FREEDOM FOR VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090004-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: July 26, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

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16316 V CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ' July 26, 1966
FREEDOM FOR VIETNAM
(IyIr. WOLFF asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, through-
out the course'of the struggle in Viet-
nam, the hopes and goals of the Ameri-
can people have been a lasting peace and
freedom for the Vietnamese. They
have been elusive goals: after much'
death, desolation, and destruction they
still appear far off.
The recent intemperate and irre-
sponsible statements of Premier Ky in
an interview serve to increase the danger
of a prolonged and enlarged conflict in
Asia. Ky doesn't and should not be per-
mitted to make American policy. His
call for an immediate armed confronta-
tion with Communist China is dia-
metrically opposed to our policy. Ky
doesn't seem to care how large this con-
flict grows. He lauds military victories
and waxes more aggressive as American
military might-and American dead-
increase. Ky could be one of the biggest
"coat-holders" in history.
Ky admits in this week's U.S. News &
World Report that he does not represent
the people of South Vietnam. He does
not represent America, either, and should
not be permitted to talk for us. If he
can make these statements with im-
punity, his position against negotiations
and his reckless disregard of the dangers
of an expanded Vietnam war will mislead
the world to believe that we have un-
stated aggressive aims in Vietnam.
Our aims are to bring lasting peace to
that war-ravaged land and to bring free-
dom to the people of South Vietnam so
that they can decide their own destiny;
our means a prudent, measured firmness
and nonaggression.
We do not need Ky to tell us who our
enemies are or how we shall be com-
mitted; we shall decide that for our-
selves.
Ky is a military man, leading a mili-
tary regime in a country racked by mili-
tary conflict. He has once again proven
that he cannot rise above this; he can-
not even fathom a peace conference and
the political negotiations that will ulti-
mately be necessary to bring a lasting
peace to Vietnam. I ask that a state-
ment be made immediately by the U.S.
Government disavowing these imprudent
remarks of Premier Ky. The world, but
more important the American people,
should not be mislead by default into be-
lieving that this is the policy of our
Government.
(Mr. EDMONDSON asked and was
given permission to extend his remarks
at this point in the RECORD and to in-
elude extraneous matter.)
[Mr. EDMONDSON'S remarks will
appear hereafter in the Appendix.]
Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, on roll-
call No. 176,-on July 25, a quorum call,
I am recorded as absent. I was present
and answered to my name. I ask unan-
imous consent that the permanent
RECORD and Journal be corrected accord-
ingly.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
Pennsylvania?
There was no objection.
CORRECTION OF ROLLCALL
Mr. PIRNIE. Mr. Speaker, on roll-
call No. 176, on July 25, a quorum call,
I am recorded as absent. I was present
and answered to my name. I ask unan-
imous consent that the permanent
RECORD and Journal be corrected accord-
ingly.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
New York?
There was no objection.
CIVIL RIGHTS ACTS OF 1966
Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, I move
that the House resolve itself into the
Committee of the Whole House on the
State of the Union for the further con-
sideration of the bill (H.R. 14765), to
assure nondiscrimination in Federal and
State jury selection and service, to facili-
tate the desegregation of public educa-
tion and other public facilities, to provide
judicial relief against discriminatory
housing practices, to prescribe penalties
for certain acts of violence or.intimida-
tion, and for other purposes.
The SPEAKER. The question is on
the motion offered by the gentleman
frgm New York.
The motion was agreed to.
IN THE COMMITTEE OF THE WHOLE
Accordingly, the House resolved itself
into the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union for the further
consideration of the bill H.R. 14765, with
Mr. BOLLING in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. When the Commit-
tee rose on yesterday the gentleman from
New York [Mr. CELLER] had 4 hours and
4 minutes remaining; the gentleman
from Ohio [Mr. MCCULLOCH] had 5 hours
remaining.
The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Mc-
CULLOCH].
Mr. McCULLOCH. Mr. Chairman, I
yield myself 20 minutes.
Mr. Chairman,. in recent weeks, and
over the longer period of many, many
months, the riots, the looting, and the
tumult and the shouting in connection
therewith, have been of increasing con-
cern, and alarm by law-abiding citizens
of every race and color, everywhere.
It is regrettable, indeed, that we begin
debate on the proposed Civil Rights Act
of 1966 under such conditions.
Today is not the first time that I have
spoken against such unlawful action.
On January 31, 1964, in speaking for
H.R. 7152, then before the Committee of
the Whole House on the State of the
Union, later to become the omnibus Civil
Rights Act of 1964, I made the following
statement:
There is considerable pressure for civil
rights legislation from certain quarters on
the ground that unless legislation is enacted
there will be rioting in the streets, height-
ened racial unrest, and the further shedding
of blood. This kind of activity, in my mind,
is highly improper and could do much to
retard the enactment of effective civil rights
legislation.
No people can gain lasting liberty and
equality by riot and demonstration. Legis-
lation under such threat is basically not
legislation at all. It is the rule of the mob.
Mr. DOWDY. Mr. Chairman, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. McCULLOCH. I am glad to yield
to my friend from Texas for one ques-
tion.
Mr. DOWDY. All right. Does the
gentleman know and realize that every
bill we have passed on this question has
increased the riots, the demonstrations,
and looting, which concern me just as
they do my esteemed friend?
Mr. McCULLOCH. I do know that
riots and demonstrations have increased.
There is no complete agreement as to
the major causes thereof. I shall have
some further comments to make about
that subject later on.
In the long run, behavior of this type
will lead to a total undermining of so-
ciety where equality and civil rights will
mean nothing.
Behavior of this type also creates the
false sense of hope that once legislation
is enacted, all burdens of life will dis-
solve.
No statutory law can completely end
the discrimination which is under attack
by this legislation. Intelligent work and
vigilance by members of all races will be
required for many years before discrimi-
nation completely disappears. To create
hope of immediate and complete success
can only promote conflict and result in
brooding despair.
Not force or fear, then, but belief in
the inherent equality of man induces me
to support this legislation.
And, Mr. Chairman, I intentionally re-
peated that statement from more than
2 years ago because I feel just exactly
that way now.
Mr. Chairman, in this connection, I am
pleased, I am immeasurably pleased, if
you please, that the President has re-
cently spoken out against this lawless
behavior which is taking place in some
of our great cities and threatening to do
so in many more.
Mr. Chairman, may I say that, per-
haps, the effect of the great Midwest, the
heartland of America, on the President
on his recent trip there served a useful
purpose.
Mr. Chairman, as we begin considera-
tion of the proposed Civil Rights Act of
1966, it is clearly apparent that it rep-
resents an historic arrival in the Ameri-
can quest for equal justice for all.
Here are 'proposals which would pro-
hibit discrimination in the selection of
State and Federal juries, and I should
like to say here that the Attorney Gen-
eral said that he found no evidence of
discrimination, and that there had been
no complaints of discrimination, in this
field, in either State or Federal court, in
my own great State of Ohio.
Here, Mr. Chairman, are provisions
which would assure equal access to
public facilities and educational insti-
tutions, punish the use of force and
violence against others on account of
their race, color, religion or national
origin and provide equal access to the
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July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
referred to the Committee on Banking
and Currency:
To the Congress of the United States:
The Commodity Credit Corporation is
a useful instrument in America's effort to
build a stronger economy, and a more se-
cure foundation for world peace.
The CCC is the financial mechanism
through which we share our food abun-
dance with the hungry people of other
nations.
It is a principal means through which
we work to balance supply and demand,
to maintain ever-normal granary re-
serves, to expand agricultural exports,
and to provide a floor under the farmer's
returns from commodity sales.
FOOD FOR FREEDOM
The food-for-freedom bill, now await-
ing final congressional action is a firm
expression of our national policy-and
of the personal desire of most citizens
to share our food abundance in the in-
terest of world peace.
No longer is it our policy merely to
share what is left over from cash mar-
kets. Rather, we shall plan our sharing
In accord with the needs and best in-
terests of the developing countries and
their own resources.
But we know that we cannot provide
for all the world's food needs, even if we
were to bring every acre of American
soil under cultivation. Thus our food
aid programs must, and will, benefit
those who demonstrate their willingness
to help themselves by a deeper commit-
ment to agricultural development.-
SURPLUSES AND EXPORTS
Farm programs authorized by the Con-
gress from 1961 through 1965 have helped
farmers bring their production of surplus
grains and other products into line with
demand. They have enabled the CCC to
reduce inventories that had grown too
large. Storage and handling costs have
been reduced $500,000 a day.
Surplus grain is no longer a threat to
the livestock industry. Cash receipts
from livestock products are up, and the
outlook for the industry is bright.
Meanwhile, our exports of agricultural
products are setting new records. They
are expected to total 40 percent more this
year than in 1960, due largely to tre-
mendous increases in feed grains, wheat,
and soybean exports. Farm commodity
exports amount to one-fourth the value
of all U.S. merchandise exported-and
thus are vital in creating the foreign ex-
change necessary to carry on all of our
business with foreign countries. The
balance-of-payments problem is allevi=
ated by our expanding agricultural ex-
ports that are aided in various ways
through the Commodity Credit Corpora-
tion.
FARM INCOME
The domestic farm programs that have
brought surpluses down have carried
farm income up. In 1965, net farm in-
come was fully a fifth higher than in 1960
and is expected to be up another billion
dollars this year, reaching the highest
level in history except for the postwar
years of 1947 and 1948. Income per
farm has risen 55 percent since 1960.
This is heartening progress, but we
still have a long way to go toward our
goal of full parity of income for the
American farmer.
Though farm prices have increased 4
percent since 1960, they still are 14 per-
cent below what they were in 1952. And
this 4-percent increase in farm prices did
not keep pace with the 8-percent increase
in farm production costs during that
same period.
And though the gap between farmer
and nonfarmer income was narrowed by
18 percent in the past five and half
years, farmers still earn only two-thirds
per capita of what nonfarmers earn.
We cannot rest until we have achieved
full parity of income for the American
farmer.
FUTURE PROSPECTS
With grain surpluses nearly gone and
demands increasing, farmers now look
forward eagerly to the opportunity to
increase production. We have already
increased the national rice acreage allot-
ment by 10 percent and the national
wheat allotment by 15 percent. We have
twice increased the milk support price in
recent months to encourage dairy farm-
ers to remain on the land, to increase
production, and thus to assure consumers
a continued, adequate supply of dairy
products. We are carefully watching
farm commodity supply-demand situa-
tions, and we will use our program au-
thorities to encourage increased produc-
tion whenever this appears desirable.
The flexibility of the Food and Agri-
culture Act of 1965, and of the Commod-
ity Credit Corporation, enables us to en-
courage increased or decreased produc-
tion, as national needs and market con-
ditions require.
The legislation now available, together
with that nearing enactment, will help us
continue our progress toward parity of
income. That goal is no longer a long-
range hope. It is within our reach-
hopefully within this decade. It can be
achieved not merely by the large and
highly capitalized producers, but by all
efficient family-type farmers regardless
of race or geography.
Like all policy objectives of a truly
great society, parity of income is a class-
less objective, for it will serve the best
interests of every citizen.
We shall use such institutions as the
Commodity Credit Corporation to work
for parity of income. We shall strive to
keep them dynamic and viable and ready,
always, to meet our future needs.
It is a pleasure to transmit to you the
Commodity Credit Corporation's report
for 1965.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
THE WHITE HOUSE, July 26,1966.
TRADE AGREEMENT WITH THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED
KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN
AND NORTHERN IRELAND-MES-
SAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES (H. DOC.
NO. 461)
The SPEAKER laid before the House
the following message from the President
of the United States; which was read
16315
and, together with the accompanying
papers, referred to the Committee on
Ways and Means and ordered to be
printed :
To the Congress of the United States:
In accordance with section 226 of the
Trade Expansion Act of 1962, I here-
with transmit a copy of a trade agree-
ment concluded on April 5, 1966, with the
Government of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland, to-
gether with a statement of the reasons
for entering into the agreement.
The agreement reestablishes in terms
of the revised Tariff Schedules of the
United States (TSUS) that entered into
force in 1963 the U.S. concessions ne-
gotiated by the two governments in pre-
vious years under the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade. It also grants
new U.S. concessions, under the author-
ity of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962,
in order to offset the net impairment,
incidental to bringing the TSUS into
force, in the value of those old conces-
sions. The first reductions in tariffs re-
sulting from the compensatory conces-
sions in the present agreement took ef-
fect on May 1, 1966; the subsequent
stages of these reductions will take place
annually through May 1, 1970.
LYNDON B. JOHNSON.
THE WHITE HOUSE, July 26,1966.
TED WILLIAMS
(Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts asked
and was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute.)
Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts. Mr.
Speaker, yesterday, July 25, 1966, two
fine Americans, Ted Williams and Casey
Stengel, were installed in the Baseball
Hall of Fame. By their unprecedented
careers, they had long honored the sport
which now honors them.
It is with special pleasure that I call
to the attention of the House and to
the American public the particular ca-
reer of Ted Williams, immortalized yes-
terday at Cooperstown, N.Y.
One of the greatest and most dedi-
cated hitters of all time, Ted's lifetime
batting average was .344. He won 6
batting championships, hit 521 home
runs, and was a member of 18 all-star
teams. And, of course, any schoolboy
knows that Ted was the last player ever
to hit over .400 for a season.
But Ted Williams is a credit not only
to baseball, but also to Boston, where his
major league career began and ended,
and to the Nation which he had twice
served in the Marine Corps. His more
than distinguished military record in
World War II and the Korean conflict,
and his participation in such charitable
work as the Jimmy Fund in Boston, are
to be honored as much as his place in
baseball history.
Therefore, Mr. Speaker, for the base-
ball fans of Boston and New England,
who knew him best, and for everyone
who ever loved the game of baseball, I
ask the House now to join in honoring
one of the game's greatest representa-
tives.
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July' X26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16307
The peacetime story of Boeing is the story
of its leadership in the development of the
airplane as an instrument of human com-
munication; as a reshaper of the planet; as
a modifier of the. relations of human beings
to each other; as a destroyer of strangeness
and the fears and the prejudices which have
always fed on strangeness; as the one real
hope of our common brotherhood, our com-
mon fate.
The post-war story begins, as great dramas
often do, with disaster or the threat of disas-
ter. It ends with triumph. And it discovers
on the way, if I may say so in his very mod-
est presence, as authentic a hero as American
industry has ever produced.
The near disaster was the post-war defla-
tion of the aircraft industry. The triumph
was the technological and industrial revolu-
tion which replaced the piston plane with the
jet. And the hero was a one-time teenage
cherry hawker of Lolo, Montana, named
William M. Allen. William M. Allen on Sep-
tember 1, 1945, because President of Boeing
by the improbable route of the Harvard Law
School. He succeeded Phil Johnson and Clair
Egvedt, both able administrators, who had
directed Boeing for many years. Clair Eg-
vedt, I am glad to say, is also here with us
tonight. I would ask that he stand up and
be recognized.
Bill Allen could hardly have chosen a more
inauspicious date to take over. The war had
just ended. An important contract for B-
29s had just been cancelled. A plant in
Wichita had shut down. A sweeping cut-
back had followed here in Seattle itself.
Within sixty days, a billion and a half in
contracts had been cancelled. Thirty-eight
thousand workers had been laid off. Boeing's
assets were down from a hundred million to
thirty-three million.
Bill Allen told his wife the roof had fallen
in. He was wrong. It hadn't-yet. On
January 1, 1946, there was a strike of fourteen
thousand workers. The work stoppage con-
tirlued a hundred and fifty-four days. In
addition, fifty-six Stratocruisers, on order by
Pan Am and other airlines, were proving
costly to produce. Instead of recovering mo-
mentum, Boeing lost fifteen million dollars
on the transaction,
At this low point, Bill Allen and the Boeing
Company showed their quality-which is to
say, their courage. In 1949, after the three
worst years in its history, Boeing suggested
to the industry that the time had come for a
major revolution in the manufacture of
planes--a switch from piston-driven craft to
jets which would eventually mean the re-
building of the airfleets of the world. When
the industry demurred-reluctant to get in
deeper when the water was already cold-
Boeing went ahead itself. In 1952, without
an order In hand, it announced that it was
investing sixteen millions of its own funds
to build the prototype of "an entirely new,
jet-powered transport." The prototype was
to be derived from the tankers that Boeing
was building for the U.S. Air Force.
The announcement was followed by action.
On July 15, 1954, exactly twelve years ago,
the prototype was flown. It was the fore-
runner of the world-famous 707.
If I were asked to name some of the events
which have most dramatically changed the
shape of things in our world during my life-
time, I should put that flight very near the
top of the list. It promised a new dimen-
sion of speed, a new standard of reliability
in the business of moving people and things
fromone point on the earth's surface to an-
other. For millions of people, the 707 would
shrink the globe by 40 per cent. Today, our
world is a neighborhood. Today, government
leaders, businessmen, teachers and scientists
the world over meet face to face. They know
each other.
But let us not forget that 70 per cent of
Americans have yet to fly. Let us not forget
that 98 per cent of the people of this world
have yet to fly. Great as was the contribu-
tion of the 707, the contribution of the 747,
the great Boeing superjet, will be even
greater.
The 747 will carry 490 passengers plus
161/2 tons of baggage, mail and freight. In
all-cargo configuration it will carry more
than twice the cargo of today's big transports.
Its cargo will be carried in automated, nose-
loaded highway-standard containers. Its
great Pratt and Whitney engines will have
twice the thrust of any in airline service
today. Its gross weight will be more than
twice today's big 707s. It will operate at
45,000 feet above lower airlanes used by all
jet transports now in service. It will pro-
vide faster service on world trade routes.
Lower operating costs will reduce air fares
and cargo rates.
Construction of the 747s will provide em-
ployment for 55,000 people over a dozen for-
ward years-20,000 here in Seattle; 10,000 at
United Aircraft in Hartford; 25,000 more by
subcontractors in 43 other states. By Decem-
ber, 1972, the sale abroad of 747s should con-
tribute one billion seven hundred million
dollars to the U. S. balance of payments. By
December 1975, the contribution will, in my
opinion, reach three billion, four hundred
million dollars.
The 747 is a bold and gigantic venture in
the best tradition of American industry.
Competitive American private enterprise in
our world has always produced the best prod-
ucts and the best services. Private credit
and private risk-taking on a scale as yet
unmatched in industry have made the 747
possible. For 20 years the 747 will mean
fast, low-cost mass transportation on a scale
never before available for the traveling and
shipping public at home and abroad.
Far more important than its effect on fares
and rates, however, will be its effect on
human society and human history. The
new era of mass travel between nations
may well prove more significant to human
destiny than the atom bomb. There can
be no atom bomb potentially more powerful
than the air tourist, charged with curiosity,
enthusiasm and good will-who can roam
the four corners of the world, meeting in
friendship and understanding the people of
other nations and races. The tourist plane,
the bomber, and now the missile, have been
racing each other to a fateful finish. In my
opinion, the huge 747 can help win this race
with catastrophe. The 747 will be a great
new weapon for peace.
Tonight, however, we are saluting the Boe-
ing of today as well as the Boeing of tomor-
row. In honoring the company, we are pay-
ing tribute not only to its great leaders but
also to its able executives, ? scientists, en-
gineers, mechanics, administartors and
skilled men and women who, over the years,
have created the Boeing of today.
The Boeing of today has produced the
world-girdling jet fleet that carries half the
air travel of the whole Free World. It is the
largest government contractor in the nation.
In the best tradition of American private
enterprise, it has become the largest aero-
space company in all the world. We salute
the Boeing Company for its physical ac-
complishments and its contributions to- the
nation. But we also salute, on behalf of the
entire aviation industry, an adventurous and
imaginative Corporation- hich has written
its own saga created its wn legend-in a
day in which these t ertlons of the
human spirit, arq as rraa s they are greatly
VIETNAM-STATEMENT BY GEN-
ERAL KY
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the Sena-
tor from Oregon [Mr. MORSE] will short-
ly return to the Chamber, and make some
comments about a column which ap-
peared in the Washington Post this
morning by Walter Lippmann under the
subject of "An Old Slogan."
The Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE]
will at that time ask unanimous consent
to have the column printed in the REC-
ORD.
The Senator from Idaho [Mr.
CHURCH] a few moments ago obtained
unanimous consent to have printed in
the RECORD the leading editorial in this
morning's New York Times entitled "New
Opportunity in Vietnam."
I find myself in complete accord with
this column and this editorial.
This morning's papers carry an ac-
count of an article consisting of an in-
terview with Premier Ky of South Viet-
nam which appears in this week's issue
of U.S. News & World Report.
I wish to comment briefly on the inter-
relationship between the Lippmann col-
umn, the New York Times editorial, and
the interview of General Ky.
It is well known that General Ky
stated publicly for a well-known British
newspaper not too long ago that Adolf
Hitler was his hero.
This was well before the famous Hon-
olulu conference at which General Ky
was embraced as a noble ally of the
United States. General Ky now favors
the American people with the suggestion
that an armed confrontation with Com-
munist China would be desirable at the
present time. He concludes that Com-
munist China is the real enemy in south-
east Asia and thinks it is better to face
them right now than in 5 or 10 years.
Some of us will remember that there
were certain Americans who felt the
same way about the Soviet Union short-
ly after World War II. It was thought,
after they got the bomb, long after we
did, that we should go in and in the
phrase of the day, "Clobber them before
they clobber us."
Fortunately, that counsel did not pre-
vail. It occurs to me that General Ky
is a daily source of embarrassment to
the administration. He states that his
government is not a dictatorship, but I
doubt whether we could find a reputable
newspaperman in Vietnam, in Saigon, or
anywhere else there, who would agree
with that statement. The fact is, we
are supporting a tight little dictator-
ship-a junta-which in terms of its
ideology is no more democratic than the
Vietcong against whom it is contending.
It is true that we have been promised
elections in South Vietnam in Septem-
ber, but it will, indeed, be interesting to
see whether those elections are going to
be like free American elections, whether
they are going to be like the Hitler elec-
tions which used to be conducted in
Nazi Germany or, indeed, whether they
will be like the Russian elections with
which we have become familiar, where
one either votes "right," with the gov-
ernment, or he is in serious trouble and
possibly in physical danger.
I am extremely skeptical about Gen-
eral Ky's devotion to the cause of democ-
racy. I think he is a great liability to
the efforts of the administration to per-
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16308 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
suade the peoples of the world that we
are, indeed, fighting on the side of free-
dom and against dictatorship.
I thoroughly concur with the state-
ments published in the New York Times
editorial, to which I referred earlier, that
President Ho Chi Minh's statement that
there is no trial in view for American
military prisoners of war in North Viet-
nam is a victory for the moral influence
of world opinion. It does, I believe, offer
hope that commonsense and common
humanity may eventually prevail against
the ever greater barbarism on both s, ides
of the war in Vietnam.
