THE HIGH COST OF VICTORY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2005
• Sequence Number: 15
• Publication Date: August 2, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
August 11, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4249
products because of the "problem of uncer-
tainty" that endlessly confronts thefn; baffled
by all the claims they are exposed to, uncer-
tain of the merits of unadvertised products,
they decide to play it safe-so stick with the
products they have heard most about. Thus
heavy advertising outlays, sustained over
long periods of time, create such durable
preferences that it is impractical for com-
peting firms to introduce new products-
unless, of course, they are prepared to invest
heavily in advertising themselves.
These investment requirements tend to
discourage outside firms from entering a field,
lead to more concentration of business in the
field, and enable firms established in it to
charge "monopolistic prices." According to a
study of consumer industries cited by Turner,
there is "a significant correlation between the
proportion of industry sales devoted to ad-
vertising and the average profit rates which
were earned."
This is the main line of the argument,
but there is an interesting subsidiary theme.
Sometimes, Turner allows, firms without a
position in a particular market may decide
to accept the cost of entering it-i.e., they
may decide to make that heavy Investment
in advertising their own new products. In
this case, there is no question about monop-
oly; indeed, Turner refers to advertising as
"an important form of rivalry among firms."
But at this point he is bothered by another
thought: the possibility that "advertising
costs [may be] excessive in relation to what
we get out of them, and may create durable
preferences going beyond the relative su-
periority of the product.... .
His argument has a certain plausibility
to it; however, a few major' countervailing
thoughts may be in order. First of all, it is
important to observe that Turner's co.rll-
plaints about advertising might be applied
to any management operations that are suc-
cessful. On his view, what is ultimately dan-
gerous about advertising is that it leads to
markets dominated by too few firms. But
businessmen, are always trying to raise their
shares of markets; and their efforts involve
not only advertising and promotion, but
sophisticated research strategies, plant in-
vestmehts, quality control and improvement,
pep talks to dealers, inventory-control tech-
niques-In short, the entire apparatus of
modern management. Any time that one
company's apparatus works better than its
competitors', there is, on Turner's logic, an
incipient problem of concentration.
A WANTED TOUCH OF GLAMOUR
Why, then, did he single out advertising?
It is obviously Impossible to answer the
question categorically; but there may be a
clue in those remarks of his relating adver-
tising costs to "what we get out of them."
Turner suggests, in this and other passages
of his speech, that he believes the legitimate
function of advertising to be informational.
When an ad specifies the wattage of a stereo
receiver, it is doing something socially use-
ful; when it merely registers general en-
thusiasm for the taste of a certain chewing
gum, it is wasting society's resources, and
perhaps leading consumers to pay more than
"the relative superiority of the product"
warrants.
Another countervailing thought may be in
order at this point. A good deal of the
"puffing" that goes on in ads is certainly
obnoxious, but most of it is easy enough to
take-and some, in fact, seems able to invest
products with a touch of glamour,. Further-
more, many consumers seem to want that
touch of glamour. Turner's rather prim
formulations about the proper role of ad-
vertising, and about ads that lead consumers
to overpay, seem to preclude the notion of
any real value attributable to glamour or,
more generally, to the "image" that clever
advertising men are able to wrap around
some products. Most of us would probably
disagree, and insist that Volkswagens are
more valuable because of all that high-class
advertising.
Given his general fix on advertising, Tur-
ner's solution to the problems he raised is
not surprising, At one point in the speech
he considers the possibility of limiting the
proportion of sales that firms may be per-
mitted to spend on advertising. Alterna-
tively, he considers the possibility that "we
might promote and develop other methods of
supplying information to consumers-meth-
ods which would give the consumer much
better and more useful information than he
now gets and at lower social cost." In prac-
tice, this seems to involve a kind of govern-
ment-sponsored version of Consumer Re-
ports. He is not very explicit, however,
about the manner in which any such opera-
tion could be made to work fairly.
Meanwhile, it is pertinent to note one large
irony about his speech. The statements
about the effectiveness of advertising were
about as extreme as any ever made in an
ad agency's plteh for a big new client. ("In-
dustries with high advertising outlays tended
to earn profit rates which were about 50 per-
cent higher than those which did not under-
take a significant effort.") The statements
were based, furthermore, on a large and
scholarly study of advertising's effectiveness,
undertaken jointly by William S. Comanor
of the antitrust division and Thomas A. Wil-
son of Harvard. Madison Avenue, it is safe
to predict, will be rushing to get its hands
on'the study.
Elbie Jay Saves a Marriage
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, August If, 1966
Mr. YOJJNGER. Mr. Speaker, again
our satirist, Arthur Hoppe, has published
another of his columns on "Elbie Jay,"
in the Friday, August 5, issue of the San
Francisco Chronicle. His column fol-
lows:
ELBIE JAY SAVES A MARRIAGE
(By Arthur Hoppe)
Howdy there, folks. How y'all? Time for
another tee-vee visit with the rootin'-tootin'
Jay Family, starring of Elbie Jay-the kind-
liest, lovablest, humblest feller in the world.
And, like he's fond of saying, "Don't you
ever forget it!"
As we join up with of Elbie today, he's
browsing through a poll on whether he
should get a haircut. That young feller com-
ing hesitantly in the doot is his prospective
son-in-law, Pat Somethingorother.
Pat (nervously) : Excuse me, sir.
Elbie (jovially) : Why, howdy, there, son.
Come in and set a spell. Can't tell you how
much I'm looking forward to having little old
man-to-man chats with you after the wed-
ding Saturday. When, of course, my sched-
ule permits.
Pat: Yes, sir, about the wedding .
Elbie: Don't worry, son. I'm all for it. In
fact, you've made me a mighty happy man.
Already, I've gone up three points in the
polls.
Pat: That's nice, sir. But there's some-
thing I've got to say.
Elbie: Go right ahead, son. It's a free
country. There's nothing I treasure more
highly than free speech, freedom of religion
and freedom of, the press. Excepting, natu-
rally, for Women's Wear Daily and others
who'd violate our national security.
Pat: (wetting his lips) : Well, sir, about
the wedding, there's kind of a hitch .
Elbie (frowning) : They forgot to send you
an invitation? Don't fret, son, I'll take care
to see you get in.
Pat (blurting out) : No, sir, it's-that-I've-
decided-not-to-get-married.
Elbie: Well, now, son, I'm sure these minor
details can be . You what?
Pat (hastily) : It's not that I don't think
your daughter isn't a fine girl, sir. It's just
that with all this publicity ...
Elbie : Publicity? Why, it's going to be a
small, private, family wedding attended by
your 700 closest friends, Like the Cabinet,
the bi-partisan leaders of Congress, a couple
of Governors. And there'll be me, smiling
proudly. And Birdie-Bird, maybe shedding a
tear or two. My, what a glorious day. I
ought to go up ten points. And we got to
think of the future, son.
Pat: I am, sir. I'm thinking about how
it'll be to go on a honeymoon with Secret
Service agents and reporters and .
Elbie: And I'm thinking about the No-
vember elections. You're not going to leave
me standing at the altar, boy.
Pat (stouTly) : As you said, sir, it's a free
country. And I don't have to get married If
I don't want to] (As Elbie turns purple)
Er, do I?
Elbie (forcing a smile) : 'Course not, son.
And let me say how much I admire your
courage. It's not many young men who'd
give up a chance to marry my daughter in
order to go off next Tuesday to fight for their
country in the jungles of Vietnam. The hot,
slimey, poisonous, bullet-ridden jungles of
Vietnam, where your chances of surviving
Well, tune in to our next episode, folks.
And meantime, as you mosey down the trail
of life, remember what Elbie's of grandaddy
used to say:
"Never underestimate the courage of our
young folk. Give them the grim choice
'tween marriage and war, and they'll bravely
take Marriage every time."
The High Cost of Victory
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. G. ELLIOTT HAGAN
OF GEORGIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 2, 1966
Mr. HAGAN of Georgia. Mr. Speaker,
the Atlanta Constitution editorial of
August 9 reiterates the probable commit-
ments which the U.S. Armed Forces may
have to face to achieve total victory. I
agree that the objectivity of this editorial
is most commendable, but I am of the
opinion that even with the escalation
proposed, that our position vis-a-vis the
Soviet Union and Communist China
should be again carefully reexamined to
insure that we leave no reason for doubt
as to our full intentions.
