HUMAN RIGHTS AND GENOCIDE CONVENTIONS

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March 25, 1965
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Approved ForReleasg,,2005/07/13: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3 March 25, 1965 CO TG1 SSIONAL RECO1b - SENATE tions only when each nation will speak' for itself; when neighboring states or national- ities will not usurp another nation's name and economic resources, as in the case of Byelorussia, whose name is being used by klussia in its international manifestations and blackmailing. The endeavors of Byelorussians to have the right to speak for themselves and to be their own masters constitute the essence of re- cent developments in Byelorussia. They be- come especially obvious among the younger generation of the Byelorussian intelligentsia: among writers, artists, teachers and students. Through their voices and creative talents, the Byelorussian people are striving to rehabili- tate their past, of which it was totally de- prived during the years of Stalinist terror, and to promote a maximum of political and economic freedom. Taken all together, these aspirations form the core of the idea of independence and democracy as it was pro- mulgated in the Byelorussian Democratic Re- public. We, the participants of this convention for the 47th anniversary of Byelorussian in- dependence, therefore solemnly resolve- In the all-out, further struggle for free Byelorussia, To spotlight the cultural, economic, and political achievements of the Byelorussian people; and , To unmask before the world the political, economic, and moral enslavement of Byelo- russia by Soviet Russian imperialism. May the torch of the Byelorussian Demo- cratic Republic of March 1918 never go out. Long live the free democratic Byelorussia. STANISLAU STANKEVICH, Ph. D., National President of the Byelorussian- American Association, Inc. ULADZIMIER NABAGIEZ, M.D., President of the New York Branch of the Belorussian-American Association, Inc. SIARHIEJ HUTYRCHYK, i President of the New Jersey Branch of the Byelorussian -Asnerican Associa- tion, Inc. Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, March 25, 1965, is the 47th anniversary of Byel- orussian National Independence Day, a day of great importance to American citizens of Byelorussian descent, as well as for all Byelorussians living in the countries of the free world, and in Byel- orussia itself, occupied and oppressed by Soviet Russia today. It is the day on which Byelorussians celebrate the happy period in which their country en- joyed independence. On March 25, 1918, the Council of the Byelorussian Democratic Republic pro- claimed the independence of the Byelo- russian state, but their freedom soon be- came a prize they had to win on the battlefield. Armed forces of Germany, Russia, and Poland, engulfed the Byelo- russian Army from the east and from the west, finally conquering Byelorussia and dividing her territory among themselves. During the Second World War'on June 27, 1944, the Second Byelorussian Con- gress `convened in Minsk. The Congress annulled all treaties of the occupational governments concerning Byelorussia and approved the proclamation of Independ- ends for tie 8.ye~lorusslari"Democratic Republic. However, f#ussian power once again crushed the Republic and, in an attempt to crush also the spirit of the Byelorussian people, the conquering Soviet Union ignored natural ethno- graphical order and redistributed the During this"47-year history of perse Cution and oppression, the anniversary of the 1918 proclamation of independ- ence has been honored in the free coun- tries of the world. Against the mass terror the Russians have used to destroy more than 5 million of their population, against the increased intensity of russi- fication and antireligious campaigns in the press, the Byelorussian people have shown valiant courage and determina- tion. They have earned the respect and admiration of all peoples and have be- come an exceptional symbol of resistance to Communism. It is proper that we should join them on this day in the re- The convention has been ratified by 67 nations to date, including all the members of the Communist bloc in the U.N. But for some strange reason, the great United States of America, which has done. more to extend the frontiers of freedom than any other na- tion, has not ratified the convention. In June of 1949, President Truman sub- mitted the Genocide Convention to the Sen- ate with his own enthusiastic endorsement. In January of 1950, a special Genocide Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Rela- tions Committee, under the chairmanship of a great Connecticut Senator, Brian McMa- hon, conducted public hearings. It was my privilege to testify in favor of ratifying the convention before this committee. I say it was my privilege not only because of the dedication of their goals toward a free ~g,(reat importance I attach to the convention and independent Byelorussian )Zepu,bliq/ because of the exceptionally distin- resenting more re of citizens h d b d p , ! fj s e o y Cpl n 50 national organizations, who took e ratifi ca- ith t d o urg me w HUMAN RIGHTS ANIY GENOCIDE the witness stan tion. . I 't e ort to the full Foreign Relations n r s r Mr. DODD. Mr. President, on March 11 it was my privilege to address a con- ference convened in Washington by the ad hoc Committee on the Human Rights and Genocide Conventions, a citizens' organization representing virtually every sector of the American community and embracing organizations that can claim to speak for some 100 million Americans. The Genocide Convention has been languishing in the Foreign Relations Committee now for almost 16 years. Three other U.N. conventions dealing with the abolition of all forms of slavery, the abolition of forced labor and the political rights of women, have been there almost as long. I believe that our failure to ratify these conventions projects a most unfor- tunate image of the United States to the rest of the world. I also believe that much of the opposition to the ratification of these conventions, is based upon mis- understanding and misconceptions. I ask unanimous consent to insert into the RECORD at the conclusion of my re- marks the text of my statement before the conference of the ad hoc Commit- tee on the Human Rights and Genocide Conventions. I hope that my statement will help to throw some additional light on these sadly misunderstood measures. And, I hope too