SITUATION IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

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May 5, 1965
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;.? May 5, 1965 I do not believe we should face that decision until the Organization of Amer- lean States has first had the opportunity to declare that it will step into the situa- tion and, second, had the opportunity to take juridical authority over the troops, just as the United Nations did in the Ko- rean conflict, notwithstanding the fact that the preponderance of the troops there were those of the United States. NIT/roved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 kJ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9127 Some columnists assert that the Pres- the Army and Marine Corps to restore ident should support the restoration of order in that troubled country, and to President Juan Bosch to power. This make sure that there is no danger of a has no warrant so far as I can ascertain. Communist takeover. It is true that Juan Bosch was legally However, I must express grave reser- elected in 1962. It is true that he is in vations as to the wisdom of our present exile. But it is not true that this is his posture. In view of the comments revolution, which have been made by my two col- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The leagues on the other side of the aisle, I time of the Senator from Pennsylvania ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD a column written by Wal- has expired. Mr. scorr. Mr. President, I ask ter Lippmann which was published in TRIBUTE TO DR. JAMES E. KIRK- unanimous consent that I may proceed the Washington Post within the last few LAND, MINISTER, UNION BAPTIST for 3 additional minutes. days on this subject. CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA, PA. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- There being no objection, the article Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, first of out objection, it is so ordered. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, all, I wish to express my pride in the Mr. SCOTT. If the Dominican rebels as follows: fact that the Acting Chaplain who de- were really working to restore Juan OITR DOMINICAN INTERVENTION livered the prayer in the Senate today Bosch to power, why are we now in- (By Walter Lippmann) was Rev. James E. Kirkland, from the formed that Juan Bosch is resigning and The crucial point in the Dominican affair a new man, Francisco Common?, is act- is that the decision to rescue Americans and other foreigners became almost immediately a decision also to stop the rebellion. The disorders began, said the President on Sunday evening "as a popular democratic revolution committed to democracy and social justice." The purpose of the revolu- tion was to restore the duly elected Presi- dent, Juan Bosch, who had been deposed in 1963 by reactionary military forces 7 months after taking office. "But, the revo- lutionary movement took a tragic turn." A number of Communists trained in Cuba "took increasing control * * * many of the original leaders of the rebellion, the fol- lowers of President Bosch, took refuge in foreign embassies because they had been su- perseded by other evil forces, and the secre- tary general of the rebel government, Mar- tinez Francisco, appealed for a cease-fire. But he was ignored. The revolution was now in other and dangerous hands." In the state of the emergency, there was no time for a thorough investigation of all the facts. President Johnson took his deci- S1071 to halt the rebellion on what, it seems to me, was the right ground. Union Baptist Church of Philadelphia, Pa. Dr. Kirkland is a prominent min- ister in Pennsylvania. His presence here and the moving and beautiful prayer which he offered are to my mind an event worthy of remembrance for a long time to come. I am proud of the fact that Dr. Kirk- land was here pd offered his prayer. SITUATI THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Mr. scow. Mr. President, on the subject which has been discussed earlier, I rise to express my view concerning Santo Domingo: First and parentheti- cally, however, I want to say that I am glad the President has asked Congress to authorize $700 million in appropria- tions to meet our mounting military re- quirements in Vietnam. I am glad to have an opportunity to reaffirm my con- ing as alleged President of the Republic or is the actual leader of the rebel forces? My conclusion is that we moved into the Dominican Republic just in time to prevent a Communist takeover. The rebels are predominantly Communist and Castroite, and their purpose was to create another Cuba. Had we moved as rapidly and effectively in Cuba as we have done in Santo Domingo, Cuba today would not be a Communist country. However, that goes a long way back. We have served notice on the Western Hemisphere countries that we will co- operate with them, that we prefer to work with them through the common agency of the OAS, but that where there is not enough time for the OAS to act in a rapidly deteriorating situation such as that found in Santo Domingo last week, the United States will move in on behalf of all the free peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and will gladly turn over the fidence in the policies which the Presi- dent is pursuing in Vietnam and to ex- peacekeeping responsibility to the OAS press my support of his requests. as soon as its members are willing to As regards Santo Domingo, I agree assume that responsibility. that it would be fine if the members of Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the the OAS could have acted in concert last Senator from Pennsylvania yield? week, but they did not so act immediate- Mr. SCOTT. I am glad to yield. ly and could not have acted in time to Mr. JAVITS. I believe that our views are not at all dissimilar, and I wish to prevent a disaster. The House of Santo Domingo caught fire. The United States be sure that the Senator from Pennsyl- unilaterally went in as a fireman to put vania understands me. I supported the President in going into the Dominican out the blaze. Had we waited a matter of hours, in my judgment, the house Republic. would have burned down. Mr. scarr. I am sure that the Sen- In my opinion, we acted as we did, ator did. first, to evacuate American persormel Mr. JAVITS. I back the President popular democratic revolution, c,ommitted and personnel from 30 countries alto- now in seeking to have the OAS take to "democracy and social justice" which gether and, second, to prevent a Com- over. The only slight area of difference President Bosch represents. munist takeover. There is nothing to be which I should like to submit to the It is a question whether a country like ashamed of, or to apologize for, in my Senator from Pennsylvania is that in the Dominican Republic can find stability opinion, in the fact that we have en- view of the situation, we do not have to somewhere in the center between the ex- treme left and the extreme right. Cuba did larged the Monroe Doctrine by the addi- be committed absolutely, now, to saying not find this stability. There was nothing, tion of a new phase or extension of that what we will do if the OAS does not act. it turned out, between Batista and Castro. policy. That could well be another stage of Is there in the Dominican Republic some- I do not know of any more worthwhile decision on our part, thing between the corrupt and cruel dicta- step which the United States can take in Mr. SCOTT. I understand the views torshiP of Trujillo and a Communist dic- the present world situation than to say of the Senator from New York. tatorship, like Castro's, which would be far to the left of President Bosch? that we will not permit the establishment Mr. CLARK addressed the Chair. If President Johnson working with the of another Communist dictatorship in The PRESIDING OFFICER. The OAS, can help the Dominicans find that the Western Hemisphere. Senator from Pennsylvania is recognized. something in between, can restore President I would be glad to see the OAS take Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the situ- Bosch and shore him up while he carries over the responsibility for restoring peace ation in the Dominican Republic as of through the drastic reforms which are neces- sary in order to extirpate the evils of Tru- and order to the Dominican Republic but now is certainly confused. I, for one, jinoa, bright that breed communism, it will Tru- the important thing last week was to am not prepared?at least at this mo- the American republics. move when we did move, with force, with ment?to dispute any action of the We must not think it is impossible to do strength, and with determination. President in sending massive forces of this. Mexico has found the middle way. It was that, if the Communists in the revolutionary forces took over the govern- ment, the result would be for all practical purposes irreversible. There would never be another election while they were in power in Santo Domingo. On the other hand, while the Bosch restoration has been halted, the way is still open to the return of the party which won -the 1966 elections. By acting promptly and decisively the Presi- dent has kept the way open as otherwise it might well have been closed forever. It is quite plain from the President's speech that the United States does not want to see a restoration of the old reactionary regime and that it does want the kind of Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 Approved For Release 2003/1 /15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 9128 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE May 5, 1965 ha state or group of states has the right to inter- whatever, in the internal or external affairs There are new currents flowing in t hemisphere, most notably in Chile a Brazil. They flow toward the center, fro the left in Chile and from the right Brazil. Our intervention in the Caribbean Isla will, of course, be looked upon all over t world in the context of our intervention seutheast Asia. We, need to consider it our selves in this context. We Must start frpm the basic fact th What we have done Is literally forbidden article 15 of the Charter of the OAS?" --- State or group of States has the right intervene, directly or indirectly, for any re son whatever, in the internal or extern affairs of any other State." How then can we defend and justify our selves? Shall we do it on the ground ? th the United States is the global policema or the global fire department, appointed stop communism everywhere? After such plea the best we could hope for even fro our best friends is that they will smile in dulgently at our innocent self-righteousnes The addicts of the global and crusadin theory should ask themselves how many mor Is the old-fashioned and classical diplomat' preparedV1 oe ground The other ground, which is the one take Insthallanatdd ablet Bhenttor pmcoaiinni ca.Republics R e pu Republic ntheyc lie squarely within the sphere of influence o the United States, and that it is normal, no abnormal, for a great power to insist the Within its sphere of influence, no other grea power shall exercise hostile military and po litical force. , Since we emerged from isolation in the be- ginning of this century, American foreign policy has been bedeviled by the utopian fallacy that because this is one world, special spheres of influence are an inherent evil and obsolete. Wilson proclaimed this globalism. Franklin Roosevelt, under the Prodding of Cordell Hull, adhered to It against Churchill's better judgment. And Johnson continues to invoke it without, I think, a sufficient study nf 15 nd vene, directly or indirectly, for any reason of any other state. * * *" After a year of disappointing efforts to get effee tiye cooperation from the allies, how- ever, the President acted first on reports that he faced another Communist conquest in the Caribbean and consulted later. Moreover, Mr. Johnson's long comrnents on the Vietnamese crisis today indicates that the Johnson doctrine is to apply the Monroe Doctrine not only in this hemisphere but in Other parts of the world threatened by Communist power. The Communist aim in Vietnam, he said, is to show that the "American commitment is worthless. Once that is done, the gates are down and the road Is open to expansion and endless conquest. a * * There are those who ask why this responsibility should be ours. The answer is simple. There is no one else who can do the job * * a" This goes a step or two beyond the Tru- man Doctrine. Mr. Truman agreed that the United States could not allow changes in the status quo by coercion or subterfuge, but emphasized that the aid should be in con- cert with others and should be primarily financial and economic. Mr. Johnson seems to be saying that .the United States must take on the burden alone if necessary. THE DEEPENING COMMITMENT This is a hold and may be a realistic ap- praisal of the problem, but it Is a somber Prospect and the Nation should be clear ' about what it implies. The administration's emphasis has now shifted from a revolution- ary situation to a militar3r sit ti II whatever, in the internal or external affairs III of any other state." ng Mr. President, as one who believes be deeply in the rule of law, I should like La to listen to some of the fine constitu- tional lawyers in the Senate give some - justification for our taking unilateral ac- tion in moving into the Dominican Re- public without prior consultation with t) our partners in the OAS. a? Perhaps the protection of American si lives justified our action, but I wonder how "hard" is the intelligence on which we are relying in our basic assumption a ; that a Communist takeoff in the Domin- n' ican Republic was imminent and could tct E. not have been prevented had we waited n. as long as 48 or 72 hours to comply with --, the procedures which we were honor- bound under the treaty to follow. g Mr. President, I also ask unanimous e consent to have printed in the RECORD e two extremely closely reasoned, calm, and intelligent columns which were pub- lished in the New York Times this morn- ing,one entitled "Washington: The Johnson Doctrine," written by James t Reston, and the other "Foreign Affairs: t Back to Broad Principles," written by t C. L. Sulzberger. - There being no objection, the articles As a matter of fact, experience must soon verify the truth that spheres of influence are fundamental in the very nature of interna- tional society. They are as much a fact of life as are birth and death. Great powers will resist the invasion of their spheres of in- fluence. The Soviet Union did that in Hun- gary, Prance did it recently in Gabon, the British have always done it when the Low Countries were attacked, the United States has done it in the Dominican Republic. And, it and when we want to know and face the truth, how much et what China is doing is sornething very similar? Recognition of spheebs of influence is a true alternative to globalism. It is the al- ternative to Communist globalism which pro- claims a universal revolution. It is the alternative to anti-Communist globalism Which promises to fight anti-Communist wars everywhere. The acceptance of spheres of influence has been the diplomatic foundation of the detente in Europe between the Soviet ;Union and the West. Eventually, it will pro- vide the formula of coexistence between Red China and the United States. Mr. CLARK. I should like to ask my friends on the other side of the aisle? and seine on this side of the aisle? whether we have abandoned perma- nently or only temporarily our support for the rule of law and our determina- tion to respect, solemn treaty commit- ments entered into with the advice and consent of the Senate. Let me quote from Mr. Lippmann's article: We must start from the basic fact that what we have done is literally forbidden by article 15 of the charter of the OAS: "No ere ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, May 5, 19651 WASHINGTON: THE JOHNSON DOCTRINE (By James Reston) WASHINGTON, May 4.?The change in the ? fortunes of the Johnson administration is startling. At the beginning of the new term, less than 4 months ago, it was concentrating on the home front, anti now it Is back in the ruck of the cold war. From the war on poverty to the war in Vietnam, from the Alliance for Progress to the Marines in the Dominican Republic, from common action and collective security to uni- lateral military force?this has been the melancholy direction of events in the last 120 days. So swift has been this transformation that it is necessary to pause and review the scene. At the beginning of the year, the President was determined not to go north in Vietnam but went. His principal hope was to con- centrate on the development of the Great Society, but he was diverted. His formula