I would hope that this interview by
General Ky will not again dim the hopes
for a fair negotiated peace. I would hope
that reason can prevail on the broad is-
sues of the war itself before it is too late.
There is no doubt about the fact that
the war is not going to be settled by
.military means. It is a political strug-
gle which can be resolved,only by polit-
ical means. We will receive little help
in settling the struggle by political means
from General Ky and the other members
of his junta.
I would suggest, in accord with the
views expressed by my friend, Arthur
Schlesinger, Jr., that we take the follow-
ing steps:
First, stop the Americanization of the
war by halting the American military
buildup in South Vietnam. A quarter of
a million American fighting troops is
plenty-if not too many.
Second, install a civilian government
in Saigon. Get rid of the junta. At
least, give some semblance of a free dem-
ocratic regime in that war torn country.
Third, we need to build an atmosphere
conducive to negotiations by, tapering off
the bombing of North Vietnam, which I
categorically assert has been a cata-
strophic failure.
As widely predicted, all it has done has
been to stiffen the will of the North Viet-
namese people, without destroying any
military installations essential to the
continued conduct of the war.
It has embittered both sides.
This morning, I had the opportunity
to talk to a young lieutenant in the
Naval Reserve, a brilliant and outstand-
ing young naval airman who has just
returned from conducting missions in
Vietnam. There is no doubt about the
fact that the defenses of North Vietnam
against our air attacks are increasing
every day. American casualties are in-
creasing as the number of strikes in-
crease. The tragic deaths of these
young Americans, in my opinion, cannot
be justified on any ground whatsoever.
What we should do is build an atmos-
phere conducive to negotiations, and not
continue, with the help of General Ky,
to build an atmosphere which feeds o}i
escalation and insists on total military
victory even at the cost of destroying
the country we are presumably attempt-
ing to preserve.
Finally, the best hope is still to per-
suade the reluctant Russians to join with
the British in reconvening the Geneva
Conference so that we can, around the
conference table, with all interested
parties, including a representative of the
National Liberation Front try to come up
with a formula for the neutralization
and economic development of southeast
Asia as a whole.
In this connection, and I am sure that
the Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE]
will have more to say on this subject, the
article written by Walter Lippmann
which the Senator from Oregon will
shortly offer for the RECORD, is as good
an exposition of how tired and obsolete
our policy in Vietnam has become as I
have ever seen.
I do not know what the administration
reads these days, but I hope they read
Mr. Lippmann, Mr. Reston, and the edi-
torials in the great newspapers of the
country. I would also hope that we
could get away from the tired reitera-
tion of a philosophy which, as I said a
minute ago, is obsolete and unworkable,
and turn our minds toward peace rather
than war, before it is too late.
U.S. POLICY IN VIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, there are
two items on which I wish to comment
briefly. I had not intended to comment
on the first item until I listened to the
brilliant and eloquent and unanswerable
speech of the Senator from Pennsylvania
[Mr. CLARK].
The Senator from Pennsylvania and I
may have some degrees of difference, as
the RECORD will show, in. regard to the
war in Vietnam. But we have a common
objective-that is, to seek an honorable
peace at the earliest possible date which
will bring to an end this completely in-
excusable and unjustifiable killing of
American boys in South Vietnam.
The Senator from Pennsylvania has
referred to the Walter Lippmann article
which was Published in this morning's
Washington Post. I ask unanimous
consent that it be inserted, in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
AN OLD SLOGAN
(By Walter Lippmann)
Campaigning in the Middle West the Pres-
ident has used as one of his main theses the
cry that the war in Vietnam is a war to end
wars like the one in Vietnam. "If guerrilla
warfare succeeds in Asia," he said, "it can
also succeed in Africa and Latin America as
well." This is precisely what we all said
during the First World War. That was a
"war to end war." To hear that old slogan
brought out again is, to say the least, creepy.
For not only did the First World War not end
war, as a matter of fact it sowed the ground
for the Second World War.
Presumably the President means what he
is saying. But it is hard to think that any-
one can believe that the outcome in Vietnam
will determine whether there are guerrilla
wars "in Africa and Latin America," or even
in other parts of Asia. Are we really sup-
posed to believe that the future of guerrilla
warfare, that is to say of rebellion, will be
determined by what happens in Vietnam?
What is the connection between the guer-
rilla wars waged in Ireland, Palestine, Ar-
menia, Macedonia, Croatia, Crete, Algeria,
the Congo? Were not these uprisings sep-
arate events? How can anyone deceive him-
self with the notion that uprisings all over
the globe have some kind of underground
common instigator and that they can be
suppressed and discouraged by what happens
in one small corner of the world?
July 6,'"1966
Fifty years ago when the cry of "a war to
end war" was first heard, it was used to in-
spire people who, themselves remote from
the fighting, needed a motive to keep on
with the battle. The slogan was invented
by an Englishman to arouse the insular Brit-
ish and the Isolationist Americans who, not
being under fire, saw no clear vital interests
which they were defending.
Mr. Johnson has dusted off the old war
slogan because it is not easy to prove to the
American people that they are fighting for a
vital interest of the United States. In the
First World War the United States did have
a vital interest, which was to prevent the
conquest of Great Britain and France and
to keep open the Atlantic connection with
Europe. This was a difficult thing to explain
in the excitement of a war, and in lieu of a
true explanation of the issues of the war we
fell back upon the slogan of a, war to end
war.
In Asia the United States does indeed have
a vital interest in preventing the conquest
of the Asian mainland and of the islands and
archipelagoes of the western Pacific. But
there is no convincing reason for thinking
that the war in Vietnam as it has now de-
veloped, is vital to the American interests in
the world. The American position has al-
ways been that our interest in .Asia must be
defended and promoted without America
becoming involved in such a land war as is
now raging in Vietnam.
President Johnson sustained his argument
about a war to end guerrilla wax with loud
protestations about the firmness of our in-
tentions to persevere and to defeat guerrilla
warfare. Is he sure that what people see
happening in Vietnam convinces them of
this? Does the deeper and deeper involve-
ment in Vietnam indicate that we would put
equal effort into another antiguerrilla war
on some other continent? Or does the Viet-
namese affair indicate that we would not be
able to fight two or three such wars at the
same time?
This is another reason for wanting to be-
lieve that this one disagreeable war, this one
ever-expanding war, is the last and only
war that will have to be fought. But to
want to believe this does not make it be-
lievable.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, this arti-
cle is, I think, another one of Mr. Lipp-
mann's penetrating analyses of American
foreign policy in Vietnam. As he has
pointed out time and time again in his
articles-in fact, he has written not so
many but almost as many articles as I
have spoken on the floor of the Senate
on this subject-but in his penetrating
article I think-that he has pierced the
administration's balloon by way of its
continued fallacious rationalizations for
carrying on the war.
He says, in the column:
Campaigning in the Middle West the Presi-
dent has used as one of his main theses the
cry that the war in Vietnam is a war to end
wars like the one in Vietnam. "If guerrilla
warfare succeeds in Asia;" he said, "it can
also succeed in Africa and Latin America as
well." This is precisely what we all said dur-
ing the First World War. That was "a war
to end war." To hear that old slogan brought
out again is, to say the least, creepy. For not
only did the First World War not end war,
as a matter of fact it sowed the ground for
the Second World War.
Later in the column he says:
In Asia the United States does indeed have
a vital interest in preventing the conquest of
the Asian mainland and of the islands and
archipelagoes of the western Pacific. But
there is no convincing reason for thinking
that the war in Vietnam as it has now devel-
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July-,26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD SENATE 16309
oped, is vital to the American interests in
the world. The American position has always
been that our interest in Asia must be de-
fended and promoted without America be-
coming involved in such a land war as is now
raging in Vietnam.
Not only is a land war raging in Viet-
nam at the present time, but my great
fear-in fact, my belief-is that every
sign points to an increasing escalation
in Asia that will involve, not 300,000
troops, but start to involve 3 million and
more American troops in. a land war in
Asia.
I want to say to my President again
tonight, if you continue to lead this Na-
tion down. the road to a continually es-
calating war, you are going to have to
assume the responsibility in history for
sending American troops to Asia by the
millions.
The moment that war involves a land
war with China, we are not going to fight
it with air power. I do not think the
Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK]
could be more right in his conclusion
that our bombing of Vietnam has been a
failure. The indications are, from in-
formation we gather from North Viet-
nam and from representatives of neutral
countries who have access to North Viet-
nam, it has intensified the determination
of the North Vietnamese to fight to the
last person.
So would we if we were put in the same
position they are.
If we want to give the benefit of doubt
to the President that the shocking course
of escalation he is approving will force
a surrender, it will not produce peace.
Another article which appeared in to-
day's paper, but which I do not have at
my fingertips, states that it would result
in having for decades to come, a guerrilla
war.
Mr. President, this war cannot be won
with military might. As the Senator
from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] has
said, the solutions over there are not
military solutions, but political solutions.
Therefore, we had better give some heed
to what the Senator from Pennsylvania
outlined tonight in the steps we should
take in an attempt to bring the war to an
end, for as Lippmann points out:
Asia must be defended and promoted
without America becoming involved in such
a land war as is now raging in Vietnam.
We had better give much thought to
the interview in U.S. News & World Re-
port referred to by the Senator from
Pennsylvania involving General Ky. I
quite agree with the Senator from Penn-
sylvania's appraisal of General Ky. It is
a very sad thing that we are supporting
that little tyrant and that American
boys are dying to keep him in power.
The superpatriots in this country are
taking to flag 'waving and the following
of slogans rather than the following of
facts. We had better take a look in
retrospect. It was not so long ago that I
warned on the floor of the Senate against
following the advice of the little tyrant
as he advocated the bombing of North
Vietnam.
Oh, there was much protest in this
country from administration spokesmen
against the bombing of North Vietnam.
But that was the trial balloon; that was
the beginning of the propaganda; that
was the beginning of the agitation in this
country to lead us into the bombing of
North Vietnam. Not long thereafter, we
began the bombing of North Vietnam,
and we have been continuing to bomb
and bomb. Now we are bombing within
3 miles of the heart of the city of Hanoi,
and the administration continues to tell
us we are not killing civilians. That is
not the report we get from foreign
sources. Of course, we ought to take
judicial notice that it is not possible to
bomb within 3 miles of the heart of
Hanoi and not be killing civilians.
This is dangerous business. The story
that the President told in his trip
through Kentucky and Indiana over the
last weekend was quite different from
the promises he made to the American
people in 1964. When he was seeking
reelection, he was seeking it on the basis
of no such war propaganda as he advo-
cated in his speeches in Kentucky and
Indiana during the last weekend. To
the contrary, he was telling the Amer-
ican people that the war was an Asian
war for Asian boys to fight, not for
American boys to fight.
Millions of Americans of the Repub-
lican Party voted for him as they re-
jected their own party's candidate, be-
cause they were led to believe that
Lyndon B. Johnson, the Democratic
candidate for the Presidency, was prom-
ising them that he would not follow a
foreign policy that would result in
American boys fighting a war in Asia
that Asian boys should fight.
I am never happy, and I shall never
be happy, disagreeing with the policy of
by Government in the field of foreign af-
fairs; but I shall continue to disagree
with it so long as the policy is the present
policy, for that policy is unjustified and
immoral. It is not possible to reconcile
it on the basis of our international com-
mitments and of our constitutional obli-
gations.
So I quite agree with the Senator from
Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] that the war
should be stopped; and we can stop it.
That is why I say that the President
ought to recognize what his military ad-
visers recognized, and what his military
advisers on occasion have briefed us-'
and it is public knowledge: that China
cannot be defeated by bombing, nuclear
or conventional. If we continue to let
the little tyrant Ky egg us on into more
and more military operations in North
Vietnam and the sending of an American
army into North Vietnam, it will not be
long before that army will be involved
with Chinese soldiers on the other side,
because it is not possible to get that close
to the China border without the Chinese
recognizing that they will have to re-
spond.
In fact, the reports appearing in the
papers in the last 3 days-again
from correspondents over there repre-
senting foreign newspapers-tell us that
there is increasing indication that Red
China recognizes that it is only a matter
of time before she will have to respond
to America's outlawry in Asia.
If we get ourselves involved in a land
war with China, the sacrifices that we
shall have to make of these precious
American men whom we are sending over
into a war-not a one of whom should
have been sent in the first place-will
discredit, in history, any President who
is responsible for it.
It is not too late for us to return to
moral values. It is not too late for this
great religious people to insist that their
government practice our religious prin-
ciples in the field of foreign policy, too.
And we cannot square this war, in my
judgment, with the tenets of our re-
ligions.
Well, Mr. President, what should the
President do? I repeat, he should an-
nounce to the world that we are stopping
our bombing. He should announce to
the world that we intend to hold those
positions that we can hold and com-
pletely defend, and prevent the advance
of the enemy, and thereby also stop ad-
vancing our own boys into an escalated
engagement or series of engagements.
Because, as we send them out into these
battlefields, as we sit in our living-
rooms-as I did last night-and observe
some of the television pictures of this
war being fought, with its killing, on the
television screen, we must ask ourselves,
"By what right does our President send
those boys to their death?"
I say he has no justifiable right. He
ought to adopt the military strategy of
the leader who led our forces in Korea,
General Ridgway. He, in my judgment,
is the man whose advice should be fol-
lowed. He has made perfectly clear his
opposition to the escalating of this war.
The President ought to follow the ad-
vice of General Gavin, who, when he was
in uniform-and he has only lately re-
tired-was one of the two or three top
military strategists of our entire Military
Establishment.
What do these leaders tell us, and the
other military authorities who join
them? "You ought to stop the escal-
ating. You ought to mark out those
lines of defense that we know we can
hold and the enemy cannot penetrate."
That places upon the President the
responsibility for taking the next step,
and that is to notify the nations of the
world who claim they want peace to come
on in and assume their obligations under
their international commitments, to en-
force a peace. That group of nations
includes Great -Britain, whose Prime
Minister is coming over here. He gives
lipservice to America's policy, and tells
the people of the United States he is all
for our position in South Vietnam.
But no British boy is dying in South
Vietnam. No British boy is being sent
to battle in South Vietnam by the British
Prime Minister. I wish to say, he makes
no favorable impression on me, with his
lipservice of supporting America's war
in South Vietnam, while he himself is not
willing to back up his words with military
support. Why, Mr. President? Obvi-
ously because the British people recognize
that they should not be involved in this
war.
Mr. President, the British Prime
Minister and the heads of the major
countries of the world, including Russia,
have a clear obligation, under the United
Nations Charter, to enforce a peace in
southeast Asia. Therefore, the Presi-
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16310 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 261-1966
dent ought to adopt what is known as
the enclave approach for the time being,
and agree to support a cease-fire when-
ever these other nations are willing to
declare it, backed up by their pledge that
they will help enforce it.
Unless we do that, Mr. President, there
will be no peace in Asia. There may be
a surrender of a kind, but no peace.
And this country will be bled white from
the standpoint of the blood of the men
who will be sacrificed, and bled white
economically, as we spend the billions of
dollars that it will take from the people
of this country to maintain the police
force that we will have to maintain in
Asia after our great military power does
all the devastating that can be done with
nuclear and conventional bombing,
But 'that, as this administration's
military spokesman knows, will not win it
peace in Asia.
Yes, there is disunity in America, and
the man more responsible for it than
anyone else in the Nation is the Presi-
dent of the United States. Because it is
the President's foreign policy that has
created this disunity, and this disunity
will not be made to vanish, Mr. Presi-
dent, by any such set of speeches as the
President made in Kentucky and in In-
diana over the weekend.
I would like to see unity. But, Mr.
President, there are too many who rec-
ognize that a President has no justifiable
right to send these boys to their slaughter
without a declaration of war, under the
Constitution of the United States. And
why does he not call for it? He does not
dare. He does not dare, not only be-
cause any proposal on his part for a dec-
laration of war would not only deepen
the disunity in the United States until
a declaration is passed-if it is passed--
but because it would alienate more and
more of the countries in the world that
we would like to have as our allies. '
? And so, Mr. President, I think the
President has a great obligation, in the
absence of a declaration of war, to pro-
ceed to announce to the world that we
are going to stop the escalating.
We are not going to get out of Viet-
nam. I have never proposed that we get
out of Vietnam. We are going to hold
there in positions that we can defend in
order to prevent'the Vietcong and the
North Vietnamese from creating a great
blood bath.
Then we are going to say to the rest
of the world, "You too, have a stake in
peace in southeast Asia, and we are
going to hold there until you have an op-
portunity to come in and carry out your
international obligation."
. I intend to continue to hold to that po-
sition until there is a declaration of war,
if one comes.
On the basis of the present facts, I
would vote against it, but if there is a
declaration of war, it is for.Congress to
do and not the President. He can recom-
mend it.
He ought to read again the war mes-
sages of great Presidents before him, and
particularly the war message of Woodrow
Wilson at the time of World War I, when
he said to the joint session of Congress,
that he was without constitutional au-
thority to make war without corigres?-
sional declaration of war.
Mr. President, I think my President
owes it to the American people to either
deescalate this war or to lay the issues
squarely before the people and Congress
with a proposed declaration of war, and
let the people be the judge.
Although I disagree with my President
in the field of foreign policy, I agree with
him on so many matters in other fields,
and particularly in the field of domestic
policy, that I think it is a shame that
some way, solnehow, this great man-for
he is a great man-does not recognize
the horrendous mistake that he is
making by following the foreign policy
that, in my judgment, a Secretary of
State, a Secretary of Defense, and some
other bad advisers have apparently sold
to him.
I shall never give up hope that the
facts will finally get through to him and
he will change our course of action.
THE AIRLINE STRIKE
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that there be print-
ed in the RECORD an editorial entitled
"Breaking the Air Blockade," printed in
the New York Times of this morning.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
BREAKING THE AIR BLOCKADE
Congressional action has plainly become
the only realistic hope for a quick end to the
paralyzing airlines strike. The Senate Labor
Committee will hear from members of Pres-
ident Johnson's Cabinet today precisely how
seriously the strike's impact; has been. We
hope its hearing will be followed by swift
passage of legislation to get the planes back
into the air and thus restore normalcy to a
key segment of the nation's transportation
lifeline.
We have already expressed[ our belief that
Congress should do what it did in the 1963
rail strike threat and impose compulsory ar-
bitration. But it is plain that, with Con-
gressional elections only a little over three
months off, the mood on Capitol Hill is not
strong for legislation that would thus af-
front organized labor. Under these circum-
stances the best stop gap measure would be
the revised bill proposed by Senator MORSE
for a new cooling-off period of 180 days.
That would get everybody back on the job
while a new Presidential board tried to end
the wage dispute. If it got nowhere after
150 days, It would make recommendations to
the President and he, in turn, would tell
Congress what he thought it ought to do to
assure a final settlement.
This is certainly the long way around in
a controversy that has already been before
a Presidential emergency board, headed by
Senator Moasz-a board whose recommenda-
tions the President has endorsed without re-
servation. The unhappy history of past dis-
putes makes it probable that much of the
Government's focus in the new truce period
will be on purchasing peace through ap-
peasement of the union by management,
even though the terms the union is now
rejecting exceed the Administration's anti-
inflation guideposts.
It is obvious that no adequate solution to
problems of this sort will be found until the
White House and Congress are willing to
discard politics and grapple with the intri-
cate problems involved in any long-range
recasting of the national emergency provi-
sions of the present Taft-Hartley and Rail-
way Labor Acts. At least the 180-day truce
will postpone a fresh showdown until after
the elections. Perhaps then there will be
enough resolution in Washington to consider
answers, not expedients.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the first
sentence reads:
Congressional action has plainly become
the only realistic hope for a quick end to the
paralyzing airline strike.
Mr. President, I was very much inter-
ested in an item that came over the
ticker a little while ago. It reads:
AFL-CIO President George Meany urged
the Senate to drop plans to intervene.
"Sen. MORSE's bill already has served as a
deterrent to free collective bargaining,"
Meany said in a statement.
"Every minute Congress spends on' this
ill-advised proposal keeps the parties from
honest negotiations, the only sound method
for resolving this dispute," Meany said,
adding:
"No danger to the Nation's health and wel-
fare and no threat to the national defense
has been demonstrated. The air traveling
public has, of course, been inconvenienced,
but inconvenience is a small price to pay for
freedom."
And he claims to be a labor leader.
Mr. President, I served with George
Meany on the War Labor Board during
World War II. Apparently he has suf-
fered some lapses of memory.
George Meany apparently forgets the
times that he sat on the War Labor
Board and voted for seizure of American
plants and industry in order to protect
the public interest.
The bill that I first introduced last
Friday was very similar to 'the policies
that we followed in World War II.
Wherever it was demonstrated on the
facts that the paramount public inter-
est in time of war was going to be sac-
rificed because of the adamancy either
of a union or of an employer, the War
Labor Board decided sometimes with
labor, and sometimes with management
to take over the plant.
The majority of the Board time and
time again decided that in order to pro-
tect the paramount public interest, the
American flag had to be run up over
that plant, and that all of them would
have to work for that flag. However,
the workers would get fair wages and the
employers would receive a guarantee that
they would get the benefits that would
come from the business under Govern-
ment management. Not a managerial
officer was moved from behind a man-
ager's desk.
The so-called seizure was by token.
The proposal I offered last Friday was
of the same import. There would have
been a receivership instead of a seizure
under my resolution. Management
would have stayed behind the desk. In
the War Labor Board days, the so-called
income from the plant would go into the
Treasury of the United States, and the
owners of the plant were guaranteed
compensation for the operation of the
plant.
Mr. President, the management made
more money under that arrangement be-
cause of the benefits they received than
they would have made under their own
management.
I understand why there was concern
about my bill of last Friday on the part
of managerial forces in the country, in
that they thought it might be a bad
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ' 16305
THE TROUBLED TIMES IN WHICH
WE LIVE
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, yester-
day the Dow-Jones industrial average of
the New York Stock Exchange fell 16.32
points, or 1.88 percent, to a new 1966 low
of 852.83. This was the worst market
setback since November 22, 1963, the
day President Kennedy was assassinated.
What caused this sharp loss of millions
of dollars In the paper value of the shares
traded on the exchange? Was it news of
a national disaster? Did the foreign or
domestic policies of the United States
take a drastic change for the worse?
NO; it was none of these. It was simply
the stock market and the people who
deal in the stock market expressing their
uncertainty of what the future holds for
our country.
This uncertainty in the world's great-
est marketplace is both domestic and
international in scope.
Internationally, our close friends the
British have embarked upon a program
of austerity to save the value of the
pound. The Labor government of Prime
Minister Wilson has once again national-
ized the British steel industry against
strong opposition from the Conserva-
tives.
