FREEDOM ACADEMY SUPPORT PYRAMIDING

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000600080002-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 1, 2005
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: April 1, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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April 1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
the applicant's probabilities of parole ad-
justment based on behavior attitudinal
changes and accomplishments within the
institution.
He will probably be released without any
real preparation for the job secured for him
and placed under the supervision of a parole
officer whom he has never seen before and
who on the first contact makes sure the
releases is fully aware of the fact that he
can be sent back for any of a whole series of
violations, many of which are ludicrous in a
contemprary society. Or he may on the
other hand have spent part time during the
last few months in the institution attending
prerelease meetings, may have met his parole
officer and may have found in that officer, a
counselor, a friend and guide.
But the very real probability is that be-
ginning with arrest through the jail until
final release from probation or parole, he will
have had an experience which reflects
nothing of a continuous, meaningful, super-
vision and experience. All too little of his
experiences will have been with anyone ex-
cept other offenders and officers of the court
or institution. He will have very little feel-
ing that he has undergone a kind of social
process in which he has relationships with
normal people leading normal lives in a
normal community. With few exceptions,
we have a long way to go in this country to
create, develop, and administer a continuous
correctional process which is designed to re-
train, redevelop, and create maximum im-
pact toward social adjustment of offenders.
When I referred earlier to the need for re-
search and development I perhaps sounded a
little too academic and you may well have
wondered: Can we really apply the principle
of research and development to corrections?
I think so. If a correctional administrator
genuinely and seriously wants to determine
the extent to which his system is succeeding
or failing in reaching accepted goals then he
needs research. He will then want to de-
termine whether more effective techniques,
methods and programs can be designed than
those which have been traditionally used.
This means setting up new kinds of ap-
proaches and measuring the results against
those which have been traditionally used.
This may apply to a wide range of program
elements. It may mean a complete reex-
amination of the philosophy on which tradi-
tional approaches have been based. Results
of self-study, and research, and demonstra-
tion projects may, in turn, have tremendous
impact upon modifying, revising, and chang-
ing the philosophy of correctional adminis-
tration.
What new kinds of development can we
foresee? Let's examine together for a mo-
ment one recent major development in cor-
rections: a rising interest in the halfway
house. Community groups-including sev-
eral religious organizations-saw the need
for a bridge between institutions and the
community. Halfway houses were estab-
lished in a number of cities including Los
Angeles; Chicago; Minneapolis; Wilmington,
Del.; St. Louis; and others. These took a
variety of forms from small family residential
units to larger come-one-come-all programs.
An institution in New York State for de-
linquent girls developed several halfway
houses which were In reality residential
facilities within a city supplementing the
residential programs at the institution.
In our Federal correctional system, we now
have four prerelease guidance centers for
youthful offenders, in New York, Detroit, Los
Angeles, and Chicago. A fifth will open this
spring here in Washington, D.C.
I believe the halfway house concept should
be extended to selected adult prisoners, now
that it has proven its worth among youthful
offenders.
Another imaginative new program that I
believe would prove successful for Federal
prisoners is a work-release program similar
to those employed in such State systems as
Wisconsin and North Carolina. This plan
was conceived as the Huber law in Wiscon-
sin. Under the plan, penitentiary inmates
are employed outside the prison during the
day, after suitability has been determined by
staff evaluation.
In a visit to North Carolina last year, I
learned that of 10,000 prisoners committed
to the North Carolina prison system, nearly
1,000 work under this work-release program,
paying expenses for board and room at the
prison, supporting families, sometimes saving
money and maintaining and developing
skills. Transfers from Institutions to the
community become almost a paper trans-
action;
The entire State of North Carolina, as rep-
resented by newspaper editorials, accepts and
is extremely proud of its development. I
learned recently that California is now cre-
ating an extensive work-release program.
In this kind of change we can foresee
changes in philosophy as the result of eval-
uatign and demonstration projects which
may well pinpoint a revolution in our field.
Professor Glaser's study of inmates re-
leased from Federal institutions which has
been carried on for the past 5 years under
a grant from the Ford Foundation, Is re-
sulting in revision of institutional programs
in the Federal system. All of us are ac-
quainted with the California research on
probation officer caseloads, on intensive pa-
role supervision, in administration. Al-
though I cite only a few examples, I hope
they are perceptible as indexes of the kind
of correctional administration which can
produce planned change.
The need for completely new concepts of
management in personnel training and de-
velopment Is becoming abundantly clear. I
suggested earlier that we are inclined to
think we have a good correctional institu-
tion If we have an experienced warden and
some staff people who have been trained in
the behavioral sciences. But thus far, our
training of line personnel-that is the people
who have the regular day to day contacts
with institution inmates-Is restricted
usually to not more than high school grad-
uation. In service training is devoted pri-
marily to correctional skills such as counts,
locks, locking devices, use of gas, riot plans,
escape plans. Yet these are the people who
-deal most directly and have the greatest im-
pact upon the inmates of our institutions.
Because of the compelling need for this kind
of training, our center at Southern Illinois
University Is designing a subprofessional
training curriculum for correctional officers.
Briefly, this is planned to be a 2-year sub-
professional curriculum, designed to instill
insights and understandings from the be-
havioral sciences and some skills in dealing
with behavior problems. We can't possibly
insist that every correctional worker must
have a college degree. As a matter of fact,
unemployed youth and young adults can
be remotivated and given training for jobs in
corrections. This will elevate the base com-
petence of the whole body of correctional
personnel.
Moreover, we need extended and continu-
ous training in public administration for our
administrators. We need training at the
supervisory level and continuous develop-
ment of people working in the behavioral
disciplines. It is from this kind of
philosophy of personnel administration that
we can accelerate the evolution of correc-
tions.
Finally, I have spoken of our failure to use
community resources. All too often we think
that in corrections we can't get on with the
job unless we have all the staff needed on
our immediate payroll. This simply isn't
true. A new trend to build correctional in-
stitutions in close proximity to universities
is a case in point. Universities offer tremen-
dous resources which have been used all too
-6381
rarely and all too little in years gone by;
and yet, in terms of personnel training and
development, research in the behavioral
sciences and consulting services in sociology,
in education, in special education, and voca-
tional training 'are available in the larger
universities. This conference is evident of
the fact that universities are available as re-
sources for correctional development.
But beyond this there are available a wide
variety of other resources. Talent can be
brought into the institution from the com-
munity. munity. Inmates can be taken from the in-
stitutions into the community for purposes
other than a work-release program. I need
only mention League of Women Voters, or
women's clubs, various professional societies
who are always willing to help in public in-
stitutions; libraries, recreation associations
and so on through a long list of community
resources which we have rarely attempted to
use. In probation and parole, I like these re-
cent experimental programs which bring
small groups of probationers and parolees to-
gether under the guidance of psychologists
and group therapists, or skilled probation of-
ficers who can discuss with a group their
common problems. This I think will one
day lead to the development of new kinds
of community correctional facilities based
right in the community as contrasted to our
present jails and prisons all too often off in
some far part of the community or the State,
Yes, we must look to the use of community
resources in a way never dreamed of up to
this time,
I am convinced that one of our serious mis-
takes is to try to rehabilitate everyone. We
extend the same processes, procedures, and
programs to all, I get a little weary some-
times of going to large penitentiaries and
seeing old, recidivistic offenders being given
vocational training, education, and the
gamut of our treatment processes for the
third, fourth, or fifth time. Now this is a
little dangerous to say. I don't mean that
we should return to the old bighouse philoso-
phy. On the other hand, I think we must
begin to be selective in the use of our re-
sources, particularly personnel and funds.
When we try to give the same kind of edu-
cation, treatment, and therapy to the old
lugs that we give to the youthful and young
adult offenders, we usually wind up with the
youth and young offenders getting a pretty
skimpy program. Realistic administration
must concentrate the resources on those
offenders and in those areas which are most
promising. This, coupled with research and
development, would suggest that we can
become much more realistic than we have
up to now.
I told you of my recent visit to North
Carolina. I asked Mr. George Randal, com-
missioner of corrections, how he was able
to accomplish all these interesting new de-
velopments in his State. He leaned back
in his chair, "Well, I am tired of hearing cor-
rectional administrators declare 'I have noth-
ing to do with politics in my system'." Says
Randal, "That's not at all realistic. I have
to look to the legislature and to State offi-
cials for support, for understanding, for
funds, for personnel, and for the means to
accomplish about everything I want to. I'm
one of the most active politicians in my
State."
