney in Puerto Rico, Governor Beverley
took an interest and an active part in
Puerto Rican public affairs, and he was
active also in politics according to the
dictates of his persuasion.
The efforts to which he devoted him-
self included those of executive positions
which he held in various corporations,
those as a member of the Puerto Rico
Bar Association and the Bankers Club,
those as chairman of the board of trus-
tees of Inter-American University and as
a member of the board of-the Presbyter-
ian Hospital in San Juan, and those
which he enjoyed so much in working
with the Boy Scouts organization.
Governor Beverley in 1962 was awarded
a certificate of merit by the Puerto Rico
Chamber of Commerce in recognition of
his many contributions in political, so-
cial, and civic matters.
Governor Beverley became one of
Puerto Rico's leading private citizens
through his honesty, energy, and dedica-
tion to the principles in which he be-
lieved. He will be sorely missed in our
community, and I join with his many
friends in extending deepest sympathy
to his widow, Mary, and to James and
William, his sons.
CHRIS KRAFT CHOSEN VIRGINIAN
OF THE YEAR
(Mr. POFF asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. POFF. Mr. Speaker, it is my
privilege to salute Christopher C. Kraft,
Jr., Director of Flight Operations for the
NASA space flight program, who has just
been named Virginian of the Year by the
Virginia Press Association.
Virginia is proud of her native son.
I am particularly pleased at this honor,
because Chris Kraft is a graduate of Vir-
ginia Tech at Blacksburg in the congres-
sional district I am privileged to - repre-
sent. Indeed, he is the recipient of the
Distinguished Alumnus Citation from
Virginia Tech., I was thrilled to attend
the campus ceremonies which honored
him.
Among his other awards are NASA
Distinguished Service Medal, the Arthur
Fleming Award as one - of the 10 out-
standing men in Government service, his
selection by Life magazine as one of the
100 outstanding leaders of the Nation,
and an honorary doctorate in engineer-
ing from the Indiana Institute of Tech-
nology.
I am sure that all Americans will join
in paying tribute to Chris Kraft when
he receives the Parks-Mason Memorial
Award in Richmond on Saturday, June
24. The award itself is a material mani-
festation of the affection in which he
is held. A silver printer's stick mounted
on a piece of wood. from the historic
Gunston Hall, home place of George
Mason whose Virginia Declaration of
Rights was theforerunner of the Bill of
Rights, will bear the initials CCK in his
honor.
'
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Cuba today is neither free nor inde-
pendent. She is a real and present dan-
ger to the security of the Western Hemi-
sphere and to every country of Latin
America.
Despite the assertions of some, Cuba is
neither an old myth nor a nuisance and
that fact should have been made abun-
dantly clear by the tricontinent confer-
ence of African, Asian, and Latin Amer-
ican Communists. This conference seems
proof enough of the very imminent dan-
ger which Cuba poses for the hemisphere.
This conference, held in Havana on
January 3, 1966, brought together the
most pro-Communist, ant"-American
forces ever assembled in th history of
the Western Hemisphere. At t is meeting,
the delegates, following Ma cow's lead,
openly dedicated themselves to the vio-
lent overthrow of those 4overnments
which do not meet with th it approval.
This conference was not c lied to begin
subversive operations; its m was con-
solidation and coordinatio of the sub-
version and guerrilla acts ity that al-
ready exists.
As recently as May 18, 1 7, the Cuban
Communist Party's 100- mber central
committee stated:
We are lending and will 4ntinue to lend
aid to all those who fight ainst imperial-
ism in whatever part of the world.
Almost daily, the news apers bring to
us more news of the subv rsive activities
being carried on thr ugh out Latin
America from commu ism's base in
Havana.
A letter recently publi hed in Havana
allegedly written by M J. Ernesto Che
Guevara, sets forth a st ategy of world-
wide insurrection intend to "spread the
forces of the United Sates" and thus
relieve the pressure on orth Vietnam.
It would seem that suci is indeed the
policy of the Communis world and that
they by no means have iven up.
Thus, the battle agai st communism
does not exist just in V tnam. It is, as
they told us long ago, 4 never-ending,
all-encompassing involve ent.
The view of Cuba as a ere ideological
pest is totally out of ke ping with the
facts, Save for the Uni d States and
Canada, Cuba possesses t e most power-
ful military force In the Western Hemi-
sphere. Aided technologic ly and finan-
cially by the world Com unist move-
ment, Cuba's army and ilitary hard-
ware have dominance ov any Latin
American nation. But it is subversion
and terror that Cuba is the greatest
threat.
Castro, an intelligent, ded ated, and
zealous revolutionist, is a powerful
leader, well aware of the en that he
seeks. And Cuba, to the rest of t a Com-
munist world, represents a Vic -an
outpost only 90 miles from her mo bit-
ter enemy.
Communism is a patient ideology. I
is willing to wait the years that it will
take to bring the rest of Latin America
under the hammer and sickle.
At this point, Mr. President, I would
like to insert in the RECORD the timely
articles of Mr. Rowan on the increasing
threat of Cuba, and the press report of
the recent OAS action to which I have
alluded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There be-
ing no objection, the articles were ordered
to be printed in the RECORD.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. HANSEN. Mr. President, certainly
candor would a act an what
is so clear isible to those has Mr.
Rowan o have examined the sl ation.
Cuba i a threat-a threat that r res
a dras lc change from our current pol
of av dance and blindness.
Ce tainly it would seem that our cur-
rent policy toward Communist Cuba
nee s careful reexamination. For it is
find ed a necessity that we not permit the
pre ent war in Vietnam, nor the crisis
in a Middle East, to blind us to the
cle ly defined developing crisis in Latin
Am rica. It is obvious that as the Corn-
mu fists continue to spread violence and
tyr ny throughout the Western Hemis-
phe , a showdown seems inevitable. It
will necessitate courageous diplomacy
and isionary planning and possibly force
to m tntain the freedom of our Western
Worl . It would be well to begin now
prepa ing for such action despite any
other risis or other conditions anywhere
in the orld.
OAS V ES INQUIRY INTO CUBA "DANCER"
Comm nist Cuba, already condemned,
boycotted and excluded from the Western
Hemisphe a family as a subversive force, was
bassador, Pero Paris Montesin-os, called "a
real, certain nd serious danger" menacing
all Latin American nations.
The memb rs of the 21-nation Council
acted as rep esentatives of the Foreign
Ministers of ta Americas in a special con-
sultative conference to consider -a long list
of Venezuelan lgrievances against the Fidel
Castro regime. ~
Venezuela asked for appointment of a
special OAS rail ion to seek "additional in-
formation" abo t its charges through an
on-the-spot inv stigation.
Mexico voted or the proposal, although
it is the only AS nation that maintains
diplomatic and trade relations with Cuba.
CUBA'S ACTIVE SUBVERSION OF
LATIN AMERICA
(By ~arl T. Rowan)
Some weeks ato Mexican security police
swooped down on Victor Hugo Martinez and
arrested him for, arms smuggling. Martinez,
a member of G ?Itemala's Communist Party,
had been shipping arms from Mexico to
rebels in Guatemala.
Mexican pol ce staked out at Martinez's
house and we soon rewarded with an inter-
esting visitor
Julian L ez Diaz, third secretary and
cultural a ache of the Cuban Embassy in
Mexico y, came to call on Martinez. Mex-
ican ice grabbed him and found that he
6,000 in small bills in his pocket.
Lopez, a former Cuban intelligence agent
in Chile, had been directing the entire Cuban
arms smuggling program from the embassy
in Mexico. The Mexican government ousted
him. But not before Mexican agents learned
that Lopez's wife was Irma Trapote, the
daughter of Victor Trapote, a Soviet under-
cover agent.
And Irma Is the ex-wife of Ramiro Valdez,
Cuba's minister of the interior and the boss
S 8501
of both the secret police apparatus inside
Cuba and the agents and other machinery
designed to "export revolution" to other
countries.
Three weeks ago, four Cubans were sur-
prised delivering men and supplies to the
shores of Venezuela. Two who were seized
alive confessed to being military officers and
members of a special commando unit in
Cuba's General Directorate of Intelligence
(DGI).
The two commandoes were carrying $10,-
000 in United States bills. Castro confirmed
thAt'17 Cubans are fighting with a guerrilla
group that has killed 30 Bolivian soldiers in
Peruvian
that the
their native co
power.
lomats say it wil a name to.remember is
Manuel Piniero, k own as "Barba Roja," or
"Red Beard." Pinie (educated at Columbia
University and ma! td to a Connecticut girl,
Lorna Birdsell) is dikector of the DGI and as
such heads a Cuban espionage apparatus far
more elaborate the either United States
citizens or Latin Ame cans realize.
A half-dozen Sovie advisers are attached
to the DGI and the ussians clearly are fi-
nancing Piniero's oper tion, directly and in-
Castro has publicly listed Bolivia, Colom-
bia, Guatemala and Ve ezuela as targets for
revolution. t
Bolivia appears to lie the area of prime
concentration now, primarily because it is
militarily weak and its, political structure is
fragile and beset by rivalries.
But the apple of C4stro's envious eye is
Venezuela. He would lie her oil to give Cuba
the strong economic bate with which to carry
out what Castro think is his role as saviour
of Latin America.
But Venezuela is 4so the prime target
because it is the best example of a democracy
in the area and the C6mmunists feel it can-
not be permitted to thfive.
Orthodox Communist parties in Latin
America used to co plain about the Fidel-
istas coming into ther countries and stirring
up trouble "premaF'turely." The orthodox
Communists now are cooperating, in intelli-
gence and other jirograms, with 'Castro's
forces. This suggesys that the Russians may
no longer be resttaining Castro, and may_
even have authored the party appartus to
cooperate.
Interestingly, Cuba recently made public
(osedly written by the long-
(Che) Guevara, to open up
'ver Africa. Some 700 uniformed
now in Congo Brazzaville. An-
other 700 Africans have been trained in Ha-
vana and returned to their home countries.
Significantly, all the Cubans sent to Africa
by Castro are Negroes.
