VIETNAM'S CRUCIAL ELECTION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100022-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 18
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2005
• Sequence Number: 22
• Publication Date: August 1, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2005/06/29 , CIA-RDP67B00446Ri000400100022-3
A4~ C-oNd1 't` 9IONAAL - RE"Cbib `A1~P 1~7TSI$ August 1, 1966
President N
even
northeopst wa Is as an I Sol
shaky political legs-despiser a Egypt
to the Aswan
th oio cw.h er pro l of nt knawutI jus in the working so ha dfto hold down the vote onmuhis
In CT g you big turnout will constitute Dam.
returned from the World Forestry Congress a major defeat for the Vietcong. VICTORIES IN ASIA
in Spain. While-our principle mission was Thus the conclusion is inescapable that In Pakistan, President Ayub Khan, who has
to observe the progress of improved forestry for the Vietcong and its political arm, the been flirting with the Chinese, has now
in other sections of the world, I also asked National Liberation Front, the election is a thrown out his pro-Communist Foreign
our friends in Spain about their progress in Trojan horse. It will reveal for the first time Minister, Zulf Kar Bhutto, and is sliding back
water resource development. Immediately, the weakness of the Vietcong. into the pro-West camp.
they pro dfy'respon-dedpbyadvising that they And this revelation will dramatize the India, once the champion of the Red Chi-
have already developed 80% of their hydro- essential correctness of President Johnson's nese, has learned the hard way. During the
logical potential. Gentlemen, this is a conviction that the overwhelming majority recent worry over the execution of American
country that Is supposed to be substantially of South Vietnam's population of 16 million prisoners in Hanoi, the Indian Embassy here
behind u's in, technology and engineering. I has no tie of sympathy, ideology or loyalty and PreI ter Indira Gandhi in Moscow pres-
only wish we had O U% of the North Coasts' to the Vietcong. sured the Russians to use their influence with
hydrological potential already developed. The unofficial U.S. estimate of the num- Hanoi to block any war crimes trial.
In attending this world conference, one ber of South Vietnamese citizens who would In Southeast Asia, Indonesia has put
could not tiel but feel that the eyes of the willingly support the Vietcong runs to Sukarno on the sidelines and cleaned out
world-are upon us-constantly seeking ideas around 5 or 6 per cent. Well-informed esti- every single Chinese Communist. Simulta-
and information from a diversified, viable mates from eastern European Communist neously, Indonesia has dropped its war
and wealthy country, recognized as a world sources are not much higher-around 8 per r against Malaysia, and that country is now
leader. The world is craving for our leader-
ship. The image we create and the example
we set is now in the making. In the eyes
of the world, our International purpose will
be judged by our domestic performance.
Somehow, r get the feeling we can and must
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON.. JOHN D. DINGELL
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
'Honday, August 1, 1966
I. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, pursuant
to permission granted, I insert' into the
Appendix of the RECORD two columns
that appeared recently in the Washing-
ton, D.C., Post. Together they give the
Amfxican people some heartening news
about U,S. efforts_ in' developing peace
(By Rowland Evans and Robert Novak)
No matter how much the critics may ridi-
culp it, the September 11 election in South
Vietnam may well give President Johnson his
first important break in the agonizing war
,in Southeast Asia.
One. major reason for this bright assess-
,
merit the murderous sabotage and terror
cainiai n that the Vietcong has now begun
11; 1' ort to undermine the entire. electoral
pro"cess. 'Ivhis`means the Vietcong regards
the election as potentially disastrous.
Consider,, for example, well-authenticated
reports to Washington of a Vietcong attack
on.the, party headquarters of the Vietnamese
t DD `Party, a strongly nationalistic, anti-
Communist ,political party in Quang Tin
province in the northern part of the country.
011 July 14 or 15-the date is uncertain-
number of officials of this party, which is
running several candidates as delegates to
ve
the constitutional convention, 'were mur-
dered in a Vietcong attack which could have
had only one' purpose: to terrorize the party
and frighten It into boycotting the election.
One,'ofthe prospective candidates lost both
ills legs in the attack. He` still intends,
nonotliglgss, to be a candidate in the election.
Till incident is not isolated, 'Me South
Vietnymese government Is now studying in-
telligge~nce reports from at least five other
prd'6fiic6ss that "the Communist Vietcong are
1 nnin cam of ns of sabotage
cent.
Up to now it has been difficult for the
President to illustrate this basic fact. But
if the election goes as expected, that in itself
will dramatize what Mr. Johnson has been
saying for so long: That the United States
is in South Vietnam to stop aggression from
the north and that left to its own devices,
South Vietnam would overwhelmingly reject
the Communists.
An outpouring of between 4 and 5 million
voters should be a powerful demonstration
to the rest of the world that the development
of free political institutions in South Viet-
nam is a real possibility.
There are also, of course, hazards in this
first election (to be followed by election of
an assembly after agreement has been
'reached on a constitution). The 108 winners
among more than 700 candidates have only
one job: To draft a constitution for a coun-
try that has never had one. It is impossible
to predict how this first elected convention
will act.
For example, it is not ruled out that the
-constitutional convention, as the first na-
tional body in South Vietnam's history to
be chosen in a relatively free election might
try to reconstitute itself as a parliamentary
body and claim for itself the powers of gov-
ernment. No one expects this to happen, but
no one can know for sure what will happen
when it convenes in late September.
That is no more a hazard than the cata-
logue of hazards President Johnson lives
with every day in pursuing his goal in Viet-
nam. The important thing about the elec-
tion is that it has stirred up intense and
healthy interest among the political parties
and that it is certain to expose the fraudu-
lence of the claim of the Vietcong to be
the true representative of the people.
SIGNS THAT WE'RE WINNING COLD WAR
(By Drew Pearson)
Some of the professional scaremongers who
see -the world going hell-bent toward com-
munism have been trying to persuade the
American public that we are losing the Cold
War. This has long been the theme of Sen.
Tom DODD'S Internal Security Committee and
anyone who disagrees with either the Com-
mittee or DODD'S conduct is called a "leftist"
by his pal, Gen. Julius Klein.
However, I have visited much of the world
in the past 18 months and in my opinion we
are winning, not losing, the Cold War.
In Africa, the pro-Communist Ben Bella
has been kicked out of Algeria; while Presi-
dent Kwame Nkrumah, the Chinese puppet
of Ghana, has been given the gate by his own
people. In East Africa, when U.S. Ambas-
sador Bill Atwood retired, the people of
Kenya came out with placards reading:
"Yankee don't go home."
"'When Chinese Foreign Minister Ch'en Yi
traveled through Africa some months ago
advocating wars of liberation, he turned prac-
tically every leader against him. Africa Is
In Japan, where we lost friends as a result
of the Vietnam war, the socialists are still
fuming, but the middle class has a better
understanding of the American position and
the situation has improved.
In Cyprus, where Greece and Turkey, two
good U.S. allies, were almost on the verge of
war last year, both sides have come to their
senses. Communist agitators who once had
a field day in Greece and Turkey have piped
down.
RED INDEPENDENCE
Perhaps the most important change in any
part of the world is taking place among the
European Communist-bloc nations.
When I visited Yugoslavia in 1950 I re-
ported that nation would drift into a mod-
erate type of socialism similar to that of the
British Labor government. The Truman Ad-
ministration, which simultaneously continu-
ing this policy, sold had come to the same
conclusion, launched a policy of aiding Yugo-
slavia-also Poland-with surplus grain.
The Eisenhower Administration, President
Tito even jet fighters and trained Yugoslav
pilots in Texas, despite the criticism of the
right wing.
The policy has paid off. Today Yugoslavia
enjoys freedom of religion, freedom of farm-
ing, freedom of small business. Only the
public utilities and major industries, as in
England which is nationalizing steel, are gov-
ernment owned.
Recently Tito uncovered the same kind of
wire-tapping which our Justice Department
has revealed to the Supreme Court. Tito
kicked out, however, Aleksandar Randovic,
the man responsible for it.
Other European Communist countries,
while not as independent as Yugoslavia, are
drifting in that direction.
SEEKS MORE U.S. TRADE
All the European Communists are eager
for more trade with the United States, and if
Representative WiLBuR MILLS (Democrat of
Arkansas), Chairman of the Ways and Means
Committee, hadn't thumbed his nose at the
White House when the President wanted to
loosen trade barriers, we would now be doing
an expanding business with this part of the
world. Instead the Germans, French and
British are making money in these markets.
In Latin America, the resentment against
the United States over our landing of Ma-
rines in the Dominican Republic has cooled
off. Most Latins are convinced by the steady
withdrawal of U.S. troops that we have no
ulterior motives on that island, and the wel-
come given to President Johnson by Mexico,
the chief critic of our Dominican policy,
demonstrated that the Dominican incident is
now water over the dam.
At one time the Chinese Communists con-
sidered Latin America one of their chief
targets, second only to Africa. They.were
more active in Cuba than the Russians, and
were definitely behind Castro's terrorist drive
on nearby Venezuela. That drive has now
fizzled. So have the drives in Panama and
p The Vietcong, pproved For teiease 2005/06/291Y CIA-RDP67B00446R000400Latin 100.022countries.
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August 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4045
to detemine Whether or, not we have an, ads- and Mad Rivers, and delineated the function cost ratio justification. I am thoroughly
quate plan of action, and the most advanced that each agency should pursue, it becomes convinced that it does not recognize the total
equipment ready, on a stand-by basis, to be our joint responsibility to set a series of dead- picture when considering the economic fac-
"cranked into action" should fires break out lines and/or target dates when all projects tors associated with disasters and flood pro-
during this coming season. Believe me, I've in our package or master plan can be com- tective works,
had the willing cooperation of everyone, pleted. Certainly, a projected timetable by It has become increasingly clear that the
partiularly the people directly involved in each agency, available to all, would be very State and the Bureau will not build the
"carrying-out" the program. They've wel- helpful to people interested in our progress. Middle Fork and English Ridge projects re-
corned our intervention because with their With the very obvious competition for ap- spectively unless they actually need the water
personal knowledge of the inadequacies, they propriations, I again would like to stress the in the Sacramento Valley and Southern Cali-
welcomed our "carrying the torch" for im- importance of each agency concentrating on fornia. On the other hand, the North Coast
proving their cause. its own area of responsibility, thereby mini- needs flood control at an early time. We are
While fire disasters may appear irrelevent mizing duplication of effort and maximizing looking at two or three possible criteria
to flood control and water conservation, I the opportunity for simultaneous action and changes that might embody the following
can assure you that forest fire ark equally progress. This will be an accelerated Public principles to allow early project construc-
categorized as disasters and demand the. Works program at its best. We on our corn- Lion;
atef ntion of all of us, Further, as constitu- mittee are pushing this concept. 1. Payment, in addition to flood control
tt you are entitled to this "progress report" I believe your Association should support allocation, for interest and principal on the
as Well. Bureau projects where there is clear evidence allocation to water conservation, during the
Returning now to Water Resource Develop- that cheap agricultural water is needed; period of years before water is used, perhaps,
agent, there are a few cogent points I would Corps of Engineers projects when the prin- with a maximum number of years specified.
like to make. ciple purpose is flood control and water
supply; projects of the State of California, This payment could be non-reimbursable to
First of all, as many people have told you, the Federal Government in that when water
things are happening all around us, that have perhaps in cooperation with the Corps or the is used, the using agency would only pick up
heretofore been non-existent. As our very Bureau of Reclamation, providing those pjoj-
payments to the end of the original period.
Y ects give suitable local benefits to the proect
able water consultant, Harvey Banks, has area and make local water supply available. 2. Payment by the Federal Government for
told you, he is withholding presentation of It becomes increasingly obvious, we must principal and interest on conservation stor-
the final draft of his report because of what take further steps to become a part of the age until water is used, with the payout pe-
has happened recently on the Colorado River, overall planning process. The time for think- rind to begin at the time water is used and
Metropolitan
Metropolitan Water District and Columbia ing in terms of Regional Planning is now. extend for the full period prescribed in pres-
Developments. The overall impact on lands located in some ens law.
The fact that Glen Smith of the Metro- of the project areas will requireour attention. 3. Payment by the Federal Government for
politan Water District made the statement Land Use Planning must be brought up to interest and principal on conservation allo-
"that MWD may propose to increase the size date to coincide with the Regional water cation until water is used, with these pay-
of the Tehachapi Pumping Plant and the East plans, ments by the Federal Government to be
Branch, to be capable of serving until 2020, The people and the communities of our repaid by water users as a surcharge on future
is of great significance and bears watching area will be looking for more specific answers water rates.
and intense review. I have every confidence to their questions-when, where and how? In discussing criteria, there is another
that Mr. Banks and your organization will When will the project get started, where will matter that is deserving of more attention-
maintain ready vigilance and increase your it be located and how much will it cost or the consideration for aesthetics. The reten-
communications with MWD. how much can I expect to benefit from this tion and enhancement of as much natural
Because of the increasing demands for start. The Bureau of Reclamation has ad- beauty as possible, during the construction
water everywhere, the study for a regional vised me of their progress in developing con- stages of our various projects, would be
plan to transport waters Into the Colorado cepts of future agricultural crop patterns as serving the public interest and must be given
River, a supplemental water supply for influenced by ample irrigation water on a a higher priority in the future. This is par-
Southern California, the expanding regional regionwide basis. ticularly true when flood control projects are
developments of the Southwestern States, As I've stated before, we will become In- built through the center of communities such
with Texas and Kansas being recently added creasingly dependent upon you for guidance as Napa and those along the Corte Madera
to the picture, the widening controversy over and direction, so that we are advancing the Creek in Marin. Again, our committee will
the Columbia River water export plans, and projects in keeping with the water policy ob- be looking for possible incremental additions
i
lation ts 25-year construction timetable, the popu- jectives of you and the people you represent. In future criteria changes.
Joaquin and expansion projections tions for the the
readily We must, at the earliest possible date start Some of these questions might be asked.
Joaquined need Sacramento valleys, he elrol translating some of these studies and plans How do you value flood control? Where two
water recognized need to supplement
requirements and the many a Pool with a positive program of action. We can major catastrophes have occurred in the past
Y Increasing and must see concrete results. Part of this is ten years, what criteria should apply toward
demands of our State Water Plan, one can happening. Needless to say, it is thrilling to timing of the projects? It is very difficult
only conclude what the we've and pre- see the "dirt fly" on the Redwood Creek proj- to establish quantitative criteria without
dicted for some time, given our ect, we have provided the funds for the start providing proper value judgment on the mag-
darth ally great coast er. water resources will u on Corte Madera Creek and we are asking for nitude of the risk. Who knows when the 100
There are many reasons for this, but the a construction start on Dry Creek. As I toad year or 1,000 year storm is going to come?
principle fact that stands out is the con- the appropriations committee members, it is We do know, from the experiences of the last
principle act t at North Coast water resources vital to keep these projects moving on sched- three years alone, that the frequency of the
et er interim our A water water ule so as to prevent a future "logjam" in storms and floods are on the increase, nation-
as supply. supply that funding the construction starts. wide. I can speak with authority because
will be needed in other areas of California As we seek all possible means of accelerat- I've been to these areas.
until such time as the Columbia River water in our
agreements are worked out, the 25 year con- g projects, we might look back the In addition to the flood recovery and re-
struction schedule completed or an efficient years prior
proclaimed hreoOre- coming costs, the one question that keeps
and effective system of desalinization become Dam. Every Every consultant d the Oro. coing to my mind is the e lack of adequate
technologiclaly and economically feasible. vine project could uld not not b be justified , until x- consideration
er Increased values land ,
Again, I want to remind you of my previous The Director of Water Resources, admi str the and nd Improvements, that can be anticipated,
reference to the MWD statement to further tively, apparently with the backing of of tbhe immediately following the competition of a
stress this point. Governor, went ahead with the project. The flood control or reclamation facility. This
decision Quite naturally, with our common desire to of 1960. This has been later r err referred was a siila ip every part of the lace. I
accelerate the project developments, this hero similar projects are now in place.
could be very timely in providing us with the the
and guts". "the proper mixture of to convinced we can safely expect this trend
potential economic justification of our proj-
ects. engineering and guts", to continue.
To say the least, it is very tempting to A most significant fact occurred in later With this in mind I have asked for answers
see this possibility evolve. But, it also years-the project was completed to a point to these questions from our committee and
prompts me to suggest that we must all ac- where it performed the flood control pup- staff, obviously seeking improvements to our
celerate our efforts in determining the water pose-just one week before the 1964 flood hit, established criteria, techniques and method-
policy objectives of our region and our re- The Director of Water Resources who made ology for economic evaluation. We are ask-
spective communities and counties, making that decision was Harvey Banks, ing for a similar review by the Bureau of
certain that our own water needs are ade- As we discuss methods of accelerating these the Budget. In the coming months, I will be
gtlately protected and provided for. Again, projects, I would like to touch briefly on a pursuing this objective to the maximum--if
your actions in developing the joint exercise matter that has "bugged" me for a long time, you agree with me, I hope you join in pre-
of powers agreement and the report of Harvey Having traveled throughout the United States senting the point of view and suggestions of
Banks here today indicate you're moving in visiting areas hard hit by similar natural dis- your organization.
the right direction. asters, I concluded that one of the major Again, the results of these evaluations
With the Inter-Agency group having di- problems facing the Congress was the "horse should prove helpful as we emphasize the
vided up the projects on the Eel, Van Duzen and buggy" criteria being used for benefit to concept of accelerated development of the
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August 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Milwaukee and Organized Baseball
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
QF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 1, 1966,
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, much
has appeared in the Nation's press in the
past few days concerning the Wisconsin
Supreme Court decision in the Braves
baseball case.
The decision has been interpreted in
some circles as vindicating the stand of
organized professional baseball. This is
far from true, as is explained in the
Milwaukee Journal editorial of July 28,
1966.