"I know everybody in the legislature. I see
them frequently. I don't go through a State
senator's county without stopping to say
hello. I argue the hard facts of corrections -
with them. I do everything in my power to
influence them to support corrections and
they are supporting it. And it does pay off."
I suggest that Commissioner Randal has
a convincing approach to the relationship be-
tween corrections and political realities.
Another fact I have seen demonstrated in
a number of places around the country, not
only in North Carolina,, Is that correctional
administrators all too often underestimate
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 6382
the public. If we give them the information
and spell out the public's stake in good cor-
rections. we may well discover that they're
far ahead of us In accepting new approaches
in corrections. The Huber law, under which
jail inmates work in the community and re-
turn to the jail at night, Is fully accepted In
Wisconsin. When the public understands
the issues Involved, they are intrigued with
the human approaches and will Insist upon
them. In North Carolina the new kind of
program which places a thousand working
inmates in the community each day is ac-
cepted editorially by every newspaper in the
State. I am coming to believe that the old
saw that "we can't move very far ahead of
the public" is a delusion and is perpetuated
by many of us In corrections as an alibi for
our own failures to get on with the job which
the future demands.
REAPPORTIONMENT OF THE STATE
LEGISLATURES
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, a
well-known and respected columnist,
Doris Fleeson, has written a revealing
article concerning the current effort to
stop the reapportionment of both houses
of the State legislatures on the basis of
Population.
With her usual no-nonsense ap-
proach. Miss Fleeson has dug into
the core of the proposals to reverse the
Supreme Court decisions that the equal
protection of the laws guaranteed by the
14th amendment require that each citi-
zen's vote not only count, but count
equally, in both houses of his State legis-
lature. She points out, correctly, that
LIBERALIZATION OF VETERANS Congress gives the appearance of hav-
ing one hand not know what the
PENSION LIMITATIONS-RESOLD- nct,- L. .rM,,... _.,.,,_
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, a most right of Negroes to register and to vote,
thoughtful and important resolution was through the new Voting Rights Act, a
recently adopted by Maco Steward Post large number of its Members appear
No. 20 of the American Legion, Galves- anxious to permanently deprive Negroes
ton, Tex. In order that this matter may and many other citizens of the constitu-
be more fully understood by other Sen- tional right to have their vote count
ators, I ask unanimous consent that the equally with that of other citizens.
resolution be printed at this point in the This article should be widely read.
RECORD. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that
There being no objection, the resolu- the article, entitled "Efforts To Blunt the
tion was ordered to be printed In the Urban Vote," from the St. Louis Post-
RECORD, as follows: Dispatch of March 30, 1965, be printed
Whereas existing legislation (sec. 503 of In the RECORD.
title 38, United States Code) sets limits on There being no objection, the article
war veterans' incomes for eligibility to draw was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
the veterans pension well below the "pov- as follows:
erty" level now recognized as a basis for DORIs FLEESON--ErFORTS To BLUNT THE
economic opportunity needs; URBAN VDTs
Whereas many pensioners and annuitants, WASHINGTON.-A Senate preparing to pass
because of the poverty income level set by a voting rights bill with a whoop and a
existing law, are not eligible to enjoy the holler is simultaneously engaged in wrapping
benefits of coat-of-living increases granted to up a stupendous lollipop for the status quo
an individual under public or private retire- not only in the Southbut all over the coun-
ment, annuity, endowment or similar type trv.
plans or programs, and some veterans must It will cut down the value of the Negro's
either forgo or waive such paid-in benefits vote when he gets it together with that of
as those offered under certain public or pri- other minorities and all the voters who cram
vate retirement plans; and the urban areas where 85 percent of Ameri-
Whereas veterans with only the small pen- cans now live. This will be the effect, and
sion for support find themselves in utterly not very heavily disguised Intent, of the
dire circumstances and are all but huralli- sweetrneat which will nullify the Supreme
ated by a government pledged to give reason- Court's "one man. .one vote" ruling of June
able recognition for services rendered In the 15. IM.
interest of national security: Be It A constitutional amendment wrapper has
Resolved, That either the aforementioned been fixed upon, and a judiciary subcom-
ineome limitations be raised to more reason- mittee on such moves is holding hearings on
able levels, so as to remove the "poverty" what form it should take. Hovtever, the yea
penalty and stigma, or that a law be enacted votes were there at the start in that citadel
by the Congress to amend section 503 of of conservatism of which Senator JAM S
title 38 of the United States Code to exclude EAKTLAND is chairman. -
from consideration as Income for the pur- The central structure embraces the princi-
pose of determining pension eligibility, all ple that States should be permitted to ap-
amounts paid to an lndivdual under public portion one house of their legislatures on a
or private retirement, annuity, endowment. basis other than population. This immense
or similar type plans or programs. (Atten- latitude is qualified by the proviso that a ma-
tion is invited to H.R. 5677 already offered jority of the people must vote for the change.
and scheduled for study by the Committee How this would work out in practice is
on Veterans' Affairs. It Is recommended that unclear.
this bill be amended to afford relief for vet- The project, and especially the timing, is
Brans who are Ineligible fo
t
r re
irement pay again from the hand of the old master, Re-
under programs other than the pension legis- publican leader EvESSrr DnutsxN. DIRICSEN is
latinni
1965
States, Including New York. That is why the
liberal Senator JACOB JAVrrs is going along
part of the way.
Also. DIRKSEN senses the need for haste
even on such a large and significant ques-
tion. The battle to get fair reapportionment
by the. Court's standard has hardly been
joined. As it progresses, if it Is allowed to,
the public's understanding of what is at
stake will mount. This is especially true of
the civil rights forces, who stand to gain the
most under the voting rights bill which now
preoccupies them.
There are many extraordinary aspects of
the Senate's haste to fall in line behind
DIRKSEN's banner.
The big States with their great cities are
the base of the Democratic Party's strength
and must continue to be. The topheavy
majorities that they have enabled the party
to gain in Congress seem to have no place
In the thinking of Senate Democratic Leader
MIKE MANSFIELD, who once more is prepared
to swing along with his opposition leader.
Really staggering, however, is the Senate's
near-total indifference to the- true condition
of the State legislatures in today's world.
Even casual readers of newspapers must ob-
serve their many internal weaknesses, Ex-
perts have come to question their capacity
to deal with new and complex questions.
Their conflicts of interest are a cliche.
These arise out of the poor support they get
from home as well as their poor pay.
It would appear that the Senate should be
welcoming the winds of change to air the
stale legislative chambers and give the States
a better chance. Instead, it seems bent on
defending the indefensible, and It is a charge
upon the whole Senate to explore what is
r.
Mr. F.Xwident, recently
the s 1tution editorially
sought reason for the decline in the stra-
tegic position of the United States in
southeast Asia. Editors of the paper
view our air strikes in North Vietnam
as evidencing our ineptitude in the type
of warfare we have faced there, causing
policymakels to shore up our positionby
resort to quite a different type warfare-
one in which we excel. But these editors
warn that in order to realize our policy
goals in Asia, we have still to solve the
fundamental problem: How to win in
nonmilitary warfare.
We may win battles in the name of peoples,
but unless we win the peoples themselves
they will go their own way regardless of
how the battles went. Most South Vietna-
mese care little about ideological terms like
communism and democracy. They'll go with
the government that offers them the best
system for meeting their own needs.
It is more clearly stated. The Atlanta
Constitution identifies the area of our
weakness:
Bombing may end the shooting, but the
Vietcong may win the war. If our counter-
insurgency effort In South Vietnam was in-
ffi
cient, then we must value the lessons
at the peak of his popularity for his civil su
C. E. BLAKEMAN, rights services. President Johnson's close re- e and perfect the system, not overlook
the e lessons and abandon the system.
Commander. rations with him In the practice of c
ns
o
ensus * * * Our failure in Vietnam has been
THAD A. LAW, lend him a helpful coloration in the matter primarily political, not military, and super-
The above resolution was adopteduby Rthis ofDXRKSEN has a valid and 100 percent Re- longl learning on the part of theoUnited
post on March 18, 1865, at a regular meeting publican reason for his efforts. His party's States. + * + Political effectiveness must
of this post. rural roots are vital to Its
power in many accompany it, or the decisions will be un-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 1,
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 April 1, 1965
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD'- SENATE 6383
favorable ones, and communism can still take
the underdeveloped world.
This states the problem very plainly.
Strategic computations indicate that we
can hold on militarily in southeast Asia.
But a military holding action is only
temporary. Real victory will be achieved
by one side or the other through superior
application of techniques of nonmilitary
warfare-persuasion, popular conviction
that either one governing system or the
other "offers them the best system for
meeting their own needs."