that support can be found to bring them to a vote before this session concludes. There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: THE NEED To RATIFY THE GENOCIDE CONVEN- TION AND OTHER U.N. CONVENTIONS ON HU- MAN RIGHTS (Remarks of Senator THOMAS J. DODD before the conference of the ad hoc Committee on the Human Rights and Genocide Con- verltions, Statler. Hilton Hotel, Washing- ton, D.C., Thursday, Mar. 11, 1965.) Mr. Bingham, reverend clergy, distin- guished guests, I have accepted your invita- tion to address this conference out of a sense of duty because I believe there is no more important item of unfinished business on the calendar of the Senate than the ratifi- cation of the Genocide Convention. It is now 17 long years since the.Genocide Convention, with strong American backing, was approved by the U.N. General Assembly. And it 1e 15 years-almost 16 years--since it went to, the, Senate for ratification in June p Committee, the McMahon subcommittee strongly recommended ratification of the convention. But despite extensive hearings, despite the declared approval of all the ma- jor religious, ethnic, civic, and veterans or- ganizations, the covenant still languishes in the Foreign Relations Committee without affirmative action. Fifteen years, sixteen years, is a long time to wait for the ratification of any agreement or convention. The long lapse of time, has, I am afraid, blurred our memories and ob- scured the issues and dulled our conscience. There have been times in our history when the Government has needed prodding, and other times when Congress has needed prod- ding or intervention from citizens and citi- zens' organizations. I believe that this na- tional conference, representing as it does every sector of the American community and embracing organizations which can claim to speak for 100 million Americans, constitutes a citizens' intervention in the highest Ameri- can tradition. Those of you who have initiated this con- ference and those of you who have come here to participate in its deliberation will, in my opinion, merit the thanks of coming genera- tions of Americans. This conference, from what I have already seen of it, will unques- tionably serve to bring the issue of genocide to life again. And you will, I hope, be able to clear away the intellectual cobwebs that have obscured the issue and encourage the Senate to take the long overdue action of ratification. What is the Genocide Convention about? In my opinion, there could be no simpler or more fundamental moral issue written into a covenant between the nations of the world. Essentially, the Convention establishes that genocide is a crime under international law; and it defines genocide as the destruction of a racial ethnic or religious or national group, or part of that group, committed with the specific intent to destroy this group, in whole or in part. It includes the actual killing of members of the group, or causing them seri- ous bodily or mental harm, or deliberately inflicting conditions of life on them calcu- lated to bring about their physical destruc- tion, or forcefully transferring children of the group to another group. It states that these acts are punishable, as well as con- spiracy to commit genocide, to direct or pub- licly incite to commit genocide, or complicity in genocide. Under article 5 of the Genocide Conven- tion, the contracting parties undertake to enact, in accordance with their respective constitutions, legislation which would give effect to the provisions of the Convention and which would establish penalties for per- sons guilty of acts of genocide. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP,67B00446R000400170025-3 5694 Approved CONGRESSIONAL RECQRD SENATE March 25, It seems to me that nothing could be clearer than this. For me the Genocide Convention has a special personal meaning because as execu- tive trial counsel at Nuremberg i had spread before me, in nightmarish detail, the whole incredible story of Nazi barbarism., of its fiendish persecution of the Jewish people, add of the gas chamber and crematoria that snuffed out the lives of .more, than fi million Jews and of millions of Ukrainians, Poles, azi,d other Europeans. The convicted Nazis were charged with crimes against humanity. The word "geno- cide" had not yet come into common usage at, that time, But to a very large degree this is what the Nuremberg trial was about. For the first time there was spread on the record of an international tribunal the details of massive c Imes. involving millions of vic- tims-crim perpetrated not against indi- viduals but against entire peoples and ethnic groups. While I was at Nuremberg I learned about other acts of genocide that were not made part of the trial record. I learned of the mass deportations of the Volga Germans and the Kalmuks and the CAechens and other Soviet minority people during the war years. .I learned the true facts about the massacre in the Katyn Forest of 10,000 Polish oillcers who had been prisoners of the Soviets. T learned of the mass deportations of scores of thousands of intellectuals and community leaders from Lithuania, Latvia and. Estonia in the period following the Soviet occupa- tion. I learned, in short, that Communist totali- tarianism, like Nazi totalitarianism, uses genocide as an Instrument of policy, and that the death of nazism did not necessarily mean that we had put an end to the problem of ,genocide. Although 67 nations have ratified the Genocide Convention, it has, by and large, remained ineffective, inoperative, and with- out the necessary authority because the United States has thus far refused to add its ratification. The years that have elapsed have witnessed situations Where genocide has unquestion- ably been perpetrated and other situations where there was strong prima facie evidence of genocide. In the case of Hungary the massacre of 25,b00 Hungarian freedom fighters by the Red army and the subsequent, mass execu- tion and imprisonment of scores of thousands of Hungarian intellectuals, brought the charge from many quarters that the Soviets were guilty of genocide. One year later the Chinese Communists crushed the Tibetan revolution with such ruthless measures that the International Commission of Jurists, in its report on the question of Tibet, made the unequivocal statement, that Red China had been guilty of the crime of genocide. In recent years we have witnessed in the Soviet Union a systematic campaign against .the Jewish minority