The editorial follows:
The Pentagon's estimate that it will take
three quarters of a million men for a decisive
military victory in Vietnam is, if anything,
conservative. Some estimates have run as
high as a million.
The essential element in a purely military
solution is cutting off the flow of men and
supplies from North Vietnam. That Involves
blocking the so-called Ho Chi Minh Trail,
which is not a well defined road, but rather
any jungle route that is open at any given
time.
So a blockade requires arming the entire
North Vietnamese frontier, including the
border with Laos. That would take a huge
number of men.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
 A4250
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 :.CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX August 11, 1966
The Pentagon study, which reflects the col-
lective judgment of civilian. as well as mili-
tary experts, makes it clear that such a build-
up cannot be achieved without at least
partial mobilization of our military reserves
and/or massive withdrawal . from Europe.
That latter course Is diplomatically impos-
sible. It would shatter Western European
confidence in America's commitments, and
Invite Soviet mischief.
So the Pentagon study is a useful reminder
that "getting it over with"-a course de-
manded by an increasing number of im-
patient Americans-means calling up the
reserves, interrupting family life and busi-
ness careers,_ and surly raising taxes.
North Viet Nam at the same time should
realize that this country is capable of crush-
Ing It militarily, and will do so if given no
reasonable alternative.
American policy under both President
Kennedy and President Johnson has been a
gradual building of forces and military action
in hopes the Communists would realize the
hopelessness of military seizure and would
Instead come to the conference table.
Our escalation already has made Com-
munist victory impossible. But without
further escalation, our position is one of
stalemate.
The Communists hold the key to peace in
Viet Nam. Peace will come only when they
agree to reasonable negotiations-or when
they are crushed militarily. The choice Is
theirs.
In the meantime, it is good that the Ameri-
can public has been reminded of the costs
involved.
Fair Housing Gives North Its Moment of
Truth
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES McC. MATHIAS, JR.
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 9, 1966
Mr. MATHIAS. Mr. Speaker, during
the recent debate on H.R. 14765, the Civ-
il Rights Act of 1966, the Dayton, Ohio,
Daily News offered some perceptive ob-
servations on the real meaning and chal-
lenge of this bill.
In bringing this editorial to the at-
tention of the Congress, I would like to
pay tribute to the gentleman from Ohio
?Mr. MCCULLOCHI, the ranking minority
member of the Committee on the Judi-
ciary, who has fully recognized the seri-
ous problems facing our Nation, and has
worked long and hard to develop re-
sponsible, equitable solutions.
The editorial follows:
FAIR HOUSING GIVES NORTH ITS MOMENT OF
TRUTH
The searing debate on and uncertain fate
of the civil rights bill in the House of Repre-
sentatives this week grows out of a simple
political fact: For the first time the pro-
posed law would hit the North, not the
South.
No use blinking that fact. All the shoot-
ing Is over Title IV of the proposed act.
That is the part that would speed fair hous-
Ing. It would require, In some circum-
stances, that real estate agents sell or rent
houses to people regardless of whether they
are white, black or somewhere in between.
Residential segregation is primarily a
northern phenomenon. In the South, the
old racial bars were so high that whites
could have Negroes living among them as
a servant-type convenience, and never be
bothered with social integration. As a re-
sult, residential segregation into ghettos is
rare in Dixie except in the largest cities.
In the North, Negroes were quickly ostra-
cized into ghettos. That way, the whites
could permit them legal equality without
living as neighbors, attending the same
schools or having much to do with them.
Now the hidden walls which keep the
Negro in the ghetto (real estate practices,
refusal to lend money for home purchases
in all-white areas, and so forth) are chal-
lenged.
The present federal bill has been watered
down considerably. It would not apply to
a homeowner who wants to sell or to a
broker handling a private sale for an owner.
But it still is stirring quite a fuss.
Many northern congressmen, ardent sup-
porters of civil rights measures as long as
they could woo Negro votes that way with-
out losing white ones, now are opposing this
measure. They fear white resentment.
So the moment of truth comes nearer.
Does the northern white really want to
bury his head in the sand and attempt to
maintain an un-American barrier to Negro
freedom to move about? That is the ques-
tion. It is a question citizens must answer,
just as Congress must.
The answer, of course, In the long run
is that American democracy must apply to
all. Americans. The best way to move that
answer closer at the moment is to pass the
current bill.
The Quest for Peace
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 26, 1966
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, in pro-
testing the administration's Vietnam
policy, many of us do not sufficiently
stress the wider implications involved
in our actions there. Yet we must recog-
nize that the war In Vietnam represents
a dangerous overdependence upon mili-
tary means. Further, it represents an
unforgivable disparity between the
American dedication to liberty and to the
rule of law on the one hand, and on the
other, the American disregard of inter-
national law and morality.
These two interpretations of the sig-
nificance of our Vietnam policy are con-
tailed in a very thoughtful and pene-
trating analysis of American problems
written by one of my constituents, Mr.
Joseph R. Grossman. In his paper, Mr.
Grossman convincingly shows us the
necessity of proving to the world that
our Constitution is a living document
which actually guides us when we cope
with our internal problems and that we
honor our international commitments
In the same spirit by a strict observance
and even furtherance of international
law.
Mr. Grossman comments on the chal-
lenges facing America from the van-
tage point of one who has had personal
experience with the forces of aggression.
His foresight and sense of values
prompted him to leave Czechoslovakia
before Hitler invaded. He had to aban-
don his home and his business, which
had belonged to his family for four
generations. Later, in 1939, he relin-
quished a very rewarding position, of-
fered to him by the Government of
Northern Ireland, because he felt that
the British Government was not ade-
quately preparing for the onslaught of
Hitler, which actually came a few weeks
after Mr. Grossman's return to the
United States.
Mr. Grossman has been a citizen of
our country for 20 years, and he is now
concerned with the way in which we are
meeting the Communist aggression. He
believes that superior military might
and strategy was the only way to defeat
Hitler but that it is exceedingly dan-
gerous to equate that situation with the
situation we have today.
We must consider our present military
strength-
He writes-
as a preventive, and not as a curative In-
strument.
I have unanimous consent that Mr.
Grossman's analysis be printed in the
RECORD at this point:
MissinG Liners ne Oust QUEST FOR INTERNAL
AND EXTERNAL PEACE
(By Joseph R. Grossman)
No meaningful evaluation of our contem-
porary scene can lose sight of the following:
We live in a world of specialists who are con-
stantly and miraculously advancing our tech-
nological progress. In this seemingly unend-
ing process, our specialists in the physical
sciences have already created the means of
mass destructions which, unless wisely and
responsibly controlled, could put an end to
life on this planet. This realization makes
it inevitable that we compare our tech:nolog-
teal advances with those that can be detected
in the fields of psychology, sociology and hu-
man advancement per se-and we will arrive
at the most threatening and fateful realiza-
tion that our moral and sociological failings
may well bring about the destruction of our
civilization through the misuse of our tech-
nological advances.
By carrying these logically Irrefutable facts
and conclusions just one step further, we will
recognize that as long as our technological
progress is running way in front, we must
embark on a supreme and concerted effort to
direct the same scientific ingenuity which
has shown such phenomenal results in the
physical and related sciences, to an ever
greater extent toward research In the fields
of human conduct and human co-existence
and that both In the national and Interna-
tional areas of our contemporary world.
The task to remove the stated disparity
and to effectively cope with the bewildering
complexity of our internal and external
problems requires an effort in depth penetra-
tion, wihch often seems to transcend the
present limits of the thinking power of the
human mind and of the present stage of our
moral enlightenment. It Is all the more de-
plorable that so much that we are now wit-
nessing In official utterances appears to be
based on superficiality, on preconceived
notions, faulty analogies and emotionalism,
rather than on the indispensable interplay
between scientific minds of the highest and
most diversified order and the field of prac-
tical politics. To erect and maintain an
artificial barrier between research and polit-
ical action, can only prove disastrous, since
nothing but research, analysis and mean-
ingful anticipation, which must precede our
decisions, can adequately guide us, not only
as to steps which we must take, but equally
importantly as to pitfalls and courses of
action which we must avoid, dangers which
we must foresee and be prepared for, In-
equities which we must remove before they
get out of hand.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-l DP67B00446R000400100015-1
August 11, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
portions of the corporate tax revenue would subject -to progressive Income taxes insures
be used for direct Cash payments to the that the federal government's revenues from
voters. . Government should introduce cut- personal taxes will rise continuously as a
backs in some of its programs after the percent of personal income.