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the full text of the editorial en-
titled "United States Must Not Quit Too
Easily on Basic Problem in Vietnam,"
from the Atlanta Constitution of March
6, 1965, be printed in the RECORD at this
point in my remarks.
The Atlanta Constitution, incidentally,
has editorially endorsed the Freedom
Academy bill.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution of
Mar. 6, 1965]
UNITED STATES MUSTN'T QUIT Too EASILY ON
BASIC PROBLEM IN VIETNAM
Our American tendency to leap to whole-
hog conclusions may yet dissipate and de-
stroy the hard lessons we have learned in
Vietnam.
The current bombing of North Vietnam
has reconstituted the U.S. position in South
Vietnam. It has probably made negotia-
tions for a cease-fire possible.
If luck runs well, the United States may
soon be able to sit down across the table
from the Communists and settle the war as
we have known it.
If this had been tried a month ago, the
Communists would have been able to dero-
gate U.S. demands and ask, "If we don't agree,
what are you going to do about it?" Under
the old rules the United States could only
have said, "We will fight you in the paddies
for 10 more years," and might have had to.
Now, if negotiations come to pass, and the
Communists ask, "What are you going to do
about it if we don't agree?" the United States
can reply, "We are going to remove a dozen
more of your North Vietnamese towns from
the map of Asia." Thus the bombing has
presented to the Communists a wholly new
encouragement to talk seriously about peace.
This is altogether to be desired. And if
negotiations now come to pass, and end to
the guerrilla war may be in sight.
But we Americans will be throwing away
everything we have learned in Vietnam if
we jump to either of two assumptions: First,
that this means South Vietnam will stay
non-Communist, and second, that this means
U.S. military counterinsurgency in the pad-
dies is a failure and that bombing alone is
decisive.
The fact is that while bombing in con-
junction with the years of counterinsur-
gency may bring the war to a decision point,
the decision may be delusive. For if we
assume that a mere guaranteed cease-fire
and a graceful U.S. withdrawal can settle the
Communist issue for the South Vietnamese,
we're probably wrong; they may promptly
opt for communism themselves, under the
various prevailing pressures.
Communism has long assumed it can meet
southeast Asia's needs better than free sys-
tems can, and even if the Vietcong is forced
by our bombing to make a surface peace
now, their long-range assumption will per-
sist. The only real answer to the Commu-
nist assumption is to prove our own assump-
tion-that free systems can excel commu-
nism in meeting the needs of people. This
has been a major part of our 10-year ground
effort in South Vietnam, with the military
spearheading it. It has been inconclusive.
Otherwise the bombing of North Vietnam
wouldn't have been needed. While it has
failed in many areas of the country, however,
it has succeeded in many areas. It also is
the really meaningful combat out there. It
has been a start along the right track.
Yet if bombing of North Vietnam proves
superficially effective in bringing a surface
end to the short-range shooting in the south,
Americans may be tempted to writeoff the
counterinsurgency, civic action, and special
forces techniques on the ground, and assume
bombing is all we need. There are indica-
tions within the U.S. Army itself that this
mistake is about to be made. It would be
a dangerous mistake. Bombing may end the
shooting, but the Vietcong may win the war.
If our counterinsurgency effort in South
Vietnam was insufficient, then we must value
the lessons learned and perfect the system,
not overlook the lessons and abandon the
system.
No matter what short-term papers the
bombers may force the Communists to sign,
the long-term dispositions in southeast Asia
will be decided by the people who live there.
And if communism offers them more effec-
tive political, economic, social, and military
systems than we can muster, our failures on
the ground will endure long after our heroics
in the air have been forgotten. Our failure
in Vietnam has been primarily political, not
military, and superficial bombing cannot
erase the need for some long-range learning
on the part of the United States. The start
we made over the past 10 years in Vietnam
may have been one of the most valuable
strides toward realistic competition with
communism that this Nation has under-
taken. Military power is required to force
decisions, as we have learned. But political
effectiveness must accompany it, or the deci-
sions will be unfavorable ones, and commu-
nism can still take the underdeveloped
world.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, a recent
New York Times article concurs in the
contention of our inadequacy in psycho-
logical warfare. Written by Seth S.
King, the article quotes an American ad-
viser to the South Vietnamese:
They [the Vietcong] always take the initia-
tive and we can only try to run around and
put out the fires.
To be perfectly honest, the Army of South
Vietnam just isn't interested in psychologi-
cal warfare. They think it's a waste of time
even if we are willing to make most of the
effort for them.
I ask unanimous consent that this ar-
ticle, entitled "Vietcong Ahead in Propa-
ganda War", from the New York Times
of March 17, 1965, be printed in the
RECORD at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Mar. 17, 1965.1
VIETCONG AHEAD IN PROPAGANDA WAR
(By Seth S. King)
BANMETHUOT, SOUTH VIETNAM, March 15.-
Rejoin your loved ones who are longing to
see you. You are only being used as bullet
shields by the Communists. Your Govern-
ment will help you return to your homes."
Leaflets bearing this message have been
floating down on towns and villages in the
sparsely populated but strategically vital
Central Highlands of South Vietnam.
The leaflets have been aimed at persuad-
ing young Vietnamese who have joined the
Vietcong guerrillas to desert and return to
their families.
The effort is part of a new campaign of
psychological warfare inspired and financed
by the United States and pressed upon the
South Vietnamese Army by young American
military advisers.
The United States is planning to expand
the large information force already in South
Vietnam and to provide it with more money.
In the last 6 weeks as the struggle for con-
trol of the highlands has moved into a new
phase as the Vietcong try to out South Viet-
nam in two. The propaganda war that ahs
accompanied this drive has also been stepped
up, and once again the Vietcong appear to
have sped past the Government.
Vietcong agents have been matching the
Government at every turn, even in the dis-
tribution of expertly printed leaflets in two
colors.
Where the Government must fly over the
sector in American planes equipped with
loudspeakers, the Vietcong go into the vil-
lages and spend several days employing the
"three withs"-eating with, sleeping with,
and working with the people.
Communist guerrillas have shown unex-
pected speed and dexterity in spreading
their propaganda in the highlands.
REGIME EFFORT ASSAILED
A Vietcong leaflet picked up at Quaingduc,
near the Cambodian border, contained on
one side the following: "Struggle for bet-
ter pay and guarantee of long life. Do not
support the Government in its fighting. If
you do you will die and your life will be
wasted."
On the other side of the leaflet was a brief
newsletter telling of Vietcong successes in
the attack on the American billet at Quinhon
and in closing Route 1 along the coast. It
ended by saying that members of the Gov-
ernment "are fighting each other in Saigon
even now."
The leaflet was dated February 19, the day
of the most recent coup d'etat attempted in
Saigon.
Other leaflets have been found all over
the area promising "help and kind treat-
ment" to regular soldiers who are "anti-
American" and who "throw down their
weapons."
The Vietcong have been equally quick to
turn the Government's propaganda to their
own advantages. Government troops re-
cently found booklets in a number of vil-
lages. The cover was the same as that of a
Government" booklet explaining the pro-
tected-hamlet program; inside was a Viet-
cong propaganda tract.
Since the first week in February, when
the Vietcong opened their drive in the Cen-
tral Highlands, the guerrilla influence has
trebled in Darlac Provience an American
adviser said.
"They always take the initiative and we
can only try to run around and put out the
fires;" he said.
"To be perfectly honest," he went on, "the
Army of Soilth Vietnam just isn't interested
in psychological warfare. They think it's a
waste of time even if we are willing to make
most of the effort for them."
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, if we
had instituted something like the Free-
dom Academy when the concept was first
approved by the Senate in 1960, we would
have had a facility at which to familiar-
ize Vietnamese officials with the art of
nonmilitary warfare. One can marvel
at their hesitancy to utilize psychological
techniques in their fight against Com-
We may win battles in the name of peo-
ples, but unless we win the peoples them-
selves they will go their own way regardless
of how the battles went. Most South Viet-
namese care little about ideological terms
like communism and democracy. They'll go
with the government that offers them the
best system for meeting their own needs.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 1, 1965
munist subversion, but one must also
marvel at why our Government has been
so hesitant to recognize that our failure
to provide pertinent training in this field
for foreign nationals who want it is
opening a void In total defense against
Communist and other totalitarian ag-
gression.
