SITUATION IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
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Document Creation Date:
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Publication Date:
May 5, 1965
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Body:
;.?
May 5, 1965
I do not believe we should face that
decision until the Organization of Amer-
lean States has first had the opportunity
to declare that it will step into the situa-
tion and, second, had the opportunity to
take juridical authority over the troops,
just as the United Nations did in the Ko-
rean conflict, notwithstanding the fact
that the preponderance of the troops
there were those of the United States.
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kJ
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9127
Some columnists assert that the Pres- the Army and Marine Corps to restore
ident should support the restoration of order in that troubled country, and to
President Juan Bosch to power. This make sure that there is no danger of a
has no warrant so far as I can ascertain. Communist takeover.
It is true that Juan Bosch was legally However, I must express grave reser-
elected in 1962. It is true that he is in vations as to the wisdom of our present
exile. But it is not true that this is his posture. In view of the comments
revolution, which have been made by my two col-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The leagues on the other side of the aisle, I
time of the Senator from Pennsylvania ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the RECORD a column written by Wal-
has expired.
Mr. scorr. Mr. President, I ask ter Lippmann which was published in
TRIBUTE TO DR. JAMES E. KIRK- unanimous consent that I may proceed the Washington Post within the last few
LAND, MINISTER, UNION BAPTIST for 3 additional minutes. days on this subject.
CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA, PA. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- There being no objection, the article
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, first of out objection, it is so ordered.
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
all, I wish to express my pride in the Mr. SCOTT. If the Dominican rebels as follows:
fact that the Acting Chaplain who de- were really working to restore Juan OITR DOMINICAN INTERVENTION
livered the prayer in the Senate today Bosch to power, why are we now in- (By Walter Lippmann)
was Rev. James E. Kirkland, from the formed that Juan Bosch is resigning and The crucial point in the Dominican affair
a new man, Francisco Common?, is act- is that the decision to rescue Americans and
other foreigners became almost immediately
a decision also to stop the rebellion. The
disorders began, said the President on
Sunday evening "as a popular democratic
revolution committed to democracy and
social justice." The purpose of the revolu-
tion was to restore the duly elected Presi-
dent, Juan Bosch, who had been deposed
in 1963 by reactionary military forces 7
months after taking office. "But, the revo-
lutionary movement took a tragic turn."
A number of Communists trained in Cuba
"took increasing control * * * many of the
original leaders of the rebellion, the fol-
lowers of President Bosch, took refuge in
foreign embassies because they had been su-
perseded by other evil forces, and the secre-
tary general of the rebel government, Mar-
tinez Francisco, appealed for a cease-fire.
But he was ignored. The revolution was
now in other and dangerous hands."
In the state of the emergency, there was
no time for a thorough investigation of all
the facts. President Johnson took his deci-
S1071 to halt the rebellion on what, it seems
to me, was the right ground.
Union Baptist Church of Philadelphia,
Pa. Dr. Kirkland is a prominent min-
ister in Pennsylvania. His presence here
and the moving and beautiful prayer
which he offered are to my mind an
event worthy of remembrance for a long
time to come.
I am proud of the fact that Dr. Kirk-
land was here pd offered his prayer.
SITUATI THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC
Mr. scow. Mr. President, on the
subject which has been discussed earlier,
I rise to express my view concerning
Santo Domingo: First and parentheti-
cally, however, I want to say that I am
glad the President has asked Congress
to authorize $700 million in appropria-
tions to meet our mounting military re-
quirements in Vietnam. I am glad to
have an opportunity to reaffirm my con-
ing as alleged President of the Republic
or is the actual leader of the rebel forces?
My conclusion is that we moved into
the Dominican Republic just in time to
prevent a Communist takeover. The
rebels are predominantly Communist
and Castroite, and their purpose was to
create another Cuba. Had we moved as
rapidly and effectively in Cuba as we
have done in Santo Domingo, Cuba today
would not be a Communist country.
However, that goes a long way back.
We have served notice on the Western
Hemisphere countries that we will co-
operate with them, that we prefer to
work with them through the common
agency of the OAS, but that where there
is not enough time for the OAS to act in
a rapidly deteriorating situation such as
that found in Santo Domingo last week,
the United States will move in on behalf
of all the free peoples of the Western
Hemisphere, and will gladly turn over the
fidence in the policies which the Presi-
dent is pursuing in Vietnam and to ex-
peacekeeping responsibility to the OAS
press my support of his requests. as soon as its members are willing to
As regards Santo Domingo, I agree assume that responsibility.
that it would be fine if the members of Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the
the OAS could have acted in concert last Senator from Pennsylvania yield?
week, but they did not so act immediate- Mr. SCOTT. I am glad to yield.
ly and could not have acted in time to Mr. JAVITS. I believe that our views
are not at all dissimilar, and I wish to
prevent a disaster. The House of Santo
Domingo caught fire. The United States be sure that the Senator from Pennsyl-
unilaterally went in as a fireman to put vania understands me. I supported the
President in going into the Dominican
out the blaze. Had we waited a matter
of hours, in my judgment, the house Republic.
would have burned down. Mr. scarr. I am sure that the Sen-
In my opinion, we acted as we did, ator did.
first, to evacuate American persormel Mr. JAVITS. I back the President popular democratic revolution, c,ommitted
and personnel from 30 countries alto- now in seeking to have the OAS take to "democracy and social justice" which
gether and, second, to prevent a Com- over. The only slight area of difference President Bosch represents.
munist takeover. There is nothing to be which I should like to submit to the It is a question whether a country like
ashamed of, or to apologize for, in my Senator from Pennsylvania is that in the Dominican Republic can find stability
opinion, in the fact that we have en- view of the situation, we do not have to somewhere in the center between the ex-
treme left and the extreme right. Cuba did
larged the Monroe Doctrine by the addi- be committed absolutely, now, to saying not find this stability. There was nothing,
tion of a new phase or extension of that what we will do if the OAS does not act. it turned out, between Batista and Castro.
policy. That could well be another stage of Is there in the Dominican Republic some-
I do not know of any more worthwhile decision on our part, thing between the corrupt and cruel dicta-
step which the United States can take in Mr. SCOTT. I understand the views torshiP of Trujillo and a Communist dic-
the present world situation than to say of the Senator from New York. tatorship, like Castro's, which would be far
to the left of President Bosch?
that we will not permit the establishment Mr. CLARK addressed the Chair. If President Johnson working with the
of another Communist dictatorship in The PRESIDING OFFICER. The OAS, can help the Dominicans find that
the Western Hemisphere. Senator from Pennsylvania is recognized. something in between, can restore President
I would be glad to see the OAS take Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the situ- Bosch and shore him up while he carries
over the responsibility for restoring peace ation in the Dominican Republic as of through the drastic reforms which are neces-
sary in order to extirpate the evils of Tru-
and order to the Dominican Republic but now is certainly confused. I, for one, jinoa, bright
that breed communism, it will
Tru-
the important thing last week was to am not prepared?at least at this mo- the American republics.
move when we did move, with force, with ment?to dispute any action of the We must not think it is impossible to do
strength, and with determination. President in sending massive forces of this. Mexico has found the middle way.
It was that, if the Communists in the
revolutionary forces took over the govern-
ment, the result would be for all practical
purposes irreversible. There would never be
another election while they were in power
in Santo Domingo. On the other hand,
while the Bosch restoration has been halted,
the way is still open to the return of the
party which won -the 1966 elections. By
acting promptly and decisively the Presi-
dent has kept the way open as otherwise it
might well have been closed forever.
It is quite plain from the President's
speech that the United States does not want
to see a restoration of the old reactionary
regime and that it does want the kind of
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9128
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE May 5, 1965
ha state or group of states has the right to inter- whatever, in the internal or external affairs
There are new currents flowing in t
hemisphere, most notably in Chile a
Brazil. They flow toward the center, fro
the left in Chile and from the right
Brazil.
Our intervention in the Caribbean Isla
will, of course, be looked upon all over t
world in the context of our intervention
seutheast Asia. We, need to consider it our
selves in this context.
We Must start frpm the basic fact th
What we have done Is literally forbidden
article 15 of the Charter of the OAS?"
--- State or group of States has the right
intervene, directly or indirectly, for any re
son whatever, in the internal or extern
affairs of any other State."
How then can we defend and justify our
selves? Shall we do it on the ground ? th
the United States is the global policema
or the global fire department, appointed
stop communism everywhere? After such
plea the best we could hope for even fro
our best friends is that they will smile in
dulgently at our innocent self-righteousnes
The addicts of the global and crusadin
theory should ask themselves how many mor
Is the old-fashioned and classical diplomat'
preparedV1 oe ground
The other ground, which is the one take
Insthallanatdd
ablet Bhenttor
pmcoaiinni ca.Republics R e pu Republic
ntheyc lie
squarely within the sphere of influence o
the United States, and that it is normal, no
abnormal, for a great power to insist the
Within its sphere of influence, no other grea
power shall exercise hostile military and po
litical force.
, Since we emerged from isolation in the be-
ginning of this century, American foreign
policy has been bedeviled by the utopian
fallacy that because this is one world, special
spheres of influence are an inherent evil and
obsolete. Wilson proclaimed this globalism.
Franklin Roosevelt, under the Prodding of
Cordell Hull, adhered to It against Churchill's
better judgment. And Johnson continues to
invoke it without, I think, a sufficient study
nf 15
nd vene, directly or indirectly, for any reason of any other state. * * *"
After a year of disappointing efforts to get
effee tiye cooperation from the allies, how-
ever, the President acted first on reports that
he faced another Communist conquest in the
Caribbean and consulted later.
Moreover, Mr. Johnson's long comrnents on
the Vietnamese crisis today indicates that
the Johnson doctrine is to apply the Monroe
Doctrine not only in this hemisphere but
in Other parts of the world threatened by
Communist power.
The Communist aim in Vietnam, he said,
is to show that the "American commitment
is worthless. Once that is done, the gates are
down and the road Is open to expansion and
endless conquest. a * * There are those who
ask why this responsibility should be ours.
The answer is simple. There is no one else
who can do the job * * a"
This goes a step or two beyond the Tru-
man Doctrine. Mr. Truman agreed that the
United States could not allow changes in
the status quo by coercion or subterfuge, but
emphasized that the aid should be in con-
cert with others and should be primarily
financial and economic. Mr. Johnson seems
to be saying that .the United States must
take on the burden alone if necessary.
THE DEEPENING COMMITMENT
This is a hold and may be a realistic ap-
praisal of the problem, but it Is a somber
Prospect and the Nation should be clear '
about what it implies. The administration's
emphasis has now shifted from a revolution-
ary situation to a militar3r sit ti
II whatever, in the internal or external affairs
III of any other state."
ng Mr. President, as one who believes
be deeply in the rule of law, I should like
La to listen to some of the fine constitu-
tional lawyers in the Senate give some
- justification for our taking unilateral ac-
tion in moving into the Dominican Re-
public without prior consultation with
t) our partners in the OAS.
a? Perhaps the protection of American
si lives justified our action, but I wonder
how "hard" is the intelligence on which
we are relying in our basic assumption
a ; that a Communist takeoff in the Domin-
n' ican Republic was imminent and could
tct
E. not have been prevented had we waited
n. as long as 48 or 72 hours to comply with
--, the procedures which we were honor-
bound under the treaty to follow.
g Mr. President, I also ask unanimous
e consent to have printed in the RECORD
e two extremely closely reasoned, calm,
and intelligent columns which were pub-
lished in the New York Times this morn-
ing,one entitled "Washington: The
Johnson Doctrine," written by James
t Reston, and the other "Foreign Affairs:
t Back to Broad Principles," written by
t C. L. Sulzberger.
- There being no objection, the articles
As a matter of fact, experience must soon
verify the truth that spheres of influence are
fundamental in the very nature of interna-
tional society. They are as much a fact of
life as are birth and death. Great powers will
resist the invasion of their spheres of in-
fluence. The Soviet Union did that in Hun-
gary, Prance did it recently in Gabon, the
British have always done it when the Low
Countries were attacked, the United States
has done it in the Dominican Republic. And,
it and when we want to know and face the
truth, how much et what China is doing is
sornething very similar?
Recognition of spheebs of influence is a
true alternative to globalism. It is the al-
ternative to Communist globalism which pro-
claims a universal revolution. It is the
alternative to anti-Communist globalism
Which promises to fight anti-Communist wars
everywhere. The acceptance of spheres of
influence has been the diplomatic foundation
of the detente in Europe between the Soviet
;Union and the West. Eventually, it will pro-
vide the formula of coexistence between Red
China and the United States.
Mr. CLARK. I should like to ask my
friends on the other side of the aisle?
and seine on this side of the aisle?
whether we have abandoned perma-
nently or only temporarily our support
for the rule of law and our determina-
tion to respect, solemn treaty commit-
ments entered into with the advice and
consent of the Senate.
Let me quote from Mr. Lippmann's
article:
We must start from the basic fact that
what we have done is literally forbidden by
article 15 of the charter of the OAS: "No
ere ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, May 5, 19651
WASHINGTON: THE JOHNSON DOCTRINE
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, May 4.?The change in the
? fortunes of the Johnson administration is
startling. At the beginning of the new term,
less than 4 months ago, it was concentrating
on the home front, anti now it Is back in the
ruck of the cold war.
From the war on poverty to the war in
Vietnam, from the Alliance for Progress to
the Marines in the Dominican Republic, from
common action and collective security to uni-
lateral military force?this has been the
melancholy direction of events in the last
120 days.
So swift has been this transformation that
it is necessary to pause and review the scene.
At the beginning of the year, the President
was determined not to go north in Vietnam
but went. His principal hope was to con-
centrate on the development of the Great
Society, but he was diverted. His formula
for unifying the alliance was common con-
sultation and, if possible, common action on
from collective action by the allies to unilat-
eral military action, if necessary, by the
United States.
The trend in Vietnam, moreover, is shift-
ing toward larger commitments of American
ground troops, and while the offer of a
negotiated settlement remains, the political
commitment to fight the 'battle out to an
honorable settlement, if necessary, is strong-
er than ever.
This Impression may be misleading, be-
cause the President is now talking out off
the buff on these delicate matters, but the
more he talks the more he is obliged to make
his actions at his words, and to respond even
more to whatever tactics and strategy the
Communists use against him.
STEPPED-up ACTIVITY
As he says, the pace of Conununist activity
is increasing. They have the power to create
disorder, not only in Vietnam and in Santo
Domingo, but in many other places. In fact,
Mr. Johnson told the congressional leaders
that his intelligence reports indicated the
likelihood of another uprising in another
place this week but he didn't say where.