and the Jewish religion. While there have been no mass killings of Jews, it is clear that the objective of this campaign is the early and total obliteration of the Jewish religion and of Yiddish culture. Is this genocide within the meaning of con- vention? This is a matter that might have to be decided by some properly constituted authority. but certainly the allegation of genocide in this case merits the, most careful consideration. In each of these instances the conscience of America has been shocked. We .have cried out in protest. Our leaders and our spokesmen have decried the mass killings, and in some cases, they have even used the term "genocide" in referring to the crimes perpetrated by the Communists in these countries, But the impact of our protest is weakened For Release 2005/07/13: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3 and our ability to intervene effectively re- mains seriously restricted so long as we our- selves have not ratified the Genocide Conven- tion, which makes such acts an international crime. What is more, I feel that our entire moral position, and our claim to leadership in the fight for freedom and justice and human decency, is prejudiced by our failure to ratify the Genocide Convention and the three other United Nations conventions dealing re- spectively with the abolition of all forms of slavery, the abolition of forced labor, and the political rights of women. What an irony it is that this Nation, which abolished slavery almost 100 years ago, which does not practice, genocide at any level of government, which long ago put an end to forced and indentured labor, and whose women enjoy the broadest political rights, should abstain from ratifying these four basic United Nations documents dealing with the rights of man, while the Communist na- tions, which are guilty on every score, have ratified all of .these conventions or most of What a false image of the United States our persistent failure to ratify these conven- tions projects to the world. Needless to say, the Communists are clever enough to make use of our failure. for the purpose of challenging our commitment to freedom and blackening our reputation. Among the newly emerging nations of the world, regrettably, the most widely believed facts about the United States are frequently those purveyed by radio Moscow or Peiping. For example, in January of 1964, there was a debate in the UN subcommission on the prevention of discrimination and the protec- tion of minorities. The Soviet member strongly opposed the establishment of inter- national machinery for reporting upon and encouraging the elimination of racial and ethnic discrimination. At every point he was on the defensive. Finally, he decided to go over to the offensive. The Soviet spokesman suggested that it was rather hypocritical of the American dele- gate, to charge the Soviet Union with resist- ing the establishment of implementation ma- chinerv when "the United States had not ratified the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide or the Convention on Slavery." The American delegate had to reply in em- barrassment that he could only "regret of course that my country has not ratified the Convention on Genocide." I am certain that as this exchange was re- ported over radio Moscow and radio Peiping, primitive peoples around the world were led to believe that the United States was opposed to ratification because it practices slavery and practices genocide. It is time-high time-that we put an end to this invidious situation. In the words of our martyred President, John F. Kennedy, "The United States cannot afford to renounce responsibility for support of the very fundamentals which distinguish our concept of government from all forms of tyranny." There is only one way out of this dilemma. The'Senate of the United States must at the earliest opportunity act to ratify the Geno- cide Convention and the Conventions on Slavery, Forced Labor, and the Political Rights of Women. I know that some Senators have expressed the opinion that tilgse measures will fail of ratification bemuse lwe cannot get two-thirds of the Members of the Senate to vote for them. With this point of view I strongly disagree. This conference has demonstrated in the most dramatic possible manner that, the American people, in their overwhelming ma- jority, favor the ratification of the four U.N. conventions dealing with the rights of man. I am confident that, given the necessary leadership, and given a patient exposition of the facts to the Members of the Senate, the Senate will not only ratify these meas- ures, but will do so by a very substantial majority. And I want to pledge to you that during the months to come I shall make this one of my chief objectives both within the For- eign Relations Committee and within the Senate itself. There is one final proposal I would like to make. Looking forward to the time when the Genocide Convention has been ratified, I think we must start thinking in terms of practical measures to make it effective. As the convention now reads, each nation ratifying the convention undertakes to enact legislation to implement the convention, and it also provides that any person charged with commission of an act of genocide should be tried by a court of the state in whose territory the act was committed. These articles of the Convention, in my opinion, constitute the most effective an- swer to those who charge that ratification of the convention would result in a surrender of our sovereignty to some unnamed and nonexistent international tribunal. But the articles leave something to be desired be- cause it is questionable whether any Com- munist states can be trusted to prosecute their own nationals for the crime of geno- cide. And it is also questionable whether any state, Communist or democratic, will, in our lifetime, voluntarily agree to submit matters of such significance to the judgment of an international tribunal. I believe this is so despite the fact that no democratic state has practiced genocide or will practice it. How then can we give effect to the Geno- cide Convention?, There is an approach to this problem which would involve no surrender of na- tional jurisdiction, but which would be more effective as a deterrent to genocide than the present provisions of the treaty. The United Nations has been at its best when it has been a matter of setting up an investigative committee to establish the facts in countries like Greece, or Hungary, or