Sponsors of the Freedom Academy bill
in the Senate, Senators CASE, DODD,
DOUGLAS, FONG, HICKENLOOPER, LAUSCHE,
MILLER, PROUTY, PROXMIRE, SCOTT,
SMATHERS, MURPHY, and myself, have, in
introducing the bill, asked Congress to
appraise U.S. global strategy in its en-
tirety. We perceive critical fault 111 this
country's appraisal of contesting world
forces. As a Government, we refuse to
accredit sincerity to the long-range chal-
lenge we face.
As I have discussed this matter in
recent weeks - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
pages 4059, 4751-4753, 5276-5281-a
whole new academic discipline concen-
trated around nonmilitary aggression has
grown to maturity over the last genera-
tion, and is functioning under Commu-
nist direction; but the United States has
not kept apace. By section 2(a)(2) of
the Freedom Academy bill, Congress
would recognize this Inadequacy. We
state:
The Communist bloc and the various Com-
munist parties have systematically prepared
themselves to wage a thousand-pronged ag-
gression in the nonmilitary area. Drawing
on their elaborate studies and extensive prag-
matic tests. Communist leaders have devel-
oped their conspiratorial version of nonmili-
tary conflict into an advanced, operational
art in which they employ and orchestrate
an extraordinary variety of conflict Instru-
ments In the political, psychological, Ideolog-
ical, economic, technological, organizational
and paramilitary areas enabling them to ap-
proach their immediate and long-range ob-
jectives along many paths. This creates
unique and unprecedented problems for the
United States in a conflict that is being
waged in student organizations, peasant vil-
lages, labor unions, mass communication sys-
tems, in city and jungle, and Institutions and
organizations of every description, as well as
In the world's chancelleries. Recognizing
that nonmilitary conflict makes extraordi-
nary demands upon its practitioners, the
Communists for several decades have inten-
sively trained their leadership groups and
cadres In an extensive network of basic, in-
termediate, and advanced schools. The
Sino-Soviet conflict capacity has been im-
measurably increased by the mobilization of
research, science, industry, technology, and
education. ? ? +
Now one of the great American au-
thorities on military affairs, Hanson W.
Baldwin, military editor of the New York
Times, has contributed his evalution of
total U.S. strategy; and his evaluation
is consistent with these findings In the
Freedom Academy bill. Writing in the
November-December, 1964, Issue of Ord-
nance, Mr. Baldwin says of our position:
? ' + the threat [we facet Is opportu-
nistic, massive, and unrelenting, and It takes
many forms-ideological, political, economic,
psychological, and military. We must be
prepared for a spectrum of conflict from
such nuclear power confrontations as the
Cuban missile crisis to a twilight war against
Communist puppets.
But by far the greatest threat--one that
has so far frustrated us-Is the so-called
"war of national liberation." the kind of
guerrilla, terrorist, and insurgency conflict
now being waged in South Vietnam.
By establishing something like the
Freedom Academy, Congress would move
meaningfully toward squarely confront-
ing this threat. We propose intensive
research into a new spectrum of warfare
about which we know so little. We pro-
pose to train our people and our allies'
people in knowledge about the new spec-
trum, to improve their effectiveness in
resisting nonmilitary aggression where it
occurs. Our defense depends on these
people. They should be fully knowl-
edgeable about tactics used against us.
We do not propose to imitate Com-
munist methods. We do propose to un-
derstand Communist methods, in order
to be more effective against them.
Hanson Baldwin concisely assesses our
strategic situation.
A great many of the new nations
rarer almost certainly destined to disap-
pear from the map of history. Many ? * ?
do not have the political, economic, or mili-
tary power, or the population, skills, and
resources to continue to exist ? ? ' as in-
dependent countries.
There is underway a contest to de-
termine where allegiances in these na-
tions will be directed. Communist
powers remain dedicated to world rev-
olution.
Moscow's expansionist philosophy has not
been abandoned, though the methods of
achieving it have changed. And a new and
far more aggressive Communist power-Red
China-has complicated the global picture
and worsened It.
Thus the political world we live In Is still
dominated by a major struggle between corn-
munism and anticommunism. But now
there are several brands of communism and
many kinds of anticommunism and non,com-
munism.
Where is the contest waged?
' ? ? In Africa, Latin America, and, most
threatened, the Middle East and southeast
Asia. Hundreds of millions of uncommitted
peoples-passive, Ignorant, poverty-stricken,
with no sense of identification with either
side, no real sense of national loyalties-are
the weathervanes of tomorrow's history.
The stakes are huge ? ? ?.
He identifies our antagonists:
Over and above all other considerations,
we face a continuing struggle, with no end
in sight-against an aggressive, expansion-
lot Communist Russia and Communist
China, and against plain "have-not" nations,
Intent on acquiring what we have.
Yet, among the millions of uncom-
mitted whom Baldwin discusses are lead-
ership groups friendly to us, They are
friendly to us at least to the degree that
they do not want their own governments
undercut and taken over by Commu-
nists.
We have mutual interest with these
people. To the degree that the Com-
munist stance would be strengthened by
converting these people and their re-
sources to the Communist cause, so the
Communist potential for strength is
weakened as we help these leadership
groups maintain their own national in-
dependence from Communist subversion.
They do not understand the method of
aggression against them. We do not
fully understand It. It is in our inter-
est. as well as In theirs, to familiarize
them as well as we can with the chal-
lenge they face, while at the same time
acquiring full comprehension of the
threat ourselves.
The problem calls for dual effort: In-
tensive research and extensive training.
This is what we propose in S. 1232.
What works against enactment of this
bill? Mr. Baldwin's discussion of do-
mestic factors affecting our global strat-
egy affords some insight:
The quality of idealism in the American
people, which Is reflected in our foreign
policies ? ? ? ]is] an essential and desir-
able part of the American dream. But it has
found expression In such unrealistic terms
as "to make the world safe for democracy";
a "war to end-war"; "the Four Freedoms";
"universal and complete disarmament." And
it can and often does mean a trend toward
"do-goodism. " toward unrealistic, extreme
aims or naive goals.
Perhaps this quality explains the State
Department contention that Freedom
Academy sponsors propose to imitate
Communist methods. We emphatically
do not.
We propose to understand Communist
methods, in order to prepare our people
to counteract those methods more effec-
tively.
Mr. Baldwin poses, and then answers,
several final questions:
Where does all this lead ui? What should
our national strategy be? What should be
the principles that govern it ? ? ??
The principles should be:
1. Collective security-not isolation. + ? ?
2. Flexibility-the avoidance of frozen
thoughts and ideas and structures.
3. A national and Presidential will and
determination to defend our vital interests.
Power is of little value without the will to use
It.
Establishment of the Freedom Acad-
emy would be consistent with, and re-
sponsive to Mr. Baldwin's understanding.
It would lead to better comprehension of
the struggle we are in and to far supe-
rior dissemination of this understanding
among people who need it.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the full text of the Hanson W.
Baldwin's article, entitled "U.S. Global
Strategy," appearing in Ordnance for
November-December 1964, be printed in
the RECORD after my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IFront Ordnance, Nov. 12, 19641
U.S. GLOBAL STRATEGY
(Hanson W. Baldwin)
National strategy is the utilization of all
elements of a nation's power to achieve its
objectives. It must be couched in the ac-
tive. not the passive, tense. It implies the
Implementation of a course of action-not
merely the formulation of It.
The equations produced In the process of
strategy formulation do not lend themselves
to computer solutions, or to percentage cal-
culations. For we are dealing, in the last
analysis, with human beings. Whether hu-
man beings are rational or not is a matter
of debate, but certainly it is true that the
emotions which make human beings tick are
intangibles. How, for Instance, do you crank
anger into a calculating machine?