Very clearly, the little Caribbean Island of
Cuba looms large i4 Soviet plans for the ex-
pansion of world communism.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
June 16, 1967.1
NEW CUBA CRISIS LOOMS AS SOVIET AID RISES
(By Carl T. Rowan)
More than any other man, Cuba's Fidel
Castro must have watched with gnawing
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uneasiness as the Soviet Union led Egypt's
Carnal Abdel Nasser into catastrophe-and
then abandoned him.
For Castro is to Latin America what Nasser
was to the Middle East-and then some.
I have learned exclusively, from diplo-
matic and other sources, that the Russions
have increased sharply their military ship-
ments to Cuba. In the last few months they
have delivered more than 20,000 tons of arms
to their bristling Caribbean satellite.
At the same time, Castro has escalated to
unprecedented levels Cuba's efforts to "ex-
port revolution" not only to the other Latin
countries but also the continent of Africa.
Not only does the Soviet Union have 2,000
military advisers and 2,500 "economic tech-
nicians" manipulating Cuba's armed forces
and economy; the Russians have attached
key men to Cuba's General Directorate of
Intelligence, the unit charged with foisting
communism on Venezuela, Bolivia, Colom-
bia, and other countries.
The critical question here, and in other
free world capitals, Is: How much are the
Russians encouraging Castro's Increasingly
bold ventures into Latin America? On the
surface, the Russians appear to be a restraint
on Cuba's bearded ruler, but diplomatic and
intelligence reports show that the Russians
are deeply involved, financially. and other-
wise, in most of Castro's efforts.
There is a growing feeling in diplomatic
circles that another great power clash over
Cuba lies not too far down the road.
With this thought In mind, I have ex=
plored several diplomatic and other sources
to try to ascertain just what is Cuba's in-
ternal situation today; just what is Cuba's
military posture; how influential a role are
the Russians playing; what efforts are being
made by the FideIistas to carry Cuban-style
revolution to the rest of the hemisphere.
A first clear point is that in the four years
since the great Cuban missile crisis, the So-
viet Union has turned this little Caribbean
satellite into a bristling military fortress.
American military analysts knew, even be-
fore the recent stepup in arms deliveries,
that Cuba has become the most potent mil-
itary force in Latin America.
With 175 jets, including 60 MIG21s, the
Cuban air force Is clearly dominant In the
entire continent. And Cuban superiority has
grown because of regular Soviet additions
while the United States holds to a policy
of not selling jet fighters to Latin American
countries.
Cuba's army of 90,000 regulars and 85,000
"ready reserve" members is now the best
equipped, most modern and second largest
(after Brazil) in Latin America.
In addition, Castro has assembled a na-
tional guard of 100,000 and a 7,000-man navy
that boasts modern Soviet subehasers and
18 of the potentKomar class patrol torpedo
boats, which the Russians still have de-
clined to give to North Vietnam.
Castro's Communist redoubt is now pro-
tected by 24 Soviet surface-to-air missile
sites and an arsenal of 600 missiles. The
Cubans recently changed from inslandwide
deployment of these missiles to provide for
concentrated protection of Havana, Santiago,
Santa Clara and Holguin.
Some analysts say the recent increase in
Soviet arms deliveries is not especially omi-
nous. They say the Russians are just re-
placing or refitting, arms delivered earlier.
But there is considerable uneasiness about
where Castro's egomania and his need to
maintain control of the military will carry
him. The fear is that he must give his mili-
tary men something to keep them busy-
thus more and bolder incursions into Vene-
zuela and other countries.
And that could spell crisis-sooner rather
than later.
RECORD - SENATE June 20, 1967
PR JO SON SEEKS PEACE
IN THE MIDDLE EAST-THE RUS-
SIANS STIR UP TROUBLE
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, the contrast
between American policies aimed at
peace in the Middle East and Russian
efforts aimed at stirring up trouble and
division, were nowhere more clearly il-
lustrated than in President Johnson's
statesmanlike speech this morning.
President Johnson has clearly placed
the United States on the side of peace
and cooperation and a reasonable solu-
tion to the many problems of the Middle
East.
His statement this morning was con-
sistent with American foreign policy-
before and during and after the recent
Israeli-Arab ' war.
President Johnson has concentrated
from the first on a peaceful resolution
of differences between the Arabs and
Jews.
The President asked for reasoned
agreement at the United Nations.
He repeated America's intention to
support the territorial and political in-
tegrity of all the states involved, the right
to life of all states, the peaceful resolu-
tion of refugee problems, the right of
innocent maritime passage, and the lim-
itation of the spiraling arms race.
As President Johnson said, none of the
five principles he proposed for peace is
new. Indeed, the United States has been
working toward a realization of those
principles for decades-in Europe, in
Asia, and in the Middle East.
The United States must appear to the
world as a peacemaker.
I think the free peoples of the world
will judge the President's speech in the
tone it was presented-rational, bal-
anced, fair, with liberty and justice for
everyone involved.
I commend the President for his con-
trolled intelligent response to a threaten-
ing world situation.
I commend him for stressing the jus-
tice of the right to national existence.
I commend him for the humanity he
has shown to those unfortunate victims
and refugees who are always the losers
no matter which side wins.
We have a splendid opportunity to
reassert the American presence in the
Middle East in the interests of peace.
I join the President in that noble effort.
THURGOOD MARSHALL
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, I would
commend President Johnson for his
nomination of a distinguished American
to the Supreme Court. Mr. Thurgood
Marshall's long legal career as private
counsel, Federal judge, and Solicitor
General of the United States, has amply
prepared him for the task. He has dis-
tinguished himself in each of these
positions.
it was Mr. Marshall who argued the
landmark case of Brown against the
Board of Education, which declared
segregated education to be incompatible
with constitutional demands that all
citizens be provided equal protection of
the law. it marked a greater legal and
social awareness of the difficulties faced
by an important segment of our popu-
lation in a society which all too often
judges a man by the color of his skin
rather than by the caliber of his char-
acter. Happily, that day is passing, as
Mr. Marshall's nomination in itself con-
firms.
Mr. Marshall is of the highest caliber;
his capabilities have been demonstrated,
and he will be a worthy addition to the
Supreme Court, providing this Nation
with the same high degree of excellent
service that we have. seen from him in
MIER ON THE MIDDLE EAST
CRISIS -
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, the
deeply contrasting speeches of Presi-
dent Johnson and Russian Prime Min-
ister Kosygin on the Middle East crisis
demonstrated the basic differences be-
tween American and Soviet Interna-
tional goals.
President Johnson calmly and effec-
tively presented five essential points
which could guarantee a lasting peace
in the area.
He based that settlement on territorial
integrity, justice for refugees, respect for
international maritime rights, the right
to national existence and limitation of
the arms race.
The President asked the warring
parties to reason together.
He accused nobody. He addressed him-
self not to a "false reconstruction of the
past-but to a realistic program for the
future."
And he offered the resources of the
United States to help in the recon-
struction of relationships in the Middle
East which must emerge if peace is to
endure.
In contrast to 'President Johnson's re-
sponsible stand, the Prime Minister of
the Soviet Union sought propaganda
advantage, distorting facts, appealing to
emotionalism, seeking no solutions, but
trying to score points against the
United States and the West.
President Johnson's speech on the
Middle East has demonstrated to the
world that the United States is willing
and ready to offer its good offices in
securing peace--in the Middle East, in
Vietnam, and in every area of the world
where arms instead of reason have been
used to attain goals.
I ask unanimous consent to insert In
the RECORD one of the finest editorials I
have read on American efforts to secure
justice in the Middle East-an editorial
from the New York Times.
I congratulate the Times for its sup-
port of President Johnson in this trying
situation.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Mx. KOSYGIN AND MR. JOHNSON
Since the hope! had been so slight that he
'Would show some genuine statesmanship in
his address to the General Assembly yester-
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-'June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
day, it cannot pedestrian rain that Premier si this year, has
Fbruaryt issue of the excellent sterile broad, and d performance was much
of a disappointment. It can only be said that Monthly about the state Department ernment and outside it whose own posi-
Mr. Kosygin failed in his responsibility as and the Foreign Service. I ask unanimous Lions in life were independent and who
leader of one of the most powerful states on
earth rejecting this opportunity to ad- consent that the article, entitled "The were interested only in seeing that the
vance the peace of the world in general and Labyrinth in Foggy Bottom," be printed United States has the best possible orga-
of the Middle East in particular. in the RECORD at the conclusion of my nization to conduct its foreign relations.
This does not mean that the doors are remarks. I also suggested that the Committee in-
use
automatically closed to an n eventual peaceful ut The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without and thefSenate to help ixisure'thatothe
and just settlement of the Arab-Israel ques- objection, it is so ordered. Committee's recommendations would be
tion; but it does mean that Premier Kosygin (See exhibit 1.)
did little yesterday-in striking contrast to Mp FULBRIGHT. Mr. Attwood ob- adopted.