for unifying the alliance was common con- sultation and, if possible, common action on from collective action by the allies to unilat- eral military action, if necessary, by the United States. The trend in Vietnam, moreover, is shift- ing toward larger commitments of American ground troops, and while the offer of a negotiated settlement remains, the political commitment to fight the 'battle out to an honorable settlement, if necessary, is strong- er than ever. This Impression may be misleading, be- cause the President is now talking out off the buff on these delicate matters, but the more he talks the more he is obliged to make his actions at his words, and to respond even more to whatever tactics and strategy the Communists use against him. STEPPED-up ACTIVITY As he says, the pace of Conununist activity is increasing. They have the power to create disorder, not only in Vietnam and in Santo Domingo, but in many other places. In fact, Mr. Johnson told the congressional leaders that his intelligence reports indicated the likelihood of another uprising in another place this week but he didn't say where. If this is what we are facing the need is ot going to be for less emphasis on common atlon by the allies to meet the common dan- er but for more, for the Johnson doctrine, f earried out, could require more marines han. the President has under his command. -- ? oicsisic AFFAIRS : BACK TO BROAD PRINCIPLES (Ey C. L. Sulzberger) WASHINGTON.?During the 20 years Since orld War II the United States has elab- rated several foreign policy doctrines and he nub of his latest speech may yet be own_ as the Johnson doctrine. The John- n doctrine is simply that any country can ave any kind of revolution it wants, but if ch oecurs in the Americas and has com- unistic dictatorship as its aim, hemispheric tion is called for. For "hemispheric"- read lilted. States." PHILOSOPHICALLY LINKED Such a flat commitment resembles other gional commitments made under the highly ccessful Truman doctrine, which protected eece and Turkey, and the highly unsuc- ssful :Eisenhower doctrine, which failed to na up the Arabs with us against the Soviet Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 problems, but now he is carrying greater burdens with less help from the allies g than ever before. GO IT ALONE The Johnson way Is changing the use of -0 American power to a significant degree. He Is using military power faster now. He Is still limiting his retaliatory military moves, but he now seems more ready to go it alone W than in the firat year of his Presidency. Last year, he talked a lot about being t iietnarn to help the Vietnamese help them- Im nelves; now he is treating Vietnam as a vital so national interest to be defended at any cost. h? It is not clear whether this represents a su carefully calculated change of emphasis, or merely a series of personal Johnsonlan re- as, Eponses to increased Communist pressures, ?`) /Ft there is at least a change of emphasis. He has gone back to the Monroe Doctrine I i dealing with the uprising in the Domini- re ciin Republic. The basic principle of the su Organization of American States is that "no Or s Sate or group of states has the right to inter- ce von% directly or indirectly, for any reason 11 May 5, 1965 Union. There is no fundamental difference commitments registered in the U.N., and between the policies regionally expressed in under widely understood principles of our the Truman, Eisenhower, and Johnson doc- global policy, this is enough. No limiting trines. All relate to a philosophical pledge precisions are required. made by President Truman on March 12, 1949, when he told Congress: Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, let me "It must be the policy of the United States say again, as I began, that I am not pre- to support free peoples who are resisting at- pared certainly at this time either to tempted subjugation by armed minorities or desert the President or to fail to support by ontside pressures." him. The trouble comes when broad concepts The PRESIDING OFFICER. The are abandoned. Mr. Truman didn't endorse time of the Senator from Pennsylvania ideological holy wars. His promise, indeed, has expired. would be equally valid against aggressive fascismas against aggressive communism. Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask Today it would apply as well to threatened unanimous consent that I may proceed Malaysia as to threatened South Vietnam. for not in excess of 3 additional minutes. The Johnson doctrine rephrases with un- The PRESIDING OtoviCER. Without necessary ideological exactitude previous U.S. objection, it is so ordered. policy for Latin America. It errs by limiting Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I hope its application to communistie dictatorship very much that we can get the OAS in on and by specifying hemispheric action. Cur- a multilateral basis, just as we went into rent events in the Dominican Republic in- dicate how hard it is to ascertain that a revo- Korea, and that that organization, with lution is indeed Communist led, and also our help, will be able to reestablish law how hard it is to muster swift hemispheric and order; and that there may be, in due action, course, a government installed in the Presidential doctrines beg trouble if they Dominican Republic which represents are too narrowly precise. The United States the desires of the people of that country essentially wants to protect its own vital in- and not another military junta which terests and to safeguard global peace, when would merely restore a dictatorship possible, by limiting or preventing any kind of aggression. The U.N. Charter gives suffi- which, in due course, might not be so cleat justification for such an approach; very much different from that of Dictator there is no reason to embarrass our future Trujillo. actions by being needlessly specific. Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the When General Eisenhower composed his Senator from Pennsylvania yield? Approved For Release 2003/1Q/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9129 On One side, there are those who may feel that the problems of international organiza- tions are not sufficiently legal to sustain the interest of practicing lawyers and lam teachers. On the other side, there are those who may feel that law and lawyers already have too much to do with foreign policy, in the field of international organizations and elsewhere, and that this program of yours is hardly designed to keep them in their place. Those who hold this latter view would probably agree with the judgment of Sir Harold Nicholson, the famous British writer on diplomacy, that "the worst kind of diplo- matists are missionaries, fanatics, and law- yers." Fortunately, Sir Harold Nicolson's view on this subject has not prevailed in the United States. Since 1789, 45 out of 52 of our Secre- taries of State have been members of the bar. One member of that small band of seven who have not been lawyers?the Secretary of State we honor here tonight?does not con- ceal the fact that he was studying law when the war intervened. It cut off what undoubt- edly would have been a brilliant career at the bar?and it no doubt made him Secretary of State several years sooner. My views on this subject are undoubtedly self-serving. I am a great believer in the deep involvement of lawyers in foreign policy, particularly in the field of international or- ganization. Those laymen who complain about the lawyer's role in this area tend to think of law as the mechanical application of principles found in cases and textbooks. Few lawyers today would accept so restrictive a me to read it and suggest changes. I pro- definition of their function. Most of us like final report as NATO commander he asked Mr. CLARK. I wish to move to an subject at this time, if my friend ? to think of ourselves as practicing what a posed he amend references to Communist threats in favor of Soviet imperialist or "out- and colleague will permit me. We are colleague on the Harvard law faculty has side" aggression. Eisenhower agreed. Later, now in the morning hour, and if any described as "Eunomics?the science of good however, the original phraseology was re- Senator desires time to ask me a ques- arrangements." stored. The General's advisers thought his tion, I shall be happy to yield to him It is not surprising that in the Department of State today there are many more lawyers outside than inside the Legal Adviser's Office. Several, like myself, are in the Bureau of International Organization Affairs, trying to apply "the science of good arrangements" to the major tasks of peacekeeping and nation- building which our country is undertaking on a multilateral basis. Together with our colleagues in the Office of the Legal Adviser, we have been applying the lawyer's skills in problem solving to some of the exciting enterprises undertaken during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations? to developing the institutional components for partial and general disarmament; to ne- gotiating ground rules for U.N. peacekeeping forces; to drafting principles for the peaceful uses of outer space; to establishing interim arrangements for global satellite communi- cations; to inaugurating a UN/FAO world food program; to creating a world weather watch under the World Meteorological Or- ganization; to launching new United Nations trade machinery; and to analysis of the possi- ble functions of a United Nations High Com- missioner for Human Rights. report would thereby have more political at that time. appeal in a year when he was running for President. Our business is neither ideological warfare nor the rigid maintenance of any status quo. Our business is to protect our own national interests from any threat, regardless of its philosophical label, and to try and see that changes in an everchanging world are suffi- ciently controlled to avoid excessively dan- gerous explosions. We must get this fact straight. MARI:TWINS CREED Communism, as a creed, is maturing rap- idly. Today there are many kinds of com- munism, some of which, such as Marshal Tito's certainly do not seem to threaten us. Russia, China, Albania, Yugoslavia, Ru- mania are all at odds in one or another respect. In Vietnam it is not at all clear just what the relations are between Peiping, Hanoi, Moscow, and the Vietcong partisans. During his first years as Secretary of State, Foster Dulles made the mistake of condemn- ing all communism, some socialism, and even neutralism. Obviously it is not in our na- tional interest to publish blanket condemna- tions and to advertise blanket ideological commitments. A FLEXIBLE POLICY If we keep insisting that any variety of communism is automatically our enemy, we risk two consequences. Support for our policies wil diminish among our allies who have less interest than ourselves in "holy wars." And, still more important, such an inflexible outlook will push centrifugal com- munism back upon itself. It is not sensible policy to encourage quarreling opponents to reunite. Instead we should stick to fundamentals? defend our vital interests; help those of our friends who feel themselves threatened, at- tacked, or undermined, and work to preserve a peace that is always at best tenuous. Un- der the U.N. Charter, under our alliance UNI 1'J1) NATIONS PROCEDURES AND POWER REALITIES Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that an excellent speech delivered by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, at the banquet of the American Society of International Law on April 23, 1965, may be printed in the RECORD at this point in my remarks. It is entitled "United Na- tions Procedures and Power Realities: The International Apportionment Prob- lem." There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: UNITED NATIONS PROCEDURES AND POWER REAL- ITIES: THE INTERNATIONAL APPORTIONMENT PROBLEM (Address by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy As- sistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs, at the annual banquet of the American Society of International Law, at the Mayflower Hotel, Washington, D.C., Friday, Apr. 23, 1965) I have always looked forward to annual meetings of this society with anticipation? but never more so than this year. One rea- son, of course, is the very great honor of participating in this evening's program to- ether with the Secretary of State. The other reason is the particularly timely and impor- tant theme to which you are devoting these thirds vote could now be put together in the annual meetings, "The Development of Inter- General Assembly, at least in theory, by mem- national Law by International Organiwa- bars representing only 10 percent of the pop- tions." ulation of U.N. members and 5 percent of Some people, to be sure, may have reserve.- contributions to the regular budget. He tions about the decision to devote all of your noted that the rapid and radical expansion of meetings this year to this particular subject. the organization may require some adapta- Of all our preoccupations these last 4 years in the field of international organization the one which best illustrates the relevance of law and legal skills has been our effort to adapt the decisionmaking procedures of the United Nations and its family of agencies to take adequate account of world power realities. The Secretary of State himself called spe- cial attention to this problem in his Ham- marskjold lecture at Columbia University on January 10 1964. He pointed out that a two- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 9130 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SEN tion of procedures if the U.N. is to remsi relevant to the real world and therefcee effective in that world. The reason for our preoccupt ion with this subject is obvious. The United Nations has grown from 51 to 114 members in the US 20 years. A parallel increase has taken plaee in the membership of the specialized and affiliated agencies. U.N. membership in t reach a total of 125 to 130 before it finally levels off. What makes this extraordinary increase tn. membership particularly significant from a constitutional point of view is the simil taneous increase in the U.N.'s capacity to ant The United States has played a leading rcie in the strengthening of the action responst- bilities of the United Nations system in both peacekeeping and development. We want in continue to play this role in the years aheal. It is obvious that, as the U.N. develops szi increasing capacity to act, there will be ine creasing concern with the procedures t y which this capacity is exercised. The man.