If this is what we are facing the need is
ot going to be for less emphasis on common
atlon by the allies to meet the common dan-
er but for more, for the Johnson doctrine,
f earried out, could require more marines
han. the President has under his command.
-- ?
oicsisic AFFAIRS : BACK TO BROAD PRINCIPLES
(Ey C. L. Sulzberger)
WASHINGTON.?During the 20 years Since
orld War II the United States has elab-
rated several foreign policy doctrines and
he nub of his latest speech may yet be
own_ as the Johnson doctrine. The John-
n doctrine is simply that any country can
ave any kind of revolution it wants, but if
ch oecurs in the Americas and has com-
unistic dictatorship as its aim, hemispheric
tion is called for. For "hemispheric"- read
lilted. States."
PHILOSOPHICALLY LINKED
Such a flat commitment resembles other
gional commitments made under the highly
ccessful Truman doctrine, which protected
eece and Turkey, and the highly unsuc-
ssful :Eisenhower doctrine, which failed to
na up the Arabs with us against the Soviet
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problems, but now he is carrying
greater burdens with less help from the allies g
than ever before.
GO IT ALONE
The Johnson way Is changing the use of -0
American power to a significant degree. He
Is using military power faster now. He Is
still limiting his retaliatory military moves,
but he now seems more ready to go it alone W
than in the firat year of his Presidency.
Last year, he talked a lot about being t
iietnarn to help the Vietnamese help them- Im
nelves; now he is treating Vietnam as a vital so
national interest to be defended at any cost. h?
It is not clear whether this represents a su
carefully calculated change of emphasis, or
merely a series of personal Johnsonlan re- as,
Eponses to increased Communist pressures, ?`)
/Ft there is at least a change of emphasis.
He has gone back to the Monroe Doctrine
I i dealing with the uprising in the Domini- re
ciin Republic. The basic principle of the su
Organization of American States is that "no Or
s Sate or group of states has the right to inter- ce
von% directly or indirectly, for any reason 11
May 5, 1965
Union. There is no fundamental difference commitments registered in the U.N., and
between the policies regionally expressed in under widely understood principles of our
the Truman, Eisenhower, and Johnson doc- global policy, this is enough. No limiting
trines. All relate to a philosophical pledge precisions are required.
made by President Truman on March 12,
1949, when he told Congress: Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, let me
"It must be the policy of the United States say again, as I began, that I am not pre-
to support free peoples who are resisting at- pared certainly at this time either to
tempted subjugation by armed minorities or desert the President or to fail to support
by ontside pressures." him.
The trouble comes when broad concepts The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
are abandoned. Mr. Truman didn't endorse time of the Senator from Pennsylvania
ideological holy wars. His promise, indeed, has expired.
would be equally valid against aggressive
fascismas against aggressive communism. Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
Today it would apply as well to threatened unanimous consent that I may proceed
Malaysia as to threatened South Vietnam. for not in excess of 3 additional minutes.
The Johnson doctrine rephrases with un- The PRESIDING OtoviCER. Without
necessary ideological exactitude previous U.S. objection, it is so ordered.
policy for Latin America. It errs by limiting Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I hope
its application to communistie dictatorship very much that we can get the OAS in on
and by specifying hemispheric action. Cur- a multilateral basis, just as we went into
rent events in the Dominican Republic in-
dicate how hard it is to ascertain that a revo- Korea, and that that organization, with
lution is indeed Communist led, and also our help, will be able to reestablish law
how hard it is to muster swift hemispheric and order; and that there may be, in due
action, course, a government installed in the
Presidential doctrines beg trouble if they Dominican Republic which represents
are too narrowly precise. The United States the desires of the people of that country
essentially wants to protect its own vital in- and not another military junta which
terests and to safeguard global peace, when would merely restore a dictatorship
possible, by limiting or preventing any kind
of aggression. The U.N. Charter gives suffi- which, in due course, might not be so
cleat justification for such an approach; very much different from that of Dictator
there is no reason to embarrass our future Trujillo.
actions by being needlessly specific. Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
When General Eisenhower composed his Senator from Pennsylvania yield?
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9129
On One side, there are those who may feel
that the problems of international organiza-
tions are not sufficiently legal to sustain the
interest of practicing lawyers and lam
teachers.
On the other side, there are those who may
feel that law and lawyers already have too
much to do with foreign policy, in the field
of international organizations and elsewhere,
and that this program of yours is hardly
designed to keep them in their place.
Those who hold this latter view would
probably agree with the judgment of Sir
Harold Nicholson, the famous British writer
on diplomacy, that "the worst kind of diplo-
matists are missionaries, fanatics, and law-
yers."
Fortunately, Sir Harold Nicolson's view on
this subject has not prevailed in the United
States. Since 1789, 45 out of 52 of our Secre-
taries of State have been members of the bar.
One member of that small band of seven
who have not been lawyers?the Secretary of
State we honor here tonight?does not con-
ceal the fact that he was studying law when
the war intervened. It cut off what undoubt-
edly would have been a brilliant career at the
bar?and it no doubt made him Secretary of
State several years sooner.
My views on this subject are undoubtedly
self-serving. I am a great believer in the
deep involvement of lawyers in foreign policy,
particularly in the field of international or-
ganization. Those laymen who complain
about the lawyer's role in this area tend to
think of law as the mechanical application of
principles found in cases and textbooks. Few
lawyers today would accept so restrictive a
me to read it and suggest changes. I pro- definition of their function. Most of us like
final report as NATO commander he asked Mr. CLARK. I wish to move to an
subject at this time, if my friend
? to think of ourselves as practicing what a
posed he amend references to Communist
threats in favor of Soviet imperialist or "out-
and colleague will permit me. We are colleague on the Harvard law faculty has
side" aggression. Eisenhower agreed. Later, now in the morning hour, and if any described as "Eunomics?the science of good
however, the original phraseology was re- Senator desires time to ask me a ques- arrangements."
stored. The General's advisers thought his tion, I shall be happy to yield to him It is not surprising that in the Department
of State today there are many more lawyers
outside than inside the Legal Adviser's Office.
Several, like myself, are in the Bureau of
International Organization Affairs, trying to
apply "the science of good arrangements" to
the major tasks of peacekeeping and nation-
building which our country is undertaking
on a multilateral basis.
Together with our colleagues in the Office
of the Legal Adviser, we have been applying
the lawyer's skills in problem solving to some
of the exciting enterprises undertaken during
the Kennedy and Johnson administrations?
to developing the institutional components
for partial and general disarmament; to ne-
gotiating ground rules for U.N. peacekeeping
forces; to drafting principles for the peaceful
uses of outer space; to establishing interim
arrangements for global satellite communi-
cations; to inaugurating a UN/FAO world
food program; to creating a world weather
watch under the World Meteorological Or-
ganization; to launching new United Nations
trade machinery; and to analysis of the possi-
ble functions of a United Nations High Com-
missioner for Human Rights.
report would thereby have more political at that time.
appeal in a year when he was running for
President.
Our business is neither ideological warfare
nor the rigid maintenance of any status quo.
Our business is to protect our own national
interests from any threat, regardless of its
philosophical label, and to try and see that
changes in an everchanging world are suffi-
ciently controlled to avoid excessively dan-
gerous explosions. We must get this fact
straight.
MARI:TWINS CREED
Communism, as a creed, is maturing rap-
idly. Today there are many kinds of com-
munism, some of which, such as Marshal
Tito's certainly do not seem to threaten us.
Russia, China, Albania, Yugoslavia, Ru-
mania are all at odds in one or another
respect. In Vietnam it is not at all clear
just what the relations are between Peiping,
Hanoi, Moscow, and the Vietcong partisans.
During his first years as Secretary of State,
Foster Dulles made the mistake of condemn-
ing all communism, some socialism, and even
neutralism. Obviously it is not in our na-
tional interest to publish blanket condemna-
tions and to advertise blanket ideological
commitments.
A FLEXIBLE POLICY
If we keep insisting that any variety of
communism is automatically our enemy, we
risk two consequences. Support for our
policies wil diminish among our allies who
have less interest than ourselves in "holy
wars." And, still more important, such an
inflexible outlook will push centrifugal com-
munism back upon itself. It is not sensible
policy to encourage quarreling opponents to
reunite.
Instead we should stick to fundamentals?
defend our vital interests; help those of our
friends who feel themselves threatened, at-
tacked, or undermined, and work to preserve
a peace that is always at best tenuous. Un-
der the U.N. Charter, under our alliance
UNI 1'J1) NATIONS PROCEDURES AND
POWER REALITIES
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that an excellent
speech delivered by Richard N. Gardner,
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
International Organization Affairs, at
the banquet of the American Society of
International Law on April 23, 1965, may
be printed in the RECORD at this point in
my remarks. It is entitled "United Na-
tions Procedures and Power Realities:
The International Apportionment Prob-
lem."
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
UNITED NATIONS PROCEDURES AND POWER REAL-
ITIES: THE INTERNATIONAL APPORTIONMENT
PROBLEM
(Address by Richard N. Gardner, Deputy As-
sistant Secretary of State for International
Organization Affairs, at the annual banquet
of the American Society of International
Law, at the Mayflower Hotel, Washington,
D.C., Friday, Apr. 23, 1965)
I have always looked forward to annual
meetings of this society with anticipation?
but never more so than this year. One rea-
son, of course, is the very great honor of
participating in this evening's program to-
ether with the Secretary of State. The other
reason is the particularly timely and impor-
tant theme to which you are devoting these thirds vote could now be put together in the
annual meetings, "The Development of Inter- General Assembly, at least in theory, by mem-
national Law by International Organiwa- bars representing only 10 percent of the pop-
tions." ulation of U.N. members and 5 percent of
Some people, to be sure, may have reserve.- contributions to the regular budget. He
tions about the decision to devote all of your noted that the rapid and radical expansion of
meetings this year to this particular subject. the organization may require some adapta-
Of all our preoccupations these last 4 years
in the field of international organization the
one which best illustrates the relevance of
law and legal skills has been our effort to
adapt the decisionmaking procedures of the
United Nations and its family of agencies to
take adequate account of world power
realities.
The Secretary of State himself called spe-
cial attention to this problem in his Ham-
marskjold lecture at Columbia University on
January 10 1964. He pointed out that a two-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SEN
tion of procedures if the U.N. is to remsi
relevant to the real world and therefcee
effective in that world.
The reason for our preoccupt ion with this
subject is obvious. The United Nations has
grown from 51 to 114 members in the US
20 years. A parallel increase has taken plaee
in the membership of the specialized and
affiliated agencies. U.N. membership in t
reach a total of 125 to 130 before it finally
levels off.
What makes this extraordinary increase tn.
membership particularly significant from a
constitutional point of view is the simil
taneous increase in the U.N.'s capacity to ant
The United States has played a leading rcie
in the strengthening of the action responst-
bilities of the United Nations system in both
peacekeeping and development. We want in
continue to play this role in the years aheal.
It is obvious that, as the U.N. develops szi
increasing capacity to act, there will be ine
creasing concern with the procedures t y
which this capacity is exercised. The man.-
fest disproportion between voting power an d
real power is now a central preoccupation of
persons concerned with the future of tt e
World organization. Unless we can find waDii
to allay the anxieties felt on this subject in
the 'United States and in other countries,
will be increasingly difficult to use the UN.
in the years ahead for important tasks a
peacekeeping and development.
To be sure, it is important not to over-
state the problem which is inherent in the
present constitutional situation. As Dag
Hammarskjold reminded us some years ago
in an annual report to the General Assembll
i the members of the United Nations may have
equal votes, but they are far from havin g
equal influence: "The criticism of 'one eta,
tion, one vote,' irrespective of size or strengtt
as constituting an obstacle to arriving at rusk
and representative solutions, tends to exag
gerate the problem. The General Assembhs,
is not a parliament of elected individual,
members; it is a diplomatic meeting in which
the delegates of member states represent goy-
ernmental policies, and these policies ani
subject to all the influences that would pre
-
veil in international life in any case."
Anyone who believes that U.S. influence in
_
the United Nations is measured by the face
that it has less than one-hundredth of the-
votes in the General Assembly fails complete-
ly to undersiiiand the realities of power sat
they are reflected in the world organization
These realities include the fact that ths
United States is the principal contributor tc
.the U.N.'s regular budget, is by far the largest
supporter of the U.Nas Peacekeeping and de-
velopment programs, and is making by fax,
the largest individual contribution to the de-
fense and development of the non-Commu-
nist world. On U.N. decisions of vital impor-
tance to the United States, the voting of other
countries has been considerably influenced
by U.S. views.
Nevertheless, after these and other quali-
fications are made, it remains true that the
present procedures dO need to be improved
in the light both of the growth of U.N. mem- .
bership and the growth of U.N. responsibili-
ties. The last uNzsco Conference, for ex-
ample, voted a budget by a large majority
of votes which represented less than 30 per-
cent of the funds that had to be raised to
make the budget a reality. And at the
`United Nations Conference on Trade and
Deevolpment in Geneva last spring there was
a disturbing tendency of the 75 (now 77) less
developed countries to use their automatic
two-thrida majority to vote recommenda-
tions for action in trade and development
over the opposition of the very minority of'
developed countries to whom the recom-
mendations were addressed.
On the whole, the majority of small coun-
tries have not behaved as irresponsibly as the _
pessimists have predicted. We hope in the
years ahead that the "revolution of rising
n expectations" will be matched by "evolu
tion of Tieing responsibility." But we can
not base our participation in the U.N. on
hope alone. Sound procedural adaptations
can help make this hope a reality.
t The constitutional problem here involved
is not unique to the U.N. We have some-
times referred to these difficulties in the
y U.N. as the "international apportionment
problem"?because the word apportionment
has a very poignant meaning in our domestic
political life through the recent actions of
our Supreme Court and State legislatures.
- Indeed, we are dealing here with problems
. in the management of power reminiscent of
those which confronted our own Constitu-
tional Convention in Philadelphia nearly 200
years ago. In Philadelphia then, as in the
United Nations system today, the problem
was how to reconcile the sovereign equality
of States with the fact that some States are
very small and other States are very large.
The soverign equality of states is one of the
fundamental principles of international law.
In the words of a famous case decided many
years ago by the U.S. Supreme Court:
"Russia and Geneva have equal rights."
Article 2, paragraph 1 of the United Nations
Charter declares that the United Nations is
based on the principle of sovereign equality.
The sovereign equality of states, however,
has never meant the equal right to partici-
pate in the decisionmaking process of inter-
national organizations. The composition
of the Security Council and other councils,
the veto provision, the amendment process?
these and other provisions of the charter all
accord special privileges to certain members.