South Africa, or Borneo, or Vietnam. Invariably, these committees have reported objectively and fearlessly. When the Genocide Convention is ratified, I would like to propose that serious thought be given to establishing a continuing in- vestigative mechanism within the United Nations, under which serious allegations of genocide would lead to the appointment of special committees with the instruction to investigate and report back. The member nations of the U.N. would be obligated to cooperate with such commit- tees in any investigations conducted on their territory. The committees would have no juridical power, nor would the U.N. itself. But the mere power of investigation-the power to seek out the facts and bring them to public light-would, in my opinion, op- erate as a powerful deterrent to genocidal crimes and to other violations of human rights. If the U.N. could be endowed with this responsibility by the consent of its member nations, it would give the world organiza- tion new meaning and a new lease on life. I submit these thoughts for your consid- eration because I am confident that the Genocide Convention will be ratified, and the time is, therefore, arriving when we must begin to think of next steps. I wish you godspeed in your deliberations. THE 144TH ANNIVERSARY OF GREEK INDEPENDENCE Mr. DODD. Mr, President, it is par- ticularly fitting that the Senate should pay tribute to the Greek nation on the Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0004001-70025-3 5$38 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE introduced is not intended in any way to be a substitute for an omnibus bill or to delay in any way an omnibus bill, be- cause it is my understanding that the Committee on Public Works does intend to proceed with hearings on new proj- ects tinder an omnibus bill in the very near future. We invite those who are in the basins affected by this legislation introduced today to join us in seeking the quickest possible consideration and approval of this legislation. ?`1VMr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. EDMONDSON. I am happy to yield to the gentleman from Florida. Mr. CRAMER. I am delighted to join in the introduction of this legislation. It is absolutely essential at this time. I trust Congress will take immediate action. . ` Mr. EDMONDSON. I thank the gentleman. EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY TIIROUGI3 EDUCATION (Mr. A'I'RES asked and was given per- mission to extend his remarks at this point in the REcoan.) . Mr. "AYRES. Mr. Speaker, having been assured by a high authority that H.R. 2362 would be brought to some con- clusive action today, I confirmed long- standing arrangements to participate in the, wedding ceremony of my daughter, Virginia, to Dr. James Mount. The wed- ding is taking place in Akron, Ohio. 'As'you know, Mr. Speaker, I have con- sistently supported all of the truly con- strtictive educational bills that have been introduced in'Congress. As my remarks of yesterday must indicate, I cannot sup- port H.R. 2362, as It has been presented. Early -this March, I requested the House Rules Committee to withhold ac- tion on this bill until my educational bill, H.R. 6349, could be considered. This bill was also introduced by Representa- tives CURTIs and GOODELL. I would call your attention that one title of this bill Is identical to that introduced by Sen- ator ABRAHAM RIBTCOFF, It is unfortunate that the House is not to have the opportunity to vote on this legislation.. H.R. 6349 would certain- ly bring about equality of oppor- tunity through education-however, the Speaker, the gentleman from Massa- chusetts [Mr. MCCORMACH) has advised me that his bill would not be germane to H.R.'2362, as a substitute. Meetings with the minority assure me that the plans for the corrections of the many Inequalities of H.R. 2362 are in most capable hands. The very Members who shall offer amendments and oppos- ing action on H.R. 2362 are the very same Members who have so ably added cor- xective amendments to other legislative n~4tters that have successfully been en- acted into law. ATTO~. pertnissr"onto address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.,) Mr. ABBITT. Mr. Speaker, Friday, April 9, is the 100th anniversary of one of the most important dates in the his- tory of our Nation. One hundred years ago on that day, Gen. Robert E. Lee and Gen. Ulysses S. Grant met at the confer- ence table at Appomattox, Va., and negotiated peace terms between the North and the South. I know of no event of more importance to our Nation since our Constitution was adopted. It represented the uniting of a war-torn nation, the healing of a breach, the welding together of a great people, the rebirth of a nation, There will be conducted at the Ap- pomattox Court House National Histori- cal Park commemorative services honor- ing these two great men, Generals Lee and Grant, as well as the peace that was achieved that day 100 years ago. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant III, a grandson of Gen- eral Grant, and Robert E. Lee IV, a great- grandson of General Lee, will take part in the ceremony dedicating the restora- tion of the old court house where the Confederate soldiers were mustered out after the peace terms had been agreed upon. Mr. Bruce Catton, the author of "A Stillness at Appomattox," a noted scholar, and Pulitzer prize winner as well as a great historian, will deliver the ad- dress. The Marine Band from Quantico will provide the music. The Governor of Virginia and many other notables will be present. On behalf of the people of Appomat- tox in particular and Virginia in general, I extend to my colleagues in the House of Representatives a cordial invitation to attend these exercises as our guests and to visit this great shrine which stands as an emblem of peace between our people and in memory of those great warriors who fought, bled, and died for principles they believed In and were wil- ling to sacrifice their all in defense of same. THE STATUTE OF LIMITATIONS ON NAZI WAR CRIMINALS AND GER- MANY'S RECOGNITION OF ISRAEL (Mr. MULTER asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I am sure that all of us are gratified today by the news that the West German Parlia- ment has extended the statute of limi- tations on the prosecution of Nazi war criminals for 4 years. I know that all of the members of the Jewish community recognize this as a further demonstra- tion of responsibility on the part of the West German