National Dividend payments, are large At the rate at which American families
enough to substitute for them. have been moving Into higher income brack-
In 1965, corporate income taxes amounted ets, the federal government has been bene-
to $30 billion. And there were roughly 70 fiting to the extent of approximately one-
million voters in the 19$4 national elections. half of one percent per year simply because
Assume that by the time the National Divi- progressive rather than uniform tax rates ap-
dend plan could be put into full effect the ply to all personal income.
corporate income taxes had risen to $40 bil- So we see how these built-in economic
lion and the number of voters had grown factors practically assure a steady six percent
to 80 million, this would mean that the Na- annual increase In federal revenues. One
tional Dividend would be $500 per year, per percent comes from the growth of the labor
voter. For a man and wife, it would be force; three percent from the increase in out-
$1,000 tax free income. put per man-hour; one and one-half percent
The point is, however, that whatever these from the increase In prices, and one-half of
payments are, they will have to come from one percent from increased dollar income
productive earnings, not from additionally and progressive income tax rates.
inflationary spending. We will have earned And we also see that this six percent an-
them and they will not be diluting the value nual increase in federal revenues can pro-
of the dollar. And herein lies one of the vide all the funding needed to phase the
basic values of this plan as against other National Dividend plan into full operation to
economic proposals such as the Negative In- bring its broad-based benefits to all our
come Tax or the Guaranteed Annual Wage. citizens.
Several built-in factors in our ecofiomy The National Dividend offers far more than
have been responsible for the substantial just a simple plan for distributing corporate
annual growth In the federal government's profit taxes directly to those citizens who
cash income in recent years. Combined, regularly fulfill their voting obligations.
they practically assure a continued six per- it would be a perpetual feed-back of con-
cent annual increase. Sumer buying power, into the economy.
One major reason lies in the steady growth It would remove much of the fear of tech-
of the country's population and labor force. nological advance and would accelerate auto-
The labor force grows by more than one per- mation with its ever increasing benefits
cent per year. Consequently, the nation's spread evenly among all citizens.
genuine output and genuine income also By reducing centralized federal spending
grow one percent per year. power, It would strengthen the constitutional
This means that federal income grows by principles of states' rights and the basic con-
about one percent per year. cept of the rights of private property.
Another factor which continually lifts the It would improve dollar stability by remov-
nation's real output, real income and fed- ing inflationary taxes, and reduce artificial
eral tax revenue is the steady annual in- and burdensome controls. It would make
crease of about three percent in the worker's American products more competitive in world
man-hour output. The increase is brought markets, and it would increase the gross na-
about by investors giving our working citi- tional product by stimulating the incentives
zens more and better equipment to work for investment and production.
with. This means that for the nation as And, finally, It could be an effective device
a whole, the real output, the real income, for achieving lasting world peace by under-
and the true standard of living also rise by mining the senseless ideological attacks on
about three percent per year. Consequently, capitalism by Marxism. By making every
so does federal tax revenue-which is geared voter a partner in a vigorous and under-
to real income-rise by about that same standable free enterprise system, the argu-
three percent. merits for world socialism would begin tb
The third factor which lifts federal rev- fade away.
enues is a form of creeping inflation. It Real wages come out of production, not out
is the result of wage Increases being greater of government decrees. Partners would pro-
than production increases, thus necessitat- duce more, free citizens would have more
Ing price increases. cash, more confidence, more dignity. Men
Since World War II, wages have risen of good will could, through the National
about 41/2 percent per year, while production Dividend, work more harmoniously together.
has been boosted only about three percent. We can hdvbs Great Free Society Inspired
had resulted in a price increase of about and financed profit. We can have oppor-
nd
This 1~/2 percent per year since the end of the tunity for for all. . We can be fed, free and
war. Chronic price inflation such as this does happy, a shining example to other peoples of
the rid
not lift national output. But it does in- w9, who also want these same, basic
crease the nominal dollar income. There- thin st
fore, so long as the built-in price inflation
proceeds, personal income, corporate income I'Y IS A CIVIL WAR IN VIETNAM-
and the corporate tax revenues that depend FOUR FOREIGN CORRESPOND-
on these Incomes will increase annually an ENTS CONFIRM PREVIOUS VIEW
additional 11/2 percent per year.
The final factor Involved in the Increase OF PRESIDENT KENNEDY AND
in government revenues is the manner in SENATOR STEPHEN YOUNG
which personal income taxes are levied. Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, lit-
War tie byi little the truth about Vietnam is
II The has msteadyoved rise more e 'wages
and ges more e citizens World into o
higher income tax brackets. Although the coming out-the truth which has been
dollar income has been boosted by about persistently obscured by administration
41/2 percent per year, real income has been propaganda.
growing only at the rate of three percent, Last February, Under Secretary of
the rate of increase in the production of State George W. Ball, in the course of
real goods. addressing the Northwestern University
However, personal income taxes are based Alumni Association at Evanston, Ill., in
on countable dollar income, not on realty in- a speech entitled "The Hanoi Myth of
hcome, been Since shar1942, ply personal progressiveinco-methe tax higher rates an Indigenous Rebellion," declared that
have
the dollar income, the higher the rate. So, the civil war allegations were indeed a
the fact that all workers are experiencing' myth. But he made this pertinent Com-
rising real and countable income and are merit:
18181
If the Vietnam war were merely what the
Communists say it is-an indigenous rebel-
lion-then the United States would have no
business taking sides in the conflict and
helping one side to defeat the other by force
of arms.
This is an important declaration by
the second ranking official in the De-
partment of State.
We now have further evidence that it
is a civil war.
President, who was elected to the
House of Representatives in 1946, and
was in the Senate from 1954 to 1960,
during which time he was a member of
the Foreign Relations Committee, re-
ferred, in his news conference of July 18,
1963, to "the civil war which has gone
on for 10 years."
On February 6 of this year, Senator
STEPHEN YOUNG of Ohio, a combat vet-
eran, returning from a 3-week visit to
South Vietnam, declared on the floor of
the Senate:
This is a civil war going on in Vietnam.
Before-I visited Southeast Asia, it had been
my belief that all of the Vietcong fighting in
South Vietnam were communists and in-
filtrators from the North. But I had not
been in Vietnam for more than 4 days-and
during that period of of time, I was in every
area of Vietnam-when almost immediately
I observed very definitely that we were in-
volved in a miserable civil war in the steam-
ing jungles and rice paddies of South Viet-
nam. I learned from General Westermore-
land that the bulk of the Vietcong fighting
in South Vietnam were born and reared in
South Vietnam. I learned from General
Stillwell and other Generals that 80 per cent
of the Vietcong fighting the Americans and
the South Vietnamese in the Mekong Delta
south and west of Saigon were born and
reared in that Mekong Delta area. This is a
civil war in which we are involved. The
fighting has been going on there since 1945.
Now, we have a report from four ex-
perienced newspaper correspondents at
the front to the same effect. This was
heard in an educational television broad-
cast, transmitted over channel 13, WNDT,
New York, on Monday, August 1, and, at
Washington, D.C., over WETA, channel
26, on August 3. It was a production of
National Educational Television. The
participants were: Malcolm Browne, for-
merly of the Associated Press and a
Pulitzer Prize winner for his book on
the war in Vietnam, entitled: "The New
Face of War"; Jack Foisie, of the Los
Angeles Times; Charles Mohr, of the New
York Times; and Dean Brelis, of the
National Broadcasting Co.
Touching on the question of whether
this was a civil war or a war of aggres-
sion, this is what the four correspondents
said:
BaowNE. Yes, One of the problems, of
course, is that the administration itself, par-
ticularly Secretary McNamara, have tended
to obscure some of the issues here and have
deliberately misled American public opinion.
For example, the continual harping on the
North Vietnamese aggression has led to the
supposition that the Vietcong is a North
Vietnamese outfit. Well, of course, it has
North Vietnamese leadership and a lot of
North Vietnamese cadres and a lot of North
Vietnamese weapons. But the bulk of the
Vietcong Is South Vietnamese. And this, of
course, tends to interfere with the Mc-
Namara statement this is not a civil war.