In fact, the decision clears up one am-
biguity in the Milwaukee position. Mil-
waukee contended that baseball was a
monopoly and thereby evil, on the one
hand, and asked for another franchise or
a return of the Braves on the other. In
other words, there was a seeming willing-
ness to employ the monopoly argument
to the extent that it would bring the
community what it wanted.
This apparent contradiction in goals
had always been of concern to me be-
cause if Milwaukee had been given a
team, it might be interpreted that base-
ball once again had been able to "buy" its
like myself, want it restricted in the
public interest.
On those issues, basically, legislation
changing the status of baseball has been
stalled.
The U.S. Supreme Court could play an
important role in ending this impasse
by taking judicial note of the general
approval within Congress for "normal-
izing" the position of organized baseball.
If the High Court should strip baseball
of its exemption from antitrust regula-
tion, new legislation would quite clearly
be needed to prevent a situation of chaos
from resulting in organized baseball.
This legislation would be given priority
consideration and differences on the ex-
tent of privileges could be determined in
open debate.
This, it seems to me, is the very least
we can expect if the national pastime
is to be taken out of the hands of the
carpetbaggers and returned to the fans.
The editorial follows:
BRAVES WIN, ON TECHNICALITY; AND THERE'LL
BE A REPLAY
The Braves drew four bases on balls for
the winning run in the Wisconsin supreme
court Wednesday. It is not a proud way to
win a ball game. And it doesn't wrap up
A4047
rescue itself from its 1953 ruling, this might
be the opportunity. But it may prefer to
let the issue come up through the federal
courts under federal law.
It .probably must be accepted now that
baseball is not about to' be forced legally
to return the Braves to Milwaukee or assign
another franchise right away. Justice Fair-
child pointed out the irony that such a
result, if possible, would still be making use
of a monopoly power, and condoning it for
that one purpose.
This leaves Wisconsin chosen by circum-
stances as the protagonist for the principle
that the monopolistkc conduct of baseball is
would be ha
this points wi
congress or both. It
t the matter drop at
principle at stake.
Hanoi Warned
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RONALD BROOKS CAMERON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 12, 1966
any pennant.
Giddy claims by the baseball commissioner, Mr. CAMERON. Mr. Speaker, Hanoi's
National league president and Atlanta threat to try our captured airmen as war
mayor-that the court "vindicated" the criminals has aroused a storm of fury to
baseball monopoly, found no violation of which Ho Chi Minh had better pay heed.
state law, saw baseball's desertion of Mil- The press continues to point out that
waukee to be "just and fair"-were total the consequences of such an outrage
nonsense. could be disastrous. Two editorials
lem of organized baseball's monopolistic move, , both legally and move, morally. And that this possibility in vigorous terms.
practices go far beyond the boundaries judgment was a unanimous one. The bare In short, the Los Angeles Times and
of Milwaukee or Wisconsin. These majority merely decided that the state law's Philadephia Inquirer declare that Hanoi
practices affect every major city in the enforcement arm couldn't reach the Braves, is playing with fire. ?
Nation which has a major league club. through no virtue of theirs. Its propaganda objectives would back-
Today Milwaukee and Wisconsin stand The baseball industry is indeed a mo- fire.
purged of any taint of self-interest. nopoly, Justice Fairchild wrote; it is indeed its hope of intimidating us would, of
in restraint of trade, and its operations
They can take the case to the U.S. would be "rife with violations" of both state course, fall flat.
Supreme Court on the basic principle and federal laws-if the former could be North Vietnam has been warned from
that the present conduct of the big busi- applied and the latter were to be. Justice many quarters against carrying out its
ness of baseball has placed it firmly with- Heffernan repeated the guilty verdict on threat.
In the sphere of those activities which behalf of the dissenters. These newspapers wisely advise the
Congress meant to affect with antitrust The state's case against the Braves has aggressor in Vietnam not to make any
laws. foundered, as of today, on the rock of juris- dangerous miscalculations.
diction only. The majority found that
It is my firm belief that the circum- "national policy" has thus far exempted Their editorials follow in full:
stances warrant the Supreme Court tak- baseball from antitrust enforcement, even [From the Los Angeles Times, July 15, 19661
ing another, hard look at the baseball if all by inference-by mere inaction of con- WAR CRIMES TRIALS IN HANOI
monopoly. Since 1953 when the Court gress to include it by name, and by the North Vietnam has given indications that
last ruled, there have been these develop- United States supreme court's whimsical it is preparing to put captured American fliers
ments: view in 1953 that the inaction expresses on trial as "war criminals," with some East
First, baseball's owners and operators intent to allow the exemption. A state's European sources reporting that the legal
have demonstrated an increasing in- attempt to fill the enforcement gap, being farces may begin as early as next week. If
"in conflict with national policy," as the such outrages do in fact take place, the con-
ability to discipline themselves against majority found, must yield. This, by the sequences for the Hanoi regime could prove
flaunting the public interest in the way, does not at all void the state antitrust disastrous.
search for the fast buck. law for other uses. In violation of the 1949 Geneva Conven-
Second, the increasing dependence of The dissent appears to have been written tion on the rules of war, signed by North
baseball on lucrative television contracts more in frustration over the result than in Vietnam in 1957, U.S. pilots have already
has placed baseball ever more firmly than real opposition to it. The minority felt been paraded in handcuffs through the
before in the mainstream of interstate that, "where congress has failed to act to streets of Hanoi, and subjected to public
commerce. protect the states from monopolistic preda- abuse. One of the specific obligations of the
Third, the failure of Congress to bring tors," a state ought to be able to act for Geneva Convention is the protection of war
itself. Some of the majority couldn't quite against intimidation, insults, pub-
baseball within the scope of existing anti- go this far because of a belief that a nation- prisoners curiosity-and agai reprisals.
trust regulations clearly does not indicate wide monopoly has to be disciplined uni- lie Hanoi plainlhas some definite political-
tiSfaCtiOn with the status quo. Rather formly if at all-that is, federally. ands purposes in mind with its
-
lmost all Members of Congress who have A 4 to 3 court vote is just as conclusive thrrew tined show trials. One of them is bol
s; oken on the subject favor the inclusion legally as 7 to 0 would be. Especially in theag the morale of the North them bol-
judge people by openly enl humiliating and punishing
of baseball under antitrust. a case like this, however, however, and the learned srempha-
may differ over a a conscientious
difficult question, o, a th U.S. fliers who have helped bring destruction
The differences of opinion have come sizes how and d that t 1 Y P Y
over issues of what exceptions are to be invites further appeal. to the military and economic sinews of the
gr nted baseball once it is made subject Atty. Gen. La Follette is therefore correct country.
to antitrust legislation. Some want to to seek review by the United States supreme Undoubtedly, too, Hanoi must feel that re-
.;give baseball broad privileges. Others, court. in case that court should wish to prisals would have an effect on the morale of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX August 1, 1966
other U.S. filers who daily take part in attacks
011 forth Vietnam,
Ltt pert aps the most important aim seen
by Ilano1 is an attempt to influence U.S. pub-
lic opinion. North Vietnam puts great stock
popular divisions In France in the early
1950's played a major role in sapping French
strength In the Indochina war. Reprisals
against U.S. prisoners, in Hanoi's view, could
'exacerbate divisions in the United States and
result In new pressures on the President to
end the war quickly, on Hanoi's terms.
Is it really possible that North Vietnam's
leaders are so grossly misinformed, or so
self-deluded, that they think the United
States can be intimidated by these acts of
barbarism? As Winston Churchill once
asked about another enemy, "What kind of
a people do they think we are!"
The American reaction to any North Viet-
namese show trials would not be one of de-
spair or fear, nor would it turn more people
against the U.S. government's policies. On
the contrary; the predictable reaction woulid
be one of the most severe condemnation, and
of greater unity behind the President than
has been seen for some time. The, demands
for stern reprisals would be overwhelming.
Hanoi, which has often enough miscalcu-
lated the mood and determination of the
U.S.government and the American people,
may how be on the verge of its most danger-
ous miscalculation of all. It still has time
to back away, but does it have enough sense
to do So?
[From the Philadelphia Inquirer, July 19,
1966]
HANOI HAS HAD ITS WARNING
The North Vietnamese can't say that they
have not been fully warned of the conse-
quences, should they carry out their threats
to try, and to execute, captured American
fliers as war criminals.
Since 'Hanoi first voiced the threat, there
has been a flood of protest in this and other
countries, plus a demand that the fliers be
treated humanely, according to civilized
standards, as prisoners of war.
The protests have been accompanied by
warnings that mistreatment of the captives
would most certainly arouse American indig-
nation to a fever pitch and unite the Nation
in a call for stepped-up military action In
Vietnam.
President Johnson, Secretary of State Rusk
and members of Congress including Senators
who have consistently opposed Administra-
tion policy in Vietnam, have joined in asking
humane treatment of the pilot prisoners.
U.N. Secretary General U Thant has warned
North Vietnam that war crime trials of the
airmen would generate intense escalation of
the war. Formal U.S. diplomatic warning
against the trial or execution of the prison-
ers has been given North Vietnam through
the medium of the Egyptian Foreign Min-
istry in Cairo and Arthur J. Goldberg, U.S.
Ambassador to the United Nations, has in-
formed officials of the International Red
Cross in Geneva of the disastrous conse-
quences that would follow the mistreatment
of the American prisoners.
The. history books are filled with the prod-
ucts of miscalculation, when national lead-
ers failed to read correctly the probable
reaction to a certain line of policy. There is
y
uring 1965 are com-
no excuse for similar folly In Hanoi today. bined--including those of New Jersey Bell,
Ho Chi-Minh has chosen to play with fire the Western Electric Company and Bell Tele-
In his abusivetreatment of prisoners of war, phone Laboratories-the total figure comes
by inciting street mobs to demands for the to more than $850 million. All of the money
captives' blood in reprisal against American was invested to maintain, expand and im-
bombing. He must hot play this dangerous prove communications services.
game too far, He has been told what the On an annual basis, the Bell System pours
consequences. will be. Unless he is inviting $300 million more into New Jersey than, it
destruction, he had better back away, takes out, establishing a very favorable
~"y o uc.spuoue networit performs well
because the people who design it, the people
who make it work, and the people who run
it, work for a common goal-excellent service
for the people who use it. The close Integra-
ti
on of research at Bell Telephone Labora-
tories; manufacture at Western Electric, and
operations, at New Jersey Bell, guarantee the
efficient functioning of the highly complex
network that links our customers to 183,-
000,000 telephones throughout the world.
It also guarantees communications prog-
ress and growth: basic and applied research
translated into designs, designs into products
and products into customers' services
with
,
the interval between each state compressed
to the extent that the entire process is con-
tinuous and overlapping, rather than sequen-
tial and broken.
Teamwork and the sharing of goals, in an
organization as closely knit as the telephone
network itself, are two of the most im-
portant contributors to the quality and
economy of Bell System service.
Another important contributing factor is
the regulatory climate in which our com-
pany operates. For more than 50 years on
the State level, and 30 on the National, our
business-the adequacy of its services, the
prices we charge and the profits we earn--
has been. under close and continuing regu-
latory scrutiny by New Jersey's Public
Utilities Commission and the Federal Com-
munications Commission.
The general excellence of communications
service and development here In New Jersey
and throughout the United States is indica-
tive of the health of this climate and the
interest of regulatory agencies in providing
scope and incentive for communications
progress.
Over the long run, I feel that the most
important contributor to service quality and
economy is integrity. I realize that the word
"integrity" Implies moral and ethical im-
peratives that, in some peoples' minds, are
not usually associated with business objec-
tives and operations.
But in a democratic country, the whole
structure of society rests on the assumption
that people are doing tehir jobs honestly',
responsibility and intelligently, whether they
work in the public or in the private sector.
The progress of the Bell System-the
progress of our economy in general-depends
on such integrity; integrity of purpose, in-
tegrity of intelligence and the integrity bred
by regulation, self-criticism and a stubborn
refusal to "leave well enough alone."
New York Police Commissioner Howard
R. Leary Joins Fight Against Noise
Pollution
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. THEODORE R. KUPFERMAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 26, 1966
Mr. KUPFERMAN. Mr. Speaker, the
fight against noise pollution Is a con-
tinuing one. My bill, H.R. 14602, dis-
cussed in my floor statement on April
21, at page 8339 of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD with additional detail on May 2
at page 9024, May 3 at page 9223, May
16 at page A2629, and June,2 at page
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New Jersey Bell: A Company Dedicated "balance of payments" that certainly bolsters
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. PETER W. RODINO, JR.
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 1, 1966
Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, the tele-
phone is an essential utility which
most .Americans' take for granted. We
assume that telephone service is always
available, ready to fulfill our needs and
bring help in times of emergency. We
usually do not stop to consider that our
telephone system is also an important
economic asset to our economy, or to
realize that the excellent service we re-
ceive is due to the teamwork and co-
ordination of all the people who make
the system work-in research, in manu-
facturing, and in operations. In. the
Newark Star-Ledger of July 26, 1966,
Mr. Robert D. Lilley, president of New
Jersey Bell Telephone Co., has contrib-
uted a most informative guest column
describing the role of his company in
New Jersey's flourishing economy and
the dedication of the people who work
for this outstanding organization.
I include it in the RECORD following
my remarks:
UTILITY: COMMUNICATIONS PROGRESS HINGES
ON TEAMWORK
(By Robert D. Lilley)
One significant measure of the econo
i
m
c
health and progress of our state Is com-
Inunictsions growth-the growth of facilities
and the growth of telephone calling volumes.
And by this yardstick, New Jersey has
really grown and is continuing to surge for-
ward. Local and long distance calling vol-
umes have risen 73 per centin 10 years and
the number of New Jersey Bell telephones
in service has increased more than 60 per
cent.
By the end of 1965, New Jersey Bell's 2,-
100,000 business and residence customers
were using more than 3,600,000 telephones
and making 15,307,000 calls on an average
business day, a sharp climb of 580,000 calls
a day over the 1964 average.
To keep pace with this communications
explosion, New Jersey Bell has invested more
th
an $1.2 billion in new buildings and equip-
ment over the last 10 years, ample evidence
that our business shares in the general eco-
nomic improvement of the state and con-
tributes to it.
Last year alone, our construction program
totaled $154.8 million. And we paid $113
million in taxes to the federal government
and $39 million to state and local govern-
ments. This is neither a boast nor a com-
plaint-taxes are the price we pay for the
privilege--and I use that word in its literal
sense--of being corporate citizens of New
Jersey.
If all expenditures of Bell System com-
panies in New Jerse
d
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Au ust 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX
fists since he was "dedicated" at the annual
Audubon "T-Bone Days" program in the
fall of 1964.
In east-central Iowa, along Highway 8,
the residents of Marengo are in the process
of building a giant pig-also of Paul Buriyan-
like stature. The pit's purpose is the same
as the Hereford Bull built near Audubon: to
salute a proud, local industry and, at' the
same time, to be a tourist attraction.
Iowa is one 'of the last states, according
to Director Caudle, to prepare to take ad-
vantage of tourism as an industry. The
problem now is to make known the things
the state has to offer-like the "Little Switz-
erland" area of northeast Iowa, tle Grotto
of the Redemption at West Bend, the Little
Brown Church in the Vale near Nashua, the
Maquoketa Caves, the Spook Cave near Mc-
Gregor, and the like.
Investment needed: He feels, too, that
such attractions will require additional in-
vestment by local, private concerns. For
example, in the Elkader area in northeast
Iowa, the traveler can find only one or two
motels around. The tourist of today gen-
erally is a family man who wants a family
type of place to stay. And the age of the
Holiday Inn-Howard Johnson type of motel,
with free ice, dispensing machines, air-con-
ditioning, swimming pools and family ztes
has made existing, 1930-type motels and old
hotels more obsolete than ever.
Some tourism officials look for cooperative
efforts between various states, such as the
Hiawatha Trail project that was set up jointly
by Iowa, Illinois, Wisconsin and Minnesota.
The tourist today can pick up maps, a bro-
chure and other information about the
Hiawatha Trail that zig-zags across the
states, linking together many tourist sites
and points of interest.
In the future for Iowa, Mr. Caudle en-
visions genuine efforts by the local Chambers
of Commerce to set up to ist centers, and
to do more than merely kee the peace along
,Right T c oil Prisoners
-EXTENSION .OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN S. MONAGAN
Or CONNECTICUT
IN THE IOTISE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, Auust 1, 1966
Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, the
Washington Post restates public revul-
sion at Hanoi's threat to try U.S. pilots
but also declares President Johnson took
the right tack in inviting North Vietnam
to discuss the treatment of prisoners
under the. auspices of the International
Red Cross.
By so doing, the newspaper says edi-
torially, the President accomplished sev-
He opened the way for withdrawal of
the North. Vietnamese threat-which
may or may not already be reflected in
Hanoi's reply to the Columbia Broad-
casting System's query on the prisoners.
He laid the base for broader interna-
tional support of our view on the issue.
And he gave -Hanoi an incentive for
attending a conference to obtain guaran-
tees regarding the treatment of its men
who are Captured in the south,
In any event, the Post asserts that by
carrying out its threat Hanoi would
certainly close ranks in this country' be
hind oW policy in Vietnam.
. The wisdom of this policy has been
proved by the subsequent North Viet-
namese backdown on this issue.
I offer this editorial to be printed In
the RECORD:
[From the Washington Post, July 24, 1966]
THE PRISONERS
The President took the right tack in Invit-
ing Hanoi to discuss under Red Cross aegis
the treatment of prisoners in Vietnam. By
avoiding specific threats and ultimatums, he
loft open the way for North Vietnam to care'
properly for the American pilots in its hands
without seeming to capitulate. But he left
no doubt as to the profound concern which
he and the American people share for the
fliers now in Hanoi.
