BOMBS AND RESOLUTIONS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400120007-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: February 2, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000490120007-8
A474
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX U ' February 2., 1966
State Comptroller Fred O.. Dickinson, Jr.,
will appear as spokesman for the State gov-
ernment, and will be accompanied in his
presentation by State Revenue Commission
Director J. Ed Straughn.
The bill purports to eliminate multiple
taxation on businesses operating in several
States by setting up a system requiring such
firms to file a single report with the Federal
Government, on the basis of which States
concerned would collect taxes due.
In attempting to relieve a relatively small
problem, however, the proposal would Im-
pose new and far more restrictive limitations
on the taxing power of the States beyond
those now accepted by the courts. It would
make mandatory sweeping changes in State
tax policies and practices, which officials esti-
mate would cost Florida taxpayers about $72
million a year. Finally, the bill Is viewed
with alarm by State officials as a further in-
trusion of Federal power into State affairs
which would lead to the ultimate destruc-
tion of State fiscal sovereignty through im-
position of Federal controls.
Under the bill, for example, States would
be prohibited from imposing income taxes,
capital stock taxes, and gross receipt taxes
on out-of-State businesses operating within
their borders unless their legislatures
adopted the uniform tax system set up under
It.
. Governor Burns and the full cabinet have
formally gone on record in opposition to
the proposal, as has the interim State tax
study commission headed by Senator B. C.
Pearce, of Palatka..
The proposal Is another notable example
of using some ostensibly desirable reform
as an appealing front to accomplish a pur-
pose which the public would never willingly
accept if advanced forthrightly.
If the present system for collecting State
taxes on out-of-State businesses Imposes un-
due hardships on such businesses, it should
be relatively simple to provide relief without
wrecking the system and imposing shackles
on the States in the process. The provisions
of the bill which extend beyond that stated
purpose, however, support the strong suspi-
cion that its real purpose is not to eliminate
inconvenience to a limited number of busi-
nesses, but to drive another deep, wedge to
separate the States from the administration
of their own affairs,
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
BOB CASEY
HON. BOB COF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. CASEY., Mr. Speaker, the entire
country was reassured when its President
expressed his view that this Nation and
its people are strong enough to meet our
commitments abroad and face up to our
obligations at home at the same time.
In his state of the Union speech, Presi-
dent Johnson made an expression of con-
fidence of the ability of this Nation.
The President said, quite simply:
I believe we can continue the Great So-
ciety while we fight in Vietnam.
The sweep of his domestic proposals
was startling, the Houston Chronicle
stated editorially.
The editorial, one of many in praise of In sum, it was an ambitious, exciting
the state of the Union message, will be Of domestic program which the President out-
interest to my colleagues, and I offer it lined, and a restrained, though straight-
for the RECORD. Approved For Releifi` rId ~~ / tl~? etA r bhu, in back of a
THE STATE OF THE UNION
President Johnson was eloquent in his
state of the Union address last night although
he offered the Nation no surprises in his as-
sessment of the war in Vietnam. On the
domestic front, however, the sweep of his
proposals was startling. He has asked Con-
gress for enough new legislation to keep its
second session almost as busy as was the
frantic first session. Those who expected a
letup in the Great Society were put straight
almost from the moment the President began
to speak.
This was Mr. Johnson's first full-scale tele-
vision address since early October. He ap-
peared healthy and physically up to the
occasion. His face seemed more deeply lined
than usual perhaps. His demeanor was en-
thusiastic when he spoke of his domestic
program; sober and measured when he spoke
of Vietnam.
The Nation, perhaps, had hoped Mr. John-
son could reveal some dramatic new develop-
ment In the Vietnam conflict. In that sense,
his words were disappointing, for clearly
nothing new has occurred since the begin-
ning of his peace offensive to justify high
hopes for a negotiated settlement. Instead,
the President' reiterated the now familiar
U.S. stand-peace as soon as possible, but
peace only after aggression -is halted.