Well, of course, it is a civil war, by the
Webster definition of the thing.
Approved, For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
18182
NrvEN (moderator). Do you all agree?
F,orsm. I think it is.
BRELrs. Yes, I agree.
MOHR. Yes, a special kind of civil war.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?- SENATE August 11, 1966
ForsrE. And it was more so in its early
stages than it is now.
BRowNE. Yes. Just as the Spanish civil
war in its early stages was more of a civil war
than it got to be later.
MOHR. And also, especially, if you under-
stand the distinction between North and
South Vietnam is not made by Vietnamese in
the same way that it's made by the Depart-
ment of State in Washington. Even if North
Vietnam is committing aggression against
South Vietnam, that in itself is a form of civil
war. Ths is a partitioned country, but it's
one country. Essentially it once was.
With this further evidence, it is well
to recall the statement of Under Secre-
tary George W. Ball; namely, that if it
was a civil war, "the United States would
have no business taking sides in the con-
flict and helping one side to defeat the
other by force of arms."
Quite so; and yet, that is precisely
what the United States has done.
The administration persists in denying
that this is a civil war, because then it's
contention that North Vietnam is the
aggressor and that we are there to repel
aggression, would be patently invalid.
EUPHORIA ON VIETNAM
Mr. HARTKE. -Mr. President, the
noted columnist, Joseph Kraft, in his
article appearing in the Washington Post
Wednesday, has taken a close look at the
question of whether the curious euphoria
about Vietnam, recently making itself
felt in official statements and press re-
ports, is really justified. He finds that
our current actions, ba.5ed on the new
rash of optimistic hope, both serve to
diminish our chances for a negotiated
peace and to heighten the danger of in-
creased intervention by Peking and
Moscow.
It is at least questionable, Mr. Presi-
dent, whether our growing military pres-
sure will weaken, or whether it will
actually increase, Hanoi's resolution to
fight on. We have now bombarded the
demilitarized zone, with no greater prov-
ocation than has existed for a long time
past, since infiltrators have been crossing
the DMZ since at least 1961, as officially
noted by the State Department.
But our violation of the Geneva ac-
cords in this respect, liy bombing of the
demilitarized zone, has set back the pros-
pect that they may form the basis for
negotiations, as so many have suggested,
including Secretary General U Thant.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article by Mr. Kraft may
-appear in the CONGRESSIONAL REOORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Aug. 10, 1966)
INSIGHT AND OUTLOOK: DANGERS OF EUPHORIA
(By Joseph Kraft)
As the President's press conference yester-
day indicates, a curious euphoria now shapes
the official outlook on Vietnam. And perhaps
the confidence is justified.
But the supporting arguments are, to put
it mildly, inconclusive. As usual, moreover,
bouyant hopes have yielded actions that serve
to erode further the chances of a negotiated
peace. And these same actions heighten the
danger-now airily dismissed-of increased
intervention by Peking and Moscow,
The marks of euphoria are to be found
chiefly in things that are being said at the
White House and State Department. It is
being said, for example, that growing Ameri-
can military pressure is causing the other side
to scale down its operations. Supposedly the
scaling down is the first step toward a slow
petering out of enemy activity that is now
seen as the way the war will end.
It is also being said that the last hope of
Hanoi is a setback for the Democrats in the
elections this fall, but that actually the poll,
by showing the President's strength, will
serve to shorten the war, as Lincoln's victory
in the 1864 election is supposed to have has-
tened the end of the Civil War.
None of these claims can be disproved. But
Washington has not had a good record in
assessing what is happening on the other
side. Many recent visitors to Ilan of-most
recently General de Gaulle's friend, Jean
Sainteney-report growing resolution to fight
on.
As to the American elections, while North
Vietnamese officials have talked about defeat
for the President, they have never pitched
their main hope on a failure of nerve in this
country. Their focus has been the weakness
of the Saigon government-a deepening con-
dition advertised every day by the personality
and actions of Marshal Ky.
These obvious flaws in the supporting logic,
however, do not represent the real case
against official bouyancy. The real case lies
in the actions that are being taken out of a
surfeit of confidence.
For a starter, there is the bombardment of
the DMZ or demilitarized zone separating
North and South Vietnam, which got under
way last week. Ostensibly, the bombing was
brought on by the North Vietnamese who
suddenly began using the DMZ as a refuge
against American attacks. But in fact, ac-
cording to a Senate Department White Paper
of December, 1961, hostile troops have been
passing through the DMZ by the thousands
for years.
The truth is that the American command
now feels that it can usefully seal off the
DMZ, and has chosen to do so, picking out
a pretext that was available for years. What
is blithely ignored is that the DMZ repre-
sents. one of the principal elements of the
Geneva agreements. To violate the accord
openly weakens it by that-much as a basis
for negotiation.
A similar difficulty applies to the appeal
by the Thai government for a meeting of
Asian states to consider a settlement; in Viet-
nam.. The appeal has the backing; of the
United States, and it seems plausible as an
expression of Asian leadership in Asian af-
fairs.
But actually the That appeal is set in the
context of a charge that the Geneva accords
are unworkable because of sabotage by the
Russians. There is no chance that the Thais
can bring to a conference any of the bellig-
erents on the other side. The upshot of
their appeal is merely to dilute still further
the one agreement that does affect all bellig-
erents-the Geneva accords,
Playing fast and loose with Geneva might
be done with impunity if it were only a ques-
tion of the United States and North Viet-
nam. Indeed, since Hanoi shows no present
signs of wanting to negotiate, it could even
be argued that the United States in the in-
terests of teaching a lesson should throw
Geneva to the winds, and go all the way to
military victory before sitting down to a con-
ference.
But of course China and Russia are also
affected. While they have behaved with
singular prudence so far, that is largely be-
cause North Vietnam has been doing so well
on its own.
Even so the continuation of the war has _
brought from Moscow and Peking a steady
stream of increasingly serious warnings.
Thus the intensification of the enemy ef-
fort-either by further Soviet input of mod-
ern equipment, or by Chinese support on
the ground-remains a genuine peril., the
more so as Washington, in its mood of con-
fidence, is paying so little heed to the danger.
CONCLUSION OF MORNING
BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not, morn-
ing business Is concluded.
STIMULATION OF THE FLOW OF
MORTGAGE CREDIT FOR FHA AND
VA ASSISTED RESIDENTIAL CON-
STRUCTION
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the unfin-
ished business be laid before the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Chair lays before the Sen-
ate the unfinished business,
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill (S. 3688) to stimulate the flow
of mortgage credit for FHA and VA as-
sisted residential construction.
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I sug-
gest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, as
Members of this body are aware, Sena-
tor BENNETT, the ranking minority mem-
ber of the Banking and Currency Com-
mittee, is unable to be here for debate
on this legislation, because he is in. the
hospital recuperating from an ulcer. He
has sent me a statement giving support
for the measure and expressing his dis-
approval of the administration policies
that have brought the situation about.
He has asked me to make the state-
ment for him.
STATEMENT BY SENATOR BENNETT READ BY
SENATOR DIRKSEN
Mr. President, I would like to go on
record as supporting an increase in. the
borrowing authority of the Federal Na-
tional Mortgage Association. Earlier in
the year, I cosponsored a bill, S. 3432,
providing an additional $110 million to
the capital stock of FNMA, which I
thought would be a better means to that
end. When it was discovered that that
measure would not have enough support
to be passed by the Congress because of
budgetary, considerations, I was willing
to support the alternative which would
increase FNMA purchasing authority by
changing the borrowing ratio from the
present 1 to 10 to the proposed 1 to 15,
included in this bill.