Mr. Johnson was wise to give the assign-
ment he did to the proposed Red Cross con-
ference: not just to protect the American
prisoners but "to discuss ways in which the
Geneva conventions of 1949 can be given
fuller and more complete application in Viet-
nam." By putting the emphasis on the
Geneva conventions, rather than on any spe-
cific beneficiaries, Mr. Johnson served two
goals. He enabled quarters not necessarily
sympathetic to American policy in Vietnam
to lend their support on the prisoner issue.
And, perhaps more important, he gave Hanoi
the incentive of attending the conference in
order to win better treatment for its own
forces or sympathizers captured in the South.
Their fate, as Senator STEPHEN YOUNG
pointed out, has often been cruel.
A hint has come from Moscow that the
prisoner issue was responsible for the partial
mobilization just ordered by President Ho
Chi Minh. North Vietnam may be preparing,
according to these reports, to cope with a
potential American-sponsored punitive in-
vasion of the North. No one can know, of
course, how the United States would react to
the punishment or even the trial of the pilots.
But that dissent would be stilled and that
the country would close ranks behind the
President cannot be doubted at all.
What an incalculable blunder it would be
for North Vietnam, in an act intended to knit
the morale of its own people, to try and
punish the pilots and thereby heal the divi-
sion of the American people-the very divi-
sion which is the central basis of Hanoi's
hope to win the war.
A Department of Transportation
HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 1, 1966
Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, I
include in my remarks an address made
on the subject of "A Department of
Transportation" on June 22, 1966, at a
congressional luncheon held in Washing-
ton, D.C., by Morris Forgash, president
of the United States Freight Co. Mr.
Forgash is one of the outstanding au-
thorities in the field of transportion, not
only in the United States, but through-
out the world. His views in enthusiastic
support of the establishment of a De-
partment of Transportation are worthy
of profound consideration:
A DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORTATION
(Comments by Morris Forgash)
It, is a distinct honor and privilege to be
able to discuss with this distinguished group
A4035
a subject which has had top priority on
my personal agenda for quite a long time.
I am sure that most of you know I en-
thusiastically support the establishment of
a Department of Transportation. My posi-
tion was not arrived at recently and it is
not surrounded by caveats and reservations.
The question of establishing a Transporta-
tion Department has been the subject of
many studies. I directed one of them in
the 1950's as Chairman of a Panel of the
Transportation Council, U.S. Department of
Commerce. We have made the results of
that study, which culminated in an almost
unanimous recommendation for a Depart-
ment of Transportation, available to your
Committees.
You gentlemen of the Congress have heard
a great deal of testimony on this subject In
recent weeks. I am sure there was a large
amount of repetition, and I imagine some
of you are wondering whether there is any-
thing new that can be said on the subject.
Perhaps there is nothing I can add to what
has been said on the merits or demerits of
various specific provisions of the pending
bills, but I would like to give you some of
my views with respect to the perspective in
which I think this subject should be evalu-
ated.
It is my sincere belief that the only wise
and responsible approach to the question
confronting your Committees and the Con-
gress is first to determine whether the es-
tablishment of a Department of Transpor-
tation is sound, in principle, and wise as a
matter of public policy and, if it is so de-
termined, then to establish a Department
even if it does not include all of the activities
which it may or should, ultimately embrace.
You may call this a "half a loaf is better
than none" attitude, and perhaps it is, but
in view of the desparate need for getting
organized and getting some action in the
field of transportation, I would say we had
better at least get started before it Is too
late.
I think there is significance in the fact
that of all the numerous witnesses who have
testified on the subject they supported the
principle-the idea-of a Department of
Transportation almost to a man. Indeed, if
we reflect or a moment I think we must all
conclude that we will have a Department to
bring together the widely dispersed but in-
creasingly important functions of the Federal
Government in transportation sooner or
later. As I said shortly after the President
submitted the current proposal, it is my firm
conviction that the tide of history has al-
ready swept us past the point of decision
whether there should be a Department of
Transportation, and left us only the ques-
tions of when and what kind.
I say, with the utmost respect, that the
time to act is now-during the 89th Con-
gress-while the record is fresh and while
the issues are clearly fixed in the minds of
the people who are concerned with trans-
portation and transportation's goals and
problems. If the obligation is handed over
to the 90th Congress, when it convenes next
year, the opportunity may be lost because
when issues, even of the greatest importance,
are allowed to drag along they lose their
urgency.
Indeed, I think the 89th Congress has in-
herited an issue that should have been re-
solved a long time ago. If I am not mis-
taken, it was in the 43rd Congress, in 1874,
during the administration of President
Grant, that the first bill to establish a cen-
tralized transport bureau or department was
introduced. And every few years since that
time the legislation has been dusted off and
updated and introduced again. Congress
acts, of course, in response to the will of the
people and the people have never been suf-
ficiently fired with the need for action. That
has not been for want of study. I remember
the Hoover Commission reports; the Brook
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 1, 1966
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rope Institution. Transport study; the Saw
91x1 re$i 1 the'Eisenhower proposal; and the
S3p~r1e report all of which, plus others,
eiEloingty advocated and clearly documented
the masons a,bepartment of Transporta-
uir all, of these recommendations
Wi$ 10$t for want ot, leadership and public
esitfilusiasnx. I hope there will not be, a repi-
t1tion of that story today.
' I.fuil.y realize that even among some of the
strongest supporters of the present proposal
there is a.considerable disagreement with re-
apect to certain of its features. There is dis-
agreement'botn with reapeet to what the pro-
posaI does and,, what it does not do. I am
oonildent that some of the members,of your
Com nittees have, reservations, about some of
the features of ,the Some of the dis-
ogreements that iia$ come to my attention
soeths to revolve around the use of words and.
I believe. It can be removed by clari$cation.
In my opinion the one cardinal thing that
has to be borne in mind is that a. clear line
of demarcation must be drawn. between, ex-
ecutive functions-promotional, operational,
researe i, and the like-and regulatory func
tfbiis Which are the prerogative of Congress.
We had some reservations on that score and.
we submitted some simple language changes
for your consideration. Beyond that, the
tither questions of coverage become a matter
of judgment.
The question of whether all safety func-
tions should be transferred to the new De-
partment is the subject of conflicting views.
It seems to me that logic is on the side of
those who advocate centralized responsibility
and authority in this critically important
field. Surely there is complete agreement
that one of the most important and most de-
s1rable features of the legislation is the Na-
tional Transportation Safety Board which it
would create,
I have'not heard any reasons which are
convincing to me why all other safety mat-
ters should not be transferred to the De-
partment. However, our industry has not
made any recommendations one way or the
other because we think Congress is more In-
terested In, hearing from the people who are
dlrgctly'and more importantly involved.
A great deal of apprehension has been ex-
pressed about Section 7 which provides for
the development of transportation invest-
ment standards. I am sure you are all fa-
miliar with the arguments, pro and con.
I am not going to express an opinion on the
Inerits of the Issues Involved in Section 7,
but,I pose one question: Would there still
be valid reasons for establishing a Depart-
lnent of Transportation If Section 7 were
optiitted.from the legislation? I submit that
there would.
`The important thing, I believe, is to keep
clearly In mind the main goals to be achieved
by a transport department. I would list,
aahong them the more effective management
of transportation functions within the Exec-
utive Branch; the development and imple-
mentation of coordinated Executive policies
in transportation; the coordination and more
ef!e tive carrying out of Government trans-
port programs; and finally-and most im-
portant-the research, study, and planning
necessary to tailor transportation to the
needs of a growing America.
I sincerely believe that the research and
planning functions would, in themselves,
justify the creation of a Department of
Transportation. There has never beer} a time
when it was more important to look to the
future needs and requirements of the Coun-
try, from both an economic and military
standpoint, and to start planning to make
transportation responsive and adequate to
those needs. Magnificent though the per-
forma4ce of our transportation system has
sell ih the past we are confronted with
'ro'blems for which there is no precedent in
history.
The population explosion alone will im-
pose burdens on tomorrow's transport sys-
tem which simply stagger the imagination.
By the most concervative of estimates the
population of the United States will exceed
300 million by the year 2000-and that: is not
In the dim and distant future-it Is Only 34
years from now. And we must plan to live
in a world which is growing in population
at an even faster pace. Throughout all the
centuries that man. occupied the earth, the
population of the world had reached only
1.5.billion at the beginning of this century-
and then, the population doubled in just 66
years.
Our cities, of course, are increasing In pop-
ulation at a more. rapid pace than the Coun-
try as a whole. It is estimated that the ur-
ban population will at least double by the
end of the century. How in the world will
the people be moved? And while the popula-
tion is centralizing industry is decentralizing,
compounding the transport problem. Trans-
portation is simply having to accommodate
itself, as best it can, to the changing condi-
tions, but there is no overall planning, no
charting of future courses, no authoritative
direction.
What kind of a transportation plant must
we have to accommodate the population and
the economy which we may anticipate in
the year 2000? Must we stack highways on
top of each other, or will they go under-
ground? Will solids be moved through pipe-
lines? When will the airlanes reach a sat-
uration point and what will we do about it?
Would we be wise now to start planning
more high-speed rail service?
It is pretty late In the day for us to get
started on finding the answers to these and
other questions. What planning there is
being done today is just as segmentized as
the patchwork. of bureaus and agencies
which we have set up to handle various
phases of the transportation situation.
When he was testifying the other day before
the Senate Government Operations Com-
mittee former Federal Aviation Administra-
tor Halaby put the matter very succinctly.
Mr. Halaby said:
very few people want to go from air-
port to airport-they want to go from a door
to a door.- Now, the Dulles, Friendship, and
Washington National situation, indicates
what Is wrong. That is, nobody has planned
the whole transportation system. Nobody is
trying to get Mr. RrsrcoFF from Hartford to
his desk, Each of us is trying to get Mr.
Rrsicorr through some section of the trip"
And so it is in the transportation of prop-
erty. Not enough attention has been given
to the problem of getting goods all the way
through from the shipper's door to the re-
ceiver's platform, wherever they may be lo-
cated.
If the population continues to expand and
the economy continues to grow at the cur-
rent rate transportation will have to at least
double its cipacity and its facilities in the
next 20 years. Can we afford to let the plant
just grow, like Topsy, or should we start to-
morrow to construct a sensible plan?
I need not point out the terrible urgency
of planning for the kind of transport system
'and the kind of mobility on a worldwide scale
which we need and must have for the de-
fense of the Nation and for the support of
our armed forces wherever they have occa-
sion to be. Weaknesses have come to light
In our privately owned transportation system
in connection with the supply problem in
Vietnam. There should be some centralized
awareness of these matters and steps should
be taken to correct the deficiencies.
And we should not forget that if our plan-
ning fails to include safety we can anticipate
that the population will not grow quite as
rapidly as the trends Indicate. We will kill
off large numbers of our people by the jug-
gernauts which we build in the name of
progress.
The burden of my remarks is simply this:
If we agree that we need and ultimately must
have a Department of Transportation, let's
get started! The conditions which point to
the need of a Department will not improve
by next year--they will be worse.
If thereis serious dou} t about the wisdom
of transferring some of the functions that
are proposed to be transferred by the bills,
or about some of the powers and duties which
should be conferred on the Secretary, then
I say let us establish the Department and
transfer tyhose functions about which there
is no serious question. The Secretary of
Transportation will not be idle if he does not
initially have all of the duties and responsi-
bilities which the bills provide for. He will
have a monumental Organizational job which
will keep him busy for quite a while. And
he will have more than enough to do if he
gets his research and development plans off
the drawing board.
If a Department is created we will learn
as we go along. Some of the disagreement
about certain of the proposed transfers rests,
in my opinion, on a fear of the unknown and
a reluctance to change a system that is mud-
dling along. Time, experience, and demon-
strated effectiveness may remove some of
those fears.
To plan for a transportation system ade-
quate to the future needs of a growing and
dynamic America I earnestly recommend
that a Department of Transportation be es-
tablished this year, by this Congress.
Tax-Free Fund and Socialism
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 1, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, Mr.
Lawrence Fertig, columnist for the San
Francisco Chronicle, published a column
on July 23, entitled "Tax-Free Fund and
Socialism," which is quite provocative
and brings to light some activities of the
tax-free foundations which I at least did
not know. His column follows:
TAx-FREE FUND AND SOCIALISM
(By Lawrence Fertig)
"Toward Community: A Criticism of Con-
temporary Capitalism" is the title of a
phamphlet now being distributed by a tax-
exempt foundation-the Center for the Study
of Democratic Institutions.. This organiza-
tion, which is an offshoot of another founda-
tion, The Fund for the Republic, is raising
millions in contributions from the public.
The essay is by Richard Lichtman, a staff
member, who is also a cosponsor of an orga-
nization which calls itself the New Left
School in Los Angeles. Faculty members at
this New Left institution include Mrs. Dor-
othy Healey, chairman of the Communist
party of California.
Lichtman's theme is that the free enter-
prise system should be abolished because it
is inhuman. Today's welfare capitalism, is
just as evil as laissez faire capitalism, he
asserts. He does not veil his objective. He
wants to move "toward community." FEhis
is frankly an appeal for socialism of some
kind-either as in Russia and Iron Curtain
countries, or as in Algeria, Egypt, Indonesia.
It means dictatorship.
 1700.4
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE August
AREA MEMBERS
Area politicians also are well represented.
Among them are J. Newton Brewer Jr., of
Rockville, chairman of the Maryland State
Racing Commission; Clive L. DuVal, Demo-
cratic candidate for Congress in Northern
Virginia's 10th District; Leonard J. Kardy,
Montgomery County state's attorney; and
Stephen F. Leo, a Fairfax County Democratic
leader.
Also included among the lengthy list of
President's Club members at at least four
men whose names were prominent during the
investigation into the business activities of
Robert G. (Bobby) Baker, former secretary
to the Senate majority. They are Max Karl,
Bedford Wynne, Cyrus T. Anderson, and
Clinton Murchison, Jr.
Karl was head of the Mortgage Guarantee
Insurance Co. of Milwaukee, a company in
whose stock Baker and his associates traded
heavily.
Anderson was head of Go Travel, a Wash-
ington travel agency whose secretary was
Baker. Anderson also was Washington lobby-
ist for Spiegel, Inc., a Chicago mail-order
firm whose stock Baker also traded" heavily.
Murchison, a wealthy Texas oil man, and
Wynne, his associate, were questioned by the
Senate Rules Committee in connection with
alleged irregularities in the construction of
D.C. Stadium.
Also listed as a Club member is J. T. Ruth-
erford, a former Texas congressman defeated
in a 1963 bid for reelection after he admitted
receiving a $1,500 contribution from Billie
Sol Estes and pleadng Estes' case before the
Agriculture Department.
LOBBYISTS, LAWYERS
Thomas J. Lynch, a Washington lawyer,
said the contribution of $1,000 was only part
of "regular participation in party affairs."
A local management consultant, who asked
that his name not be used, said his Presi-
dent's Club membership "hasn't opened any
doors for me-and I didn't expect it to.
I gave to support the President and the
Democratic administration."
DROPPING ANTITRUST SUIT IS HIT
Rep. GLENN R. DAVIS, R-Wis. said yesterday
he questions the Justice Department's drop-
ping of an antitrust suit against Anheuser-
Busch, Inc., while it is "vigorously prosecut-
ing" similar suits involving three smaller
Wisconsin-based firms.
DAVIS told Atty. Gen. Nicholas Katzenbach
in a letter that the public will have difficulty
understanding how the suit against the An-
heuser-Busch beer firm was teI'med a weak
one by Katzenbach while the others are
apparently strong oases.
Anheuser-Busch, DAVIS pointed out, is the
nation's largest beer producer.
The Justice Department, DAVIS said, is
taking to the Supreme Court a suit against
Schlitz Brewing Co., which attempted to
purchase a 39-percent interest in Labatts,
a Canadian brewery which owns part of
General Brewing Co. in California. He said
Schlitz is 15 percent smaller than Anheuser-
Busch.
The Justice Department also has pending
1, 1966
ing approximately 14 giraffes will be dumped
over the side of the ship Masslloyd at the 12-
mile limit unless you personally intervene to
prevent their death. Presently, it is the
position of officials in the Department of
Agriculture that these animals may not be
admitted to the United States due to the
inadvertent failure of the animal importers
and shipping company to comply with an
existing USDA regulation.
As the ship has already sailed from Lisbon,
and as the cost of returning to Africa is
prohibitive, the failure of the USDA to take
some steps to make alternative arrangements
will result in the shipping company's having
no alternative but to put its entire cargo of
beautiful wild animals, destined for a num-
ber of zoos across the United States, over-
board.
As an animal lover I implore you on behalf
of myself and millions of other animal lovers
throughout this country to take some steps
immediately to prevent the senseless death
of these helpless animals
I repeat, it is impera ive that action be
taken quickly, as the 1asslloyd is due to
arrive outside of Ne flrk some time this
weekend. Or#y your s ly intervention can
GLENN CUNNINGHAM,
Member of Congress.
FREE ELECTIONS IN VIETNAM
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Wis-
consin [Mr. REuss] is recognized for 40
minutes.
(Mr. REUSS asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, on Septem-
ber 20, a few weeks from now, the United
Nations will reconvene in New York.
Our representative will appear before
that international body to record this
country's hopes for peace in the world.
On September 11, a mere 9 days earlier,
there will take place, in South Vietnam,
an event which will speak to the world
more clearly than any possible declara-
tion of America's sincerity in its quest
for peace in the world and the self-de-
termination of all countries. That event,
of course, is the election scheduled by the
present South Vietnamese Government.
The nature of the election on Septem-
ber 11 will do more than demonstrate to
the world the degree of American devo-
tion to its announced aims in the strug-
gle still racking that unhappy land. The
way in which that election is conducted
will also reveal to ourselves, to us Ameri-
cans, just how seriously we take those
aims.
