THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC AND THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000500120017-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 22, 2003
• Sequence Number: 17
• Publication Date: July 15, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000500120017-6
July 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
One of the council's early actions, I
believe, should be a start on the develop-
ment of a comprehensive national water
policy.
The policy should not only advance
solutions to our current water manage-
ment problems but long-range planning
for future water needs as well.
Certainly this policy should call for a
step-up In the Federal Government's
already impressive progress in perfecting
the desalting of sea water.
The Bechtel Corp. recently made an
important report to the Interior Depart-
ment, the Atomic Energy Commission
and the Metropolitan Water District of
southern California.
It reported that sea water could be
transformed into fresh water with atom-
ic power at about one-fifth of current
cost.
That would put the cost-a minimum
of 22 cents a thousand gallons-close
to what southern California expects to
be paying for natural fresh water from
inland sources within the next few years.
Such a rate would be favorable for
other sections of the country where
water is scarce.
The Bechtel report indicated that such
low-cost desalinization could be accom-
plished by a $300 million plant situated
south of Los Angeles producing electric
power as a byproduct.
The plant would produce 150 million
gallons of water a day-enough for a
city of 750,000 persons.
The power output would be 1,800
megawatts, enough for a city of 2 mil-
lion-bigger that the Hoover Dam's
capacity of 1,300 megawatts.
The council should press forward with
federally-financed research into new
methods of water purification. The
Rand Development Corp. has developed
a startling new water purification system
that uses coal and which produces elec-
tric power as a byproduct.
Other possibilities that should be con-
sidered by the council include use of
flood control dams to create reservoirs,
civilian use of reservoir system at vacant
military installations, and transporting
water supplies by tank car to emergency
areas.
Another priority item on the Interde-
partmental Council's agenda should be
early discussions with Canada looking
toward the development of a North
American water Policy.,
A plan has been conceived by a dis-
tinguished Canadian engineer, Thomas
W. Kierans, of Sudbury, Ontario, for
diverting Hudson Bay-bound rivers into
the Great Lakes.
The plan calls for delivering 24,000
cubic feet per second of new water to
the Great Lakes and for dependably
managing the levels, flows, and quality
of the Great Lakes.
If carried out, the plan could assist in
the solution of a number of the problems
I cited earlier:
The new water would raise the levels
of the Great Lakes.
It would flush out pollutants from the
lakes.
It would enable Chicago and Ohio to
divert the water they require.
16465
The water could be diverted into either spective the reaction of Latin Americans
the Hudson or Delaware Rivers water- to the U.S. role in the Dominican crisis.
sheds to provide for the increased needs To begin with, I would like to point out
of Atlantic seaboard metropolitan areas. that only two Latin American chiefs of
A start has been made in this general state criticized President Johnson's
direction. action. I think we should remember also
Private engineering firms are studying that in all the voting in the Organization
the plan's economic feasibility. And the of American States during the crisis the
International Joint Commission now is positions taken by the United States
studying the twin problems of water qual- were supported on every occasion by two-
ity and quantity in the Great Lakes. thirds or more of the member nations.
But I regret that the chairmanship of Indeed, in the first crucial test-on the
the U.S. section of the International resolution asking the OAS itself to as-
Joint Commission has been vacant for 1 sume the responsibility for restoring
year-since July. 1964, when our col- order in the Dominican Republic--only
league, the gentleman from Wyoming, five Latin American nations declined to
left the post to run for the House of go along.
Representatives. But perhaps the best measure of
We did, however, have an indication Latin American sentiment throughout
of increased attention to relations with the crisis is the newspaper editorial re-
our northern neighbor this week when action throughout the hemisphere.
the White House made public a report In the first days of the Dominican
recommending close, continuous, and crisis, when U.S. troops were landed,
candid consultation between the United there was indeed widespread editorial
States and Canada as the cornerstone of criticism. Gradually, however, as the
improved relations between the two na- picture of utter chaos emerged from the
tions. Dominican Republic the editorial tone
President Johnson asked the Secretary shifted in many Latin American coun-
of State to take the lead for the United tries to sympathy, understanding and
States in a prompt review of the report even support for the decisive action of
and its recommendations. President Johnson.
I earnestly hope that Mr. Rusk will Let me give you some examples:
indeed take the lead and inaugurate con- in Rio de Janeiro, the widely read 0
versations with the Canadian Govern- Jornal declared that:
ment on the matter of joint planning of The intervention of the American Armed
a North American water policy which Forces in Santo Domingo * * * was not
would include jointly undertaking the only urgent but indispensable.
huge Great Lakes replenishment project The editorial added that:
advanced by Mr. Kieran. The theoreticians of self-determination
The Nation's water problems mount. and nonintervention protest that the pres-
Fifteen years from now we will need fa- ence of American warships in Santo Do-
cilities to supply twice as much water as mingo constitutes a flagrant violation of
we use today. U.S. agreements with other hemisphere
Clearly, the time has come to act and powers in the treaties of Bogota and Rio de
Janeiro. But it must be admitted that
to plan . awaiting the formal procedures of those
t~ 1 treaties would have sacrificed hundreds,
THE DOMINICA JBLIC AND even thousands of innocent persons.
THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. MAT-
sUNAGA) . Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Illinois [Mr.
Pucnssxr] is recognized for 30 minutes.
Mr, PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, during
the recent tragic events in the Domini-
can Republic, I am sure a good many
Americans acquired the false impression
that all of Latin America was up in arms
against the United States because of
President Johnson's action in sending
troops.
There are many reasons why this false
impression gained currency. There were,
in some Latin American capitals, the
usual street demonstrations by the usual
small elements. There were the expect-
ed outcries from the traditionally anti-
American groups. And there were, of
course, the usual sensational news re-
ports of student rallies or flag-burnings
or overturned cars. Mixed In with these
reports were, of course, legitimate pro-
tests from responsible elements. I would
not suggest that only small bands of
vociferous extremists criticized the
American action. Indeed, since concern
was expressed in many responsible quar-
ters.
But I think it Is time to put in per,
Colombia, while one liberal
newspaper initially called the U.S.
action unwarranted intervention, an-
other liberal journal, El Espectador,
said President Johnson's reasons for in-
tervening were acceptable in face of the
fact that no government existed in the
Dominican Republic. In fairness, how-
ever, let me add that El Espectador in-
sisted that in form and essence our ac-
tion was incorrect. But later on, the
other leading liberal newspaper, El
Tiempo-which at first had condemned
our action-declared, and I quote :
If President Johnson-who is better in-
formed than we are-thinks there is a
grave danger of a Castroist invasion of Santo
Domingo and that this island could be con-
verted into another Cuba, he was perfectly
right in ordering intervention.
In Venezuela, another leading liberal
journal, El Mundo of Caracas, decided
that:
The Americans have acted well, with ra-
pidity and foresight. There is no time to
lose. Communism acts fast. it is organized
and supported. The protest of some Latin
American countries against intervention in
Santo Domingo should now be choked off.
In Ecuador, the popular newspaper-
man and poet, Mr. Alejandro Carrion, de-
clared in Guayaquil's El Universo:
 16466 Approved For ReleajpV#4616pe()-O044~00120017-6 July 15, 1965
In justice, and without justifying the
U.S. action, it must be recognized that the
armed intervention came after another
armed intervention about which ' nothing
was said, which was not condemned, and
which was not interfered with. I refer to the
armed intervention of the Communists.
In Mexico, which did not vote with us
in the OAS, a leading conservative jour-
nal, El Universal, condemned our action
in the Dominican Republic. Yet, at the
same time, another leading conservative
newspaper, Excelsior, found that:
The possibility that the Dominican Re-
public can become a second Cuba is some-
thing which affects the Dominicans as pri-
mary victims, but also all Latin Americans
who would feel its weight as a threatening
presence and a new center of agitation on a
hemispheric scale.
Still another major newspaper in
Mexico, the liberal Novedades, declared:
The landing of U.S. marines is justified by
basic humanitarian principles.
This newspaper added that "it cannot
be ignored" that "openly Communists
armed groups, or persons inspired by
such, are trying to establish a regime
like Fidel Castro's * * '"."
The Havana regime is intervening in
Dominican affairs through [these] armed
organizations. The United States cannot
permit this without incurring grave danger
to hemispheric peace and unity.
I could continue citing favorable edi-
torial reaction in almost every country
in the hemisphere. But I think you can
see from the examples I have given that
the Latin American response to our ac-
tion was by no means violent or one-
sided. At the same time, I would not
suggest that there was near-universal
support for our action, nor would I inti-
mate that there was little or no criticism.
There was, without doubt, a good deal of
criticism from nonextremist sources. The
tone of that criticism was, however,
largely restrained and reasonable. It
suggests, in fact, that in Latin America
today the specter of American economic
imperialism backed up by bayonets has
been consigned to its rightful residence-
to the dusty pages of old history books.
And as Eric Sevareid has pointed out,
the new and very real specter in Latin
America today is Communist political
and paramilitary penetration. There is,
I think, a growing realization that the
independent American Republics must
together take further steps to meet this
new danger and this new challenge.
Later this summer, in August in Rio de
Janiero, the foreign ministers of the
American Republics will meet in formal
sessions to decide what measures can
and should be taken to meet what the
late Adlai Stevenson has aptly described
as "camouflaged aggression-subversion
so subtle that it can sometimes be ex-
ported without a fingerprint."