HOMEBUILDING NEEDS RELIEF
I believe that we are all aware that the
shortage of mortgage money for home fi-
nancing is one of the most critical prob-
lems in our economy today. While other
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
 august 11, 1966 Approved 8 IMTNAOWiti)i1b-RD ROM46ROOO4OO1OOO15-1 18161
and representing a 39 percent increase of my time and attention to the situa- come in Vietnam will mean the end of war.
from the $25 million spent in 1960. tion in Vietnam. I am now engaged in We have been told that we are fighting for
the "forces of freedom and justice." Diem
The consensus of the experts who a three-speech 'review of this situation, and Ky hardly qualify as democratic types.
testified before the Joint Committee on covering first, the overall problem and Finally, we are told that this is a struggle
the Organization of the Congress, a com- a number of suggestions as to what U.S. to stop the expansion of Chinese commu-
mittee of which I have the honor of being policy ought to be; second, elections; and nism. But, while this is true in part, it ob-
a member, ran strongly in the direction third, social and economic reform. scures a larger truth, and it also covers over
of the need for fuller d}S. closure and On August 8, I delivered the first of the fact act that the Vietnam conflict--going on
stricter review of financial reporting. these speeches, "The Dilemma of Viet- the injhe late of 's-erupts much
as from outside
Faulty reporting frequently occurs not nam," in New York before the Conven- the In the
only because of the volume of contribu- tion of the Disabled American Veterans. All of these explanations betray a lack of
tions leadink to mistakes, but also be- The theme of this address was that the faith in the judgment of the American peo-
cause of deliberate omissions. Irrespon- United States has taken'its eyes off the ple. They spring from the belief that the
sible bookkeeping and the short-circuit- real challenge in Vietnam, off the essence American people will support efforts of this
ing of funds result in part from fore- of guerrilla war; that these wars begin kind only if they are sugar-coated. I main-that
knowledge that campaign reports are un- and end in the hearts and minds of the there just would the contrary. and confusion
audited except in cases of special inves- people themselves and they are nurtured our own ess division the real objectives
on
were set before the ranks if
tigation. Only outside inquiry can bring in uncorrected injustices. Like guerrilla withon
clarification or elaboration of reports wars of the past, we should not count We are fighting in Vietnam for Asian sta-
that contain fragmentary, uneven, in- on this conflict ending either by means bility, for time, and for a practical principle.
consistent, and sometimes deceptive in- of a negotiated settlement or a military Stability, on the Asian continent so that
formation. victory. Forces, of course, are needed Asia does not become the Balkans of the
This issue is too important and neces- in order to pacify the country, in order world, so that Communist China is not
sary for cavalier treatment in any year, to provide a shield of confidence behind tempted to test our will in a wider and more
but especially in an election year. which free elections and social and eco- dangerous context.
Time, for the non-communist countries of
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. nomic reform can take place. But it is Asia to strengthen and solidify their own
President, will the Senator yield? what goes on behind this shield that societies and to develop a sense of regional
Mr. CASE. I yield. will determine ultimate success or colective responsibility so that U.S. presence
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. I ap- failure. will no longer be necessary on the continent
preciate the fact that the Senator has I ask unanimous consent to have as such.
had that letter printed in the RECORD. printed in the RECORD the text of my riskThe s of practical t principle, that in vie ld the
I have received many similar letters speech before the convention of the Dis- be brought about by force and tshou
error and
from civil service employees who were abled American War Veterans. against the wishes of the majority of the
being pressured to contribute to the There being no objection, the ad- people of a country.
Democratic Party. dress was ordered to be printed in the Fighting in Vietnam will not necessarily
This situation got so bad a couple of RECORD, as follows: prevent a guerrilla war from starting in
years ago that I introduced a resolution THE DILEMMA OF VIETNAM Thailand, nor a resurgence of the Laotian
which called on the Attorney General As a nation we have passed the point of conflict, nor a repeat of aggression in Ko-
either to enforce the law or, if he found no return in Vietnam; it makes no sense to rea. Indeed, it is very likely that the guer-
the law inadequate, to make recom- turn back or pull out. But it makes even rilla each significant r in Thailand, lrey going on, tcould hree
mendations to Congress by a certain date less sense to charge forward head down, with. r proportions
out knowing where we have been, without years.
as to what changes he felt were ces- seeing the costs ahead, and without some The problem is not what we shall be able
sary in order to prohibit, this practi tice. certainty about the end and when it will all to prevent by our present efforts in Vietnam;
The resolution was passed and sent to be over. There have been far too many un- it is how much more dangerous and difficult
the Attorney General, and we have not answered questions about Vietnam, and future conditions would be if we did not act
action inaction , the
heard from him since. there have been far too many answers that now. . In other w ords risks risks
than In addition, the President said in his have rung hollow.
message that he wanted something done Yet, we axe plunging forward, often armed It would be a decision of high irrespon-
to correct this practice. I take it that he with half truths, hoping for some decisive sibility for the United States simply to with-
had his tongue in his cheek when he said military victory, for the miracle of a peace draw from Vietnam without due cause, for
conference, waiting for it all to end as sud- it would throw the continent of Asia into a
that, because I introduced an amend- denly as it appeared. These are illusions, situation of grave uncertainty and tension.
ment to a bill this year which would have illusions fostered by a false sense of optimism It would make all future conflicts that much
prohibited these solicitations. It would and nurtured by our own frustration. The more difficult to control.
have closed this loophole, but not one facts are unpleasant, but unless we ace There should be no i t iningot ce the
word of support did I receive from the them, we shall be carried step by step by point-it is
White House or from anyone connected events and by decisions into a situation that non-communist countries of Asia that keeps
with it. The amendment was defeated few willed and that no one can control. general instability from erupting into wide-
What are we really trying to achieve in spread violence. Of course, there is violence
on close to party lines. Vietnam? Can we achieve it by military and risk of escalation in Vietnam right now,
Mr. CASE. I called attention to that means? Will differences be settled at the but, in my judgment, to do nothing in Viet-
in my remarks, and I join wholeheart- conference table? How long is the road nam would be an open invitation to aggres-
edly in supporting the Senator's efforts ahead,, and are we willing to travel itl sion elsewhere.
in this respect. If we are to persevere, we must understand There are none who realize this better than
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. I thank our goals and the costs. If we are to make the Asians themselves. In July of this year,
the Senator. further sacrifices, we must have conviction Prime Minister Sato of Japan said: "An in-
The of truth and not of illusion. creasing recognition should be made of the
The only Conclusion we can reach is I believe we should persevere, but only if fact that the United States is making a major
that there is an organized shakedown of the Saigon Government takes the proper contribution to the security of the Far East,
civil service employees going on today to steps to legitimize its government by free including my country." On June 18, 1966,
finance this Great Society. The Presi- elections under a constitution, and under- Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore,
dent knows it, he must like it, he con- takes the necessary reforms to build a base also in the past has shown no particular
dones it, and I- assume he wants it to of support responsive to the aspirations of affinity for the U.S., stated: "A premature
continue. That statement stands until the people. We should persevere only if we withdrawal of American forces from Viet-
he helps us to pass legislation. Let him use our military power in a cautious and nam could threaten the security of South-
limited manner. It is fruitless to fight for east Asia." In March of this year, President
put a little arm twisting on the members those who have neither the will nor the con- Marcos of the Philippines said: "The fact
of his party to help pass it, rather than viction to fight for themselves, and it is that the United States shoulders the major
telling them to use this subject in politi- folly to act as if the danger of a wider, per- burden of the Vietnam war does not change
cal speeches but not to vote for it. haps even world-wide, war does not exist. the fact that this is an Asian challenge."
Mr. CASE. I thank the Senator. WHAT ARE WE FIGHTING FOR? Even more impressive evidence of these
The American people have been subjected feelings is the Conference of Asian and
REVIEW OF VIETNAM to a whole kit of unconvincing reasons for Pacific Countries which met in Korea in
our presence in Vietnam. We have been told June. The conference was composed of
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, for the that we are fighting for"peace in the world." nine nations from this area, with Laos as
past 2 years, I have devoted a good deal But surely we cannot believe that the out- an observer. The find declaration of this
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67BOO446ROO0400100015-1
 18162 Approved For ReIM&&40f6 , iI 8ft OOt lJ%400100015-1August .11, `11966
conference "upheld the inherent right of the limited armed strength, but we cannot base ing with a rational enemy, that he has a'
Vietnamese people to self-defense and to our policy on the success of either. sense of proportion, that he was values more
choose their own way of life and their own To dangle the prospects of a seemingly un- important than victory In the South. It
form of government free from external ag- likely peace conference before our eyes is to seems to me that Hanoi, at least, has lost
gression and subversion," and affirmed its Invite public disillusionment and lack of touch with reality. Hanoi appears willing
solidarity with South Vietnam In this confidence; and to pour more and more men to sacrifice its economy and Its social fabric
struggle. and arms into Vietnam and to widen the for its ends. Reaction to our bombing near
bolizes the time factor I just spoke of. It
represents the first concrete Step by the na-
tions of this area themselves In recognizing
their common economic, political, and de-
fense interests. It will take time for the
nations concerned to develop common de-
termination and combined muscle, and we
must give them that time. Lack of U.S.
staying-power in Vietnam would demoralize
this effort and undermine confidence in our
commitments. Just as NATO was necessary
to provide a shield behind which a shattered
Western Europe could reconstruct itself, so
U.S. power is needed in Asia to give reality
to the independence of this region.