"Let me be absolutely clear," he said in
one of his most dramatic passages. "The
days may become months, and the months
may become years, but we will stay as long as
aggression commands us to battle."
Mr. Johnson clearly has rejected the guns-
or-butter choice which many have said had
been forced on the country.
"We will not permit those who fire on us
in Vietnam to win a victory over the desires
and intentions of the American people. This
Nation is mighty enough-its society healthy
enough-its people strong enough-to pursue
our goals in the rest of the world while build-
ing a Great Society at home,"
Few had expected the President to be so
ambitious in his request of Congress, In the
field of civil rights, he was especially bold.
He asked legislation to end discrimination
in jury selection-a highly controversial
issue; new laws to punish in Federal courts
those who murder, attack, or intimidate civil
rights workers; new legislation to ban racial
discrimination In the sale or rental of hous-
ing. There will be a battle, surely, over
these measures.
He asked, also, for a new Cabinet-level De-
partment of Transportation; for 4-year terms
for Members of the House of Representatives;
for development of a supersonic transport
airplane to fly three times the speed of
sound; for new measures to deal with strikes
which threaten the national interest-this,
incidentally, to considerable applause from
Congress; for a now attack on river and
stream pollution; for Federal highway safety
legislation; and on and on.
In the foreign field, the President seeks a
much needed "new and daring direction" to
the foreign aid program and also an expan-
sion of trade between this Nation and East-
ern Europe and the Soviet Union. The
former will be welcomed, no doubt, but the
latter will make the sparks fly.
And so will Mr. Johnson's proposal to in-
crease taxes- on telephone service and new
cars-cut just 2 weeks ago. That Increase
would help finance the rising cost of the war,
but it Is evident that Mr. Johnson has no
desire for widescale tax increases in this
election year. He expects the Federal budget
to rise to $112.8 billion-the highest ever-
but he intends to hold the deficit to a slim
$1.8 billion. If he can dolthis, he will sur-
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORE:
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Presi-
dent Johnson has made the only possible
choice in resuming- the bombing of North
Vietnam. The United States pursued
every honorable means during the bomb-
ing lull in an effort to secure a cease-fire
and the negotiation of a peaceful settle-
ment.
We were answered with denunciations
instead of negotiations.
As pointed out in the following edi-
torial from the New York Herald Tribune
of February 1, 1966, President Johnson
has coupled the resumption of bombing
raids with a further effort toward peace.
I know his efforts will continue.
I commend the Tribune editorial to the
attention of our colleagues:
BOMBS AND RESOLUTIONS
In announcing the resumption of bomb-
ing attacks on North Vietnam, President
Johnson made it plain that this was the re-
sult of the considered judgment of the re-
sponsible military and political agencies of
the American government. And that judg-
ment can only be seriously contested on
the assumption that the United States has
no business in Vietnam at all.
For the bombing pause failed to produce
any hint from Hanoi that it was willing to
sit down at the conference table. It not only
continued to insist on acceptance of its orig-
inal four points (which would mean total
victory for the Vietcong) but has added, as
the British Foreign Office terms it, "a new
and even more unacceptable prior condi-
tion"-recognition of- the Vietcong as "the
sole genuine representative of the people of
South Vietnam."
Since He Chi Minh insists on war or sur-
render, he must have war. No American can
feel happy at being presented with this
choice... But since it has been made so
abundantly clear by the rejection of Presi-
dent Johnson's peace overtures, few Ameri-
cans would want to endanger the lives of
their men in Vietnam by a continued with-
holding of the means to strike at North
Vietnamese supply routes, or allow Ha to
work his wicked will from sanctuary.
At the same time, the United States is
fighting this war to end it, and the President
has given renewed evidence of American de-
termination in this respect by taking the
case formally to the United Nations.
This has not been done before for several
reasons. In the first place, the only inter-
national body which had been seized of the
Vietnamese dispute was the Geneva confer-
ence of 1054. That body could be recalled
to discuss the problem; the British Govern-
ment, as one co-chairman, has been trying
to do so, The Soviet Union, the other co-
chairman, has refused.