In, the field of international negotia-
tions, the Kennedy round negotiations in
Geneva remain at a standstill while the
members of the EEC concentrate on
mending the fences of the Common Mar-
ket. Efforts to bring about international
monetary reform have ground to a halt
while the members of the Group of 10
bicker among themselves. In the mean-
time, the world's supply of monetary re-
serves continues to dwindle while we
rapidly approach an international mone-
tary crisis.
Here at home, we face uncertainty in
every aspect of our economic, political,
and social life.
What are we going to do about Viet-
nam? What are we going to do about
inflation? Will we have higher taxes?
These are all questions we ask ourselves
every day.
Added to this are the riots in Chicago,
New York, and Cleveland. The airline
strike. The growing weak spots in our
economy in the sectors dealing with
home construction and automobile pro-
duction. The tight money and high in-
terest rate situation. And the slowdown
In the growth rate of the economy.
All of these things add to our uncer-
tainty, and nowhere are 'they more
graphically portrayed than in the tradi-
tional barometer of national opinion, the
stock market.
It is time we brought an end to all of
this uncertainty. It is time we began to
act positively instead of negatively in
our foreign and domestic affairs.
This administration could easily do
away with all of the uncertainty. Tell
the American people the truth about
Vietnam. Tell them how long it expects
the war will last and how much it esti-
mates it will cost.
Tell the American people the truth
about the state of the economy. Tell
them if it is believed that higher taxes
are necessary to halt the spread of infla-
tion.
Have the United States take the lead
in the Kennedy round negotiations and
in the negotiations on international
monetary reform. Why should the rich-
est industrial country in the world be
dictated to by the Europeans In these
meetings? We should be leaders, not
followers.
We are living in troubled and uncer-
tain times, and they will continue to be-
come more troubled and uncertain if we
continue to permit this shroud of secrecy
to surround the facts.
I have strong faith in the American
people. They have been through good
times and bad. They love their country.
To them, no sacrifice is too great for
her.
They are willing to stand by her in her
darkest hour, but they cannot be ex-
pected to do this until they are told the
facts. Therefore, I ask that this shroud
of secrecy be removed. ask that the
facts be presented. I as that this un-
certainty whch plagues r country to-
day be removed fro h minds of her
citizens, and be riplcd ith the facts.
THE LIGHT (F HOPE SHINES
THROUGH
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, out of
the dark hours of the past 2 weeks, while
the fate of American war prisoners has
hung in the balance, comes the first ray
of hope from Hanoi.
The weight of world opinion calling
for humanitarian treatment of all war
prisoners-including the "plea for san-
ity" issued on July 15, In which I was
joined by 18 of my Senate colleagues who
have opposed the escalation of the Viet-
nemese war-has apparently registered
in Hanoi. North Vietnamese President
Ho Chi Minh now indicates there Is no
trial in view for American military
prisoners.
Let us hope this decision, as the New
York Times expresses it in this morning's
lead editorial, may offer hope that com-
monsense and common humanity ulti-
mately may prevail against the ever
greater barbarism the war in Vietnam
daily inflicts on both sides.
I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Presi-
dent, that this editorial, entitled "New
Opportunity in Vietnam" may be print-
ed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in ,.he RECORD,
as follows :
NEW OPPORTUNrrY IN VIETNAM
President Ho Chi Minh's statement that
there is "no trial in view" for American
military prisoners in North Vietnam is a vic-
tory for the moral influence of world opinion.
That victory transcends the fate of the cap-
tive airmen, for it offers hope that common
sense and common humanity ultimately may
prevail against the ever greater barbarism
the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both
sides.
The United States has yielded to the pres-
sure of world opinion in the past by offering
peace proposals and twice suspending the
bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the
first time that Hanoi has shown regard for
the opinion of mankind. Its decision to
back away from talk of "war crimes trials"
follows direct pleas from Secretary General
Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments
and opinion leaders everywhere, including
eighteen liberal American Senators. The
hope now must be that reason can prevail
on the broader issues of the war itself,
The conflict in Vietnam is a political strug-
gle that, in the end, can only be resolved
by political means. In politics, timing is of
the essence. A number of opportunities to
probe the prospects for peace have been
neglected in the past. It is vital that the
new atmosphere and the new opportunity
opened by Hanoi's response on the prisoner
issue not be missed as well.
The approach favored by American moder-
ates and long urged by The Times has just
been summed .up admirably by Prof. Arthur
M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential element is
to stop the Americanization of the war by
halting the American buildup in South Viet-
nam; a quarter of a million American troops
is more than enough. The second vital ele-
ment is a civilian Government in Saigon
that can open contact with the insurgent
forces, Third, is the need to build an atmos-
phere conducive to negotiations by tapering
off the bombing of North Vietnam. Finally,
efforts to reconvene the Geneva conference
must be linked with broad diplomatic dis-
cussions with Moscow, Paris and other inter-
ested states to find a formula for the neu-
tralization and economic development of
Southeast Asia as a whole.
Most of all, what is needed is a clear in-
dication that the American objective is not
military victory but political settlement.
The American ability to escalate the war
needs no further demonstration. The need
now is to halt the escalation and make a
vigorous new effort to achieve peace.
THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
BOEING CO.
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President,
while in my home State recently, I had
the privilege of participating in the cele-
bration of the 50th anniversary of one
of this Nation's great aviation pioneers-
the Boeing Co., of Seattle.
The major address on that occasion
was delivered by Mr. Juan Trippe, chair-
man of the board of Pan American
World Airways. I consider his address
an inspiring lesson in American aircraft
history, and a clear portrayal of the
opportunity and challenge of the future
for this great company and the others
which will shape the destiny of air
transportation.
The Boeing path to success has not
been without difficulty and crisis. Al-
most all of it is familiar to me, for I
have lived with these problems.
Mr. Trippe traced the history of Boe-
ing from the first piano wire seaplane,
delivered to the Navy as a trainer 2
years before the end of World War I, to
the fabulous 747, which can well revolu-
tionize the business of air transporta-
tion. From the tiny piano wire trainer
to an aircraft that will carry 490 pas-
sengers and 161/2 tons of baggage, mail,
and freight, is vast progress in just half
a century, but the determined faith and
keen vision of Boeing Co. leadership
promises that the coming 50 years will be
even more significant.
The American aircraft industry, as
Mr. Trippe suggested, is one of the
toughest areas of competition in the
Nation, and to merely survive, there must
be constant steps forward toward an
uncertain future. The Boeing Co. has
done more than survive, and its aircraft
today carry more than half the air travel
of the free world. I salute this tower
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 26, 1966
of progress in our national industrial While Bill Boeing's decision was a wise one It was Boeing that built the first pres-
scene, and I ask unanimous consent that at the time, it was not one that satisfied Bill surized transport, the four-en lned 307.
Mr. Trippe's historic message be includ- Boeing. His heart was never in seasleds or Later came the Douglas DC4 and the Lock-
ed in the RECORD at this point. mahogany bureaus. He wanted to build heed Constellation. And we all remember
There being no objection, the address planes. But if you built planes, whom would the great Boeing 377s, the glamorous double-
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, you build them for? And the question re- decked Stratocrulsers that for many years
as follows: mained: was there a future in the aircraft led the way over the ocean trade routes.
manufacturing business? Would operating Still later came the Douglas DC6 and DC7
Any lawyer can tell you that a corpora- aircraft ever be a business? Bill Boeing de- series and the successive models of the Lock-
tion has powers but no personality and above cided that the answer was "yes." heed Constellation. One of the reasons why
all no soul. Imagination, daring, persist- Bill Boeing's next decision was to go into the aviation industry of the United States
ence, patience, vision, the great qualities of the air mail business. Of this chapter in the leads the world is the vigorous competition
the human spirit, are beyond its reach. And story I can speak with personal knowledge, that has always characterized the industry.
yet we are met here today to pay the tribute I had helped organize and was managing Boeing, in the best American business tradi-
of our respect and admiration to a corpora- Colonial Air Transport when it started opera- tion, has always had to face outstanding
Lion which has survived and prospered for tions in October of 1925 as the first airline competitors.
fifty years precisely because it possesses and contractor to the Post Office Department. But there was one development of these
has exercised imagination and daring, vision Colonial carried passengers and mail between critical years for which Boeing, and Boeing
and persistence-plus, of course, outstand- Boston and New York where we made con- alone, must take the credit. I refer to the
ing business acumen. nections with the experimental government plane to which this Republic owes more, per-
I have no wish, and certainly no compe- air mail line being run by the Post Office haps, than to any other in the history of
tence, to rewrite the text books of corpora- Department between New York, Chicago and aviation: the B-17. If there Is one event
lion law, but I propose, nevertheless, to dwell San Francisco. in the rich and fabulous history of the Boe-
on this paradox a moment. For the fact is I well remember being present on July 1, ing Corporation which illustrates better than
that the history of the Boeing Company, 1924, when the experimental overnight serv- another the Company's imagination, its dar-
when one ,looks back at it with the perspe y, ice from New York to Chicago started. The ing and its fundamental know-how, it was
live of half a century, Is more like some airplane was a frail, temperamental wartime the building of the Flying Fortress.
Norse saga or Greek epic which we learned DH-4 In whose box-like nose an old Liberty The story begins, simply enough, with the
about in high school than it is like a corpo- engine clattered away. It could carry only Corporation designing and building, at its
rate record. Of course, there were board a hatful of mail and a couple of hours' gas. own cost and with its own resources, a proto-
+meetings and legal opinions and tax prob- The lone pilot had no blind-flying instru- type later identified as the B--17, a four-
lems and all the rest of the familiar pars- ments, no safety aids except, his parachute. engined, heavily armed bomber with a range
phernalia from one end of the story to the Ahead of him were no marked airways, no of three thousand miles and a top speed of
other. What I find myself thinking of, how- chain of airports, no radio beam to guide two hundred and thirty-six miles an hour.
ever, when I try to pull it all together in my him. His only ground aids were bonfires to Now this, my friends, was the year 1934,
mind is the fabulous journey of Ulysses, be lit by friendly farmers on mountain tops with the Second World War five years off.
King Ithaca, from one impossible adven- along his way. His weather service was an A romantic historian with the historian's
Kure to thacarfrand always with a high- eye cocked aloft-and a prayer* professional advantage of looking backward,
Air transp in those
heart, a shrewed eye, a bold spirit and the a bu
siness. It wasnscarcely a ho days s of was one. not
Com might ny excused for endowing the Boeing second never defeated determination to get back to Postal y pany with played sight. Why? win-
Ithaca somehow-even if he, like the Greek revenue from the few pounds of mail cause the B-17 played a larger part in wi-
god He
Ithacarmes, had to fly. the airplane could carry hardly paid for the ning the Second World War than any other
The story begins, of course, rather more gasoline. You couldn't find a passenger weapon.
modestly than gins, 's poem. rather
were no revenue dollar with a telescope. And capital Unfortunately for romantic historians,
Horrier There
Topless Towers of Ilium to be conquered. was even harder to uncover. however, no second sight was available in
Instead you have the Duwamish Flats here wisely decia d also to transfer Its experi- meint tt t ehen rejected rejecected In the 1934. four- The War Depart-
in Seattle and a young man out of Yale mental transcontinental service to private mengined bomber as , with extensive lumber holdings who knows enterprise. Bill Boeing decided to bid on the t Btoo eingnCo not mpany to to say hold the old they, bag ag and
about the Lafayette Esquadrille and who larger C also-fortunately Con7
would rather build planes than cut timber. hic of this ne route, bfor the ti y-the ea B-17
twain Chicago and San Francisco. His bid as bid as well. e But Boeing itseilf f that t yeaahr was
This young man is named Bill Boeing. was far below that of his nearest com- thinking of planes-as it has always thought
Along with such men as Donald Douglas, petitor for he would use a new airplane- of them-with a free-wheeling, uninhibited
Glenn Martin and Frederick Rentschler, he the 40A-which he would build, equipped Imagination and the intestinal fortitude to
is to found a new and vital industry. with a new and more efficient engine, the make its dream come true.
To build his planes, he has assembled a Pratt and Whitney Wasp Radial. a
few carpenters, a supply of spruce, some Although his bid was successful, for Bill How true it came, a few xterminated hi natedthi will
linen fabric and a number of rolls of piano Boeing the outlook was dim when, a month suggest. When Hitler emsen
wire together with propeller blades and what ahead of target, only one of his 4OAs was in Europ the bunker
thirteen in Berlin and the war in
passed at the time for motors. He has some- service. been built. been ended, The B-17s h ad ad drop dropd B-i hung
how or other combined these several parts- dropped n-
how by July 1, 1927, the contract used and d forty thousand tons of bombs s on
exclusive of the carpenters-into airplanes- starting date, twenty-five of the new planes Nazi installations and Industries. Moreover,
which actually fly and which are sold even- were ready to fly. They had actually been B-17s had shot down as many enemy aircraft
tually as Navy trainers. delivered to their appointed places along over Europe as all other American planes
From the start, the Boeing enterprise suc- the two thousand miles of the new route. combined. Yes, many of us here tonight
ceeded. From the start, too, there were It was a prophetic operation-and In more can vividly recall the American bomber bases
troubles and dangers-dangers to which the ways than one. Boeing's business gamble along the East Coast of Britain. We who
Corporation was to become accustomed as paid off over the next two years. Thirteen saw them will never forget the spectacle of
time went by. Two years after the first hundred tons of mail were carried. Six thou- the departing armadas or the sight of the
piano wire seaplane was delivered on the sand passengers, more or less smothered un- Flying Fortresses returning at dusk-those
Duwamish Flats, World War I ended-as der the mail bags, had entrusted themselves that did return.
World War II was to end with similar con- successfully to the Boeing airline. The B-17, tried and tested in the war, also
sequences-thirty years later. The Navy's. Once Bill Boeing had satisfied himself that sired the great B-29 that became the basis
need of trainers ended with It, you could build transport planes to carry mail for American strategy in the Pacific.
The result, of course, was a conference of and people at a profit, things began to hum The parade of big Boeing bombers--
Bill Boeing and his associates to consider at Boeing. The Boeing 247, the first twin- weapons systems as we call them these days-
a question which arose with some persistence engine transport, followed the 40A in 1933- continued on after the war with the six-as there In
cratt those
boldness?Wand the nsweu= obvious] air- carrying 10 passengers, a crew of two and- engined Strato-jet, the B-47, and today the
cud I can say obviously because I knew B- oh, great and unsung date in American his- tremendous B-52, capable of carrying heavier
Boding and y cause I knew well the char- l tory, a stewardess as well. The whole thir- and more effective weapons farther. than any
acteris bred his oe ngt a he caul into w company-was teen of them roared across the continent in other airplane now in existence or in
B
a mere twenty hours with only seven stops l prospect.
yes. Or, more precisely, yes-if. There was We, in Pan American, were engaged in As long as men remember the Second
a future in the aircraft business if you built those years in charting and testing the great World War and the world which followed It-
a few seasleds and a little household furniture overseas routes which soon made transpacific and men, I suspect, will remember them for
on the side. and transatlantic service possible. We re- a long time-Boeing's fame as armorer to
Incidentally, as the Chairman just pointed member with gratitude today the early Sikor- the Republic will be secure.
out, Mrs. Boeing is not with us tonight. Bill skis, the 5-38, and S-40 and S-42, the Mar- If the military story Is brilliant, the peace-
Boeing's son, I am glad to say, however, Is tin China Clippers and the great Boeing Yan- time story has about it the elements of
with us. I would like to ask him to rise and kee Clippers which pioneered the trade routes greatness, of true greatness. If the first
be recognized. across the Atlantic and Pacific. has inventiveness, the second has vision.
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July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16297
Therefore be it resolved that the second
(Indian Head) Division Association, San An-
tonio Branch, in regular meeting held on
this the 22d day of May A.D. 1966, does re-
spectfully request the Department of the
Army set aside the approximate 118 acres,
aforementioned, for future expansion of the
Fort Sam Houston National Cemetery, and
Be it further resolved that a copy of this
resolution be sent to the National President,
Second (Indian Head) Division, Inc.; to the
Honorable RALPH W. YARBOROUGH and the
Honorable JOHN G. TOWER, United States
Senators, Texas; and the Honorable H. B.
GONZALEZ and the Honorable O. C. FISHER,
United States Congressmen, Texas; respect-
fully soliciting their support and assistance
in this matter.
ORBRA L. LONGLEY,
President, Second (Indian Head)
Division, San Antonio Branch.
Attest:
RICHARD B. HARN,
Secretary, Second (Indian Head)
Division, San Antonio Branch.
MRS. KENNEDY THANKS HAWAII
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, on her
departure from Hawaii, Mrs. Jacqueline
Kennedy wrote a stirring tribute to the
news media, the Governor, and the peo-
ple of my State, for their generous ef-
forts to make her visit a happy experi-
ence.
In recognition of these efforts by so
many people of Hawaii, and as a token of
my deep respect for Mrs. Kennedy, I
respectfully request that her letter be
entered in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
JULY 23, 1966.
DEAR SIR: As I leave Hawaii after these
beautiful weeks. I should like to thank you,
the Editor of the Honolulu Advertiser and the
Honolulu Star-Bulletin for all that you have
done to make this vacation such a perfect
one for my children and for me.
I had forgotten, and my children have never
known what it was like to discover a new
place, unwatched and unnoticed.
It was your papers that made this possible
for us, by deciding at the beginning not to
follow our activities. It was completely
against your interests to do this. As I un-
derstand the problems and pressures the
press endures, I truly appreciate the extra-
ordinary gesture you made.
But now I think I should not have been
surprised. In this strange land everyone con-
stantly goes out of his way to be kind to
the other.
From Governor Burns, who so kindly
watched over us and asked people to help
make our visit private, to the driver of a
vegetable truck who went out of his way to
lead us several miles, when we merely asked
for direction, everyone in Hawaii has been
the same.
Now I know what the Aloha spirit means.
I hope it is contagious-for it could change
the world.
With my deep appreciation, and our deep-
est hopes for coming back again.
This analysis places special emphasis In a few more years the young, with no
on the issues confronting the younger memories of the Depression or World War II,
will be taking over completely. The Hick-
generation. It points out that the enlooper ;report observes that "with citizens
growth of the 20- to 34-year-old popula- over age thirty-five increasing by less than
tion in the next 20 years is over 20 mil- 18 million, while citizens under thirty-five
lion; and growth of the under-20 popu- increase fully 61 million, certain political
lation in that period is over 35 million. inevitabilites become starkly obvious."
offers the most rational solutions to the
problems facing this group may well win
the "respect and long-term allegiance of
this new electorate."
The State of Michigan recognizes the
growing responsibility and authority of
the younger generation, and is placing on
the November ballot a referendum to de-
cide whether the minimum voting age
should be 18 instead of 21. For my part,
I strongly favor the minimum voting age
at 18.
Another problem-education-is very
much in the minds of our youth. The
progress of education, in large measure,
depends on greater training opportuni-
ties for our teachers and for all the youth
of our land.
As one of several steps in this direc-
tion, I have introduced legislation to pro-
vide a tax credit for parents sending their
sons and daughters to college. I have
also introduced a bill granting tax de-
ductions to teachers continuing their
education.
Mr. President, an interesting article on
the Republican Policy Committee's study
was printed in the Washington Post un-
der John Chamberlain's byline. I ask
unanimous consent that the article be
printed in the Appendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REPUBLICANS LOOK AT THE FUTURE
(By John Chamberlain)
The Republican Party hasn't distinguished
itself recently either at the polls or as a
"loyal opposition" in Congress. Nor does
it seem to be making much effort to drama-
tize, through the activities of its National
Committee, the issues that might be used
to beat Democrats next November. Amid
the general melancholy that this columnist
feels when he contemplates Republican ac-
tivities, however, it is a pleasure to report
that some Republicans are doing a bit of
solid thinking about the future of their
party in the strange new world that will be
upon us when the Vietnamese war has been
finally trundled off stage.
The solid thinking turns up in a study,
"Where the Votes Are," that has just been
issued by the staff of Senator BOURKE HICK-
ENLOOPER'S U.S. Senate Republican Policy
Committee. What distinguishes this study
is its almost total avoidance of the cliches
of usual political discourse. Instead of gab-
bling about the "mainstream" or "consensus,"
the Hickenlooper staff has tried to map the
We had a well-advertised baby boom in
1945-55. It added 25 million to the popula-
tion. Ten years from now, when the babies
have babies in their turn, a "hospital-bust-
ing 46 million increase will begin." So poli-
tics will become that art of accommodating
to crowds, crowds, crowds.
It will be a "school-centered society,"
preoccupied with the problem of educating
new millions. It will be increasingly worried
about providing the young with adequate
teachers, and "in less than 10 years we'll
have more teachers voting than farmers."
(Exit the farm bloc, enter the educationist
bloc.)
The farms of America will be businesses,
many of which will not be doing actual
farming.
The Hickenlooper report argues that the
"small" irritants of yesterday will become
the "major, nerveshattering issues of today
and tomorrow." Pollution will be our big-
gest headache. The politician will be judged
on his responses to the problem of getting
sewage and industrial wastes out of Lake
Erie or the Connecticut River, and smoke
and grime and sulfur out of the metropolitan
air. The Hickenlooper group doesn't want
to see Washington becoming the "senior
partner" in the politics of meeting the prob-
lems of the new world. It notes that an
"eight-state Ohio River Compact Commis-
sion" is even now using its authority to com-
pel industries in the Ohio Basin to "return
to the river water as pure or purer than that
withdrawn." With reference to the growth
of the Negro population, the report observes
that "Republicans could sponsor a wide
variety of training programs, even financial
assistance programs, to enable the nonwhite
to learn business and commercial operations,
to become managers or owners of the many,
many service-type establishments needed in
urban areas."
This is constructive Republi
Reagan, or Romn
Doakes.
or j st plain Joe
PROPOSED TRIALS OF AMERICAN
SOLDIERS AS WAR CRIMINALS BY
NORTH VIETNAM
Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, the
recent North Vietnamese threat to try
captured American soldiers as wax crim-
inals is fraught with great peril, for if
such trials were to be conducted, and if
our airmen were to be executed, the
United States would have no other choice
but to take devastating retaliatory ac-
tion. In my opinion, an infuriated
American public would demand such
contours of. the world of the Nineteen Seven- retaliation.
ties, with an eye to determining the issues
w of the reaction to his threat,
i
I
e
n v
that must be met in order to attract a ma-
jority of votes. not only in America but throughout most
Plunging into the thick of things after of the world as well, Ho Chi Minh ap-
some rather lugubrious observations on fall- pears to be backing down some. He is
ing Republican registration figures, the re- wise to do so.
port observes that all the old "power cen-
ters"-labor, the farm bloc, Big Business-
are losing grounii to the new power group would be wise also to call a halt to the
rofessional and managerial middle brutal murder of wounded American
f th
e p
o
the class. This new power group is not par- fighting men such as that reported in
Committee re- titularly "party minded"; it tends to vote eyewitness accounts yesterday. We
Mr. Senate GRIFFIN. Republican Mr. Policy President,
in terms of a reaction to problems, not an cannot and will not tolerate such atroei-
cently issued a penetrating study of the allegiance to philosophies." The new power
American electorate in the mid-60's, and group is accustorhed to both affluence and ties; and, if American they ey are re repeated, the certain wrath
th
projected its study into the 1970's to de- security, and it knows little about the world
termine the issues that must be met in of the Nineteen Thirties, which still control felt in North Vietnam as never before,
order to attract a oritA pp over 'or politics of CIA Rneration. and as it should be.