Lastly in reviewing our objectives, we must
not forget about the Vietnamese people
themselves. There are some who assert that
these people really want the U.S. out and do
not really care if a communist takeover en-
sues. I do not know where they get their
evidence or their certainty. No mortal can
search the Vietnamese mind for the truth, all
we can do Is look at some facts and see what
they indicate.
There are dozens of different groups and
factions in South Vietnam each with Its
own point of view and desire for power.
Among them, obviously, is a minority-per-
haps even a sizeable minority-which sup-
ports and sympathizes with the Vietcong.
But despite this powerful and organized mi-
nority and despite the terror it employs, the
rest of South Vietnam has been able to wage
a grueling and unwanted war for the good
part of ten years. Yes, there have been de-
fections from the ARVN forces and protests
against the Saigon Government, but despite
these, they continue to maintain over one-
half million men-in-arms. Yes, the Bud-
dhists dislike the U.S. presence In their
country, but one never hears them ask us
to leave. If the significant majority of
South Vietnamese did not want to keep the
communists out of power, the whole effort
would have collapsed a long time ago--no
matter what the U.S. did or did not do. We
can supply men and arms, but we cannot
create the will to fight on unless It already
exists.
Our objectives in Vietnam are hard to
understand. But in my judgment, the
American people do not need demons, devils,
and illusions, to understand their interests.
The real issue is not whether we should be
in Vietnam, but how we should conduct our
diplomacy and our military action in order
to reach the objectives of stability and time
and live up to the principle of self-determi-
nation free from aggression and subversion.
PURSUING OUR OBJECTIVES: FORCE AND
DIPLOMACY
Every war brings out a parade of prophets
with bottled panaceas and pat solutions, of
alarmists betokening us to concede more,
and of town-criers advising us to kill more.
bombing targets without firmly set limits to Hanoi and Haiphong was to build more air-
our operations is to escalate unknowingly raid shelters and move people out of these
and unwillingly into a major Asian land war. cities to the country-side.
Why am I so dubious about a peace con- Hanoi and the NLF have their own theory
ference? Very simply, the Hanoi :regime and about us. They believe that it is we who
the NLI+ want much more than we can pos- have the earlier breaking point, that they
sibly give-they want guarantees prior to only have to continue a little longer before
talks that U.S. troops will be evacuated from. we become tired, before domestic opposition
Vietnam and that the NLF should have the swells, and we withdraw. They are as wrong
"recisive voice" in a Saigon Government be- in their theory as we are in ours.
fore elections. On our part, we are concerned At worst, these mutual breaking-point
that, for the moment, any inclusion of com- theories can lead to World War III; at best,
munists in the Saigon Government would they will lead to a resumption of guerrilla
mean the immobilization of that government war, leaving us back where we started. Let
and Its speedly fall into Hanoi's hands. We me explain this proposition.
have good reason to be troubled about the We are bombing supply lines in North
extent of the popular base of support of the Vietnam. We have already bombed oil
present Saigon Government, and the instabil- depots right outside of Hanoi and Haiphong.
ity and pitfalls of a coalition government In- In a year's time, we will have upwards of
eluding the communists. half a million men in South Vietnam. What
Yet, even with this big gap between the steps remain? Mining the Haiphong bar-
objectives of Hanoi and the NLF and our bor, bombing the cities themselves, attack-
own, it is conceivable that negotiations could. ing airfields in the North and in China,
find some common ground and provide some invading North Vietnam, and starting the
guarantees-if only they would agree to talk showdown with Peking. Crossing any one of
about the differences. But as far as we can these lines could produce a very new and
see now, this seems highly unlikely. more menacing' configuration of battle, in-
We have only to review the recent past cluding greater if not direct Soviet assist-
for confirmation. At first, they said they ante and the Introduction of Chinese man-
would talk if we would return to the, provi- power. I do not think that either Moscow
sions of the 1954 Geneva Conferenge. We or Peking want to become directly involved
said we would, but there was no conference. in the fighting, but we should not; force
Then, the stumbling block became the ac- their hands.
ceptance by us of the NLF sitting as an in- Make no mistake-Vietnam is not Cuba,
dependent party at the peace table. We gave and if we challenge Soviet and Chinese in-
this assurance publicly and privately, but terests directly, they will react. To speak
nothing happened. Next carne the bombings, as Premier Ky does of invading North Viet-
A conference could be had if only we would nam and having a showdown with Peking
cease bombing targets in North Vietnam. We Is the height of folly. Premier Ky says there
did for thirty days, but that did not turn can be no peace in Asia unless the U.S.
out to be enough. Now we hear it rumored defeats Communist China. This is tanta-
that'Hanoi and the NLF are waiting for our mount to saying there can be no peace with-
promise to include them in a provisional out World War III. Our own government
government, to let them have a "share of the should publicly disavow Premier Ky on
responsibility." We responded that we were these matters.
ready to talk about anything. Again, there What happens, on the other hand, If we
was no conference. do not pursue the path of "quiet" excala-
There has been a continuing Stream of tion, and if, Instead, we concentrate our
proposals for cease-fires, U.N. supervision military power in South Vietnam Itself?
and discussion, heads of state meetings, While this is the course of action I prefer,
pressure on the Soviet Union to reconvene it also has its limitations.
the Geneva Conference, military freeze and With half a million U.S. troops, a similar
the recent Thai proposal for an Asian Con- number of South Vietnamese soldiers, with
ference of "all the principals"--some of allied support, with helicopters, modern
them I made myself. But all of them were weaponry, and air power, the communist
of no avail, troops operating at regimental and divisional
If Hanoi and the NLF have any doubts levels in South Vietnam will get hurt and
about our sincerety for negotiations, if they hurt very badly. Even If Hanoi infiltrates
believe we are bluffing, and if they want as many as six thousand troops per month,
to prove what they call our "hypocrisy", they the attrition rate on these forces will be in-
have only to try us at the peace table. I tolerably high. The Communists will soon
hope they do, but I would not count on it. discover that operating at Stage II of Mao
I have supported our military efforts in Tse-tung's Theory of Revolution-at the
Vietnam and I have voted the requisite ap- conventional force level-is too costly.
propriatfons, but I have made it plain each But will their answer to this be negotia-
time that these efforts be limited and con- tions? Most probably not. Most probably
nected to rational policy objectives. I am they will revert to Stage I, or strictly guer-
concerned that out of frustration. because rilla type warfare. This, in turn, will leave
the commuists refuse to negotiate, we may us back where we were three years ago. True,
be using force as an excuse for policy. we shall have more troops on hand, but the
The theory behind the Administration's guerrillas will still be there
.
more killings. Never since World War II have present military policy seems to be the idea If I were convinced that we could use more
guerrillas been brought to the conference of the breaking-point. it assumes that force without causing a general Asian land
table or defeated finally on the battlefield. Hanoi and the NLF must have some point war, and that this would put an end to guer-
What I think the American people must of damage acceptance at which it will no rilla strength in the South, or that this would
know is that there seems little likelihood of longer be rational for them to continue to bring about negotiations, such a policy would
settling the conflict in Vietnam through fight. We have only to proceed along the have my support. But I do not believe that
negotiations or by means of increasing doses spectrum of force-more troops, more and force alone, even measured and concentrated
of force. This does not free us of the reapon- newer weapons, more bombings, new tar- force in South Vietnam itself, is the main
sibility of refining and rethinking our diplo- gets of devastating impact-to find their route to peace.
macy, nor does it relieve us of the necessity to breaking-point and make them negotiate. THE REAL CHALLENGE: ELECTIONS AND REFORM
use our armed forces. We should continue The assumption underlying this theory is With our hopes tied to a peace conference
to seek peace through negotiations and to faulty, and the consequences of the theory and our remedies focused on force, we have
pacify the country through measured and are dangerous. It assumes that we are deal- taken our eyes off the real challenge, off the
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
 A g s't 11, 1966 ApprovE$ ft~ ()5 f6 ftlg A-F 7. Q0446R000400100015-1
essence of guerrilla war. These wars begin
and end in the hearts and minds of the peo-
ple themselves, and they are nurtured in un-
corrected injustices. As long as there is a
sizeable number of people who feel they can
receive a better deal from the Vietcong, or
that the government is unresponsive to their
needs, there will be guerrillas.