Are we in arms in Asia to insure, as we
say, the rights of small nations to de-
termine the form of government and the
direction of national evolution for them-
selves?
Or are we there solely to hold back a
Communist threat we regard as directed
ultimately at ourselves? And if so, in
pursuit of that aim, is the fate of smaller
nations unimportant to us so long as
they conform to our changing strategy of
defense?
in Wisconsin federal district court, he said,
an antitrust suit attempting to dissolve the
merger eight years ago of the Pabst' and
Blatz brewing companies, whose combined
brew, he said, is less than 5 percent of the
national beer supply.
A spokesman for the Justice Department,
said the case involving the Schlitz Brewing
Co. was taken to the Supreme Court on ap-
peal by the companies involved, Instead of
by the department.
The Justice spokesman also said the Pabst-
Blatz case originated under a Republican
attorney general in 1959, and is now in the
district court in Wisconsin because the gov-
ernment won its case in supreme court and
it is up to the lower court to carry out the
decree dissolving the merger.
Both Anderson and Rutherford have
registered as lobbyists, as have several other
members of the President's Club, including
Lloyd M. Cutler and Oscar L. Chapman, Sec-
retary of the Interior from 1949 to 1953.
Cutler last year registered as a lobbyist
for the Bahamas government and for a com-
mittee advocating repeal of the excise tax
on automobiles. Earlier this year, he regis-
tered as a lobbyist for the auto industry
during the congressional battle over auto
safety regulations.
Chapman's law firm registered last year as
lobbyists for the Alaska Pipeline Co. and for
a Mexican group interested in liquor legis-
lation.
The club's rolls include a number of lobby-
ists, lawyers practicing before federal regu-
latory agencies and "manufacturers repre-
sentatives."
"There's always the charge that people
are buying influence," said Al Mark, infor-
mation director for the Democratic National
Commttee. "But we're tryng to make sure
the club isn't used in that manner at all."
Among those club members in private in-
dustry who were surveyed, only one hinted
at such a motive. An officer in a large con-
struction firm, he said his company held no
"but we'd certainly
ntracts
t
,
co
governmen
like to have some." Asked if his recent mediate action. These innocent and
$5,000 contribution to the President's Club lovable animals may be dumped over-
might help, he said: "I can't see how it board if the vessel carrying them is not
would hurt." allowed to land.
JOHNSON ADMIRER I have written the following letter to
Andrew G. Haley, head of a large Washing- the Secretary of Agriculture asking that
ton law firm specializing in radio and tele-
vison he take immediate steps to avert this
cases, said he joined "for one simple, tragedy. The letter to the Secretary fol-
gram." reason-I admire the President's pro- lows:
gram." AUGUST 1, 1966.
He added: "It doesn't open any doors at
the Federal Communications Commission. Hon. ORVILLE L. FREEMAN,
You don't do things that way. We put in a Secretary of Agriculture,
good application, do things squarely and Department of Agriculture,
they give us a break." Washington, D.C.
. SECRETARY: I am writing this
DEAR MR.
West, a Houston oil producer who,
along with his wife, gave $10,000, said he letter to you in the urgent hope that your
contributed because he has known Johnson timely intervention might save the lives of
since 1937. "I don't have any business In 54 innocent wild animals en route from
Africa
.
Washington. I have no government con-
tracts and I never want, one." I am
THE CENTRAL ISSUE: FREE ELECTIONS
The central issue in the elections of
September 11 is whether they will be
truly free and honest, an accurate reflec-
informed that these animals, includ- tion of the mind of the South Vietnam
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SHIPMENT OF ANIMALS HALTED AT
THE 12-MILE ZONE
(Mr. CUNNINGHAM (at the request of
Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Speaker,
today I have heard some very distressing
news. A shipment of wild animals, des-
tined for several American zoos may
end in tragedy at the 12-mile limit unless
the Secretary of Agriculture takes im-
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August 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
a photo album of the President's family,
special passes to the 1964 Democratic Na-
tional Convention and other similar favors.
Similarly, until early this year it was rare
to find a contribution in excess of $1,000-
the standard "membership fee."
Several months ago, however, President's
Club fund-raisers began making prepara-
tions for the organization's first big Texas
social event since Johnson became President.
An estimated 900 Texans-and the Presi-
dent-attended the 6-hour-long dinner-
dance at Houston's Shamrock Hilton Hotel
on April 28. Many of them apparently were
anxious to continue the Texas tradition of
big spending.
The club's financial records show that sev-
eral dozen Texans contributed two, three and
four times the minimum amount requested.
Several gave $5,000, the maximum federal
law allows an individual to contribute to any
political committee. Some signed up their
wives for an additional $5,000.
. EXPECTATIONS DIFFER
At about that time word was quietly passed
that big donors might find their names on
White House invitation lists--not a startling
innovation since big contributors to the party
in power have traditionally been invited to
attend White House social functions. In re-
cent months, a number of President's Club
members have attended White House dinners
and luncheons.
While the vast majority of President's Club
members apparently are satisfied with a once-
a-year opportunity to attend a party with
the President intermittently receive White
House mementos, those who regularly do
business with the government-lobbyists,
lawyers, consultants-view the club as a
means of access to federal officials.
"I don't expect any big favors just because
I paid my $1,000, but being able to attend
parties with people who are making the de-
cisions does give you a certain access you
wouldn't ordinarily have," said one lobbyist.
Another explained: "It (club membership)
doesn't open any magic doors, but it's cer-
tainly no secret that a lot of business is done
over cocktails in Washington and the people
who attend these parties are the ones who
can help me most."
When the club was organized five years
ago by Richard McGuire, then treasurer of
the Democratic National Committee, its pri-
mary purpose was to help raise money for
the party which traditionally had to rely
on small contributions.
In the ensuing years, the club became the
Democrats' chief source of financial support
and during the Kennedy administration it
reportedly collected $1,950,000. By the time
the 1964 elections rolled around, gifts of $500
or more accounted for 69 percent of all money
flowing into the party treasury.
BIG GIFTS ZOOM
In the 1960 election, Republicans had re-
ceived more than twice as many contribu-
tions in excess of $10,000 than the Demo-
crats, but in 1964, Democratic donations from
the so-called "fat cat" givers far outnum-
bered the Republican contributors in the
same categories.
In the three months immediately preced-
ing the 1964 election, the President's Club
received $2,071,940 and spent $2,057,003, ac-
cording to its reports.
In the last two months of 1964, the club
took in another $660,626 ad spent $673,064,
The first nine months of 1965 were lean ones,
however, for the club. It reported income
of $100,057 and reported expenditures of
$70,230.
In the last quarter of that year, income
rose significantly, principally because a major
effort was made to sign up Washington-area
residents prior to the party at Shriver's
home. Income during those three months
was $278,186, but expenditures also were up
considerably. They amounted to $889,008,
much of that going to pay off the last debts
from the 1964 national campaign.
In the first two months of this year, the
club took in $125,600 and spent $26,342.
From March through May-the last report on
file-the club had $917,253 in income and
$342,157 in expenses.
In addition to the income reported by the
club, the Democratic National Committee's
financial report for the March-May period
shows an additional $275,000 from several
local President's Clubs.
RAISED $4.2 MILLION
All in all, since August, 1964, which is
as far back as records are available for public
inspection, the organization has taken in
more than $4.2 million and spent more than
$4 million.
During the 1964 campaign, much of that
money went to state and local Democratic
organizations. The next year, the club
helped pay many of the party's outstanding
campaign debts, including more than $100,000
to four Washington hotels.
Doyle, Dane Bernbach, the New York ad-
vertising agency which handled the party's
1964 ad campaign, received $100,000 from
the President's Club in 1965 and another
$50,000 in 1966.
Other expenditures listed by the club in
recent years helped to pay for campaign
literature, buttons, badges and similar items.
The Importance of the President's Club to
the Democratic party fund-raisers is indi-
cated by the fact that during the first
quarter of this year the club produced $917,-
254 in income, compared with $642,553 raised
by the Democratic National Committee
through other techniques such as the "sus-
taining membership" program, which re-
quires a $10 minimum contribution, and the
"Dollars for Democrats" drive, in which an
individual can give as little as $1.
DINNERS CLOSED
President's Club events are closed to the
press, but the organization's most recent
major party, held in New York a month ago,
newsmen were able to overhear Johnson say:
"The Democratic party was $4 million in
debt when I took office. Since then, the debt
has been reduced to about $1.5 million and a
few more dinners like this should put the
Democratic party in the black."
An estimated 1,750 persons attended the
New York event-actually two separate
parties held concurrently at the Waldorf-
Astoria and Americana Hotels on June 11.
Earlier this year, a similar function was
held in Chicago. The Texas party drew
donors not only from that state but from
Louisiana, Oklahoma, Arkansas and New
Mexico. -
When he travelled to the Midwest several
weeks ago, Johnson made an appearance
before about 200 persons at a President's
Club cocktail party in Des Moines.
Vice President HUBERT H. HUMPHREY spoke
before a President's Club luncheon In St.
Louis last week. That was the trip that set
off some Republican sniping because the
plane which carried both the Vice President
and Donald Turner, assistant attorney gen-
eral in charge of the antitrust division, to St.
Louis was provided by the Anheuser-Busch
brewing firm.
House Republicans had questioned whether
there was any connection between the
Justice Department's dismissal of an
antitrust suit against Anheuser-Busch last
month and the contributions made to the
Club by company officials several weeks
earlier.
PARTY POSTPONED
Still another major President's Club party
wits scheduled early this month in Los
17003
Angeles. The event originally was to have
been held last fall, but was postponed after
more than $300,000 had been collected.
The second postponement came two weeks
ago when Johnson decided to pass up a trip
to California, reportedly because of concern
over stirring up anti-war sentiment.
California Gov. Edmund G. (Pat) Brown
is understood to have been relieved over the
second postponement because he will need
substantial financial support in his race
against Republican gubernatorial candidate
Ronald Reagan and feared the national
party's fund-raising effort would deprive him
of as much as $1 million.
At each of the President's Club events
Johnson attends, he circulates widely, shakes
as many hands as possible and, if the crowd
is small enough (as in DesMoines), poses
for pictures with each member.
This year's list of more than 800 names is
top-heavy with Texans, many of them oil-
men. Although Houston, Dallas and Ft.
Worth are the most frequently listed cities,
there are members from such smaller towns
and cities as Midland, Dickinson, Wichita
Falls, Waco, Edinburg, Lubbock and Jasper.
Among the big Texas donors are Lloyd M.
Bentsen Jr., president of theLincoln Liberty
Life Insurance Co., whose family has given
$8,000; Paul F. Barnhart, a Houston oil man
who gave $5,000; Alfred W. Negley, a San
Antonio rancher, who along with his wife,
donated $8,000; and Mrs. Frank W. Sharp, a
$5,000 donor and wife of a Houston construc-
tion executive.
NON-TEXANS, TOO
Roy Hofheinz of Houston contributed
$5,000 and his wife a similar amount, Hof-
heinz is board chairman and president of the
Houston Sports Association and of the
Houston Astros Baseball Club.
He is head of the delegation seeking to have
the 1968 Democratic National Convention
held in Houston's Astrodome stadium.
Non-Texans who recently made big con-,
tributions include: New York jeweler Harry
Winston, designer of the wedding ring for
the President's daughter, Luci, gave $2,500,
an amount matched by his wife; Charles
Revson, chairman of Revlon, Inc., a $5,000
donor; Paul Manheim and Maurice Newton,
both New York investment bankers, $5,000
each; and John W. Overton of Montgomery,
Ala., presidentand general manager of the
Turner Insurance & Bonding Co., $5,000, an
amount identical to his wife's donation.
In the $1,000 category, well-known political
names abound. Among them are Neil Staeb-
ler, Democratic National committeeman from
Michigan; Indiana Gov. Roger D. Branigan;
Detroit Mayor Jerome P. Cavanaugh, New
Mexico Gov. Jack Campbell, Tennessee Gov.
Frank G. Clement; former Ohio Gov. Michael
V. DiSalle, and former Louisiana Democratic
National Committeeman Camille Gravel.
Several members of Congress also count
themselves among the President's Club mem-
bers. Included are Senators J. WILLIAM FUL-
BRIGHT, D-Ark.,- a persistent critic of John-
son's Viet Nam policy--and CLINTON P. AN-
DERSON, D-N.M., and Reps. OLIN TEAGUE,
WRIGHT PATMAN, and JACK Baoons, all Texas
Democrats.
Among the high-ranking members of fed-
eral agencies who have joined are J. Warren
Darling, director of foreign economic affairs
for the Defense Department; Leonard H.
Marks, director of the U.S. Information Agen-
cy; Theodore M. Berry, director of cammu-
nity action programs for the Office of Eco-
nomic Opportunity; John Harllee, chairman
of the Federal Maritime Commission; Bess
Abell, social secretary to the President; Eva
B. Adams, director of the Bureau of the Mint;
Willard Deacon, a member of the Interstate
Commerce 'Commission, and Stanley S. Sur-
rey, assistant secretary of thq treasury.
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August 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL
nation, or a mere burlesque of demo-
cracy designed and executed to impart
the aura of legitimacy to the present Ky
regime.
It is important to the future of Viet-
nam, it is important to the cause of free-
dom and democracy in the world, it is
extremely important to the United States
which way the elections turn out. It is
also within the power of the United
States to influence mightily the outcome
of the event. Not, I hasten to add, by
our actually taking over the conduct of
the elections or even supervising them.
For we are, in some sense,' interested
parties in the election and therefore not
the proper referee. But we have a duty
to ourselves, to South Vietnam, and to
the principles we espouse in interna-
tional affairs to move swiftly and ef-
fectively to secure meaningful and hon-
est international supervision of the elec-
toral process soon to being.
It is the right and duty of the United
States to protest against electoral regu-
lations which will in any way diminish
the freedom of choice of the South Viet-
namese voter.
So far, progress toward international
supervision has been nonexistent.
GENERAL KY'S DECREE AGAINST NEUTRALISTS
So far, in South Vietnam Premier Ky
has issued a decree barring from the
election all "Communists, pro-Commu-
nist neutrals or neutralists whose acts
are advantageous to the Communists."
It is obvious that such language, sub-
ject to the exclusive interpretation of the
government in power, is an instrument
ready to hand to that government to
make the election not a free expression
of the will of the people but an automatic
and no doubt overwhelming endorsement
of the government in power. It is a pat-
tern with which we are all too familiar'in
the 20th century and in all parts of the
world. It is the corruption of demo-
cracy, the pollution of the electoral proc-
ess. It is the same whether it takes place
in an American big city ward, in a "peo-
ple's democracy," in a Nazi or Fascist
country or in a new nation.
So far as has been revealed to the pub-
lic, there has been no American protest
against that arbitrary voter qualification
imposed by Premier Ky. There should
be such a protest, and it should be im-
mediate and forceful.
So far, too, international supervision
of the election remains a romantic
dream, very reluctantly acknowledged as
vaguely desirable by Premier Ky, very
faintly endorsed by the United States.
The South Vietnamese Government-
reportedly at American instigation-did
indeed invite the United Nations to
"witness" the September elections, a
process very different from any effective
measures to keep the elections free and
honest. A bystander may witness a
crime, but it is the function of organized
law to prevent crime.
Even this ineffectual measure..has got-
ten nowhere. At the first ,sign of opposi-
tion to such action, the United States has
reportedly abandoned any effort to ob-
tain U.N. participation.
This combination of a meaningless
gesture to start with and the instant
abandonment even of such a gesture
RECORD
raises the inevitable question whether
anybody's heart was really in it from the
beginning.
FREE ELECTIONS ARE DIFFICULT, BUT THERE IS
NO SUBSTITUTE FOR THEM
If there are members of the U.S,
Government who take a cynical view
of the elections in South Vietnam,
they should be made aware that they do
so to the great peril of the very cause they
presumably rank as more important, that
of this country's security.
For the underlying justification of the
U.S. presence in Vietnam is to in-
sure the right of the Vietnamese to
choose their own destiny, insofar as that
is ever within the abilities of a people.
Insofar as it is, however, our whole his-
tory, our most fundamental beliefs and
our specific declarations of intent in the
world all agree that that aim is best
pursued through free elections.
In the midst of war, especially in the
midst of the kind of war now being
fought in Vietnam,' free elections are
bound to be difficult.
But their advantages far outweigh
their difficulties.
They offer the possibility, obtainable
in no other way, of a viable national
government commanding the support
of a majority of the people and of the
main social forces in the nation. Such
a government, deriving its powers from
the consent of the governed, would have
a far better chance than the current
military rulers of creating the rural de-
velopment, the social and governmental
reform which must underlie the mili-
tary effort if peace and stability are to
be achieved.
Wiping out oil tanks, mining harbors,
even bombing the cities of Haiphong and
Hanoi, these measures alone will not pre-
vent Communist success in South Viet-
nam so long as the country is governed
without the consent of the people, by a
government chosen by itself.
THE UNITED STATES IS ON RECORD FOR FREE
ELECTIONS
Our Government has stated its sup-
port for free elections over and over
again. In last January's American 14
points, on which an "honorable peace" is
to be sought, point 9 declares:
We support free elections in South Viet-
nam to give the South Vietnamese a govern-
ment of their choice.
On May 17, speaking in Chicago,
President Johnson said America will con-
tinue in Vietnam "until the gallant
people of South Vietnam have their own
choice of their own government."
On May 27, in a news conference, Sec-
retary of State Rusk said:
We believe that it is important for them
(the South Vietnamese) to proceed with the
elections for a Constituent Assembly so that
you have a representative group from all
sections and all elements In the population,
(so that) they can draft a constitution, and
move toward that government which Prime
Minister Ky in January indicated South Viet-
nam ought to have-that is a constitutional
government based upon popular elections.