- fest disproportion between voting power an d real power is now a central preoccupation of persons concerned with the future of tt e World organization. Unless we can find waDii to allay the anxieties felt on this subject in the 'United States and in other countries, will be increasingly difficult to use the UN. in the years ahead for important tasks a peacekeeping and development. To be sure, it is important not to over- state the problem which is inherent in the present constitutional situation. As Dag Hammarskjold reminded us some years ago in an annual report to the General Assembll i the members of the United Nations may have equal votes, but they are far from havin g equal influence: "The criticism of 'one eta, tion, one vote,' irrespective of size or strengtt as constituting an obstacle to arriving at rusk and representative solutions, tends to exag gerate the problem. The General Assembhs, is not a parliament of elected individual, members; it is a diplomatic meeting in which the delegates of member states represent goy- ernmental policies, and these policies ani subject to all the influences that would pre - veil in international life in any case." Anyone who believes that U.S. influence in _ the United Nations is measured by the face that it has less than one-hundredth of the- votes in the General Assembly fails complete- ly to undersiiiand the realities of power sat they are reflected in the world organization These realities include the fact that ths United States is the principal contributor tc .the U.N.'s regular budget, is by far the largest supporter of the U.Nas Peacekeeping and de- velopment programs, and is making by fax, the largest individual contribution to the de- fense and development of the non-Commu- nist world. On U.N. decisions of vital impor- tance to the United States, the voting of other countries has been considerably influenced by U.S. views. Nevertheless, after these and other quali- fications are made, it remains true that the present procedures dO need to be improved in the light both of the growth of U.N. mem- . bership and the growth of U.N. responsibili- ties. The last uNzsco Conference, for ex- ample, voted a budget by a large majority of votes which represented less than 30 per- cent of the funds that had to be raised to make the budget a reality. And at the `United Nations Conference on Trade and Deevolpment in Geneva last spring there was a disturbing tendency of the 75 (now 77) less developed countries to use their automatic two-thrida majority to vote recommenda- tions for action in trade and development over the opposition of the very minority of' developed countries to whom the recom- mendations were addressed. On the whole, the majority of small coun- tries have not behaved as irresponsibly as the _ pessimists have predicted. We hope in the years ahead that the "revolution of rising n expectations" will be matched by "evolu tion of Tieing responsibility." But we can not base our participation in the U.N. on hope alone. Sound procedural adaptations can help make this hope a reality. t The constitutional problem here involved is not unique to the U.N. We have some- times referred to these difficulties in the y U.N. as the "international apportionment problem"?because the word apportionment has a very poignant meaning in our domestic political life through the recent actions of our Supreme Court and State legislatures. - Indeed, we are dealing here with problems . in the management of power reminiscent of those which confronted our own Constitu- tional Convention in Philadelphia nearly 200 years ago. In Philadelphia then, as in the United Nations system today, the problem was how to reconcile the sovereign equality of States with the fact that some States are very small and other States are very large. The soverign equality of states is one of the fundamental principles of international law. In the words of a famous case decided many years ago by the U.S. Supreme Court: "Russia and Geneva have equal rights." Article 2, paragraph 1 of the United Nations Charter declares that the United Nations is based on the principle of sovereign equality. The sovereign equality of states, however, has never meant the equal right to partici- pate in the decisionmaking process of inter- national organizations. The composition of the Security Council and other councils, the veto provision, the amendment process? these and other provisions of the charter all accord special privileges to certain members. So the structure of the United Nations from the very beginning recognized the need to reconcile the principle of sovereign equality with the uneven disposition of real power and real responsibility for implementing U.N. decisions. Appropriate means of bal- ancing these considerations were also incor- porated in the constitutions of the special- ized agencies. Quite apart from charter provisions proce- dures have been developed over the years to adapt decisionmaking procedures to power realities. In the last several years this central problem has occasioned a vast amount of staff work in our own and other governments--and a considerable amount of discussion and negotiation in the U.N. sys- tem. We have explored with other nations many different procedures for rationalizing the decasioiamaking process. We recognize that no one procedure is appropriate for all cases: Certain procedures may be appropriate for the voting of General Assembly resolutions Which merely manifest the views of members and have no binding legal effect. Other procedures may be appropriate when the General Assembly is exercising its man- datory power to assess. Still other procedures may be appropriate In specialized agencies lending substantial sums of money for exchange stabilization or economic development. So our search for adequate procedures has been undertaken on a case-by-case basis with special regard for the peculiarities of each case. Before turning to a discussion of possible procedures, it may be useful to identify one solution to the problem which we have not considered. We have rejected the notion that most or all important U.N. operations should be subject to the "principle of unan- imity." Specifically, we have rejected the 20-year- old Soviet demand that all peacekeeping operations of the U.N. should be under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Security Coun- cil and thus subject to great power veto. While recognizing that the Security Council has the exclusive right to initiate manda- tory peacekeeping actions that impose bind- ing obligations on states, we have consist- ATE May 5, 1965 - ently recognized the residual authority of - the General Assembly to launch voluntary peacekeeping operations. We have defended the charter power of the Assembly to assess the membership for such operations?while recognizing that in practice many peace- keeping operations can be more appropri- ately financed by methods other than by every-member assessment. . Some Americans, I know, feel strongly that we must not expose the vital interests of the United States to the possibility that the Assembly would lay mandatory obligations on us against our will. Fears have been ex- pressed that the ITnited Nations would send a force into some area against our political opposition?and make us pay for such ven- tures besides. It has been suggested that in the arrears issue we are trying to en- force on the U.S.S.R. and France a principle that we would never allow to be enforced against ourselves. There are several important points to be considered in connection with this assertion. The Congo and Middle East operations were launched with the acquiescence of the So- viet Union and France. The General As- sembly has never recommended any peace- keeping operation against the negative vote of a big power. Indeed, the Assembly has only recommended a peacekeeping operation once, the United Nations Emergency Force, and this was with the consent of the terri- torial sovereign. The Assembly cannot, in any case, initiate binding enforcement action requiring mem- bers to contribute men and logistical sup- port to military operations. It has never at- tempted to do this?and there is no reason .to suppose it ever will. Moreover, the As- sembly, indeed the U.N., is estopped by arti- cle 2, paragraph 7 of the chaster from un- lawful intervention in matters within a mem- ber's domestic jurisdiction. Finally, in the light of the article 19 ex- perience, it is clear that the Assembly will be very cautious in the future in exercising its right to initiate and assess for voluntary peacekeeping operations. These considera- tions are usually overlooked by those who claim that the principle for which the United States has been contending in the article 19 crisis is incompatible with our national in- terests. The argument that, if we were like the Soviet Union, we would not want to pay for peacekeeping operations we oppose, Is un- persuasive for another reason: The policies we pursue do not lead the United Nations to undertake peacekeeping actions directed against what we see as our vital interests. If the United States were engaged in pro- moting the overthrow of foreign govern- ments and institutions, it would have rea- son to fear the effective implementation of United Nations principles. But, in view of what in fact American principles and purposes are, we have every reason to uphold the authority of the United Nations. We have every reason to uphold the law, as the International Court of Jus- tice has found it to be. We have every rea- son to favor impartially applying the law of the charter, for we have no reason to fear impartial application of that law. If we seek a world ruled by law rather than force, we naturally must seek to apply and defend the law we now have. In short, the United States has been pre- pared to take whatever risks are inherent in the principle that voluntary peacekeeping operations may be initiated and financed by the General Assembly free from great-power veto because we recognize a long-term in- terest in developing this means of contain- ing violence in the nuclear age. We want to minimize these risks, of course, but not at the cost of crippling the capacity of the United _ Nations to act for peace and secu- rity. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 4 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0.00500120033-8 916 coNGRPssia44; W4COAW..-r.41iNATE May 1964 difeculty in making up tny,, nod. as ,to Ur.. cum. . Mr.. .eqMqist, X. Ow Mom* to the 'Ma. Polities in -At Do- whether to support...the request or not.... the ?OKAY IV expressing Intn.e erten- minima. Republic so long as Ire sza ea. I. have no doubt that the Senator from ration. as I have foe Many ?vire; for the .gaged in Protecting our own and lereish New York did not spring to the lineW estate _anditY of thefrom Now nationals. That Is a very different Md.'. diate conviction that he should support York aa a . lawyer with ation from the matter pf **int off .Or the otatufek : ? 1 . . respect to. -the . war Poireqk of Congresii preventing a Communist takeover. . I should like to. feel. that I could sub. and, the Preiddoisit. . . ._,, :.. __ .; ,_,.f .,, . It seems to me that. In the .. latter PON it. However, what * the difference ldr? Ontilf14,1$0, . Mr. ..Preekliento? Will respect. our troops should aetnnly 1z an between voting for a $700 Million appro- the Senatorvigid? . ' . ... . interim custodial mOacitik -am trustees Oriatlon and voting for a doffamtion of Mr. JA____ ; I yieldfitis.. .. _.1 .,.. ... .. ? ? for the Inter-American -'aystem. ? . Now wart Would it not, be better to be can- Ur. .GRUM41240. - ' the a eniqqr that the Oryanhet,. don. oe American did. and ask for a declaration- of wart recall that the bombing of North Il_letr States is se ',pf " Is Matter end le ur. JAM& That is the substance anz n.followed the Plelku incident?. Does giving it cong, ' ; s. none to a4 of what I am saying. ,If .the C100 million he indicate that was a hot pursuit course the anaw et is for the OAS to suisuine reQueeted is a means. Of ? W.eldhg up the or action?. Juridical authority over our trace* and 1114ment of the Preeident, or even back- Mr. JAvrl`B. In the. Piellcu Maids* any other troops that may batman ft by Mg IIP a PrePerstica to do more, tithe we actually homberded soars'. of sup- nienzber countri of the Organisation at jeat,jonsj judgment should be that we ply Of torpedo boats that baittacked American -Stet: The ? reinlialaship ot should do more-4nd I would never wish OW vessels In international. waters. , the OAS to United States and other for- to be hammed r &be 44 tbet. We were Precedent for ihei Pee back to illeL elan farces in the Dominican- Republie not forehanded preparation?I think of Tri _ . yq were on sounder should be analogoue to tlarrelationshlp that is very different from a, command ertiund there. :NV* nein an most troth". between the United Nations and, the decision actually to Involve ground own- atonal grounds thee. . _, . toren, Tie had In Korea. . . bat troops. Mr. GRDZNING. I think the4r011OY It seems to me that even ? if amanite The PRIBIDIN0 01PricER. The Warmed Ttinkhz' Bay With Pleiku; require, that our own Amor perm. he time of the senator has Andra& - Mr. JAvrrs. Ti. .1 meant TOlain by far the most ? numerous, jurisdiction Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President. I ask Nay. : _ _,, . - ? ? . ' _ _ : . by the Organization of American States unanimous consent that I may Pe aer?! ' ? Mf?ClalimilaNgl? rilillul 4 bert lam is, extranaly important. Althotath hated to oorittriunior p,hdditimialhlin- 200 AVM. tie . aortatIM" horde. American forces may seesaw . ander ides.' , * , . . _ .. Is On ? the 2,14th - Pendia , 'Mt, American nm .1 the 0Alt should objection. it le so The PRESIDING OPITC:tillt.. '. Withint borthetri pound*" lif mi. the lith lelir have juridical authority over thank and - . . . Mr. JAVTIN. vglkient.1 respect- ,letnieneee id was riot.? derived depend on the oAs. ?inei. The - -uiwed.by the' Smith whether they stayed or withdrew. would fully suggest to the Senator that If we from the ? North Vietnamese, but was could havethat assurance front the Pres- Ainericauz material?a money?num- It is on behalf of the Inter-American ident?that there would be such a re- factures] In the, ,United States. le that SYstem that the U.& action wak taken, quest,:if ?there were -pay- design to make hot !avatar . end it is in accordance with the legal that .command decision-1701dr I. believe "My. 4A.V1I'll: I agree With the Senator organs of that Wfstetn. which. am In that we should vote . for mu with. . . ... In the Iden Of tification the WO incidenta. leas. thm Ws should coutiaus to act. u dispensible for ?tile future a/ Um Amer- y:. clAlta. 11r. President. don; the Tweil thfakfne exit toakm Be*: 'Oat Senator not feel that we are actually eh.; r said appa toTontin . ? we lake: the attitude 1 have- deseribed, gaged In a war against North Vietnam . Astothe nero_in. that Involved namely.. that the reason why we right. now arid thatif we became emceed the jeopardy Of nalriCalt e ildnireinel miLIR by sendhig. In our troops was. erodltsple _. forced to assume unilateral netionsibility in war, we woldff stead. Our airplanes VP int'oleed aillndlee?Wh.ether. fd? taunt bem the oas warn st to set Mos. or volunteers-4o forms ? . use abil, . ? Mr. JAVITa 2 en>ilidisii0t.--filitlik In Je?P?'rel'ilf t4"?1311110 0 Mr; c_r/n2 Communist takeover, our gQ0d faith wiU promptly and we wished to prevent a the dextrine 4 lipt aureot in *items- Perla:410d. . , , .,.., ___.,,. . '. tionalbiw. and presence of Anierictui , I tio not believe the. idelattipationes take en this respossihdity..srs slum as 1. be denzonstrated. If the OAS dOes not fovea there which gives rise to a Miami' materiel as ' North Vietnamese or. our faced with a historic . . whictik? . elkonglitiOn to providethem security, make own represents* vital difference between materially acme our the ? Oar NetthVietnaineee *lentil* Ouch; in the inelkuineident said the Aerie* iiitu.. other American mama u . am Anew gay 'judgment. air 'not to warm* ' beim! **MAO wpra theixerForzuf bf: ha 1144 exercise our cludoe ant sity.hag we will characterhied as I aalte a lulu ' , - soft afdlar? . ' - _ _,_ ? ? - N, ; *.t-- de iteil4thout the 0As to prem. 5,00es- Senator 'lad Pittner? .. ' . ' lir. Clitait- Mr. Prenitlent. rl the . , Mr. OltUatinkl. ' The Pali Pealt-1 manieb takeover in the Demitilima 'Re- - - Mr. JAVrIS.- I rti#0. .._ - . Ifiti to maim mod -wish AO. Amass . on public. It will be the neat sok *gum ''.. UN: CLAIM Will the Senator be will- ti* &AWL following the roosalts4 tha asserted the right to origami; sate* . - limn New York hor to tell lne *heti* the langegonsent vies , ed. clear end present Wei the MAW. Vietimmese 104. phioes? .40c hs. pluivit 444,that - " dander- Ot, e commpni$t,keolat. la tile attplaties was a, part of the hot *Inuit ddent- in nci.MW lahelved doctrine to whit:642,e Senator referred? that the main incident to* ? Such an linpertant MN in this eozin- .. lir. jAvrre. we were hotly pursuing August. whereas the North, WI "Good Neighbor'. 'PO* ?te. re- the 'suppliers of the Vletconlooreotmei bombing bawl ine Xeitve2011 re dear justincattoia. stens ground routes whish best be jt Neale _to we ? thia las evidence to Justify it is not . ? In ret? tion than we have at pageolkaa:r1 tb? iesehed without ground action. ? It we the Mita ' -'""--- "moat the gotten hit? Ninth Vistrea- the .hoi puha& how Only as the idtuatIon devotees the mese territory. then I that* wo...____' might reOt connection .A bOt neat few days or wester cabin eons to a hatre. for phieffeal piirimate. a u.wegeut Vietnam. A Notchdear conclusion as tOwhether. the shut- intuition I would . Non presents. welder and present danger don al war. Vliduallmee action as creating a condi- forrhbo darifieetlein. The Itnida- BAT !MVO 110 alternative but tO Ow th . JAVIT& I thank gar onilingue cis Consmurdst takeover. and that we Mr. GRUM:NINO. Mr. President. wffl incident took pP1595e ill'Atilliet. end thil I hope that the Presidia nill make it eg *a at- tbe Senator yield? pinteineddefi clear that our troops are there. until the Mr. JAVrrS. Mr. President, If the . s., \ \,.. : )0 P s v , ? . OAS act*, 14 a ousted*/ character, to MaJoelte leader does not object. may I .niit itrzymirotruf DciagnmAn Proweeit 1 taanincitiect= not tiow0tildutill: ask unanimous consent to have 10 ed- -, , , ditkmal minutes.? It will not take that . RlOulltte , . . the Onganfration . oe Auserlean_States. mg, ? 