President Johnson-to keep them open. It serves that- I would think that the Department
also means that the o e th world tribunal l Some of State's shortcomings are its own would be glad to see such a committee necessar to and a ga e, stand before the world rnspar- fault, some could be corrected by Presiden- established and would feel a responsibil-
t nag distortion of in ofs history, in crude way, cr aude ta vilifica- spar tial action, and others are the result of con- ity to its employees to see that the best
tionant, in crass propaga nnda da in order to prove gressional suspicion and niggardliness. available minds in the United States
all, really is their He goes on to list some of these short- were set to work on these organizational
r to the Arab states that the Soviet Union,
boya ce without the ithout Samcomings and then states: problems. It seems to me that these
after
Under the circumstances, I don't see how problems, including the problem of the
Soviet et Union hout emotion, nevertheless thharshly Premier of the
reiterated d
S Uss
the almost entirely negative position taken we can expect creative, enterprising, and relationship between the personnel sys-
previously by his representative in the Secu- strong-willed people to continue to enter the tems of the Department of State, AID,
rity Council, a demand for return of the Foreign Service at the bottom of a ladder and USIA, IA, are sip essing that t they will
status quo ante, which could only insure an that is arduous to climb and not very
continuance of bloody turmoil warding when and if you reach the. top. I would think that the Department
throughout the Middle East. Mr. Attwood concludes by summariz- would prefer to participate in the proc-
A slight ray of hope that Mr. Kosygin ing the recommendations in his article ess of reaching these solutions rather
might be willing, despite his public posture, which include trimming overstaffed posts than to wait and find these solutions im-
to undertake some realistic discussions lies the few phrases of his speech suggesting and bureaus; reducing the production posed on them.
readiness "to work together [for [for justice and and distribution of paper; dismantling Mr. President, I also ask unanimous
peacel with other countries," with special the "AID bureaucracy" and putting for- consent to have included in the RECORD
reference to "the Big Powers." This is small eign economic assistance under the an article from the January 27 issue of
evidence to go on; but the inclusion of such State Department; and coordinating the the New York Times entitled "State Re-
phrases could conceivably be significant. activities of all Federal agencies con- partment Study Finds Diplomats Avoid
In contrast to the generally obcTurate and cerned with foreign affairs. Policy Debates."
accusatory line of the Soviet Premier, the These recommendations were not made The PRESIDING OFFICER, Without
President of the United States set forth a by a budget or management specialist, objection, it is so ordered.
reasonable approach to the Middle East plan- or by an outside observer who has had (See exhibit 2.)
nto only slight contact with the Foreign ExHIBIT 1
Em dignified guage, , Mr.Joh Johnson addressed on andmeasured
as did Mr. . Service, or by a representative of any THE LABYRINTH IN FOGGY BOTTOM-A
a false reconstruction of the past, , as not
Kosygin, but to a realistic program for the special interest group either in or out- CRITIQUE OF THE STATE DEPARTMENT
future. We only regret that he did not come side the Government. They were made (By William Attwood)
to New York to make his speech before the by a man who spent 5 years in the State (NOTE.-A widely traveled journalist and
General Assembly. Department and who headed two onetime aide to Adlai Stevenson, Mr. Att-
last-
The establishment of conditions for a last- embassies. wood served the Kennedy Administration as
ing peace between Israel and the Arab states I believe we can no longer ignore the Ambassador to Guinea (1961-1963), was
is , of course on basic the American recognition n that Israel t dot l not oonly problems of administration in the field Special Adviser to the United States U.N.
c the
the right to live, but is going to go on of foreign affairs. From everything that delegation (1963-1964), and was President
Kenya from the
living. Once that fact is accepted, the other I hear, and that I read, morale is appar- Johnson's g Aofmbasbassador to independence until this
pieces of the puzzle can be made to fit to- ently poor within the Foreign Service; year. inning is now editor in chief n Cowles He of
gather-but only if the Arab states can be the Department of State has become Communications, Inc. This article is -drawn
persuaded to accept it. The Soviet Union hamstrung by bureaucratic procedures from his book "The Reds and the Blacks,"
could do much, if it would, to persuade them. and USIA and AID employees are frus- to be published in March by Harper & Row.)
Then, and only then, the. refugee problem, trated and dissatisfied with their status. I think it was Ernest Hemingway who said
the arms problem, the weer pagelpm, the I think that the time has come to make that the only way you can really get to know
and the troop-withdrawal the free-passage problem a foreign country is to earn your living
and the tropndrawal problem would be a Comprehensive study this there. In my work and my travels up until
capable of soluuttioon. requirements, , present nt resources, and fu- 1961 I had been in and out of the State De-
The President stressed that the United ture needs not only in the Department of 1961 I a and a good many of our ate De-
States is ready to see any method of peace- State and Foreign Service but also in missions. I had friends in the Foreign Service
making tried, both in and outside the United USIA, AID, the Department of Defense, and knew of their frustrations. Abroad, I
Nations, and among any or all parties. He and the other principal Government had sweated out the McCarthy period with
gives the impression of "playing it cool," agencies involved in foreign affairs. them; in Washington, I shared their laments
Unite iS jtatesust act about in a the best situation way for that the has With this aim in mind, I wrote the about the red tape and deadwood in high
United S hot is places that impeded action and stifled ini-
ate ear too hot too lo. What is for President last October suggesting that tiative. But it wasn't until I joined them on
at the moment is no precipitate action by he consider appointing a high-level, the payroll-until I began earning my living
the victorious Israelis in respect to Jerusalem blue-ribbon Presidential Committee to there-that I really began to understand
or anywhere else, by the Arabs in the des- take a new, thorough and objective look what went on in the State Department. Not
peration of their defeat, or by the great pow- at these organizational problems. I know many Americans do-which happens to be
ers in maneuvering for position. This is, that a number of other high-level studies one of its problems.
Mr. sugg, nanimity ohnson evictors, a time for by the have been made of the Department of Some of State's shortcomings are its
vaqusd, the victors, for the Parliament by the own fault, some could be corrected by presi-
anihe and for vision by the Parliament State and the Foreign I have dential action, and others are the result of
of Man. the impression, that some congressional suspicion and niggardliness.
these studies are however, out of date, others did d Unlike several other branches of the govern-
not do a particularly thorough job and ment, State has no constituents-nobody
ORTATIZATIPARL RENTRM AND THE still others made recommendations that who wants to increase its annual appropri-
FRTE DEPARTMENT AND THE were either not accepted or were too gen- ation-no aircraft companies or farm lobbies
FOOREIGN SERVICE eral in nature to provide effective solu- or veterans' organizations to fight its battle
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, tions. I suggested to the President that on Capitol Hill. And State never seems to
William Attwood, who was Ambassador the needed reform could not be accom- put its own case across either to Congress
to Guinea from 1961 to 1963, and Ambas- plished piecemeal by administrative spe- or to the public. Reasonable requests for
sador to Kenya from 1964 until early cialists and proposed that there be a more funds somehow come out sounding like
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 20, 1967'
a cookie pusher's plea for a bigger booze
allowance.
And so, while I may sound critical, my
purpose is to shed some light on what goes
on in the labyrinths of Foggy Bottom, and
try to stimulate some concern about how to
induce qualified and talented people to go
to work for their government and help formu-
late and carry out an intelligent foreign
policy.
The State Department is relatively small.
Its 25,700 employees, of whom 3,520 are For-
eign Service Officers, and its annual budget
of $393 million make it the second smallest
department of the government. (Labor has
fewer people, and Justice a smaller budget.)
It is also the most far-flung-with 117 em-
bassies, 69 consulates general, and 79 con-
sulates scattered around the world-and the
most verbose-a large embassy on an aver-
age day will receive more than 400,000 words,
the equivalent of an 850-page book, and in
Washington the Department's distribution
section makes copies of 70,000 Incoming mes-
sages a day. So perhaps the best way of ex-
plaining what's wrong with the State
Department is to start with the paper.
Paper work is invented by bureaucratic-
minded people who, like Frankenstein, later
become its victims. These are people to whom
an overflowing in-box is a daily challenge
and an empty one a daily achievement; for
whom a satisfying week's work consists in
initialing as many reams of paper and de-
ferring as many decisions as possible; with
whom you can talk of "action" only in terms
of setting up a committee, hopefully one
that will spawn subcommittees. The chief
considerations of a bureaucrat are to abide
by the letter of the regulations, whatever
the consequences, to keep a clean desk, and
never to "make waves."
There are fewer bureaucrats in the State
Department than in other swollen govern-
ment agencies-AID, for example-but
enough to make you wonder at times how a
new idea ever bubbles to the top. The reason,
of course, is that there are generally a few
activists at every echelon who enjoy results
and do not regard moving paper as an end
in itself. Keeping these activists in the
bureaucracy and recruitingnew ones should
be a priority objective of every incoming Ad-
ministration.
The production of paper is excessive at
both ends and self-generating. Reporting re-
quirements from the field keep embassy offi-
cers desk-bound when they should be getting
out and around. Most of these reports are
copied, distributed, and filed away without
anybody's reading them except, possibly,
some specialist in the Bureau of Intelligence
and Research. Telegrams get - more atten-
tion because they are shorter, but only a few
percolate up to the sixth and seventh floors
or to the White House. (Former Ambassador
J. K. Galbraith once told me the only way
to get -a telegram read in the White House
was to put a four-letter word in it.) Since
so much of what is reported is of no practical
or immediate use, I have often wondered why
Washington does not deal with its overseas
missions the way a news service editor deals
with his overseas bureaus-which is to ask
for special reports when the need arises
rather than to expect correspondents in the
field to keep filing everything they can find
out about anything. Conversely, the men in
the field should be spared the eyestrain of
having to read or even glance at most of what
comes from Washington by pouch. (Our
weekly CIA summary-naturally, stamped
"secret"-seldom contained anything we
hadn't already readabout in the New York
Times Sunday news digest.) -
Perhaps the only way to stop the flow
of paper is to penalize anybody who writes
reports that could possibly be avoided. But
it won't happen; there are too many people
who need to produce paper in order to justify
their presence on the payroll. - (A Foreign
Service Officer named Holmes Welch recently
defined the Welch corollary to Parkinson's
Law as follows: Every producer of paper
added to the government roster creates the
need for an additional consumer of paper.
But the latter, when hired, turns out to be
a producer too.) What happens to all the
paper? It piles up.
Aside from reports, there are other kinds
of paper that clog the machinery and waste
time, money, and manpower. Travel and ex-
pense vouchers are just two examples. When
a Foreign Service Officer goes from point A
to point B, he must make out a form ac-
counting for every minute of his time in
transit (0916-departed terminal, airport tax:
70 cents; 0955--arrived chancery, bus: $1.25).
Per diem rates vary, depending on where he
is and whether he happens to be stationary
or in motion. The resulting voucher is both
complicated and time-consuming for every-
one involved in preparing and reviewing it.
It has been estimated that the government
spends about $10 to process an average
voucher, which can easily double the cost of
the reimbursement. It can even more than
double it, as in the case of a junior officer
I knew in Spain whose quarterly entertain-
ment allowance, which had to be accounted
for, was only $3.
The obligation to justify every penny spent
not only is wasteful but can be embarrassing.