The question is, Will the electoral proc-
ess now being shaped in South Vietnam
provide a real choice for the South
Vietnamese people? Will it indeed pro=
duce a constituent assembly which rep-
17005
resents "all sections and all elements of
the population"?
As things now stand, with Ky's order
against "neutralists" and against those
his government feels give help to the
Communists by their "neutralist activi-
ties," and further with no hint of inter-
national supervision, the prospects for
such an election are very dim indeed.
PAST VIETNAMESE ELECTIONS HAVE NOT RE-
FLECTED THE FREE WILL OF THE VIETNAMESE
PEOPLE
That gloomy prospect is reinforced by
a look at recent Vietnamese history in
regard to free, honest, and truly repre-
sentative elections of the kind we want
and South Vietnam desperately needs.
Before World War II, what is now
South Vietnam was grganized as Cochin-
China and French Indochina. It
elected representatives to the French
Parliament. But the franchise was so
restricted that only about 5,000 native
Vietnamese voted for each Senator and
Deputy.
That example was the beginning of
modern representative democracy in
South Vietnam. Things have not
changed notably for the better since.
In January of 1946, "national" par-
liamentary elections were held-and
largely controlled-by the Vietminh.
Most of the candidates had Vietminh
approval and in many districts there
was only one candidate, the Vietminh-
approved one. Voting was not secret
and where there was an open choice,
voting was conducted under the supervi-
sion of the Vietminh forces.
At the village level, the Vietminh in-
troduced such "democratic" trappings
as "people's councils." They then in-
sisted on holding village elections
roughly every 6 weeks until all opposi-
tion candidates had been defeated or
had dropped out of contention. Once
the Vietminh was in power, the fre-
quency of elections dropped markedly.
Thus was an indigenous pattern of
elections established which was different
from the one imported from France but
no more truly representative of the
people.
In 1949 Bao-Dai formally assumed
power and followed the 1945 precedent
of Ho Chi Minh by promising the people
a national assembly. This was to be a
three-stage affair: the popular election
of village and municipal councils, which'
were to elect provincial councils, which
were to elect the national assembly.
The first stage was taken in January
and June 1953 in areas still under
French control. This included about 25
percent of the territory and 50 percent
of the people, yet the franchise was so
limited that only a million persons were
eligible to vote.
These elections were intended to be
honest and to reflect the will of the
electorate. The Vietnam expert, Prof.
Bernard Fall, summed up:
The French knew that the elections would
go against them, but finally felt that an anti-
French but palpably honest election would
help their cause more than yet another phony
operation. However, political rivalries among
the non-Communist Vietnamese finally had
the same. result. In the North Vietnamese
Red River delta, the right-wing governor's
Dai-Viet (Great Vietnam' , Party managed
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to have only 687 out of 5,861 villages de-
clared as "secure" enough for voting, which
immediately raised a storm of protest and
resulted in a revision of the village lists.
The same problem is likely to arise in any
future election in South Vietnam.
Subsequently there were some impor-
tant political leaders named to provin-
cial councils, but the national assembly
was never chosen.
The melancholy record continued un-
der the Diem regime. In 1955 the be-
leaguered Vietnamese were given the op-
portunity to choose at the polls between
Bao Dai and his prime minister, Ngo
Dinh Diem. Diem would easily have
won a fair election, but apparently the
thought never occurred to him. He used
government machinery to produce an
all-but-unanimous vote for himself. In
Saigon, for instance, Diem managed to
attract 605,025 votes from only 450,000
registered voters.
In 1956 and again in 1959, the regime
held parliamentary elections. In the
first, the non-Communist parties-of op-
position boycotted the elections, charg-
ing that the electoral regulations failed
to provide for freedom of opinion, press
meetings, and organization. In the sec-
ond, the Diem government simply re-
fused to allow any of the non-Communist
opposition groups to organize for par-
ticipation in the election.
The government financed the candi-
dates, printed the literature, controlled
the advertising, the radio time, the pub-
lic meetings, everything about the elec-
toral process. The possibilities for ma-
nipulation were infinite, and the Diem
regime used most of them. A rubber-
stamp parliament was returned in both
cases.
In some areas the actual balloting and
vote count were honest, apparently. In
Saigon at any rate, a non-Communist,
Harvard-trained, anti-Diem candidate,
Dr. Phan Quang Dan, was elected even
though 5,000 troops were trucked into
his district to vote against him.
When the chips were down, however,
Dan and another successful opposition
candidate were barred from their seats
on trumped-up charges of vote fraud.
Dan was imprisoned and tortured in the
Saigon zoo.
The next legislative elections took
place in 1963, when, according to Pro-
fessor Fall, "the regime simply invented
election statistics," producing a , legis-
lature which was "a perfect cross-section
of the oligarchy which has never ceased
to run things in South Vietnam."
Meanwhile, in 1961, Diem was over-
whelmingly re-elected president against
the opposition of two put-up candidates.
From election to election and from
area to area, government handling of
elections has varied. Reports are
sketchy at best. But in general it may
be said that the government controlled
the participation of political parties; it
threatened or cajoled anti-government
candidates into withdrawing; it gave
favored candidates special help, ranging
from advantageous placement of posters
to the use of troops as pressure and as
actual voters; it used local officials to
make it clear to voters, especially in
rural areas, who the government was
for; less frequently, there was fraud in
the vote count and there was the stuffing
of ballot boxes.
On May 30, 1965, South Vietnam again
voted for local councils and there seems
to have been a change in style. The
elections were held in all 44 provinces
and the five autonomous cities. Of some
4.5 million persons of voting age in the
areas under government control, 3.4 mil-
lion, or 70 percent voted by secret ballot
under universal suffrage. The election
was apparently honest and fair with no
disenfranchising provisions against
"Communists or neutralists."
Although government control over all
the campaign necessities was maintained
as before, the civilian regime of Phan
Huy Quat apparently did not tamper
with the electoral process. But it should
be remembered that the councils elected
have slight and ill-defined powers.
PROSPECTS FOR FREE ELECTIONS IN SEPTEMBER
ARE NOT PROMISING
Of the upcoming elections in Septem-
ber, we already know a number of dis-
couraging facts:
General Nguyen Cao Ky would much
rather not have any elections at all.
He has talked vaguely of postponing
them to some far-off future time.
Second, the elections are not for a
legislature, but for a constituent assem-
bly which will dissolve after drafting a
constitution rather than convert itself
into a legislature after the 1956 prece-
dent. After the constitution goes into
effect, the regime in power is to establish
new governmental organs as ordained by
the constitution within 3 to 6 months.
At that time, too, new elections are to be
held for a national legislature. .
Third, under 'present circumstances,
the Vietnamese voters will have no op-
portunity to cast their votes for neutral-
ism.' and negotiation with the 'Vietcong
if that is their will. It is probable that
they will have a choice only among can-
didates and policies acceptable to the
present government.
For in addition to the June 19, 1966
decree of the Ky government barring
from the election all "Communists and
pro-Communist neutrals or neutralists
whose acts are advantageous to the Com-
munists," there is an earlier decree, of
May 17, 1965, imposing criminal sanc-
tions on "all moves which weaken the
national anti-Communist effort and are
harmful to the anti-Communist struggle
of the people and the armed forces."
Likewise condemned are "all plots and
actions under the false name of peace
and neutrality."
To be blunt, the government is thus
able to exclude from the electoral process
just about anyone the government does
not want in. Such undesirable persons
may even be thrown into jail if judged
guilty of "plotting" for peace.
In short, General Ky's electoral invi-
tation to the South Vietnamese people,
complacently acquiesced in by the United
States, is to "come out and vote for me
and the policies I am pursuing."
PHONY ELECTIONS WILL ERODE OUR POSITION
Mr. Speaker, if one more set of phony
elections takes place in South Vietnam
with the appearance of American spon-
sorship, we are headed for increased tur-
moil within that unhappy land, and for
a continuing loss of support through the
world for our position in South Vietnam.
What is needed now above all else is
to give the Vietnamese people their first
real opportunity to express themselves
freely on their future course, and on the
crucial issue of peace and war.
The electoral process must be impartial
as among candidates and parties.
Candidates must be as free to espouse
neutralism and peace negotiations as
they are to advocate the Western alli-
ance and expanded warfare. Let the
rival policies be put to the test of equal
and free competition for the acceptance
of the people.
The United States is saving South
Vietnam from total collapse and prop-
ping up the Ky regime. We therefore can
and should demand that the election-
rigging decrees be rescinded, that 'pro-
vision be made for a free election that
we can publicly support.
This much the United States can do
appropriately. What we cannot do is
to give the detailed supervision needed
to assure that the electoral process is not
rigged in the many other ways long prac-
ticed in Vietnam.
The United States is an interested
party to the elections. For this country
to act directly by itself in supervising the
South Vietnamese electoral process
would carry unmistakable and unaccept-
able overtones of colonialism.
What we can do, what we ought to do,
what we must do, is to take vigorous ac-
tion now to secure an international
overseer.
An international presence on the scene
would not only help insure that the elec-
tions themselves are free and honest. It
would bolster the credibility of the elec-
tion results throughout the world and in
Vietnam itself, where the average voter,
quite understandably, may by now be
somewhat cynical about elections.
U.N. SUPERVISION OF THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE
ELECTION WOULD BE BEST
Certainly the best organization to
supervise Vietnam's elections would be
the United Nations. The record of the
U.N. and of its predecessor, the League
of Nations, shows conclusively that in-
ternationally supervised elections can be
conducted so that honesty, openness, and
freedom are guaranteed. This has been
demonstrated in at least seven cases over
the years.
In 1935, the League carried out a suc-
cessful and trustworthy referendum on
the future of the Saar in the face of an
initial campaign of terror and intimida-
tion by Hitler. The League assembled
an international force of 3,300 men to as-
sure a free choice for Saarlanders.
The U.N. Trusteeship Council has
supervised elections in at least five for-
mer trust territories : British Togolla.nd,
French Togoland, the Cameroons, Ru-
anda-Urundi and Western Samoa. in
those cases U.N. supervision helped as-
sure the acceptability of election results
within the territories and abroad. It
created legitimacy, without which no
government can long function.
U.N. supervision of elections in Korea
is especially relevant, because the United
States was involved in war in that coun-
try in circumstances somewhat similar
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August 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
to those of our present involvement in
South Vietnam.
In May 1948 and again in May 1950,
U.N. supervision of Korean elections
played a part in obtaining the free ex-
pression of the will of the South Korean
people.
The United Nations Temporary Com-
mission on Korea-UNTCOK-was
established by the General Assembly in
1947 after the United States, as the
occupying power in South Korea, sub-
mitted the problem of Korean independ-
ence to the U.N. over Russian objections.
The mission of UNTCOK was to "ob-
serve that the Korean representatives are
in fact duly elected by the Korean people
and not mere appointees by military au-
thorities in Korea." North Korea, sup-
ported by the Soviet Union, refused to
permit elections, but with the support of
the United States, UNTCOK proceeded
with free elections in the South. It over-
saw the preparations for elections, toured
the country and interviewed candidates.
Nine groups visited polling places and
witnessed the opening of the ballot boxes.
According to one evaluation:
UNTCOK probably exerted a favorable in-
fluence at the time of the elections. The
rightists groups under Syngman Rhee, which
were sponsoring the election, did not control
the Assembly and had to form a coalition in
order to obtain a majority. Unquestionably,
more groups participated in the election than
would have been possible if UNTCOK had
been absent. The electoral procedures which
UNTCOK had recommended were generally
followed and were helpful."
The temporary commission was trans-
formed into the. United Nations Commis-
sion on Korea-UNCOK- "available for
observation and consultation in the fur-
ther development of representative gov-
ernment based on the freely expressed
will of the people." Despite the objec-
tions of the Rhee government, which
maintained that South Korea had all the
representative democracy it needed,
UNCOK continued to function and was
supervising an election in May-June
1950, when North Korea attacked. Its
subsequent report clearing the govern-
ment of charges of malpractice was cer-
tainly a factor, in maintaining internal
stability during the precarious months
ahead.
Surely the United Nations can even-
tually play a similar role in South Viet-
nam. The Ky government has already
invited the U.N. to "witness" the elec-
tions, whatever that may mean. The
United States, as Kay's patron and sup-
porter, is in a strong position to per-
suade-indeed, to insist-upon the ad-
vantages of asking the U.N. to assume a
more extensive and a more meaningful
role.
It is apparently true that a Security
Council majority is unwilling to approve
any U.N. role in the South Vietnamese
elections. But if Security Council action
were blocked by veto, the United States
could appeal to the General Assembly
under the Uniting for Peace procedure.
We should not hesitate to make the ef-
fort merely because there is a chance of
failure.
There is much criticism of U.S. policy
in Vietnam. We would do well to make
an opportunity to answer that before a
world forum such as the General As-
sembly.
BUT TIME PRESENTS AN OBSTACLE
The one serious objection, of course,
is time. It would appear to be all but
impossible to get an effective United Na-
tions electoral supervision force orga-
nized and in the field between now and
September 11. The United States should
therefore aim its efforts at securing such
a force for the promised national elec-
tions for a national assembly in South
Vietnam, elections due to take place from
3 to 6 months following the September
elections of a constituent assembly
charged with adopting a constitution.
But all is not lost for September by any
means. There does exist the Interna-
tional Control Commission for Vietnam,
set up by the Geneva Conference of 1954.
The members are Poland, India, and
Canada, with India as permanent chair-
man. Their specific mission is to super-
.vise events in Vietnam with a view to
insuring that the will of the people
themselves be consulted and that it pre-
vail. Both sides to the conflict in Viet-
nam have occasionally invoked the name
of the Geneva Conference. The ICC is
an actual device of that conference,
available for use. There is no use more
germane to its purposes than the super-
vision of the September election.
It may be anticipated that Poland, for
example, would not wish to involve itself
with anything having to do with the
"American imperialists." That may be
so. Therefore I suggest that this gov-
ernment immediately approach all three
nation-members of the commission, as
individual members, not as a corporate
body, and request their participation in
the September elections in South Viet-
nam. We would very likely receive the
cooperation of Canada and India; and
with that secured, Poland may well come
along rather than be left out. The pres-
ence of India, especially, as a great Asian
nation and as a potential mediating force
between East and West, would be ef-
fective in the present and a good omen
for the future.
THE ICC AS AN ELECTIVE SUPERVISOR
The International Control Commis-
sion, Vietnam, would be in a position to
supervise elections in South Vietnam, for
the following reasons:
First. The ICC, Vie! Siam, is not sub-
ject to the direction or guidance of any
continuing body. It was established by
the Geneva Agreement on the Cessation
of Hostilities in Vietnam, which was
signed by the Democratic Republic of
Vietnam and the French Union. The
ICC, Vietnam, received some guidance in
its activities in the final declaration of
the Geneva Conference. But the Con-
ference did not provide any additional
means of giving policy guidance to the
ICC, Vietnam, while the Agreement
merely provides that the ICC shall in-
form members of the Conference when
the ICC's activities are hindered or when
one of the parties fails to put into ef-
fect its recommendations. The practice
of the ICC, Vietnam, reporting to the
cochairman of the Conference-United
Kingdom and U.S.S.R.-and receiving
guidance from them, is strictly custom-
ary, without any legal standing.
Second. The ICC is not paralyzed by
a rule of unanimity. The Geneva agree-
ment provides that the recommendations
of the International Commission shall be
adopted by a majority vote except that
they must be unanimous in cases "con-
cerning violations, or threats of viola-
tions, which might lead to a resump-
tion of hostilities." Thus, Poland could
not legally block a decision by India and
Canada to supervise the elections in
South Vietnam.
Third. The supervision of elections in
South Vietnam would clearly go beyond
the specific duties imposed upon the ICC,
Vietnam, by article 36 of the agreement-
control of armed forces movements ac-
cording to the regroupment plan, super-
vision of the demarcation lines, control
of the release of prisoners of war, and
supervision of the agreement of the in-
troduction of armed forces, arms, and
so forth. However, the agreement en-
visioned democratic governments. Arti-
cle 14 calls upon each party to "refrain
from any reprisals or discrimination
against persons on accounts of their ac-
tivties during the hostilities and to guar-
antee their democratic liberties." The
final declaration looked toward the en-
joyment by the Vietnamese people of "the
fundamental freedoms, guaranteed by
democratic institutions established as
a result of free general elections by secret
ballot." Although this was to have been
accomplished through general elections
in both the North and South in 1956, it
can be argued that the current South
Vietnamese elections are a step toward
eventual free determination of their fate
by the Vietnamese people. Furthermore,
the ICC, Vietnam, has concerned itself
with the development of democracy in
Vietnam at least to the extent of charg-
ing the South Vietnamese Government
with violations of the provisions on
democratic freedoms-presumably arti-
cle 14-of its seventh interim report.
Fourth. The initial strength of the ICC,
Vietnam, was 160'Canadians, 300 Poles,
and 500 Indians. Although it is ap-
parently smaller now, it could be quick-
ly built up again. The ICC already has
a "political committee," in addition to
military and administrative committees,
which could undertake the supervision
of elections.
Aside from the c uestion of persuading
India and Canada to use the ICC to su-
pervise the South Vietnamese elections,
there are two problems-neither insuper-
able-which have confronted the ICC,
Vietnam.
The Geneva agreement made no ade-
quate provisions for administrative, lo-
gistical, or financial support for the ICC,
Vietnam. But surely if there is a will to
use the ICC, a financial way can be found.
The South Vietnamese Government,
which did not sign the Geneva agree-
ment or participate in the final declara-
tion has shown itself consistently hostile
to the ICC, Vietnam. Under the Diem
regime a mob sacked the ICC's offices in
Saigon. The fourth interim report of the
ICC, Vietnam, pointed out its difficulties
as a result of the "categorical attitude" of
the South Vietnamese Government that
it has "not signed the Geneva agree-
ment" and that it was "not legally bound
by its provisions and was opposed both to
the agreement and the final declaration."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 1 1 966
The United States could persuade the
Saigon government to take a different
view.