4 l.colt? Mr. JAvrre. Mx. Preddent, **bow which la the recognized .. aulaimatr for The PREsWING ?Mc lat. Is there tug myself now. to the Agitation is the such a altuamm. mid that the trailed objection?, Without objection, it is so Dominican Rspoblia. itnesizza in ma that States has not yet made a decision ea ordered. . W are on extremele dear ground with proceed unilaterally. .41 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 May 5, 1965 c ? ' AppyoVed *r_pk Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL' .RECORD SENATE I tic not believe we should face that decision until the Organisation of Amer loan States has ftrst had the opportUntly to declare that It will step Into the situa- tion and. second, had the opportunity to take juridical authority oveg the troops, hurt as the United Nations did in the 'Ko- rean conflict., notwithstanding the fact that the preponderance of the -heave there were those of the United States. TRIBUTE TO DR. JAMES E KIRK- LAND, .MINISTER. UNION BAPTIST CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA, PA., Mr. Mr. SCOTt. Mr. President. Snit of all, I wish to express my. pride In the fact that the Acting Chaplain whit 01*. livered the prayer in 'the Senate today was Rev. James Z. Kirkland, from the Union Baptist Church of Philadelphia. Pa. Dr. Kirkland is a prominent min- ister in Pennsylvania. His presence here and the moving - and beautiful prayer which he offered are to my mind an event worthy of remembrance ter a long time to come. ? ? I am proud of the fact that Dr. Kirk- land was here and offered his prayer. ? . SITUATION /N THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President. on the subject which has been diseussed earlier. I rise to eouness my view soncernbag Santo Domingo: First and parentheti- cally, however, I want to say that lam glad the President has asked Congress to authorise MO minion in aPIttoMM- none to meet our motintIng Military re- quirements in Vietnam. I sin glad to have an opportunity to icier:it my son- Memo, in the policies which the Presi- dent is miming in Vietnam and to es- teem My suPPlort of his requests. AN regards Santo Domingo, / agree that it would be fine it the members of the OAS could have acted in convert last . week, but they did not DO act Immediate- ly and could not have *Med lir time to prevent a disaster. The Moine of Santo Domingo caught nre. The United States unilaterally went in as a Orem= to put out the blase. Had we wafted a matter of hours, In m7. Judgment, the house would have burned &nen. In efer aednian, We acted as we did, first, to evacuate American personnel and personnel from 20 countries alto- gether, and, second. to Prevent a 0001- munlat takeover. There is nothing to be ashamed of, or to apologise for, in my otdnion. In the fact that we have en- larged the Monroe Doctrine by the addi- tion of a new phase or extension of that policy. I do not know of any more worthwhile step width the United States can take in the present world situation than to say that we will not permit the establishment of 'mother Communist dictatorship in the Western Hemisphere. I would be glad to see the OAS take over the responsibility for restoring peace and order to the Dominican Repuleic but the important thing last week was to move when we did move, with force, with strength, and with determination. Approved ? Some esilainaimeassert that the Peer; ident should inippert the reiteration of Peesident Jean Bosch to power. This has no warrant so far as! can amettain: It Is true that. Juan- Beech was' legally elected in 1962. It is true that be kin exile. But 11 la not true that this is his revolution. ? ? The PRIMMING OFFICER. The time of the Senator* from PerilisYleania has expired. ? Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I elk unanimatis consent that I may proceed for) additional minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out oblection, it is so ordered. air. BOAT. If the Dominican rebels *Err Malty working to reitere JO= Bosch to power, why are we now In- formed that Juan Bosch is resigning -and a new Man. Francisco Caamano, is act- ing as alleged President of the Republic or is the actual leader of the rebel forties? . My conclusion is that lee moved Into the Dcigninice# Republic just In thne to prevent a Communist takeover. The rebels are predominantly _Communist and Caltridte, -Mit their. purpose was 10 MOAN another Oebe; "Had we moved ea rapidly. 40d effectively In Cube as we have detteln Santo Domingo, Cuba today would not be a Communist country. However, that goes a long way back. We have served notice on the Western Hemisphere countries that we will **- operate with them, that we Prefer to wort with them through the oosnmon agency of the OAS, but that where there is net enough time-for the OAS to act in a rapidly deteriorating situation sueli as that 'found in Santo Dterdngo lalt. Week. the United States will Wee hi oti of the free PeoPlee of the Western Hemtinhere, and will gladly turn over the Peatekeeptng resPenethilite to the 0A8 as soon as its members are willing to assume that responsibility. ? Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the Senator from 'Pentidivenia yield? _ Mr. SCOTT. I am glad to yield. Mr. JAVITEI. I believe the; our views are. hot at all dissimilar. and I wish to be .sure that the Senator ban .Pennsyl-' nude imderstands me. I supported. the President in going leto the Dominioan . &Muhl* Mr. SCOTT. I am miee that the Oen, atm did. ? ? ' L.- ? ? -.! ? " Mr: Jevrrs. I beck the President now in seeking to have the 0A8 take over. The only alight area of differenoe which I should like ; to submit to the Senator from renngyilratalit fa that In view at the Mi'Whekhave to ? be ceinisiltted seire4 to awing that We will do if the. OAS does not act. That could well be ? another stage of decision on our part.' '- Mr.- SCOTT. -.2 underetand the Views of the Senator frcealtew Yost. Mr. CLARK addressed the Chair,' - /be PRESIDING OF/1(XE. The Senator from Pennsylvania Is recognised. Mr. CLARK. Mr. Preddei the situ- ation in the Dominican Republic as of now is certainly confused. I, for one, am not prepared?at least at this mo- ment?to dispute any action of the President in sending massive forces of 9127 she Army and- Marine Carpi to "reetore order in that troubled 'country, and' to make sure that there is no danger of a Contintiniat takeover. However. I must express grave reser- vations as to the wisdom of our present peewee. In view of the comments which have been made by my two Col- leagues on the other side of the aide. I ask unanimous consent to have printed In the- Broom a column written by Wal- ter Lippmann which was published in the Washington Post within the last few days on this subject. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the Recose, at foliates: Ova Doeutrocare :arreaviornore . (By Waiter Lippmann) . The crucial point in the Dominican affair Is that the decision to rescue Americans Ind caber foreigners became almost immediately a decision Mao to stop the rebellion, The disorders began, said the Preadent on Staiday evening as a popular democratic revolution committed to democracy and social justae.? The purpose of the revolu- tion was to restore the duly elected Presi- dent Juan Who -had been deported in 290 by ninetionary Military /chore menthe after takinceilles. But, the retc- Ingenary movement took a tragic turn." A number of Communists trained in Dube -took increasing matzo! ? ? ? many of the original leaders of the rebellion. the 10i - lowers of President Beech, took ref*. in foreign entbaesies because they had been an- perseded by other evil forces, and the sears- tare general of the rebel goverannnat.11ar- testis Pranclaxi. appealed for a mase-fire. But be was ignored. The revolution Wie zioWin other Mid dangerous handl." ? ' In the state Of the emergency, ogre 1_ 0._. no time for it tbercalgh torrestigatindi 0.01 the facts. President &Mean took his desti? ? don to halt the rebellion on whet it ample to me, was the right ground. It was that, if the Communists in thi revolutionary forces took ore the Romp- "sent the remit would be for all practical Purimeer irreversible. There would sera another election while they were in in Santo -Domingo. On the other " while the Bomb restoration has been hathid. the way is still open to the !stunt estS party which wan, the tees etectlant eating protaptly and decisively the. ? dart bag kept the way open as onarletie might well have been closed forever. ? It Is quite Nein from the President's esteireb that the United Stetted does not wont to me a restonition ot the old midair and that it does want the kind revolution. t ? 4.4010ersol end social jusUoimr1= Ol President Bomb represents. It is a question whether a coim try like the DomMidan Republic can and stability senewberic In the conker betwein the' eg- Wane lett and the actress* Tight Cuba dm me sae OW stability. Thee um pqth it turned out, between liatiala and Chetfn.' Is MEM in the Dominican thing liftersest the corrupt add emit =spof Trqiiild and * , tike Denbo's. which Wielld Ihe to the left of President Bosch? If President Johnson, Working with 'the OAS, can help the Dominicans Sag - that eamettnee in between, ow restos loresidefi# Dosch and shore him up while be. oill0111 through the drastic reforms whish ere ns. eery in order, to mtirpate the evils of plio, evils that breed communism, it be ? bright day for the American republic*. We must not think it is impossible to 40 this. Mexico has round the midaie way. For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 May 5, 1965 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9177 Tell it to the American people. They will give you their answer, if that is your position, Mr. President. I am satisfied that the overwhelming majority of the American people will re- pudiate you if that is what you are will- ing to do. Mr. President, I have already covered the point about having offered to nego- tiate for peace without conditions, but we did not oiler to negotiate for peace Without conditions because the Johns Hopkins speech is not subject to that interpretation. The President continues to say that he is willing to go anywhere, anytime, to negotiate, but he is talking about bilateral negotiations. I am talk- ing about multilateral negotiations, with a third party force at the head of the table. I, have been heard to discuss Many times in the Senate our violation of the Geneva Accords. The PRESIDING 0.F.VICER. The time of the Senator from Oregon has expired. ? Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may proceed for 5 additional minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the Senator from Oregon is recognized for 5 additional minutes. VIOLATIONS OF GENEVA ACCORD TO BE FINANCED WITH THIS MONEY Mr. MORSE. Let me quickly point out that the Geneva accords did not set up a government in South Vietnam. The President keeps telling the American people that we went into South Viet- nam in answer to an invitation from a government of South Vietnam. But no sovereign government for either north or south was provided for in the 1954 agreement. It was a puppet government of the United States, set up by the United States that became the Government of South Vietnam. We took a South Viet- namese named Diem out of New York, sent him to South Vietnam, militarized him, financed him, and supported him, and then used him as our stooge for the abili that we are in South Vietnam on the basis of an invitation from the Govern- ment of South Vietnam. Mr. President, that is as much a Gov- ernment of South Vietnam free of the United States, as the Government of East Germany is free of Russia. Both are puppet governments. All we have done in South Vietnam is to pattern ourselves after Russia in East Germany. That is shocking. However, history will record its truth. Mr. President, we talk about democracy in South Vietnam, but the United States has been the major force in preventing democracy in South Vietnam. The Geneva accords created two zones, with an artificial line drawn at the 17th parallel. It was provided in the ac- cords that in 1956 free supervised elec- tions be held in both zones, which would provide for reunification of North and South Vietnam, and for the election by self-determination of officials of the gov- ernment. That is what the Geneva ac- cords provide. The United States, of course, refused to sign them and per- suaded its puppet, Diem, not to sign them either. Yet the President keeps saying that we are in South Vietnam because the Geneva accords are being violated. Being violated by whom? By the Communists? Yes, by 'the Commu- nists?and also by the United States and South Vietnam. We are all tarred with the same brush in regard to violations of the Geneva accords. However, one of the saddest chapters in the sordid history of the United States in South Vietnam is that it prevented the election in 1956. How well I remember, as a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, sit- ting through the briefings of our intel- ligence reports in regard to that situa- tion. Thank God I protested at that time. I also protested in 1954 the at- tempts of Mr. Dulles and Mr. Nixon to get the United States to join in sending American boys into South Vietnam. I protested then, as the RECORD will show, what I considered to be the shocking secret diplomacy of John Foster Dulles, when he went to London and tried to get Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to enter into a secret deal with him, where- by he would pledge American bo the British would pledge British boys, and then they would go across the chan- nel and promise the French Government that if France would continue the war, they would support France with Ameri- can and British troops. Winston Churchill refused to accept the deal, as Eden points out in his memoirs. Churchill told the Secretary of State of the United States, "Do you not think that would be deceiving the Congress of the United States?" The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator from Oregon has expired. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may proceed for 5 additional minutes. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, the Senator from Oregon is recognized for 5 additional minutes. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, in 1954, the American people were not protected by John Foster Dulles. They were Pro- tected by the then Prime Minister of England?Winston Churchill?against Dulles' stock in trade, his secret diplo- macy, whereby he always came before the Committee on Foreign Relations with an accomplished fact, an agreement into which the United States had entered in secret, and then his plea was, "You cannot let us down. The Government has negotiated it. You cannot let us down." The Senate must understand why, during the 20 years I have been a Mem- ber of the Senate, I have pleaded against government by secrecy in the United States. Let me say to the American people to- night: "You are already a long way down the road toward control by a gov- ernment of secrecy." I wish to return this Government to the checks and balances of the Constitu- tion of the United States. I wish to give some assurance that the secret diplo- macy of a Dulles can never rear its ugly head again to endanger the destiny of America. The United States prevented the elec- tions in South Vietnam. Had those elections been held, what did the intelli- gence reports show? They showed that the previous American hero, Ho Chi Minh, would have been elected president of both South and North Vietnam in a unified country. Most Americans do not know the story of Ho Chi Minh. During World War II, he was an American hero. However, he Is a Moscow-trained Communist. I hold no respect and no support for this de- spicable Communist ideology. I do not have to offer any explanation of my po- sition on communism to the Senate. I shall always point with pride to the fact that I am one of the three authors? along with Jack Kennedy, of Massachu- setts, and HUBERT HUMPHREY, Of Minne- sota, in 1954?of the amendment which was passed and became law, outlawing the Communist Party in the United States. Because I opposed our policies in Asia I must expect?and I am "getting it" from reactionary columnists?to be criticized because I am aiding and abet- ting communism because I do not be- lieve we can justify, either in theory or in policy, following a unilateral police- man's course of action in seeking to contain communism everywhere in the world. Ho Chi Minh, the North Vietnamese Moscow-trained Communist, languished for a year in a Chinese prison. He hates Chinese Communists, although we are driving them into his arms. There is not a single country in southeast Asia which is pro-Chinese. The interesting thing is that all the countries in southeast Asia? including South Vietnam which opposed China for 1,000 years?happen to be anti- Chinese. Yet, we follow President John- son's foreign policy in Asia. We are go- ing to end by unifying them? They will hate us more than they will dislike each other. That is the great challenge which confronts us. In this resolution are provided the funds for another series of violations of the 1954 Geneva agreement.' The Presi- dent states the money will be used to con- struct military? installations and ware- houses, which are illegal under the ac- cord, to maintain U.S. troops whose pres- ence is illegal under the accord, and to buy more aircraft, nearly all of which are illegal if they are anything more modern than what was in use then in 1054. How can Senators, or the President, talk any more about Communist viola- tions of the agreement, when with this resolution we -are formally repudiating it? Mr. President, there has been great wrong done on both sides, but our hands are not clean. Our hands are not clean, as we lawyers say, in a court of equity. Our hands are not clean in another re- spect. Our hands are bloody, because we have been conducting a war of out- lawry. Mr. President, I wish to see my coun- try cleanse itself. I wish to see my country change its course of action. It has stood by as an accessory to the vio- lation of the Geneva Treaty for the han- dling and treatment of war prisoners. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000500120033-8 9178 UNITED STATES VIOLATING RULES OF WARFARE Did Americans ever believe that they would live to look upon picture of Amer- ican soldiers in South Vietnam standing by witnessing shocking and henious per- sonal crimes committed upon the bodies of captured prisoners? Have any Senators read anywhere or heard anywhere of any protest of the United States to the United Nations in respect to the violation of the Geneva Treaty on the handling of war prisoners? Were not 'Senators shocked at least a little bit the other day when they read in the United Press dispatch that South Vietnamese soldiers put a length of cloth around the throat of a Vietcong soldier and conducted a tug of war over his throat because he would not squeal and talk? I tho'ught it was interesting that the United Press dispatch made reference to the fact that U.S. military forces were standing by in silence. I say, tell the American people the truth. Tell them the truth about our participation in this dirty war. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. Mr. MORSE. I yield myself 2 more minutes. Tell the American people the truth about our violation of the Geneva ac- cord. Tell the American people the truth about our acts as provocateur in southeast Asia for many years. Tell the American people the truth about what we plan to do in southeast Asia unless the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese and the Red Chinese put their diplo. matic tails between their legs and corn( to a conference of the type referred to by President Johnson in his Johns Hopkins speech, which means, when we analyze - his statement, that they must come and surrender. They have no intention of surrender- ing any more than we have. That is why we must bring in third party efforts under the existing proce- dures of international law to conduct the riegtoia ions, with the United States and South Vietnam on one side and the Red Chinese and the North Vietnamese on the other side, although as of now only the North Vietnamese would be in However, Red China should be there, too, because although she has net shown her hand above the board, I am satisfied she is already there working ur - der the table. The PRESIDING OrsICER. The time of the Senator as expired. Mr. MORSE. I yield myself 1 more minute. Mr. President, that is my plea. It Ls unpopular at the present time in the Senate. I suspect that tomorrow to votes will be cast against the joint reso- lution, namely my vote and the vote g that great Senator from Alaska ElV.t. ?Rummel . I shall always be proud to walk in his footsteps on this issue. -I believe we can be sure of those two votes. In my prayers tonight, however, I shall pray that other Senators may recognise the facts about our sordid record in southeast Asia before they vote tom( r- row, so that there may be more voles against the joint resolution. Whatever Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE the outcome of the vote, I say to the President and to my colleagues in the Senate: "Your vote tomorrow will not settle this issue so far as American public opinion is concerned, for I am satisfied that American public opinion will even- =Wally hold you to an accounting, and that accounting will be by way of re- pudiating support of the President's re- quest that you now give him by way of a vote of confidence to conduct and carry on a war of outlawry and an undeclared war in southeast Asia." The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. Mr. MORSE. I yield myself 1 more - minute. This is a war that cannot be iled with article I section 8 of the Constitution, and cannot be justified on the ground of the inherent power of the Commander in Chief. That inherent power lasts only so long as it is neces- sary for him to respond in the interest of meeting an emergency, and he has the clear duty of proceeding as quickly as he can to Congress to ask for a declara- tion of war. That the President has not done. I ask him, as I close: "Mr. President, when are you going to do it? When are you going to keep faith with what I consider to be your trust to abide by the Consti- tution of the United States?" Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I am sure the debate will resume tomorrow. I wish to yield 2 minutes to the Senator from Massachusetts. reconc THE S TION IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC Mr. ALTONSTALL. Mr. President, It is my understanding that the senior Senator,from Oregon made certain com- ments earlier about the Dominican Re- public, particularly about the President taking action without consulting the Or- ganization of American States. It is my understanding that on Tuesday, the 27th of April Mr. MORSE. I did not say that. Quite to the contrary. I pointed out that the President is using the OAS. I want- ed to know why he was not using the United Nations in Vietnam. He is work- ing through the Organization of Ameri- can States. Mr. SALTONSTALL. He tried to work through the Organization of American States prior to sending in the marines. That is my comment. Mr. MORSE. There is doubt about the time. It was within a few hours, one , United Nations. That would not only be a backing out, way or another. I made the point that but it would be acclaimed around the the Organization of American States has world. But if the President wishes to been very much divided and are divided follow a warma,king course of action, t with regard to the course of action that thenrather than ask Congress to support we followed. I pointed out that this his undeclared war, let him come forth will rise to plague us. with a recommendation for a declaration Mr. SALTONSTALL. I shall not an- of war against North Vietnam, and let gue with the Senator from Oregon as to Members of Congress then stand up and what he did or did not say. vote on a clear issue as to whether or It is my understanding that on Tues- not they want to bind this Republic in day, the 27th of April, our Government war. That is the duty of the President. notified the Peace Committee and had a He has two alternatives, and they do not discussion with the Peace Committee, constitute a backing out, no matter which No action was taken. alternative the President takes. But the On Wednesday, the 28th, a Council of action would give clear notice as to what Ministers meeting was held in the morn- the position of the United States really is. May 5, 1965 Ing. I believe some discussion was had with the Dominican Ambassador. Our marines were sent in there in the evening of the 28th, I believe about 9:15 p.m. The OAS was not notified at that time that they were going to be sent in, be- cause the time was so short. American civilians, including women and children, were lying on their faces. The Embassy was being shot at. The Department of State did call the OAS after the marines had been ordered sent in. I point out that an effort was made to get action through the OAS prior to sending the marines into the Dominican Republic, on the evening of April 28. SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATION - F014, MILITARY FUNCTIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE The Senate resumed the consideration of the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 447) making a supplemental appropriation for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1965, for military functions of the Department of Defense, and for other purposes. Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I yield myself 1 minute. _ The debate will re- sume tomorow, I am sure. I must re- serve some time for other Senators. By way of a quick summary, I say to the Senator from Oregon that he was bril- liant, as always, in his argument. He raised some serious points. No one can guarantee the future. Certainly the Senator from Mississippi cannot guarantee it. I feel that unless we appropriate the money requested we shall be giving no- tice that we are backing out from what we started. To whom would we give that notice? We would be giving it not only to the American people, but also to those who are arrayed against us, the North Vietnamese, the Communist Chi- nese, and *the Communist Russians. This we cannot afford to do. If we are to change our course, we must do it in one way or another, but not by refusing to pass a military appropriation measure to pay for the steel and iron and am- munition and food and all the other things that are needed. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I yield myself 1 minute. We would not be backing out if the President, instead of asking us to make the appropriation, were to make it clear that he will lay the issue of southeast Asia before the Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 May 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE While this is going on, don't forget the thousand's of letters from folks from every- where in and outside of a Member's district who believe in "writing the Congressman" on everything from medicare to Vietnam, streets and sewers, bank loans. Government con- tracts, school loans, and on and on. One thinks of Lincoln and finds that as long as he tries, his friends understand with- out explanation, and his opponents never pay attention to facts because their minds are already made up. One thing you can be sure of?there's never a dull moment for a Congressman who has to campaign every second year. DANTE ALIGHIERI?POET OF VISION (Mr. ANNUNZIO (at the request of Mr. BANDSTRA) was granted perrnis- sion to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. ANNUNZIO. Mr. Speaker, the middle of May?the exact date is not known?is the birthday of Dante Ali- ghieri. In order to commemorate the contributions he has made to the arts and to literature, the Postmaster Gen- eral of the United States has designated a stamp in his honor. The stamp will go on sale in post offices throughout America on July 17. It was designed by Douglas Gorsline, New York City artist who also designed last year's Shakespeare commemorative stamp. Gorsline's de- sign simulates the style of early Floren- tine allegorical paintings. For his like- ness of Dante, the artist turned to the painting of an unknown 16th century artist which hangs in the National Gal- lery of Art, Washington, D.C. Dante is shown wearing the laurel wreath sym- bolic of poetry. Above him an angel un- furls a banner on which is 'inscribed "700th Anniversary." Lower left are flames, an allegorical reference to hell, which the poet visited in his poem, "The. Divine Comedy." It is my pleasure to place in the Ap- pendix of the RECORD an editorial which appeared in the Washington Post on Sunday, April 25, 1965. The editorial follows: POET OF VISION About the middle of May 1265, in the city of Florence, Dante Alighieri was born, and now, 700 years later, all the world is celebrat- ing the anniversary of his birth. Recently the Catholic University of Washington held a series of lectures and a symposium as "Homage to Dante." On May 1, the Library of Congress will hold another symposium. Before the year is out, colleges and univer- sities throughout the world will pay their tribute to a poet who wrote with vision and wisdom for all men and for an time. Dante Is as universal a poet as Shakespeare. Literate people everywhere know Dante's great poem the "Commedia," which by the 16th century had already attained such fame that men rechristened it "Commedia Divine." It has been called a summation of the learn- ing of the Middle Ages, but it is more than that, for Dante's poem is not a fossil from the past but a vital work with beauty and wisdom for us today. The author was no cloistered recluse be- lieving in art for art's sake, no long-haired escapee from contemporary problems, no poseur who wrapped the profession of poet around him like a cloak. Dante was a par- No. 80-22 ticipant in the political affairs of his time, and he suffered for his beliefs and actions. In a turn of fortune's wheel, Dante's political faction lost power in Florence and the city exiled him on pain of death. Henceforth Dante was obliged to wander from city to city in Italy, but he continued to combine his literary labors with political debate and action. Dante dreamed of a united Italy without warring factions, of a whole world of peace and harmony ruled by law. His vision of united nations contemplated a rule of justice under the Emperor of the Holy Roman Em- pire. But Dante's dream vanished with the death of the Emperor Henry VII, and peace has remained an illusory hope that poets and others must continue to cherish. "The Divine Comedy" is not an easy poem to read, for it is filled with learned allusions, historical facts, and theological and philo- sophical commentary, besides depths of al- legorical meaning. Yet Dante is never ob- scure for obscurity's sake. Unlike third-rate poetasters, he does not have to hide a poverty of ideas under a mulch of verbiage. Dante reserves his greatest -scorn for fugi- tives from responsibility, the "lukewarm" Who decline to participate in anything. For them he made a dreary place in the vestibule of hell, for hell itself would not have them. There? "United in a tumult, whirling on Forever through the air of timeless gloom, Like sand and borne onward by the circling wind" those too cowardly to commit themselves even to evil must spend eternity. They are those "Who lived with neither infamy nor praise." In our world, when so many fearful or cynical souls spend their time in negativ- ism, we might turn back to Dante for robust wisdom?and for a vision of the condign punishment designed for do-nothings. \QHE DOMINICAN CRISIS: OUR CONTINUING COMMITMENT (Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania (at the request of Mr. BANDSTRA) was grant- ed permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania. Mr. speaker, while nearly all of us, as Ameri- can citizens, live in hope that all peo- ples in all nations will one day be free, even at the cost of revolution against tyranny, we all to often find ourselves rooting for an underdog who has already been corrupted by the greatest tyranny in the world today?communism. The headlines of this past weekend have told a tragic story of a bloody, con- fused and entangled revolt in the Do- minican Republic. At first, before the facts had been gathered, it might have seemed almost like a replay of a dozen other coups which have clouded the his- tory of the Caribbean and Latin America in general. The facts have shown otherwise. The young army generals, loyal to Juan Bosch, were swept from control of the rebelling elements. Today, it seems clear, the continued harassment and the sporadic outbreaks that have sabotaged all our early efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement are the work of skilled, Com- munist-trained insurgents. Much has been written and said about this Nation's decision to intervene in the Dominican fighting. It has been con- 9283 demned by those who say we have no business on the island at all. It has been praised by those who would have us carry our own role even further, becom- ing not only a protector and a persuader but an active combatant for the soul of the island and its people. There is a middle ground in this de- bate, a ground upon which true patriot- ism and true reason can commune. That ground is the foundation of America's role in all conflicts where the liberty and free will of a people are threatened?not just in those conflicts in which American property or citizens are threatened. The commitment we have here is allied to our commitment in Europe and the Pacific in World War II, in Korea in the 1950's, in Vietnam this year and for nearly a decade past. Our only alternative is to close up shop as an international power, to seal our- selves off from the world and its un- fortunate problems, to cast aside the mantle of leadership handed down to us by those generations who, without total understanding of the greatness of their own role, were willing to fight to