So the structure of the United Nations from
the very beginning recognized the need to
reconcile the principle of sovereign equality
with the uneven disposition of real power
and real responsibility for implementing
U.N. decisions. Appropriate means of bal-
ancing these considerations were also incor-
porated in the constitutions of the special-
ized agencies.
Quite apart from charter provisions proce-
dures have been developed over the years
to adapt decisionmaking procedures to
power realities. In the last several years
this central problem has occasioned a vast
amount of staff work in our own and other
governments--and a considerable amount of
discussion and negotiation in the U.N. sys-
tem.
We have explored with other nations many
different procedures for rationalizing the
decasioiamaking process. We recognize that
no one procedure is appropriate for all cases:
Certain procedures may be appropriate for
the voting of General Assembly resolutions
Which merely manifest the views of members
and have no binding legal effect.
Other procedures may be appropriate when
the General Assembly is exercising its man-
datory power to assess.
Still other procedures may be appropriate
In specialized agencies lending substantial
sums of money for exchange stabilization or
economic development.
So our search for adequate procedures has
been undertaken on a case-by-case basis
with special regard for the peculiarities of
each case.
Before turning to a discussion of possible
procedures, it may be useful to identify one
solution to the problem which we have not
considered. We have rejected the notion
that most or all important U.N. operations
should be subject to the "principle of unan-
imity."
Specifically, we have rejected the 20-year-
old Soviet demand that all peacekeeping
operations of the U.N. should be under the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Security Coun-
cil and thus subject to great power veto.
While recognizing that the Security Council
has the exclusive right to initiate manda-
tory peacekeeping actions that impose bind-
ing obligations on states, we have consist-
ATE May 5, 1965
- ently recognized the residual authority of
- the General Assembly to launch voluntary
peacekeeping operations. We have defended
the charter power of the Assembly to assess
the membership for such operations?while
recognizing that in practice many peace-
keeping operations can be more appropri-
ately financed by methods other than by
every-member assessment. .
Some Americans, I know, feel strongly that
we must not expose the vital interests of
the United States to the possibility that the
Assembly would lay mandatory obligations
on us against our will. Fears have been ex-
pressed that the ITnited Nations would send
a force into some area against our political
opposition?and make us pay for such ven-
tures besides. It has been suggested that
in the arrears issue we are trying to en-
force on the U.S.S.R. and France a principle
that we would never allow to be enforced
against ourselves.
There are several important points to be
considered in connection with this assertion.
The Congo and Middle East operations were
launched with the acquiescence of the So-
viet Union and France. The General As-
sembly has never recommended any peace-
keeping operation against the negative vote
of a big power. Indeed, the Assembly has
only recommended a peacekeeping operation
once, the United Nations Emergency Force,
and this was with the consent of the terri-
torial sovereign.
The Assembly cannot, in any case, initiate
binding enforcement action requiring mem-
bers to contribute men and logistical sup-
port to military operations. It has never at-
tempted to do this?and there is no reason
.to suppose it ever will. Moreover, the As-
sembly, indeed the U.N., is estopped by arti-
cle 2, paragraph 7 of the chaster from un-
lawful intervention in matters within a mem-
ber's domestic jurisdiction.
Finally, in the light of the article 19 ex-
perience, it is clear that the Assembly will
be very cautious in the future in exercising
its right to initiate and assess for voluntary
peacekeeping operations. These considera-
tions are usually overlooked by those who
claim that the principle for which the United
States has been contending in the article 19
crisis is incompatible with our national in-
terests.
The argument that, if we were like the
Soviet Union, we would not want to pay for
peacekeeping operations we oppose, Is un-
persuasive for another reason: The policies
we pursue do not lead the United Nations
to undertake peacekeeping actions directed
against what we see as our vital interests.
If the United States were engaged in pro-
moting the overthrow of foreign govern-
ments and institutions, it would have rea-
son to fear the effective implementation of
United Nations principles.
But, in view of what in fact American
principles and purposes are, we have every
reason to uphold the authority of the United
Nations. We have every reason to uphold
the law, as the International Court of Jus-
tice has found it to be. We have every rea-
son to favor impartially applying the law
of the charter, for we have no reason to
fear impartial application of that law. If
we seek a world ruled by law rather than
force, we naturally must seek to apply and
defend the law we now have.
In short, the United States has been pre-
pared to take whatever risks are inherent in
the principle that voluntary peacekeeping
operations may be initiated and financed by
the General Assembly free from great-power
veto because we recognize a long-term in-
terest in developing this means of contain-
ing violence in the nuclear age. We want
to minimize these risks, of course, but not
at the cost of crippling the capacity of the
United _ Nations to act for peace and secu-
rity.
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916 coNGRPssia44; W4COAW..-r.41iNATE May 1964
difeculty in making up tny,, nod. as ,to Ur.. cum. . Mr.. .eqMqist, X. Ow Mom* to the 'Ma. Polities in -At Do-
whether to support...the request or not.... the ?OKAY IV expressing Intn.e erten- minima. Republic so long as Ire sza ea.
I. have no doubt that the Senator from ration. as I have foe Many ?vire; for the .gaged in Protecting our own and lereish
New York did not spring to the lineW estate _anditY of thefrom Now nationals. That Is a very different Md.'.
diate conviction that he should support York aa a . lawyer with ation from the matter pf **int off .Or
the otatufek : ? 1 . . respect to. -the . war Poireqk of Congresii preventing a Communist takeover.
. I should like to. feel. that I could sub. and, the Preiddoisit. . . ._,, :.. __ .; ,_,.f .,, . It seems to me that. In the .. latter
PON it. However, what * the difference ldr? Ontilf14,1$0, . Mr. ..Preekliento? Will respect. our troops should aetnnly 1z an
between voting for a $700 Million appro- the Senatorvigid? . ' . ... . interim custodial mOacitik -am trustees
Oriatlon and voting for a doffamtion of Mr. JA____ ; I yieldfitis.. .. _.1 .,.. ... .. ? ? for the Inter-American -'aystem. ? . Now
wart Would it not, be better to be can- Ur. .GRUM41240. - ' the a eniqqr that the Oryanhet,. don. oe American
did. and ask for a declaration- of wart recall that the bombing of North Il_letr States is se ',pf " Is Matter end le
ur. JAM& That is the substance anz
n.followed the Plelku incident?. Does giving it cong, ' ; s. none to a4
of what I am saying. ,If .the C100 million he indicate that was a hot pursuit course the anaw et is for the OAS to suisuine
reQueeted is a means. Of ? W.eldhg up the or action?. Juridical authority over our trace* and
1114ment of the Preeident, or even back- Mr. JAvrl`B. In the. Piellcu Maids* any other troops that may batman ft by
Mg IIP a PrePerstica to do more, tithe we actually homberded soars'. of sup- nienzber countri of the Organisation at
jeat,jonsj judgment should be that we ply Of torpedo boats that baittacked American -Stet: The ? reinlialaship ot
should do more-4nd I would never wish OW vessels In international. waters. , the OAS to United States and other for-
to be hammed r &be 44 tbet. We were Precedent for ihei Pee back to illeL elan farces in the Dominican- Republie
not forehanded preparation?I think of Tri _ . yq were on sounder should be analogoue to tlarrelationshlp
that is very different from a, command ertiund there. :NV* nein an most troth". between the United Nations and, the
decision actually to Involve ground own- atonal grounds thee. . _, . toren, Tie had In Korea. . .
bat troops. Mr. GRDZNING. I think the4r011OY It seems to me that even ? if amanite
The PRIBIDIN0 01PricER. The Warmed Ttinkhz' Bay With Pleiku; require, that our own Amor perm. he
time of the senator has Andra& - Mr. JAvrrs. Ti. .1 meant TOlain by far the most ? numerous, jurisdiction
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President. I ask Nay. : _ _,, . - ? ? . ' _ _ : . by the Organization of American States
unanimous consent that I may Pe aer?! ' ? Mf?ClalimilaNgl? rilillul 4 bert lam is, extranaly important. Althotath
hated to oorittriunior p,hdditimialhlin- 200 AVM. tie . aortatIM" horde. American forces may seesaw . ander
ides.' , * , . . _ .. Is On ? the 2,14th - Pendia , 'Mt, American nm .1 the 0Alt should
objection. it le so
The PRESIDING OPITC:tillt.. '. Withint borthetri pound*" lif mi. the lith lelir have juridical authority over thank and
- . . .
Mr. JAVTIN. vglkient.1 respect- ,letnieneee id was riot.? derived depend on the oAs.
?inei. The - -uiwed.by the' Smith whether they stayed or withdrew. would
fully suggest to the Senator that If we from the ? North Vietnamese, but was
could havethat assurance front the Pres- Ainericauz material?a money?num- It is on behalf of the Inter-American
ident?that there would be such a re- factures] In the, ,United States. le that SYstem that the U.& action wak taken,
quest,:if ?there were -pay- design to make hot !avatar . end it is in accordance with the legal
that .command decision-1701dr I. believe "My. 4A.V1I'll: I agree With the Senator organs of that Wfstetn. which. am In
that we should vote . for mu with. . . ... In the Iden Of tification the WO incidenta. leas. thm Ws should coutiaus to act. u
dispensible for ?tile future a/ Um Amer-
y:. clAlta. 11r. President. don; the Tweil thfakfne exit toakm Be*: 'Oat
Senator not feel that we are actually eh.; r said appa toTontin . ? we lake: the attitude 1 have- deseribed,
gaged In a war against North Vietnam . Astothe nero_in. that Involved namely.. that the reason why we
right. now arid thatif we became emceed the jeopardy Of nalriCalt e ildnireinel miLIR by sendhig. In our troops was. erodltsple
_. forced to assume unilateral netionsibility
in war, we woldff stead. Our airplanes VP int'oleed aillndlee?Wh.ether. fd? taunt bem the oas warn st to set
Mos. or volunteers-4o forms ? . use abil,
. ? Mr. JAVITa 2 en>ilidisii0t.--filitlik In Je?P?'rel'ilf t4"?1311110 0 Mr; c_r/n2 Communist takeover, our gQ0d faith wiU
promptly and we wished to prevent a
the dextrine 4 lipt aureot in *items- Perla:410d. . , , .,.., ___.,,. . '.
tionalbiw. and presence of Anierictui , I tio not believe the. idelattipationes take en this respossihdity..srs slum as
1. be denzonstrated. If the OAS dOes not
fovea there which gives rise to a Miami' materiel as ' North Vietnamese or. our faced with a historic . . whictik? .
elkonglitiOn to providethem security, make own represents* vital difference between materially acme our
the
? Oar NetthVietnaineee *lentil* Ouch; in the inelkuineident said the Aerie* iiitu.. other American mama u . am Anew
gay 'judgment. air 'not to warm* ' beim! **MAO wpra theixerForzuf bf: ha 1144 exercise our cludoe ant sity.hag we will
characterhied as I aalte a lulu ' , - soft afdlar? . ' - _ _,_ ? ? - N, ; *.t-- de iteil4thout the 0As to prem. 5,00es-
Senator 'lad Pittner? .. ' . '
lir. Clitait- Mr. Prenitlent. rl the . , Mr. OltUatinkl. ' The Pali Pealt-1 manieb takeover in the Demitilima 'Re-
- - Mr. JAVrIS.- I rti#0. .._ - . Ifiti to maim mod -wish AO. Amass . on public. It will be the neat sok *gum
''.. UN: CLAIM Will the Senator be will- ti* &AWL following the roosalts4 tha asserted the right to origami; sate*
. - limn New York
hor to tell lne *heti* the langegonsent vies , ed. clear end present
Wei the MAW. Vietimmese 104. phioes? .40c hs. pluivit 444,that - " dander- Ot, e commpni$t,keolat. la tile
attplaties was a, part of the hot *Inuit ddent- in nci.MW lahelved
doctrine to whit:642,e Senator referred? that the main incident to* ? Such an linpertant MN in this eozin-
.. lir. jAvrre. we were hotly pursuing August. whereas the North, WI "Good Neighbor'. 'PO* ?te. re-
the 'suppliers of the Vletconlooreotmei bombing bawl ine Xeitve2011 re dear justincattoia.
stens ground routes whish best be jt Neale _to we ? thia las
evidence to Justify it is not . ? In ret?
tion than we have at pageolkaa:r1 tb?
iesehed without ground action. ? It we the Mita ' -'""---
"moat the gotten hit? Ninth Vistrea- the .hoi puha& how Only as the idtuatIon devotees the
mese territory. then I that* wo...____' might reOt connection .A bOt neat few days or wester cabin eons to a
hatre. for phieffeal piirimate. a u.wegeut Vietnam. A Notchdear conclusion as tOwhether. the shut-
intuition I would . Non presents. welder and present danger
don al war.
Vliduallmee action as creating a condi- forrhbo darifieetlein. The Itnida- BAT !MVO 110 alternative but tO Ow th
. JAVIT& I thank gar onilingue cis Consmurdst takeover. and that we
Mr. GRUM:NINO. Mr. President. wffl
incident took pP1595e ill'Atilliet. end thil I hope that the Presidia nill make it
eg *a at-
tbe Senator yield? pinteineddefi clear that our troops are there. until the
Mr. JAVrrS. Mr. President, If the . s., \ \,.. : )0 P s v , ? . OAS act*, 14 a ousted*/ character, to
MaJoelte leader does not object. may I .niit itrzymirotruf DciagnmAn Proweeit 1 taanincitiect= not
tiow0tildutill:
ask unanimous consent to have 10 ed- -, , ,
ditkmal minutes.? It will not take that . RlOulltte , . . the Onganfration . oe Auserlean_States.
mg, ? 4
l.colt? Mr. JAvrre. Mx. Preddent, **bow which la the recognized .. aulaimatr for
The PREsWING ?Mc lat. Is there tug myself now. to the Agitation is the such a altuamm. mid that the trailed
objection?, Without objection, it is so Dominican Rspoblia. itnesizza in ma that States has not yet made a decision ea
ordered. .
W are on extremele dear ground with proceed unilaterally.
.41
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CONGRESSIONAL' .RECORD SENATE
I tic not believe we should face that
decision until the Organisation of Amer
loan States has ftrst had the opportUntly
to declare that It will step Into the situa-
tion and. second, had the opportunity to
take juridical authority oveg the troops,
hurt as the United Nations did in the 'Ko-
rean conflict., notwithstanding the fact
that the preponderance of the -heave
there were those of the United States.
TRIBUTE TO DR. JAMES E KIRK-
LAND, .MINISTER. UNION BAPTIST
CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA, PA.,
Mr.