There Is also the fact that neither North
Vietnam nor Red China, the power prodding
He Chi Minh toward continued war, is a
member of the U.N., and both have repeatedly
and explicitly denied that the U.N. has any
role to play in their affairs.
The American resolution, however, does
not set forth specific terms for a settlement, -
or even outline fixed steps toward a settle-
ment-which would almost certainly have
brought immediate rejection by Hanoi.
Rather, the American proposal would place
 ,4pprovecFor Release 2005/06/29-: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400120007-8
February :2',' 1966 CONGRESSIONAL
to request emergency action in the U.N.
Security Council. Let us hope that here
is an avenue that may lead Hanoi to a
serious discussion of peace.
We must be mindful, however, that
Hanoi has as yet not disclosed a serious
interest in peace, and today is indicating
its indifference to any action which-
might be taken by the United Nations.
For while we and others have sought
since last April to bring Hanoi to serious
discussions, a long record of terrorism
and violence leveled at the people of
South Vietnam has been the only
response.
it is therefore important that we real-
ize that we must continue to support our
commitment to the South Vietnamese
people and the U.S.. forces there.
This we will do; and I am sure that, as
Secretary Rusk has stated, the United
States will continue to explore the proc-
esses of diplomacy, both public and
private, in order that any possibility of
peace can be explored and tested.
Turning to another, but related, mat-
ter, yesterday we received a - message
from the President, submitting his for-
eign aid program. This program is less
than three-quarters of 1 percent of the
national defense budget, and for that
reason its extension can, in my opinion,
be largely justified. -
I am delighted that the President says
.that from now on he wants to help na-
tions which help themselves. This is
progress, because in years gone by we
were willing to help nations under any
circumstances, without any regard to
whether they helped themselves or any-
body else. That was a rather immature
approach in my judgment, For this rea-
son I welcome the President's intention
to limit economic assistance to those na-
tions which help themselves.
I suggest to the distinguished Senator
from Arkansas [Mr. MCCLELLAN] that we
might even take a further step. We
might even be so bold as to propose that
some day we will help only those who
help us. But I suppose that is too.revolu-
tionary a proposal to bring up at a time
like this, especially when so many people
in this country do not even want to help
the President. -
In his foreign aid message the Presi-
dent said that nine-tenths of the $665
million earmarked for development loans
is for five countries.
One of these countries is Nigeria. On
the same day, and almost at the same
hour that the President was transmitting
his foreign aid message to Congress, the
Nigerian representative on the United
Nations Security Council was refusing to
support the American request that the
Council take up the question of whether
the United Nations should discuss the
Vietnamese problem. In fact, all three
African members of the Security Council
opposed our simple and reasonable re-
quest which needs nine affirmative votes
for adoption. I recall, parenthetically,
that only last fall at the International
Telecommunications Union Conference
at Montreux, Switzerland, where I was a
U.S, delegate, all 32 of the African dele-
gates refused to support the position of
the United States in a - matter of im-
portance.
Approved
RECORD - SENATE - v - 1857
I have supported foreign aid to a num-
ber of countries, including a number of
African countries. I expect to continue
to do so. But I shall not be bulldozed
or blackmailed or threatened by a state-
ment that any part of the world is im-
mune, or that any nation -in the world is.
immune, from criticism because of. con-
siderations other than their :govern-
mental actions. When they do not help
us, as Nigeria refused to help us yester-
day, we ought to bear in mind the limited
resources available for development loans
and take a good hard look to see whether
or not we ought to spend them on a
country that only yesterday, while we
werd offering development loans to It,
was saying to us, "We do not believe
enough in. free speech to permit the
United States to take its cause to the
United Nations."
Fifteen Senators have submitted to the
President their dissent from and con-
cern over his Vietnam policy. They have
urged him to reconsider the course of
action on which he has embarked. Some
of them have been heard to say, "Let
us take the problem to the United Na-
tions." So we try, and the next thing
that happens is that we cannot even get
enough members of the Security Council
to agree merely to take it up.