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16298 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 26, 1966
Mr. President, the Macon, Ga., Tele- support and demand. No one as attuned to They told no one, not even the high ofll-
graph of July 20 and the Augusta, Ga., public sentiment as President Johnson ciais in the State Department.
Herald of July 19 published excellent usually is can be unaware that the Admin- Mr. Mrkva's initial, meeting was with
editorials concerning the Communist istration has lagged behind apparent public Zdenek Pisk, then Third Secretary and
threat to try captured U.S. servicemen. opinion in the tempo Of the war. Approval later Second Secretary of the stepped-up offensive is general. of the C:ZeChoS10-
I invite the attention of the Senate to Of course most of us, despising the war in vakian Embassy. At Pisk's invitation,
them and ask unanimous consent that the deepest recesses of our being, do not wish Mr. Mrkva attended social functions at
they be printed in the RECORD, to unleash U. S. fury without restraint. Such the Embassy, to which he had been ac-
There being no objection, the editorials warfare must inevitably destroy multitudes customed to delivering and waiting for
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, of bystanding Vietnamese civilians. Like as passports in his job as visa courier in the
as follows: not, as the might of our war machine rolled Passport Division.
the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, July 20, the over few the small leaders r reaally elly guilty tyyi ag would and of troop
[From troop off off The first overt act by Fisk to enlist Mr.
guil
19661 into Red China, whole of limb and skin, leav- Mrkva into the Czecholsovakian espio-
EXECUTION OF PRISONERS WOULD INVITE ing the hapless civilians to suffer for the mis- nage network was on November 30, 1961,
REPRISAL deeds of the leadership. when he invited Mr. Mrkva to dinner at
The ground rules of war require prisoners Let the clearest words, such as those de- a metropolitan restaurant and asked him
to be protected against violence, intimida- livered by Secretary of State Rusk yester- numerous questions about his family,
tion, insult, and public curiosity. The North day, inform Hanoi of U.S. feeling and deter- background, relatives in Czechoslovakia
Vietnamese already have violated the rules mination. No possible doubt should be per- and State Department duties. There
by marching captured American airmen mitted about the sureness of swift retalia- followed, from November 1961 to July
through the streets of Hanoi under armed tion. The blistering destruction which
escort. would fall upon the North Vietnamese would 1966, a total of 48 meetings by Mr. Mrkva
A real rupture of the rules will occur if, bring no glory to the U.S., but any action with Czechosolvakian officials--11 with
as suggested In wire dispatches from other short of the most extreme would be unac- Pisk and later 37 with a second agent,
Communist capitals, the airmen are put on ceptable to the American public. Jiri Opatrny, an attache of the Czecho-
trial as "war criminals." There is some possibility that, despite the solvakian Embassy who took over the spy
The 1949 Geneva Convention on Prisoners blustering and attempted menace in Sun- operations from Pisk in May 1963.
of War which forbids such treatment, "to day's statements by the northern president, The two Czech agents paid Mr. Mrkva
all cases of declared war or any other armed Ho Chi Minh, Hanoi has gotten the message. a total of $3,440 which the American
conflict." North Viet Nam signed the accord For there had been speculation that the Government employee turned over to the
In 1957. announcement would include information FBI as the payments were made for him
What is atrocity and what Is playing the relating to the captive U.S. service men, and
game by the rules in the agonizing illogic likely also to the matter of trials. No mention to perform certain functions requested by
of modern war is a dilemma usually reserved was made, however, of the prisoners and their the Czechs.
for civilians. At least one GI prisoner of fate. Most of the meetings were held in the
war has been murdered by the Viet Cong - Maryland suburbs of Washington and
in reprisal for the execution in Saigon FRANK on the park benches in Northwest Wash-
VC terrorists. On the other hand, there have ve THE HEROIC WORK OF ington. One was held In front of a
been reports published of atrocities by the MRKVA theater in Northeast Washington, one In
South Vietnamese. What happens in the Mr. CURTIS. Mr. President, it is the Southeast Washington, and another in a
heat of battle is perhaps understandable, if
not excusable. strong and sincere desire of all of us that Virginia suburban shopping center.
Should Hanoi try and execute the cap- true patriotism shall always remain alive During the entire period of his contact
tured American pilots, this nation's anger and vibrant in this free country of ours, with the Czech espionage agents, Mr.
Is certain to be great. Such action by the and I believe we should give public rec- Mrkva acted with full knowledge and
North Vietnamese would invite retaliation ognition to outstanding examples of It guidance of the FBI and his superiors in
in one form or another. url,a? fh , ,,,,,,,,,. _
written: "Nobody who knows anything about Today, Mr. President, I ask this von- supplied such inconsequential items as a
Lyndon Johnson can have much doubt about orable body to join me in saying thanks State Department telephone book to the
the severity of his reaction If the fliers he to a young man who risked his life for Czech . agents. Later he transmitted
sent into' North Viet Nam are executed 41/2 years in silent devotion to duty and press releases and certain administra-
against the standards of international law love for this country. Because of his tive reports which had been cleared by
for carrying out his orders." contribution, 180 million Americans are the FBI. As his relationship with the
The United States never ratified the 1925 a little bit safer in their homes today. Czechoslovakian agents progressed, the
Geneva Convention against chemical-biolo- The name of this young man is Frank Communists' interests became more spe-
gical warfare. But in 1948 President Roose- Mrkva, and he is the General Services cific. They wanted to obtain a blank
velt pledged that the U.S. would not use gas-
germ weapons except in retaliation. officer in the Passport Office; at the De- U.S. passport of a new series. They
Executing or even cruelly punishing or partment of State. He has been a Gov- wanted information concerning rooms
humiliating our airmen is bound to arouse ernment employee for about 11 years and and locations of high officials In the State
the American public and in the long run hurt has risen from the grade of i ; .3 to G__11 Department dealing with Czechoslovak-
the North Vietnamese. We hope Hanoi has through dedication of his time and tal- Ian affairs. Finally, they asked Mr.
the good sense to realize that. ents to his job. Four and a half years Mrkva to place a listening device-a
ago he began doing double duty for sin- "bugging" mechanism, if you please-
[From the Augusta (Ga.) Herald, July 19, gle pay for his country with the knowl- in the office of Mr. Raymond Lisle, Di-
1966] edge only of his immediate superiors and rector of the Office of Eastern European
WARNINGS TO HANOI high officials of the Federal! Bureau of Affairs.
It is very difficult to imagine any North Investigation. Mr. Mrkva, again with FBI clearance,
Vietnamese action which would redound A Communist diplomat from Czecho- provided Czech Agent Opatrny with a
more to their own disadvantage than the slovakia befriended Mr. Mrkva In the General Services Administration cata-
threatened war criminal trial by Hanoi of
course of official business and began try- log of Government furniture to aid in
captured members of the U.S. armed forces.
On every hand there is reflected the in- ing to get certain information and docu- designing the listening device so that it
tense outrage and purpose to all-out retalia- ments from him. Mr. Mrkva reported could be placed unobtrusively in Mr.
tion which the projected "trials" seems uni- the developments to Mr. Robert Johnson, Lisle's office. This was in December 1965.
formly to arouse. From President to pundit his immediate superior, the Chief Coun- After several more meetings, Opatrny
to public the sentiment appears uniforms; sel and Chief Security Officer of the Pass- delivered an electronic "bugging" device
such trials, certainly any executions result- port Office. With the additional knowl- to Mr. Mrkva on May 29, 1966. The Be-
ing therefrom, would unquestionably loose edge only of Mr. Johnson's administra- vice could be activated and deactivated
unrestrained fury upon the perpetrators.
The UN's U Thant and Britain's tive aid, Mrs. Constance Lumardi, and by remote control and was to be placed
Wilson, both of whom m look with disfavor up- Harold Miss Frances G. Knight, Director of the in the base of a bookcase in Mr. Lisle's
on U.S. . activity in Viet Nam, have urged the e Passport Office, the matter was reported office. Opatrny promised to pay Mr.
captors of the Americans to abandon any to the FBI and Mr. Mrkva began his har- Mrkva $1,000 for making the installa-
thought of trials. rowing double life. Miss Knight and tion. Mr. Mrkva turned the device over
Escalation of the war would be immeazur- these other two people in the Passport to FBI agents in the State Department
ably intensified, most likely with firm public Office are entitled to great credit also. Building.
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July 26, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16291
to change your mind, to make different de-
cisions in the future.
"Secondly, since almost all important
policy judgments are speculative, you must
avoid risking too much on the conviction
that you are right."
Of course, agnoticism about the future
cannot be permitted to sever the nerve of
action in the present, but present action
must confront the concrete situation and
the specific circumstance. The curse of inter-
national affairs is the statesman who sees
himself as philosopher and moralist-we have
had some such in Washington-and proposes
to resolve all questions according to a higher
law visible only to himself and others of the
illuminati. Let us pledge ourselves to an
economy of means, renounce self-righteous-
ness and not try to settle questions which do
not need to be settled. Your countrymen
and mine find it especially hard to forsake
the pleasures of preaching to lesser breeds,
but it still might be worth the effort for
both of us. The hard fact is that with all
our superiority, we cannot intelligently base
decisions on a. non-existent chart of the
future; so we might as well stick to what
we know.
I read the other day a sagacious letter
written 70 years ago by the young Winston
Churchill to a New York politician of the
time, Bourke Cockran. "The duty of govern-
ment," Churchill said, "is to be first of all
practical. I am for makeshifts and expedi-
ency. I would like to make the people who
live on this world at the same time as I do
better fed and happier generally. If inci-
dentally I benefit posterity-so much the
better-but I would not sacrifice my own
generation to a principle however high or a
truth however great."
Such an approach may seem too modest-
even, perhaps, too cynical-for those ideo-
logical statesmen whose self-righteousness
has adorned our age-those confident moral-
ists prepared with the deepest conscience and
commitment to sacrifice their generation on
the altar of their own metaphors. But his-
tory, never wholly silent, raises questions
about the infallibility of their historical
models, whether positive or negative-ques-
tions about both the all-encompassing ide-
ology and the single analogy. Far from
enabling us to look piercingly into the future,
history, if we read it aright, offers us an even
more valuable gift: it makes us--or should
make us-understand the extreme difficulty,
the intellectual peril, the moral arrogance of
supposing that the future will yield itself so
easily to us.
Properly understood, history must lead
statesmen to a profound and humbling sense
of human frailty-to a recognition of the
fact, so often and so tragically destructive
of our most sacred certitudes, that the possi-
bilities of history are far richer and more
various than the human intellect Is likely to
conceive-this; and the final understanding
that, despite the limitations of our knowledge
and the obscurity of our sItuatio , we are
never relieved from the nec sity meeting
our responsibilities. F,tee s a d fatality:
still the essence of the l na c dition.
IVJORE DISSENT ON VIETNAM
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the
dissent from our policies in southeast
Asia continues-and properly so. It is
rising, 'It takes the form of analyses of
official presentations and of recommen-
dations for new and untried approaches
to a cessation of the slaughter and to
peace.
A pertinent example of the former is
found in Walter Lippmann's column en-
titled "An Old Slogan," published in the
Washington Post of July 26.
An example of the latter is the leading
editorial, entitled "New Opportunity in
Vietnam," published in the New York
Times of July 26.
I ask unanimous consent that these
items be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
and editorial were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, July 26, 19661
TODAY AND TOMORROW: AN OLD SLOGAN
(By Walter Lippmann)
Campaigning in the Middle West the Presi-
dent has used as one of his main theses the
cry that the war in Vietnam is a war to end
wars like the one in Vietnam. "If guerrilla
warfare succeeds in Asia," he said, "it can
also succeed in Africa and Latin America as
well." This is precisely what we all said
during the First World War. That war was
"a war to end war" To hear that old slogan
brought out again is, to say the least, creepy.
For not only did the First World War not end
war, as a matter of fact it sowed the ground
for the Second World War,
Presumably the President means what he
is saying. But it is hard to think that any-
one can believe that the outcome in Vietnam
will determine whether' there are guerrilla
wars "in Africa and Latin America," or even
In other parts of Asia. Are we really sup-
posed to believe that the future of guerrilla
warfare, that is to say of rebellion, will be
determined by what happens in Vietnam?
What is the connection between the guer-
rilla wars waged in Ireland, Palestine, Ar-
menia, Macedonia, Croatia, Crete, Algeria,
the Congo? Were not these uprisings sepa-
rate events? How can anyone deceive him-
self with the notion that uprisings all over
the globe have some kind of underground
common instigator and that they can be sup-
pressed and discouraged by what happens in
one small corner of the world?
Fifty years ago when the cry of "a war to
end war" was first heard, it was used to
inspire people who, themselves remote from
the fighting, needed a motive to keep on with
the battle. The slogan was invented by an
Englishman to arouse the Insular British and
the isolationist Americans who, not being
under fire, saw no clear vital interests which
they were defending.
Mr. Johnson has dusted off the old war
slogan because it is not easy to prove to the
American people that they are fighting for
a vital interest of the United States. In the
First World War the United States did have
a vital interest, which was to prevent the
conquest of Great Britain and France and
to keep open the Atlantic connection with
Europe. This was a difficult thing to explain
in the excitement of a war, and in Iieu of a
true explanation of the Issues of the war
we fell back upon the slogan of a war to
end war,
In Asia the United States does Indeed have
a vital interest in preventing the conquest
of the Asian mainland and of the islands
and archipelagoes of the western Pacific.
But there is no convincing reason for think-
ing that the war in Vietnam as it has now
developed, is vital to the American interests
in the world. The American position has
always been that our interest in. Asia must
be defended and promoted without America
becoming Involved in such a land war as
is now raging in Vietnam.
President Johnson sustained his argument
about a war to end guerrilla war with loud
protestations about the firmness of our in-
tentions to preserve and to defeat guerrilla
warfare. Is he sure that what people see
happening in Vietnam convinces them of
this? Does the deeper and deeper involve-
ment in Vietnam Indicate that we would
put equal effort into another antiguerrilla
war on some other continent? Or does the
Vietnamese affair indicate that we would not
be able to fight two or three such wars at
the same time?
This is another reason for wanting to be-
lieve that this one disagreeable war, this
one ever-expanding war, is the last and
only war that will have to be fought. But
to want to believe this does not make it
believable.
[From the New York Times, July 26, 1966]
NEW OPPORTUNrrT IN VIETNAM
President Ho Chi Minh's statement that
there is "no trial in view" for American mili-
tary prisoners in North Vietnam Is a victory
for the moral influence of world opinion.
That victory transcends the fate of the cap-
tive airmen, for it offers hope that common
sense and common humanity ultimately may
prevail against' the ever greater barbarism
the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both
sides.
The United States has yielded to the pres-
sure of world opinion in the past by offering
peace proposals and twice suspending the
bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the
first time that Hanoi has shown regard for
the opinion of mankind. Its decision to back
away from talk of "war crimes trials" follows
direct pleas from Secretary General Thant,
Pope Paul VI, numerous governments and
opinion leaders everywhere, including eight-
een liberal American Senators. The hope
now must be that reason can prevail on the
broader issues of the war itself.
The conflict in Vietnam is a political
struggle that, in the end, can only be resolved
by political means. In politics, timing Is of
the essence. A number of opportunities to
probe the prospects for peace have been
neglected in the past. It is vital that the
new atmosphere and the new opportunity
opened by Hanoi's response on the prisoner
issue not be missed as well.
The approach favored by American mod-
erates and long urged by The Times has just
been summed up admirably by Prof. Arthur
M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential element is
to stop the Americanization of the war by
halting the American buildup in South Viet-
nam; a quarter of a million American troops
Is more than enough. The second vital ele-
ment is a civilian Government in Saigon
that can open contact with the insurgent
forces. Third, is the need to build an at-
mosphere conducive to negotiations by taper-
ing off the bombing of North Vietnam. Fi-
nally, efforts to reconvene the Geneva con-
ference must be linked with broad diplomatic
discussions with Moscow, Paris and other in-
terested states to find a formula for the neu-
tralization and economic development of
Southeast Asia as a whole.
Most of all, what is needed is a clear in-
dication that the American objective is not
military victory but political settlement.
The American ability to escalate the war
needs no further demonstration. The need
now is to halt the escalation and make a
vigorous new effort to achieve peace,
DELAWARE STARTS CIVIL RIGHTS
SUIT IN SUPREME COURT
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, Wednes-
day, July 20, may well go down in the
history books as one of the most memo-
rable and significant dates in American
history.
In an epochal action, the State of
Delaware last Wednesday asked the Su-
preme Court of the United States to
declare unconstitutional the system un-
der which all of a State's electoral votes
are cast for the presidential candidate
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16292 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 26;, 1966
drawing the most popular vote, thus de-
stroying the civil rights of those voting
in the minority, since their votes in op-
position are actually added to the votes
.cast for the winner so that the entire
electoral vote of a State is cast, en bloc,
for the victorious candidate.
This unique suit also points out in its
highly persuasive brief that the civil
rights of all American citizens who
should have not only an equal right to
vote but who should be entitled to have
that vote counted with equality with
every other vote, cast by every other citi-
zen are seriously impaired and preju-
diced by the prevailing method of re-
cording electoral votes. In fact, as it
now operates, the electoral system records
the single vote of an individual citizen
in-New York State as having more than
14 times the weight and the importance
of the single vote cast by an individual
citizen in the State of Delaware. No
other factor except the accident of geo-
graphic residence provides for the un-
conscionable disparity in counting and
evaluating the votes cast by American
citizens for the President and Vice Presi-
dent of their choice,
Mr. President, under the prevailing
system only the voters of New York State
can be considered as first-class citizens.
All other citizens of all other States are
relegated downward in their citizenship
status with Californians being "almost
first-class citizens" and with every in-
dividual voter in every other State being
markedly a "lower class citizen" until we
get down to the smaller States whose citi-
zens have only one-fifth, or one-tenth,
or less than one-fourteenth the status
and standing of the voter in the State of
New York,
In fact, it is exactly as though a citizen
in New York State were permitted to vote
14 times for President while a citizen of
Delaware were permitted to vote 3 times,
since an individual voter in New York
State moves 14 electoral votes into the
Presidential voting computations while
a voter in Delaware by his vote moves
only 3 electoral votes into the computa-
tions of the electoral college. Similar-
fly, voters of all other States are penal-
ized and downgraded by the inequities
and injustices of the present electoral
system which the suit of the State of
Delaware now seeks to correct by its ap-
peal to the Supreme Court of the United
States.
In its memorable decision on the so-
called Alabama reapportionment case of
June 15, 1964, usually alluded to as Reyn-
olds against Sims, the U.S. Supreme
Court, in the prevailing opinion written
by Mr. Chief Justice Warren said:
If a State should provide that the votes of
citizens of one part of the State should be
given two times, or five times, or ten times
the weight of votes of citizens in another part
of the State, it could hardly be contended
that the right to vote of those residing in the
disfavored areas had not been effectively
diluted.... It is inconceivable that a State
law to the effect that, in counting votes for
legislators, the votes of citizens in one part
of the State would be multiplied by two, five,
or ten, while the votes of persons in another
area would be counted only at face value,
could be constitutionally sustainable,
Mr. President, I submit that it is like-
wise constitutionally unsustainable to
permit citizens voting for President to
multiply by as much as 14 their votes cast
for President.
Every State in the Union having more
than a single member in the House of
Representatives has been made a defend-
ant in this suit by the State of Delaware.
Already this historic suit is attracting
much publicity in the press and period-
icals of our Nation. I ask unanimous
consent to have printed at this point in
my remarks an article published under a
three-column headline in the Minne-
apolis Tribune of July 21, 1966.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DELAWARE SUES To VOID U.S. ]ELECTORAL
SYSTEM
(By Fred P. Graham)
WASHINGTON, D.C-The State of Delaware
asked the Supreme Court Wednesday to de-
clare unconstitutional the system under
which all of a state's electoral votes are cast
for the presidential candidate drawing most
of the popular vote.
Invoking the court's original jurisdiction
to hear disputes between states, Atty. Gen.
David P. Buckson of Delaware brought suit
against all the other 49 states and the Dis-
trict of Columbia. However, he directed his
legal attack specifically at New York and
other states with large blocks of electoral
votes.
The suit charged that a citizen. of a large
state exerted more political influence than a
citizen of a small state because, theoretically
at least, he is capable of delivering a decisive
number of electoral votes.
It asks the high court to extend its one-
man, one-vote doctrine to declare uncon-
stitutional the winner-take-all or "'unit vote"
system of choosing presidential electors.
All states now use the unit vote system, but
neither the Constitution nor federal law re-
quires it.
According to the suit, in the early years
of the republic a majority of the states used
the district system to choose electors.
This method gave an electoral vote to the
candidate that carried each congressional dis-
trict, with each state's two senatorial elec-
toral votes going to the candidate who carried
the state.
But a few states were able to exert addi-
tional political influence by giving all their
electoral votes to the candidate who carried
the states, and this forced all the other
states to adopt the same system, the suit
said.
The result is that at present the electoral
votes of the 11 largest states, plus that of any
one other state, are enough to win a presi-
dential election. These 11 states are New
York, California, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Ohio,
Texas, Michigan, New Jersey, Florida, Massa-
chusetts and Indiana.
A majority, of 270 of the 538 electoral votes,
is necessary to elect a president.
The defendants were listed in this descend-
ing order, extending down to the smallest
states. Thus the suit Is entitled Delaware
v, New York, and is in fact directed at these
11 states.
Buckson said In a news conference that
other small states are expected to realign
themselves on the plaintiff side of the case.
New York citizens have also benefitted un-
duly from the unit vote system by having a
great chance to become president, the suit
contends.
Of the 100 men nominated for president or
vice president, 24 have been New Yorkers,
while no citizen of Delaware has ever been
nominated for either office, and Delaware and
35 other states have never had one of their
citizens elected president.
"Citizens of these states are as well quali-
fied for national office as are New York's citi-
zens," the suit contended, but they have been
overlooked because of "the premium placed
upon the strategic location of potential can-
didates residing In New York and other large
states."