Force, of course, is required to meet the
guerrilla on the battle field, to prevent the
collapse of authority, and to pacify the c(>un-
try. Force can provide a shield of confidence
behind which free elections and social and
economic reform can take place, but it is
what goes on behind the shield that deter-
mines success or failure.
This has been the case in every guerrilla
war since 1945. The British and the Malays
fought the predominantly Chinese guerrillas
in Malaya for ten years, with a numerical
superiority of twelve to one. Malaya being a
peninsula, there was little outside help for
the guerrillas, and the guerrillas being pri-
marily Chinese were readily identifiable.
Still, it took ten years. The Philippine Gov-
ernment battled the Huks, who had virtually
no external assistance, for eight years. In
both of these instances, the tide was not
turned against the guerrillas until the indi-
vidual peasant began to feel the fruits of
reform in, his own life and until he could
give his loyalty to the government.
I am not saying that our government is
unaware of this time factor; it is. I am not
saying that our government has ignored the
social and economic reform side of the war;
quite the opposite is true. I am not saying
that our government fails to comprehend
how vital free elections are to obtaining the
loyalty of the Vietnamese people; it knows
this only too well. My point is that despite
our Government's understanding of these
problems, it has not taken the necessary ac-
tion to resolve them. Consequently, a num-
ber of hurdles to success still exist: 1) the
American public's impatience with the in-
evitably slow progress, domestic pressures for
quick results; 2) our own hesitancy in push-
ing the Saigon Government along the neces-
sary paths because we fear undermining its
authority; and 3) the delaying tactics and
equivocating of the Saigon Government and
the wide-spread corruption throughout
South Vietnamese society.
In effect, the Administration has not been
straight-forward enough to dispel the illu-
sions about quick results and has not been
forceful enough with the Saigon .regime to
press for implementation of the aspirations
of the Vietnamese people.
Our economic aid program to South Viet-
nam has been massive, considering it is a
country with a population of only about six-
teen million. Since 1954, and including
what is projected for the next fiscal year, the
total will be approximately $3.8 billion.
This year alone, we are spending about $730
million for a variety of programs like rural
reconstruction and pacification, financing of
commercial imports and food assistance.
This is already a massive program, in some
respects too massive since it has produced
rampant inflation. We do not need to pro-
vide more dollars in aid; we do need to en-
sure that what we give is properly used and
that it actually gets to the people.
As things now stand, the Saigon Govern-
ment is dragging its heels on land reform,
refuges, and corruption. The United States
has to talk tougher to the Saigon leaders on
these matters. We did get tough on the
monetary side, and it worked-they reduced
by half the value of the piaster and this did
put the brakes on inflation.
We have been too squeamish on the matter
of elections as well. After procrastinating,
the military junta scheduled elections for
a constituent assembly for September 11.
This assembly is given a period of six months
to draft a constitution, which in turn has to
be approved by some virtually defunct body
called the National Assembly, and then pro-
mulgated by the military junta itself. By
November of 1967, if the constitution is aap-
proved and promulgated, the requisite na-
tional institutions are to be established.
There is no provision, at present, for a gen-
eral election of a civilian government.
Equally distressing, is the section of the
electoral law for the constituent assembly
itself which prohibits "communists and neu-
tralists" from participating. Some explana-
tions have been offered about this, but they
are unsatisfactory. It is my concern that
the military junta will use those abstract
classifications to prevent anyone from run-
ning for office or voting of whom they
disapprove.
Genuinely free and open elections are the
only real basis for generating peoples' loyalty
for their government. With so much at
stake, our own government should be direct
and forceful in clearing up these ambiguities
and in promoting free elections for a civilian
government as soon as possible.
I have taken you along the road of my
own thoughts on Vietnam, and these
thoughts are not optimistic. I hope I am
wrong. I hope there will soon be a peace
conference; I wish our military power could
produce negotiations without unacceptable
escalation. But I would not count on either,
and I would not allow myself to be taken in
by false optimism, or phrases like "renewed
determination." If I am right, if we face a
long and uncertain future, the American
people must know it, and we must accommo-
date our policy on Vietnam and at home to
meet it!
SCHOOL MILK PROGRAM SHOULD
KEEP PACE WITH INCREASED
FARM COSTS
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, this
year farm costs are at an alltime high.
In the second quarter of this year farm
production expenses were estimated at
an annual rate of $32.5 billion. This
Is an increase of $1.8 billion over 1965
and an increase of almost $10 billion
since 1957. Yet in spite of this whopping
30-percent increase in farm costs, food
prices have risen only 15 percent over
this period. In addition, Secretary of
Agriculture Freeman indicated only last
week that 80 percent of the increase in
food prices since 1947 was received, not
by the farmer, but by the marketing
agencies, processors, and other middle-
men.
Mr. President, this is one way of show-
ing why so many dairy farmers are sell-
ing out. It also should serve as a warning
that our economy is going to have to give
the dairy farmer a decent income if we
are to continue to expect to receive plen-
tiful supplies of milk at modest prices.
With milk prices going up, with dairy
farmers getting a relatively small per-
centage of the increase, this is an ex-
tremely poor time for us in Congress to
attempt to exercise false economy by
putting a lid on the school milk program.
By allowing the Federal Government to
pay a part of the cost of the milk con-
sumed by our schoolchildren, the school
milk program has played an important
role in encouraging milk consumption-
thus improving child nutrition and dairy
income at the same time.
If the program is to continue to op-
erate effectively, we in Congress must do
our best to make sure that adequate
funds are made available to offset the
18163
recent rise in milk prices. This is why
I intend to take a close look at the pro-
gram as it proceeds in fiscal 1967 to see
if Congress has provided sufficient funds.
Additional money may be required in a
supplemental bill. It is also the reason
why I hope Congress will act rapidly to
agree on the amount to be provided for
the school milk program in the 1967
agriculture appropriation bill.
ONE VOICE FOR AMERICA IN
VIETNAM
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, lately,
there has been criticism of intensified
U.S. air activity over North Vietnam on
the grounds that It may discourage
Soviet efforts to bring about peace
through negotiation. For my own part,
I question whether the Soviet Union
has ever had any intention of bringing
this conflict to the bargaining table.
The Soviet Union has endorsed so-
called "wars of national liberation" and
is supplying war material to North Viet-
nam. The New York Daily News re-
cently reported the arrival of new ship-
ments of Soviet-built aircraft to North
Vietnam to counter American attacks.
And, on July 6, Leonid Brezhnev an-
nounced that Soviet aid to the Commu-
nist north would grow.
In the same speech, Mr. Brezhnev
charged that American acts have pro-
duced "a storm of indignation among
all honest people of the world. Even the
close allies of the United States." he
argued, "are disassociating themselves
from the crime committed by the Ameri-
can imperialists., Never before has the
prestige of the United States fallen to
such depths as now."
If the Soviet Union finds it so shame-
ful for the United States to fight in
Vietnam, why has she been so anxous to
provide missiles and aircraft and mili-
tary instruction to the north, and to
urge aggression against the south, under
the counterfeit cry of "war of libera-
tion"?
If the world is outraged, let the
U.S.S.R. show leadership, 'let her show
that she will pave the way for the recon-
vening of a conference at Geneva. It was
at Geneva that the agreement giving
South Vietnam autonomy was reached,
and the Soviet Union approved the
agreement. As cochairman of the ear-
lier conference, she has the authority,
if not the duty, to act.
If the Soviet Union regards the Viet-
nam situation as a grave danger to peace,
she should be prepared to persuade her
North Vietnamese friends of the wisdom
of such a course, even if it means in-
curring the wrath of the paranoids in
Peking.