pre- serve this Nation and its strength. What we have done in the Dominican Republic is a renewal of a pledge?a pledge to ourselves, our children and to those who live, as we do, in the prayer- ful faith that peace can, indeed, be made a reality. No one, it seems to me, has summed up the case for our Dominican interven- tion better than the brilliant columnist and reporter, Charles Bartlett, whose comments on this issue appeared in last night's Washington Evening Star. I consider it a privilege to call the at- tention of my colleagues to Mr. Bartlett's column and insert it as part of these pro- ceedings: [From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star, May 4, 19651 THE CASE FOR DOMINICAN ACTION (By Charles Bartlett) Much of the liberal instinct to protest the American intervention in the Dominican Re- public is being stifled by an awareness that President Johnson had no sound alternatives to the course he has followed. The authentic leading South American liberals are largely silent in the chorus of protest. Johnson has taken great pains to make them understand that on the evening of April 27, the Dominican Republic was a power vacuum in which many lives were im- periled and many efficient, purposeful, and guerrilla-trained Communists were at work. One proof of this vacuum will be found In the efforts of the coming days to piece together new leadership for the country. Even after the dust settles, this necessary leadership will be hard to find. An almost total lack of the caliber of men who make leaders is one tragic consequence of 31 years of brutal dictatorship. Charges that the United States has resisted the return of Juan Bosch, the poet liberal whose incompetence as an administrator permitted his deposition in 1962, are un- founded. Bosch himself, through timidity or indecision, chose to stay in Puerto Rico in- stead of asserting himself in the chaos that his followers had created. His failure to take command will not strengthen his cause in the new era. The Dominican generals, including Elias Wessin y Wessin, proved in the testing mo- 'Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 9284 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE ments to have the clay feet of men whc_ matured in a corrupt society. Since non( of them rose to the occasion, some suspeci; the Dominicans may turn toward Joaquir. Ealaguer, the old man who remained as Pres._ ident immediately after the Trujillo assaso sination in 1961. He represents a compro- mise between the new taste for democracy and the old reliance on authority. If there was no leader in Santa Domingo ta whom Johnson could look confidently on the evening of April 27, there were several on whom he could look with concern. Thu' postmortem debate on whether the Commu ? nists could have captured the Governmen:i if the Marines had not landed has alreacht begun. Fortunately the intelligence read- ings were excellent and they indicated in advance that the potential was there. The ominous Communist asset was tha training in guerrilla tactics that had, bee:i.. imparted in Cuba to at least 16 of the insur- gents. In the fluid situation which prevaile. In Santo Domingo, these paramilitary ex- perts, led by a resourceful Spanish Com- munist named Manuel Gonzalez Gonzalea;, had a splendid chance to prevail. Criticisms of Johnson for resorting to gun- boat diplomacy in these circumstances muat be weighed against the private laments c f many South American liberals in 1961 that President Kennedy did not snatch triump from disaster at the Bay of Pigs by dispatch. Ing American soldiers to finish off Fidel Castro. Critics also must ponder the pr' sumption of responsible Venezuelans and Bolivians that American troops will arrive, .f all other hope is lost in chaos, to save the r governments from the Communists. The criticisms must be further 'weighted against the gratitude of Juan Bosch in mic November of 1961 after American naval forces frustrated the return to the Dominican Hi- public of the wicked Trujillo uncles. Bosch hailed this fleet intervention, which stoppad just short of Marine landings, as an act "that could save many lives and many troubles it the near future." The little-known record of this country's dogged efforts since 1961 to implant demi- cracy in the barren Dominican soil is ors pledge of Washington's virtuous intention S. From the moment that Trujillo was killed, leading Dominicans have leaned heavily upc h American guidance in the tricky transiticn from dictatorship. All the leverage of Wash- ington's good offices has been applied to ea courage constitutional government. The break with the habits and attitud as of 31 years does not come easily. Hen'y Wells, a political scientist who helped to coa struct the machinery for the 1962 election, observed after the voting of a Dominican official that everything had gone smoothly. "These people are very well diseiplined," the man responded. The future will be no easier than the past in the Dominican Republic. One American policymaker said the decision to send Marines into Santo Domingo was "like arrest- ing your mother." As the CoMmunists try to make the most of the tender days ahead, this country's composure will rest upon its case that-the decision was unavoidable. BARING BILL TO REPEAL R.1:- TAILER,S AND COMMUNICATIONS EXCISE TAXES (Mr. BARING (at the request of Mr. BANDsTRA) was granted permission to e-- tend his remarks at this point in tie RECORD and to include extraneous mat- tel'.) Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, I am to- day introducing two bills for the rep( al of the Federal retailers excise taxes a: id the excise tax on amounts paid for com- munication service. The President, in his state of the Union message made reference to a cut in ex- cise taxes. In this regard I am in com- plete agreement with the President. The retailers excise taxes were adopted in 1941 as an emergency tax during World War II. To continue this tax I feel inflicts irreparable damage to many small retailers and manufacturers. Furthermore, the present retail ex- cise tax structure is incongruous with our national tax philosophy. These levies are regressive, working the great- est hardship on those least able to pay, namely, those in the low income brackets. In the Case of the excise taxes on com- munications, we levied our first national excise tax on long distance telephone calls in 1932. The tax was extended and increased during World War II when such taxation served a dual purpose of producing revenue and reducing the load on our heavily burdened communica- tions network. Thirty-five years ago the telephone was perhaps a luxury. In most areas of our Nation, those were the days of the party line. Quite obviously, this is no longer true. Consumer savings on phone bills would pour new money into our economy. No other utility service in the Ameri- can home is taxed in this manner by the Federal Government. It is time we rec- ognized a simple truth the American businessman and the consumer he serves have known for a long time, namely, that the telephone is not a luxury and should no longer be treated that way. FIESTA SAN ANTONIO, 1965 (Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of Mr. BANDSTRA) was granted permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.) Mr. GONZALEZ. Mr. Speaker, the most unique annual festival of any in America, in my opinion, is the Fiesta San Antonio, held each year in my hometown of San Antonio. The weeklong series of parades, galas, and festivities is widely celebrated as the most beautiful, joyous, and spectacular of its kind. It includes the "Battle of Flowers," a parade of floats decorated by flowers which is in- describably magnificent and which is a worthy herald of the new spring season. The Fiesta Flambeau is a spectacular night parade and is undoubtedly the greatest illuminated parade in the world. Fiesta San Antonio is a wonderful ex- ample of the blended Latin and Anglo cultures which has been accomplished in the Alamo City. The city itself is sit- uated on the ancient Camino Real, the Kings Highway, which existed before Texas was a sovereign Republic or a State. The fiesta begins each year with the traditional and historic pilgrimage to the Alamo where ceremonies are con- ducted formally opening the week of fes- tivities. This year, Lt. Gen. Robert W. Colglazier, commanding general, 4th U.S. Army, delivered the pilgrimage address. With unanimous consent I am inserting this patriotic and inspiring speech in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. May 5, 1965 PILGRIMAGE ADDRESS AT THE ALAMO, Aran, 19, 1965, LT. GEN. ROBERT W. COLGLAZIER, JR., U.S. ARMY, COMMANDING GENERAL, 4TH U.S. ARMY It has been many years since my initial participation in San Antonio's fiesta. Even before that I became imbued with the sin- cerest respect and deep reverence which all Texans have for this, their most historic shrine. The details of the great drama which un- folded at the Alamo, and the worldwide sig- nificance of absolute heroism displayed here In 1836, have remained ingrained in my mem- ory. Who, having been here once, could ever forget? Thus, it is a great personal honor to have been selected to make this traditional ad- dress, and to join with you again in paying tribute to those heroes who fell here and to the equally heroic Texans at San Jacinto Who vindicated the sacrifices made at the . Alamo. Those assembled at the Alamo on that fateful day nearly 130 years ago came from many widely scattered areas of the world. Most of them were from States of the Union, but Many came from foreign lands. They joined with the Texans in one of the world's greatest recorded efforts to win and preserve freedom. All?all of them?native and adopted Texan alike?showed the world they preferred a valiant death to the ignominy of oppression and tyranny. Col. William B. Travis addressed to the people of Texas, and to all Americans, what has been called "the most heroic document in American history." Be wrote, in part: "I have sustained a continual bombardment and cannonade for 24 hours, and have not lost a man. The enemy has demanded a surrender at discre- tion, otherwise the garrison are to be put to the sword, if the fort is taken. "I have answered the demand with a can- non shot and our flag still waves proudly from the walls. I shall never surrender or retreat. I am determined to sustain myself as long as possible, and die like a soldier, who never forgets what is due to his own hc:nor and that of his country. Victory or death." Today, this struggle against oppression and tyranny is still being waged by men who are willing to make the supreme sacrifice to insure that freedom will live and progress through future years. :Cm keeping with that gathering, over a cen- tury ago, of heroic fighting men, valiant Texans of today are joined with other guard- ians of freedom throughout the world?on the alert, with weapons at the ready. They are prepared to continue the struggle against despotism whenever and wherever called upon to do so. Indeed, these Texans are laying their lives on the line in one remote, but very impor- tant area of the world?the Republic of Viet- nam. Some have made the ultimate sacrifice in the battle against oppression there. It has been my sad but proud responsibility, in less than 1. year since assuming command of the 4th U.S. Army, to present a number of medals to families whose heroic husbands and sons have died in the steaming jungles or the marshy rice fields of that faraway Asian country. These sons of Texas echo, by deeds, Colonel Travis' determination never to surrender or retreat. This determination to resist, to die for our country, for our ideals, and for our honor is the "spirit of the Alamo." And this spirit of dedication and determination never has faltered. Your husbands, sons and brothers displayed it in the fighting of World War II at Salerno, Guadalcanal, the Rapid? River and in Normandy?and on Pork Chop Hill and the Pusan Perimeter in Korea as well as countless other battles since the siege of the Alamo. The "spirit of -the Alamo" cannot be at- tained by decree; it cannot be ordained. It Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 May 5, 1965 I. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP671300446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9121 ent. It would be a burden to the low-income recipient if other elements were included and these were not. In some hospitals the fee for specialist services (radiologist, pathologist) are in- cluded in the price of the particular pro- cedure. To separate these items in each case would be an additional bookkeeping problem. However, the problem would be the addi- tional amount of accounts written off as bad debts. It is not proper to withhold reim- bursement for services rendered, including the services of specialist if this is the exist- ing financial arrangement between the hos- pital and specialist. Otherwise it is proper that the specialist make an application for him to be reimbursed separately for his charges to the patient. Thank you again for your actions in this vital area of health care. Yours truly, SISTER FRIEDEGARD, Administrator. CHRISTIAN WELFARE HOSPITAL, East St. Louis, Ill., April 13, 1965. Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: Assuming the probability of passage of the medicare bill which you remarked upon on March 29; I feel your insight into the effect of exclusion of medical specialists from payment under the bill and your effort to amend this ex- clusion is in the interest of the Nation's hos- pitals and the public which uses them. I cannot see the logic of excluding these services from enjoying payment under the public phase of the bill providing for care of the elderly when, as you have pointed out, the payment of such costs has been accepted under preexisting programs for care to pub- lic indigents and Armed Forces dependents, as well as, Blue Cross and private insurance plans. Your action to remedy this obvious error will be appreciated. I enclose a copy of a recent communication from the American Protestant Hospital Association pertaining to the subject. Very truly yours, DANIEL A. HICKS, Administrator. MERCY HOSPITAL, Chicago, Ill., April 13, 1965. Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, Washington, D.C. Sin: After carefully reviewing the com- ments as appear in the CONGRESSIONAL REC- ORD of March 29, 1965, we are heartily in agreement with your conclusions and feel very strongly as you do that if the services are taken out of the hospital reimbursement cost contracts, this will have an inflationary effect on the total cost of medical care. It will tend to create an almost unsurmount- able technical difficulty in handling billings by the hospital to the patients. If we may be of any assistance please con- tact us. Sincerely yours, ROBERT F. SCHINDERLE, Assistant Administrator. AMERICAN PROTESTANT HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION, Chicago, Ill., March 25, 1965. EDWIN L. CROSBY, M.D., Director, American Hospital Association, Chicago, Ill. DEAR Dn. CROSBY: The board of trustees of the American Protestant.Hospital Associa- tion meeting in Chicago on March 24 re- viewed the memorandum titled "The King- Anderson Bill" released by the AHA on March 10, 1965. The board of trustees reaffirmed the posi- tion taken by the house of delegates on January 18, 1965, supporting the effort of the AHA toward adequate legislation to pro- vide adequate care for the aging. The board of trustees also lends its sup- port to the position taken by the AHA rela- tive to. (1) acceptance of AHA acting in be- half of hospitals, (2) the designation of the National Blue Cross Association as the hos- pitals' administrative intermediary, and (3) that pathology, radiology, physiatry and an- esthesiology services continue to be included in determining hospital costs. This action by the board of trustees will be transmitted to all APHA institutional member hospitals and you are herewith au- thorized to use this statement in any man- ner best suited to strengthen this important legislation. Very truly yours, LEO M. LYONS, Executive Director. THE COMMUNITY HOSPITAL OF EVANSTON, Evanston, Ill., April 12, 1965. Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. Sm: The trustees and administration of Community Hospital of Evanston endorses your position with reference to the removal of costs of radiologists, pathologists, physi- atrists, and anesthesiologists as benefits in the basic hospitalization plan of the current medicare bill. We feel that the bill in its present form would have a precedent-setting effect on hospitals and cause a drastic inflation in hospital economics as an estimated 25 per- cent of hospital billings in the State of Il- linois reflect the services of these staff spe- cialists. We urge your continued action to remove this unwarranted amendment. Sincerely yours, STEPHEN E. DORIS, Administrator. ? ST. MARY'S HOSPITAL, Kankakee, Ill., April 12, 1965. Senator PAUL H. DOUGLAS, Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: Failure to include customary billings in pathology, radiology, anesthesiology, and physiatry In the amended medicare package will have a drastic effect on hospital economics. Please push your efforts to get these serv- ices back into the bill as hospital benefits. An estimated 25 percent of hospital bill- ings in Illinois comes from staff specialist departments. Sincerely, Sister MARY ANSEL1VI, Administrator. JACKSON PARK HOSPITAL, Chicago, Ill., April 12, 1965. Senator PAUL H. DOUGLAS, Congress of the United States, Washington, D.C. DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: With regard to your letter of April 2, I wish to state that I agree wholeheartedly with the points brought out in your speech in the Senate. If the House bill is not changed, I am afraid that most patients will receive bills from the hos- pital, surgeon, referring physician, radiolo- gist, pathologist, anesthesiologist, perhaps a cardiologist, and physiatrist. There is no question but that receiving seven or eight bills instead of two or three will create chaos, and will have an inflationary effect on the cost of hospital care. Very truly yours, MOSE ELLIS, Administrator. ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF RESOLUTION Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the names of the junior Senator from Maine [Mr. Musxm] and the junior Senator from California [Mr. MURPHY] may be added as cosponsors of Senate Resolution 83, to create a select committee to study gold production in the United States, at its next Printing. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTION Under authority of the orders of the Senate, as indicated below, the following names have been added as additional cosponsors for the following bills and joint resolution: Authority of April 22, 1965: S. 1797. A bill to amend the Davis-Bacon Act to extend its application to contracts for the maintenance of Federal installations: Mr. CASE, Mr. JAVITS, Mr. PROUTY, and Mr. Scom Authority of April 29, 1965: S. 1851. A bill to provide fellowships for research leading to a doctoral degree: Mr. CANNON, and Mr. LONG Of Missouri. ? Authority of April 30, 1965: S. 1861. A bill to provide additional assist- ance for areas suffering a major disaster: Mr. CLARK, Mr. JACKSON, Mr. MITCHEL, Mr. MCGEE, Mrs. NEUBERGER, and Mr. YARBOROUGH. S. 1864. A bill to amend the Fair Labor Standards Act, 1938, as amended, to provide for minimum wages for certain persons employed in agriculture, and for other pur- poses: Mr. GRUENING, and Mrs. NEUBERGER. S. 1865. A bill to amend the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 to extend the child labor provisions thereof to certain children employed in agriculture, and for other pur- poses: Mr. GRUENING, and Mr. HART. S. 1866. A bill to amend the National Labor Relations Act, as amended, so as to make its provisions applicable to agriculture: Mr. GRUENING, and Mrs. NEUBERGER. S. 1867. A bill to amend the Act of June 6, 1933, as amended, to authorize the Secretary of Labor to develop and maintain improved, voluntary methods of recruiting, training, transporting, and distributing agricultural workers, and for other purposes: Mr. GRUEN- ING, Mr. HART, and Mrs. NEUBERGER. S. 1868. A bill to provide for the establish- ment of a Council to be known as the "Na- tional Advisory Council on Migratory Labor": Mr. GRUENING, Mr. HART, and Mrs. NEUBERGER. S. 1869. A bill to amend the Internal Reve- nue Code of 1954 to encourage the construc- tion of housing facilities for agricultural workers by permitting the amortization over a 60-month period of the cost, or a portion of the cost, of constructing such housing facil- ities: Mr. GRUENING, Mr. HART, and Mrs. NEUBERGER. S.J. Res. 75. Joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the Unit- ed States relating to residence and physical presence requirements for voting in presi- dential and vice-presidential elections and for voting in elections for U.S. Senator and Members of the House of Representatives: MX. GRUENING, and Mrs. NEUBERGER. NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON THE PLANNING FOR PEACE RESOLU- TION Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, on behalf of the Committee on Foreign Rela- tions, I wish to announce that the com- mittee will hold an open hearing on Tues- day, May 11, 1965, at 10 a.m. in Room 4221, New Senate Office Building, on Sen- ate Concurrent Resolution 32, the "Plan- ning for Peace Resolution," introduced by Senator CLARK for himself and other Senators. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 9122 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE All those wishing to present testimor y are requested to make arrangements with the chief clerk of the committee. NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON S. 181t, TO AMEND THE DISTRICT CV COLUMBIA PUBLIC ASSISTANCE LAW TO CLARIFY THE CAT1I- GORIES OF retalERALLY AIDEb ASSISTANCE RECIPIENTS , Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, BS chat:, man of the Public Health, Educatioa, Welfare, and Safety Subcommittee of tie Senate Committee on the District of Co,- lurnbia, I announce that my subcommi ;- tee will conduct public hearings on 3. 1817, Monday, May 10, 1965, at 10 an. in room 6226, New Senate Office Build- ing. The bill to which I just referred was introduced by our distinguished col- league, Senator RIBICOFF. It wod d amend the District of Columbia public assistance law to clarify the categorills of federally aided assistance recipients. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, US follows: S. 1817 A bill to amend the District of Columbla public assistance law to clarify the cato- gories of federally aided assistance r clpients Be it enacted by the Senate and HOU.I2 ,of Representatives of the United States )f America in Congress assembled, That, effe tive July 1, 1965, section 3(a) of the Distrilt of Columbia Pulic Assistance Act of 19112 (section 3-202(a), District of -Columbk3, Code) is amended by adding at the end ther of the following new sentence: "The cats- gories listed in clauses (1), (2), (3), and (1t) hereof shall include aid or assistance for .1,t least all individuals with respect to whorl Federal payments are authorized by t1t1.30 I (other than so much thereof as relates ?ac medical assistance tor the aged), IV, X, ar.d XIV of the Social Security Act." ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTli- CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE AP - PENDIX On request, and by unanimous consenii, addresses, editorials, articles, etc., weie ordered to be printed in the Appendix, es follows: By Mr. THUR,MOND: Editorial entitled "Bank Merger Conft - sion," published in the Orangeburg (S.C.) Times and Democrat of May 2, 1965. By Mr. MORTON: Editorial on the Tower substitute for tbe voting rights bill, published in the Dallas Morning News of Apr11 30, 1965. By Mr. TYDINGS: Article entitled "1,400 Seeking a Better Fu - ture for Annapolis," written by J. Milian Joynes, and published in the Baltimore News= erican of April 18, 1965. OMINICAN LANDING NECESSARY_ The PRESIDING OFFICER. Morn ing business is in order. Mr. cHuRcu. Mr. President, I as unanimous consent that I may be per. mitted to proceed for the next 7 minutelf. The PRESIDING 01 TIGER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the ac- tion which President Johnson has taken in dispatching American troops to the Dominican Republic is, in my judgment, a laudable move to safeguard the vital interests of the United States in the Caribbean. Little more than 2 years ago, the gov- ernment of Fidel Castro invited the Soviet Union to convert the island of Cuba into a Russian missile base. The crisis thus created, and the mailed-fist response of President Kennedy, brought the world to the verge of nuclear war, in a show- down no one would want to experience again. The elemental right to self-pres- ervation would, in itself, justify an Amer- ican intervention in the Dominican Re- public for the purpose of preventing the forcible establishment of another Castro- type regime. The waters of the Carib- bean wash our southern shores. We have urgent and immediate interests at stake there. I do not know whether the revolt against the junta government in Santo Domingo, which broke out a week ago, was in fact taken over by the Commu- nists. The evidence is not yet sufficiently complete for anyone to know this with certainty. But the evidence does reveal, Indisputably, that Communist elements were actively involved in the uprising, and that there was a clear and present danger of a Communist seizure of power. The swift action of the President has foreclosed such a calamity. For this, he is to be strongly commended. The intervention of American troops was made necessary, in the first instance, to proteCt the lives of American citizens, and to provide for their evacuation. A total breakdown of law and order had occurred in Santo Domingo, which made a rescue mission mandatory, for humanitarian reasons alone. Other for- eign nationals have also received the cloak of American protection. As a Senator, representing the sovereign people of Idaho, I do not con- ceive it to be my duty to "rubber stamp" every action the President may take in the field of foreign policy, even though, as a Democrat, he heads up the admin- istration to which I give my general sup- port. I have criticized certain aspects of our policy in Vietnam, and I will con- tinue to speak up whenever I think our course may be wrong. This is an obliga- tion of my office which transcends party allegiance or any consideration of politi- cal risk. By the same token, I will commend the President whenever he takes action abroad which seems to me to be well suited to advance the interests of our country. His initiative in the Dominican Republic is a venture well begun, for which he deserves the strongest praise. I say this, deeply conscious of the fact that the Dominican Republic is neither our possession nor our protectorate. The people of that unhappy island are the citizens of an independent country. As such, they have the right to form a gov- ernment of their own choice. We insist upon the right of self-determination for ourselves, so we cannot deny it to others. Having interposed our own troops, the revolution in the Dominican Republic has been quelled. We have thus assumed May 5, .1965 a responsibility toward the Dominican people which we must now faithfully dis- charge. Part of that responsibility is to see to it that a cease-fire is achieved, a provisional government agreed to, and order restored. But more than this, the essential need will be to insure the hold- ing of free elections, as quickly as pos- sible, so that the citizens of the Domini- can Republic may properly form their own government. ? Let those who raise the cry "gunboat diplomacy" remember that there is nothing yet to lament. The rights of the Dominican people have not been usurped. Our intervention found them caught between the horns of two tyran- nies. Neither their previous government, a military junta 'unposed by force, nor a Communist government, seizing power at the hands of a small band of hard- core revolutionaries, could possibly rep- resent the choice, freely given, of the ma- jority of the Dominicans. We must re- member that Castro's government has not yet permitted free elections in Cuba, and never will. So it is that Lyndon Johnson, through prompt and timely intervention, has grasped an opportunity to restore to the people of the Dominican Republic their fundamental right to self-determination. The President has said that his purpose will be the bringing about of free elec- tions. He has no intention of keeping American marines on the island for any extended length of time. If the end result of our occupation of Santo Domingo is the imposition of another military junta, then will be the time to protest the revival of gunboat diplomacy. As of now, we have every reason to applaud the President, and to hope his decisive leadership may lead to a new birth of freedom for the oppressed people of the Dominican Republic. Mr. President, on May 4, the Washing- ton Post published an excellent editorial concerning the situation in the Domini- can Republic. I ask unanimous consent that the editorial be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: ? [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, May 4, 19651 INTERVIZTTION POL/CY There is a great deal of merit in the asser- tion of Juan Bosch that the United States, by its intervention in the Dominican Repub- lic, has assumed responsibility for bringing democracy to the country. Certainly, we cannot now calmly withdraw our military forces and leave the powers of government to be picked up by arty candidate for authority who happens to be in possession of essential military force. History, as Lord Acton pointed out, does not disclose its alternatives, and no one ever can know whether the democratic forces act- ing M Bosch's name would have succeeded in controlling the -uprising against the mili- tary regime. It is this unknown and un- ascertainable fact on which the wisdom or unwlsdom of the President's determination to intervene depends. If the Dominican in- tervention is to be a precedent for further intervention of the kind, we are embarked upon a policy that will involve us in repeated operations of this sort. If the suspicion of Communist participation in a popular up- rising. against a military dictatorship is sum- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP671300446R000500120033-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9123 rmed The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BAss interest in, sufficient properties or deter- May 5, 1965 cient to trigger the use of American A, Forces we are going to be busy in L America. Every country in which there exists a ernment that did not arrive at powe democratic means is a logical target for o throw by popular forces. And every pop force is the logical object for an effor Communists to dominate its leadership does not take much prescience to fore sooner or later, an effort to overthrow arbitrary government in Haiti. And it not take a gift of prophecy to foresee that the Communists will be in the thick of that revolutionary effort. And if the new Johnson doctrine persists, the U.S. Armed Forces will be on hand within hours after the initial uprising. It is an ominous outlook. This may bear little resemblance in purpose to the interventionist policies of the twenties, but the methods of carrying out the policy are too much alike totally to escape the same sort of criticism and reproach. It is perfectly evident, at the same time, that the traditional devices for collective ac- tion are totally inadequate to protect the hemisphere against the new sort of Commu- nist conquest. The OAS Charter sets up a solid wall against the use of military force of a conventional kind across national boundaries. Respect for this barrier only guarantees the unconventional Communist invaders, who penetrate clandestinely and covertly, immunity against any outside check on their subversion. The old-fash- ioned effort to guarantee national territorial inegrity- is thus transformed into a device to allow the Communist overthrow of South American governments. As long as the rest of the region is committed to stand aside, the presence of Communist aggression, t hemisphere faces the melancholy prospect successful Communist operations of thr sorts: Communist aggression by acti against or infiltration of a popularly elect constitutional regime, by revolt against military dictatorship, or by penetration of popular revolutionary movement. The President has stated flatly that "th American nations cannot, must not, and wi not permit the establishment of anoth Communist government in the Wester Hemisphere." If this is indeed the colle tive purpose of "the American nations" the have not perfected the political or milita means of achieving that purpose. Unt deter- atm in the chair) laid before the'Senate the mines that he has entered into appropriate go amendment of the House of Representa- cooperative agreements with owners of non- Federal by tives to the bill (p. 60) to authorize the properties, or any combination ver- Secretary of the Interior to designate thereof including the designation of sites al- ver- ready in Federal ownership, he shall by pub- the Nez Perce National Historical Park lication in the Federal Register establish the t by in the State of Idaho, and for other pur- Nez Perce National Historical Park and there- it poses, which Was, to strike out all after after administer the Federal