Government. We are equally pleased at the eminent prospect of an exchange of ambassadors between West Germany and Israel. The West German authorities are to be highly congratulated for their response to the dictatorial demands of President Nasser of the t7hited Arab Republic. This courageous action deserves tribute from all of us who have supported the cause of the State of Israel. These actions-the recognition of Israel and the extension of the statute of limitations--are in stark contrast to the position taken by the Soviet puppet March 25, 1965 government in East Germany. That government has done everything possible during the past 20 years to create chaos in Europe. From the Berlin airlift to the Berlin wall, East Germany has dem- onstrated the lack of interest of its Soviet masters in securing peace and a reunified Germany. Concomitantly, East Germany has done nothing whatever to atone for Ger- many's crimes during the Second World War. No Nazis are being tried or traced behind the Berlin wall. Very little co- operation In making records of the Nazi period available has been received from behind the Berlin wall. No restitution has been made to the Jewish victims of nazism from behind the Berlin wall. No help has come to Israel from behind the Berlin wall. What has come from behind that wall? A pledge of $100 million from believers in freedom throughout the world wel- come the actions of both Israelis and Germans in demonstrating to the free world that morality is a function of gov- ernment and that blackmail must not be yielded to. We commend all freedom-loving peo- ple everywhere who joined In the effort to convince the Federal Republic of Germany to act as properly as it has. We salute the high-minded officials of that Government for once more standing up for the right., BYELORUSSIAN INDEPENDENCE : A TRIBUTE (Mr. ROONEY of New York asked and was, given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and ex- tend his remarks.) Mr. ROONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, today we pay tribute to the Byelorussians, a people who have been cursed by the misfortunes of geographic determinism; for there is no doubt that if their country had not been situated within the shadows of Great Russian power, Byelorussia would probably be an independent nation-state today. Geographic determinism is a principle in politics that can work to the advan- tage or disadvantage of nation-states. We Americans were singularly blessed by the geographic fact that during our for- mative years we were isolated by and large from the Incessant political strug- gles that plagued modern European states. And when we were sufficiently strong, we were able to make our entry on to the world political scene with more than a reasonable assurance of success. But, nations- like Byelorussia have never enjoyed the benefits of geography. Caught up in the crossfire of the Teu- tonic-Slavic struggle, they never had the choice to achieve their national aspira- tions in an atmosphere of political seren- ity. In fact the only respite they enjoyed as a nation came with the dis- solution of Russian power and at that time they declared their independence. But with the reemergence of Russian power in the form of Soviet communism, Byelorussian independence was doomed. On this day of national dedication we join with freemen the world over in re- newing our pledge to the universal hope of self-determination of all peoples. Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3., March 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE decrease the number of underprivileged youths who can participate. Second, because this wage is in many eases higher than that provided by local industries not covered by Federal mini- mum wage legislation, the youngster may be earning more than his parent. This could encourage dropo}its-the very thing this bill is designed to avoid. This is only one instance among many that makes one wonder why Congress labors long and conscientiously to enact so` n , constructive legislation only to set it, go down the drain because of inept, bullheaded application, THE *LEMENT9.RY AND SECONDARY EDUCATION ACT OF 1965 (Mr. KEE asked and was given per- mission to address the House for 1 min- ute and to revise and extend his re- marks.) . Mr. KEE. Mr. Speaker, the No. I business of the American people today is education. The Elementary and Secondary Edu- cation Act of 1965 (H.R. 2362) is an Mential step that we must take. If we.are to keep faith with our fore- fathers, we here today have an obliga- tion to, the younger generations, - and those yet to come, to provide the oppor- tunity for the best education possible in order that they may be properly pre- pared to assume positions of responsibil- ity and leadership which will one day be .theirs. The teachers in our public school systems, the elementary and secondary schools, do more than educate our chil- dren. They are, in fact, the primary guardians of our democratic heritage. Therefore, the strength of our, Nation will depend in the future, as it has in the past, on, the strength of our elemen- tary and secondary schools. No one can deny the fact that we must do everything within our power to give local school districts of limited fi- nancial resources an opportunity to pro- vide every child-those who come from families with such limited incomes-an opportunity for a solid foundation in the basic education of skills. ,It is with deep respect that I pay high- est compliments to the Honorable CARL D, PEEXiws, of Kentucky, chairman of the, General Subcommittee on Educa- tion, of the Committee on Education and ,abor, for his dedicated service and un- tiring efforts which resulted in our con- sideration of H.R. 2362. In particular, the formula that he has proposed for. financial assistance is equi- table and fair and it will provide our local school districts with the essential finances which they so desperately need in order to properly fulfill their respon- sibilities. In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, it is my fervored,hope that the Members of the House will pass this historic legislation exactly as reported by the Committee on Education and Labor, without a single gunendment, MAPLE SYRUP RESEARCH (Mr. TODD asked and was given given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his re- marks,) Mr. TODD. Mr. Speaker, it was an- nounced on December 31, 1964 that a re- search program costing $285,400 to fur- ther improve the