KY SHOULD WITHDRAW HIS DECREE
Such, then, is an immediate program
for the United States by way of carrying
out our own pledges of interest in the will
of the people of South Vietnam, and by
way of assuring the world that our in-
terest is sincere, that qur presence in that
distant land is not merely an instance of
international power politics.
The program has three parts:
One and at once: Bring pressure to
bear upon General Ky to rescind his de-
cree banning electoral participation to
those in disagreement with him and his
policies;
WE SHOULD INVOKE BOTH THE ICC AND THEU.N.
Two, and also at once: Move to secure
the supervision of the International Con-
trol Commission by approaches to the in-
dividual members, India, chairman, Can-
ada, and Poland, and at the same time
move forcefully to secure General Ky's
approval of and cosponsorship of this in-
vitation to supervise.
And three, as soon as may be: initiate
proceedings in the United Nations, with
both the Security Council and the Gen-
eral Assembly, to put representative gov-
ernment In South Vietnam under long-
term U.N. supervision and scrutiny, as
was done successfully in South Korea.
Only by such action S can we hope to
convince the world, the Vietnamese, and
perhaps even ourselves, of the sincerity
of our position in Vietnam.
But more important than the convic-
tion of sincerity is the simple fulfillment
of Ameifean promises. If we are in Viet-
nam to assure the freedom of the South
Vietnamese to determine their own des-
tiny, it is high time for us to make the
first strong move to enable that freedom
to express itself.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. REUSS. I yield to the gentleman
from Illinois. '
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, it was
my privilege to be in Vietnam a couple of
weeks ago, during the Fourth of July
recess.
While I appreciate the statement made
by the gentleman in the well today, and
I respect him for his concern, I must say
that judging from the preparations
that other Members of this Chamber and
I have witnessed in Vietnam-being
made to hold these elections, there
is not the slightest doubt in my mind that
the elections are going to be fair, as fair
as is humanly possible under wartime
conditions, and that every possible effort
is going to be observed to make sure that
a constitutional assembly is elected,
which will indeed reflect the will of the
electorate, and that that assembly then
will proceed to draft a constitution for
the return of constitutional civilian gov-
ernment to South Vietnam.
I was very much impressed, and my
colleagues who were with me were very
much impressed, by the statement made
by General Ky, or Premier Ky, as he is
now known by virtue of his civilian title,
when he. expressed his complete con-
fidence that within 6 months after Sep-
stitution which will be acceptable to the carefully to make sure we do not do
people and which will indeed guarantee anything that is going to undermine the
them the rights for which they are now full respect of the people in this coming
fighting. Futheimore, he fully expects election, because indeed this is the turn-
to have a government elected by the pea- ing point. I expect after September 11
pie within the framework of that con- when the people of North Vietnam. have
stitution. - seen for themselves that indeed what we
As I say, I respect my colleague from are fighting for in South Vietnam is to
Wisconsin for his remarks today, and I give the people dignity and a voice in
certainly have no question as to his deep their government, that the people of
sincerity in making sure that everything North Vietnam are going to start realiz-
Is being done in Vietnam to assure the ing their present leadership of Ho Chi
highest standards of integrity and de- Minh and all of these other Communists
mocracy in this process. who refuse to come to the bargaining
But I have only one fear, which is that table or the negotiating table are not
when we try here to prejudge these elec- indeed representing the best Interests of
tions, before they are held on the 11th North Vietnam but are instead repre-
of September, unfortunately we might senting their own narrow political inter-
unwittingly and innocently be giving ests. I place a great deal of faith in
those people who would not want those these elections. I am glad that the gen-
elections to be held a tool with which to tleman brought this subject up. I want
work. There are forces, particularly in to congratulate him, but I also hope that
North Vietnam, which would want to do we will get some expression here so that
everything they can to wreck these elec- his remarks are not misunderstood. I
tions, because they know if these elec- thank the gentleman for yielding.
tions are held the people of South Viet- Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, I welcome
nam and of North Vietnam will see that the gentleman's contribution. I recog-
even during a wartime condition, when nize that he speaks from the vantage-
the very existence of South Vietnam is point of having very recently been in
being threatened by the enemy, the peo- Vietnam. I also thoroughly agree with
ple of South Vietnam, through their offi- the gentleman that the Communists, in-
cials, are able to move toward the adop- eluding those of North Vietnam, are dead
tion of and the establishment of demo- set against free elections and would like
cratic institutions. nothing better than for this election to
So I do hope my colleague from Wis- be a farce or a burlesque. However, the
reason I have
corisin is going to clarify that point. I taken the floor this after-
kn.ow what he is trying to do, and I share noon is, believing as I do and as the gen-
with him his strong desire to make sure tleman from Illinois does deeply In the
that everything is done to make these principle of free elections, I am anxious
that our Nation may come before the bar
fair and democratic elections. However, of world opinion after those September
can assure him, having spoken to people 11 elections with what is known in the
there in the last 2 weeks, that indeed old courts of equity as clean hands. I
everything is done. As a matter of fact, cannot help but be very uneasy about the
South Vietnam is uniquely well prepared fact that here on August 1 the South
for these elections. I confess I was very Vietnamese Saigon Government is going
surprised to see the extent to which the into those September 11 elections with a
machinery is now available over there to decree, a law, an ordinance outstanding
proceed with a meaningful election of which bars from participation in those
this constitutional assembly. Elections elections those whom Premier Ky chooses
are not foreign or totally new to the to call neutralists. I am also disturbed
people of South Vietnam, They have because as I read in the Wall Street
been holding elections for many, many Journal of last Thursday, in a dispatch
years and very often under very difficult from Saigon which I have no reason to
conditions. So it is my hope we are not disbelieve, that Premier Ky served no-
going to do anything in this Chamber tice if there is anything he does not like
that is going in any way to complicate about this constitution that is adopted
or make more difficult what is already by the constituent assembly as a result of
at best a very difficult assignment. I the September 11 election, he will veto or
have full confidence that on September change it and only a two-thirds majority
11 these elections are going to be held of that constituent assembly will be able
and those people who want to participate to change it back. It is these things
in the magnificent experience of a demo- which convince me that we have not
cratic process are going to have that done what we ought to do to see that we
opportunity. There is no question in my come before the bar of world opinion
mind but what between now and Septem- with clean hands.
ber 11 and on September 11 those who do
not want any democratic institutions Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will
the
born in that country are going to do gentleman yield further?
everything humanly possible to wreck Mr. REUSS. Yes. l yield again to the
those elections and to discredit them and gentleman from Illinois.
to try to set up a facade which would Mr. PUCINSKI. I do not know what
are the sources of the gentleman's infor-
indeed give the Communists in North mation, but I have seen some pretty good
Vietnam an excuse for saying, "No. examples of some very bad reporting. I
These elections were not fair, they were have seen good examples of good
not honest or they were not meaningful reporting, too. When we were there we
or representative." I do think, though, raised this very question. I can tell the
that we in this country-and I am not gentleman that the assurances were
suggesting that the gentleman in the
other-
well is by any means suggesting that, and given to us that anyone who was other-
wise qualified could vote in this election
tember 11 he fully expects the constitu- I hope he understands it-we in this except that Communists cannot seek a
tional assembly to have drafted a con- country must weigh our actions very seat in this constitutional assembly.
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Aught 1, 1966
Now, the important thing was this:
.Communists will be permitted to vote, if
they want to vote in this election. They
will be permitted to vote. But the elec-
tion will not permit members of the
Communist Party to seek office.
Now, Mr. Speaker, we have some pretty
strict regulations controlling the can-
didacy of candidates in our own country.
Mr. REUSS. All I am concerned with,
if I may point it out to the gentleman
from Illinois, is the wording of the June
19, 1966, decree of the Ky government
which states that "all Communists and
pro-Communists, neutrals or neutralists
whose acts are advantageous to the Com-
munists" are barred from the election.
Mr. PUCINSKL It means, running for
office, and does not mean from voting in
an election.
Mr. REUSS. That is so, but it seems
to me that an election in which the
Government bars neutralists from run-
ning for office is not one for which we
can take any pride before the bar of
world opinion.
Mr. Speaker, I would call the gentle-
man's attention to an earlier decree, of
May 17, 1965, of the Ky. government
which is still in full force and effect-
"which weaken the national and anti-
Communist effort and are harmful to
the anti-Communist people in the Armed
Forces."
Likewise, Mr. Speaker, condemned are
`.`all policies and actions under the false
name of peace and neutrality."
Now, take those words as you will, they
seem to me to spell out to reasonable
men throughout the world that this is a
"cooked election" in which neutralists
and antigovernment people are not per-
mitted to take part.
Mr. Speaker, if there is any verbal dis-
pute between myself and the gentleman
from Illinois, why does he reject my
suggestion that we get the Ky govern-
ment to clarify this, if the Ky govern-
ment's position is what the gentleman
Infers it to be, based upon his oral con-
versation with Saigon officials? Then
It should be proper to say it in the good,
commonsense "Chicago" language which
the gentleman knows how to use.
Mr. PUCINSKI. I would join with my
colleague because, first of all, I did not
indicate any discussion about neutralists,
and I would agree with the gentleman
that if in the principals per se there is
a difference it ought to be corrected. I
do not know any -reason why neutralists
should not be permitted to participate
or run for office.
Mr. REUSS. I am delighted to hear
the gentleman from Chicago say so, be-
cause it narrows to a very small margin
any differences that may exist between
the gentleman and myself.
Mr. PUCINSKI. As the gentleman
knows, It is the policy of our Govern-
ment, enunciated by the President-
Mr. REUSS. Yes; in the January 4
declaration of this year-
Mr. PUCINSKI. And enunciated by
responsible members of our Government,
that if and when this new government
is elected in a democratic manner In
South Vietnam, if that government
should in its judgment ask us to leave,
we would leave. In other words, we
would respect the wishes of this legiti-
mate, bona fide, legal government.
Mr. REUSS. And, therefore, is it not
necessary, in order that our words not
be a mockery, that we make it clear that
we do not relish an election which is
closed to political figures which might
conceivably take away that very hope
that you and I would hope, that the free
exchange of the South Vietnamese peo-
ple were an optimum for our side in the
way we look at things? But, since, as
the gentleman from Illinois paints out,
we have made public for many months
and stated that we are prepared to sit
still for whatever the free and unfettered
manifestation of the will of the South
Vietnamese will be, and it certainly be-
hooves me, it seems to me, that any laws
or decrees to the contrary ought to be
-repealed right here and now, and not be
left on the books until election time.
Mr. PUCINSKI. I might say to my
colleague, the gentleman from Wisconsin
[Mr. REuss] that President Johnson has
made this point over and over and over
again in every quarter of this world
where they will listen, that many of these
problems could be resolved.
Mr. Speaker, in trying to run an elec-
tion in wartime, especially the kind of
war that we are witnessing in South
Vietnam, a war of terrorism and subver-
sion, the kind of war where one does not
know who the enemy is because you can-
not identify him, during the day he is
plowing the fields, and at night he is
terrorizing villages-in this kind of war
the situation with reference to any elec-
tion is difficult at best. And, so, Presi-
dent Johnson has so publicly stated-if
Ho Chi Minh will pull his troops out and
stop his aggression, we can indeed end
this hostility, because there is nothing
more that America wants than to get out
of Vietnam and let these people proceed
and have elections and let everyone run
for office, because you would not have
wartime conditions. You will have an
atmosphere conducive to a good election.
But, Mr. Speaker, I must say to the
gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. REuss],
that under present conditions-and I
have nothing but the highest admiration
for the people of South Vietnam, who,
despite this war, are trying to proceed
and hold an election.
I think that this speaks well for them.
Certainly, it speaks louder than anything
they might say, that indeed they hope to
see democracy prevail in South Vietnam
once the hostilities are ended.
Mr. REUSS. What would speak
louder, though, would be the prompt re-
peal by the government of General KY
of his outstanding legal decree which, in
effect, prohibits opposition parties and
neutralists from taking part in the
election.
But I thank the gentleman from
Illinois for a very worthwhile contribu-
tion.
U.S. POSTAGE STAMP COMMEMO-
RATES POLISH MILLENNIUM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Illinois [Mr. Puczrrsxz] is rec-
ognized for 15 minutes.
17009
(Mr. PUCINSKI asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, this
morning in post offices throughout the
United States a new 5-cent stamp ap-
peared. The stamp, issued by the U.S.
Post Office with the cooperation and sug-
gestion of Postmaster General Lawrence
O'Brien, commemorates the 1,000th an-
niversary of our traditional friend and
ally, Poland.
I was very happy to learn last Saturday
evening during an inspiring banquet, at-
tended by more than 1,200 people at
which the Postmaster was the principal
speaker, that 115 million-yes, 115 mil-
lion of these stamps had been printed
for distribution this morning and be-
cause of the advance orders for this
stamp, the Post Office had to print an-
other 10 million.
In other words, 125 million of these
stamps were made available for sale to
the general public this morning through-
out the United States.
I think that this tremendous response
to the United States Poland millennium
stamp indicates the warm feeling of
friendship that exists between the peo-
ple of our own country and the people
of Poland. A friendship that goes back
in America to the year 1610 when Capt.
John Smith brought the first group of
Polish immigrants to America to man the
first factory in this country, the glass
works in Jamestown.
Ever since this first group of Polish
immigrants arrived, Poles have migrated
to this country from many parts of
Poland and have made impressive con-
tributions to our development. They
enjoy a fine reputation in this country
for honesty, integrity, and hard work.
I think that the occasion last Saturday
gave Postmaster General O'Brien, and
also the president of the Polish American
Congress, Mr. Charles Rozmarek, as well
as the Right Reverend Bishop Wycislo,
auxiliary bishop of Chicago, and many
others an opportunity to review the
many, many years of friendship between
this country and Poland. But more im-
portant, it gave us a chance to review the
thousandth anniversary of this gallant
nation. A 1,000th anniversary that
marks 10 centuries of heroic struggle for
the freedom and dignity of man.
Postmaster General O'Brien stated it
very beautifully, I think, when he said
that what President Johnson and the
American people are trying to do in Viet-
nam today is what the Poles have been
trying to do for 1,000 years of their his-
tory, to prove that the struggle for free-
dom is a struggle "for your freedom and
mine." So I submit that we Americans
who have participated in the determina-
tion to make this stamp part of the mil-
lennium. observance can indeed look back
today on a marvelous achievement. This
little stamp with its red background and
its white eagle-yes, the white eagle with
the crown of Poland's sovereignty dur-
ing the past 1,000 years, will carry a mes-
sage all over this world that the people
of the United States respect and indeed
dignify the great contribution that the
Poles have made during the past 10
centuries.
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17010
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. - HOUSE August 1,e,-1966
It was, therefore, Mr. Speaker, with
some concern that I read an editorial
yesterday in the Washington Post deal-
ing with Poland's millenlum.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to no one in my
respect for the Washington Post. It has
been a source of important and well doc-
umented information to me and to other
Members of Congress for many years and
I have admired the strong position taken
by the Post on many controversial issues.
It is truly one of America's great news-
papers. So I must say with some regret
that while the first paragraph of the
editorial was in my Judgment sound
thinking, other parts of the editorial car-
ried an outrageous distortion of histor-
ical facts.
The Post was correct when it said
that-
Poland can be justly proud of its millen-
nium. A thousand years of history is an awe-
inspiring achievement, when one thinks of
the more pretentious powers and civilizations
that have come and gone over time. If sur-
vival is the test of the strength and legiti-
Macy of a national idea, then the Poles have
Indubitably passed. It is a tribute to the
faith and tenacity of the Polish people that
they could have kept a national spirit alive
for a thousand years, when the national body
was so often broken.
I agree with this, for here the Post
quite properly and correctly reflects 10
centuries of heroic struggle by the Poles
for the dignity of man.
In our own country, it was the Polish
people who made a most significant
struggle for human dignity at the very
beginning of our Nation.
I said earlier the Poles were brought to
America in 1610 to work in a factory, in
the glassworks in Jamestown. But for
9 years, because of their immigrant
status, they were not permitted to own
land or vote in elections. In 1619, the
first strike was staged in this country, the
first demonstration in America, and it
was staged by this handful of brave
Polish people, who said, "Unless we have
the same rights as others here for dignity
and freedom, the right to own property,
the right to participate in elections, we
refuse to work."
It was not a strike such as we see to-
day for material gains.. It was a strike
for human gains and social justice.
Captain Smith summoned the special
session of the House of Burgesses, the
legislature of those days, and by resolu-
tion gave these Poles the same rights of
citizenship enjoyed by every other Amer-
ican on this continent.
The Post is correct therefore, when it
says that the Polish people have kept
alive the spirit "for a thousand years,
when the national body was so often
broken."
But the Post errs when it tries to as-
sociate the situation in Poland today
against, the glorious 1,000 years of
Poland's history.,
The Post says:
The current Communist government of
Poland, which has ruled a mere 22 years, re-
tards its own establishment as "the victorious
crowning of ten centuries of our history"
It Identifies its own rationale as the intro-
duction of socialism.
The Post says further:
The claim to have brought Poland far to-
ward economic and social justice is fair.
I believe the Post errs when it says
the claim is fair. I do not believe that
Communist doctrines imposed on the
Poles have brought Poland anywhere
near to the kind of industrial achieve-
ment that the free nations of Europe
have enjoyed since the end of World War
II. When we consider the situation in
Poland-and I was there last Decem-
ber-when we consider the economic
situation under a Communist doctrine,
and compare it to the advances made in
England and France and the Scan-
dinavian countries and in West Germany
under a free concept of ecoiamy, what-
ever gains have been made in Poland or
in. any other country behind the Iron
Curtain under communism dwindle into
insignificance.