This is simply to suggest that we must be-
ware of too great a dependence upon the
tools of the trade; we must not make these
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April 1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE. 6385
tools our rules. As aids to problem solving, The Sino-Soviet split is serious, and prob- Over and above all other considerations, we
computers, qualitative, quantitative and op- ably lasting. It started as a conflict of per- face a continuing struggle, with no end' in
erational analyses, cost-effectiveness yard- sonalities and ideologies. It is possible that sight-against an aggressive, expansionist
sticks, and the like are useful and proper. at some future time the split may be "paper- Communist Russia and Communist China,
But do not confuse the means with the ends. ed over." But lasting causes of friction-in and against plain have-not nations, intent
There should be one other cautionary terms of real power rivalries-will continue on acquiring what we have.
caveat before we consider the factors that to exist: border problems-Central Asia, 2. The nature of the threat: Put tersely,
might go into the formulation and imple- Mongolia, Manchuria; pressures of tremen- the threat is opportunistic, massive, and un-
mentation of a national strategy. This is, of dous Chinese population-700 million to a relenting, and it takes many forms-ideologi-
course, a statement of the obvious, but billion people close to the sparsely settled cal, political, economic, psychological, and
nevertheless a rule which history sometimes areas of Soviet Siberia; the obvious dangers military. We must be prepared for a spec-
has disregarded. That is that no sound na- to Russia of a China industrialized and trum of conflict-from such nuclear power
tional strategy can spring fully armed from equipped with atomic weapons. confrontations as the Cuban missile crisis to
the brain of one man. It must, unless it is In the last decade-particularly in the past a twilight war against Communist puppets.
to be dangerously oversimplified or grossly 5 years-new political power centers have But by far the greatest threat-one that
distorted, represent the efforts of many, the been created in our turbulent world-Peip- has so far frustrated us-is the so-called war
input of scores of professional disciplines and ing, Tokyo, New Delhi, Cairo, Latin America, of national liberation, the kind of guerrilla,
thousands of facts distilled from a nation's Africa. terrorist, and insurgency conflict now being
treasure house of experts. It must be the A great many of the new nations-such waged in South Vietnam.
product of many ideas and of the labor of as most of the African states-are nations in 3. Technological revolution: A third factor
many men-strategy, if you like, by commit- quotes, incapable of governing themselves- is the technological revolution, still un-
tee or group action. countries almost certainly destined to disap- ended: A-bombs, radar, nuclear power, etc.
Such strategy may not appear to be as pear from the map of history. The military meaning of the revolution is
brilliant or as bold as the imaginative and Many of them do not have the political, plain-for the first time since the days of
ambitious unilateral plans of an Alexander, economic, or military power, or the popu- the Indian wars we face the danger of dev-
a Genghis Khan, a Napoleon, a Hitler. But lation, skills, and resources to continue to astating surprise attack-an attack which
where are those conquerors, and what were exist as they are now constituted as inde- could eliminate us as a nation. The tech-
the bequests-save corpses unlimited-they pendent countries. nological revolution has caused a shrinkage
left their nations? Anticoloniallsm, one of the great political of maps; a major change in the time-space
Not even the President of the United States factors of the postwar period, has so far been factor; foreshortened distances; rapid com-
should have-nor is he likely to want-abso- a great unsettling and destabilizing Influ- munications.
lute power in the formulation of national- ence. The technological revolution has obvious
strategy. This is too great a grant of power The diplomat George Kennan, under the political, economic, and educational import-
to entrust to the hands of any human, no pseudonym of "Mr. X," was the original ante. The smaller world has political disad-
matter how selfless and capable. Author-in a famous article in Foreign Af- vantages as well as advantages. The crisis
The formulation and the implementation fairs-of our "containment" policy. He is on your doorstep every morning. It hasn't
of national strategy, then, must be a collec- wrote that the seeds of communism con- made all men brothers and is unlikely to
tive, a group effort, and human judgment, tain within themselves their own destruc- do so. Economically, the technological rev-
.experience, knowledge, and emotion, as well tion, that if we could hold or "contain" olution requires great sums to keep abreast
as all the computers and technical tools and Russian power within its frontiers, the forces in the technological race; a nation must have
methods available to modern science, must of change would be bound to leaven Soviet industrial power and superb skills.
be used in its formulation, society and reduce the aggressive expansion- The technological revolution means we
Strategy-like war-is an art and not a ism of Moscow. must steer between the twin rocks of disas-
science. A long view of history is essential It didn't work. Communism expanded to ter-the garrison state-a state so militarized
to sound strategy. Czechoslovakia, Red China, North Vietnam, and guarded that liberties are sacrificed in
Consider some of the factors that influence and Cuba. And though Soviet communism the name of security-and the bankrupt
or govern the formulation and implementa- has changed, Moscow's expansionist philos- state-a state bled white by expenditure for
tion of an national strategy for the United ophy has not been abandoned, though the technological advance.
States in the year 1964. First and most im- methods of achieving it have changed. And Yet we must steer the middle passage, since
portant of these is: a new and far more aggressive Communist a major factor in the formulation of a strate-
1. The global'political situation: A. situa- power-Red China-has complicated the gy for our times is that the technological
tion of dangerous instability exists. World global picture and worsened it. revolution is still unfinished.
War II continued a process started in World Thus today the political world we live in 4. A fourth factor which must be consid-
War I-the destruction of the old order, the is still dominated by a major struggle be- ered in the formulation of strategy is an eco-
upset of the balance of power, the unleash- tween communism and anticommunism. nomic one: It can be compressed into two
lug of revolutionary forces. Empires, dy- But now there are several brands of com- phrases-"the revolution of rising expecta-
nasties, great states, and great princes fell munism, and many kinds of anticommunism tions" and the "industrialization of hitherto
from power; nations that were once great and noncommunism. undeveloped nations."
were all but destroyed; others were dimin- There are many kinds of neutralist, and Many of the backward peoples of the world,
ished in influence. there are all kinds of local and regional prob- lured by the promises of both communism
Vacuums of power resulted, and a bipolar lems which complicate the main stream of and capitalism and vulnerable because of
world emerged from the ashes of conflict, conflict-the Kashmir problem for instance; modern communications to new ideas, ex-
with the United States and Soviet Russia so the ambitions of the demagog Sukarno; pect far more than their fathers had. They.
far superior to other powers that they could the machinations of Castro; Nasser's Pan- want what others have.
only be called superstates. Arabism; the tribal warfare of Yemen; reli- Some of them, to accomplish this, are at-
But this bipolar condition has changed. gious frictions and racial problems. tempting to industrialize hitherto agrarian,
There have been splits and defections in the An these local problems are influenced or undeveloped, economies, as in India,
Western World, and cracks in the mono- and may be exploited by communism or anti- Egypt, and Cuba. The mixture is both po-
lithic edifice of communism.. Today we face communism, with resultant back currents, litically and economically explosive.
a multipolar world-a world of infinite eddies, whirlpools, rapids. 5. A fifth factor is the population explo-
complexity. In today's complex world the frontiers of sion: The world's population has increased
The United States and the U.S.S.R. are from 1.2 billion in 1850 to 3.2 billion today,
freedom are rather well defined in Europe. and there are no sins of any immediate
still the major nations can the count world in on o terms g
of p ortr,but Its friends can and allies. ie complete Except divided Berlin and its access m- leveling off. One -may argue all one wants
support from its friends and allies. In the proaches there re is is little room for political ical at about the world's ability to feed and clothe
of the Communist Iron Curtain would mtransgressionsean to wart. he and employ this vast and teeming mass; the
West, France, intent, under De Gaulle in west biguity.
west
achieving once again he sense of "grandeur" plain fact of the matter is that the world
and "greatness" which has always been an But there is no such clearly defined fron- isn't doing it, and the immense problems-
inseparable part of French achievements, is tier in Africa, Latin America, and, most religious taboos in India, for example-be-
pursuing an. Individual-sometimes a soli- threatened, the Middle East and southeast tween the dream and the accomplishment
tary-course. The United States plays large- Asia. Hundreds of millions of uncommitted make its realization unlikely. This, too,
ly a lone hand in Asia. peoples-passive, ignorant? poverty stricken, causes world instability, and the pressure of
But Russia's Eastern European satellites- with no sense of identification with either population increases the pent-up and revolu-
notably, at the moment, Poland and Ru- side, no real sense of national loyalties-are tionary forces against every government.
mania, are restive. They are inspired to the weathervanes of tomorrow's history. . 6. The increasing dispersion of nuclear
greater aspirations for 'national independ- The stakes are huge-rubber, tin, oil, weapons: This factor is, of course, inter-
ence by the example of Tito's brand of na- minerals, strategic position. More and more related with all the others. It might be de-
tional communism-as distinct from the in- the tides of history have been sweeping to scribed as a "political" and a psychological
ternational brand dominated by Moscow- the full in Asia; we shall forget at our peril factor, but more properly. its importance is
and particularly by Mao Tse-tung's opposi- the alleged dictum of Lenin-that the road such that it stands alone as a factor which
tion to the Khrushchev policy. to Paris lies through Peiping. can well increase international instability.
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France today has joined the "nuclear club"
in a small way; in time, Paris will achieve
a significant capability, Red China recently
detonated her first atomic device. Now that
she has, the political and psychological ef-
fects will reverberate through the Orient.
It will be a long time before Peiping
achieves a really important or significant nu-
clear delivery capability, but when this oc-
curs the world may be in real danger.
Other nations soon may Join the atomic
club. With each new membership the world's
power balance, particularly in the regions af-
fected. shifts slightly.