In 1960, it pointed out, John F. Kennedy
received 67.5 per cent of the combined elec-
toral college votes of Illinois and Indiana
when he carried Illinois by a whisker and got
its 27 electoral votes. Richard M. Nixon re-
ceived 51.6 per cent of the combined electoral
college votes which got only Indiana's 13
electoral votes.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, there is
a fair and Objective substitute for the in-
equitable electorial college situation of
which Deleware rightfully complains. A
number of us in Congress have for many
years been advocating a constitutional
amendment which would return this
country to the so-called district system
of choosing our Presidential electors
which was intended by our constitutional
forefathers and which, in fact, was used
in this Republic during the first several
presidential campaigns of this country's
history. It was changed to the winner-
take-all, en-bloc, method of choosing
electors only because some early-day
politicians with partisan ambitions had
it altered by acts of their State legisla-
tures to secure added political power for
their respective States and this, of course,
in self-defense compelled other States to
follow the new, 'nonrepresentative pat-
tern.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the text of Senate Joint Resolu-
tion 12, which is now before Congress, be
printed at this point in my remarks. It
is to be noted it has widespread, bipar-
tisan support. It has been the subject
of much testimony before the so-called
Birch Bayh Subcommittee Studying
Electoral College Reform. In a some-
what different version, it once was ap-
proved by a majority of the Senate, but
it lacked necessary two-thirds vote at the
time. However, additional support has
developed for the proposal since that test
vote. In my opinion, this so-called dis-
trict plan, which gives every voter in
America--regardless of where he lives-
precisely the same "votepower" in the
naming of a President solves the evils of
the current electoral college system
without injecting any new evils of its
own. I commend it to the continued
study of Congress and the country.
There being no objection, the joint
resolution (S.J. Res. 12) was ordered to
be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
S.J. RES. 12
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
In Congress assembled (two-thirds of each
House concurring therein), That the follow-
ing article be proposed as an amendment to
the Constitution of the United States which
shall be valid to all intents and purposes as
part of the Constitution if ratified by the
legislatures of three-fourths of the several
States within seven years from the date of
its submission by" the Congress:,
"ARTICLE -
"SECTION 1. Each State shall choose a num=
ber of electors of President and Vice Presi-
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My resolution would avoid problems
by establishing regular-and I believe
proper-procedures for considering orig-
inal resolutions reported by committees
as well as resolutions amended by strik-
ing out all after the enacting clause and
inserting new language, the subject mat-
ter of which is predominantly within the
jurisdiction of another committee. I
hope that the Committee on Rules and
Administration will be able to schedule
hearings on the proposal this session.
It may, be that such hearings would
reveal ways in which it can be modified
and strengthened. I am concerned with
the principle involved. I believe there
should be a provision in the Senate rules
to cover this matter. It should not be
necessary for the Senate to vote up or
down each original resolution reported
by a committee which involves the juris-
diction of another committee. Nor is it
the way to conduct the business of the
Senate.
Mr. President, I hope the Committee
on Rules and Administration will give
me and those of us who are interested
in this subject an opportunity to be
heard.
I thank the majority leader for this
opportunity to speak.
Mr. MANSFIELD. - It is a pleasure,
I say to my distinguished friend, the
senior Senator from Massachusetts.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The res-
olution will be received and appropri-
ately referred; and, under the rule, will
be printed in the RECORD.
The resolution (S. Res. 287) was re-
ferred to the Committee on Rules and
Administration, as follows:
Resolved, That Rule XXVI of the Stand-
ing Rules of the Senate is amended by add-
ing at the end thereof the following new
paragraph:
"3. All original bills or resolutions pro-
posed to be reported shall be introduced
and referred to the appropriate standing
committee before being placed on the Ca-
lendar of Business. A proposed report on a
bill or resolution with a committee amend-
ment to strike out all after the enacting or
resolving clause and insert in lieu thereof
new language, the subject matter of which
predominantly is within the jurisdiction of
another committee, shall be referred to such
other committee and reported therefrom
before it shall be printed on the Calendar
of Business for Senate consideration."
COMMITTEE MEETINGS DURING
SENATE SESSION
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Sub-
committee on Constitutional Rights and
the Subcommittee on Antitrust and
Monopoly Legislation of the Committee
on the Judiciary be permitted to meet
during the session of the Senate today.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, objec-
tions have been lodged with the minor-
ity leadership. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is so
ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Sub-
committee on Government Research of
the Committee on Government Opera-
tions and the Committee on Post Office
and Civil Service be permitted to meet
during the session of the Senate today.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. PASTORE subsequently said: Mr.
President, I ask unanimous consent that
the Subcommittee on Constitutional
Rights of the Committee on the Judi-
ciary be permitted to meet during the
session of the Senate today.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hearing none, it
is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that tlye order for
VIETNAM
Mr. MANSFIELD. Gen. Nguyen Kao
Ky, provisional premier of South Viet-
nam, has recently stated to the American
people that the requirements of victory
in Vietnam compel a ground invasion of
North Vietnam. Furthermore, he be-
lieves that "we" as "free men" ought to
go to war now with China since we will
have to do so, in any event, in 5 or 10
years.
General fly's right to say whatever he
pleases is recognized. His right to bind
the United States thereby ought to be
rejected in equally unmistakable terms.
It so happens that Gen. Nguyen Kao
Ky is a northern Vietnamese. It is quite
proper for him to desire the reunification
of Vietnam, which, as some of us have
stated, is basically one culture, north and
south, with many shadings. It is quite
proper for him to want to go back home
to North Vietnam, where he was born and
where he grew up and did his initial
soldiering with the French colonial
forces. It is quite proper for him to
believe he must fight the Chinese, if it is
necessary for him to get there and stay
there.
What is not proper, what is most im-
proper, is for the United States to per-
mit itself to be placed by General Ky in
a position which requires us not only to
use our strength to protect the pro-
visional Ky government in South Viet-
nam but to carry General Ky back home
to North Vietnam on the shoulders of
our marines and infantry. What is not
proper is for us to incur tens of thou-
sands of additional U.S. casualties to
help General Ky realith his ambitions.
What is not proper is for the United
States to have any aim in this war ex-
cept peace, a peace equitable and re-
strained, and at the soonest possible
moment. That is where the American
interest lies, wherever General Ky's in-
terests may extend and whatever they
may be.
We have already put upward of 270,000,
Americans into Vietnam in order to do
most of the frontline fighting there while,
in accordance with General Ky's desires,
he concentrates on organizing the, rear.
It would be, and I choose the word most
advisedly, an abomination to move this
already questionable battle order into
North Vietnam in order to accommodate
General Ky.
It seems to me that this Government
has only one course here and that is, to
dissociate itself completely and at once
from General Ky's statement, which is
his own business, and to reiterate clearly
that the commitment of this Nation is
to the people of South Vietnam and to
the kind of political order which they can
and will in time and in freedom choose
for themselves. To accept for ourselves
a concept of this war, such as that ad-
vanced by General Ky, would appear to
be at the gravest variance with the in-
terests and the policies of the United
States and with the basis on which this
war has heretofore been supported.
Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the
Senator from Vermont.
Mr. AIKEN. I thank the Senator
from Montana for yielding to me. I
commend the majority leader for what
he has said.
When I awoke this morning and found
that there had emerged a great new
leader for the Western democracies in
the person of General Ky I did not know
whether to swell with pride or to tremble
with apprehension. I decided that it
would be better to let Russia and China
do the trembling and perhaps we should
be rather proud that we have done so
much to develop this new leadership.
It is very possible that after he takes
care of Russia and China and North
Vietnam, perhaps we could ask his
advice as to what we should do in the
United States where we are having vir-
tually organized insurrection in our
cities, where we have strikes in our most
critical industries and where there is
no home building or home purchasing
possible because the banks are putting
their money into channels other than
mortgages or homes.
Perhasps he could advise us about the
financing of our own Government, which
I understand today is in a rather precar-
ious situation.
I do not know just what we might give
in return for the advice and leadership
which is now available to us. Possibly
we could contribute more American
troops to start with, but as to what the
ultimate number should be, I have no
knowledge-possibly a contribution of 5
million would suffice since with compe-
tent leadership and direction our quota
could be held to a minimum.
As I say, let us leave it to Russia and _
China to do the trembling. They have
wanted us to make a bigger effort in
Vietnam so that in 2 years we will be
more thoroughly bogged down and they
will be in a position to undertake a war
of any size and kind. Now, let them
worry.
As I have said, I thank the majority
leader for calling our attention to this
change in leadership, and it is up to each
of us to decide whether he will swell with
pride or tremble with apprehension for
fear of what it might bring about.
Mr. MANSFIELD. May I say to my
distinguished friend that if we were to
follow General Ky's advice, we would
directly presume to be an Asiatic power
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United States
of America
Vol. 112
00
C:on ressional Record
9
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE ;9th CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, JULY 26, 1966
Senate
The Senate met at 10 o'clock a.m., on
the expiration of the recess, and was
called to order by Hon. THOMAS H.
KUCHEL, a Senator from the State of
California.
Rev. Edward B. Lewis, pastor, Capitol
Hill Methodist Church, Washington,
D.C., offered the following prayer:
Dear Lord and Father of mankind, we
recognize a basic essential of life for
prayer at the beginning of this session of
the U.S. Senate.
This moment of prayer is for the sin-
cere purpose of invoking divine blessing
and guidance upon one of the highest of
government assemblies
Prayer is offered today, 0 God, because
of the sense of personal need. We are
grateful for leaders who have a con-
sciousness of heavy responsibility. We
know that Thou art with them; even
through this prayer and their personal
meditations, deliberations, and decisions.
Be Thou their guide and strength.
Be with our President and the world
leaders. Give men of the governments
of the world sincere desire and insight
to the way of peace, we pray sincerely in
the name of the Prince of Peace. Amen.
DESIGNATION OF ACTING PRESI-
DENT PRO TEMPORE
The legislative clerk read the follow-
ing letter:
U.S. SENATE,
PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE,
Washington, D.C., July 26, 1966.
To the Senate:
Being temporarily absent from the Senate,
I appoint Hon. THOMAS H. KUCHEL, a Senator
from the State of California, to perform the
duties of the Chair during my absence.
CARL HAYDEN,
President pro tempore.
Mr. KUCHEL thereupon took the chair
as Acting President pro tempore.
On request of Mr. MANSFIELD, and
by unanimous consent, the reading of
the Journal of the proceedings of Mon-
day, July, 25, 1966, was dispensed with.
(Legislative day of Friday, July 22, 1966)
FOREIGN ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE,
1966
The ACTING PRESIDENT px-o tem-
pore laid before the Senate the unfin-
ished business.
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill (S. 3584) to amend further
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1.961, as
amended, and for other purposes.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, is
the amendment offered by Senator
MORSE now the order of business?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. TY-
DING,s in the chair). The amendment
offered by Senator MORSE is now the
order of business.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
pending the arrival of the distinguished
Senator from Oregon, I ask unanimous
consent that the Senator from Massa-
chusetts [Mr. SALTONSTALLI may speak
for 3 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
REFERRAL OF BILLS AND
RESOLUTIONS
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
I thank the majority leader for giving
me this opportunity. I shall be very
brief.
Mr. President, I submit, for appropriate
reference, a resolution to provide that all
original bills or resolutions proposed to
be reported shall be introduced and re-
ferred to the appropriate Senate commit-
tee before being placed on the Calendar
of Business. I do so in light of the situa-
tion which recently developed on the
floor When the chairman of the Foreign
Relations Committee reported an origi-
nal resolution from that committee and
asked for its consideration, without its
having been referred to the Armed Serv-
ices Committee, which has jurisdiction
over the subject matter involved.,
In. response to a question first raised
by the senior Senator from Rhode Island
[Mr. PASTORE] the Vice President said
that had the resolution been introduced
in the customary way, it would have been
referred to the Armed Services Commit-
tee. He emphasized, however, that this
was his informal opinion given to a0hypo-
thetical question. Later, as a result of
a point of order made by the senior Sen-
ator from Georgia [Mr. RUSSELL] when
the question arose of whether the-resolu-
tion as reported from the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee had to be referred to the
Armed Services Committee, the Vice
President ruled that there was no prec-
edent, and left the matter to the Sen-
ate to decide.
I think the Senate made the proper de-
cision in that instance, but I do not be-
lieve it should be faced with such a ques-
tion again. As it now stands, the prec-
edent is that the matter should be re-
ferred to the Senate for a vote. I think
the issue involved in that situation is too
important to be left unclear. It should
be spelled out in the rules. We know that
in instances such as the one recently be-
fore us, the House of Representatives has
procedures which would prevent the floor
action proposed by the supporters of the
original resolution. I do not believe this
matter should be left open to doubt in
this body, either.
I believe that my resolution will be
helpful. If a committee is allowed to
extend Its jurisdiction Into areas tradi-
tionally within the jurisdiction of other
committees, all subjects may be "up for
grabs," so to speak. No committee can
feel secure that the jurisdiction it pos-
sesses today will not have to be shared
tomorrow with another committee which
asserts its desire to extend its traditional
jurisdiction to cover other subjects. This
could be done without hearings and
without providingan opportunity to con-
sider the views of the committees which
traditionally have had jurisdiction over
the subject in question. There would,
of course, be an opportunity for discus-
sion on the Senate floor, but such mat-
ters should first be given careful consid-
eration with adequate opportunity for
all interested parties to be heard.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16245
which is something I do not think we ITNITED STATES MUST DISAVOW PREMIER XY'S
should do under any circumstances. I EFFORTS TO EXPAND THE WAR IN VIETNAM
believe that we should stay with our his- Mr. President, in recent weeks leaders
toric position which goes back beyond of the military junta in Saigon, and in
the time when we were an Atlantic particular Premier Ky, have made state-
power, in reality. We should remain, on ments and stated objectives that are both
the other side of the world, a Pacific dangerous and contrary to the aims of
power, and not try to stretch ourselves U.S. policy in Asia. If the United States
into being an Asian power. Is to maintain and strengthen the cred-
Our interests are on the fringes and ibility of its peace position, we must
borders of the Western Pacific Ocean, disavow those dangerous objectives as
but not deep in the mainland of Asia. expressed by the Saigon leaders.
We are not in Vietnam to become and we The latest of these statements is re-
should not seek to become an Asiatic ported in today's New York Times.
power. Quoting from an interview with Premier
Mr. AIKEN. There is nothing like a Ky from U.S. News & World Report, the
conference in the mid-Pacific to develop article indicates that Premier Ky wants
the greatest leadership in the world. the United States to face the Communist
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the Chinese now. "Sooner or later we, as
Senator yield? freemen, have to face the Chinese Com-
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield to the Sena- munist. I think it is better to face them
tor from New York. right now than in 5 or 10 years."
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I wish to Last week, Premier Ky called for an
identify myself with the majority leader Allied invasion of North Vietnam.
and the Senator from Vermont [Mr. In previous weeks Ky has repeatedly
AIKEN] In what they have said. I rise to stated that his government, or indeed
underline the words of the majority any South Vietnamese Government over
leader, which I think are the key words which he has any control, would never
of importance today, and that is to dis- under any circumstances, negotiate
sociate this Government from the asser- with the National Liberation Party.
tions of General Ky. All three of these aims are dangerously
The origin of the present situation is out of line with U.S. policy. It Is not
Honolulu, and the situation has now enough for the United States simply to
come full circle with General Ky repre- ignore these remarks. Silence is not
senting a position into which the United sufficient disavowal. If Premier Ky's
States might be thrown. remarks are ignored by us, other nations
I wish to pay my tribute to the major- cannot help but believe that he is ex-
ity leader for calling the turn on it. I pressing objectives which we ourselves
hope very much that this position is hold but choose not to state publicly.
followed by our Government in calling There is no reason for us to fear the
the turn on General Ky. consequences of challenging Premier Ky
It is high time that General Ky found in these matters. The United States
that he does not speak for the United should not allow the military junta to
States and that he cannot impliedly maneuver us into a position where we are
speak for the United States because he made to feel that any public disagree-
represents, for the time being, the Gov- ment between our Government and the
ernment of South Vietnam. one in Saigon will result in the toppling
Second, as the Senator from Ver- of the present Saigon government.
mont [Mr. AIKEN] emphasized, our re- If we act only by silence now, then we
sponsibility is to the people of South will increasingly lose control over events
Vietnam, so long as they demonstrate a that happen to us in Vietnam. We may
hunger for freedom and the will to fight soon find that no reasonable, negotiat-
for it. If we find that these factors have ing position and no peace offensive are
changed, I say that we do not belong acceptable to the military junta. U.S.
there. interests are at stake in Vietnam and
Third,. It demonstrates that we must American troops are fighting there, but
push with all of the effort that we have those interests and those men should
a duly elected, legitimate civilian gov-
ernment. As long as there is a military
junta running South Vietnam, this kind
of irresponsibility becomes possible.
I think that the majority leader has
shown time and again his complete
probity in these matters of foreign pol-
icy by taking positions of this kind.
I honor the majority leader for taking
the position that he has today. I hope
make It possible for us to have greater
safety for our own citizens and more
security in our own country.
We are doing that with the idea that
if we help South Vietnam to establish a
government of their own, then we will
have more security and safety here for
our own citizens.
If we are to extend our responsibility,
as suggested by General Ky, into other
areas of Asia, we only decrease our oppor-
tunities for security and safety of our own
citizens and increase our military re-
sponsibilities. In substance we spread
our efforts too widely to be effective.
I certainly join with my colleagues who
have spoken this morning on that sub-
ject, and I commend the majority leader
for having emphasized the need for keep-
ing our responsibilities to the original
purpose of making it possible for the
South Vietnamese to establish their own
government which, I understand, is what
we are trying to do and what we hope
we will succeed in doing in our efforts
there.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, what
has been said in this Chamber this morn-
ing should have been said.
The majority leader, and those who
have followed, spoke for the American
people and for this Government.
General Ky does not speak for the
people of the United States, nor for the
Government of the United States.
On this occasion, I think that mem-
bers of the executive branch should join
responsible Members of Congress in
speaking out and saying so.
I very much doubt that the world
misunderstands. My judgment is that
the position of the American people has
been made clear over the past months
and years. I think that Communist
China clearly understands the goal of the
Government of the United States and
what it seeks in southeast Asia.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection it is so ordered.
or to a massive Asian land war. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
I urge the Government of the United ask unanimous consent that the Sen-
States to restate our negotiating position, ator from Ohio [Mr. YouNc.] may be
to reaffirm U.S. desire for peace, and to recognized for 7 minutes.
disavow any objectives stated by the The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
Saigon government which run counter out objection, it is so ordered.
to our own.
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
will the Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
CLEVELAND RAKES COALS OF
RACIAL VIOLENCE
that it is followed by our Government. Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President, I
I think that it is the only way in which wish to add my comments to the discus-
the implications of Honolulu-where, it sion to which I have just listened.
has been said, the United States put its The other day the majority leader and
arm around General Ky-can be ended. the chairman of the Committee on For-
General Ky has provided us a splen- eign Relations engaged In a colloquy as to
did opportunity and it should be taken our responsibilities in Asia, and as to
advantage of. whether we were an Asian power, and all
I congratulate the majority leader for that that implied.
for his great exercise of responsibility to- At that time I rose and spoke briefly
day and the leadership which he has and said that I believed our position
demonstrated. there was one of a military character to
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
in recent days, on the East Side of the
city of Cleveland where I have lived in
the past, there have been acts of violence
and killing of Innocent people. In the
Hough Avenue area, where some years
ago I made my home with my wife and
little children, Negroes, frustrated no
doubt by neglect, have resorted to acts of
violence. Stores have been looted and
burned, abandoned, and neglected.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July _26, 1966
Apartments and old dwellings have been
destroyed by fire, stores looted of mer-
chandise, and four or more citizens have
been killed. Hundreds have been
wounded by gunfire or brutally beaten.
This is not at all the result of any con-
spiracy, Communist inspired or other-
wise.
Obviously one of the causes of the
rioting in Cleveland is the terribly in-
adequate and long-neglected housing
condition throughout the Hough Avenue
area. The indignities of ghetto life are
distressing and the routine rat-filled
houses of the slums appalling. The ne-
glect of this entire area is inexcusable.
Church and community leaders in Cleve-
land should accelerate efforts on a non-
profit housing program not only for the
Hough area but for other East Side areas
of Cleveland. Then, we in the Congress
have a duty to enact into law more effec-
tive programs to back up and aid efforts
of communities to provide adequate
housing.
Violence that has occurred in my home
city is also taking place in many other
cities throughout the Nation, particularly
in northern cities which have tolerated
what could be termed "Negro ghettoes."
We are witnessing explosions in various
cities in various sections of our country,
both north and south of the Mason-
Dixon line. This is an explosion of pent-
up frustrations, unemployment, and
hopelessness of those living in neglected
neighborhoods.
Mayor Ralph Locher of Cleveland,
when our police force was unable to cope
with the rioting, requested that National
Guard units be sent in to restore law and
order. Governor Rhodes complied.
Elements of the Ohio National Guard, to
the extent of approximately 2,000 men,
are in this East Side Hough Avenue area
establishing road blockades and barri-
cades and enforcing a curfew seeking to
end rioting and the killing and injuring
of men, women, and children. In most
part, objects of destruction by Negro
youth in the Hough Avenue area have
been stores and property largely owned
and operated by absentee owners.
Store windows have been smashed, stores
looted, apartment buildings burned.
In Cleveland many of the young men,
members of the National Guard sud-
denly called in, frightened of the terror
and violence, seemed unable to quell the
rioting and to prevent women, children,
and men from being injured. In fact,
in some instances the guardsmen, unac-
customed to handling weapons in com-
bat, appeared trigger happy.
Mr. President, nearly one-third of the
large population of the city of Cleveland
consists of Negroes. We have always
taken pride in the fact that our city is
truly a melting pot. We have believed
that our population of various and di-
verse ethnic origin, Slovenian, Hungar-
ian, Polish, Italian, German, and na-
tionals of other countries of the Old
World who came here themselves or
whose fathers and mothers settled in
Cleveland away from the prejudices and.
oppressions of the Old World, came in
search of political and religious liberty
and found it in Cleveland. Perhaps we
were wrong in our high hopes.
In this administration of Mayor Ralph
Locher there are considerably more than
2,000 men on the Cleveland police force.
Yet, of this large number only 137 are
Negroes. This in a city where 33 percent
of the population is Negro. Further-
more, it has seemed evident that some
members, a minority but a substantial
minority, of our police force conducted
themselves with brutality and a lack of
intelligence in trying to cope with unruly
crowds who were rioting. In Cleveland,
where the 31 members of our city council
are elected and not appointed, as are
members of the police force, 10 are Ne-
groes. The majority leader of the city
council is a respected Negro leader,
Charles V. Carr, who has been elected as
councilman from his ward for many
years.
In the cabinet of the mayor of Cleve-
land two of the nine directors are Ne-
groes. There are 13 municipal court
judges. Of these 13, 2 Negroes have
been repeatedly elected to the court.