So, with all due respect to the fine
men and women who write these edito-
rials for the Post, I must register my dis-
sent, because it is wrong to conclude that
Poland has been brought toward eco-
nomic and social justice. I say this is
an unfortunate distortion of the facts.
Furthermore, the Post says:
Life is still hard there but Poland was one
of Europe's most backward countries before
the Soviet Army seated a puppet Communist
government in 1944.
Is one to conclude that what the Post
is saying is that the Poles have gained
stature and opportunity only since this
present government came in'? I say
this is also an outrageous attack on the
truth. The Poles have been a gallant
nation for many, many centuries before
the Communists came. If anything,
history will show that it is this present
philosophy in Poland, which has been
imposed upon the people against their
will, which has been one of the less pro-
ductive eras of this nation's glorious his-
tory.
Furthermore, the denial to our Amer-
ican cardinals and bishops to go into
Poland and participate in millennium
activities at Czestochowa, the denial
of a passport to Cardinal Wyszynski to
come to this country-are these the
gains that the Post would have us be-
lieve were made under the present Polish
Government?
I say the Poles are being held back
from advances and progress that could
equal or even surpass the progress that
has been made in the free nations of Eu-
rope today because of artificial restric-
tions presently imposed on their inherent
talents.
Finally, the Post says:
America can regret that the millennium
died not evoke warmer expressions of the two
nations' traditional friendship.
The warmer relations did not develop
because of anything the United States
did or did not do. They failed to de-
velop because it was the Polish Govern-
ment that refused our bishops admission
to Poland to participate in this great re-
ligious observance; this rededication to
Christianity for Poland.
This Polish millennium is a Christian
holiday and the Polish people know that
the one catalyst which has held Poland
together for 10 centuries has been an un-
yielding and abiding faith in justice of
their religion.
Certainly there are those today who
would like to destroy this spirit of the
Poles and their religious leaders.
When His Holiness, Pope Paul, indi-
cated he would like to go to Poland to
participate in this millennium, the doors
were closed. He was told that the politi-
cal atmosphere was not right.
When our own American bishops and
our cardinals wanted to go there, the
same excuse was given.
We hope that warmer relations can
develop between America and the people
of Poland. Our nation continues to
work toward that goal.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, the Post says:
The unnecessary provocative postage
stamp which the U.S. issued for the .millen-
nium, bearing the emblem of pre-Commu-
nist Poland, did nothing to ease a relation-
ship that-we hope-will Warm and expand
as Poland enters its second thousand years.
I say, Mr. Speaker, that the Post-
master General of the United States,
Lawrence O'Brien, one of the closest
friends of our late and beloved President
Kennedy, has written his own chapter
of "Profiles in Courage," when he issued
this stamp. He had the courage,
against great pressures, to depict a sym-
bol of a free Poland, a Poland which has
existed for 1,000 years, and to ignore the
protestations of a government which has
been there for only 22 years.
This beautiful stamp, which went on
sale today throughout America-the
125 million missiles of friendship be-
tween America and the people of
Poland-is going to carry the message of
the glory of Poland for 1,000 years--of a
Christian Poland, a Poland respecting
God as the maker of man, and not a
Poland dedicated to the atheistic and
false doctrine of those who now rule this
country.
Mr. Speaker, the Post errs in criticiz-
ing or chastising anyone for issuing an
"unnecessarily provocative postage
stamp."
Yes; this stamp is going to carry a
message to every corner of the world, but
it is going to be a message of a Poland
steeped in the tradition of freedom arid
human dignity for 10 centuries.
The Poles are a hardy people, and I
have no doubt that when the final chap-
ter of Poland's millennium Is written,
it will be freedom that will survive, a
freedom that has been carved out. by
1,000 years of dedications to social
justice.
It has never been my purpose to try
to tell a newspaper what to write but I
submit, Mr. Speaker, the Post would
have been more timely in its tribute to
Poland's millennium if it had devoted
some of its space to Postmaster General
O'Brien's excellent speech delivered ]fast
Saturday at the Park Sheraton Hotel at
the first day ceremony for the Polish
millennium stamp.
This was a memorable ceremony. I
should like to include the inspiring re-
marks by Postmaster General O'Brien
in the RECORD today.
The millions of people who have
learned to respect Poland's unyielding
struggle against all forms of tyranny owe
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16993 bout
August 1, 1966
Mr.
Mr. DEFENSE FOR SIERRA CLVli The interesting a thing anto the polDiti- Speaker, onJ anuary 12,11966a tska he Conn-
r g
With what sensible observers have appro-
priately described as "incredible swiftness
for a federal agency," the Internal Revenue
Service has moved to question the tax-
exempt status of the Sierra Club after the
organization placed full-page advertisements
in eastern newspapers criticizing the proposal
by the Bureau of Reclamation to build dams
swiftn swiftness Congress with
blocke the o proposal. River and The uring
which the IRS moved in this instance has
prompted speculation that the criticism of
the bureau and the Johnson proposals inspired aministration
for supporting its po
action.
If such is the case, it is time that the
American public assembled its resources to
defend the Sierra Club as a symbol of Amer-
ican freedom of thought and to remind the
powers such
federal estalishment initative that
amounts f its cer-
tainly to adman exercise in police state tyranny.
The power to tax is the power to destroy, and
the action of the IRS in the Sierra Club case
is 'a clear demonstration of an effort to exem-
plify the truth of this axiom.
The Sierra Club record for disinterested
contention in support of the right of the
American people to preserve, defend, and
enjoy the natural scenic and historic places
of this nation is one that shines as a beam
of inspirational steadfastness amid the con-
fusions and conflicts of the past half cen-
tury. Since its founding by John Muir, the
paragon of battlers for the basic right of
Americans to enjoy their natural heritage,
the Sierra Club has followed without waver-
ing the guidance of its founder. This news-
paper has not always agreed with the club's
opinions, but it has appreciated and defended
consistently the validity and worthiness of
Its purposes. We do not and cannot agree
with the action of thg IRS or the people in
the administration who directed this action.
It smacks too much of police stale methods.
age any further exper
this sort.
Val s excuse o
cal limelight with a visit to Vietnam- gress received the Presidents state of
apparently so that some of the blood, the Union message. At the time, you will
sweat, and tears of that bloody disaster recall, the New York subway strike was
will rub off on him for the duration of in progress. In his message, the Presi-
his campaign-the USIA does not know dent stated:
anything about his announced inten- I also intend to ask the Congress to con-
tions to investigate its activities in Viet- sider measures
State and which
l call authority will
nam. able us effectively to deal with strikes which
I quote from a letter I received fom threaten irreparable damage to the national
the General l C Counsel of the USIA, , dated interest.
July 27, 1966, which contains the follow- This is almost 7 months later, with
ing statement
The Director of the USIA has not com- the 89th Congress hopefully moving into
municated with Mr. DuVal concerning his its closing weeks, but yet the President
Viet Nam trip nor do we know of anyone has completely failed to send us a meas-
on his staff who has. ure which will effectively deal with strikes
It appears, Mr. Speaker, that Mr. which affect the public interest. The
BROYIIILL'S opponent was trying to de- currently extended airline strike is a re-
ceive the people of the 10th District of sult of his inertia in this field.
Virginia by implying, and expecting It is long past time for the Congress
that they would believe, that a trip made to act in the field of industrywide strikes
solely for political benefit was for ofli- and industrywide collective bargaining,
cial business. all of which are injurious to the public.
Mr. Speaker, I am very fond of my able The country wants positive action, and
friend from Virginia's 10th District, and I hope that this will be one of the first
know he has one of the toughest jobs in orIeis of business.
article from the Wall
this Congress representing what is prob-
ably the fastest growing district in this Street Journal of August 1, 1966:
Nation. He needs no help from me, I THE POLITICS OF LABOR WARFARE
am sure, to win his justly deserved re- With few major contract talks scheduled,
election. His constituents know his rec- most observers saw 1966 as a year ofreportve
ord ell and have repeatedly returned the other day, however, the labor front this
hito C, year has been anything but tranquil.
him
They know of his own personal expert- While the warfare on the airlines and
The
it
in
i
d
in Worl
ences in the military service II, from private to company com-
mander, the Battle of the Bulge, his cap-
ture by the Germans, and a daring and
dangerous escape from that captivity.
The gentleman from Virginia [Mr.
BROYHILLI is not going to Vietnam As
a visitor to enhance his political pros-
pects. He does not need to do so, and
he has too much sense to try and phony
up his campaign by stretching the credu-
lity of his friends and constituents in
Virginia by trying to don a phony war-
rior's toga. His record does not need it.
Nor do the fighting men in Vietnam,
or the warriors of USIA, need assess-
ment from political hopefuls who clutter
up the rear echelons and interfere with
the war.
Mr. Speaker, I ask that the Depart-
ment of Defense ban an nonsense trips
to Vietnam be extended to cover all ad-
ministration agencies, before candidates
for public office start using the highway
beautification program as an excuse for
going there.
I don't believe Saigon has been re-
apportioned into anyone's political dis-
trict, and until it is I suggest our politi-
cal hopefuls campaign at home and let
the soldiers win the war there without
having to wet nurse any more unneces-
sary visitors.
LEAVE TRAVEL IN VIETNAM TO
OUR FIGHTING MEN
(Mr. DOLE asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. DOLE. Mr. Speaker, recently the
Departn ent of Defense, with consider-
able prompting from the able chairman
of the House Armed Services Committee
and his ranking minority colleague, Mr.
BATES of Massachusetts, put a stop to
the phony war college in Vietnam which
our commanders there were being forced
to conduct for political candidates.
Apparently, Mr. Speaker, the ban
should now be extended to cover all
Government agencies. My attention has
been directed recently to another as-
pirant for Congress, a Mr. DuVal, who is
seeking the congressional seat now held
by our hard working and able colleague
the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BROY-
HILL].
According to newspaper accoufits,
Candidate DuVal is or was until recently
on a Vietnam junket for the announced
purpose of inspecting the U.S. Informa-
tion Agency activities there.
At least this is what he claimed in
his departing press conference, when he
is quoted as saying`:
As a former General Counsel for the USIA,
I have been asked to take a look at our
information program in Vietnam.
THE PRESIDENT HAS FAILED TO
SEND TO THE CONGRESS A MEAS-
URE WHICH WILL EFFECTIVELY
DEAL WITH STRIKES WHICH AF-
FECT THE PUBLIC INTEREST
(Mr. MARTIN of Nebraska asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute, and to revise and
extend his remarks and include extra-
neous matter.)
g,
s
elsewhere may thus have been surpr
is certainly explicable. Its roots, like those
of most wars, are deep in politics and extend
back more than three decades, when the
Government set out to strengthen unions.
An alleged aim was to achieve a "balance
of power" between business and labor, and
though the scales may indeed have
it's the
weighted toward employers
other way now.
On little more than whim, a single union
now can tie up the nation's trucks, stop its
railroads or shut down its steel mills. The
unions' disruptive potential is only too ob-
vious; yet state, local and national officials
usually are unwilling to do much toward
bringing it under control.
A large part of the problem is that many
politicians are convinced, some of them
probably with justification, that they owe
their jobs to labor union support. The re-
sult has been that official labor policies
sometimes seem founded more on fear than
on common sense.
Aware that the general public opposes
strikes by teachers, nurses and other public
efnployes who provide vital services, state
legislators righteously rush through harsh
laws banning such walkouts. When strikes
nonetheless come, sate and local officials
simply do not enforce the laws; complai-
santly they give the employes' unions about
all they ask.
In the circumstances it's hardly startling
that public employe strikes are spreading far
and wide. They are likely to continue to
proliferate unless politicians find the wisdom
and courage to pass and enforce laws that
not only ban the strikes but provide work-
able machinery for equitable settlement of
future disputes.
On a national level, the Federal Govern-
men similarly knows that a long strike of a
major industry-autos, for example-severely
damages the public's interest. Its response
has been to move ever earlier into negotia-
tions, usually coming up with a settlement
pretty close to what the union sought.
Once this destruction of collecetive bar-
gaining has begun, the unions quite nat-
urally use their power to demand more and
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16994 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
more; the inevitable outcome of excessive istration co-ops. Some budget advisers are August
was $180
`power, after all, is abuse. Thus the Ma- advising him to do it. Of 5 years. The other sale was of 1s-
ohinists Union turns down a fat contract This, however, would be a blow to one
drawn up by a Presidental board and ties up LBJ's old friends, former Congressman Clyde million in participation certificates of as-
60% of the nation's airline traffic to press for Ellis of sets of the Government mortgage liqui-
Arkansas, who has built up the REA
more. co-ops trust with an approximate in-
-
Phie ,------ ------ . . - to a Doint whnra +r..>.>
the strike, but the President finally engi- troll
-jib was not Law was in what fothe ectrifica-
r Rural El pasesd by the neered an agreement between the negoti. New Deal in 1936. At that time vast areas One of the gravest legislative mistakes
ators which was rejected by the union of American farmland were without electric- of made the by this Participation eSalessA teofa1966.
members, calling for a raise even bigger ity. Today 98 per cent of American farms This act was one of the greatest hoax of
than his Own board had recommended. are powered by electricity and the REA co- this Congress. It is obvious to me that
Even now, though, there's little conversation ops have developed to the point where they very few people in this country have been
about trying to curb the unions' power to distribute power to wholesale buyers, fac- or are presently aware of the insidious,
cause such chaos; in fact, many politicians tories, and even to competing public utilities. disastrous consequences of this act. It is
seem bent on adding to the unions' Private companies pay 48 per cent taxes; strength, the REA co-ops pay nothing. Private utili- for this reason that it was
The Federal Government, moreover, is even ties pay around 6 per cent interest on their passed by a
giving the unions what amounts to a fair bonds; the REA co-ops determined and compliant majority with
excuse for throwing their weight around. This week Congress pay 2 per cent. little or no desire and no real Incredible era-as i
It is. doing so through its inept efforts to cope rates for Governmntloanse to the
underdevelt may be, the blln as not available to com it
with inflation, since a union leader surely aped countries. But the same Congress has mittee members until only a half hour
has less trouble selling a strike to the mem- refused to up interest rates to REA co-ops. before the committee hearings began,
bership now that most of the members' Meanwhile some local co-ops merely reinvest
t
bllls. and oare grumbling about growing grocery their 2 per cent money at 6 per cent. This and only 2 hours of hearings were then
gives them a neat profit of 4 percent. held.
Nor does Washington help matters with its The Colorado Supreme Court last February The minority members of the commit-
wage-price "guideposts" against inflation, cracked down on one of the major REA co- tee were denied the right to call any wit-
which stipulate that wages should rise no ops, the Colorado.Ute Electric Association, nesses. Moreover, not one witness from
more than 3.2%. When .unions pay, any organized to distribute whoesale power to the unions, farming, business, or banking
attention to the guideposts at all, it is gen- Colorado, Wyoming, Utah and Arizona. The
erally only to regard the 3.2 % as a floor, not court ruled that this combine was a long communities was called. At the -
a ceiling. Wage demands thus are pushed up way from the Roosevelt 193(3 proposal to lions of the totally inadequate hearings,
to levels where some companies simply can- supply power to remote farms where private the committee was called into immediate
not afford to cave in without a fight. utilities had failed to penetrate. executive session and in less than 30
Truly effective moves against inflation, in- However, Clyde Ellis once befriended Lyn- minutes the bill was ordered reported.
volving significant cuts in Federal spending, don Johnson when he was running for the This was the day after the President's
therefore would not only shore up the Senate in Texas, and Lyndon is a man who
dollar but also make a real contribution doesn't forget. When Federal Power Com- message Cylthe for this legihis legisIasla-
toward labor peace. The fact that the poll- mission Chairman Joseph Swidler proposed received by the Congress. This le-
tteians still reject that combination, and not that the FPC regulate REA co-ops if they five action certainly went far beyond
merely this year's barrage of strikes, Is what Operated across state boundaries, Clyde Ellis what has become standard rubberstamp
Ought to be disturbing if not surprising, became so indignant that he exerted all his Procedure in this 89th Congress. This
considerable power on Congress and the bill obviously permits the Johnson-
White House. Humphrey administration to conceal
KIND WORDS FOR DREW PEARSON Congress then passed a special law ex--
erupting REA co-ops from FPC :regulation huge budgetary deficits.
(Mr. TEAGUE of California asked and while LBJ refused to reappoint Swidler as Members of this body will recall the
was given permission to address the FPC chairman, Siwdler, the man who strenuous objections made by the unani-
House for 1 minute, to revise and ex- dared tangle with Clyde Ellis, is out. mous Republican minority to the Partic-
tend his remarks, and to include The President has now nudged the REA ipation Sales Act of 1966. The minor-
extraneous matter.) with an order that it must lend no money ity objections were on varying Mr. TEAGUE of California. Mr. beyond the fiscal year just ended. He could One of the strongest reasos for pposi-ther
and
remove REA's Speaker, I never thought the day would status and Its 2 per cent interest. tax-exempt
troll was contained in the minority report
lie would
come when I would be standing here In thereby save a sizable chunk of money, which clearly sounded the warning and
the well of the House saying a kind and stated the danger on page 24 as follows:
complimentary word about Drew Pearson.