Most people, like myself, I suppose,
thought that the Only member of the
Security Council which would not want
to take it up would be the Soviet Union.
But lo and behold,,our longtime, great
ally, France, joined Russia. What pur-
pose other - than petty mischief France
had in taking such action, I cannot
'understand. Whereupon the whole kit
and kaboodle of the nations which have
enjoyed our assistance sought to em-
barrass this Government, saying, "We
will, not even let you talk about it."
i If that is all that the United Nations
is willing to do, we may have to say that
we have run our string out there. If
that is the case, we must stand alone
with out valiant Vietnamese ally and
with the assistance of a few friendly
allies, such as South Korea, the United
Kingdom, and Australia. For we must
do whatever is necessary to bring the
Vietnam war to an honorable conclusion.
I think every one of us strongly sup-
ported every step of the President's peace
offensive. Now, most of us are ready to
go ahead to seek an honorable settle-
ment by using such force as- may be
necessary to bring about the negotiations
leading to that settlement.
I thank the distinguished Senator from
Arkansas for his kindness in yielding to
me.
objection? The Chair hears none, and
It is so ordered.
Mr. McCLELLAN, - Mr. President, un-
der the same conditions on which I have
yielded to other Senators, I now yield
to the distinguished Senator from South
Dakota.
Mr. McGOVERN: I thank the Sena-
tor from Arkansas for yielding to me. I
asked him to yield for the purpose of
obtaining unanimous consent to place
in the RECORD a transcript of the dis-
cussion between the distinguished chair-
man of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee [Mr. FULBRIGHT] and two
noted Columbia Broadcasting System
news correspondents, Mr. Eric Sevareid
and Mr. Martin Agronsky. The discus-
sion took place on the CBS Network be-
tween 10:30 and 11 o'clock last night,
Eastern Standard Time. It was another
impressive demonstration of Senator
FuLBRIOIIT's uncommon commonsense.
Much of the discussion centered around
the issue of Vietnam, and our policy not
only in that country, but in other parts
of Asia as well. The discussion was a
most thoughtful, interesting, and forth-
right statement of-the issues.
Near the end of the broadcast, Mr.
Sevareid asked Senator FVLBRIGHT if he
thought that high ranking public officials
could afford the luxury of public pessi-
mism. Senator FULERIGHT offered what
I believe to be a perfect answer.
He said: -
It seems to me that we all get along
better if we say what we think, whether it
is pessimistic or optimistic. -
That is a good admonition to all of us.
It is sometimes difficult to speak out on
controversial questions, particularly at a
time when our country is committed to
battle. No one enjoys the prospect of
having his words twisted in such a way
as to imply that he has somehow under-
cut what our troops are trying to accom-
plish or has undercut the national in-
terest in any way. But there has never
been a time- in our history when plain,
honest - talk was so desperately needed.
And every Senator speaks for war or
peace by his silence as well as by his
words.
. We are involved in what I believe is
the most dangerous venture in which this
country has ever been engaged. We must
turn every possible stone in an effort to
end this war and to bring it to 'a con-
clusion before we are pulled into what
would be the most disastrous develop-
ment that anyone could imagine, and
that is a major all-out war on the Asian
mainland.
In my judgment the great generals
MORE COMMONSENSE FROM who have warned us against that in the
past have been absolutely right. - I be-
SENATOR FULBRIGHT lieve that it would be calamitous for this
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr, President, will country to take steps which would bring
the Senator from Arkansas yield to me? on such a war. --
Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I I hope that we will do everything we
ask unanimous consent that the remarks can to prevent that. I believe that the
of 'all the Senators who have preceded President- wants to avoid that kind of a
me, and to whom I have yielded, precede conflict but he needs to hear our honest
in the RECORD the remarks I shall make. convictions about this ill-advised venture
I should like to preserve the continuity in Vietnam. .
of my remarks. I feel certain that no One way to avoid an even larger con-
Senator will object. . filet is by honest- talk. If Senators will
The- PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there only speak out and say what they really
For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400120007-8