But there is an additional factor which
is relevant here and which, to me, is
fundamental in explaining the reactions
of Latin America to the Dominican Re-
public crisis. There is not only an in-
creasing recognition that the American
nations must work more closely together
to successfully resist this new aggres-
sion. There is a recognition of the need
to continue the equally vital task of
rapidly improving the social and eco-
nomic circumstances of the American
people. This social sensitivity, coincid-
ing with our own, was significantly re-
sponsible for the orientation of a series
of inter-American declarations of policy
reaching their spiritual and operational
climax in the Alliance for Progress.
For almost 4 years, under the Alliance,
the independent Latin American Repub-
lics and the United States have struggled
side by side to meet a profound and
mounting demand for social justice.
There is today in Latin America a new
willingness to accept the major respon-
sibility for the success of this democratic,
peaceful revolution. There is a growing
awareness that long-term economic and
social progress requires each nation to
reform and modernize many traditional
institutions.
Let me cite some instances of such
reforms:
All of the 19 Latin American nations
have improved their tax administration
and 9 have enacted major tax reform
programs.
Twelve countries have introduced new
land reform programs.
Ten countries have come up with na-
tional development plans or sector in-
vestment programs. Other country pro-
grams are nearing completion.
Education budgets have increased
some 13 percent, and 5 million more
children are now attending school.
Fifteen countries have established
self-help housing programs, and more
than 300,000 new dwelling units have
been completed or are about to be.
Nine countries have enacted laws fos-
tering the growth of savings and loan
associations, and eight countries now
have new public or private development
banks.
Thus it has become increasingly clear
in Latin America that only through self-
help can a nation or a people effectively
marshal their own resources to meet the
challenge of rapid development and to
survive and compete in the modern
world.
There is also a greater consciousness
among the Latin American nations that
cooperation with each other-much as
we already see in the Central American
Common Market and in the Latin Amer-
ican Free Trade Association-makes for
the most rapid and solid progress.
The executive direction of the Alliance
for Progress today is largely in Latin
American hands. Through the Inter-
American Committee on the Alliance for
Progress, known as CIAP from its ini-
tials in Spanish, the Latin Americans
themselves keep a vigilant eye on the pace
of national development programs and
multinational cooperative ventures.
CLAP reports that last year Latin Amer-
ica achieved an overall increase of 21/2
percent in gross national product. This
was the challenging growth target set in
mid-1961 when the Alliance was official-
ly launched at Punta del Este, Uruguay.
Under CIAP's prodding and intelligent
leadership there is a fair chance that
this same important goal will be reached
again this year.
For its part, the United States con-
tinues its vigorous and full support of the
Alliance. Early this year President
Johnson not only renewed the pledge of
the United States to support all the
Alliance objectives but also promised in-
creasing participation of the United
States in the years ahead. Secretary of
State Rusk has suggested that now, in
the aftermath of the chaotic and tragic
events in the Dominican Republic, all
the member nations of the Alliance for
Progress face the challenge of building
in that battered land the foundations
for a modern, democratic life. The
Dominican people, he said, "want what
the rest of us want for ourselves: repre-
sentative constitutional government, eco-
nomic and social progress, hope that
their children's lives will be happier
and more fruitful than their own."
As for the political content of the
Alliance, Secretary Rusk restated the
position of the United States simply and
clearly:
The United States welcomes change in
Latin America. From its inception, the Alli-
ance for Progress has been the cornerstone of
our policy in Latin America. The Alliance
objectives-of reform and development in
democracy-are our objectives. They are our
objectives because we have always believed
in them, and because of their attainment in
each and every country of Latin America is
in our national interest.
THE COMMUNIST ASSOCIATIONS OF
THURGOOD MARSHALL
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. MAT-
sUNAGA). Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Louisiana
[Mr. WAGGONNER] is recognized for 15
minutes.
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, in-
asmuch as the President has nominated
Thurgood Marshall to be Solicitor Gen-
eral of the United States and since this
nomination does not come before the
House for our approval or disapproval, I
take this means as the only one avail-
able to me to put into the record for
permanent reference, the information
available to me of the Communist front
associations of this man.
This may not be the entire record and,
indeed, it probably,is not, but at least
it is a beginning.
The information I am about to present
comes from the public records, files and
publications of the House Committee on
Un-American Activities.
This material reveals that Thurgood
Marshall was a member of the national
committee of the International Juridi-
cial Association. The special Committee
on Un-American Activities cited the In-
ternational Juridicial Association as "a
Communist front and an offshoot of the
International Labor Defense" in Report
No. 1311, dated March 29, 1944. Also,
in a report on the National Lawyers
Guild, prepared and published Septem-
ber 17, 1950, by the Committee on Un-
American Activities, the International
Juridicial Association was cited as an
organization which "actively defended
Communists and consistently followed
the Communist Party line."
A list of officers of the National Law-
yers Guild, as of December 1949 which is
printed in the committee's report on the
National Lawyers Guild on page 18, con-
Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000500120017-6