A senior officer who is trusted to handle top
secret documents does not have his govern-
ment's confidence where a dollar is con-
cerned. I remember being invited to a meet-
ing with the Guinean Foreign Minister while
serving at the UN. The taxi fare to the
Guinean mission and back came to $2.40. A
few days after I submitted the required
voucher, somebody from the administrative
section called me about my taxi ride: "We
have no record, Mr. Ambassador," said the
voice archly, "of any reception being given
at the Guinean Embassy on that,,day."
My favorite story is about the Foreign
Service Officer returning to Washington on
orders. His mother, who was not on govern-
ment orders, traveled with him. In making
out his voucher, he carefully separated his
own from his mother's expenses. But the
last item was a taxi from Union Station to
his hotel. In Washington, there is a different
fare If two people occupy the cab. Back
came a query: "Did your mother ride in the
cab with you?" His reply made bureaucratic
history: "No. I took the cab. My mother
walked and carried the bags."
The sensible and economical way to handle
this kind of paper work would be for the
government to calculate the cost of moving
an employee from point A to point B. Anyone
traveling that distance would then be given
a flat sum to travel as he wished just so long
as he got to his destination on time. Time
and money would be saved. But it might be
necessary to get rid of a lot of people whose
jobs depend on processing the paper under
the present system. The Deputy Under-
secretary of State for Administration told me
he was not even able to introduce air travel
cards as an efficiency measure; the General
Accounting Office has a vested interest in
keeping the system cumbersome.
Similarly, ambassadors should be given
representational funds to use at their discre-
tion without having to make out forms in
quintuplicate listing and justifying every
social function for which they and their
staffs require reimbursement. No diplomatic
missions have such big administrative staffs
as ours; other countries generally treat their
Ambassadors like men of integrity and judg-
ment-as George Washington treated Ben-
jamin Franklin when he sent him to Paris
with 50,000 francs and no budget and fiscal
officer to bird-dog him. But that was back
when the U.S. government was too small to
afford a bureaucracy.
The average Foreign Service Officer is
forty-one and makes $13,900 a year. When
you take into account the education, the
training, and the wide range of skills that
the State Department requires of its officers,
and when you consider what private indus-
try offers talented executives in the way of
salary and advancement, the wonder is that
our government is still able to induce young
people with drive and imagination to make
diplomacy their career. Despite occasional
directives commmending boldness and cour-
age, most FSO's have become convinced
from experience that the way to move up
the ladder is to play it safe. As Averell Harri-
man has said: "I have seen men's careers
set back and, ;in fact, busted because they
held the right views at the wrong time, or
for accurately reporting facts that were not
popular at the time." Caution, of course,
becomes a habit as well as a necessity for
a man in his forties who needs that next
promotion to put his children through
college,
A good many of our senior FSO's are also
suffering from the McCarthy syndrome; they
have never quite recovered from the experi-
ence of seeing some of their patriotic col-
leagues hounded and persecuted by the late
senator without either the President or the
Secretary of State being willing to stick up
for them. Moreover, a potential executive
who because of the seniority system is not
given the opportunity to exercise his execu-
tive ability in his middle years becomes
bleached out. If he does- get to be a chief of
mission, he has often lost the capacity for
controlled indignation-for sticking his neck
out-that is vital to effective leadership.
A system which rewards seniority rather
than ability can produce absurd situations.
I have a friend who was made an FSO-i at
thirty-nine. The next rung on the ladder is
Career Minister. According to existing regu-
lations, he could not become a CM until he
was fifty. Yet the regulations also stated
that an officer who is not promoted for ten
years is subject to "selection-out"-a euphe-
mism for being fired.
From what I have seen of the State De-
partment, the greatest concentration of
executive talent can be found in the thirty-
five to forty-five age bracket. But most of
these men and 'women are upper-middle-
level FSO-3's and -4's. Above them in the
hierarchy, as of December, 1966, were 7 Career
Ambassadors, 52 Career Ministers, 313 FSO-
l's, and 452 FSO-2's. With about 36 ambas-
sadorships available each year-of which a
quarter are filled by political appointees-
the chances of a substantial number getting
top jobs in their most productive and vigor-
ous years are practically nonexistent.
What is also discouraging to talented
middle-grade officers is that the higher eche-
lons are cluttered with deadwood-with peo-
ple who drifted up the ladder because some-
body on a promotion panel wanted to give
good old Joe or Charlie a break. (I know of
one of these good old Joes who was finally
moved out of an African post-he had re-
fused to entertain Africans in his house-
and was transferred to a bigger post com-
mensurate with his rank.) The deadwood are
usually officers with bland records, with no
black marks on their efficiency reports, with
no history of ever having gotten out of line
or rocked the boat or questioned their in-
structions. A good energetic officer, on the
other hand, can be passed over for promotion,
if he lacks friends in the Establishment, on
the basis of one negative efficiency report
written by one superior who might not have
liked the way he dressed. (I personally inter-
ceded in one such case.)
Some officers who manage to reach the top
after long years of patient subordination
tend to become martinets-like British pub-
lic-school boys hazing their juniors because
they were once hazed themselves. And their
wives can be even more dictatorial: I have
known Of some who ordered the wives of staff
members around like servants; one who put
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June 20, 1967 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
row houses, or detached units, equity must
also be extended to an appreciable number of
the poor who live in the great blighted areas
of our cities. And finally, if cities are to live,
privately-financed rental units must be made
available at the very cores. There must be a
blending of public and private housing for
rent, along with private apartments and
homes for sale. The resulting cultural ex-
changes and visability of a better life with
its implication of attainability will serve to
renew hope within the poor and raise their
levels of aspiration.
However, private investors are reluctant to
move boldly into this area of city develop-
ment. Fears that families who can afford
private housing will not move to the inner
city, and that those who do will not keep up
the property restrain the real entrepreneurs
from serving the greatest of all social needs.
The Board for Fundamental Education has
pioneered in self-help housing in this coun-
try and is certain this technique can be effec-
tively applied to the relief of the housing
problems of our nation, both in the urban
and rural community. Under the BFE pro-
gram aspiring homeowners are trained in
home building skills and organized in super-
vised construction teams to build a home for
each member of the team. Land is purchased
jointly to reduce the cost, and building ma-
terials are secured in the same manner. At
the time the new owners move in, they hold
up to 39 percent equity in their homes by
virtue of their labor. The program enables
families to own homes who otherwise might
never amass the resources to do so. And be-
cause of the tremendous savings, the program
makes it to meet their needs in terms of size
and appointments. A builder-owner, without
making a down payment, can move into a
$15,000 home with a mortgage of only $10,000,
or less. This means families with incomes of
$4,000 can own adequate homes.
The Board for Fundamental Education has
been described in a Ford Foundation study
of self-help housing in the United States as
"the only organization in the country with
a meaningful self-help housing program."
. In a program in its urban demonstration
center of Indianapolis, Indiana, BFE trans-
formed two ugly slums into new communi-
ties where more than 400 homes ranging in
value from $12,000 to $15,000, were built
under this program. In each instance as the
area was developed toward its final form,
private investors came into these slums areas
and constructed apartments for rent, and de-
tached homes for sale, along with shopping
facilies. These neighborhoods today are
among Indianapolis' proudest.
The success of a self-help housing venture
depends in large measure on the support the
owner-builders receive from the financial and
business interests of the community in which
the effort is undertaken, together with the
support services given by the sponsoring
group. Ideally, a noa-profit corporation, capi-
talized with a reasonable revolving fund,
should be organized to guarantee sound fiscal
and business management for the operation.
Within the Board for Fundamental Educa-
tion concept and practice, full support is
given to families from the day they apply
for the self-help program through their move
in, with visitations, counseling, and BFE-
sponsored community affairs long after the
homes are completed. In-order to prepare
the families for home ownership, a series
of educational seminars are held. Subjects
of the sessions include insurance, home deco-
ration, community organization, city serv-
ices, obligations as mortgages and citizens.
Social workers are employed to help families
in qualifying themselves to participate and
to assist families who may encounter dif-
ficulties during and after the building period.
Another dimension, and perhaps equally
important aspect of the self-help approach,
lies in the rehabilitation of existing homes.
Owners can be taught to replace roofs, re-
S 8519
pair weatherboard, point up bricks, and gen- penetration of the Middle East. The third is
erally renew their homes. Performed within the use of foreign aid as a tool for maintain-
the team concept, the participants would ing equilibrium, reducing Soviet penetra-
purchase materials jointly and experience tion, and promoting economic growth. The
significant savings both in purchasing and fourth is the maintenance of open channels
labor, tl)ro}rgh the non-profit corporation, of communication with Arab governments to
TEIN ON MIDDLE EAST CRISIS
Mr. CASE. Mr. President, on June 7
it was my honor, in company with the
able Senator from Wyoming [Mr. Mc-
GEE] to address the rally for Israel in
Lafayette Park, under the auspices of
the Conference of Presidents of Major
American Jewish Organizations. It was a
dramatic and inspiring demonstration of
faith on the part of the thousands of
Americans who had gathered there from
all parts of the Nation, and I was deeply
moved by the experience.
In a more sober setting on the previ-
ous day, Dr. Marver H. Bernstein ad-
dressed the Conference of Presidents and
other assembled leaders on the issues of
the Middle East crisis. Dr. Bernstein is
dean of the Woodrow Wilson School at
Princeton University, and it was a great
regret to me that I was unable to be
present when this distinguished New
Jersey scholar spoke. But I later read
Dr. Bernstein's talk and found it to be
an exceptionally candid and incisive
analysis of recent history in the Middle
East. So that others who did not hear
him may have the benefit of his insights,
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of his address be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PERSPECTIVE ON AMERICAN POLICY IN THE
MIDDLE EAST
(Address by Marver H. Bernstein)
Contrary to the established conventions of
political meetings, I suggest to you a brief
experiment. I ask you to assume fora few
moments that the time is June 1965, to put
aside present concerns momentarily, and
try to understand what American policy in
the Middle East has been. I propose a brief
exercise in developing perspective that may
offer some guidance to us as American citi-
zens as we undertake the mammoth task of
achieving a basic shift in U.S. policy toward
Israel that all of us seek. For without a major
change, American policy will fail as it failed
to prevent the Arab-Israeli war of 1967.