property under cast, the enacting clause and insert: the his administrative jurisdiction in accordance does That it is the purpose of this Act to radii- with the Act of August 25, 1916 (39 Stat 535* pro ection and provide interpretation 16 U.S.C. 1 et seq.), as amended and supple- of sites in the Nez Perce country of Idaho mented. that have exceptional value in commemorat- SEC. 6. (a) In order to carry out the pur- ing the history of the Nation. pose of this Act the Secretary of the Interior SEC. 2. To implement this purpose the may contract and make cooperative agree- Secretary of the Interior may designate as ments with the State of Idaho, its political the Nez Perce National Historical P a-a van- subdivisions or agencies, corporations, asso- ous component sites in Federal and non-Fed- ciations, the Nez Perce Tribe, or individuals, eral ownership relating to the early Nez Perce to protect, preserve, maintain, or operate any culture, the Lewis and Clark Expedition site, object, or property included within the through the area, the fur trade, missionaries, Nez Perce National Historical Park, regard- gold mining and logging, the Nez Perce war less of whether title thereto is in the United of 1877, and such other sites as he finds will States: Provided, That no contract or coop- depict the role of the Nez Perce country in erative agreement shall be made or entered the westward expansion a the Nation. theint? whichTreasury will llul unless sgaol tuhnetir ze0/41 rfund h has SEC. 3. The Secretary of the Interior may acquire by donation or with donated funds appropriated money for such purpose. such lands, or interests therein, and other (b) To facilitate the interpretation of the property which in his judgment will further Nez Perce country the Secretary is authorized the purpose of this Act and he may purchase to erect and maintain tablets or markers in with appropriated funds land, or interests accordance with the provisions contained in therein, required for the administration of . the Act approved August 21, 1935, entitled the Nez Perce National Historical Park: Pro- An Act to provide for the preservation of Sided, That he may purchase no more than historic American sites, buildings, objects, one thousand five hundred acres in fee, and and antiquities of national significance, and no more than one thousand five hundred for other purposes" (49 Stat. 666). acres in scenic easements. The Nez Perce SEC. 7. There are hereby authorized to be Tribe'sg body, if it so desires, with appropriated the sums of not more than in the approval of the Secretary of the Inte- $630,000 for the acquisition of lands and in- he nor, is authorized to sell, donate, or ex- terests in land and not more than $1,337,000 of change tribal-owned lands held in trust or construction, restoration work, and other on ee needed to further the purpose of this Act. improvements at the Nez Perce National His- SEC. 4. (a) Indian trust land may be des- torical Park under this Act. ed ignated by the Secretary of the Interior for Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I move a inclusion in the Nez Perce National Histor- that the Senate concur in the amend- a ical Park with the concurrence of the bene- ficial owner. Sites In Federal ownership un- ment of the House. 11 e der the administrative jurisdiction of other The motion was agreed to. Government agencies may likewise be desig- Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I suggest er nated by the Secretary of the Interior for the absence of a quorum. n inclusion in the Nez Perce National Histor- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The c- ical Park with the concurrence of the agency clerk will call the roll. Y having administrative responsibility there- The legislative clerk proceeded to call 17 for, but such designation shall effect no the roll. 11 transfer of administrative control unless the administering agency consents thereto. Not Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask more than one thousand and five hundred unanimous consent that the order for acres overall shall be designated pursuant to the quorum call be rescinded. the foregoing provisions of this subsection. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without The Secretary of the Interior may cooperate ObeetiOn, it is so ordered. with the Nez Perce Tribe or the administer- ing agency, as the case may be, in research Into and interpretation of the significance of any site so designated and in providing desir- able interpretive services and facilities and other facilities required for public access to and use and enjoyment of the site and in conservation of the scenic and other re- sources thereof. (b) The Secretary of the Interior may en- ter into cooperative agreements with the owners of property which, under the provi- sions of this Act, may be designated for in- clusion in Nez Perce National Historical Park as sites in non-Federal ownership, and he may assist in the preservation, renewal, and interpretation of the properties, provided the cooperative agreements shall' ont they do so, the United States stands com- mitted to more extensive national obliga- tions than It has hitherto assumed in this hemisphere. The emergency in the Domini- can Republic has led us to improvise to fit our practice a policy that has not had the benefit of psychological, legal, political, or military preparation. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there further morning business? Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, -I sug- gest the absence of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. DESIGNATION OF NEZ PERCE NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK, IDAHO Mr CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask that the Chair lay before the Senate a message from the House of Representa- tives on S. 60. No. 80-2 a n, but not be limited to, provisions that: (1) the Secretary has right of access at all reasonable times to all public portions of the property for the purpose of conducting visitors through the property and interpreting it to the public, and (2) no changes or altera- tions shall be made in the properties, includ- ing buildings and grounds, without the writ- ten consent of the Secretary. SEC. 5. When the Secretary of the Interior determines that he has acquired title to, or BANKRUPTCIES INVOLVED IN FED- ERAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATION INSURED MORTGAGES Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware.: Mr. President, on previous occasions I have urged the Senate to give attention to the manner in which the Federal Housing Administration is insuring mortgages on what should have been recognized as unsound multifamily housing projects. The wholesale manner in which these multimillion-dollar projects have been approved in the past few years and the wholesale manner in which they are going broke, of times before they are completed, represents an enormous and unnecessary cost to the taxpayers. Today I list seven more multifamily projects in the Florida area upon which the Federal Housing Administration has guaranteed mortgages aggregating $21,- 742,700. Total payments of only $125,- 664.35 were ever made on these seven Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP671300446R000500120033-8 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP671300446R000500120033-8 9124 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 5, 1965 mortgages, Then with over $211/2 mi C- 828,500 on this project. With no pay- 1. Feasibility date: June 23, 1959; commit- lion still due the projects went into cli;- ments having been made toward a re- mi3nt date: July 1, 1060: cost certification: February 23,1962, $1,596,698. fault, and the Government is now being duction in the principal, this mortgage forced to take them over under fon- on November 22, 1963, was assigned to the a (a) . See covering letter. 2(b) . Sponsor: 0. W. Foster, 4251 Bender- closure proceedings. Federal Housing Administration, 8011 Boulevard, Tampa, Fla. As this program is presently being ail- Indian Pass Apartments, Inc., Indian Mortgagor: Coral Crest Apartments, Inc., ministered the sponsors are allowed to Rocks, Fla.: On April 11, 1960, the Fed- 214 West Gaston Street, Greensboro, N.C. Incorporate each of these projects as a eral Housing Administration insured a Officers: W. H. Weaver, president, 602 Healey separate corporate entity, and when one mortgage of $1,806,700 on this project. Building, Atlanta, Ga.; Abe M. Nail, Jr., vice projects fails the sponsors individually After payments of only $5,593 had been president, Post Office Box 3054, Greensboro, are not held responsible for the payme at made toward a reduction in the principal, eaiN.ow.; nLee P. Fore, vice president (no address); H. M. Weaver, treasurer (no address of the mortgage nor does the Govera- this mortgage on December 2, 1962, was shown); Irene Karns, secretary (no address ment have any claim on any other prcj- in default, and the Federal Housing Ad- shown). Stockholders: W. H. Weaver (see act which the same sponsor may be ope r- ministration foreclosed on November 4, above), Sonja R. Weaver (no address shown), sting successfully either with or without 1964. Edith H. Weaver (no address shown), Lee P. a Government loan. Paradise Island Towers, St. Petersburg, Fore (no address shown). This means that the Government Fla.: On November 15, 1961, the Federal s. Final endorsement: February 23, 1962; takes 100 percent of all the risk and the Housing Administration insured a mort- Mortgage amount: $1,382,000; payments in r5EA:dorgutctioen assigned peiriinctiopal: FHA January 2, 1964. sponsors can sit back with 100 percent gage of $3,090,700 on this project. After of all the profits, resulting in everyone payments of only $24,144 had been made Foreclosed March 2, 1965. y having a field day at the taxpayers' toward a reduction in the principal, on 4. Project has not been resold. expense. March 11, 1965, the Federal Housing Ad- xn One major weakness in this program ministration accepted a deed in lieu of Pasadena Apartments, Inc.; project No. Is the failure of the Federal Housing Ad- foreclosure. 067-30071 (cooperative housing); South Pasa- ministration to check the actual cost of Southgate Towers, Inc., St. Petersburg, dens, Fla.: the land and construction before insur- Fla.; On September 29, 1960, the Fed- ' 1. Feasibility date: July 8, 1960; commit- Ing the mortgage. Likewise, the manner eral Housing Administration agreed to merit date: December 30, 1960; cost certifi- in which the sponsors contract with insure a mortgage of $2,086,200 on this cation: February 27, 1963, $3,913,765.89. their own construction firms opens 'the project. After payments of $73,800 had 2(a). See covering letter. passibility of abuse unless careftlly been made toward a reduction in the 2(b). Sponsor: R. E. Clarson, 1930 13th checked. - principal, this mortgage on December 19, Avenue North, St. Petersburg, Fla.; R. E. Clarson, Jr., 1930 13th Avenue North, St. The Federal Housing Administrat .on 1962, was in default, and the Federal Petersburg, Fla.; W. B. Wood, 1930 13th Ave- heretofore has not been making any s2e- Housing Administration on December 2, nue North, St. Petersburg, Fla.; Robert C. cial effort to determine the actual cost 1964, foreclosed. Pelham, 3409 Wilder Lane, Orlando, Fla.; of the land upon which these projects I ask unanimous consent that the more Hugo R. Broleman, 1212 East Colonian Drive, were being built but rather has been detailed reports on each of these proj- Orlando. Fla. using an appraised valuation as a for- ects, including names and addresses of OfficersMort gagori: diPreascatodena Airrtments, Inc. mula upon which to base the mortgege, the sponsors, and so forth, as furnished presidentan? R. E. Clarrsso:n,RvoiceertpresC.idPenelth,. ern,. with the result that, as I pointed out in by the Federal Housing Administration, is. Wood, treasurer; J. C. Dew, secretary, my remarks of April 22, in many in- be printed at this point in the RECORD. Florida Bank Building, St. Fetereburg, Fla.; stances the sponsors started out wit a a There being no objection, the reports Lawrence R. Warrick, assistant secretary, 670 substantial cash profit. were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Fairbanks Avenue, Winter Park, Fla.; Hugo Recently the Commissioner has advlsed as follows: R. Broleman. that this procedure is 3. Final endorsement: February 27, 1963; being changed Ind / mortgage amount: $3,377,700; payments in that consideration will be given to the Mandalay Shores, Inc., project No. 067- reduction to principal: $4,513; status: mort- actual cost factor, but this procet ure 00016 (rental housing) , Clearwater, Fla.: gage assigned to MIA November 22, 1963. 1. Feasibility date: September 4, 1959; :Foreclosed December 22, 1964. should be an ironclad rule. The seven projects to which I refer to- commitment date: November 23, 1960; cost 4. Project has not been resold. , certification: April 3, 1963, $8,037,222. day are as follows: 2(a). See covering letter. IV 2(b) . Sponsor: Dworman Associates, 65 Horizon Hou CLearwater. Fla. project No. 067-30078-INV; Mandalay Shores, Inc., Clearweter, Fla.: On November 23, 1960, the Fednal West 55th Street, New York, N.Y. 1. Feasibility date: July 29, 1960; commit- Housing Administration made a commit- Mortgagor: Dworman Associates. Officers: mtioen. nt. jdniate:23Ma, 1988,$ 16, 1981; oertifica- ment to insure a mortgage of $7,170,900 Alvin, Dworman, president, 155 East 76th on this project. After payments of 1),..-TIly Street, New York, N.Y.; Lester D. Dworman, 2 ( a ) . See covering letter $8,964 had been made toward the rettuc- vice president, 11 East 81st Street, New York, 2(b). Sponsor: Robert ChuckrOw, 80 East tion in the principal, this mortgage in N.Y.; Darryl Dworman, secretary-treasurer, 42d Street, New York, N.Y.; Murray Smith, April 1964 was in default and assigned to 170 East 83d Street, New York, N.Y. Stock- 150 Draper Lane, Dobbs Frry, N.Y.; Milton the Federal Housing Administration holders: Alvin Dworman, Lester D. Dworman, for Darryl Dwn ormtaonc,iAatbersram A. Rosen (care of Hecht, 87 Lefferts Road, Yonkers, N.Y.; Henry foreclosure. Foreclosure sale is sched- , Abraham Kamber N.J.; Alvin Parker, 2 Cooper Road, New York, Schneider, 235 75th Street, North Bergen, uled for May 12, 1965. (care of Dworman Associates). N.Y. Coral Crest Apartments, Inc., Tampa, . 3. Final endorsement: April 3, 1963; mort- Mortgagor: Horizon House, Inc. Officers: Fla.: On July 1, 1960, the Federal Haus- gage amount: $7,170,900; payments in reduc- Robert Chuckrow, president; Murray Smith, big Administration insured a mortgage tion to principal: $8,964; status: Mortgage vice president; Louis S. Weiner, secretary; of $1,382,000 on this project. After 'my- assigned to FHA April 1964. Referred to Milton Hecht, treasurer. Department of Justice for foreclosure May 3. Finally endorsed: July 30, 1963; snort- ments of only $8,650.35 on the princtpal, 11996645. Foreclosure sale scheduled for May 12, gage amount: $2,828,500; payments in reduc- this mortgage on January 2, '1964, 'vent . into default, and the Federal Housing Ad- tion to principal: None. Status: Mortgage . n assigned to FHA November 22, 1963. One ministration foreclosed on March 2,1.965. Coral Crest Apartments, Inc.; project No. hundred of the one hundred and twenty-five Pasadena Apartments, Inc., Stith 067-30073 1; Tampa, Fla.: units are occupied by cooperative subscribers Pasadena, Fla.: On December 30, 1960, and the sponsors are attempting to arrange the Federal Housing Administration in- i The application for this project was orig- sale of the project to the cooperative. sured a mortgage of $3,377,700 on this inally filed under section 207 rental housing. v project. After payments of only $1,513 The sponsor then applied for and received a Indian Pass Apartments, Inc., project No on the principal, this mortgage on No- superseding commitment to insure under sec- 067-30070 (cooperative housing) , Indian vember 22, 1963, defaulted, and the Fed- tion 213 cooperative housing, the mortgage Rocks, Fla.: eral -Housing Administration foreclosed to be insured upon completion of the proj- 1 Feasibility date: February 12, 1960; corn- ea. Following completion and insurance of mitment date: April 11, 1960; cost certifies- = December 22, 1964. the mortgage the sponsors were unsuccess- tion: August 14, 1961, 62,137,677.21. - Horizon House, Clearwater, Fla.: On ful in the formation of the cooperative and 2(a). See covering letter. March 16, 1961, the Federal Housinc Ad- were given permission to convert the project 2(b). Sponsor: J. Hilbert Sapp, 801 Seville ministration insured a mortgage oi $2,- to a rental status. Place. Orlando, Fla.; Robert C. Pelham, 34011 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67600446R000500120033-8