7. A seventh factor is the growing chal-
lenge of Soviet aerospace power and partic-
ularly of Soviet maritime power.
Soviet strategic thought has grown from
the introverted "heartland" concept of war-
fare to the extroverted global and extrater-
restial "new look."
In the past, danger had always come to
Russia by land. Hitler, and Napoleon before
him, almost-but not quite-conquered
Russia. The land marshals until relatively
recently dominated Soviet strategic think-
ing; the buffer states of Eastern Europe
attested to Moscow's fear of land invasion,
Today. Russia is looking upward to sky
and space, and outward toward the seven
seas. Her space achievements need no chron-
icling; they will continue, and if we have
any doubts about Soviet determinaton to put
a "comrade" on the moon, we may awake one
morning to another disagreeable surprise.
Russia already has become a major air and
space power-ahead of us in the utilization
of man in space.
Not so well know are her accomplishments
at sea. She is second In total naval power,
first in numbers of submarines, first in
numbers of small craft, such as mine-
sweepers, motor torpedo boats, and coastal
defense vessels. (The United States has
nothing like the missile-equipped Bomar
torpedo boats.)
Russia is first in deep-sea fishing fleets-
both in numbers and quality. She already
operates more ocean-going merchant ships
than we do, and her total tonnage is expected
to pass our declining merchant marine with-
in the next two years.
Moscow plans a tremendous merchant
fleet-which can only be used for global
trade purposes and for the export of sub-
version as well as goods-which may approxi-
mate 20,000,000 to 25,000,000 gross tons by
1975-1980-the largest in the world.
The United States and all the maritime
nations of the non-Communist world face
major competition on the seas and in world
trade.
So much for some-but by no means all-
of the international factors that must be
considered in the formulation of our objec-
tives and our strategy.
What are some of the domestic factors?
First and perhaps of greatest long-term
importance is the lack of national homo-
geneity in the American Nation. We are no
longer "one, people" in the old sense of 50
years ago. There are now major religious,
ethnic, and racial-as well as political-dif-
ferences which cannot to easily healed (e.g.,
civil rights and the school-prayer issue).
The growth of big government and the
trend toward centralization of power, with all
the difficulties and delays that size, redund-
ancy, and bureaucracy imply, make the
formulation of policy-and sometimes its im-
plementation-exceedingly slow.
Command and control systems of uncanny
global capabilities can conn a destroyer off
Cuba or direct a battalion in Vietnam, but
It has yet to be proved that this centralized
Washington command post can win wars.
Never in the history of human conflict
have so many been able to say "No"-so few
to say "Yes."
The tremendous increase in the power of
the Presidency and the decline in the power
of Congress Is another factor to be con-
sidered. Congress is supposed to have the
constitutional power to declare war and to
raise and maintain armies and navies. But
In the age of the technological revolution
and of $50 billion defense budgets, the effec-
tive power has passed from the hands of Con-
gress to the hands of the Executive, The
President can put us into war overnight by
action, or inaction; Congress can only coun-
tersign.
The power of the Presidency-partly be-
cause of modern communications-trans-
cends today by an immense margin what our
Founding Fathers Intended it to be. And,
correspondingly, the personality, and the
character of the President, his strength of
will, his purpose and judgment, are major-
perhaps decisive-factors in strategy formu-
lation and particularly in implementation.
Leadership and personality are the x factor
In history.
The quality of idealism in the American
people, which Is reflected in our foreign poli-
cies. Make no mistake, this is an essential
and desirable part of the American dream.
But it has found expression in such unrealis-
tic terms as "to make the world safe for de-
mocracy"; a "war to end war"; "the Four
Freedoms"; "universal and complete disarm-
ament." And it can and often does mean a
trend toward "do-goodism," toward unrealis-
tic, extreme alms or naive goals.
The need for explanation. The American
public's "right to know" is not only a con-
stitutional safeguard to our system of gov-
ernment and a monitor of government, but
public information about and explanation of
national objectives Is essential to the attain-
ment of these objectives.
This is particularly true in the kind of war
we at+e most likely to have to fight-the type
of counterinsurgency conflict we are now
waging in Vietnam.
Public support for any long-drawn-out war
of attrition Is essential to success. A frank,
comprehensive, and reasoned public-infor-
mation policy on the part of all branches of
government Is essential to enlistment of that
support for the duration. Otherwise public
frustration or apathy or even opposition is
bound to develop.
Washington, which so successfully enlisted
Madison Avenue In the domestic political
hustlings, has made a botch of retaining pub-
lic support for some of its national policies.
The quality of our peoples is another fac-
tor of importance to our consideration of
strategy. What has been called the "crisis
of values" has influenced contemporary his-
tory-and particularly Western civilization.
The loss of old values, the lack of faith in
ancient symbols and old loyalties, are re-
flected In our rising crime rate, juvenile de-
linquency, Inflated divorce statistics. And
the draft rejection rate of 40 to 50 percent
reflects the physical as well as the mental
softness of too many American youths.
Slums, the problems of automation, un-
employment, our decaying cities, our obso-
lescent railroads, depressed areas, inadequate
education-all of these factors will influence
the capability of the peoples of the United
States for democratic self-government and
for the projection of national power.
There are, of course, other domestic fac-
tors. which need not even the briefest eluci-
dation. For instance: the capabilities of our
economy and our Industrial base: Its
strengths and limitations; the capabilities of
our Armed Forces; their strengths and limita-
tions. Including the effects of current trends
upon their morale and leadership and the
downgrading of professional experience and
judgment; the "civihanization" of the mili-
tary profession; and, most important, our
Interpretation of foreign and potential enemy
strengths and capabilities-our global Intel-
ligence system.
So much for some of the factors that go
Into the formulation of our objectives and
our strategy.
Here are some of our national objectives
which will, of course, influence the-formula-
tion of our strategy:
1. Economic prosperity and political free-
dom. This implies a vigorously expanding
gross national product and some accommoda-
tion for the racial problem, for the problem
of automation, and for depressed area.
2. Maintain our global lead in industrial
power, particularly in the capital-goods in-
dustries. Easier said than done; there are
some serious lags now-machine tools, ship-
building.
3. Stress educational quality, rather than
quantity-particularly at collegiate levels; ex-
tend technical and trades training and physi-
cal fitness to lower age levels.
4. Foster educational, historical, religious,
civic, and other appropriate programs for
inculcation Into the body and mind politic
of the lasting values that have, in the past,
made us great.
5. Extend the program of Peace Corps activ-
ities and civic action-including construc-
tion, training, and health programs by the
Armed Forces.
6. Maintain-and If possible extend-the
overall U.S. lead in the technological revolu-
tion, particularly In weapons applications.
7. Lead the world in the exploration and
exploitation of space and the ocean depths.
8. Maintain and improve a global and space
reconnaissance, surveillance, and intelligence
system.
9. Maintain qualitative and quantitative
naval and air superiority, and qualitative
superiority on land.
10. Maintain U.S. entree to the Eurasian
"rimlands"-the Islands and coastal regions
of Europe and Asia.
11. Delay, and If possible prevent, the in-
dustrialization and modernization of Com-
munist China.
12. Exploit frictions and strains in the
Communist world.
13. Weaken and ultimately eliminate Com-
munist government in Cuba.
14. Revitalize and strengthen the Monroe
Doctrine; i.e., prevent Communist coups and
conquests In the Western Hemisphere.
15. Strengthen the Western and anti-Com-
munist position In southeast Asia.
Fundamentally the Nation's objectives
might be summed up as follows:
Globally-a more stable world (note I do
not say a peaceful world).
Domestically-a nation where government
and machine serve humanity.
It may be said that these objectives repre-
sent merely the old formula of being against
ain and for God and country. This may be
a fair criticism. But a nation's objectives
must. "like a man's reach exceed his grasp,
or what's a heaven for?"
Objectives, too, should be accorded pri-
orities. What is clearly vital to the Nation's
survival and welfare must be so identified;
what is attainable In the short-term view
must be so labeled; and more distant objec-
tives must be so itemized. Too often we tend
to label as "vital," Interests which actually
are remote.
Certainly what happens in many parts of
Africa Is not immediately vital to the United
States and is not likely to become so unless
there is a threat of Communist domination
of the entire continent.
It may even be argued that we assumed
too casually the obligations of power when
we interviewed in southeast Asia. Is Laos
vital to the United States? Is South Viet-
nam? These are the $64 million questions
which policymakers must answer when they
enunciate national objectives.
Where does all this lead us? What should
our national strategy be? What should be
the principles that govern It-the principles
derived from the factors considered and the
national objectives just summarized?