The United States has been hesitant and
inhibited in its response to Israel's view of
its security needs. Why? The answers are to
be found in an analysis of American policy in
the Middle East.
The overriding goal of American policy can
be simply stated. It has been to maintain a
prudent security equilibrium in the Middle
East and to promote internal, stability in the
region. These terms are very imprecise. They
confer maximum discretion on the President
and the State Department, not only because
the Executive Branch must struggle to main-
tain its initiative vis-a-vis Congress, but also
because the fluidity of the Middle Eastern
situation requires it. The American interest
lies not in instability but in peace. The criti-
cal issue, of course, is stability for what and
on whose terms.
How is the goal of a prudent security
equilibrium to be reached or promoted? Es-
sentially four approaches have been utilized.
The first is guarantees of the independence
and territorial integrity of Israel. The second
includes a pattern-of actions and policies
designed to minimize Soviet and Chinese
enable the U.S. to exercise some influence
over their behavior and beliefs. In this con-
nection any overt alliance of the U.S. with
Israel would appear to polarize the Middle
East and would send the Arab states rushing
off to Moscow.
What have been the main characteristics
of American policy in the Middle East? I
would like to outline some nine features of
American policy:
1. In the effort to maintain an equilibrium
in the Middle East which is at least neutral
with respect to the U.S.-Soviet conflict, the
American position often seems very kind to
the Arabs and very harsh toward Israel. Why
is this the case? Part of the answer lies in
recognizing that Israel is pro-US. and Nas-
ser is usually anti-U.S. It seems striking
and ironic, therefore, that the U.S. should
reward its enemies more than its friends.
In any case, as William S. White wrote in
the Washington Post on January 29, 1965:
"Any notion that our foreign policy in the
Middle East is run with special tenderness
for Jewish feelings is one of the special idio-
cies of our time."
Be that as it may, the main drift of our
policy for three administrations has been
one of exceptional kindness to Nasser's Egypt,
not primarily because the U.S. strongly pre-
fers Egypt to Israel, but because the U.S.
conception of the problems of achieving a
security balance in the Middle East required
it.
2. The Under Secretary of State, George
Ball, told the Senate Appropriations Com-
mittee on February 1, 1965:
"What happens in -the Near East is of
critical importance to our strategic sea, air,
and land routes, to our vast oil investment;
to the security of Israel and other countries
in the area.".
The U.S. position reflects a tendency-
which the U.S. shares with other Western
countries-to overrate the political, military
and economic importance of the Middle
East. To be sure the Middle East is the link
connecting three continents; it is the inter-
secting point of land, water, and air routes;
it does contain the major oil reserves of the
world. But these have all become less rather
than more strategic on the contemporary
scene. The demand for oil has increased
greatly in recent years, but so have resources
outside of the Middle East increased great-
ly-in North Africa, in Iran, in South Amer-
ica, in Canada and elsewhere; and natural
gas discoveries have also helped to supply
the growing needs of European industry.
While nuclear energy is some distance off,
and the demand for oil will increase in the
years ahead, we seem to give more attention
to protecting American- oil investments in
the Middle East than considerations of mili-
tary strategy require.
3. A pedestrian and obvious fact of con-
temporary Middle Eastern history is the
persistent inability of Arabs to unite politi-
cally despite the strong belief that unity is
their natural condition. But, in addition,
there is a conception that it is not so obvi-
ous. It is the persistent notion that Arab
unity would be in the interests of the U.S.
and its allies and also in the interests of
Israel as well as the Arab countries, despite
the fact that a unified Arab world would
seem more likely to be anti-U.S. than either
neutral or pro-U.S.
The dominant theme of Nasser, as the top
leader of Arab nationalism, has been Arab
unity. Unity has been held forth as the in-
eluctable destiny of the Arab world, but
clearly Arab unity has been the exception,
not the rule, in Arab history. The factors
that divide and distinguish the Arab coun-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE June 20, 1 9..67
tries appear to be far more substantial than
the one factor that unites them-hatred of
Israel. As Abba Eban recently wrote, nothing
has divided the Arab world more than the
effort to unite it.
The U.S. position has maintained that a
prudent security equilibrium in the Middle
East is more likely to be achieved under
conditions of Arab unity than Arab diversity
and political pluralism. The case usually
rests on the view that economic growth
would be fostered by unity and would itself
create pride in economic achievement and
thereby minimize or reduce anti-Israel
slogans as the goal - of unity. However, a
strong case can be'made that a pluralistic
diverse Arab world of separate governments
could more easily accommodate an Israel-
Arab understanding. A Middle East con-
vulsed by an Egyptian bid for centralized
control scarcely seems a congenial setting
for achieving such understanding.
4. The U.S. experience in the Middle East
postdates the full blown emergence of the
Palestine Issue. The U.S., compared with
England and France, has had only minimal
experience in dealing with Middle Eastern
problems. Perhaps because of its lack of
regional experience, the U.S. is tempted to
be overly impressed with psychological and
sociological factors in the Arab picture. I
refer, for example, to the trauma and bitter
frustration of - the Arabs resulting from the
humiliating defeat by the Israelis; the
dream-like quality of their hopes and fears;
their enormous pride and sense of personal
dignity; and the great gulf between their
verbal ferocity and their timid deeds.
Awareness of these factors' may help to
account for the tendency of the experts to
discount the militancy reflected by the vio-
lent statements of Arab leaders. Among
knowledgeable experts there is often a char-
acteristic paradox in value judgment: an ad-
miring attitude regarding Arab culture and
historical development and sympathy for
strivings for personal dignity; and at the
same time terrible bitter disappointment
with the lack of Arab achievement and ful-
fillment. Caught in this value paradox, the
experts in the State Department often seem
to interpret Nasser's violent aims as merely
hortatory; in other words, not really to be
taken serious. We are often not quite sure
what Nasser really means; hence, the words
are rarely taken to -mean what they plainly
say. Israel is scarcely to be criticized if it takes
the view that it cannot discount the plain
meaning of the words as completely as the
diplomats appear to do.
5. Clearly the American experts in inter-
national affairs tended to believe that Israel
has exaggerated in assessing the immedi-
acy of the threats to its existence. Why is
this the case? Part of the answer lies in the
respect for Israel's effectiveness as an inde-
pendent nation coupled with the lack.of con-
fidence in the capacity and human resources
of Arab countries. Perhaps another part of
the answer is that the U.S. is more acutely
aware than many in Israel are of the unset-
tling effects of Israel's policy regarding re-
taliatory or preemptive raids and attacks.
The U.S. believes that Israel exaggerates
threats to its existence and is therefore too
quick in embarking on retaliatory raids. The
American view is that Israel is insufficiently
aware of the consequences, adverse to the in-
terests of Israel and the West, flowing from
its militancy. World opinion often perceives
the killings but not the provocation, and the
U.N. machinery has not proved to be helpful
to Israel in evaluating Arab complaints and
charges.
6. There has been a tendency to exag-
gerate the consequences of - Nasser's strong
and spirited drive for modernization and in-
dustrialization. The fact is that time has
been running out for Nasser. Miiltary ex-
penditures have become almost insupport-
able. The Yemeni campaign has been a dis-
mal failure and extremely costly. The pop-
ulation explosion runs ahead of the pace of
economic growth. The level of economic ac-
tivity has increased in absolute amounts but
has declined on a per capita basis. In this
context the inner logic of Nasser's position
seems to move toward war or military
expansion.
7. Nasser has proved to be a very formid-
able opponent in dealing with the U.S. He
has been a first-rate bargainer and bluffer.
He has effectively manipulated the-U.S. and
Soviet Union in order to obtain maximum
financial and military aid for Egypt. He
knows that he has advantages in bargaining
only in the context of crises, which he is
very adept at manufacturing. Nasser suc-
ceeded in using the cold war to internation-
alize Arab affairs. He has thereby gained a
lever to exact better terms from both the
West and the East. The American goal of
Arab unity in turn plays into the hands of
Nasser whose policy can succeed only by mak-
ing Arab unity a leading international issue.
Nasser has effectively demonstrated Egypt's
nuisance value by showing- that he is dan-
gerous and must be bought off at a high
price.
There are some elements of high tragedy
here. Nasser is personally incorrupt, a highly
effective ruler, who has led Egypt through a
major social revolution. He has developed
new industries, exterminated the great land-
owners, bolstered the educational system,
and nurtured a new middle class of military
officers, young professionals and bureaucrats.
On the other hand, labor productivity in
Egypt is very low and consumption is piti-
fully low. Poverty remains intense. Egypt is
not slowly catching up with a Western
standard, but rather is steadily falling be-
hind. The country lives on borrowed money
and neither capitalism nor Communism
seems to work. It is critically important that
Nasser keep up the morale and perquisites
of the new middle class, but he cannot do so
in the context of economic retrenchment.
The economists advise Nasser that such re-
trenchment is mandatory for economic sur-
vival. But as a military leader of high am-
bition with a mission to fulfill, his only way
out may be through continued expansion in
Israel or elsewhere.
8. -The case for financial aid to Egypt and
other Arab countries has been justified by
general humanitarian considerations, but is
otherwise rather weak. The basic postulate
of foreign aid is that Western security is
promoted best by helping countries main-
tain independence and becoming viable
economically; and if the West does not help,
the East will. The U.S. also appeared to be-
lieve, with some justification, that however
hostile Nasser may be to the West, anyone
replacing him would probably be worse.
Leaving aside the desire of the U.S. on hu-
manitarian grounds forhelping adesperate-
ly poor country, the case for foreign aid to
Egypt seems weak. Had Nasser received no
aid whatsoever from the West, it is difficult
to imagine that he could have been more
hostile.
9. In 1964 and 1965, in contrast to the
French and West Germafi attitudes and poli-
cies toward Israel there appeared a notice-
able waveringand weakness as well as some
clumsiness in London and Washington in
dealing with the excesses of the Egyptians
and the Syrians, Certainly American reaction
has been very cautious when American li-
braries have gone up in flames. U.S. diplo-
mats appeared to have considered German
recognition of Israel in 1964 as a matter of
doubtful wisdom. U.S. diplomats urge Israel
not to resort to arms in meeting the attacks
of the National Liberation Army and not to
resist Arab water diversion projects. The
State Department seemed to take the view
that it will be a long time before it can be
determined whether the Arabs will really be
violating the Johnston Water Plan.