Mr. SCOTt. Mr. President. Snit of
all, I wish to express my. pride In the
fact that the Acting Chaplain whit 01*.
livered the prayer in 'the Senate today
was Rev. James Z. Kirkland, from the
Union Baptist Church of Philadelphia.
Pa. Dr. Kirkland is a prominent min-
ister in Pennsylvania. His presence here
and the moving - and beautiful prayer
which he offered are to my mind an
event worthy of remembrance ter a long
time to come. ?
?
I am proud of the fact that Dr. Kirk-
land was here and offered his prayer.
? .
SITUATION /N THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President. on the
subject which has been diseussed earlier.
I rise to eouness my view soncernbag
Santo Domingo: First and parentheti-
cally, however, I want to say that lam
glad the President has asked Congress
to authorise MO minion in aPIttoMM-
none to meet our motintIng Military re-
quirements in Vietnam. I sin glad to
have an opportunity to icier:it my son-
Memo, in the policies which the Presi-
dent is miming in Vietnam and to es-
teem My suPPlort of his requests.
AN regards Santo Domingo, / agree
that it would be fine it the members of
the OAS could have acted in convert last
. week, but they did not DO act Immediate-
ly and could not have *Med lir time to
prevent a disaster. The Moine of Santo
Domingo caught nre. The United States
unilaterally went in as a Orem= to put
out the blase. Had we wafted a matter
of hours, In m7. Judgment, the house
would have burned &nen.
In efer aednian, We acted as we did,
first, to evacuate American personnel
and personnel from 20 countries alto-
gether, and, second. to Prevent a 0001-
munlat takeover. There is nothing to be
ashamed of, or to apologise for, in my
otdnion. In the fact that we have en-
larged the Monroe Doctrine by the addi-
tion of a new phase or extension of that
policy.
I do not know of any more worthwhile
step width the United States can take in
the present world situation than to say
that we will not permit the establishment
of 'mother Communist dictatorship in
the Western Hemisphere.
I would be glad to see the OAS take
over the responsibility for restoring peace
and order to the Dominican Repuleic but
the important thing last week was to
move when we did move, with force, with
strength, and with determination.
Approved
? Some esilainaimeassert that the Peer;
ident should inippert the reiteration of
Peesident Jean Bosch to power. This
has no warrant so far as! can amettain:
It Is true that. Juan- Beech was' legally
elected in 1962. It is true that be kin
exile. But 11 la not true that this is his
revolution. ? ?
The PRIMMING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator* from PerilisYleania
has expired. ?
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I elk
unanimatis consent that I may proceed
for) additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out oblection, it is so ordered.
air. BOAT. If the Dominican rebels
*Err Malty working to reitere JO=
Bosch to power, why are we now In-
formed that Juan Bosch is resigning -and
a new Man. Francisco Caamano, is act-
ing as alleged President of the Republic
or is the actual leader of the rebel forties?
. My conclusion is that lee moved Into
the Dcigninice# Republic just In thne to
prevent a Communist takeover. The
rebels are predominantly _Communist
and Caltridte, -Mit their. purpose was 10
MOAN another Oebe; "Had we moved ea
rapidly. 40d effectively In Cube as we
have detteln Santo Domingo, Cuba today
would not be a Communist country.
However, that goes a long way back.
We have served notice on the Western
Hemisphere countries that we will **-
operate with them, that we Prefer to
wort with them through the oosnmon
agency of the OAS, but that where there
is net enough time-for the OAS to act in
a rapidly deteriorating situation sueli as
that 'found in Santo Dterdngo lalt. Week.
the United States will Wee hi oti
of the free PeoPlee of the Western
Hemtinhere, and will gladly turn over the
Peatekeeptng resPenethilite to the 0A8
as soon as its members are willing to
assume that responsibility. ?
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the
Senator from 'Pentidivenia yield? _
Mr. SCOTT. I am glad to yield.
Mr. JAVITEI. I believe the; our views
are. hot at all dissimilar. and I wish to
be .sure that the Senator ban .Pennsyl-'
nude imderstands me. I supported. the
President in going leto the Dominioan
. &Muhl*
Mr. SCOTT. I am miee that the Oen,
atm did. ? ? ' L.- ? ? -.! ? "
Mr: Jevrrs. I beck the President
now in seeking to have the 0A8 take
over. The only alight area of differenoe
which I should like ; to submit to the
Senator from renngyilratalit fa that In
view at the Mi'Whekhave to
?
be ceinisiltted seire4 to awing
that We will do if the. OAS does not act.
That could well be ? another stage of
decision on our part.' '-
Mr.- SCOTT. -.2 underetand the Views
of the Senator frcealtew Yost.
Mr. CLARK addressed the Chair,' -
/be PRESIDING OF/1(XE. The
Senator from Pennsylvania Is recognised.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. Preddei the situ-
ation in the Dominican Republic as of
now is certainly confused. I, for one,
am not prepared?at least at this mo-
ment?to dispute any action of the
President in sending massive forces of
9127
she Army and- Marine Carpi to "reetore
order in that troubled 'country, and' to
make sure that there is no danger of a
Contintiniat takeover.
However. I must express grave reser-
vations as to the wisdom of our present
peewee. In view of the comments
which have been made by my two Col-
leagues on the other side of the aide. I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
In the- Broom a column written by Wal-
ter Lippmann which was published in
the Washington Post within the last few
days on this subject.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the Recose,
at foliates:
Ova Doeutrocare :arreaviornore .
(By Waiter Lippmann) .
The crucial point in the Dominican affair
Is that the decision to rescue Americans Ind
caber foreigners became almost immediately
a decision Mao to stop the rebellion, The
disorders began, said the Preadent on
Staiday evening as a popular democratic
revolution committed to democracy and
social justae.? The purpose of the revolu-
tion was to restore the duly elected Presi-
dent Juan Who -had been deported
in 290 by ninetionary Military /chore
menthe after takinceilles. But, the retc-
Ingenary movement took a tragic turn."
A number of Communists trained in Dube
-took increasing matzo! ? ? ? many of the
original leaders of the rebellion. the 10i
-
lowers of President Beech, took ref*. in
foreign entbaesies because they had been an-
perseded by other evil forces, and the sears-
tare general of the rebel goverannnat.11ar-
testis Pranclaxi. appealed for a mase-fire.
But be was ignored. The revolution Wie
zioWin other Mid dangerous handl." ?
' In the state Of the emergency, ogre 1_
0._.
no time for it tbercalgh torrestigatindi 0.01
the facts. President &Mean took his desti? ?
don to halt the rebellion on whet it ample
to me, was the right ground.
It was that, if the Communists in thi
revolutionary forces took ore the Romp-
"sent the remit would be for all practical
Purimeer irreversible. There would sera
another election while they were in
in Santo -Domingo. On the other "
while the Bomb restoration has been hathid.
the way is still open to the !stunt estS
party which wan, the tees etectlant
eating protaptly and decisively the. ?
dart bag kept the way open as onarletie
might well have been closed forever. ?
It Is quite Nein from the President's
esteireb that the United Stetted does not wont
to me a restonition ot the old
midair and that it does want the kind
revolution.
t ? 4.4010ersol end social jusUoimr1=
Ol
President Bomb represents.
It is a question whether a coim try like
the DomMidan Republic can and stability
senewberic In the conker betwein the' eg-
Wane lett and the actress* Tight Cuba dm
me sae OW stability. Thee um pqth
it turned out, between liatiala and Chetfn.'
Is MEM in the Dominican
thing liftersest the corrupt add emit
=spof Trqiiild and *
, tike Denbo's. which Wielld Ihe
to the left of President Bosch?
If President Johnson, Working with 'the
OAS, can help the Dominicans Sag - that
eamettnee in between, ow restos loresidefi#
Dosch and shore him up while be. oill0111
through the drastic reforms whish ere ns.
eery in order, to mtirpate the evils of
plio, evils that breed communism, it
be ? bright day for the American republic*.
We must not think it is impossible to 40
this. Mexico has round the midaie way.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9177
Tell it to the American people. They
will give you their answer, if that is your
position, Mr. President.
I am satisfied that the overwhelming
majority of the American people will re-
pudiate you if that is what you are will-
ing to do.
Mr. President, I have already covered
the point about having offered to nego-
tiate for peace without conditions, but
we did not oiler to negotiate for peace
Without conditions because the Johns
Hopkins speech is not subject to that
interpretation. The President continues
to say that he is willing to go anywhere,
anytime, to negotiate, but he is talking
about bilateral negotiations. I am talk-
ing about multilateral negotiations, with
a third party force at the head of the
table.
I, have been heard to discuss Many
times in the Senate our violation of the
Geneva Accords.
The PRESIDING 0.F.VICER. The
time of the Senator from Oregon has
expired. ?
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may proceed
for 5 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Senator from Oregon is
recognized for 5 additional minutes.
VIOLATIONS OF GENEVA ACCORD TO BE FINANCED
WITH THIS MONEY
Mr. MORSE. Let me quickly point out
that the Geneva accords did not set up
a government in South Vietnam. The
President keeps telling the American
people that we went into South Viet-
nam in answer to an invitation from a
government of South Vietnam. But no
sovereign government for either north or
south was provided for in the 1954
agreement. It was a puppet government
of the United States, set up by the United
States that became the Government of
South Vietnam. We took a South Viet-
namese named Diem out of New York,
sent him to South Vietnam, militarized
him, financed him, and supported him,
and then used him as our stooge for the
abili that we are in South Vietnam on the
basis of an invitation from the Govern-
ment of South Vietnam.
Mr. President, that is as much a Gov-
ernment of South Vietnam free of the
United States, as the Government of East
Germany is free of Russia. Both are
puppet governments. All we have done
in South Vietnam is to pattern ourselves
after Russia in East Germany. That is
shocking. However, history will record
its truth.
Mr. President, we talk about democracy
in South Vietnam, but the United States
has been the major force in preventing
democracy in South Vietnam.
The Geneva accords created two zones,
with an artificial line drawn at the 17th
parallel. It was provided in the ac-
cords that in 1956 free supervised elec-
tions be held in both zones, which would
provide for reunification of North and
South Vietnam, and for the election by
self-determination of officials of the gov-
ernment. That is what the Geneva ac-
cords provide. The United States, of
course, refused to sign them and per-
suaded its puppet, Diem, not to sign
them either. Yet the President keeps
saying that we are in South Vietnam
because the Geneva accords are being
violated.
Being violated by whom? By the
Communists? Yes, by 'the Commu-
nists?and also by the United States and
South Vietnam.
We are all tarred with the same brush
in regard to violations of the Geneva
accords. However, one of the saddest
chapters in the sordid history of the
United States in South Vietnam is that it
prevented the election in 1956.
How well I remember, as a member of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, sit-
ting through the briefings of our intel-
ligence reports in regard to that situa-
tion. Thank God I protested at that
time. I also protested in 1954 the at-
tempts of Mr. Dulles and Mr. Nixon to
get the United States to join in sending
American boys into South Vietnam. I
protested then, as the RECORD will show,
what I considered to be the shocking
secret diplomacy of John Foster Dulles,
when he went to London and tried to get
Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden to
enter into a secret deal with him, where-
by he would pledge American bo
the British would pledge British boys,
and then they would go across the chan-
nel and promise the French Government
that if France would continue the war,
they would support France with Ameri-
can and British troops.
Winston Churchill refused to accept
the deal, as Eden points out in his
memoirs. Churchill told the Secretary
of State of the United States, "Do you
not think that would be deceiving the
Congress of the United States?"
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator from Oregon has
expired.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may proceed
for 5 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Senator from Oregon is
recognized for 5 additional minutes.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, in 1954,
the American people were not protected
by John Foster Dulles. They were Pro-
tected by the then Prime Minister of
England?Winston Churchill?against
Dulles' stock in trade, his secret diplo-
macy, whereby he always came before
the Committee on Foreign Relations
with an accomplished fact, an agreement
into which the United States had entered
in secret, and then his plea was, "You
cannot let us down. The Government
has negotiated it. You cannot let us
down."
The Senate must understand why,
during the 20 years I have been a Mem-
ber of the Senate, I have pleaded against
government by secrecy in the United
States.
Let me say to the American people to-
night: "You are already a long way
down the road toward control by a gov-
ernment of secrecy."
I wish to return this Government to
the checks and balances of the Constitu-
tion of the United States. I wish to give
some assurance that the secret diplo-
macy of a Dulles can never rear its ugly
head again to endanger the destiny of
America.
The United States prevented the elec-
tions in South Vietnam. Had those
elections been held, what did the intelli-
gence reports show? They showed that
the previous American hero, Ho Chi
Minh, would have been elected president
of both South and North Vietnam in a
unified country.
Most Americans do not know the story
of Ho Chi Minh. During World War II,
he was an American hero. However, he
Is a Moscow-trained Communist. I hold
no respect and no support for this de-
spicable Communist ideology. I do not
have to offer any explanation of my po-
sition on communism to the Senate. I
shall always point with pride to the fact
that I am one of the three authors?
along with Jack Kennedy, of Massachu-
setts, and HUBERT HUMPHREY, Of Minne-
sota, in 1954?of the amendment which
was passed and became law, outlawing
the Communist Party in the United
States.
Because I opposed our policies in Asia
I must expect?and I am "getting it"
from reactionary columnists?to be
criticized because I am aiding and abet-
ting communism because I do not be-
lieve we can justify, either in theory or
in policy, following a unilateral police-
man's course of action in seeking to
contain communism everywhere in the
world.
Ho Chi Minh, the North Vietnamese
Moscow-trained Communist, languished
for a year in a Chinese prison. He hates
Chinese Communists, although we are
driving them into his arms. There is not
a single country in southeast Asia which
is pro-Chinese. The interesting thing is
that all the countries in southeast Asia?
including South Vietnam which opposed
China for 1,000 years?happen to be anti-
Chinese. Yet, we follow President John-
son's foreign policy in Asia. We are go-
ing to end by unifying them? They will
hate us more than they will dislike each
other. That is the great challenge which
confronts us.
In this resolution are provided the
funds for another series of violations of
the 1954 Geneva agreement.' The Presi-
dent states the money will be used to con-
struct military? installations and ware-
houses, which are illegal under the ac-
cord, to maintain U.S. troops whose pres-
ence is illegal under the accord, and to
buy more aircraft, nearly all of which are
illegal if they are anything more modern
than what was in use then in 1054.
How can Senators, or the President,
talk any more about Communist viola-
tions of the agreement, when with this
resolution we -are formally repudiating
it?