The principles should be:
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6387
1. Collective security-not isolation. (The for strict economy; (2) the appropriate of- than the younger ages and enjoy remarkably
lay of isolation is ended-the world needs ficers of the Richardson Chamber of Com- good health for the most part. Over sixty
.is, we need the world.) merce shall transmit this resolution to ap- percent of the 18 million elderly in the
2. Flexibility-the avoidance of frozen propriate Texas Members of the U.S. Congress. United States carry some form of voluntary
thoughts and ideas and structures; no Magi- (Unanimously adopted in regular meeting, prepayment health insurance; 72 percent of
not Line concept, no static defense. Mar. 15, 1965.) Texas' elderly citizens are so covered.
3. A national and Presidential will and Yet many citizens do need additional aid
determination to defend our vital interests. RESOLUTION OF THE RICHARDSON CHAMBER OF such as those on old age assistance, or others
Power is of little value without the will to COMMERCE BOARD OF DIRECTORS RE AMEND- who become really burdened in meeting the
use It. ING TAFT-HARTLEY ACT costs of an unexpected or major illness.
Whereas it has been and is an American Those who need assistance and only those,
RESOLUTIONS OF RICHARDSON, precept that man is a being with a free will, can get it under the Kerr-Mills Law passed in
so endowed by his Creator; and 1960. We in Texas amended our constitu-
TEX., CHAMBER OF COMMERCE Whereas the system of free enterprise is tion in November 1964, so as to increase the
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, the peculiarly and especially a cherished Ameri- benefits obtainable under this 1960 law, by
Chamber of Commerce of Richardson, can tradition, applying alike to the business those needy and elderly in Texas. Governor
enterprise and to the individual, to the em- Connally stated in his annual message to the
Tex., has recently adopted three resolu- ployee, and to the employer; and Texas Legislature in January 1965, that he
tions with which I am pleased to find Whereas expressions of these propositions favors this solution of the problem. It gives
myself in complete agreement. In order are included in many acts of social legisla- aid only to those in need whereas the social
that other Senators may be advised of tion; they are particularly emphasized, for security approach assures aid to all em-
the views of this active and dedicated example, in the Federal Civil Rights Act of ployed, when they become ill in elder years,
chamber, I ask unanimous consent that 1964: regardless of need and at much greater 'cost
the three resolutions be printed at this "SEC. 703(a). It shall be unlawful employ- to all.
went practice for an employer-(1) to fail On January 27, 1965, Congressman HERLONG
point in the RECORD.
or refuse to hire or to discharge any individ- and Congressman CURTIS introduced identf-
There being no objection, the resolu- ual with respect to his compensation, terms, cal bill, H. R. 3727 and H.R. 3728 known as
tions were ordered to be printed in the conditions, or privileges of employment be- the Eldercare Act of 1965. Aid to those in
RECORD, as follows: cause of such individual's race, color, reli- need under the Herlong-Curtis Eldercare Act
RESOLUTION OF THE RICHARDSON CHAMBER OF gion, sex, or national origin."; of 1965, would consist of medical, surgical,
COMMERCE BOARD, OF DIRECTORS RE COM- Whereas these propositions are a funda- dental, hospital, nursing home, and drug
MENDING POLICY DECLARATIONS OF THE mental part of the laws of Texas, as seen benefits rather than being limited to hospital
PRESIDENT AND PROPOSING A JOHNSON COM- in sections 1 and 2 of article 5207a of Ver- and nursing home care. State and Federal
MISSION FOR IMPLEMENTING THEM non's Annotated Civil Statutes of Texas, , funds would be provided on a sliding scale
The board of directors of the Richardson which was enacted in 1947 by the Legislature basis, to persons aged 65 or older who are in
of the State of Texas in reliance upon sec- need, as defined by their incomes, the de-
Johnson r upon his strong roe commends Chamo n tiont fining limits being set b
n trong p policy olicy declarations tion 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act (Labor- by the individual
for strict economy and an all-out campaign Management Relations Act of 1947, 29 U.S.C. States. Recipients would obtain policies
against waste and inefficiency in the Federal 164(b). providing a wide spectrum of medical, surgi-
Government; Act, section 14(b) : "Nothing cal, and hospital benefits from health Insur-
reorganize the executive his ive branch proposal to o reshape meet more and in this subchapter shall be construed as au- ance companies or from Blue Cross-Blue
effectively ectively t the tasks of s of the 20th century; Shield plans. Under the
stury; ; for thorizing the execution or application of proposal an indi-
his resolve to keep our Nation prosperous, agreements requiring membership in a labor vidual would pay all, part, or none of the
militarily strong, and a leader in seeking organization as a condition of employment cost of the policy, depending upon his total
peaceful relation with the other nations in any State or territory In which such income. Individuals whose incomes are
of execution or application is prohibited b under specified minimums would have the
his world; for his plans to pursue relent- by
State or territorial law." entire cost of the policy paid by the State
essly our advances toward the conquest of
?ace; his proposed new efforts to control Article 5207a, Vernon's Annotated Texas agency that would administer the program.
Id prevent crime and delinquency; and for Civil Statutes: Eligibility for benefits would- be determined
is translation of these policies and plans "SECTION 1. The inherent right of a person solely by use of a simple information return
to work and bargain freely with his em- in which the applicant would list his income
to recommendations submitted to Congress.
To implement the goal or strict econpmy In ployer, individually or collectively, for terms from all sources.
ie Federal Government and thus to aid in and conditions of his employmenit shall not The Herlong-Curtis Eldercare Act of 1965
ie attainment of all its goals, the Board of be denied or infringed by law, or by any would thus maintain the basic principles
,irectors of the Richardson Chamber of Com- organization of whatever nature, that persons 65 years or older who need help
terce suggests that the President and Con- "SEc. 2. No person shall be denied employ- in paying for health care should receive help,
ress consider jointly the creation of a strong ment on account of membership or non- but only they; that maximum responsibility
tonpartisan commission to be organized in membership in a labor union."; and and authority for providing such help should
he spirit of the Hoover Commissions of the Whereas there now are before the Congress be retained by the States; and that funds
Last; that it consist of citizens of experience of the United States proposals aimed at from the Federal source should be from gen-
n Federal, State, and local governments but repealing 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act, real tax revenues; and that voluntary health
vithout other offices in any of such govern- quoted in part hereinabove, so that laws of insurance and prepayment principles should
fonts; that this commission be given a this State of Texas guaranteeing to indi- be utilized whenever possible.
modest staff and authority to consider the viduals the right of free determination All this is in sharp contrast with the pro-
physical records of the office of the budget whether to join or refrain from joining, a posed King-Anderson principle of a compul-
and all other Federal offices and be charged labor union, would be preempted: Therefore sory health insurance plan whereby social
with a duty to recommend to the President be it security taxes or payroll taxes on all ages of
any and all reductions of current expenses in Resolved, (1) The Richardson Chamber working citizens would provide certain lim-
any such office which, in the opinion of that of Commerce opposes the repeal of section ited hospital and nursing home benefits to
commission, could be made without adversely 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act, quoted above; the elderly.
affecting policies of the administration with (2) the appropriate officers of the Richard- Meanwhile, the provisions of the Kerr-
reference to the functioning of that office son Chamber of Commerce shall transmit Mills law have been accepted to greater or
and the services to be performed by it. We this resolution to appropriate Texas mem- lesser degree by approximately 45 States and
suggest that such a commission be organized bers of the U.S. Congress. territories. There have been inequities and
with expected continuity of office assured by (Unanimously adopted in regular meeting difficulties, but such problems existing in
overlapping terms of the members of the Mar. 15, 1965.) some States can be rapidly overcome. in
commission. It is submitted that an expan- Texas, our legislature is expected to provide
sion of services of the Federal Government RESOLUTION OF THE RICHARDSON CHAMBER OF quickly for those elderly citizens in need of
now under consideration will substantially COMMERCE BOARD OF DIRECTORS RE ADE- further assistance by legislation under the
increase the. need of such an independent QUATE HEALTH CARE FOR ELDER CITIZENS Kerr-Mills Act: Therefore, be it
Resolved, (1) The Richardson Chamber of
study of the operations of each department The provision and the utilization of ade- Commerce favors the enactment by Congress
and agency of the Federal Government to the quate -health services to citizens above 65 of the Herlong-Curtis Eldercare Act of 1965
and that the dollar value of each dollar spent years of age is a matter of interest and con- and by the legislature of Texas of legislation
may be assured; accordingly, it is cern to all public spirited citizens. implementing assistance to the elderly in
Resolved, (1) The Richardson Chamber of Studies, including the 1963 Report of the Texas in need, under the Kerr-Mills Act; and
Commerce urges the establishment of such President's Council on Aging, indicate that opposes the pending King-Anderson bill In
a nonpartisan Johnson commission to im- elderly citizens as a group meet their costs Congress or other like measures; (2) the
plement the policies of this administration of living, including health care, much better - appropriate officers of the Richardson Cham-
No. 59-18
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 6388
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 1, 1961
ber of Commerce shall transmit this resolu-
tion to appropriate Texas Members of the
U.S. Congress.