quality and reduce the cost of producing maple syrup would be discontinued. The explanation for this decision was that the returns on the re- search dollar of the USDA would prob- ably be higher in some other area. In view of the spectacular results of the past research program on maple syrup it is felt that there is no further place to go with maple syrup research. The research financed by the USDA, costing . about $1,500,000 since 1948, has indeed produced spectacular results. It can very well be said to have preserved the industry, and kept maple syrup on our tables. Here are some of the most spectacular accomplishments: First, The yield of sap per tree has been increased 60 to 80 percent. Second. The flavor quality per gallon of syrup has..been increased four times. . Third. The factors causing offgrade syrup have been found and eliminated. The net effect of this research to the farmer will be, once it has been fully ap- plied, a sixfold increase in the value of the product from his sugarbush. In 1964, the value of maple products produced in the United States was $8 million. Production was the highest in the .last 9 years, and so was the price. This means that maple products, unlike many farm products, has a very high elasticity of demand, and that if produc- tion is increased further, the effect on price will not be great. Increased pro- duction will result in increased farm in- come-without Government supports. These areas of research need further work, and justify a continuation of this program : First. Methods for storage of sap with- out deterioration: The unpredictability of occurrence and amount of maple sap flow often results in the production of sap quantities far in excess of the ca- pacity of evaporating equipment. This necessitates the storage of sap for periods of 4 to 6 days and results in deteriora- tion of the sap. Current practices permit satisfactory storage for a maximum of 24 hours. Methods should be developed to provide for the delivery of sterile sap to the evaporation storage facilities. Better methods of sap handling and sanitation in the woods, in transit, and in plant storage tanks are needed. Second. Expansion of studies already initiated on the adapting of food pro- cessing plant equipment and modifying sirup making procedures: This work should be expanded so that more food processing plants can be converted to maple sirup production during their idle period. This was recommended by the Forestry Research Advisory Committee at their meeting in November 1964. Third. Improvement in the efficiency of sap evaporating equipment: The cost of evaporating maple sap to sirup is one of the major items in maple sirup pro- duction. A further lowering of evapora- tion costs is essential to the lowering of the price of sirup. Fourth. Identification of the flavor potentiator(s) in maple sirup: Pre- liminary studies have indicated the presence of a flavor potentiators) in maple sirup. Work should be initiated to discover its nature and identity. The production of this food potentiator could provide new and expanded outlets for maple sirup. Fifth. Studies on the nature and prop- erties of maple flavor precursors: This will provide information necessary for further improving sirup manufacturing methods. The identity of the precursors of maple flavor and tests for identifying them would be of great value to the Forest Service in their selection and propagation of maple trees for maple sirup production. Sixth. Methods are needed for the cul- turing, stocking, and commercial distri- bution of cultures of organisms required for the development of enhanced maple flavor by controlled fermentation. Seventh. Methods to prevent the for- mation of sugar sand in sirup: Methods need to be developed that will remove the formative agents of sugar sand from sap or sirup. This could be done by use of a chelating agent to be added to the sap or sirup or by ion exchange techniques. In either case the treatment must in no way affect the maple flavor. In the middle of February, in Michi- gan, we begin to get our first thaws. The sun, on a clear day, begins to give its warmth to us again. The rough black bark of the sugar maple absorbs the heat of the sun's rays, and on the south side of the trees the sap begins to stir. This is the time we tap the tree, and join in the resurgence of life as winter begins to melt away. The trees give of their mel- lowed sweetness through the month of March, until their buds are swollen and their flowers burst into bloom, throwing their pollen to the bees and to the winds. I hope we may continue to help these hardy men who love their maples to learn more about them, so that the bounty which they give us will continue to in- crease. I trust the Department of Agri- culture will reconsider its decision. (Mr. DULSKI asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute.) Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, on rolleall No. 43, I was recorded as not voting. Due to my attendance at a meeting in my district relative to the preservation of the Ansley Wilcox House as a national historic site, I was delayed in returning to Washington. If I had been present, I would have voted "yea." BASIN AUTHORIZATIONS (Mr. EDMONDSON asked and was give permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. EDMONDSON. Mr. Speaker, a number of us who serve on the Commit- tee on Public Works have joined today in introducing a bill to provide a 1-year extension on basin authorizations for 10 basins in the country which face the sit- uation in which the authorizations will be exhausted in the very near future and appropriation requests therefore would be imperiled. We wish to make it very clear that this basin authorization bill which is being Approved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3 *-"Approved For Release'2005/07/13 : GIA-RDP67B00446R00040017002573 March 25, 196.5 MA3'LAND DAY (Mr. MATHIAS asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute and to revise and extend his remarks.) .Mr: MATHIAS. Mr. Speaker, Mary- land Day, 1965 marks the 331st anni- versary of the founding of the colony that has become one of the great States of the Union. In the course of 331 years Maryland has given the Nation and the world many concepts that are now basic principles of modern thinking. Religious toleration and the right of women to par- ticipate in political activity were, for example, both asserted in 17th-century Maryland. In 19,65, we shall mark the bicentennial