The Israelis have a valid claim in believing
that the U.S. will prefer to avoid strong
clear action strengthening Israel's security,
and at the same time be willing, however
reluctantly, to tolerate intolerable effrontery
and vilification on the part of Arab leaders.
We must, therefore, expect that Israel will
often be disappointed with the attitude of
American officials toward its security - needs.
In the minds of American officials Israel's
needs must always be measured against the
probable reaction of Arab leaders' reactions
which American officials regard as extremely
important.
It was a dominant consideration in the
Eisenhower-Dulles policy that the Arabs are
more fearful of Zionism than they are of
Communism. Dulles believed that the U.S.
must counter the Arab belief that the U.S.
supports the aggressive expansion of Israel.
Recognition of this belief and fear has
mightily inhibited American action and
policy in Israel. At the same time the U.S.
has been ready to use economic aid to in-
fluence the government of Israel. For ex-
ample, it delayed for a long time the move
of the Foreign Ministry to Jerusalem; it
stopped hydro-electric development on the
Jordan River; and its reactions to the Quibya
Raid of October 1.953 did deter subsequent
militancy on the part of Israel.
Given the deep complexity of Middle East-
ern issues, it has been difficult for American
Jews to understand U.S. policy. I speak not
of approval but understanding. The main
difficulty has been the failure to understand
that the American attempt to achieve a
prudent security balance in the Middle East
has prevented the U.S. from meeting Israel's
security needs as Israel defines them. Is-
raelis tend to understand better than Amer-
ican Jews do why it is practically inevitable
that the American response to Israel's stated
security needs will fall short of Israel's de-
mands. The problem is not that they fall
short-this is probably inevitable-but
rather how short the American response will
be.
I now turn very briefly to the present,
June 7, 1967. How has the American policy
of friendly detachment and concerned neu-
trality expressed itself during the past three
weeks? The record shows the following:
1. The U.S. will not permit the annihila-
tion of Israel, but short of that decisive
threat, it will undertake no initiative uni-
laterally. -
2. For a long time, the United States did
not expect war between the Arabs and Is-
rael, and thought that the Israelis exag-
gerated Nasser's threats of extermination.
3. The United States did not expect the
United Nations to arrange an accommoda-
tion, but it nevertheless turned to the U.N.
to avoid diplomatic isolation.
4. It became uncertain in the final-week-
end in early June before war broke out
whether the United States could hold Israel
in check without making some strategic com-
mitment to Israel.
5. It actively explored various proposals
to reopen the Gulf of Aquaba through some
facesaving compromise that would recognize
Egypt's sovereignty over the Strait of Tiran,
yet asure Israel's access to the Sea. It also
considered Thant"s proposal to place U.N.
truce observors on both sides of the frontier,
Arab and Israeli.
6. The U.S. became increasingly perturbed
by the emergence of the Soviet Union as the
champion of the Arabs, by its historic ex-
pansionist drive toward the Mediterranean,
and by its attempt to control half or more of
Europe's oil imports.
7. Repeated guarantees of Israel's security
failed to prevent the present hostilities, and
Israel consequently saw a better chance to
resolve the issue of national survival through
war rather than diplomacy. To understate
the point, events would seem to support
Israel's strategic judgment.
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What lesson is to be learned from this
review of the American posture of concerned
neutrality and friendly detachment in the
Middle East? It can be stated simply:
The traditionally ambivalent U.S. policy
has failed. Therefore, the President, the State
Department, and the Congress must be ad-
vised and persuaded to use the opportuni-
ties provided by Israel's military victory to
achieve a massive reduction of the tensions
that underlie the war:
1. It means a recognition of the illusory
character of Arab unity and the political
unreliability of Arab leadership;
2. It means a lifting of both the blockade
of the Gulf of Aqaba and the Suez Canal;
3. It means, above all, a peace treaty be-
tween Israel and each of the Arab states that
recognizes the legitimacy of Israeli state-
hood; and
4. It means a readjustment of boundaries
to meet Israel's urgent security needs, includ-
ing the Gaza strip, the area around Latrun
and the hills directly to the north and west,
of Jerusalem, and the Old City of Jerusalem
itself, with appropriate guarantees for the
safety of Christian and Moslem holy places.
These objectives will not be achieved if
the United States conforms to its traditional
policy of concerned neutrality. We need to
be quite clear about these matters. Effective
movement toward achieving Israel's legiti-
mate goals calls for a substantial shift in
American policy.
The obstacles to such a marked change
in policy are indeed great. They include
American preoccupation with Viet Nam; the
horrible complexities and confusions of for-
eign policymaking in the U.S.; traditional
Foreign, Service sympathy for Arab interests;
the heightened enmity of the Arab countries
for Israel; the considerable Afro-Asian sup-
port of the U.A.R., the unfriendliness of the
U.N. arena for the resolution of issues di-
rectly involving Israel.
But there are also some factors influenc-
ing the kind of policy change that circum-
stances now require. One Is the emergence
of new leadership in Israel composed of men
who have been taught to rely not on inter-
national guarantees but rather upon their
own courage, initiative, and resourcefulness.
Another is the strong moral, political, and
financial support of American citizens for
the continued Independence and security of
Israel free from the dangerous challenges
that have persisted for nineteen years of
statehood.
These obstacles will be overcome only with
skillful political action and the most gener-
ous levels of financial support. And that is
why all of us are here tonight.
LAND MOBILE RADIOS AND CRIME
PREVENTION
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, the Se-
lect Committee on Small Business, on
which I serve, recently held hearings on
the impact of crime on small business. I
ask unanimous consent that a statement
of the National Association of Business
and Educational Radio, prepared for
those hearings, be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
THE USE OS LAND MOBILE RADIO BY BUSINESS-
MEN TO ASSIST IN CRIME PREVENTION
(Statement of the National Association of
Business and Educational Radio Before
the Selected Committee on Small Busi-
ness, U.S. Senate)
The importance of small business to this
nation's economy has long been recognized
by the leaders of this country. President
Johnson cited the importance of small busi-
ness to the nation's. economy and to the
nation's continued prosperity and security,
during the swearing in ceremonies of the
present Administrator of the Small Business
Administration on May 19, 1966. The Presi-
dent stated:
"Small business is part of the American
way of life. A man's desire to become his
own boss has always been part of our na-
tional dream. If we lose that, we will lose
something that is very precious to all of
us . this administration and its leader-
ship in the Congress, . . are interested in
helping (the small businessman) . . . We
are concerned with the man who operates
the small business."
Congress has also recognized the impor-
tance of the small business community to
this nation. Both the House and the Senate
have established committees such as this
committee to investigate the Congressional
concern for the small businessman. Congress
has also, of course, created the Small Busi-
ness Administration and supplied that agen-
cy with the funds needed to assist the small
businessman.
At the same time, the small businessman,
who is well known for his industry and in-
telligence, has not relied solely on others to
seek solutions to his problems. Small busi-
nesses actively participate in community,
civic and trade associations, endeavoring to
find their own solutions to specific problems
and better ways to serve their customers and
their communities.
The National Association of Business and
Educational Radio (NABER) is one such
organization. NABER is an association of
two-way radio users, most of whom are small
businessmen. Our membership also includes
educational institutions, doctors, police, fire
departments, and the wide range of the pub-
lic that use two-way radio to conduct their
business, perform their services or carry out
their duties. The one thing our members
have in common is that they are all licensed
by the Federal Communications Commission
in the Business Radio Service.
The purpose of NABER, in its broadest
terms, is to assist its members to obtain the
most productive use of their two-way radio
systems. As I have pointed out, many of our
members are small businessmen who use
two-way radio in their work primarily to cut
their costs, increase their efficiency, and pro-
vide better service to their customers. But
this is not its only use. It is being used today
In cooperation with local government offi-
cials in a direct attack upon crime which
has become so costly to the small business-
man. Increasingly over the past few years,
crime has become a major obstacle to the
successful establishment or continuance of
a small business as a going concern. NABER
heartily subscribes to the Chairman's state-
ments that "small business victims of crime
throughout the nation need help" and that
"(t) hey have a right to be secure in their
persons and their property, not only as small
businessmen, but as citizens as well."
This Committee is acutely aware of the
problem. On April 24th, the Police Chief of
the District of Columbia, John B. Layton,
stated before this Committee that the situa-
tion described in the testimony of the small
businessmen appearing before this Commit-
tee was a "deplorable condition." Chief Lay-
ton stated that his force was "working to
alleviate" the condition. Indeed, the police
departments around the country are doing
all they can to combat a rising crime rate.
If someone devised a plan that would en-
able law enforcement officials to predict
where or when the next crime would be com-
mitted, much of the crime in this country
could be eliminated. This would be ideal.
At the present, however, greater reliance
must be placed on methods designed to re-
port crimes or suspicious acts which may
become crimes and to locate and apprehend
those who may be guilty as soon as possible.
Since the 1920's the police have used two-
S 8521
way radio to help them in the war against
crime. Now, as more and more businessmen
are equipping their trucks and cars with two-
way radios, there are hundreds of vehicles
operated by private citizens on the streets of
our cities everyday capable of supplementing
the radio systems of the public authorities
by being the eyes and ears of the community
for purposes of public safety and crime con-
trol. Since the police or other public author-
ities cannot possibly be every place at once,
the private businesses that do use two-way
radio can tremendously increase the ability
of the community to observe and quickly
report crime to the local authorities. They
can also report fires, accidents, trees block-
ing roads and similar events which need
rapid attention.
As a representative example of the di-
versity and many different types of users
of two-way radio, I would like to have in-
cluded as part of this statement a list of
two-way radio users recently applying for
licenses by the FCC in a one-week period.
According to a recent public notice issued by
the FCC, these applications are coming In
at the rate of 20,000 per month. Just take
some of the new two-way users in Florida,
for example. The following are typical of the
small businessmen who use two-way radio
in their businesses:
Biochemistry Associates International, 1150
N.W. 14th Street, Miami, Fla.