Mr. President, there has been great
wrong done on both sides, but our hands
are not clean. Our hands are not clean,
as we lawyers say, in a court of equity.
Our hands are not clean in another re-
spect. Our hands are bloody, because
we have been conducting a war of out-
lawry.
Mr. President, I wish to see my coun-
try cleanse itself. I wish to see my
country change its course of action. It
has stood by as an accessory to the vio-
lation of the Geneva Treaty for the han-
dling and treatment of war prisoners.
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9178
UNITED STATES VIOLATING RULES OF WARFARE
Did Americans ever believe that they
would live to look upon picture of Amer-
ican soldiers in South Vietnam standing
by witnessing shocking and henious per-
sonal crimes committed upon the bodies
of captured prisoners?
Have any Senators read anywhere or
heard anywhere of any protest of the
United States to the United Nations in
respect to the violation of the Geneva
Treaty on the handling of war prisoners?
Were not 'Senators shocked at least a
little bit the other day when they read
in the United Press dispatch that South
Vietnamese soldiers put a length of cloth
around the throat of a Vietcong soldier
and conducted a tug of war over his
throat because he would not squeal and
talk?
I tho'ught it was interesting that the
United Press dispatch made reference
to the fact that U.S. military forces were
standing by in silence.
I say, tell the American people the
truth. Tell them the truth about our
participation in this dirty war.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. MORSE. I yield myself 2 more
minutes.
Tell the American people the truth
about our violation of the Geneva ac-
cord. Tell the American people the
truth about our acts as provocateur in
southeast Asia for many years. Tell the
American people the truth about what
we plan to do in southeast Asia unless
the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese
and the Red Chinese put their diplo.
matic tails between their legs and corn(
to a conference of the type referred to by
President Johnson in his Johns Hopkins
speech, which means, when we analyze
- his statement, that they must come and
surrender.
They have no intention of surrender-
ing any more than we have.
That is why we must bring in third
party efforts under the existing proce-
dures of international law to conduct
the riegtoia ions, with the United States
and South Vietnam on one side and the
Red Chinese and the North Vietnamese
on the other side, although as of now
only the North Vietnamese would be in
However, Red China should be
there, too, because although she has net
shown her hand above the board, I am
satisfied she is already there working ur -
der the table.
The PRESIDING OrsICER. The
time of the Senator as expired.
Mr. MORSE. I yield myself 1 more
minute.
Mr. President, that is my plea. It Ls
unpopular at the present time in the
Senate. I suspect that tomorrow to
votes will be cast against the joint reso-
lution, namely my vote and the vote g
that great Senator from Alaska ElV.t.
?Rummel . I shall always be proud to
walk in his footsteps on this issue. -I
believe we can be sure of those two votes.
In my prayers tonight, however, I shall
pray that other Senators may recognise
the facts about our sordid record in
southeast Asia before they vote tom( r-
row, so that there may be more voles
against the joint resolution. Whatever
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
the outcome of the vote, I say to the
President and to my colleagues in the
Senate: "Your vote tomorrow will not
settle this issue so far as American public
opinion is concerned, for I am satisfied
that American public opinion will even-
=Wally hold you to an accounting, and
that accounting will be by way of re-
pudiating support of the President's re-
quest that you now give him by way of
a vote of confidence to conduct and carry
on a war of outlawry and an undeclared
war in southeast Asia."
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. MORSE. I yield myself 1 more
- minute. This is a war that cannot be
iled with article I section 8 of the
Constitution, and cannot be justified on
the ground of the inherent power of the
Commander in Chief. That inherent
power lasts only so long as it is neces-
sary for him to respond in the interest
of meeting an emergency, and he has the
clear duty of proceeding as quickly as
he can to Congress to ask for a declara-
tion of war.
That the President has not done. I
ask him, as I close: "Mr. President, when
are you going to do it? When are you
going to keep faith with what I consider
to be your trust to abide by the Consti-
tution of the United States?"
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I am
sure the debate will resume tomorrow.
I wish to yield 2 minutes to the Senator
from Massachusetts.
reconc
THE S
TION IN THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC
Mr. ALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
It is my understanding that the senior
Senator,from Oregon made certain com-
ments earlier about the Dominican Re-
public, particularly about the President
taking action without consulting the Or-
ganization of American States. It is my
understanding that on Tuesday, the 27th
of April
Mr. MORSE. I did not say that.
Quite to the contrary. I pointed out that
the President is using the OAS. I want-
ed to know why he was not using the
United Nations in Vietnam. He is work-
ing through the Organization of Ameri-
can States.
Mr. SALTONSTALL. He tried to work
through the Organization of American
States prior to sending in the marines.
That is my comment.
Mr. MORSE. There is doubt about
the time. It was within a few hours, one ,
United Nations.
That would not only be a backing out,
way or another. I made the point that but it would be acclaimed around the
the Organization of American States has world. But if the President wishes to
been very much divided and are divided
follow a warma,king course of action,
t
with regard to the course of action that thenrather than ask Congress to support
we followed. I pointed out that this his undeclared war, let him come forth
will rise to plague us. with a recommendation for a declaration
Mr. SALTONSTALL. I shall not an- of war against North Vietnam, and let
gue with the Senator from Oregon as to Members of Congress then stand up and
what he did or did not say. vote on a clear issue as to whether or
It is my understanding that on Tues- not they want to bind this Republic in
day, the 27th of April, our Government war. That is the duty of the President.
notified the Peace Committee and had a He has two alternatives, and they do not
discussion with the Peace Committee, constitute a backing out, no matter which
No action was taken. alternative the President takes. But the
On Wednesday, the 28th, a Council of action would give clear notice as to what
Ministers meeting was held in the morn- the position of the United States really is.
May 5, 1965
Ing. I believe some discussion was had
with the Dominican Ambassador.
Our marines were sent in there in the
evening of the 28th, I believe about 9:15
p.m.
The OAS was not notified at that time
that they were going to be sent in, be-
cause the time was so short.
American civilians, including women
and children, were lying on their faces.
The Embassy was being shot at.
The Department of State did call the
OAS after the marines had been ordered
sent in.
I point out that an effort was made to
get action through the OAS prior to
sending the marines into the Dominican
Republic, on the evening of April 28.
SUPPLEMENTAL APPROPRIATION
- F014, MILITARY FUNCTIONS OF
THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 447)
making a supplemental appropriation
for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1965,
for military functions of the Department
of Defense, and for other purposes.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I yield
myself 1 minute. _ The debate will re-
sume tomorow, I am sure. I must re-
serve some time for other Senators. By
way of a quick summary, I say to the
Senator from Oregon that he was bril-
liant, as always, in his argument. He
raised some serious points.
No one can guarantee the future.
Certainly the Senator from Mississippi
cannot guarantee it.
I feel that unless we appropriate the
money requested we shall be giving no-
tice that we are backing out from what
we started. To whom would we give
that notice? We would be giving it not
only to the American people, but also to
those who are arrayed against us, the
North Vietnamese, the Communist Chi-
nese, and *the Communist Russians.
This we cannot afford to do. If we are
to change our course, we must do it in
one way or another, but not by refusing
to pass a military appropriation measure
to pay for the steel and iron and am-
munition and food and all the other
things that are needed.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I yield
myself 1 minute. We would not be
backing out if the President, instead of
asking us to make the appropriation,
were to make it clear that he will lay
the issue of southeast Asia before the
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May 5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
While this is going on, don't forget the
thousand's of letters from folks from every-
where in and outside of a Member's district
who believe in "writing the Congressman" on
everything from medicare to Vietnam, streets
and sewers, bank loans. Government con-
tracts, school loans, and on and on.
One thinks of Lincoln and finds that as
long as he tries, his friends understand with-
out explanation, and his opponents never
pay attention to facts because their minds
are already made up.
One thing you can be sure of?there's
never a dull moment for a Congressman who
has to campaign every second year.
DANTE ALIGHIERI?POET OF
VISION
(Mr. ANNUNZIO (at the request of
Mr. BANDSTRA) was granted perrnis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. ANNUNZIO. Mr. Speaker, the
middle of May?the exact date is not
known?is the birthday of Dante Ali-
ghieri. In order to commemorate the
contributions he has made to the arts
and to literature, the Postmaster Gen-
eral of the United States has designated
a stamp in his honor. The stamp will
go on sale in post offices throughout
America on July 17. It was designed by
Douglas Gorsline, New York City artist
who also designed last year's Shakespeare
commemorative stamp. Gorsline's de-
sign simulates the style of early Floren-
tine allegorical paintings. For his like-
ness of Dante, the artist turned to the
painting of an unknown 16th century
artist which hangs in the National Gal-
lery of Art, Washington, D.C. Dante is
shown wearing the laurel wreath sym-
bolic of poetry. Above him an angel un-
furls a banner on which is 'inscribed
"700th Anniversary." Lower left are
flames, an allegorical reference to hell,
which the poet visited in his poem, "The.
Divine Comedy."
It is my pleasure to place in the Ap-
pendix of the RECORD an editorial which
appeared in the Washington Post on
Sunday, April 25, 1965. The editorial
follows:
POET OF VISION
About the middle of May 1265, in the city
of Florence, Dante Alighieri was born, and
now, 700 years later, all the world is celebrat-
ing the anniversary of his birth. Recently
the Catholic University of Washington held
a series of lectures and a symposium as
"Homage to Dante." On May 1, the Library
of Congress will hold another symposium.
Before the year is out, colleges and univer-
sities throughout the world will pay their
tribute to a poet who wrote with vision and
wisdom for all men and for an time. Dante
Is as universal a poet as Shakespeare.
Literate people everywhere know Dante's
great poem the "Commedia," which by the
16th century had already attained such fame
that men rechristened it "Commedia Divine."
It has been called a summation of the learn-
ing of the Middle Ages, but it is more than
that, for Dante's poem is not a fossil from
the past but a vital work with beauty and
wisdom for us today.
The author was no cloistered recluse be-
lieving in art for art's sake, no long-haired
escapee from contemporary problems, no
poseur who wrapped the profession of poet
around him like a cloak. Dante was a par-
No. 80-22
ticipant in the political affairs of his time,
and he suffered for his beliefs and actions.
In a turn of fortune's wheel, Dante's political
faction lost power in Florence and the city
exiled him on pain of death. Henceforth
Dante was obliged to wander from city to city
in Italy, but he continued to combine his
literary labors with political debate and
action.
Dante dreamed of a united Italy without
warring factions, of a whole world of peace
and harmony ruled by law. His vision of
united nations contemplated a rule of justice
under the Emperor of the Holy Roman Em-
pire. But Dante's dream vanished with the
death of the Emperor Henry VII, and peace
has remained an illusory hope that poets and
others must continue to cherish.
"The Divine Comedy" is not an easy poem
to read, for it is filled with learned allusions,
historical facts, and theological and philo-
sophical commentary, besides depths of al-
legorical meaning. Yet Dante is never ob-
scure for obscurity's sake. Unlike third-rate
poetasters, he does not have to hide a poverty
of ideas under a mulch of verbiage.
Dante reserves his greatest -scorn for fugi-
tives from responsibility, the "lukewarm"
Who decline to participate in anything. For
them he made a dreary place in the vestibule
of hell, for hell itself would not have them.
There?
"United in a tumult, whirling on
Forever through the air of timeless gloom,
Like sand and borne onward by the circling
wind"
those too cowardly to commit themselves
even to evil must spend eternity. They are
those "Who lived with neither infamy nor
praise." In our world, when so many fearful
or cynical souls spend their time in negativ-
ism, we might turn back to Dante for robust
wisdom?and for a vision of the condign
punishment designed for do-nothings.
\QHE DOMINICAN CRISIS: OUR
CONTINUING COMMITMENT
(Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania (at
the request of Mr. BANDSTRA) was grant-
ed permission to extend his remarks at
this point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania. Mr.
speaker, while nearly all of us, as Ameri-
can citizens, live in hope that all peo-
ples in all nations will one day be free,
even at the cost of revolution against
tyranny, we all to often find ourselves
rooting for an underdog who has already
been corrupted by the greatest tyranny
in the world today?communism.
The headlines of this past weekend
have told a tragic story of a bloody, con-
fused and entangled revolt in the Do-
minican Republic. At first, before the
facts had been gathered, it might have
seemed almost like a replay of a dozen
other coups which have clouded the his-
tory of the Caribbean and Latin America
in general.
The facts have shown otherwise.
The young army generals, loyal to
Juan Bosch, were swept from control of
the rebelling elements. Today, it seems
clear, the continued harassment and the
sporadic outbreaks that have sabotaged
all our early efforts to achieve a peaceful
settlement are the work of skilled, Com-
munist-trained insurgents.
Much has been written and said about
this Nation's decision to intervene in the
Dominican fighting. It has been con-
9283
demned by those who say we have no
business on the island at all. It has been
praised by those who would have us
carry our own role even further, becom-
ing not only a protector and a persuader
but an active combatant for the soul of
the island and its people.
There is a middle ground in this de-
bate, a ground upon which true patriot-
ism and true reason can commune.
That ground is the foundation of
America's role in all conflicts where the
liberty and free will of a people are
threatened?not just in those conflicts in
which American property or citizens are
threatened.
The commitment we have here is allied
to our commitment in Europe and the
Pacific in World War II, in Korea in
the 1950's, in Vietnam this year and for
nearly a decade past.
Our only alternative is to close up shop
as an international power, to seal our-
selves off from the world and its un-
fortunate problems, to cast aside the
mantle of leadership handed down to us
by those generations who, without total
understanding of the greatness of their
own role, were willing to fight to pre-
serve this Nation and its strength.
What we have done in the Dominican
Republic is a renewal of a pledge?a
pledge to ourselves, our children and to
those who live, as we do, in the prayer-
ful faith that peace can, indeed, be made
a reality.
No one, it seems to me, has summed up
the case for our Dominican interven-
tion better than the brilliant columnist
and reporter, Charles Bartlett, whose
comments on this issue appeared in last
night's Washington Evening Star.
I consider it a privilege to call the at-
tention of my colleagues to Mr. Bartlett's
column and insert it as part of these pro-
ceedings:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
May 4, 19651
THE CASE FOR DOMINICAN ACTION
(By Charles Bartlett)
Much of the liberal instinct to protest the
American intervention in the Dominican Re-
public is being stifled by an awareness that
President Johnson had no sound alternatives
to the course he has followed.
The authentic leading South American
liberals are largely silent in the chorus of
protest. Johnson has taken great pains to
make them understand that on the evening
of April 27, the Dominican Republic was a
power vacuum in which many lives were im-
periled and many efficient, purposeful, and
guerrilla-trained Communists were at work.