of an event in Maryland history that has few parallels in its importance to all of America. A tax to be raised through stamps required for legal documents was imposed on the American colonies by the British Parliament in 1764. As most taxes are, the stamp tax was unpopularly received, but in addition it raised the constitutional questions of "taxation without representation" and the extent of the legislative powers of the Parlia- ment at Westminster over the colonies of British America." Discontent was ex- pressed through the organization of the "Sons of Liberty" and the adoption of resolutions of protest. In Maryland the reaction to the Stamp Act was rational, forceful. and highly significant. The greatest patriot interest in the colony was expressed in Frederick County the mother county of western Siicli" procaeiffrigs served to attract popular attention to the principles under discussion. On this occasion, 'pursuant upon the colors, drums, and a banner proclaiming the inde- pendent action of the magistrates, there came inscriptions such as "Magna Carta," `Charter of Maryland," "Trials by Juries Restored," "Oppression Removed," "Liberty and Loyal- ty." Finally, there appeared a coffin with the legend: The Stamp Act, expired of a mor- tal stab received from the Genius of Liberty in Frederick County Court, 28d November, 1765-aged 22 days. Charles Albro Barker, in "The Back- ground of the Revolution in Maryland" calls the court's order the "first sign" of resistance : The first sign that the colony would disre- gard the tax came from Frederick County, in November. The county judges decided that, since they had never received official notice of the Stamp Act, they would proceed with the regular business of the court, as if they had no reason to believe that special cir- cumstances existed. The decision was cele- brated in a fitting manner. Self-styled "Sons of Liberty" of Frederick town honored the judges with a ball and many patriotic toasts. They buried the Stamp Act in a mock fu- neral, where the only mourner was an effigy of Zachariah Hood. The political consequences of the fer- ment that arose because of the Stamp Tax are probably unequaled in all his- tory. The constitutional principles of representative government and political self-determination which were to justify the revolution in the next decade were made household words throughout Amer- ica by the intense interest aroused by the Stamp Act. I alyland, whose '.boundaries, then in-) A less recognized aspect of the action eluded all that now comprises Montgom- ery Washington, 'Allegany, and Garrett Counties and much of Carroll County. The 12 judges' of Frederick County rendered an opinion that the court should proceed with its business without the con- troversial revenue stamps, and it so ordered its clerk. This action won mediate and vigorous approval. dean of Maryland historians, James Mc- Sherry, in assessing the importance.of the judicial action said the "Frederick County Court had the high honor of first deciding, in a legal manner, the uncon- stitutionality of the Stamp Act." McSherry further reports: This decision' was received with joy; and the people hastened to celebrate so important and significant an event. The festival took place in Frederick, on the 30th of November, 1765. The "Sons of Liberty," in funeral pro- cession, in honor of the death of the Stamp Act, marched through the streets, bearing a Coffin, on which was inscribed: "The Stamp Act, expired of a mortal stab received from the Genius of Liberty, in Frederick County Court, 23d November, 1765, aged 22 days." Zachariah Hood, the late unfortunate stamp distributor, was chief mourner, in effigy, and the Whole affair ended merrily in a ball. g- tails, in descrlbirgthe repudiation: On December it hi a supplement entitled "an apparition of the late Maryland Gazette," the editor announced that the magistrates of Frederick County had resolved that business should go on without stamps, on the plea that. the Stamp Act had not "been legally tppp-smitted to them." This decision of the magistrates was celebrated in Frederick Town by an ' elaborate pageant or public parade. of the Frederick County Court was the impact upon judicial as well as political precedents. Although the court adopted a lawyers' pretext for its action, there is no doubt from contemporary reaction and from all the surrounding circum- stances that the court fully understood and appreciated the importance of its decision in repudiating the Stamp Act. McSherry is right in saying that the court labeled it "unconstitutional," and not worthy of obedience. Thus we find jurists in America even before the foundation of the Republic who had the courage to be independent of the power that elevated them to the bench. The Frederick County Court, a remote tribunal in a distant province placed so great an importance on "liberty" that it struck down the decree of an imperial parliament, and reinforced the power of courts to protect the rights of a people even against its own rulers. The repudiation decision is, therefore, a great judicial precedent in America and one of the important steps toward the establishment of our State and Fed- eral system of judges independent of either executive or legislative control. The' court was justly revered in its own day and has been given recognition for all of these two centuries. In 1894 the General Assembly of Maryland de- clared that November 23 should be a le- gal holiday in Frederick County. In 1904 a memorial to the immortal judges was erected in the present Frederick County Courthouse. It is important to remem- ber each of them: Joseph Smith, Samuel Beall, Thomas Price, William Luckett, 5839 David Lynn, Joseph Beall, Andrew Heugh, James Dickson, Charles Jones, Peter Bainbridge, William Blair, and Today I have introduced a resolution calling upon the President of the United States to proclaim November 23, 1965, as Repudiation Day in recognition of the great significance of the action of the Frederick County court as a preamble to the American Revolution, and to fur- ther bear witness to the importance that we still place upon a judiciary that has the courage to be independent and the wisdom and strength to protect the liber- ties of the people 'against every sort of tyranny. All'"-waved For Release 2005/07/13 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400170025-3, -,,,,, . 