Newell Construction Co., Inc., 7292 S.W.
42 Terrace, Miami, Fla.
Panama Pools, Inc., 15625 W. Highway 98,
Panama City, Fla.
Flower Tree Nursery, Box 1469, Eustis, Fla.
Warrington Plumbing Co., 910 W. Main
Street, Pensacola, Fla.
Earthmoving & Excavating Co., 9500 W.
Sample Road, Coral Springs, Fla.
State Fertilizer Co., Box 1514, Lakeland,
Fla.
Cypress Gardens Citrus Products, Inc., Box
1312, Winter Haven, Fla.
Howard TV Rentals, 2815 Main street,
Jacksonville, Fla.
Colonial Concrete Co., Box 4556, Jackson-
ville, Fla.
Huntsville Building Materials Co., P.O. Box
567, Huntsville, Ala.
Burford Equipment Co., P.O. Box 1591,
Montgomery, Ala.
Farmers Supply Co., 715 Noble Street,
Anniston, Ala.
Priest Company, 2207 Meridian Street,
Huntsville, Ala.
Anderson Tractor Co., 216 College Street,
Troy Ala.
Collier Wholesale Drug Co., No. 2 North
4th Place, Birmingham, Ala.
Fred Brasher Plumbing, 726 Fulton Street,
Alexandria, La.
Stephenson Floor Covering Co., Inc., 3911
Southern Avenue, Shreveport, La.
Builders Center, Inc., 12911 Florida Street,
Baton Rouge, La.
All-Vend, Inc., Box 8272, New Orleans,
La.
C. J. Hansen Co., 3552 Silverton Road, Sal-
em, Oregon
Conroy Packing Co., 960 Young Street,
Woodburn, Oregon
Klinge Shell Distributor, 1414 E. Salem, Al-
bany, Oregon
Irrigation Service, Route No. 1, Box 373,
La Grande, Oregon.
Southern Nevada Communications, 2142
S. Highland Avenue; Las Vegas, Nev.
Wesley Mfg. Co., 2405 East Second Street,
Reno, Nev.
Roaden's Garage & Body Shop, 1765 Lewis
Street, Reno, Nev.
Sierra Nevada Communications, Inc., P.O.
Box 7312, Reno, Nev.
Rish Equipment Co., P.O. Box 353, Charles-
ton, W. Va.
C. W. Stickley Inc., P.O. Box 946, Fairmont,
W. Va.
Hibbs Radio Communications, 205 S. Main
Street, Philippi, W. Va.
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Kesterson Fabric Core Service, Inc., 1722
Latrobe Street, Parkersburg, W. Va.
Boy Scouts of America, 1227 9th Avenue,
Anchorage, Alaska.
Wagley Construction Co., Star Route #1,
Kenai, Alaska.
Lindsey, Inc., Box 4081, Anchorage, Alaska.
Pe,,te's Spenard Texaco Service, 3304 Spen-
ard Road, Spenard, Alaska.
Fingie's Fuel Service, Inc., 660 Rahway
Avenue, Union, N.J.
Walter J. Firrell Plumbing, 319 Landis Ave-
nue, Vineland, N.J.
Fri-Boro Corporation, P.O. Box 125, Bound
Brook, N.J.
Rutgers Electronics Inc., 2090 Woodbridge
Avenue, Edison, N.J.
Berman Electric & Elevator, Inc., 831 Wil-
liamson Street, Madison, Wis.
Hoida Lumber Co., 1545 Willon Street,
Green Bay, Wis.
Handicabs of Milwaukee, 5220 W. Center
Street, Milwaukee, Wis. -
Sheboygan McDonald's Inc., 2307 North
Avenue, Sheboygan, Wis.
Trucks Radio Engineers, Box 95, Clovis, N.
Mex.
A.L.S. Electronics, P.O. Box 11373, Al-
buquerque, N. Mex. -
Million Electric Co., Inc., P.O. Box 618,
Fairview Station, Espanola, N. Mex.
Caprock Communications, Inc., Box 1560,
Hobbs, N. Mex.
Lawton Coca Cola Bottling Co., 511 N.
Second, Lawton, Okla.
Brown Distributing Co., 429 Columbus,
Muskogee, Okla.
Miamia Implement Co., 504 First Street,
N.E., Miami, Okla. -
Swansons Fire Co., Inc., 1000 N. Hudson,
Oklahoma City, Okla.
Act Fuel Oil Co., Inc., One Coffey Street,
Brooklyn, N.Y.
Xaverian High School, 7100 Shore Road,
Brooklyn, N.Y. -
Master Fuel Co., 141 John Street, Babylon,
N.Y.
D &-S Pump & Supply Co., Inc. Brewster,
N.Y.
Valente Excavating, Inc., Box 66 R.D. #4,
Troy, N.Y.
Kellner Car & Limousine Service, Inc., 30
W. 60th Street, New York. -
Dairy Industry Refirigeration Co., - 5224
Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pa. -
American Pool Service Corp., 210 N. Aber-
deen Avenue, Wayne, Pa.
Russell Hopkins Glass Co., 1506 Callowhill
Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
Atwell Tractor Co., P.O. Box 114, Concord-
ville, Pa.
Gerard Gilbert Construction, Inc., 69
Highland Street, Laconia, N.H.
White Top Taxi, Inc., 390 Central Avenue,
Dover, N.H. -
Kai Gas Go., Inc., Church Street, Opping,
N.H. -
Metropolitan Trash, Inc., 5790 W. 56th
Avenue, Arvada, Colo.
Trasier Farmers, Wodrow, Colo.
Armored Motor Service, 970 Yuma Street,
Denver, Colo.
Building Materials Center, 2700 E. 4th,
Pueblo, Colo.
Chattanooga Goodwill Industries, 3500
Dodds Avenue, Chattanooga, Tenn,
Ligon & Bobo Funeral Home, 241 W. Main,
Lebanon, Tenn.
Harris Realty Co., P.O. Box 2337, Clarks-
ville, Tenn.
George Peabody College For Teachers. 21st
Avenue, South, Nashville, Tenn.
I should like to submit for - the record
three very interesting clippings from news-
papers serving two of our large metropolitan
areas.
According to the Globe-Democrat of St.
Louis, . Missouri, the Bi-State Transit Sys-
tem of that city installed two-way radios
in many of their buses in response to a re-
quest for better safety measures by the
Amalgamated Transit Union, Local 788 after
one bus driver was slain by a robber while
driving his bus. It proved to be one of the
major safety measures to protect both driv-
ers and passengers from holdup. me The
newspaper reports that the new meres
reduced the number of armed robberies on
buses in the second half of 1966 by 58 per
cent.
In Detroit, Michigan, according to an ar-
ticle in the Detroit News, the president of
Division 26 of the Amalgamated Transit
Union, is considering asking the transit au-
thority of that city for permission for his
members to carry guns if the city declines
to install additional two-way radios for the
driver's protection. The union was prompted
to take such a position after one of the
drivers was shot twice in a holdup.
The Union president cited two-way radio
as a major factor in apprehending the sus-
pect and according to the account in the
Detroit News, the president of the Union
was quoted as saying:
"After he (the ? driver) was shot he called
on his two-way radio to report that he was
wounded. It may have been a major factor
in saving his life."
Dallas, Texas is another city that has in-
stalled two-way radio on its buses in hope
that the radios will help reduce robberies.
A report of the Dallas Texas News is sub-
mitted for the record.
Two-way radios have also been used in
other ways to help combat crime. I submit
a report in the New York Daily News on the
use of walkie-talkies by the Housing Au-
thority police of that city. This report shows
how radio is able to aid in the quick appre-
hension of suspects before the trail grows
cold.
Still another example of businessmen
adopting self-help procedures through the
use of two-way radio communications is the
antitruek theft alert - system now in effect
in Chicago and the New York-New Jersey
metropolitan areas. I would like to submit
for the record an article and an editorial
from Transport Topics, the National News-
paper of the Motor Freight Carriers, describ-
ing this theft alert plan.
As the plan is described in the article,
a trucking company whose truck is stolen
notifies other companies who, in turn, call
still others, and so on. Drivers are given a
description of the vehicle by their two-way
radio dispatchers and then keep a look out.
According to the newspaper, "In minutes,
thousands of eyes are alert for a glimpse of
the stolen truck."
The results of this theft alert plan have
been very encouraging, Transport Topics re-
ports that in "... the New York-New Jersey
area truck hijacking is said to have declined
from about 3 a day to 3 a month since the
system was introduced." The report further
states that "(r)ings with valuable cargoes
have been recovered within 45 minutes of
a reported loss".
These few examples show that two-way
radio used by responsible citizens can be of
substantial assistance to law enforcement
and civic safety.
Recognizing this fact, members of NABER
as well as members of other organizations of
two-way radio users such as the Special In-
dustrial Radio Service Association (SIRSA),
are doing their part to assist in the efforts of
law enforcement by participating in a pro-
gram called Community Radio Watch.
I should like to describe this program to
the Committee.
Since the principal purpose of the "Com-
munity Radio Watch Program" is to encour-
age citizens-especially those who use two-
way radio-to support the police in their ef-
forts to maintain law and order, participants
in the program are asked to report to their
offices, via their two-way radio, any suspi-
cious acts or unusual occurrances that they
observe. Their offices will then relay the re-
ports to the proper -authorities for further
action.
The program is usually instituted in a
community by the Mayor or City Manager.
He asks all the businesses in his city which
use two-way radio to enlist in the program.
The businessmen willing to participate in
the program are given the necessary infor-
mation to give to their drivers who are the
key men in the operation of the program.
In order to encourage, recognize, and pay
tribute to the individuals who use their two-
way radio to report a situation which results
in the protecting of life or property, a recog-
nition and distinguished service award, con-
tributed by Motorola, a member of the land
mobile communications industry, is an in-
tegral part of the program and the awards
have been established at the national, state
and industry levels. An Award Committee
made up of representatives of governmental
law enforcement agencies or civic groups
controls the selection of the participants de-
serving of special recognition or an award.