One proof of this vacuum will be found
In the efforts of the coming days to piece
together new leadership for the country.
Even after the dust settles, this necessary
leadership will be hard to find. An almost
total lack of the caliber of men who make
leaders is one tragic consequence of 31 years
of brutal dictatorship.
Charges that the United States has resisted
the return of Juan Bosch, the poet liberal
whose incompetence as an administrator
permitted his deposition in 1962, are un-
founded. Bosch himself, through timidity or
indecision, chose to stay in Puerto Rico in-
stead of asserting himself in the chaos that
his followers had created. His failure to
take command will not strengthen his cause
in the new era.
The Dominican generals, including Elias
Wessin y Wessin, proved in the testing mo-
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9284 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
ments to have the clay feet of men whc_
matured in a corrupt society. Since non(
of them rose to the occasion, some suspeci;
the Dominicans may turn toward Joaquir.
Ealaguer, the old man who remained as Pres._
ident immediately after the Trujillo assaso
sination in 1961. He represents a compro-
mise between the new taste for democracy
and the old reliance on authority.
If there was no leader in Santa Domingo ta
whom Johnson could look confidently on the
evening of April 27, there were several on
whom he could look with concern. Thu'
postmortem debate on whether the Commu ?
nists could have captured the Governmen:i
if the Marines had not landed has alreacht
begun. Fortunately the intelligence read-
ings were excellent and they indicated in
advance that the potential was there.
The ominous Communist asset was tha
training in guerrilla tactics that had, bee:i..
imparted in Cuba to at least 16 of the insur-
gents. In the fluid situation which prevaile.
In Santo Domingo, these paramilitary ex-
perts, led by a resourceful Spanish Com-
munist named Manuel Gonzalez Gonzalea;,
had a splendid chance to prevail.
Criticisms of Johnson for resorting to gun-
boat diplomacy in these circumstances muat
be weighed against the private laments c f
many South American liberals in 1961 that
President Kennedy did not snatch triump
from disaster at the Bay of Pigs by dispatch.
Ing American soldiers to finish off Fidel
Castro. Critics also must ponder the pr'
sumption of responsible Venezuelans and
Bolivians that American troops will arrive, .f
all other hope is lost in chaos, to save the r
governments from the Communists.
The criticisms must be further 'weighted
against the gratitude of Juan Bosch in mic
November of 1961 after American naval forces
frustrated the return to the Dominican Hi-
public of the wicked Trujillo uncles. Bosch
hailed this fleet intervention, which stoppad
just short of Marine landings, as an act "that
could save many lives and many troubles it
the near future."
The little-known record of this country's
dogged efforts since 1961 to implant demi-
cracy in the barren Dominican soil is ors
pledge of Washington's virtuous intention S.
From the moment that Trujillo was killed,
leading Dominicans have leaned heavily upc h
American guidance in the tricky transiticn
from dictatorship. All the leverage of Wash-
ington's good offices has been applied to ea
courage constitutional government.
The break with the habits and attitud as
of 31 years does not come easily. Hen'y
Wells, a political scientist who helped to coa
struct the machinery for the 1962 election,
observed after the voting of a Dominican
official that everything had gone smoothly.
"These people are very well diseiplined," the
man responded.
The future will be no easier than the past
in the Dominican Republic. One American
policymaker said the decision to send
Marines into Santo Domingo was "like arrest-
ing your mother." As the CoMmunists try
to make the most of the tender days ahead,
this country's composure will rest upon its
case that-the decision was unavoidable.
BARING BILL TO REPEAL R.1:-
TAILER,S AND COMMUNICATIONS
EXCISE TAXES
(Mr. BARING (at the request of Mr.
BANDsTRA) was granted permission to e--
tend his remarks at this point in tie
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
tel'.)
Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, I am to-
day introducing two bills for the rep( al
of the Federal retailers excise taxes a: id
the excise tax on amounts paid for com-
munication service.
The President, in his state of the Union
message made reference to a cut in ex-
cise taxes. In this regard I am in com-
plete agreement with the President.
The retailers excise taxes were
adopted in 1941 as an emergency tax
during World War II. To continue this
tax I feel inflicts irreparable damage to
many small retailers and manufacturers.
Furthermore, the present retail ex-
cise tax structure is incongruous with
our national tax philosophy. These
levies are regressive, working the great-
est hardship on those least able to pay,
namely, those in the low income brackets.
In the Case of the excise taxes on com-
munications, we levied our first national
excise tax on long distance telephone
calls in 1932. The tax was extended and
increased during World War II when
such taxation served a dual purpose of
producing revenue and reducing the load
on our heavily burdened communica-
tions network.
Thirty-five years ago the telephone
was perhaps a luxury. In most areas of
our Nation, those were the days of the
party line. Quite obviously, this is no
longer true. Consumer savings on phone
bills would pour new money into our
economy.
No other utility service in the Ameri-
can home is taxed in this manner by the
Federal Government. It is time we rec-
ognized a simple truth the American
businessman and the consumer he serves
have known for a long time, namely, that
the telephone is not a luxury and should
no longer be treated that way.
FIESTA SAN ANTONIO, 1965
(Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of
Mr. BANDSTRA) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. GONZALEZ. Mr. Speaker, the
most unique annual festival of any in
America, in my opinion, is the Fiesta San
Antonio, held each year in my hometown
of San Antonio. The weeklong series of
parades, galas, and festivities is widely
celebrated as the most beautiful, joyous,
and spectacular of its kind. It includes
the "Battle of Flowers," a parade of
floats decorated by flowers which is in-
describably magnificent and which is a
worthy herald of the new spring season.
The Fiesta Flambeau is a spectacular
night parade and is undoubtedly the
greatest illuminated parade in the world.
Fiesta San Antonio is a wonderful ex-
ample of the blended Latin and Anglo
cultures which has been accomplished
in the Alamo City. The city itself is sit-
uated on the ancient Camino Real, the
Kings Highway, which existed before
Texas was a sovereign Republic or a
State.
The fiesta begins each year with the
traditional and historic pilgrimage to
the Alamo where ceremonies are con-
ducted formally opening the week of fes-
tivities. This year, Lt. Gen. Robert W.
Colglazier, commanding general, 4th U.S.
Army, delivered the pilgrimage address.
With unanimous consent I am inserting
this patriotic and inspiring speech in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
May 5, 1965
PILGRIMAGE ADDRESS AT THE ALAMO, Aran, 19,
1965, LT. GEN. ROBERT W. COLGLAZIER, JR.,
U.S. ARMY, COMMANDING GENERAL, 4TH U.S.
ARMY
It has been many years since my initial
participation in San Antonio's fiesta. Even
before that I became imbued with the sin-
cerest respect and deep reverence which all
Texans have for this, their most historic
shrine.
The details of the great drama which un-
folded at the Alamo, and the worldwide sig-
nificance of absolute heroism displayed here
In 1836, have remained ingrained in my mem-
ory. Who, having been here once, could ever
forget?
Thus, it is a great personal honor to have
been selected to make this traditional ad-
dress, and to join with you again in paying
tribute to those heroes who fell here and to
the equally heroic Texans at San Jacinto
Who vindicated the sacrifices made at the .
Alamo.
Those assembled at the Alamo on that
fateful day nearly 130 years ago came from
many widely scattered areas of the world.
Most of them were from States of the Union,
but Many came from foreign lands. They
joined with the Texans in one of the world's
greatest recorded efforts to win and preserve
freedom. All?all of them?native and
adopted Texan alike?showed the world they
preferred a valiant death to the ignominy of
oppression and tyranny.
Col. William B. Travis addressed to the
people of Texas, and to all Americans, what
has been called "the most heroic document
in American history."
Be wrote, in part: "I have sustained a
continual bombardment and cannonade for
24 hours, and have not lost a man. The
enemy has demanded a surrender at discre-
tion, otherwise the garrison are to be put to
the sword, if the fort is taken.
"I have answered the demand with a can-
non shot and our flag still waves proudly
from the walls. I shall never surrender or
retreat. I am determined to sustain myself
as long as possible, and die like a soldier,
who never forgets what is due to his own
hc:nor and that of his country. Victory or
death."
Today, this struggle against oppression
and tyranny is still being waged by men who
are willing to make the supreme sacrifice
to insure that freedom will live and progress
through future years.
:Cm keeping with that gathering, over a cen-
tury ago, of heroic fighting men, valiant
Texans of today are joined with other guard-
ians of freedom throughout the world?on
the alert, with weapons at the ready. They
are prepared to continue the struggle against
despotism whenever and wherever called
upon to do so.
Indeed, these Texans are laying their lives
on the line in one remote, but very impor-
tant area of the world?the Republic of Viet-
nam. Some have made the ultimate sacrifice
in the battle against oppression there. It
has been my sad but proud responsibility,
in less than 1. year since assuming command
of the 4th U.S. Army, to present a number of
medals to families whose heroic husbands
and sons have died in the steaming jungles
or the marshy rice fields of that faraway
Asian country. These sons of Texas echo, by
deeds, Colonel Travis' determination never
to surrender or retreat.
This determination to resist, to die for our
country, for our ideals, and for our honor
is the "spirit of the Alamo." And this spirit
of dedication and determination never has
faltered. Your husbands, sons and brothers
displayed it in the fighting of World War II
at Salerno, Guadalcanal, the Rapid? River
and in Normandy?and on Pork Chop Hill
and the Pusan Perimeter in Korea as well as
countless other battles since the siege of the
Alamo.
The "spirit of -the Alamo" cannot be at-
tained by decree; it cannot be ordained. It
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9121
ent. It would be a burden to the low-income
recipient if other elements were included
and these were not.
In some hospitals the fee for specialist
services (radiologist, pathologist) are in-
cluded in the price of the particular pro-
cedure. To separate these items in each case
would be an additional bookkeeping problem.
However, the problem would be the addi-
tional amount of accounts written off as bad
debts. It is not proper to withhold reim-
bursement for services rendered, including
the services of specialist if this is the exist-
ing financial arrangement between the hos-
pital and specialist. Otherwise it is proper
that the specialist make an application for
him to be reimbursed separately for his
charges to the patient.
Thank you again for your actions in this
vital area of health care.
Yours truly,
SISTER FRIEDEGARD,
Administrator.
CHRISTIAN WELFARE HOSPITAL,
East St. Louis, Ill., April 13, 1965.
Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: Assuming the
probability of passage of the medicare bill
which you remarked upon on March 29; I
feel your insight into the effect of exclusion
of medical specialists from payment under
the bill and your effort to amend this ex-
clusion is in the interest of the Nation's hos-
pitals and the public which uses them.
I cannot see the logic of excluding these
services from enjoying payment under the
public phase of the bill providing for care of
the elderly when, as you have pointed out,
the payment of such costs has been accepted
under preexisting programs for care to pub-
lic indigents and Armed Forces dependents,
as well as, Blue Cross and private insurance
plans.
Your action to remedy this obvious error
will be appreciated. I enclose a copy of a
recent communication from the American
Protestant Hospital Association pertaining to
the subject.
Very truly yours,
DANIEL A. HICKS,
Administrator.
MERCY HOSPITAL,
Chicago, Ill., April 13, 1965.
Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS,
Washington, D.C.
Sin: After carefully reviewing the com-
ments as appear in the CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD of March 29, 1965, we are heartily in
agreement with your conclusions and feel
very strongly as you do that if the services are
taken out of the hospital reimbursement
cost contracts, this will have an inflationary
effect on the total cost of medical care. It
will tend to create an almost unsurmount-
able technical difficulty in handling billings
by the hospital to the patients.
If we may be of any assistance please con-
tact us.
Sincerely yours,
ROBERT F. SCHINDERLE,
Assistant Administrator.
AMERICAN PROTESTANT
HOSPITAL ASSOCIATION,
Chicago, Ill., March 25, 1965.
EDWIN L. CROSBY, M.D.,
Director, American Hospital Association,
Chicago, Ill.
DEAR Dn. CROSBY: The board of trustees
of the American Protestant.Hospital Associa-
tion meeting in Chicago on March 24 re-
viewed the memorandum titled "The King-
Anderson Bill" released by the AHA on March
10, 1965.
The board of trustees reaffirmed the posi-
tion taken by the house of delegates on
January 18, 1965, supporting the effort of
the AHA toward adequate legislation to pro-
vide adequate care for the aging.
The board of trustees also lends its sup-
port to the position taken by the AHA rela-
tive to. (1) acceptance of AHA acting in be-
half of hospitals, (2) the designation of the
National Blue Cross Association as the hos-
pitals' administrative intermediary, and (3)
that pathology, radiology, physiatry and an-
esthesiology services continue to be included
in determining hospital costs.
This action by the board of trustees will
be transmitted to all APHA institutional
member hospitals and you are herewith au-
thorized to use this statement in any man-
ner best suited to strengthen this important
legislation.
Very truly yours,
LEO M. LYONS,
Executive Director.
THE COMMUNITY HOSPITAL OF EVANSTON,
Evanston, Ill., April 12, 1965.
Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
Sm: The trustees and administration of
Community Hospital of Evanston endorses
your position with reference to the removal
of costs of radiologists, pathologists, physi-
atrists, and anesthesiologists as benefits in
the basic hospitalization plan of the current
medicare bill.
We feel that the bill in its present form
would have a precedent-setting effect on
hospitals and cause a drastic inflation in
hospital economics as an estimated 25 per-
cent of hospital billings in the State of Il-
linois reflect the services of these staff spe-
cialists.
We urge your continued action to remove
this unwarranted amendment.
Sincerely yours,
STEPHEN E. DORIS,
Administrator.
? ST. MARY'S HOSPITAL,
Kankakee, Ill., April 12, 1965.
Senator PAUL H. DOUGLAS,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: Failure to include
customary billings in pathology, radiology,
anesthesiology, and physiatry In the amended
medicare package will have a drastic effect
on hospital economics.
Please push your efforts to get these serv-
ices back into the bill as hospital benefits.
An estimated 25 percent of hospital bill-
ings in Illinois comes from staff specialist
departments.
Sincerely,
Sister MARY ANSEL1VI,
Administrator.
JACKSON PARK HOSPITAL,
Chicago, Ill., April 12, 1965.
Senator PAUL H. DOUGLAS,
Congress of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR DOUGLAS: With regard to
your letter of April 2, I wish to state that I
agree wholeheartedly with the points brought
out in your speech in the Senate. If the
House bill is not changed, I am afraid that
most patients will receive bills from the hos-
pital, surgeon, referring physician, radiolo-
gist, pathologist, anesthesiologist, perhaps a
cardiologist, and physiatrist. There is no
question but that receiving seven or eight
bills instead of two or three will create chaos,
and will have an inflationary effect on the
cost of hospital care.