There are 23 Cuyahoga County common
pleas court judges, and only 1 is a Negro.
Governor Rhodes of Ohio has within the
past 2 or 3 years made a number of ap-
pointments to the common pleas court
of Cuyahoga County. He has made good
appointments, but not one has been a
Negro. Ohio courts afford a citizen the
right of one trial and one review. The
court of appeals of the Cleveland area
has six judges, one of whom is a Negro.
It. is deeply saddening that in a great in-
dustrial and beautiful city such as Cleve-
land respect for the laws of our land
which American citizens. should defend
and respect have been flouted and disre-
garded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator's 7 minutes have expired.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent that I may
proceed for 3 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. However, it is
difficult to convince a Negro living with
eight or nine others in a one-:room flat
amid rats and disease in Cleveland's
Hough area that abstract constitutional
ideals have any meaning to him. His
immediate needs are food, a roof over his
head, and employment.
I deplore the violence which is ex-
ploding throughout Cleveland. How-
ever, I am thoroughly convinced that
much more of the same is to come un-
less strong corrective measures are taken.
It is no solution to beat back rioters
with clubs or tear gas. Such action,
merely generates more violence and de-
struction in a spiral which ends in ruin
and more bitter memories, which, given
a spark, will explode out all over again.
It was hoped that the Economic Op-
portunity Act of 1964 would provide some
answers. Unfortunately, that act has
failed to fulfill the high hopes held out
for it at its enactment. The programs
sound good but the targets have been
set far too low. Yet the Economic Op-
portunity Act has given rise to some
very beneficial programs directed toward
our urban poor. Only Federal action
on a large scale can strike to the heart
of this urban dilemma. I am, hopeful
that meaningful changes will be made
this session to rid the war on poverty of
its deadwood. For example, Federal
funds for the elimination of poverty
must be taken from the hands of the
politicians in some of our cities who have
been appointed to high-salaried positions
and who have done very little for the
poor and unemployed.
The housing program is too small.
The poverty program is too small, The
program for slum, schools is too small. It
is not the riots in the slums but these
lame and inadequate programs that are
the real disgrace of the richest nation on
earth.
It is clear that the elimination of slum
misery will require new programs and
much money. We as legislators must
act with determination in providing the
wherewithal to rub out conditions in slum
neighborhoods which give rise to the ugly
rioting which has racked our cities over
this summer. We must be determined
in this task. The handwriting is clearly
written on the battered walls of Cleve-
land, Chicago, and other great cities of
our Nation.
Cleveland is my home city. It is a
matter of pride with me that from 1911
when I moved to Cleveland from the
small city of Norwalk, Ohio, right up to
the time I was elected to the Senate in
1958, I practiced law in Cleveland and
lived in the Cleveland area. My neigh-
bors there, including many thousands of
Negro citizens, have been good and gen-
erous to me every time I sought elective
political office.
Years ago my wife, children, and I
lived in the Hough Avenue area close to
where the worst of this terrible rioting
occurred.
We in the Congress and very definite-
ly the city officials of Cleveland, from
Mayor Locher down, have neglected peo-
ple living in this area and have permitted
it to deteriorate into a miserable slum
where many thousands live in the midst
of filth, stench of overcrowding and lack
of toilet facilities and where children
are crowded into dark and filthy tene-
ments and compelled to play in streets
and where young men and young girls,
even to have a breath of fresh air, are
compelled to walk outside to escape the
heat and fetid air of the tenements. In
this hopeless situation and in the contin-
uing heat of some July nights, hindsight
tells us that the explosion, was inevitable.
Four deaths resulted and hundreds of
men, women and children were badly in-
jured. The damage to buildings and
property will reach a million dollars.
This was the worst rioting in the entire
history of Cleveland. It was replete with
looting, gunfire and sniping. Even some
narrowminded white men considered
themselves self-appointed vigilantes now
stand accused of the murder of a young
Negro husband and father who had not
participated one iota in any rioting.
George Barmann, an outstanding news
reporter on the staff of the Plain Deal-
er--a man who is noted in Ohio as an ob-
jective and talented news reporter-
wrote a fine news column which was pub-
lished in the Christian Science Monitor
under the caption, "Cleveland Rakes
Coals of Racial Violence." Mr. President,
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CONGRESSIONAL .R,)3CQRD -.APPENDIX July 26, 1966
thing one has .to offer. I, believe In every-
thing that I am doing and will give my all-
as I feel this is a true threat to my family's
freedom as well as, my country's, and I will
defend our flag as long as I am able and will
always feel I have saved my children from
going through, the "hell" these kids are here,
Defense Pattern Alarming
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 26, 1966
Mr. LIPSCOMB. Mr. Speaker, in-
creasingly expressions of concern are be-
ing heard across the Nation concern-
ing the adequacies of defense planning
by the administration.
One such expression of concern is con-
tained in the July 20, 1966, issue of the
Glendale, Calif., News-Press.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
submit the Glendale News-Press edito-
rial for inclusion in the RECORD. I be-
lieve the position taken in the editorial
and in the comments it contains will be
of interest to the Congress:
NEW SHORTAGE Is OLD STORY: DEFENSE
PATTERN ALARMING
Testimony of Gen. James P. McConnell,
Air Force chief of staff, that the Tactical
Air Command is down to "bedrock" in
strength sends a ripple of alarm through the
nation.
General McConnell says the shortages are so
serious that trouble elsewhere than Viet Nam
would result in a call-up of the Air National
Guard and disrupt vital training.
It is not a new story so far as the Defense
Department has been concerned recently.
There have been persistent and verified
shortages of vehicles, helicopters, aircraft
parts, certain weight bombs and even cloth-
ing in Viet Nam. A Senate subcommittee,
after a study, listed 29 items in short supply
in the critical war area.
The shortages were verified after vehement
dissent from Secretary of Defense Robert Mc-
Namara, who labeled such information "ba-
loney" "Never have ground operations been
so well supported by air," he said. True,
perhaps, but an evasion of the fact that sup-
plies were short.
Later, after newspaper reports and investi-
gations by members of congress it was learned
that fully half of the four U.S. combat divi-
sions in the United States were not ready for
combat, but engaged in training. All "ready
reserve" battalions were earmarked for Viet
Nam or other U.S. commitments.
Then, at the height of a crisis in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization, the secretary
of defense withdrew 15,000 troops, mostly
highly skilled technicians, from Europe with-
out first consulting our allies. The with-
drawal came shortly after his comment that
it is "absolutely false to say we are overex-
tended and cannot meet our military re-
quirements."
Additionally, of course, Congress and key
military leaders are concerned that there is
no anti-missile defense in operation, that no
program exists for a follow-up bomber to the
obsolescent B-52, at cutbacks in the Strategic
Air Command and refusal of the Defense De-
partment to construct nuclear frigates au-
thorized by Congress to speed a nuclear sur-
face Navy.
The pattern is clear evidence that, regard-
less of Mr. McNamara's background of man-
agement, the matter of defense Is-too critical
to be left to the decisions of a single man.
No one should have this kind of power.
Rather, defense should be a co-operative ef-
fort that Includes Congress and the experi-
enced wisdom of our military leaders.
Only time and a careful analysis of the
secretary's claim that he has saved $14 bil-
lion in defense over the list four years will
It can be said now, howe er, that "savings"
are a misnomer if the nati n's defenses have
been weakened or a war e rt is slowed down
Wars cannot be go ;Mt ith short supplies
and a missile that jh been built cannot
How the Vietnam Problem Was Neatly
Solved, or * * *
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. TIM LEE CARTER
OF KENTUCI;Y
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 26, 1966
Mr. CARTER. Mr. Speaker, the Sat-
urday Evening Post often carries
thought-provoking articles. In the issue
of July 30, 1966, I found this interesting
observation of the Vietnam situation,
written by Russell Baker:
THE HUMAN COMEDY: HOW THE VIETNAM
PROBLEM WAS NEATLY SOLVED, OR
(By Russell Baker)
Until 10:32 p.m. when the direct phone
from Saigon rang in the White House, Sep-
tember 17, 1971, had been just another day
In Washington.
Once again President Johnson had urged
the- nation to be patient about the Viet-
namese war. Secretary of Defense McNamara
that afternoon had issued his semiannual.
declaration that the Viet Cong were no
longer winning.
At the State Department, Secretary Rusk
had assured the press that despite wide-
spread riots and library burnings, there was
every reason to believe that Gen, Quang Cai
Quec, who had seized power three weeks be-
fore, would at last give South Vietnam a long
period of governmental stability.
Mr. Rusk said that Gen. Quec might even
agree soon to take some of the South Viet-
namese army out of pagodas and put them
into battle alongside the Americans.
The White House phone call was from the
American ambassador. "General Quec wants
an island," he said.
The presidential jet touched down at Hono-
lulu 36 hours later. "What's this about an
island?" the President asked Gen. Quec.
While the President and his advisers
listened, the general explained. On the
night of September 16, unable to get to sleep,
he had slipped down to the kitchen of the
presidential palace for a midnight snack,
only to discover that the Viet Cong terrorists
had been there just minutes before him and
raided the icebox.
To govern a country under such condi-
tions, he reasoned, was impossible. "You
can't drive outside town without being kid-
napped," he said. "The pagodas are packed
with politicians, and there are so many over-
paid GI's in Saigon that a premier can't even
get a bad table In a restaurant anymore
without slipping some piasters to the
maitre d'. The trouble is that South Viet-
nam is located in the wrong place."
"Keep talking," said the President.
"I have loaded every available sampan
with elements of my army," Gen, Quec said.
"I propose to move offshore to the Republic
of Nationalist Vietnam, where we can rally
our strength for a victorious return to the
mainland."
"
"And just where Is the Republic of Na-
tionalist Vietnam?" asked Mr. Rusk.
Gen. Quec smiled, "How about Catalina
Island?" he asked.
Next morning, while Gen. Quec inspected
Waikiki beach, the President's advisers came
to grips with the question of Nationalist
Vietnam. They stayed at grips all day, all the
next day, and all through the day after that.
On the morning of the fourth day their
conference was Interrupted by Gen. Quec
with the announcement that the first sam-
pans carrying his army has beached on the
island of Mal Tai, 60 miles off the Vietnamese
coast, had seized Cum Quat, the capital, and
had proclaimed it the seat of the Republic of
Nationalist Vietnam.
,.If you will excuse me, I must now meet
with the press and vow to return to the
mainland one of these days," Gen. Quec said.
"It will never work, General," said Secre-
tary Rusk. "Look at what happened to
Chiang Kai-shek."
The papers reported that Gen. Quec ex-
cused himself and exited laughing.
Instead of flying immediately to Cum Quat,
Gen. Quec accepted a series of speaking en-
gagements in the United States, where news
of his stirring pledge to return to the main-
land one of these days had made him an
overnight hero.
Landing in San Francisco to a tumultuous
reception, Quec promised that if the United
States would only unleash him, he would
send the Nationalist Vietnam Army lunging
across of Gulf of Tonkin to provide military
advisers to American armies and clear the
Communists off the mainland.
For that eventual triumph, he told a joint
session of Congress, the Republic of Nation-
alist Vietnam on Mai Tai would require mas-
sive American aid. Cum Quat, after all,
was still only a provisional island town, he
noted. It needed new factories and bomber
strips. Vast sums would be required to build
a Cum Quat Hilton and air-condition Cum
Quat's bars for U.S. military, diplomatic, and
aid teams when they arrived to defeat Com-
munism.
Meanwhile, at the White House, the Presi-
dent's advisers struggled with the Mai Tai
problem. "The question," said a man from
Texas, "is whether we are are going to recog-
nize Mai Tai as Vietnam:'
"Unthinkable," said Secretary Rusk. "Mal
Tai is only a two-bit island sixty miles off the
Asian mainland."
"Impossible," said Secretary McNamara.
"We already have a million-and-a-half Amer-
ican soldiers tied down on the mainland."
The man from Texas winked. "Suppose we
stopped recognizing Vietnam as Vietnam,"
he said. "Suppose we said that the real Viet-
nam is on Mai Tai. What do we do with our
soldiers?"
"Well," said Secretary Rusk, "since we
are fighting to preserve the freedom of Viet-
nam, we would, of course, have to locate
the soldiers wherever Vietnam may be."
"That would mean taking them off the
mainland and putting them on Mai Tai,"
said Secretary McNamara.
Next day the United States announced
that it had recognized the Republic of Na-
tionalist Vietnam on Mai Tai and did not
recognize anyplace else that called itself
Vietnam.
At his news conference Mr. Rusk was asked
If Americans would continue to fight on the
mainland. "Since we do not recognize any
Vietnam on the mainland, your question is
absurd," he explained. "Obviously an army
cannot preserve the freedom of a place that
does not exist."
Which, as we all know, is how the fight-
ing in Vietnam-mainland Vietnam, that
is-finally ended. For a while it was ex-
pensive, maintaining the American, army on
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
is an America. There can be no escape from'
it,
How can the Negro obtain payment of
this debt?
In order to obtain payment of this debt
after 300 years of promises the Negro needs
the help and strength of all other Americans
just as all other Americans need the strength
and help of the Negro.
For, despite its racial troubles, the United
States is a nation of one people, and the
Negro, representing only ten percent of the
population, must never be deluded into
thinking he can "go it alone" and force his
will on the majority.
Nor can he afford to complacently accept
persecution and abuse as an "outsider."
The Negro is an "insider." He is an in-
tegral part of an indivisible nation and he
must never forget it.
He is not alone as an American, and his
?ast history and future destiny have been
and will be worked out in America through
mutual coexistence With other Americans,
working for a better America.
Thus the Negro needs the contributions
)f all black men and all black organizations
it working toward his goal. He needs Dr.
Martin Luther King of the Southern Chris-
iian Leadership Conference, who can be com-
pared to a "modern day Moses" attempting
to lead his people out of the wilderness.
He also needs the leadership and contribu-
tions of Congressman Adam Clayton Powell;
Roy Wilkins of the NAACP; Jack Greenberg,
head of the NAACP Legal and Educational
Defense Fund; A. Philip Randolph, the elder
statesman; Whitney Young of the National
Urban League; J. Raymond Jones, the polit-
ical leader; Floyd McKissick of CORE; Miss
Dorothy Height of the National Council of
Negro Women; James Farmer, the ex-CORE
leader; Stokely Carmichael of SNCC; James
Lawson of the Black Nationalist Movement;
Elijah Muhammad of the Black Muslims;
and business leaders such as A. T. Spaulding
of the North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance
Company; T. M. Alexander of Atlanta; Joseph
Davis, president, Carver Federal Savings and
Loan Association; John H. Johnson, editor
and publisher of Ebony Magazine; Carl Mur-
phy, publisher Afro-American newspapers,
and all other Negroes.
The solution of the Negro's problems also
requires the leadership and contributions of
that great reservoir of fair-minded white
Americans in this country who have already
contributed so much to the Negro's progress.
We refer to such men as President John-
son, Vice President Ruapanzy, Senators KEN-
NEDY, JAVITS, DOUGLAS and DIRKSEN, Governor
Rockefeller, former Mayor Wagner and Mayor
Lindsay, and thousands of others including
the courageous students, many of whom have
given their lives for the cause.
All these people know that America owes
a great debt to the Negro and they are the
ones who stand ready to help America pay
off that debt.
What the rest of this nation must now
realize is that 22 million Negroes, keenly
aware that this debt has been outstanding
for more than 800 years, are now demanding
payment, regardless of the consequences.
These Negroes know their rights and they
know the laws passed by whites which guar-
antee them life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness.
They can no longer be fooled by persuasion
and clever promises.
For, as Abraham Lincoln has so aptly said:
"You can fool some of the people all of
the time, and all of the people some of the
time, but you can't fool all of the people all
of the time."
Wake up America and remain great!
C. B. POWELL, M.D.,
Editor.
JAMES L. 17rcxs,
Executive Editor.
Captive Nations Week
SPEECH
OF
HON, JOHN B. ANDERSON
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 20, 1966
Mr. ANDERSON of Illinois. Mr.
Speaker, I am proud to have this oppor-
tunity to rise in the commemoration of
the eighth annual observance of Captive
Nations Week. It is a week dedicated to
bolster the determination and longing for
freedom of the peoples in those many
nations which have been tightly yoked
under Communist oppression and intol-
erance. Compassion for the plight of
these captive peoples is difficult for us
Americans to fully feel, I fear, Mr.
Speaker. The heritage of freedom of the
press, freedom of speech, and freedom to
worship is taken all too nonchalantly
nowadays. It is easy for us to let our
memories and our hearts gloss over the
blood and the sweat and the tears that
have embossed the pages of American
history with our world fight for freedom.
As a sponsor of House Concurrent
Resolution 395, which I introduced on
April 3, 1965, to give hope to the Baltic
States In their sorrowful predicament,
I am convinced that the annual Captive
Nations Week can be a highly effective
assistance in the movement toward in-
dependence in the Eastern European
countries.
The various totalitarian Communist
governments do not represent the down-
trodden, underlying captive nations. A
force that can help to penetrate this
Communist barrier which separates the
captive peoples from the realization of
their long quest for freedom is an in-
stitution like Captive Nations Week.
This week and others like it over the
years will give courage to those who
might otherwise lose all hope. It will
serve as a reminder of freedom where
heretofore the only reminder of freedom
lay deeply submerged in the conscious-
ness of a generation which once knew the
joys of freedom but is rapidly aging
under the yoke of totalitarianism.
The purpose of Captive Nations Week,
and indeed the purpose of all free na-
tions, should be the construction of a
bridge of understanding sympathy. We
should provide moral support and exert
all possible efforts to help set free from
Communist colonialism these oppressed
and tyrannized captive nations.
When one reads of the shameful ac-
cusations by the Sino-Soviets of Yankee
imperialism and compares them with the
facts that are so incontrovertible, It is
perfectly clear that Russia and China are
the last two remnants that remain of the
world's backward centers of colonial con-
quest.
The free world and those in bondage
who :learn for the free exercise of their
former freedoms, look to the United
States for leadership. They look upon
the United States as their last citadel of
hope, their last bastion for the cause of
freedom. While we continue to remain
strong, and champion the cause of those
who are free and those who yearn to be
free, we must continuously assert our
leadership in that respect. Such leader-
ship lies not only in the diplomatic and
foreign policy efforts of free governments
around the world but also in commemo-
rations of freedom such as Captive Na-
tions Week. This I believe to be the
chief raison d'etre of the principles upon
which this great Nation of ours is con-
structed.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE H. MAHON
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 26, 1966
Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, Mrs. E. C.
Hogan, Sr., of Post, Tex., recently sent
me a letter which she received from her
nephew, Royce S. Bolding, who is serving
in the Navy in Vietnam, indicating that
she would like to share it with other
Americans. The. American people owe a
great debt of gratitude to the young men
who serve our country in Vietnam, and
I would like for others to have the oppor-
tunity of reading Mr. Bolding's letter,
also. I am, therefore, submitting ex-?
cerpts from his letter of July 1, 1966, for
insertion in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD;
Before I arrived here two months ago I
wondered just what the heck did we want to
fight over Viet-Nam for! Well, it didn't take
this farm bay long to see what we were do-
ing here--all I had to do was look around
me-and I was proud of what my country
was doing and much more so to be a part of
it. These people here have been at a war of
one sort or the other for over 30 years and
have finally attained a semblance of a partial
peace. In other words, they have more free-
dom now than they have ever known before.
After working with them, visiting in their
homes and fighting with them, I marvel at
their determination and the great lengths
they are willing to go to keep this newly
found freedom. I have many Viet-Namese
friends and really think they are great people.
Of course, all things can't always have only
a bright side and it seems to me the home
papers always manage to print the grim side
of things. Granted the demonstrations, etc?
that we had here not so long ago were truly
very discouraging, but from an eye-witness's
viewpoint here is how I look at it. Most of
the Vietnamese are very uneducated. By this
I meal they do not have the schooling or
even the facilities to teach all the peasants
here. I find that this class plus teenaged
kids were for the most part the main body
of these demonstrations. The kids were in
it mostly for kicks, as when else would they
ever have a chance to throw a rock, break a
window, etc. There is no doubt also in my
mind that there were North Vietnamese in.+
spired to add to all this.
Just a little on the makeup of the land
here. There are aver 2,000 miles of navigable
waterways in the delta alone during the mon-
soon season, and-most of the land is either
steaming hot jungles, rice paddies or moun-
tains. Life is sheer hell here for the Ameri-
can, who is so used to his plush living, eat-
ing, and in general all his habits that he
really suffers. However, after seeing one of
these little kids break into a big smile and
say, "You number 1 it is worth every-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX . A3945
Mat Tai and converting Cum Quat into a fail to bolster the NATO organization FINDS SYMPATHY
place where Gen, Quang Cai Quec could which has been so successful in keeping Sen. FRANK CHURCH, the Idaho Democrat
live comfortably. With time, however, the Western Europe free without war? who went to Europe last month to inquire
job was done, the soldiers came home, and My good friend and colleague, Con- into the NATO crisis for Sen. J. W. FUL-
wro a that gressman PAUL FINDLEY Of I11in0iSI askRIGHT'S ed for a Foreign
copy f MrtPearson's text. Committee, When
thin his Great mSociety as emoirsthe begun
President earnest.
the only bad advice he received during the thought enough of the Prime Minister's Syn. CHURCH conducts hearings into the
Mal Tai crisis came from the Secretary of address to insert it into the CONGRES- NATO question later this month, the Pearson
the Treasury, who told him, "Mr. President, SIGNAL RECORD. I want to add my own statement is expected to figure prominently
the one thing this country cannot afford is support to Mr. FINDLEY'S proposal to ac- in the discussion. For Mr. Pearson has sug-
another Quang Cal Quec." tively consider the concept of Atlantic gested (among other things) that de Gaulle's
"'History," wrote the President, "has proved Union as a solution to the present trend complaints about U.S. domination of the
'aim wrong. As long as we in this country of the NATO Alliance. I have intro- alliance may be quite valid after all, and
can keep Asia confined to islands, we can live Sen. CHURCH, too, is reported to agree that
with it." duced House Joint Resolution 999 to pro- the French president may have a point.
vide for U.S. participation in an Atlantic There is, meantime, some evidence that
Union Convention with delegations from President Johnson has neither seen the Pear-
Horton Urges United States To Heed the other North Atlantic countries. son speech nor heard about it, that the state
I think the need for such a move could department or the presidential aides, in the
Prime Minister Pearson's Warning on not be stated more meaningfully than words of one Capitol Hill source, are hiding
Weakening NATO, Support for Atlantic it was in the Prime Minister's own words: it from his view.
I believe only the United States can give the At a White House ceremony Tuesday for
Union , effective lead required for Atlantic unity. the signing of a bill authorizing the con-
Without her active support nothing can be struction of a new dam for the Columbia
River project, OF REMARKS done, at least on the broad front which is ject, the president referred to Mr.