But this is a kind of leadership
rarely found among totalitarians. While
Brezhnev talks, Red infiltration, terror,
and savagery continue.
It is clear that no meaningful effort
at negotiation will succeed until the Com-
munist side finally recognizes that it can-
not succeed through force of arms and
violence; but that, on the contrary, the
United States, South Vietnam, and their
allies are capable of putting an end to
aggression and insurrection in the south.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1
 18164 Approved For Release ONGRESSIONAL RECORD 44 SENATE 100015-1 August 11 19, 66
people who would benefit from such an
improvement, in his view.
The first, "significant in number," con-
sists of those who have come to be termed
the medically indigent, for whorn services
are fragmented, delayed, demeaning, un-
available-or all four at different times and
places.
The second consists of those who are in
fact "buying medical care," but who are not
getting the best care we know how to
give because the physicians who are deliver-
ing it are overburdened or lack. adequate
equipment or training or because the pa-
tients are in no position to find their way
through the maze of contemporary sophisti-
cation In medicine.
The Department of HEW is in no way seek-
ing to order these things better by flat. It
does, however, intend to look into the whole
question of delivery of medical care. Sec-
retary John W. Gardner, for example, be-
lieves that more has to be done In many ways
and particularly in measuring performance
from the standpoint of what the patient
needs, Dr. Silver said.
Internally, also, the department is moving
toward rationalizing its own approach to the
selection and coordination of programs-de-
fining a mission, examining the resources
available, setting priorities, and allocating
the resources to meet them.
OUTSIDE CONSIDERATIONS CITED
Naturally enough, a good many considera-
tions from outside will enter into these
rationalized calculations. Dr. Silver is not
talking about mysterious pressures when he
mentions these other considerations.
It is rather, a matter of simple fact that
if, to take a hypothetic example, "people are
thinking more about children than about old
people at a given time, you will get better
child programs than aged programs."
That, in his opinion, is "not a threat, but
a democratic necessity." And, In any case,
he said, "people here [in the department]
are dedicated to the notion of the pluralistic
society. If that sounds like a cliche I can
only point out that if you love your mother
and you say, 'I love my mother,' that's a
cliche too, and it is also the truth."
While the manpower problem extends
throughout the health field, the need for
physicians is a striking example of time lag
versus immediate necessity.
Dr. Silver is not disposed to lay great stress
on arguments about the exact number of
physicians or the physician shortfall, because
he believes that whatever the over-all num-
bers may be, It is beyond argument that there
are not a sufficient number of the right kind
in the right places at any given moment.
If there are some 50,000 general practition-
ers and about 20,000 internists available for
private practice, that's "nothing like enough
to take care of the need we have for family
health practice today."
NUMBER MAY SUFFICE
On the other hand, "if medical practice
could be rationalized so that physicians used
their time more effectively, if medical stu-
dents could be channeled to the career goals
where the need is greatest, if hospitals were
regionalized-then perhaps we could get on
quite well with the numbers we have now
and are likely to have in the foreseeable
future."
As to the numbers we are likely to have,
he pointed out that since the big push to
increase student intake began just two years
ago, about 1,000 new places have been created
in medical schools, new and old. The target
of present legislation is another 1,000 places
over the next few years.
Though a great deal has been heard about
various kinds of curriculum reform, the
adoption of any vast and sweeping change
that would make a serious dent in the length
of training is not to be anticipated in the
near future, in his opinion.
As usual, the Communist camp is
counting on its double standard of mo-
rality in world affairs, which dictates that
violence is permitted in the name of
Lenin, Marx, and Mao, but not in defense
of human freedom. Because Americans
believe in human values, many of our cit-
izens accept the argument that it is
wrong forcefully to resist violence in
whatever cause.
Sometimes, alas, it appears that Amer-
ica speaks with two voices. The Com-
munists, judging others by a mirror of
themselves, delude themselves into
thinking we are playing a reverse of their
own double game. For the American
people are overwhelmingly united to see
this ugly affair through. The Commu-
nists continue to misgage the firmness
of our national will. They intensify their
own military activity, believing that
America is deeply divided and will give
up, and that they are on the edge of
victory.
I quote Ho Chi Minh on July 19:
Of late the U.S. aggressors hysterically took
a very serious step further in the escalation
of the war: they launched air attacks on the
suburbs of Hanoi and Haiphong. That was
an act of desperation comparable to the
agony convulsions of a grievously wounded
beast.
What kind of self-hypnosis is this?
This war has become far too deadly to
tolerate further shadow . shows. The
oriental aggressors should look behind
the screen to see that the tiger is real.
It is highly important that America's
voice come through, loud and clear and
officially. There is no second American
voice. However hard some may try to
mount one, it is a false voice.
If the Soviet Union wants to promote
a just peace, it should seek it through
diplomatic negotiations rather than
propaganda. Those Americans who vo-
cally demand some kind of abrupt end-
ing to this war, and most of us wish we
could be spared all of it, must recognize
that amateur attempts at political action
are only convincing to the other side, and
that in fact they are a cause of inten-
sified war efforts because they deceive
the other side.
The point America must emphasize is
that her people are united in a deter-
mination to see the conflict grimly
through. It is time the message got
through, too.
TRIBUTE TO THE LATE CHARLES
DRESSEN
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I
would like to comment about Charley
Dressen, Detroit Tigers manager, who
died yesterday.
Charley Dressen was an outstanding
son of Decatur, Ill., who got his start in
baseball at Moline and once played for
the Decatur Staleys pro football team-
which later became the Bears. He loved
and mastered baseball to an ultimate
degree.
Modesty was not one of his virtues but
everyone recognized Dressen's compet-
ence, his almost fanatical love, for his
way of life-baseball, and his concern for
DELIVERY OF HEALTH CARE
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, medicare, young as it is, has
already brought us many blessings. Not
the least of them is the increase in at-
tention paid to our overall national
health needs. Many experts and lay-
men are taking a new hard look at prob-
lems that affect, not only older Ameri-
cans, but all age groups.
Dr. George A. Silver, Deputy Assist-
ant Secretary of the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare, is
among those who believe that action
should be taken now to counter foresee-
able pressures on our health protection
resources.
In an enlightening interview given to
the Medical Tribune for its July 25 issue,
Dr. Silver said that he is much con-
cerned, not only with medical manpower
shortages, but also with inadequacies in
the delivery of medical services. In the
face of such shortages, he asks, should
not we find ways to help medical per-
sonnel make the best possible use of
their precious time?
Mr. President, Dr. Silver's views are
as timely as they are significant. I ask
unanimous consent to have the article
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
RATIONALIZING OF DELIVERY OF CAPE CALLED
BEST IMMEDIATE PROSPECT
(The following news interview was ob-
tained in the light of rapidly increasing pres-
sures on medical manpower as part of Med-
ical Tribune's coverage of these critical prob-
lems. Physicians are invited to express their
own views in Letters to Tribune.)
WASHINGTON, D.C.-The nation's immedi-
ate health manpower problems are more
likely to respond to the "rationalization of
our systems for the delivery of medical and
health care" than to programs designed
specifically to increase that manpower.
That is the opinion of Dr. George A. Silver,
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Health, Edu-
cation, and Welfare, one of whose more press-
ing responsibilities in that job is the health
manpower problem.
Dr. Silver does not dismiss as useless the
many efforts aimed at producing greater
numbers of medical and health personnel,
whether old, new, or prospective. Moreover,
he applauded, in an interview, President
Johnson's recent appointment of a National
Advisory Commission on Health Manpower
charged with recommending ways to help
meet the "critical shortage" in these fields
(Medical Tribune, May 18).
But, he said, significantly increased num-
bers of doctors, nurses, technicians, and
aides will not be available for some time, and
therefore the country's present body of
health workers should be employed more
efficiently to meet the needs of the present
and near future.
TASK COMPLEX AND DIFFICULT
Dr. Silver is under no illusion about the
complexity and difficulty of the task. "The
profession opposes many of these sugges-
tions," he told Medical Tribune, "and a
variety of other special interests in the
health field interpose themselves."
But he feels that there is a clear case for
"improving the systems of delivery of medi-
cal care." There are at least two classes of
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400100015-1