(Adopted in regular meeting, March 15,
1965.)
SOVIET PERSECUTION OF THE JEWS
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, 20 years ago the most terrible
war ever fought by mankind came to an
end. With it there came the hope that
religious persecution would forever be
banished from the face of the earth.
The shocking discovery of the scope of
Jewish persecution under Hitler initiated
vows by all men never to allow such
events to happen again.
These vows wee founded on something
more than naive idealism, for while such
action is against every conceivable code
of moral order and decency, It is also a
fact that such persecution will bring
about the degeneration of a country by
excluding from the national life a valu-
able portion of the intellectual and man-
power resources of the country. It has
become Increasingly evident, however.
that the Soviet Union is in the process of
throwing these beliefs and hopes against
the rocks with all the force its totali-
tarian strength can bring to bear.
The Soviet Union has extreme methods
to hide events in its country that it feels
might not be considered in good taste
The resolution Is clear in its intent.
It states, in brief, that because we stead-
fastly believe in the freedom of all peo-
pies to practice their religion, without
interference of any sort; because the evi-
dence overwhelmingly points to pur-
posely vicious persecution of Its Jewish
population. and because the Soviet Con-
stitution clearly defends religious free-
dom; we, therefore, condemn the Soviet
Union for its betrayal of the principles
of li11man rights and decency, in the hope
that the Soviet Union will restore the
rights of the Jews to practice their re-
ligion, free from harassment, and to
maintain their culture as they have done
throughout their history.
At this time, I urge every Senator to
support this resolution reaffirming our
belief in human rights; I urge all Mem-
bers of the House of Representatives to
join their Senate colleagues in the sup-
port of this resolution; and I urge all
freedom-loving people the world over to
join hands with the American people in
asking freedom and dignity for the Jew-
ish citizens of the Soviet Union.
LOW UNEMPLOYMENT GOOD NEWS
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, we
are now entering the fifth year of contin-
ued improvement in our economy. This
is the longest sustained economic expan-
sion in the postwar period. As the em-
ployment statistics announced by the
Labor Department today show, this fifth
year promises to be one of the brightest.
The unemployment figures for the
breadwinners of the country have been
cut almost in half since the first quarter
of 1961. At that point married men had
an unemployment rate of 4.8 percent and
today it has dropped to 2.6. This is
equal to the low level recorded during
the 1955-57 expansion period.
The economic growth since March a
year ago-1,650,000-has meant jobs for
800,000 more adult men, 700,000 more
adult women, and 200,000 more teen-
agers.
This is truly good news. It demon-
strates that bold leadership given the
tools to work with can keep the Nation
on a prosperity-bound course.
We are indeed "continuing" toward
the Great Society President Johnson
seeks.
by those outside the Iron Curtain. Yet
all of its suppression has not been suffi-
cient to hide its dastardly acts toward its
Jewish population. For the past 20
years, free people everywhere have hoped
that persecution of religious peoples had
ended for all time; yet, at this very in-
stant, the persecution in Russia is look-
ing distressingly similar to the persecu-
ton that took place during the Third
Reich.
We see the singling out of the Russian
Jews for allegations that have no basis
whatsoever. As under the tyrannical
regime of Hitler, the Jews in the Soviet
Union have been singled out as the cause
of the country's economic failures.
The propaganda that has been aimed
at the Jewish population of the Soviet
Union has been of the most vulgar na-
ture, depicting the Jews in the same
stereotype that was used by Goebbels.
under Hitler, for the vilification of re-
ligion grid all those who practice it.
There has also been widespread exclu-
sion of the Jews from the same educa-
tional, cultural, and employment oppor-
tunities that the other Soviet citizens
have been offered.
Mr. President, in view of these facts.
I think the time has come for all good
people to unite and, in a voice that will
shatter the stone walls of the Kremlin,
demand that these practices of persecu-
tion, bigotry, and hate be put to an end.
We have before us a concurrent reso-
lution, submitted by the able Senator
from Connecticut, that will inform the
dictators of the Soviet people of our de-
termination to put a stop to religious
persecution in all Its forms, wherever it
occurs on earth. I have cosponsored
Senate Concurrent Resolution 17 In the
belief that the United States has an
obligation, as the leader of free peoples.
to step forward and condemn these
malicious practices.
RAYBURN HOUSE OFFICE BUILD-
ING: STAR-SPANGLED ARCHITEC-
TURAL BLUNDER
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, Mem-
bers of the Congress apparently are so
well aware of the barbarian architec-
tural qualities-if one can use the word
"qualities" in this regard-of the third
House office building that it Is hardly
necessary to bring to their attention ad-
ditional informed judgments. Never-
theless, I think the RECORD should in-
clude a recent appraisal of the Rayburn
Building by Miss Ada Louise Huxtable,
as published in the New York Times of
March 30, 1965.
Miss Huxtable concludes her lament
about this artless and unbelievably ex-
pensive structure with a reference to a
saying that "there's no point in crying
over spilled marble." But if we should
not cry, we must at least be severely em-
barrassed, and should resolve to hal,
these economic and architectural atroci-
ties on Capitol Hill.
I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
ticle be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Mar. 30, 19651
THE RAYBURN BUU.DING: HOUSE OFFICE
STRUCTURE Is DESCRIBED AS A DULL, VULGAR,
CORRUPT BLUNDER
(By Ada Louise Huxtable)
it is moving time on Capitol Hill for 169
Congressmen eligible for space in the new
Rayburn House Office Building. The struc-
ture's three-room suites complete with re-
frigerators and safes are being raffled off to
applicants who may have a view of the Capi-
tol dome or an interior court, depending on
seniority. Even seniority, however, does not
give any legislator a door leading from his
office, or his aid's office, to his working staff
without passage through a waiting room full
of constituents and special pleaders. To
correct this small planning error would add
$200,000 to costs already estimated at any-
where from $86 million to $122 million for
the expensive and controversial building.
Some Congressmen are moving In reluc-
tantly. Representative TAOMAS L. ASHLEY,
Democrat, of Ohio, for one rejected his office
on sight. But he Is making the move any-
way this week because his present quarters
are too small.
"This layout could paralyze us," he said
during his inspection tour. "It's an ugly
building."
Mr. ASHLEY is not alone. The profes-
sional architectural press has been bitterly
critical as construction progressed. (The
building has taken 7 years and $22 million
more to complete than originally estimate
largely as the result of expensive miscalcr
lations; change orders have reached 300 pe-
cent over Government average; bid estimat
on contracts have been as much as $45 In
lion off.)
There have been accusations of secret plat
ning, pork barrel commissions and possib
misuse of public funds. The fact that tl
general contractor was Matthew J. McCloske
Democratic Party stalwart of Philadelphi
has not escaped notice. But the storm swir
uselessly around a behemoth that Is obv:
ously here to stay.
DEFECTS ARE NUMEROUS
Architecturally, the Rayburn Building I
a national disaster. Its defects range fron
profligate mishandling of 50 acres of space tc
elephantine esthetic banality at record costs
The costs are now being investigated by the
General Accounting Office.
Equal to the question of costs, however, is
the question of what Congress and the capital
have received for the investment. It is quite
possible that this is the worst building for
the most money in the history of the con-
struction art. It stuns by sheer mass and
boring bulk. Only 15 percent of its space
is devoted to the offices and hearing rooms
for which It was erected.
Forty-two percent of the floor area is used
for parking. Endless corridors have been
likened to "Last Year at Marienbad." Stylis-
tically, it is the apotheosis of humdrum.
It is hard to label the building, but ii
might be called Corrupt Classic. Its empt:
aridity and degraded classical details are
vulgarization without drama, and to be both
dull and vulgar may be an achievement of
sorts.
The structure's chief deslgp features are
hollow exercises in sham grandeur. A super-
colossal exterior expanse of stolid, Mussolini-
style pomp is embellished with sculpture
that would be the apogee of art in the Soviet
Union. where overscaled muscles and ex-
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