But I do call to the attention of my HOME BUILDERS RELIEF ACT OF p ecThe edenotedestate oft urmol eand confusion.
colleagues Mr. Pearson's splendid column 1966 This proposal would promote chaos in the
in yesterday's Washington post in which (Mr. WYATT asked and was market * * *. The irony of the proposal is
he discussed the subsidy-2 percent in- permission to address the House fore 1 that FgMf ciwhy, wouldhbe called upon to
terest on loans from Uncle Sam-now minute, to revise and extend his remarks, commin
enjoyed by rural electrification co-ops, and to include extraneous matter.) commit harikari in the home mortgage
an
and their tax-free status, again at our Mr. WYATT. Mr. Speaker, the dis- market On t
expense. aster threatening the lumber industry in statedge 34 Congressman PAUL FIND
And, Mr. Speaker, I might add the the Northwest, to which I referred on Heavy sales by FNMA of participation In
fact that we now have under considera- the floor of this House 2 weeks ago, is pooled loans is liable to soak up investment
tion before the Committee on Agricul- even more real today than it was then. funds available, forcing up the rates the Gov-
ture a request by the REA people to go The drift continues without any real ernment will have to pay on other issues just
much further. They want to continue leadership by this administration to re-
their tax-free status and 2-percent loans pair the damage done and to Prevent its balance of a time
* when *' Mortgage Morort budget
end g isy ar-
and also receive huge Federal funds in worsening. Mortgage money is ex- ti li pacttof
arly
ticul-int likely to suffer from the im
order to create an "electric bank," with trernely scarce today, with consequent shares*e* * T~ ng pool
the
participplation
loans made by that bank to be guaran- suffering of those thousands of Ameri- participation sales kick t pro-
pro-
teed by the Federal Government-which cans desiring to buy and sell homes. mortgage a market wism hile eitrlis down. The
means all the taxpayers in the country. Today I am introducing legislation public's participation in this program will
The column follows: which in effect would terminate the Par- also strike at homebuilders, realtors, and
L.B.J. ArSD TAx-FREE Co-ops: REA's CLYDE ticipation Sales Act of 1966, building trades unions.
ELLSS, WHO ONCE BEFRIENDED PRESIDENT, passed by
this Congress. Under the act, on June Mr. Speaker, before the final passage
DEr,ENDS SPECIAL STATUS 23, two sales have apparently been made. of this bill, a motion to recommit was
(By Drew Pearson) The first was in the amount of $350 mil- made by the minority which would re-
President Johnson has an easy way to save lion of participation certificates of as- quire the bill to be amended to prohibit
several million dollars this year; abolish the sets of the small business obligations the Government from paying more
bargain-basement interest rate and tax-ex- trust at an interest rate of 5.75 percent than 4.75 percent interest on any par-
empt status of Rural Electrification Admin- With maturity length varying from 1 to ticipatiori sold. I am proud to say that
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August 1, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
1,648, Office of Economic Opportunity with
1,645, National Aeronautics and Space with
1,645, Selective Service with 1,459, and Ten-
nessee Valley Authority with 1,146.
CHANGES IN FEDERAL EMPLOYMENT AS OF THE
END OF FISCAL YEARS 1954-66
Federal civilian employment changes, fis-
cal years 1954-1966, in the executive agencies
of the Federal Government-showing de-
fense agencies, civilian agencies, and total-
follow:
Fiscal yearend
(as of June 30)
Department
of Defense
Civilian agen-
cies (except
Defense)
1954--_---------
-123,100
-32,400
-155, 600
1955--_-----_---
-11, 366
+1, 613
-9,753
1958--_---------
17,677
+17,812
+136
1957--------- _--
-18,926
+35,817
+16,891
1958------------
-63, 838
+29,628
34,210
1959------------
-18, 940
+18,827
-113
1960_--.--_--_-
-31,000
+46,699
+15, 683
1961------------
4,726
+41,165
+36,430
1962 ------------
+27, 111
+50, 280
+77, 391
1963-----_------
-19, 582
+32, 795
+13, 213
1964:_-__--_----
-20,183
-7,943
-28,126
1965-------_----
+3:955
+22,582
+26, 537
1906_-----------
+104,395
+125, 734
+230,129
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President,
I wish to associate myself with the re-
marks made by the distinguished Sena-
tor from Delaware [Mr. WILLIAMS]. The
report to which the Senator refers, which
was issued by the Joint Committee on
the Reduction of Nonessential Expendi-
tures, shows that for the month of June
1966, as compared with July 1965, there
has been an increase in Federal employ-
ment of roughly 196,000 persons. The
increase for the month of June 1966, was
73,088, which represents nearly a 3-per-
cent increase in the Federal employment
figures over the preceding month of May.
I subscribe to the view that this is a
matter with which the President should
concern himself In fairness to both the
American taxpayers and the many splen-
did Federal employees who will be dis-
advantaged if the Federal employment
figures continue to soar and increase at
the rate they have during the month of
June.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, I thank the Senator from Vir-
ginia [Mr. BYRD] for his comments.
It should be pointed out that this re-
report was first initiated by the distin-
guished former senior Senator from Vir-
ginia [Mr. Harry Byrd], the father of the
gentleman who has just spoken. During
the years it has served as a useful ba-
rometer of Federal employme t.
I am hopeful that this ma h's report
will alert the Americ pe le to the
reckless manner w is t e adminis-
tration is unneces a ly panding its
UPSIDE DOWN
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
very definitely if there is to be peace in
Vietnam by negotiation, President John-
son should announce our Intention to
take three important steps toward that
goal.
He should proclaim a pause, or cessa-
tion of U.S. bombing of North Vietnam
for a period of 15 to 30 days, certaintly
sufficient time to impress on the rulers
of Hanoi that our intent is to achieve an
armistice and ceasefire in Vietnam and
directly following that with the with-
drawal of our Armed Forces to the coastal
areas in South Vietnam and in due time
to the United States. In addition, we
should propose a scaling down of offen-
sive military activities in South Vietnam
for a period of 15 to 30 days leading to a
ceasefire on both sides provided, of
course, that the Vietcong scale down and
end offensive and terrorist attacks on our
Armed Forces during such period and in
all areas of South Vietnam, withhold
hostile action. Then, above everything
else, we should proclaim that we Ameri-
cans are definitely willing to discuss a
ceasefire and an armistice with delegates
representing the National Liberation
Front or Vietcong. In other words,
despite the yapping of Prime Minister Ky
and his flamboyant statements as if he
were directing the policies of our Govern-
ment in southeast Asia, we must pro-
claim a willingness to negotiate with
delegates representing those who are do-'
Ing the actual fighting in South Vietnam.
This would mean representatives of the
Vietcong as delegates independent of
Saigon and Hanoi. In addition there
would be Independent delegates repre-
senting the Hanoi government and an
equal number of independent delegates
representing the Saigon government to-
gether with- an equal number of our own
representatives.
Then, of course, our leaders from the
President on down would do well to muz-
zle the militarist talk of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff and our generals. They do too
much talking on political and foreign
policy matters. Silence on political sub-
jects is in order for them. Officials at the
Pentagon, including all of our generals,
would do well to bear in mind at all times
that the Founding Fathers, in writing our
Constitution, provided that civilian au-
thority must always be supreme over
military authority.
Mr. President, in trying to bring about
an armistice and peace and end our in
volvement in this miserable civil war In
the jungles of Vietnam which is really of
no strategic or economic importance to
the defense of the United States, we
would also do well to encourage U Thant,
Secretary General of the United Nations
to continue leadership in his usual im-
partial manner to try to bring about
peace.
Unless this is accomplished the future
probably holds forth for us involvement
with our Armed Forces in Vietnam for 5,
10, or 20 years. This is the prospect be-
fore us. Another possibility, if not prob-
ability, due to our complete air superior-
ity and continuing heavy bombing from
the air including the destruction and
killings by napalm bombing, coupled with
our tremendous firepower and the pres-
ence of nearly 400,000 of the finest sol-
diers the world has ever seen-the cream
the Vietcong will suddenly go under-
ground and return as peasants to their
farms or go to Saigon and our bases in
South Vietnam seeking jobs and plasters
from the U.S. forces and civilian agen-
cies including the CIA.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BYRD
of Virginia in the chair). The time of
the Senator has expired.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent that I may
proceed for 2 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. With 400,000
or more GI's involved and months going
by without any fighting, of course, the
natural reaction in our country would
be to bring the boys home. Then, who
knows what will occur over there 5 or 10
years hence? In the Progressive mag-
azine of August 1966, two thoughtful and
concise statements were published on our
involvement in the civil war in Vietnam
bracketed on page 4 of that great pub-
lication. I refer to the items captioned
"Upside Down," by James Reston, asso-
ciate editor of the New York Times, and
"Sledgehammers and Hornets," by Eric
Sevareid, highly respected commentator
of CBS. I commend these articles to my
colleagues, and ask unanimous consent
that they be printed in the RECORD at this
point as part of my remarks.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From Progressive magazine, August 19661
UPSIDE DOWN
With the bombing of targets on the out-
skirts of Hanoi and Haiphong, it [the John-
son Administration] has now done almost
everything it said or indicated It would not
do except bomb China, and the end of this
melancholy chapter in American history is
not yet.
The Johnson Administration said it was
not seeking a military solution to the war,
and it is now obviously seeking precisely
that. It said it was there merely to help a
legitimate government defend itself, and it
has ended up by replacing a military clique
that is not a government, not legitimate, and
is not really defending itself.
JAMES RESTON.
THE NEw YORK TIMES, July 1, 1966.
SLEDGEHAMMERS AND HORNETS
We are not really conquering territory in
Vietnam. Our official statement is that at
the end of last year eight and a half per cent
of the total land area was considered secure;
at the end of February nine and a half per
cent; all the rest is in enemy hands or dis-
puted and unsafe, or empty. About eight
million people, a bit over half the population,
are in secure allied controlled areas.
We are using giant sledgehammers to kill
hornets. The Vietcong's National Liberation
Front in the South has an annual budget
estimated at about ten million dollars. Our
annual costs in this war run to about fifteen
billion. The enemy needs an estimated
eighty-seven tons of supplies each day; the
American establishment alone needs about
twenty thousand tons a day.
In terms of last year's total expenditure
for the war, each enemy soldier killed last
year cost us well over a million dollars.
ERIC SEVAREID.
THE STRIKE AGAINST
THE AIRLINES
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, the bill
now pending before the Committee on
Labor and Public Welfare, intending to
deal with the airline strike, has not yet
come to the floor of the Senate.
Reading reports from the newspapers,
I observed that the two proposals being
considered do not contain any provision
to insure an end to the dispute.
_* f
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, .
The bill which has been discussed pri- rather stringent monetary restraints in lie policy. On the contrary, it is probable
marily contemplates giving the President effect right now, as I have advocated in that attention will be due rather to how to
power to declare three successive 60-day , recent statements. stimulate the economy and prolong its ad-
Periods, allowing the disputants to ne- Mr. Gass presents evidence to back up vance. The distinctive fiscal question would
gotiate. However, at the end of 180 his ar
then be how best to
h
um
t th
g
s
en
are between more
at the economy c
an con-u. days, if the dispute is not settled, tinue to grow at a relatively rapid rate. crew Publises expenditures and
e further tax de-
c the matter comes back to Congress. With an annual growth of about 2 per- owth Of Potential year's accrual from
$10 billion of adadditional fed-
It is in this latter point that I believe cent in our labor force, and an increase eral revenues.
the bill is weak, in productivity equal to the average over
PhoENhIAL
Mr. President, when the bill reaches the past several years, a 51 y percent GROWTH
en-
the Senate, I contemplate offering an nual growth of the economy le. It is a great error, toed d taone t whesy now tertained, amendment which will, at the end of He goes on to discuss the economic ef- come within sight of the unavoidable end of
the unsuccessful negotiating period, give fects of business investment, military a unique economic expansion-an expansion
power to the President to appoint an ar- spending, consumer demand, wholesale supposedly fed to unrepeatable size on the
bitration board vested with full powers and consumer price trends, export and resources (of labor and plant capacity) made
to investigate and hear witnesses, and import levels and Government policy, in- trary, , the the balance isse sl revidenc the that
render a judgment on what the settle- eluding the wage-price guidelines. teary, the of Product e suggest s that real Gross ment should be. His succinct analysis puts another well rise, at leastthrougho 1970 C at a rate not
I repeat, under the proposal which has known economist on record as favoring greatly different from the average of 5 j2 %
been discussed there is no terminal point, policies that will allow the economy to Per annum sustained from the beginning of
In effect, the proposal provides for ne- expand as rapidly as possible without 1961 to mid-1966.
gotiation for 180 days, and if a settlement bringing on a general inflation, which, he The labor force needed to support an an_
is not reached, the matter comes back to says, has not occurred in the past year. null real expansion of 511/2 % in Gross Na-
Congress. The price experience of the United States Sinner Product nil be available U.S. employ-
My . of imi the amendment would direct the Presi- in 1965-66 reflects particular scarcities- Since (civil a d military) yhas increased at n
dent at the end of the unsuccessful ne- not a general excess of demand, he says. annual average 2%. But, an
gotiations, to appoint ge rate it about o b ossi le
an arbitration In numerous statements, Mr. Press- the next four years, it will also be possible
board vested with full powers to render a dent, I have tried to make many of the to increase total employment by about 2%
final judgment, the judgment not to be same points Mr. Gass makes so well. I annually. Indeed, due to the high birth
appealable except that an appeal would fully share his basic belief that our econ- level of the years immediately after World
lie in ascertaining whether the proce- olny can continue to grow, without infla- War II, the flood m new se in entrants into ent
dure outlined by Congress had been fol- tion. labor force
per may permit a rise in employ a 3.9%
lowed. We must make certain we do not cause un unemployment rate theedutiha the 3.9%
our second quarter slowdown to deepen. For the yearly difference b2% between more
BUSINESS ECONOMISTS SAY THAT The stakes are too large' to allow this workers and something like 5ii2 % more total
TAX HIKE COULD BRING ,ON A sort of mistake. output, it will be reasonable to look to the
CESSION RE- Mr. President, I hope my colleagues experienced growth of man-hour productiv-
will take the time to read Mr. GaES' care- ity. In the whole postwar period, 1947-65,
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President- ful discussion of the forces at work in the averagp yearly productivity increase in the In the second half of 1966, the American our economy. It is undoubtedly one of But ino11960-65 the annual gain averaged
economy is more likely to suffer from some the best statements on this subject I 3.6%. And in manufacturing alone, during
insufficiency of demand than from an excess. have read anywhere. I ask unanimous 1964-65, the annual gain averaged about 4%.
These are the words with which consent that it be printed in the RECORD We must not exclude from consideration
Oscar Gass opens a statement on so that they may do so. the possibility that-given present high in-
the economy published recently by There being no objection, the articleworkervestment levels-the proddctivity gain per
Ralph E. Samuel & Co., a New York was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, , during % 196 year. may even prove in
brokerage firm, they could not be more as follows: Increase e 3 in a /2 a per
nnual l output Then will the
be correpotential
to the in-
pOint. THE ECONOMY AT MIDYEAR spondingly above 5 /2 %,
In his carefully reasoned discussion of (By Oscar Gass) GROWTH
POLrCT
the present state of the American econ- In the second half of 1966, the American In both the Kennedy and Johnson adm.in-
Omy, Mr. Gass argues persuasively that economy is more likely to suffer from some istrations, the White House has consistently
our economy can continue to expand at insufficiency of demand than from an excess, leaned to the Side of underestimating the
the healthy rate it has experienced since At the beginning of July, the United States growth potential of the economy,
1961. continues to advance in the longest economic Until 1965, the President's Council of Eco-
But it will not continue its ex ari_ expansion of its industrial history, excepting nomic Advisers operated with a 311/2 % per
Sion-a it
expansion to p only the expansion which included World year rise in potential. Then, growing bold,
significantly higher standard ofel ving a War 11. Gross National ained the range of $730 billion-about $9,500 estimate ofehe annual counselors
inpo~t~ up-
for the average American-if a misdi- for each person employed. A deliberate, ward--to 8%%. A year later gain potential 10,
rected public policy results in further capable national Political Economy over this 1966), a member of the Council, Mr. Arthur
economic restraints, particularly in the growth. M. Okun, took another rhe
form of tax increases. Yet even now, apart from seasonal influ- gconom step. ut 4 States is
more He notes the economic slowdown of mill , the aUnited way from what would than one percent ygrowth of ear", a satainn~y is about 4
p , h e said, "that is the growth
the second quarter of this year and full employment in any other advanced The Chairman of President Johnson's
comments: country. In April through June, the ad-
The slowing down of April through June vance of the economy has been slowed dis- esCouncil, . pouse Mh that Gardner Ackley
e view has 65 growth
is not of decisive importance. What is im- tinctly. Unemployment among young peo- rate Is Unsustainable. tThe growth of real
portant is that public policy shall not be pre, not yet securely established in work, has growth of real
misdirected toward endeavoring to make consequently increased 1 output", he has said, r cannot t forever be athis slowing natel Bllarp t F e fast ... have had during the past several
wil down continue or gather mo- Y. in the first half of 1966, the White mentum. House rejected years er some point, the set by labor-
pressures to restrain the really be operating at the ceiling set by labaa_
By the end of this year, Mr. Gass pre- throuowth h of economic activity still further, force growth and the advance of pro-
general tax ."
dicts, the distinctive fiscal question will The slowin
g-down of Areas e. duotite.
be "how best to share-between more is not of decisive importance. What ris la @uriage, r much larger are the present
public expenditures and further tax de- poet is that public policy shall not be so maturing age groups than l those or e 1961 still
creases--a
-a potential year's accrual from misdirected toward endeavoring to make this substantial also is the gaol of that the an-
of over $10 billion of additional slowing-down continue or unemployed or on short-time, that the
meng gather m0- nuai percentage growth in employment need
revenues," not be less in 1966-70 than it was in 1961-65.
federal This growth will occur if we will allow Also in November and December 1966, dur- Moreover, productivity is being enhanced by
the hconomy enough freedom. One pow ing the planning for the next fiscal year, it is the high current rate of business investment
icy we must reexamine very soon is the my w ll cthat onstitute the correct focus of pand he better education
of theyong
pub- people now joining .the e labor f farce, For them
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