Johnson-
essential. Without her leadership we will be Pearson as "my good friend." Johnson-
aF driven back to a national or continental so- watchers say that if the president had been
HON. FRANK HORTON lution for the organization of security and aware of what Mr. Pearson had said in
for progress. Springfield, Ill., Saturday he would not have
of NEW YORK paid him such a warm tribute. This may
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES We cannot in conscience let this mat- sound petty; but that's the way LBJ operates.
ter drop with passive American gestures In his speech to the Atlantic Federal Union,
Tuesday, July 26, 1966 at rebuilding the alliance. Only a few the prime minister placed a major share of
Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker, this will nights ago, I spoke about the need for new the blame for the current disarray of NATO
France,
be the third time this year that I have dimensions in our Atlantic policy to a wthe the United Johnson n as admratherinistration than has cast
ast
which
stood before my colleagues in this Cham- large audience in Rochester, N.Y. Their in the role of "bad guy."
ber to discuss the urgent need foi Ameri- concern for this matter was evident, as "France," the prime minister said, "is not,
can initiative in the Atlantic alliance. all Americans who cherish the unity of has not, and will not be satisfied with an
In the past few months, with NATO un- the free world are concerned about the Atlantic organization, or an Atlantic alliance
dergoing turbulence and change, our weakening trend in our ties to Western of Independent states dominated by Amer-
foreign policy makers have responded Europe. ica." His choice of the term "dominated"
passively at best to the initiatives of Eu- I urge my colleagues to study this mat- is regarded as very strong, at least for a pro-
ropean governments. Our most recent ter closely, and to join Representative fessional diplomat of Mr. Pearson's expe-
rience.
move was the announcement of a whole- FINDLEY and myself in demanding an ap- rh Pearson made another remark that is
sale withdrawal of U.S. Military units propriate and constructive response to sure to gall the president when he equated
from France. There is no evidence that Prime Minister Pearson's remarks on the Washington's dominant position in NATO
our Government views the obvious weak- future of NATO. with that of Russia in the Warsaw Pact.
ening of the alliance with any appropri- At this point in the RECORD, I want to EARLIER TIFF
ate degree of concern. Even more include three newspaper articles which The total lack of an administration re-
alarming is the fact that outside of Con- point up the need for new directions in sponse (even in the way of inspired reports
gress, no one in Washington has taken our free world foreign policy. The three quoting "administration sources") to the
any serious steps to plan for strengthen- newspapers, the Montreal Star, the New Pearson speech is all the more surprising
ing the alliance. York Times, and the Baltimore Sun, are when viewed in the light of the Johnson-
I believe that our leaders have made to be commended for their responsible Pearson tiff over Viet Nam tactics at Camp
a tacit decision to step down from active reporting on this issue: David 14 months ago. The Prime Minister
and enlightened leadership of the North offended Mr. suggesting,
reetlytly, , that bombing then by of North
[From the Montreal (Canada) Star, June 16, ever ver so so discreetly, Johnson
h
Atlantic nations. This fact became clear 1966] Viet Nam might be -suspended at "the right
when the administration failed to react PEARSON SPEECII: WHITE HOUSE SILENCE time."
to Canada Prime Minister Pearson's FOLLOWS CRITICISM If Mr. Pearson's remarks on Viet Nam last
speech in Springfield, Ill., last month, (By Raymond Heard) year gave comfort to the "doves," his Spring-
which was highly critical of America's WASIIINGTON.-Diplomats and interested field speech about NATO has encouraged
failure to lead the alliance toward even- members of Congress can't understand it. those in Congress, most of whom appear to
tual Atlantic Union. Mr. Pearson said: Lester Pearson came to the United States be Republicans, who favor an Atlantic union
France and not only France feels that Con- Saturday to attack American "domination" and a more "realistic" attitude toward de
Gaulle.
tinental Europe is now strong enough to be of the Atlantic Alliance. Yet there has been FINDLEIY, who, as representative for
given its rightful share in the control of the no reaction to the speech from the Johnson Rep.
policies of the alliance. administration, which is very sensitive to Springfield was one of Mr. Pearson's hosts
criticism from its foreign friends. Saturday, is dedicating himself to arguing
Despite the fact that the United States However, it is predicted that the speech- the need for an Atlantic community bound
of all nations should be aware of the regarded by many here and in Ottawa as one together with federal ties. Utopian as his
changes in the international order since of the most outspoken anti-American dec- goal may seem, he counts such major Re-
1945, our NATO policies have remained larations of Mr. Pearson's career-will have publicans as Dwight Eisenhower and Barry
nearly unchanged since the alliance was a delayed action effect. Sooner or later, the Goldwater among his supporters, as well as
word will seep through to Lyndon Johnson the former NATO commander, Gen. Lauris
founded. that his "good neighbor" is behaving toward Norstad.
I am disturbed not only because there Washington rather like the Romanians are GOP SUPPORT
was no administration response to the behaving toward Moscow. Mr. FINDLEY finds too, that Republican
Prime Minister's address, but also be- As it is, to generate wider interest in the support in .Congress and at the grass-roots
Isolationist
has representative PAUL
the text in~to I the Midwest, even in the
cause Mr. Pearson hit on policies, the weakest speech, Illlinos Republican
for his Atlantiic dream is growing
point
points tf our ourse arid SiSUn CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. Mr. FINDLEY has also fast as the impasse with France escalates.
Bested the best t possible course of action told this reporter: "There should have been On Saturday Mr. Pearson paralleled the
to strengthen the alliance. Our failure a full debate here on the prime minister's view of the Findleyie Republicans when he
to respond indicates to me a lack of speech., His remarks were both plain and called on Washington to take the lead in
interest in improving the alliance. How wise. I can't recall an occasion when a for- establishing a closer Atlantic alliance, less
can we while we are pursuing a conflict eign head of government has spoken quite so dominated by U.S. authority. Perhaps this
in southeast Asia to contain communism, critically while on American ground." Is the reason for the strange official silence
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A3946 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX
of the . Johnson administration to Mr. Pear-
son's provocative remarks,
The president may not have been informed
of the impart of Mr. Pearson's speech. But
there are others in the administration who
fear that to answer the prime minister would
give the Republicans ammunition to sug-
gest that Mr. Johnson's leadership of the
West has become so poor that even America's
closest friends, the Canadians, are com-
plaining.
(From the New York Times, June 12, 19661
NATO SUBSTITUTX URGED BY PEARSON--SAYS
UNITED STATES SHOULD SHOW WAY TORE-
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 11.-Prime Min-
ister Lester B. Pearson of Canada urged here
tonight that the United States lead, the way
in establishing a new, revitalized Atlantic
alliance. to replace what he described as the
outdated North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
Whether or not the organization survive
the Crisis precipitated by the French mili-
tary withdrawal, he said the Atlantic powers
must move forward to "an international com-
niunity with common political institutions."
"An alliance for defense only is an an-
achronism in the world of 1966," the Prime
Minister declared.
In an address purpose for an Atlantic
Union dinner in the Leland Hotel, Mr. Pear-
son obliquely critized the United States for
not acting sooner to alter "an Atlantic al-
liance of independent states, dominated by
America."
"France, and not only France, feels that
continental Europe is now strong enough
to be given its rightful she in the control
of the policies of the alliance" declared the
Prime Minister, who won ,the Nobel Peace
Prize i$ 1961.
Earlier in the day, Mr. Pearson received an
Atlantic Union at a ceremony in New Salem
State Park, where the, village of New Salem
has been restored, as it was when Abraham
Lincoln ran a store there. The award was
presented by Clarence Strett, president of
Federal Union, Inc. This is a private or-
ganization that has worked for many years
to bring European and North American states
together 4n federation. Christion Herter,
former Secretary of State, also was given an
Atlantic Union peace award. The late Adlai
.E. Stevenson, who was the chief United
States delegate to the United Nations, also
was honored with a peace award.
CITES DOUBT AND PISTRUST
Prime Minister Pearson said that the At-
lantic powers had worked together enthus-,
lastically in the trying days after World
War n but had developed "impatience and
doubt and some distrust" after the recovery
of Europe. NATO, he suggested, had fallen
victim to "intertia and vested interest in a
new status quo."
He said Canada, since 1964, had tried with-
out success "to find anyone . on either
side of the Atlantic ... prepared to specify
what should be changed (in NATO)."
Change at last was occurring only because
"abrupt and unilateral action by France
thrust change upon us," he said.
1 Mr. Pearson disagreed with the nationalist
Motives of President de Gaulle in taking
France out of the defense alliance. But he
suggested it was "dangerous" to rail at Gen-
eral de Gaulle for demanding for France "a
position in the Atlantic alliance equal to
that of Great Britain and somewhat closer
to that of the United States." Rather, Mr.
Pearson said, the Atlantic power must find
a way to enable France to participate "in
the march to greater not less Atlantic
unity."
The way, he suggested, would be to build
toward Atlantic unity by first' giving Europe
"more control . of its direclaon and its
character."
"I realize,"he said, "that the united Eu-
rope would, in its political, economic and
military decisions, be more independent of
Washington than is the case now.
"But what is. wrong with this?" he asked.
A realistic approach to Atlantic union, he
said, would be to accept a united Europe,
Britain, "not as an obstacle to, but as a
stage on the way to Atlantic union.
"If we, cannot at present achieve a pat-
tern of Atlantic federalism," he said, "it may
be necessary to acknowledge the realities of
the situation and, as North Americans, work
with Europeans in the hope that, in the
longer sweep of history, both European and
North America will come to realize that their
'-rel;pective affairs can best be harmonized in
a wider union.
"If an intervening European stage is nec-
essary, however, it must be taken not in
continental isolation but in close Atlantic
cooperation and understanding.
He added that he felt that "continental-
ism, either of the European or North Ameri-
can variety is not the answer."
Finally I believe "only the United States
can give the effective lead required for At-
lantic unity," he said. Without her active
participation and support :nothing can be
-done, `at least on the broad front which is
essential. Without her leadership we will be
driven back to a national or continental so-
lution for the organization of security and
for progress."
[From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun, May 30,
1966]
PANEL URGES COMMUNITY OF DEMOCRACIES-
STATE DEPARTMENT HELD SLOW To FACE
NEED FOR LARGER UNITY
(By Joseph R. L. Sterne)
WASHINGTON, May 29.-North American
and European countries were urged today
to give up part of their national sovereignty
in building an Atlantic community that
eventually could grew into a worldwide
"community of democracies."
The National Planning Association said
Americans-and the State Department-have
been too slow in facing up to the positive
requirements needed in the construction of
a more secure order.
This group of influential leaders in busi-
ness, labor, agriculture and the professions
contended that the Atlantic nations must
be prepared to create a common organization
that could integrate their foreign and de-
fense policies.
NO VETO POWER
Following a pattern established by the
six-nation European Common Market, de-
cisions could be made on the basis of a
"weighted vote" that, in effect, would deny
the United States the veto power it now holds
in the United Nations and NATO.
At the outset, the proposed Atlantic Com-
munity Organization would have the powers
necessary to raise appropriations to carry out
foreign and defense policies.
Economic integration and the knotty prob-
lem of freedom of migration, would come
later, under the National Planning Associa-
tion formula.
In addition, the Atlantic community would
not be an exclusive "club." As conditions
permit and agreement is reached, democra-
cies in Africa, Asia, and Latin America would
be added.
FEDERAL PATTERN
The association said the proposed inter-
national organization should be based upon
the Federal pattern followed when the thir-
teen American colonies formed the United
States.
Certain powers now exercised by the
individual nation-states would be delegated
to the "community," an agency with supra-
national powers.
In a report entitled "Strengthening the
July ,06 1966
Free World through Steps toward Atlantic
Unification," the N.P.A. board and its stand-
ing committees argued that the "limitations"
of the nation-state are obvious in a world
threatened by nuclear weapons,
MORE EVOLUTION NEEDED
The United Nations and NATO were ex-
pressions of a growing trend toward "inter-
dependence" and "community," it said, but
more "evolution" is'needed.
"Along with the feeling of loyalty Amer-
icans have always had toward their city or
town, their state and their country, they
will have to develop an additional loyalty
toward a larger political entity," said the
report.
"For the people, of the United States, how-
ever, the price will not be paid in the loss of
their sovereignty. In a democracy, sover-
eignty is the possession of its citizens: the
governments they create are only their
agents.
"The sccvereign citizens of a democracy can
entrust certain functions to entities other
than national governments without 'sacri-
ficing' or 'losing' any of the sovereignty they
possess.
"They lose nothing, and may gain much,
by delegating powers to a new agent when
the existing agency cannot adequately serve
their interests in peace, freedom and eco-
nomic welfare"
The National Planning Association said an
integrated Atlantic community could be
created "around" France If President Charles
de Gaulle continues his nationalistic policies.
Once Europe and North America are united,
it said, there will be a sufficient concentra-
tion of military power to secure peace and a
sufficient concentration of economic strength
to bring real improvements in. the living
standards of less developed nations.
At a press conference last week in which
today's report was discussed in advance of
publication, top officials of the N.P.A. ex-
pressed disappointment over the State De-
partment's attitude toward Atlantic com-
munity.
Elmo Roper, the public opinion expert and
a member of the association's board, sum-
marized the department's attitude as: "It's
a fine idea, but not now."
Roper noted that Senate support for the
concept is rising.
In 1946, only the last Estes Kefauver fav-
ored the community idea. Now, he said,
Senators GORE (D., Tenn.), CASE (R., N.J.),
COOPER (R., Ky.), MCGEE (D., Wyo.), CHURCH
(D., Idaho), KUCHEL (R., Cal.), JAvrrs (R?
N.Y.), MCCARTHY (D., Minn.) and others sup-
port bills pending before Congress.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES H. (JIMMY) QUILLEN
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 26, 1966
Mr. QUILLEN. Mr. Speaker, "Public
patience is wearing thin," so ends the
following editorial from the Bristol,
Tenn., Herald-Courier, which speaks out
on the present airline strike.
Everyone's patience is being stretched
to its limits by this disregard for the pub-
lic welfare. I do not wish to see the Fed-
eral Government take control of the air-
lines, but I do urge that lawful means be
used to end this strike, and, if necessary,
that stricter laws be enacted to prevent
this from happening again.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 7u7;26, 1966
In Chicago, the National Guard continued criminals. Undoubtedly this change of
to patrol the Negro district which saw three plans on the part of North Vietnam can
days of rioting last week. However, the guard be traced to tremendous world pressure
force was reduced yesterday when 1,236 of and the demand of public opinion that
the 4,200 troops were sent home.
Maj. Gen. Francis P. Kane said disturb- North Vietnam abide by the Geneva
ances had dwindled since the guardsmen be- Convention of 1949.
gan patrolling the west side area Friday. The convention agreement was signed
At a news conference in Montreat, N.C., by 61 governments including the United
evangelist Bill Graham said the Chicago States and the Soviet Union, but not
riots were organized by extremists teaching Communist China. However, on earlier
violence. He said President Johnson and the occasions both South Vietnam and North
FBI know who they are and should name Vietnam have indicated a willingness
them.
At South Bend, Ind., police were trying to to abide by the convention, but Hanoi
ascertain the cause of rioting Sunday night had previously indicated it would try the
in a predominately Negro area. Seven per- Americans as war criminals notwith-
sons were injured, none seriously, by stones, standing.
bricks and bottles and the teeth of police Following this report from Hanoi,
dogs. however, the world was shocked by the
The Cleveland rioting, in the predomi-
nantly-Negro Hough East Side area, lasted news that North Vietnamese troops exe-
more than six hours. cuted at least six wounded U.S. Marines
Then, just before daybreak, firemen fought whose company had been ambushed.
a blaze which roared through a supermarket The Washington Post reported this
at Hough Avenue and Crawford Road and
spread to an adjacent apartment building.
Police at first said there was a possibility
that some people were trapped in an apart-
ment, but said later that all occupants ap-
parently got out safely. Firemen had re-
ported hearing screams as flames enveloped
the building.
It was the fourth sizable fire in a four-
block area near that intersection.
Police and newsmen reported they were
shot at by snipers in the Hough area last
night as police sought to quiet the widely
scattered disturbances.
Police shot out street lights in the vicinity
of East 75th and Hough to keep from being
targets and ordered all occupants out of an
in effort to
a
i
duce the enemy to desist from illegiti-
mate practices. The use of reprisals is
an accepted part of U.S. policy and is
outlined in the most basic Army field
manuals.
Hanoi has invited swift and decisive
reprisals against her for this type of ac-
tion, and should know that this type of
conduct on the part of the enemy only
serves to unify our determination, not
divide our resolve. This was a lesson
that the Japanese Empire learned many
times over following the bombing of
Pearl Harbor.
Mr. Speaker, I have today introduced
a House concurrent resolution relating
to U.S. military personnel held captive
in Vietnam and expresses the sense of
Congress that North Vietnam seriously
diminishes the opportunity for the
achievement of a just and secure peace
in Vietnam and southeast Asia by such
actions. I believe its speedy passage
would help to convince the Communists
they must abide by established rules of
international law or face reprisals.
CIVIL RIGHTS LEGISLATION
(Mr. MARTIN of Alabama (at the re-
quest of Mr. REINECKE) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. MARTIN of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, this is a tragic day in American
history. The Congress of the United
States is being coerced into debating and
passing legislation under threat that if
we fail to do so the mobs will take over
in the streets of this Nation. This is not
democracy, Mr. Speaker, this is anarchy.
Who is the authority for demanding
that we pass this legislation with a pistol,
in the form of the threat of mob action,
held at our heads? I regret to remind
you that it is the leadership of the ma-
j ority party. Yesterday, the chairman of
the Judiciary Committee said that if we
do not pass this bill, or if we voted against
the resolution to bypass the orderly pro-
cedures of Congress that we would be
encouraging the mobs. Of course, he
put its nicely by saying we would be en-
couraging the militant voices. Further
on in yesterday's debate, the majority
leader on the other side of the aisle said
that we must pass this civil rights bill
soon if it is to be passed at all in this
session of Congress.
Why must we pass it now? Why
could not we follow the orderely proce-
dures and allow this bill to come to the
n a v
apartment building there
find a sniper. of the pilots. The Agreement on Con
Firemen trying to fight fires some started dition of Soldiers Wounded in Armies
by fire bombs-were shot at and had to dodge in the Field was signed at Geneva in
bottles, fire bombs and rocks, police reported. 1864 and was revised in 1906 and 1929.
A gang of men cut a fire hose near 86th This convention provides for protection
store e b b a uildings ngs d b of ttrneeded. two-story brick and treatment of sick and wounded who
af' a me me where
r
and f
Firemen were called off twice because of fall into enemy hands.
interference but returned to put out the The 1949 convention as well as these
flames. They were aided by a brief, early earlier conventions protected these sol-
morning rain. The rain also helped police biers. Article 12 of the 1949 agreement
clear the streets.
A witness said Mrs. Arnett-who was killed reads:
by gunfire-had been ordered into a building Irrespective of the individual responsibili-
as police sought to clear the 73rd street ties that may exist, the Detaining Power is
intersection; she was shot as she leaned out responsible for the treatment given them
a second-floor window and screamed for her (prisoners of war).
three children. Mr. Speaker, this language is clear and
say unequivocal. It means, notwithstand-
area at There the had time, been and no sporadic one was gunfire able in to the
where the bullet came from that killed the ing the fact that North Vietnam is not
woman, police said. a signatory, international law recognizes
Wallace Kelly, 32, and Alton Burks, 18, the Central Government in Hanoi as re-
both residents of the area, were shot, but sponsible for the field commander's or-
aides at Mount Sinai Hospital said the ders that the U.S. marines who were
wounds were not serious. Circumstances of wounded be executed. Article 13 re-
be
tho shootings were not known.
8o
quires that all pri of war must
The article ads :
Plain tea Dealer Anewsmen and pha graphers humanely treated
t or omission by the Re-
f
l
ac
u
was fired on twice by a sniper fter they Any unlaw
passed a police roadblock ~tJ g t to the taming Power causing death or seriously en- proper hearings? Mr. Speaker, I am
the health of a prisoner is pro- convinced that the leadership on the
a
r n
ge
g
--
morning:
Eyewitnesses said the Communists moved
methodically through the ranks of the
wounded, shooting in the head anyone who
moved.
Mr. Speaker, this is an outrageous,
barbaric, insensible, act committed
against our troops. By this action North
Vietnam further isolates itself from the
civilized nations of the world.
We should not be misled by Hanoi's
latest informal assurances. The sense-
less slaughter of wounded soldiers is an
even more shocking violation of the
Geneva Convention that would be a trial
-
Jl wu. Ut,11Gi oau... ....., .. ,. -
for all people are fed up with mob rule and gov-
w
ere
These wounded marines
CHANGE OF PLANS TO TRIAL OF intents and purposes prisoners of war ernment by demonstration, directed by
U.S. PILOTS BY NORTH VIETNAM when executed. hoodlums. I think the leadership on the
(Mr. FINDLEY (at the request of Mr. Hanoi should remember that it is an other side knows that if the people of
REINECKE) was granted permission to accepted principle of international law this country find out what this bill will
extend his remarks at this point in the that where one belligerent has com- actually do, how much of their freedoms
RECORD and to include extraneous mat- mitted illegal acts of warfare against an- will be taken away, they will rise up in
other belligerent, this second party may rightous anger to demand its defeat.
ter.)
Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, by re- for the purpose of enforcing future com- Mr. Speaker, as for me, I would rather
ports yesterday we learned that North pliance with the recognized rules of civ- trust the American people than the mobs
Vietnam has informally notified this ilized warfare, employ reprisals. These in the streets. I speak for law-abiding
country that at the present time it has no are not adopted merely for revenge, but citizens, the overwhelming majority of
plans to try captured U.S. pilots as war only as an unavoidable last resort to in- hard working, honest, dedicated Amer-
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July 26, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
A car drove along Willoughby with its Mayor Sorensen said that the police would
radio blaring "America the Beautiful." A continue to operate on an emergency basis.
sign in the window of a sh
i
i
l
op sa
n b
d
ock
letters: "Raped! Bedford-St~uyvesant has no
representative in Congress," an illusion to
the fact that whites represent the area,
where more than 300,000 Negroes live.
At a corner of Throop Avenue and Hart
Street, a Negro man refused to give the police
any information about the fight. "Nothing
happened, nothing," he said.
[From the New York Times, July 5, 1966]
TROOPS ALERTED IN OMAHA LOOTING-POLICE
ON EMERGENCY DUTY FOR 2ND DAY IN NEGRO
AREA
OMAHA, July 4.-Two companies of Na-
tional Guardsmen went on stand-by alert to-
day to support efforts of the police to con-
tain what Mayor A. V. Sorensen called major
disturbances on Omaha's Near North Side.