Very truly yours,
MOSE ELLIS,
Administrator.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF
RESOLUTION
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the names of
the junior Senator from Maine [Mr.
Musxm] and the junior Senator from
California [Mr. MURPHY] may be added
as cosponsors of Senate Resolution 83, to
create a select committee to study gold
production in the United States, at its
next Printing.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILLS
AND JOINT RESOLUTION
Under authority of the orders of the
Senate, as indicated below, the following
names have been added as additional
cosponsors for the following bills and
joint resolution:
Authority of April 22, 1965:
S. 1797. A bill to amend the Davis-Bacon
Act to extend its application to contracts
for the maintenance of Federal installations:
Mr. CASE, Mr. JAVITS, Mr. PROUTY, and Mr.
Scom
Authority of April 29, 1965:
S. 1851. A bill to provide fellowships for
research leading to a doctoral degree: Mr.
CANNON, and Mr. LONG Of Missouri.
? Authority of April 30, 1965:
S. 1861. A bill to provide additional assist-
ance for areas suffering a major disaster: Mr.
CLARK, Mr. JACKSON, Mr. MITCHEL, Mr. MCGEE,
Mrs. NEUBERGER, and Mr. YARBOROUGH.
S. 1864. A bill to amend the Fair Labor
Standards Act, 1938, as amended, to provide
for minimum wages for certain persons
employed in agriculture, and for other pur-
poses: Mr. GRUENING, and Mrs. NEUBERGER.
S. 1865. A bill to amend the Fair Labor
Standards Act of 1938 to extend the child
labor provisions thereof to certain children
employed in agriculture, and for other pur-
poses: Mr. GRUENING, and Mr. HART.
S. 1866. A bill to amend the National Labor
Relations Act, as amended, so as to make its
provisions applicable to agriculture: Mr.
GRUENING, and Mrs. NEUBERGER.
S. 1867. A bill to amend the Act of June 6,
1933, as amended, to authorize the Secretary
of Labor to develop and maintain improved,
voluntary methods of recruiting, training,
transporting, and distributing agricultural
workers, and for other purposes: Mr. GRUEN-
ING, Mr. HART, and Mrs. NEUBERGER.
S. 1868. A bill to provide for the establish-
ment of a Council to be known as the "Na-
tional Advisory Council on Migratory Labor":
Mr. GRUENING, Mr. HART, and Mrs. NEUBERGER.
S. 1869. A bill to amend the Internal Reve-
nue Code of 1954 to encourage the construc-
tion of housing facilities for agricultural
workers by permitting the amortization over
a 60-month period of the cost, or a portion of
the cost, of constructing such housing facil-
ities: Mr. GRUENING, Mr. HART, and Mrs.
NEUBERGER.
S.J. Res. 75. Joint resolution proposing an
amendment to the Constitution of the Unit-
ed States relating to residence and physical
presence requirements for voting in presi-
dential and vice-presidential elections and
for voting in elections for U.S. Senator and
Members of the House of Representatives:
MX. GRUENING, and Mrs. NEUBERGER.
NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON THE
PLANNING FOR PEACE RESOLU-
TION
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, on
behalf of the Committee on Foreign Rela-
tions, I wish to announce that the com-
mittee will hold an open hearing on Tues-
day, May 11, 1965, at 10 a.m. in Room
4221, New Senate Office Building, on Sen-
ate Concurrent Resolution 32, the "Plan-
ning for Peace Resolution," introduced by
Senator CLARK for himself and other
Senators.
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9122 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
All those wishing to present testimor y
are requested to make arrangements with
the chief clerk of the committee.
NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON S. 181t,
TO AMEND THE DISTRICT CV
COLUMBIA PUBLIC ASSISTANCE
LAW TO CLARIFY THE CAT1I-
GORIES OF retalERALLY AIDEb
ASSISTANCE RECIPIENTS ,
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, BS chat:,
man of the Public Health, Educatioa,
Welfare, and Safety Subcommittee of tie
Senate Committee on the District of Co,-
lurnbia, I announce that my subcommi ;-
tee will conduct public hearings on 3.
1817, Monday, May 10, 1965, at 10 an.
in room 6226, New Senate Office Build-
ing.
The bill to which I just referred was
introduced by our distinguished col-
league, Senator RIBICOFF. It wod d
amend the District of Columbia public
assistance law to clarify the categorills
of federally aided assistance recipients.
I ask unanimous consent that the bill
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the bill was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, US
follows:
S. 1817
A bill to amend the District of Columbla
public assistance law to clarify the cato-
gories of federally aided assistance r
clpients
Be it enacted by the Senate and HOU.I2
,of Representatives of the United States )f
America in Congress assembled, That, effe
tive July 1, 1965, section 3(a) of the Distrilt
of Columbia Pulic Assistance Act of 19112
(section 3-202(a), District of -Columbk3,
Code) is amended by adding at the end ther
of the following new sentence: "The cats-
gories listed in clauses (1), (2), (3), and (1t)
hereof shall include aid or assistance for .1,t
least all individuals with respect to whorl
Federal payments are authorized by t1t1.30
I (other than so much thereof as relates ?ac
medical assistance tor the aged), IV, X, ar.d
XIV of the Social Security Act."
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTli-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE AP -
PENDIX
On request, and by unanimous consenii,
addresses, editorials, articles, etc., weie
ordered to be printed in the Appendix, es
follows:
By Mr. THUR,MOND:
Editorial entitled "Bank Merger Conft -
sion," published in the Orangeburg (S.C.)
Times and Democrat of May 2, 1965.
By Mr. MORTON:
Editorial on the Tower substitute for tbe
voting rights bill, published in the Dallas
Morning News of Apr11 30, 1965.
By Mr. TYDINGS:
Article entitled "1,400 Seeking a Better Fu -
ture for Annapolis," written by J. Milian
Joynes, and published in the Baltimore News=
erican of April 18, 1965.
OMINICAN LANDING NECESSARY_
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Morn
ing business is in order.
Mr. cHuRcu. Mr. President, I as
unanimous consent that I may be per.
mitted to proceed for the next 7 minutelf.
The PRESIDING 01 TIGER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the ac-
tion which President Johnson has taken
in dispatching American troops to the
Dominican Republic is, in my judgment,
a laudable move to safeguard the vital
interests of the United States in the
Caribbean.
Little more than 2 years ago, the gov-
ernment of Fidel Castro invited the Soviet
Union to convert the island of Cuba into
a Russian missile base. The crisis thus
created, and the mailed-fist response of
President Kennedy, brought the world
to the verge of nuclear war, in a show-
down no one would want to experience
again. The elemental right to self-pres-
ervation would, in itself, justify an Amer-
ican intervention in the Dominican Re-
public for the purpose of preventing the
forcible establishment of another Castro-
type regime. The waters of the Carib-
bean wash our southern shores. We have
urgent and immediate interests at stake
there.
I do not know whether the revolt
against the junta government in Santo
Domingo, which broke out a week ago,
was in fact taken over by the Commu-
nists. The evidence is not yet sufficiently
complete for anyone to know this with
certainty. But the evidence does reveal,
Indisputably, that Communist elements
were actively involved in the uprising,
and that there was a clear and present
danger of a Communist seizure of power.
The swift action of the President has
foreclosed such a calamity. For this, he
is to be strongly commended.
The intervention of American troops
was made necessary, in the first instance,
to proteCt the lives of American citizens,
and to provide for their evacuation. A
total breakdown of law and order had
occurred in Santo Domingo, which made
a rescue mission mandatory, for
humanitarian reasons alone. Other for-
eign nationals have also received the
cloak of American protection.
As a Senator, representing the
sovereign people of Idaho, I do not con-
ceive it to be my duty to "rubber stamp"
every action the President may take in
the field of foreign policy, even though,
as a Democrat, he heads up the admin-
istration to which I give my general sup-
port. I have criticized certain aspects of
our policy in Vietnam, and I will con-
tinue to speak up whenever I think our
course may be wrong. This is an obliga-
tion of my office which transcends party
allegiance or any consideration of politi-
cal risk.
By the same token, I will commend
the President whenever he takes action
abroad which seems to me to be well
suited to advance the interests of our
country. His initiative in the Dominican
Republic is a venture well begun, for
which he deserves the strongest praise.
I say this, deeply conscious of the fact
that the Dominican Republic is neither
our possession nor our protectorate. The
people of that unhappy island are the
citizens of an independent country. As
such, they have the right to form a gov-
ernment of their own choice. We insist
upon the right of self-determination for
ourselves, so we cannot deny it to others.
Having interposed our own troops, the
revolution in the Dominican Republic
has been quelled. We have thus assumed
May 5, .1965
a responsibility toward the Dominican
people which we must now faithfully dis-
charge. Part of that responsibility is to
see to it that a cease-fire is achieved, a
provisional government agreed to, and
order restored. But more than this, the
essential need will be to insure the hold-
ing of free elections, as quickly as pos-
sible, so that the citizens of the Domini-
can Republic may properly form their
own government. ?
Let those who raise the cry "gunboat
diplomacy" remember that there is
nothing yet to lament. The rights of the
Dominican people have not been
usurped. Our intervention found them
caught between the horns of two tyran-
nies. Neither their previous government,
a military junta 'unposed by force, nor a
Communist government, seizing power
at the hands of a small band of hard-
core revolutionaries, could possibly rep-
resent the choice, freely given, of the ma-
jority of the Dominicans. We must re-
member that Castro's government has
not yet permitted free elections in Cuba,
and never will.
So it is that Lyndon Johnson, through
prompt and timely intervention, has
grasped an opportunity to restore to the
people of the Dominican Republic their
fundamental right to self-determination.
The President has said that his purpose
will be the bringing about of free elec-
tions. He has no intention of keeping
American marines on the island for any
extended length of time.
If the end result of our occupation
of Santo Domingo is the imposition of
another military junta, then will be the
time to protest the revival of gunboat
diplomacy. As of now, we have every
reason to applaud the President, and to
hope his decisive leadership may lead to
a new birth of freedom for the oppressed
people of the Dominican Republic.
Mr. President, on May 4, the Washing-
ton Post published an excellent editorial
concerning the situation in the Domini-
can Republic. I ask unanimous consent
that the editorial be printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
? [From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
May 4, 19651
INTERVIZTTION POL/CY
There is a great deal of merit in the asser-
tion of Juan Bosch that the United States,
by its intervention in the Dominican Repub-
lic, has assumed responsibility for bringing
democracy to the country. Certainly, we
cannot now calmly withdraw our military
forces and leave the powers of government to
be picked up by arty candidate for authority
who happens to be in possession of essential
military force.
History, as Lord Acton pointed out, does
not disclose its alternatives, and no one ever
can know whether the democratic forces act-
ing M Bosch's name would have succeeded
in controlling the -uprising against the mili-
tary regime. It is this unknown and un-
ascertainable fact on which the wisdom or
unwlsdom of the President's determination
to intervene depends. If the Dominican in-
tervention is to be a precedent for further
intervention of the kind, we are embarked
upon a policy that will involve us in repeated
operations of this sort. If the suspicion of
Communist participation in a popular up-
rising. against a military dictatorship is sum-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 9123
rmed The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BAss interest in, sufficient properties or deter-
May 5, 1965
cient to trigger the use of American A,
Forces we are going to be busy in L
America.
Every country in which there exists a
ernment that did not arrive at powe
democratic means is a logical target for o
throw by popular forces. And every pop
force is the logical object for an effor
Communists to dominate its leadership
does not take much prescience to fore
sooner or later, an effort to overthrow
arbitrary government in Haiti. And it
not take a gift of prophecy to foresee that
the Communists will be in the thick of that
revolutionary effort. And if the new Johnson
doctrine persists, the U.S. Armed Forces will
be on hand within hours after the initial
uprising. It is an ominous outlook. This
may bear little resemblance in purpose to
the interventionist policies of the twenties,
but the methods of carrying out the policy
are too much alike totally to escape the same
sort of criticism and reproach.
It is perfectly evident, at the same time,
that the traditional devices for collective ac-
tion are totally inadequate to protect the
hemisphere against the new sort of Commu-
nist conquest. The OAS Charter sets up a
solid wall against the use of military force
of a conventional kind across national
boundaries. Respect for this barrier only
guarantees the unconventional Communist
invaders, who penetrate clandestinely and
covertly, immunity against any outside
check on their subversion. The old-fash-
ioned effort to guarantee national territorial
inegrity- is thus transformed into a device
to allow the Communist overthrow of South
American governments. As long as the rest
of the region is committed to stand aside,
the presence of Communist aggression, t
hemisphere faces the melancholy prospect
successful Communist operations of thr
sorts: Communist aggression by acti
against or infiltration of a popularly elect
constitutional regime, by revolt against
military dictatorship, or by penetration of
popular revolutionary movement.