5$ Q CQNG t,FSSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE March 25, .1965 ,(Mr. O'HARA of Illinois asked and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point.) [Mr. O'HARA of Illinois' remarks will appear hereafter in the Appendix.] The existing law provides for with- holding of information relating to the "internal management of an agency," but this has permitted secrecy regard- ing matters such as budget procedures. The Hoover Commission Task Force EDUCATION (Mr. SECREST asked and was given permission to extend his remarks at this point in the RECORD, and include ex- traneous matter.) Mr. SECREST. Mr. Speaker, al- though I have spent over one-half of my life in the field of politics, I consider still that my profession is teaching. I began my teaching career in a one-room school with all eight grades at Opper- man, Ohio. I taught in a junior high school in Cambridge, Ohio. I was prin- cipal of the high school for 41/2 years in my home town of Senecaville, Ohio. I resigned in January 1931, to serve in the Ohio State Legislature. I was su- perintendent of schools at Murray City, Ohio, when I was elected to Congress in 1932. I resigned the first of March in 1933 to take my seat in Congress. I realized then, as I do now, that the hope of my country rests upon the character and education of the young people who, generation after generation, assume the burdens and the privileges of citizenship in our Republic. Education has made great strides since I taught my last class in school. In spite of this progress, the incentive and the opportunity for education Is seri- ously lacking in our country. In spite of all the money spent by local taxpayers and States, 8 million adults in the United States have completed less than 5 years of school. School dropouts are setting an all-time record which primarily ac- counts for the fact that 20 percent of all young people between the ages of 18 and 24. years, are unemployed. When we compare this figure with the national average of unemployment somewhere near 5 percent, we can only conclude that something more is needed. The population explosion has crowded our schools to the point where individual at- tention to a pupil such as I received as a student and gave as a teacher, is no longer possible. It is shocking to note that of all young men called up under the Selective Service System, 21.6 per- cent were rejected because they could not pass the fairly simple mental tests uniformly given throughout the country. The burden of building new schools and operating them has raised real estate taxes. to the point where the prop- erty owner cannot be expected to as- sume greater and greater burdens. Fed- eral aid to primary and secondary education has long been discussed by educators and nearly every interested group in our Nation. Two things have been uppermost in the minds of all our citizens. The first is the fear that the Federal Government would attempt to control education in the local school districts. Under H.R. 2362, all funds will be distributed through each State to local school authorities, who will determine what use will be made of all Federal funds. I am convinced that the Federal Government through this bill will have no more control over the operation of local schools than they have had under the vocational education program which has been in existence for many decades. The use to which Fed- eral funds will be applied will be deter- mined solely by , the school authorities on Legal Services and Procedure re- aft, VANIK asked and was given per- ported that under the "internal man- mission to extend his remarks at this agement" exemption, "hundreds of point and to include extraneous mate.- interpretive regulations contained in the rlgt.) claims manual of the Bureau of Old-Age [Mr. VANIK'S remarks will appear and Survivors Insurance, Department of hereafter in the Appendix.] Health, Education, and Welfare, were ? not i?ublished nor otherwise made avail- able to the public; these were the very PROPOSED PUBLIC RECORDS LAW same rules which governed the settle- (Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama asked ment of more than 2 million claims a and was given permission to address the year." ^ f agency can find no other basis for with- holding information, it can resort to the vague and all-encompassing concept that the information be held "confiden- tial for good, cause found." Asa, result of these problems, Govern- meAt agencies have been able to with- hold substantial amounts of informa- tlon from the public, and I want to "submit, Mr. Speaker, that this situation, together with the generally expanding centralized authority in the Federal Government, constitutes a real threat to the continued strength of our democratic system of government. Excessive control of Information about a government always accompanies the assumption of excessive power by that government, and the survival of our rep- resentative system depends on a continu- ing public access to information about the Government, The proposed bill would require that a Feder aa?. agency would have to prove its right to withhold specific records. Per- sons seeking Government information could Ale suit in a U.S. district court which would have the authority to order the production of agency records im- properly withheld and would have the power to punish agency officials for con- tempt if they refused to disclose the records. Federal Government records which would be exempted from the disclosure requirements would include national de- fense; and foreign policy secrets spe- cifically protected by Executive order, documents relating to internal personnel rules and practices of an agency, priv- ileged trade secrets, agency memoranda dealing solely with matters of law or policy, personnel and medical files, in- vestigatory files compiled for law en- forcement, and certain reports used by agencies, responsible for regulation of financial? institutions. Activities and decisions of the Federal Government should be open to full scru- tiny of citizens. But too often we are confronted with bureaucrats who seem determined to keep the business of Gov- ernment ?under a rug of secrecy. The management of news has become an accepted procedure in almost every ,departmental office, from top to bottom, ,in the administration. A public records law Is badly needed so that citizens will be better able to de- termine whether Federal agencies are acting in ways which are responsive to the needs and wishes of the people. _ Approved For Release 2005/07/13: CIA-ROP67B00446R000400"1,7(T. 25-3