Most of the city's Negro population, esti-
mated at 30,000, live in this area, which for
two successive nights has been the target of
vandalism and disorder. The area was quiet
today.
When the Mayor was asked if the situation
was primarily a problem in racial relations,
he said it was not. He said he had reports of
tene-agers riding in cars breaking windows
in other sections of Omaha. -Neither he nor
the police provided details.
The Rev. General R. Woods, president of
the Citizens Coordinating Committee for
Civil Liberties, told newsmen he could not
say what had touched off the outbreaks that,
included bottle and rock-throwing in the
heart of the Negro community in the early
hours yesterday. Four stores were looted
and many windows broken by a gang of
young Negroes early today.
Mr. Woods said that the Negroes had been
considerably frustrated. The recently form-
ed Police Community Relations Council has
heard complaints, he said, "but they just ex-
plain them away."
Mr. Woods, who is the minister of an
African Methodist Episcopal church, said
that once the current disturbances had
quieted down his group would like to partic-
ipate in conferences to help work out a
permanent solution. He did not elaborate.
His group, however, has pleaded frequently
for more jobs for Negroes, an end of de facto
segregation and a larger voice, in policy
making on projects affecting them.
Announcement of Stand-by alert was made
at a joint news conference of Mayor Soren-
sen and Lieut. Gov. Philip Sorensen, who
is acting Governor in the absence of the
Governor Frank B. Morrision, who is in Los
Angeles for a Governor's conference.
The Mayor and Lieutenant Governor
Sorensen, who are not related, said that two
more companies of Guardsmen-about 350
men--would be available if needed.
The announcement came after the second
night of disturbance in which the Mayor The chief cure for urban unrest, A.dmin-
said the property damage had been sub- Istration officials believe, lies in eradication
stan ial. of slums, in education and employment.
Ea ly yesterday about 150 to 200 persons These are long-range objectives.
were involved in disturbances precipitated Certain things can be done in the short
by what the chief of police, C. Harold Ostler, range to mitigate the danger and these
called young rowdies, who smashed bottles, things are being attempted by a variety of
threw rocks at police cars, exploded illegal agencies with some coordination from the
fireworks and ransacked stores. Mr. Ostler White House. They include selective use of
said this outbreak had no racial signifi- antipoverty projects, seminars and instruc-
cance
. ton for local police and an intelligence sys-
Again early today there were disorders as tem that attempts to identify trouble spots
a band of Neero youths moved 11.,.,
16345,
mind, declaring that behind the trouble lay
Negro resentment of "police brutality, lack
of recreation facilities, lack of jobs." Mayor
Sorensen and other Nebraska officials prom-
ised that steps would be taken to correct
conditions.
But promises are no longer enough for
many Negroes. In Chicago last week, Martin
Luther King, announcing plans to step up
pressures on that city's officials, declared,
"I can't stop a riot unless I can give people
jobs."
[From the Washington, (D.C.) Star, July
19, 1966]
RIOTS FLARE IN 3 CITIES, ONE DEAD IN
CLEVELAND
Racial violence flared in Cleveland, Jack-
sonville, Fla., and New York City last night,
leaving a young Negro woman dead and
scores of persons injured.
The worst outbreak was in Cleveland
where, police said, Mrs. Joyce Arnett, 26, a
mother of three, was shot in the head, two
men suffered minor bullet wounds, and fire-
men had to leave a blaze when they were
fired upon.
Store windows were smashed, some stores
were looted, and at least eight fires were
set-some by fire bombs-before more than
300 police moved into the area on Cleveland's
East Side, sealing off an eight-block area.
The disturbance, sparked by roving bands
of teen-agers, was marked by sniper fire at
police and firemen. Police shot out some
street lights and ordered motorists to douse
their headlights to keep them from making
targets of the officers.
Policeman Bill Alexander said the trouble
started when irate patrons wrecked a tavern
after they learned they could no longer get
free ice water.
Several policemen and firemen were in-
jured, none seriously, when the crowd pelted
them with bricks and rocks.
The violence in Jacksonville came after
about 200 Negroes had staged an orderly
march on City Hall to protest alleged racial
discrimination in city hiring practices.
Police said the trouble began when the group
left City Hall and headed into the business
district in violation of their permit to march.
GROCERY STORE SET AFIRE
Roving bands of Negroes then began throw-
ing rocks through store windows and set fire
to a small grocery store with a fire bomb,
officials said.
The police said an elderly white woman
was cut on the leg by a thrown rock and a
white youth was pulled from a telephone
booth and struck by Negroes.
Earlier, police arrested Warren H. Folks,
46, a white man who described himself as a
segregationist, when he tried to serve a Ku
Klux Klan "warrant" on Rutledge Pearson,
state president of the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People, and
organizer of the march.
The "warrant" ordered Pearson to sur-
render to "a Florida Klan citizen."
Folks was charged with disturbing an as-
sembly and released on $50 bond. A $100
bond was set for another white man, Lothern
Cooper, 45, who was charged with disorderly
conduct-throwing a rock.
Some shots were fired in New York City,
police said, as disorder was reported in East
Harlem and the East New York section of
street, the near North Side's main business the tensions `a, uesignea TO police unit quickly brought both situations
ease over the of the summer and
artery, after a dance. They broke windows forestall violence. A spokesman for one under control.
in several business establishments despite Federal project which is expected to find The outbreak began in Harlem when police
reinforced police details. More than 50 were work for a million teenagers this summer sought to disperse a noisy crowd of youths
arrested. Mayor Sorensen said most of them said, "The more who are working the less playing bongo drums. Some of the crowd
were youths. opportunity there is for discontent." began throwing bricks and debris at officers.
Two stores some distance from this section . But stop-gaps may not be enough. Mayor GUARD FORCE REDUCED
were broken into and a 15-year-old boy was A. V. Sorensen of Omaha originally thought One woman was reported injured in Brook-
shot in the leg by an off-duty policeman near that racial tensions had nothing to do with lyn and three persons were arrested before a
one of the stores. The boy was treated at a the rioting in his city last week. After meet- fight among Negroes, Puerto Ricans and
hospital and released. Ing with Negro residents, he changed his Italians was broken up by police.
0
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[From the New York Times, July 5, 1966]
DISORDER. AT FLORIDA BEACH
MIAMI, July 4 (AP)-An argument on a
crowded Negro beach turned into a general
disturbance today, leaving one person criti-
cally wounded and several others cut and
bruised.
A secretary at the sheriff's office described
the incident as a "small riot."
When sheriff's deputies arrived Negroes
were reported to have turned against the offi-
cers. A reporter said he saw one group of
officers struggling with several Negro youths,
some of whom had knives.
The disturbance apparently started when
two youths exchanged sharp words. One
was reported to have dra 'n a gun and shot
the other in the head. -
Other persons on the beach apparently
took sides and battled with sticks and knives
until the officers gained control.
[From the New York Times, July 10, 19661
WILL THE SUMMER BE LONG AND HOT?
The controversy over black power came
at a time when violence was erupting in an-
other Negro ghetto. This time it was in the
Near North Side of Omaha, Neb., where the
city's, 30,000 Negroes-10 per cent of the
population-live in what Gov. Frank B. Mor-
rison called "an environment unfit for hu-
man habitation." And the trouble began, as
most such outbursts have begun, with a
minor incident.
A police car answering a complaint over
the long hot July 4 weekend was bombarded
with bottles and fireworks, and a riot was
on. It lasted for three days, with crowds-
sometimes numbering 4,000-on a rampage.
Before it was over, six companies of Nrational
Guardsmen had been sent into the area and
122 people had been arrested.
But as peace returned to Omaha, there was
serious concern throughout the nation-on
all governmental levels-that other outbreaks
would occur before the end of the summer.
Federal officials are more deeply concerned
about domestic peace than they will admit,
though the Johnson Administration--out of
a reluctance to disturb the traditional Fed-
eral-state balance-has made it clear that
the chief burden for preventing new violence
rests with those closest to the troubled
areas.
Long hot summers seem to have become
such a regular phenomenon of this decade
and it is surprising, in a sense, that no cen-
tral agency has been set up to deal with
them. Administration officials are reluctant
to talk frankly about their concern in the
matter for fear that it will be interpreted
that they are trying to suppress riots without
 July 26, 1966
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16337
director of housing; Jacob Wittner, direc-
tor of enforcement; human rights
specialists, Joel Barkan, Leonard
Vaughn, Vernon West, Doris Brooks, Ed-
ward Mercado, Fernando Tapia, Frank
Anderson; Edward Richardson, aide;
and Shirley Reed, secretary.
Mr. Speaker, I commend the New York
City Commission on Human Rights for
organizing this impressive array of sup-
port for the pending civil rights bill which
is essential if we are to achieve equality
of opportunity for all Americans in every
area of our national life.
COMMEMORATION OF LIBERIAN
INDEPENDENCE
(Mr. O'HARA of Illinois asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,
today the people of Liberia are celebrat-
ing their 119th year of independence.
Liberia is the oldest republic in Africa
and it is ? a land to which the United
States has a long and warm attachment.
Liberia had its origins in the efforts
of the American Colonization Society in
the early 19th century. The U.S. Gov-
ernment offered funds and assistance in
the negotiations for the cession of land
by native chiefs. When the nation was
constituted as the free and independent
Republic of Liberia in 1847, the Liberian
people modeled their constitution after
ours. Their Government structure
parallels that of our own country, 'di-
vided into legislative, executive, and
judicial branches.
Under the leadership of the elected
President, William Tubman, Liberia has
been a nation of progress. Efforts are
proving successful in integrating a di-
verse nation of tribal customs and native
dialects.
Liberia boasts of an expanding econ-
omy. Year after year production of iron
ore and rubber increases. A great boast
of the economy of Liberia has been the
policy of keeping the foreign investment
door open. An article in the New York
Times of this year stated that increas-
ing iron ore production sent Liberian ex-
ports to a new high of $148 million in
1965. An indication of the growing econ-
omy has been the increase in banking
facilities.
It is to the credit of the administration
of President Tubman that the Govern-
ment has been successful in its policy of
improving the living conditions of the
Liberian people. In industry and agri-
culture, Liberia is taking its place among
the modern nations of the world .
Liberia's motto, "The love of liberty,"
has become an integral part of her do-
mestic way of life and foreign policy
aims. Supporting the concept of the
self-determination of all peoples, Liberia
was one of the charter members of the
United Nations. Liberia has been a
stanch supporter of this organization,
participating in.many of its subsidiary
organs. Liberia has also been a leader
in promoting African cooperation. She
has consistently supported the Organiza-
tion of African Unity and has been repre-
sented at all of the important confer-
ences of African leaders.
On this 119th year of independence
Liberia is justified in holding its head
high among the nations of the world.
Africa's oldest republic Is meeting the
problems of the 20th century. On this
day of national celebration in Liberia
the American people pay tribute to a
prosperous and proud nation. As chair-
man of the subcommittee on Africa of
the committee on foreign affairs I ex-
tend congratulations and good wishes to
President William Tubman, to Ambas-
sador S. Edward Peal and to the people
of Liberia.
GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND
Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,
I ask that all Members who desire to do
so may have 5 legislative days in which
to extend their remarks in giving con-
gratulations and good wishes. to Liberia,
to its President, and to its p ple.
The SPEAKER. Is there o jection to
the request of the gentle a from Il-
linois?
There was no object1onJ
A CLEARER COURSE IN VIETNAM
(Mr. RONCALIO asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. RONCALIO. Mr. Speaker, Presi-
dent Johnson has often been accused of
placing a smokescreen around our in-
volvement in Vietnam. But, on the con-
trary, the President's successful policies
have charted a course which is becoming
clearer by the day.
It has been evident for some time now
that the war is not going to be lost on the
battlefield. The Communist military
position is now in its worst shape for a.
number of years. It has been a long time
since the enemy won. a major engage-
ment. And they have not yet been able
to mount the expected monsoon offensive.
The Government of South Vietnam is
proceeding with much more certainty
today than several months ago. The
council of the Unified Buddhist Church,
which claims about 2 million followers,
has announced that it has temporarily
called off its struggle to disrupt the gov-
ernment. Premier Ky responded by re-
leasing 183 persons arrested during the
Buddhist-led riots. This was followed
by the creation of an 80-member army
and People's Advisory Council, including
60 civilians and 20 military representa-
tives.
Our economic aid has played a big part
in stabilizing the situation. Nearly one-
fourth of all Americans deployed on aid
missions abroad are now in South Viet-
nam and nearly 20 percent of all our
financial aid is committed to that
country.
We have made our commitment clear
and our future action is well spelled out.
It will consist of trying to make clear to
the North Vietnamese that they cannot
win, that they must end the fighting and
settle the political Issues by peaceful
means.
Meanwhile, here at home, we can
hasten the end of the conflict by refusing
to let down our fighting men on the bat-
tlefront. As President Johnson said:
If everyone in this country was working as
hard to support the principles of democracy
as the men in Vietnam, I think we would
have little to worry about.
This line of thinking is brilliantly rep-
resented by Bernie Horton's recent edi-
torial in the Wyoming Eagle of Cheyenne,
Wyo. Throughout this conflict, he ,has
played an important role by his thought-
ful, unbiased, and responsible comments
upon the situation. I include his views
in the RECORD at this point :
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
The arch-critics of American policy in Viet
Nam might do well to give serious thought
to comments made by Secretary of State
Dean Rusk in Canperra, Australia, Monday.
Secretary Rusk told the ministerial council
of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization
(SEATO) the Communists apparently were
pinning their hopes on criticism of the Viet
Nam war within the United States.
"America has reason to think Hanoi has
been banking heavily on criticism from
within South Viet Naw," he said.
the free world as well as. on political dissent
within South. Vietnam," he said.
"Hanoi will and it's mistaken. Eventually
it will have to realize that South Viet Nam
and its free world allies ... will prevent the
Communists from seizing South Viet Nam
by force."
It has long been apparent the Communists
have no intention of moving from the battle-
field to the conference table so long as there
is any hope they may win.
Their hope apparently is based, at least in
part, upon the belief that the United States,
in the face of criticism at home and else-
where, will grow tired of fighting and pull
out of South Viet Nam.
They also, apparently, are deriving some
hope from the political dissension in South
Viet Nam.
The citizens of these United States could
deal the North Vietnamese Communist hopes
a severe blow by making it very clear they
are united, solidly behind President John-
son's policy of "prudent firmness under care-
ful control."
We must make it clear to the Communists
that the United tSates is united 100 per cent
in its effort and determination in Southeast
Asia.
We must make it clear to the Communists
that victory for them is beyond expecta-
tion-that the only sensible approach left
for them is the conference table.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE FUNDS TO
NATIONAL STUDENT ASSOCIA-
TION SHOULD BE INVESTIGATED
(Mr. UTT asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, the activities
of the U.S. National Student Associa-
tion-NSA-have disturbed many Mem-
bers of Congress over the past several
years. Despite NSA's tax exempt status,
it has persistently participated in bla-
tantly political activities. During the
past several years, NSA has become in-
creasingly critical of a strong American
foreign policy, especially in southeast
Asia.
NSA has passed resolutions which call
for the abolition of the House Commit-
tee on Un-American Activities, which
call for the United States to sponsor the
admission of Red China to the United
Nations, which call for a halt to United
States bombing of North Vietnam, which
call for the inclusion of the Vietcong-
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16338 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
National Liberation Front-in any nego-
tiations for a ceasefire, which call for an
end to all U.S. "aggressive military ac-
tion" in Vietnam, which oppose the Mc-
Carran Act-the Internal Security Act
..of 1950-which support the free speech
movement at the University of Califor-
nia at Berkeley-a movement which Cal-
ifornia legislative investigating commit-
tees and the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion have deemed as infiltrated by radical
left-wing elements, and which have called
for a myriad of other extremist positions.
NSA has consistently refused to ad-
here to its constitution which specifically
prohibits its participation in partisan
political activity. It has refused to abide
by the provisions of section 501(c) (3) of
the Internal Revenue Code of 1954 under
which NSA has obtained its tax exemp-
tion status. That section of the code
allows tax exemptions for "corporations
organized and operated exclusively for
educational purposes, no substantial part
of which is carrying on propaganda, or
otherwise attempting to influence legis-
lation, and which does not participate,
or intervene in-including the publish-
ing or distributing of statements-any
political campaign."
Despite these two restrictions, NSA
continues with its political activity, much
of which is an effort to influence legisla-
tion before the Congress. Their recent
participation in activities which will un-
dermine a strong policy in Vietnam is
even" more disturbing.
Mr. Speaker, as I have indicated, NSA
has adopted resolutions calling for a halt
to U.S. bombing raids of Communist
North Vietnam, calling for the inclusion
of the Vietcong in any negotiations for a
ceasefire, and calling for an end to all
U.S. "aggressive military action" in
Vietnam.
Three particular items have come to
my attention recently, and I feel that
these items may warrant a close exami-
nation by the appropriate committees of
the Congress when the appropriations
for the Department of State are consid-
ered for oncoming fiscal years.
We have seen that NSA has consist-
ently opposed the position of a strong
effort in Vietnam. They are trying to
undercut any efforts, whether by the
Congress or by the President, to
Strengthen the U.S. position in southeast
Asia.
. The first item which came to my at-
tention was an article in the Washington
Post, Saturday, May 21, 1966, which
article stated, in part:
NSA is subsidized with about $600,000 a
year from the Ford, Field and I~ockefeller
Foundations, the AFL-CIO, the Department
of State and other well-heeled organizations.
This article clearly states that part of
NSA's funds are received from the De-
partment of State, the very Department
which is charged with the responsibility
for conducting our foreign policy and
carrying out the programs of the admin-
istration in southeast Asia, policies and
programs which NSA has consistently
opposed. Of course, if NSA is engaged-in
political activity, and it thereby loses
its tax exemption, it will place those oth-
er tax exempt organizations, such as the
Ford, Field, and Rockefeller Founda-
tions, in danger of losing their tax-
exempt statuses or seriously jeopardizing
them.
The second item which came to my at-
tention was the article by Henry Ray-
mont in the New York Times, May 23,
1966, which stated, in part:
The leadership of the largest American
student organization has given . a bleak
and discouraging account of political unrest
and the prospects of the war in South
Vietnam.
A report circulated by the National Stu-
dent Association predicted that there would
be no internal peace in South Vietnam until
the United Buddhist Church assumes an
active role in a constitutional government.
It scored the U.S. for continuing to support
the military junta.
It also urged that American policies, no
matter how well intentioned, had hopelessly
alienated most of the civilian population,
had created suspicions about the United
States "domination" and had generally failed
to achieve meaningful goals in economic and
social assistance.
The 4,250 word document is a journal of
a two-week visit to South Vietnam last
month by Philip Sherburne, N.S.A.. president,
and two other officers, Malcolm ]Kovacs and
Gregory Delin.
Mr. Sherburne, a 23-year-old graduate of
the University of Oregon, disclosed yester-
day that the delegation had made the trip
at the expense of the State Department.
Now, Mr. Speaker, we see that the
Department of State, according to NSA's
president, is financing the travel of the
officers of NSA to South Vietnam who
promptly return home and blast away at
American foreign policy there. What
kind of a ridiculous effort is the Depart-
ment of State making with NSA and its
officials?
As if these two items are not bad
enough, I now learn that NSA has
been actively supporting the Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee-
SNCC-the militant black nationalist
student organization and the originator
of the term "black power," for some time,
and may even now be financing some of
of their activities, directly and indirectly.
This raises grave problems indeed. If
SNCC is being financed, to some extent,
by NSA and NSA is being financed to
some extent, by the Department of State,
then serious problems arise concerning
the funding of the organizations. Not
only has SNCC taken an active role in
highly disruptive protest demonstrations
against the war in Vietnam, but it boy-
cotted the recent White House Confer-
ence-on Civil Rights because it is opposed
to the war in Vietnam and views it as a
"class weapon" to draft Negroes for the
armed services.
NSA's association with SNCC is a mat-
ter of record. Delegates to the 14th
National Student Congress of NSA
adopted a resolution declaring NSA's ap-
proval of the objectives and 'programs
of SNCC. SNCC's membership in the
new left, its involvement in the Vietnam
protest demonstrations, its demonstra-
tions against the House Committee on
Uri-American Activities, and its preach-
ings of "black power" inciting class
hatred in America do not seem to have
affected, in the least, NSA's relationship
with SNCC. As recently as January
1966, SNCC issued a policy statement
concerning U.S. involvement in Vietnam
July 26, 1966
which was, according to SNCC chairman
at that time, John Lewis, approved by
the entire national staff of SNCC with-
out dissent. The SNCC statement urged
draft-age Americans to deliberately
avoid military service in Vietnam. The
policy statement said, in part:
We maintain that our country's cry of
"preserve freedom in the world" is a hypo-
critical mask behind which it squashes
liberation movements which are not bound,
and refuse to be bound, by the expediencies
of the United States cold war policies.
Mr. Speaker, these three items which
I have cited today raise serious problems
for the Department of State. I surely
hope that the Department is not sup-
porting the activities of NSA when it
must know that NSA has in the past, is
now, and undoubtedly will continue to
be an organization opposed to the policies
of the United States in southeast Asia,
so long as those policies are anything
other than withdrawal, but it does ap-
pear that way.
Mr. Speaker, the Committee on For-
eign Affairs should consider interrogat-
ing the Department on these important
items. The Committee on Appropria-
tions and its subcommittee on the De-
partment of State appropriations should
consider investigating these charges and
should consider requiring the Depart-
ment to cease its support of this radical
student organization which is subverting
American foreign policy.
ILLINOIS VETERINARY DOCTORS
HONORED
(Mr. PRICE asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. PRICE. Mr. Speaker, at its recent
103d annual meeting, the American Vet-
erinary Medical Association honored 38
of its members for 50 years of continuous
membership in the association.
I am extremely proud that three of
those honored are from the State of
Illinois. Two of the three are from the
24th Congressional District, which I have
the honor to represent.
To Drs. Anthony Bott, of Belleville,
and W. G. Teckenbrock of East St. Louis,
I extend my heartiest congratulations.
Both gentlemen have distinguished
themselves in their profession and the
communities they serve. They richly de-
serve the honors they have received.
Dr. Bott, whom I am pleased to call a
long time friend, has been an articulate
spokesman for the veterinarian in the
Armed Forces. I have had the distinct
pleasure of working with him on matters
concrning veterinary officers in the mili-
tary., He has ably represented his pro-
fession on these occasions.
Dr. Teckenbrock has had a distin-
guished career and merits the recogni-
tion afforded him for his long and valued
service to veterinary medicine.
I commend both gentlemen for the
tributes they have received.
Under leave to do so, I include with my
remarks the following letter from the
Washington representative of the Ameri-
can Veterinary Medical Association ad-
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