Thus, not only are the participants given
well-deserved recognition for their efforts in
behalf of their communities, but also, -the
public is made more aware of what they as
individual citizens can do to aid their law
enforcement officials. Furthermore, the re-
porting of particular cases in which the pro-
gram has aided the enforcement of the law,
provides a convenient check on the success
of the program as well as making data
available for future use to improve or re-
vise the program as particular needs of in-
dividual communities become known.
Thus, the Community Radio Watch pro-
gram is the implementation of the principal
that law enforcement is the job of every
citizen not only to the extent of helping to
protect oneself as in the truck theft alert
plan, but also in helping to protect the
community as well. Indeed, as President
Johnson has stated on December 31, 1966,
on the issuance of the Report of the Presi-
dent's Commission on Crime in the District
of Columbia:
"Crime cannot be conquered, in this or
any other city unless citizens are willing to
help. An understanding of the nature of the
problems and the directions of effective citi-
zen faction will permit a mobilization of
action by citizens and the private groups
and agencies which they direct, to work to-
gether to meet the challenge, and the op-
portunity, which the report presents."
As of March 27, 1967, over 200 cities and
towns around the country had implemented
or made plans to implement the Community
Radio Watch program. An estimated 12,000
business organizations with over one hun-
dred thirty thousand (130,000) personnel
driving vehicles equipped with two-way
radios will soon be actively supporting their
local police in their efforts to protect life
and property.
A list of cities and firms participating in
Community Radio Watch is attached.
To give further information on the opera-
tion of the program, I should like to submit
for the record the reports of various news-
paper accounts on the inception of the
Community Radio Watch program in var-
ious communities. The clippings indicate
the enthusiastic response of both the citi-
zens and officials to the Community Radio
Watch program. I also offer for the record,
letters from public officials stating their
enthusiasm for the program.
As with the use of two-way radio on buses
and in the anti-truck theft alert plan, the
Community Radio Watch Program has
quickly produced highly encouraging and
beneficial results. A recent example of Com-
munity Radio Watch in action may be of
interest to the Committee.
Most of the members of this Committee (as
well as most of the residents of the Washing-
ton, D.C. metropolitan area) remember the
escape of three prisoners from Lorton Re-
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But If France is an ally at all, it a worse- In the maquis everybody lied happily to
than-useless ally. Consider the recent record. everybody else all the time. One maquisard
This country did everything possible, ehort would boast of how he had strangled 10
of going to war, to help France in its grubby Boches with his bare hands, and another "
1 th me to 20 Boches It was a
a
ld
colonial war in Indochina. in return, in our
great trouble in Vietnam, the French have
happily sabotaged us at every opportunity.
France was one of the two greatest benefi-
ciaries of Marshall Plan aid. In return, the
French are now doing everything they can to
undermine the dollar.
The U.S. has committed hundreds of thou-
sands of men and tens bf billions of dollars
to the defense of Western Europe. In return,
the French have kicked NATO out of France,
and made -no contribution worth mentioning
to Europe's defense. Europe needs no de-
fense, according to de Gaulle, because "there
will be no war, I can assure you that." Why
will there be no war? Because, as de Gaulle
has also said, the American nuclear deterrent
is the essential guarantee of world peace."
Thus, If France is ever threatened, France's
oldest ally will instantly come to the rescue,
risking the lives of a hundred million or so
Americans in the process. This Gaullist rea-
soning is a fine example of the famous
"logique Frangaise." French logic can be
summed up in the phrase, "What's yours is
mine and what's mine's my own." The French
are totally blind to any national interest ex-
cept their own.
The British, to be sure, have never been
blind to the British national interest, but
they have always been aware that an alli-
ance is a two-way street. In our trouble in
Vietnam, the British have stood by us, how-
ever reluctantly, even when the Labor
majority in Parliament was virtually non-
existent. In recent months especially, the
pressure on Harold Wilson's government to
break with the United States over Vietnam
has risen steadily. Much of the pressure
comes from the British intellectuals, who,
like their American opposite numbers, have
eagerly swallowed the myth that only Ameri-
can intransigence stands in the way of a
negotiated settlement in Vietnam.
Recently, Foreign Secretary George Brown
went out of his way to explode the myth.
"The only barrier" to negotiation, he- said,
ra se e
wou
game. But there was a point at which it
ceased to be a game.
When our area was liberated, de Gaulle
himself appeared and made a speech to the
assembled maquisards. "C'est vows, les Fran-
cais, qui ont liberc la France," he said-"You,
the French have liberated France." It was a
bald-faced lie, of couse, but every French-
man present believed it devoutly. All French-
men are capable of devoutly believing any-
thing good about France, and anything bad
about any other nation, which is one reason
why the French are useless as allies.
The British are perfectly god-awful in all
sorts of ways. But they respect the truth,
and are capable of facing it, one reason why
they won the last war and the French lost it.
They really do care about political freedom,
and not only their own. And they have an
inner toughness which makes them useful
people to have around in a tight spot.
The spot we are in is getting tighter all
the time. This is why it seems so odd that
we should be actively encouraging the only
really useful ally we have to cease to be
an all, and to become instead part of a
French-dominated, profoundly anti-Ameri-
can "European" community'
The truth is that, because we are obsessed
with Vietnam, we have been following a
knee-jerk policy in Europe. In the days of
the "Grand Design" for a united Europe
closely allied with the United States, the
policy made sense. It has now been utterly
outdated by events, but our knee goes on
jerking-we go on urging the British to join
the Common Market, no matter how out-
rageous the terms laid down by do Gaulle.
This country and Britain ought to be ex-
amining with utmost seriousness some kind
of "Atlantic arrangement" as an alternative
to British submission to de Gaulle's de-
mands-and without being put off by cliches
about Britain becoming the "fifty-first
state."
Winston Churchill was fond of pointing
out that the United States and Britain to-
gether made an unchallengeable combina-
tion. This is still true, empire or no empire,
gold drain or no gold drain. And it is. of
course why de Gaulle, with his bitter jealousy
and paranoiac distrust of "les Anglo-Saxons,"
is so eager to break up the Anglo-American
alliance for good, before he dies. There is no
sane reason why we should help him do it.
S 8527
negotiations between Israel and her
Arab neighbors-demonstrate the Presi-
dent's firm grasp of the most basic issues
involved in creating a new era of peace
and progress in the Holy Land.
I commend the President for his ex-
cellent policy statement. My hope.is that
the members of the United Nations will
take prompt action on the President's
proposal that all arms shipments into the
Middle East area be reported by U.N.
forces on the scene. Ending the arms race
is vital if peace is to be truly restored to
the Middle East. And direct negotiations
between Israel and the Arab nations are
equally important if future hostilities
are to be avoided.
It is instructive, I think, to compare
the President's speech with the one de-
livered at the General Assembly yester-
day by Premier- Kosygin: For while the
President spoke the reasonable language
that denotes hope for future peace, Mr.
Kosygin chose to speak the language of
the past-with all of the hatred and vio-
lence of the sad history of the Middle
East.
President Johnson's statesmanlike ad-
dress should be the real keynote address
of the General Assembly meeting. My
hope is that his reasoned, enlightened
response to the crisis will be emulated
by other world statesmen, who will show
equal determination to find the way to
avoid the kind of danger and tragedy
that threaten the security of the entire
world.
RECESS UNTIL TOMORROW AT 10
O'CLOCK A.M.
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
ident, if there is no further business to
come before the Senate, I move, pursu-
ant to the order previously entered, that
the Senate stand in recess until 10
o'clock tomorrow.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 5
o'clock and 50 minutes p.m.) the Sen-
ate took a recess until tomorrow, June
21, 1967, at 10 o'clock a.m.
,,is that at no stage have we had a response
from Hanoi.... We have made all possible
efforts [but] they have all come to nothing
because at the end of the day North Vietnam
would never come to the table." This is, of
course,, the simple truth. But to tell the
simple truth about Vietnam, in England even
more than in this country, is to invite a
relentless barrage of abuse from every intel-
lectual organ. Brown is a brave man, and
Britain is a useful ally.
In the postwar years, the British and the
Americans have had their differences, of
course, notably during the Suez crisis in
1956. But by and large Great Britain and the
United States have been allies in fact as well
as name, while the French behaved like allies
only so long as it suited their financial con-
venience.
All this is, of course, a matter of opinion-
and no doubt of outrageously biased opinion.
The bias derives at least in part from the
plain facts as recited above. But it also
derives in part from personal experience,
notably the experience of spending two and
a half years in the British Army, and several
months in the French Resistance, in the last
war.
I enjoyed the maquis much more than the
British Army, partly because the French are
more fun to be with than the British. The
French are wonderfully likable and enter-
taining people, and they can also be amaz-
ingly brave and altogether admirable in
many ways. But the truth is not in them-
not, at least, where la belle France is con-
cerned.
TH ESIDENT'S STATESMANSHIP
S WS THE WAY TO REAL
MIDDLE EAST PEACE
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi-
dent, yesterday, in a major speech on the
Middle East, President Johnson pre-
sented a realistic course for peace in
that troubled area of the world. Clearly,
the President was looking ahead to the
possibilities of the future. Clearly, he was
seeking to avoid the recriminations and
hostilities of the past.
At the heart of the President's re-
marks was his determination to recog-
nize the social, political and economic
rights of all sides in the long-smoldering
dispute. The five points he outlined as
being indispensable to true peace in the
Middle East-the right to political sov-
ereignty; the rights of the refugees; the
right of free maritime passage; the end
to the arms race; and the need for direct
NOMINATIONS
Executive nominations received by the
Senate June 20 (legislative day of June
12), 1967:
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND
William D. Dale, of Maryland, to be U.S.
Executive Director of the International
Monetary Fund for a term of 2 years
(reappointment).
IN THE NAVY
The following-named officers of the Navy
for temporary promotion to the grade of rear
admiral in the staff corps indicated subject
to qualification therefor as provided by law:
MEDICAL CORPS
Felix P. Ballenger
SUPPLY CORPS
Paul F. Cosgrove, Jr. Roland Rieve
Grover C. Heffner Stuart H. Smith
Elliott Bloxom
CIVIL ENGINEER CORPS
Spencer R. Smith
James V. Bartlett
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