The President has stated flatly that "th
American nations cannot, must not, and wi
not permit the establishment of anoth
Communist government in the Wester
Hemisphere." If this is indeed the colle
tive purpose of "the American nations" the
have not perfected the political or milita
means of achieving that purpose. Unt
deter-
atm in the chair) laid before the'Senate the mines that he has entered into appropriate
go amendment of the House of Representa- cooperative agreements with owners of non-
Federal by tives to the bill (p. 60) to authorize the properties, or any combination
ver- Secretary of the Interior to designate thereof including the designation of sites al-
ver-
ready in Federal ownership, he shall by pub-
the Nez Perce National Historical Park lication in the Federal Register establish the
t by in the State of Idaho, and for other pur- Nez Perce National Historical Park and there-
it poses, which Was, to strike out all after after administer the Federal property under
cast, the enacting clause and insert:
the his administrative jurisdiction in accordance
does That it is the purpose of this Act to radii- with the Act of August 25, 1916 (39 Stat 535*
pro ection and provide interpretation 16 U.S.C. 1 et seq.), as amended and supple-
of sites in the Nez Perce country of Idaho mented.
that have exceptional value in commemorat- SEC. 6. (a) In order to carry out the pur-
ing the history of the Nation. pose of this Act the Secretary of the Interior
SEC. 2. To implement this purpose the may contract and make cooperative agree-
Secretary of the Interior may designate as ments with the State of Idaho, its political
the Nez Perce National Historical P a-a van- subdivisions or agencies, corporations, asso-
ous component sites in Federal and non-Fed- ciations, the Nez Perce Tribe, or individuals,
eral ownership relating to the early Nez Perce to protect, preserve, maintain, or operate any
culture, the Lewis and Clark Expedition site, object, or property included within the
through the area, the fur trade, missionaries, Nez Perce National Historical Park, regard-
gold mining and logging, the Nez Perce war less of whether title thereto is in the United
of 1877, and such other sites as he finds will States: Provided, That no contract or coop-
depict the role of the Nez Perce country in erative agreement shall be made or entered
the westward expansion a the Nation. theint? whichTreasury will
llul unless
sgaol tuhnetir ze0/41 rfund h has
SEC. 3. The Secretary of the Interior may
acquire by donation or with donated funds appropriated money for such purpose.
such lands, or interests therein, and other (b) To facilitate the interpretation of the
property which in his judgment will further Nez Perce country the Secretary is authorized
the purpose of this Act and he may purchase to erect and maintain tablets or markers in
with appropriated funds land, or interests accordance with the provisions contained in
therein, required for the administration of .
the Act approved August 21, 1935, entitled
the Nez Perce National Historical Park: Pro- An Act to provide for the preservation of
Sided, That he may purchase no more than historic American sites, buildings, objects,
one thousand five hundred acres in fee, and and antiquities of national significance, and
no more than one thousand five hundred for other purposes" (49 Stat. 666).
acres in scenic easements. The Nez Perce SEC. 7. There are hereby authorized to be
Tribe'sg body, if it so desires, with appropriated the sums of not more than
in the approval of the Secretary of the Inte- $630,000 for the acquisition of lands and in-
he nor, is authorized to sell, donate, or ex- terests in land and not more than $1,337,000
of change tribal-owned lands held in trust or construction, restoration work, and other
on
ee needed to further the purpose of this Act. improvements at the Nez Perce National His-
SEC. 4. (a) Indian trust land may be des- torical Park under this Act.
ed ignated by the Secretary of the Interior for Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I move
a inclusion in the Nez Perce National Histor- that the Senate concur in the amend-
a ical Park with the concurrence of the bene-
ficial owner. Sites In Federal ownership un- ment of the House.
11
e der the administrative jurisdiction of other The motion was agreed to.
Government agencies may likewise be desig- Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I suggest
er nated by the Secretary of the Interior for the absence of a quorum.
n inclusion in the Nez Perce National Histor- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
c- ical Park with the concurrence of the agency clerk will call the roll.
Y having administrative responsibility there- The legislative clerk proceeded to call
17 for, but such designation shall effect no the roll.
11 transfer of administrative control unless the
administering agency consents thereto. Not Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask
more than one thousand and five hundred unanimous consent that the order for
acres overall shall be designated pursuant to the quorum call be rescinded.
the foregoing provisions of this subsection. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
The Secretary of the Interior may cooperate ObeetiOn, it is so ordered.
with the Nez Perce Tribe or the administer-
ing agency, as the case may be, in research
Into and interpretation of the significance of
any site so designated and in providing desir-
able interpretive services and facilities and
other facilities required for public access to
and use and enjoyment of the site and in
conservation of the scenic and other re-
sources thereof.
(b) The Secretary of the Interior may en-
ter into cooperative agreements with the
owners of property which, under the provi-
sions of this Act, may be designated for in-
clusion in Nez Perce National Historical Park
as sites in non-Federal ownership, and he
may assist in the preservation, renewal, and
interpretation of the properties, provided the
cooperative agreements shall' ont
they do so, the United States stands com-
mitted to more extensive national obliga-
tions than It has hitherto assumed in this
hemisphere. The emergency in the Domini-
can Republic has led us to improvise to fit
our practice a policy that has not had the
benefit of psychological, legal, political, or
military preparation.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business?
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, -I sug-
gest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
DESIGNATION OF NEZ PERCE
NATIONAL HISTORICAL PARK,
IDAHO
Mr CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask
that the Chair lay before the Senate a
message from the House of Representa-
tives on S. 60.
No. 80-2
a n, but
not be limited to, provisions that: (1) the
Secretary has right of access at all reasonable
times to all public portions of the property
for the purpose of conducting visitors
through the property and interpreting it to
the public, and (2) no changes or altera-
tions shall be made in the properties, includ-
ing buildings and grounds, without the writ-
ten consent of the Secretary.
SEC. 5. When the Secretary of the Interior
determines that he has acquired title to, or
BANKRUPTCIES INVOLVED IN FED-
ERAL HOUSING ADMINISTRATION
INSURED MORTGAGES
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware.: Mr.
President, on previous occasions I have
urged the Senate to give attention to the
manner in which the Federal Housing
Administration is insuring mortgages on
what should have been recognized as
unsound multifamily housing projects.
The wholesale manner in which these
multimillion-dollar projects have been
approved in the past few years and the
wholesale manner in which they are
going broke, of times before they are
completed, represents an enormous and
unnecessary cost to the taxpayers.
Today I list seven more multifamily
projects in the Florida area upon which
the Federal Housing Administration has
guaranteed mortgages aggregating $21,-
742,700. Total payments of only $125,-
664.35 were ever made on these seven
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9124 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 5, 1965
mortgages, Then with over $211/2 mi C- 828,500 on this project. With no pay- 1. Feasibility date: June 23, 1959; commit-
lion still due the projects went into cli;- ments having been made toward a re- mi3nt date: July 1, 1060: cost certification:
February 23,1962, $1,596,698.
fault, and the Government is now being duction in the principal, this mortgage
forced to take them over under fon- on November 22, 1963, was assigned to the a (a) . See covering letter.
2(b) . Sponsor: 0. W. Foster, 4251 Bender-
closure proceedings. Federal Housing Administration, 8011 Boulevard, Tampa, Fla.
As this program is presently being ail- Indian Pass Apartments, Inc., Indian Mortgagor: Coral Crest Apartments, Inc.,
ministered the sponsors are allowed to Rocks, Fla.: On April 11, 1960, the Fed- 214 West Gaston Street, Greensboro, N.C.
Incorporate each of these projects as a eral Housing Administration insured a Officers: W. H. Weaver, president, 602 Healey
separate corporate entity, and when one mortgage of $1,806,700 on this project. Building, Atlanta, Ga.; Abe M. Nail, Jr., vice
projects fails the sponsors individually After payments of only $5,593 had been president, Post Office Box 3054, Greensboro,
are not held responsible for the payme at made toward a reduction in the principal, eaiN.ow.; nLee P. Fore, vice president (no address); H. M. Weaver, treasurer (no address
of the mortgage nor does the Govera- this mortgage on December 2, 1962, was shown); Irene Karns, secretary (no address
ment have any claim on any other prcj- in default, and the Federal Housing Ad- shown). Stockholders: W. H. Weaver (see
act which the same sponsor may be ope r- ministration foreclosed on November 4, above), Sonja R. Weaver (no address shown),
sting successfully either with or without 1964. Edith H. Weaver (no address shown), Lee P.
a Government loan. Paradise Island Towers, St. Petersburg, Fore (no address shown).
This means that the Government Fla.: On November 15, 1961, the Federal s. Final endorsement: February 23, 1962;
takes 100 percent of all the risk and the Housing Administration insured a mort- Mortgage amount: $1,382,000; payments in
r5EA:dorgutctioen assigned
peiriinctiopal: FHA January
2, 1964. sponsors can sit back with 100 percent gage of $3,090,700 on this project. After
of all the profits, resulting in everyone payments of only $24,144 had been made Foreclosed March 2, 1965. y
having a field day at the taxpayers' toward a reduction in the principal, on 4. Project has not been resold.
expense. March 11, 1965, the Federal Housing Ad- xn
One major weakness in this program ministration accepted a deed in lieu of Pasadena Apartments, Inc.; project No.
Is the failure of the Federal Housing Ad- foreclosure. 067-30071 (cooperative housing); South Pasa-
ministration to check the actual cost of Southgate Towers, Inc., St. Petersburg, dens, Fla.:
the land and construction before insur- Fla.; On September 29, 1960, the Fed- ' 1. Feasibility date: July 8, 1960; commit-
Ing the mortgage. Likewise, the manner eral Housing Administration agreed to merit date: December 30, 1960; cost certifi-
in which the sponsors contract with insure a mortgage of $2,086,200 on this cation: February 27, 1963, $3,913,765.89.
their own construction firms opens 'the project. After payments of $73,800 had 2(a). See covering letter.
passibility of abuse unless careftlly been made toward a reduction in the 2(b). Sponsor: R. E. Clarson, 1930 13th
checked. - principal, this mortgage on December 19, Avenue North, St. Petersburg, Fla.; R. E.
Clarson, Jr., 1930 13th Avenue North, St.
The Federal Housing Administrat .on 1962, was in default, and the Federal Petersburg, Fla.; W. B. Wood, 1930 13th Ave-
heretofore has not been making any s2e- Housing Administration on December 2, nue North, St. Petersburg, Fla.; Robert C.
cial effort to determine the actual cost 1964, foreclosed. Pelham, 3409 Wilder Lane, Orlando, Fla.;
of the land upon which these projects I ask unanimous consent that the more Hugo R. Broleman, 1212 East Colonian Drive,
were being built but rather has been detailed reports on each of these proj- Orlando. Fla.
using an appraised valuation as a for- ects, including names and addresses of OfficersMort gagori: diPreascatodena Airrtments, Inc.
mula upon which to base the mortgege, the sponsors, and so forth, as furnished presidentan? R. E. Clarrsso:n,RvoiceertpresC.idPenelth,. ern,.
with the result that, as I pointed out in by the Federal Housing Administration, is. Wood, treasurer; J. C. Dew, secretary,
my remarks of April 22, in many in- be printed at this point in the RECORD. Florida Bank Building, St. Fetereburg, Fla.;
stances the sponsors started out wit a a There being no objection, the reports Lawrence R. Warrick, assistant secretary, 670
substantial cash profit. were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Fairbanks Avenue, Winter Park, Fla.; Hugo
Recently the Commissioner has advlsed as follows: R. Broleman.
that this procedure is
3. Final endorsement: February 27, 1963;
being changed Ind / mortgage amount: $3,377,700; payments in
that consideration will be given to the Mandalay Shores, Inc., project No. 067- reduction to principal: $4,513; status: mort-
actual cost factor, but this procet ure 00016 (rental housing) , Clearwater, Fla.: gage assigned to MIA November 22, 1963.
1. Feasibility date: September 4, 1959; :Foreclosed December 22, 1964.
should be an ironclad rule.
The seven projects to which I refer to-
commitment date: November 23, 1960; cost 4. Project has not been resold.
, certification: April 3, 1963, $8,037,222.
day are as follows: 2(a). See covering letter. IV
2(b) . Sponsor: Dworman Associates, 65 Horizon Hou CLearwater. Fla. project No. 067-30078-INV;
Mandalay Shores, Inc., Clearweter,
Fla.: On November 23, 1960, the Fednal West 55th Street, New York, N.Y. 1. Feasibility date: July 29, 1960; commit-
Housing Administration made a commit- Mortgagor: Dworman Associates. Officers: mtioen. nt. jdniate:23Ma, 1988,$ 16, 1981; oertifica-
ment to insure a mortgage of $7,170,900 Alvin, Dworman, president, 155 East 76th
on this project. After payments of 1),..-TIly Street, New York, N.Y.; Lester D. Dworman, 2 ( a ) . See covering letter
$8,964 had been made toward the rettuc- vice president, 11 East 81st Street, New York, 2(b). Sponsor: Robert ChuckrOw, 80 East
tion in the principal, this mortgage in N.Y.; Darryl Dworman, secretary-treasurer, 42d Street, New York, N.Y.; Murray Smith,
April 1964 was in default and assigned to 170 East 83d Street, New York, N.Y. Stock-
150 Draper Lane, Dobbs Frry, N.Y.; Milton
the Federal Housing Administration holders: Alvin Dworman, Lester D. Dworman, for Darryl Dwn ormtaonc,iAatbersram A. Rosen (care of Hecht, 87 Lefferts Road, Yonkers, N.Y.; Henry
foreclosure. Foreclosure sale is sched- , Abraham Kamber N.J.; Alvin Parker, 2 Cooper Road, New York,
Schneider, 235 75th Street, North Bergen,
uled for May 12, 1965. (care of Dworman Associates). N.Y.
Coral Crest Apartments, Inc., Tampa, . 3. Final endorsement: April 3, 1963; mort- Mortgagor: Horizon House, Inc. Officers:
Fla.: On July 1, 1960, the Federal Haus- gage amount: $7,170,900; payments in reduc- Robert Chuckrow, president; Murray Smith,
big Administration insured a mortgage tion to principal: $8,964; status: Mortgage vice president; Louis S. Weiner, secretary;
of $1,382,000 on this project. After 'my-
assigned to FHA April 1964. Referred to Milton Hecht, treasurer.
Department of Justice for foreclosure May 3. Finally endorsed: July 30, 1963; snort-
ments of only $8,650.35 on the princtpal, 11996645. Foreclosure sale scheduled for May 12, gage amount: $2,828,500; payments in reduc-
this mortgage on January 2, '1964, 'vent .
into default, and the Federal Housing Ad- tion to principal: None. Status: Mortgage
. n assigned to FHA November 22, 1963. One
ministration foreclosed on March 2,1.965. Coral Crest Apartments, Inc.; project No. hundred of the one hundred and twenty-five
Pasadena Apartments, Inc., Stith 067-30073 1; Tampa, Fla.: units are occupied by cooperative subscribers
Pasadena, Fla.: On December 30, 1960, and the sponsors are attempting to arrange
the Federal Housing Administration in- i The application for this project was orig- sale of the project to the cooperative.
sured a mortgage of $3,377,700 on this inally filed under section 207 rental housing. v
project. After payments of only $1,513 The sponsor then applied for and received a Indian Pass Apartments, Inc., project No
on the principal, this mortgage on No- superseding commitment to insure under sec- 067-30070 (cooperative housing) , Indian
vember 22, 1963, defaulted, and the Fed- tion 213 cooperative housing, the mortgage Rocks, Fla.:
eral -Housing Administration foreclosed to be insured upon completion of the proj- 1 Feasibility date: February 12, 1960; corn-
ea. Following completion and insurance of mitment date: April 11, 1960; cost certifies-
= December 22, 1964. the mortgage the sponsors were unsuccess- tion: August 14, 1961, 62,137,677.21.
- Horizon House, Clearwater, Fla.: On ful in the formation of the cooperative and 2(a). See covering letter.
March 16, 1961, the Federal Housinc Ad- were given permission to convert the project 2(b). Sponsor: J. Hilbert Sapp, 801 Seville
ministration insured a mortgage oi $2,- to a rental status. Place. Orlando, Fla.; Robert C. Pelham, 34011
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