PREPARE FOR DECEPTION

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 28
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: July 27, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

16430
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 217, 1966
Therefore, the discharge certificate, ab initio
is prohibited.
The Adjutant General Issued Colonel
Stephens official identification which recog-
nized him in an actively identified status and
capacity and in full force and effect exist-
ing fourteen months beyond the date of the
erroneous discharge certificate. Also, the
same Second Army headquarters that issued
the discharge certificate on April 28, 1960, as
late as July following, continued to address
Colonel Stephens, referring to and identify-
ing him as an active member in the United
States Army Ready Reserve.
Regardless of the discharge certificate,
Colonel Stephens has continued in an active
status, and according to Army regulations,
and the last orders he received, he has never
elected relief from active duty, nor has he in
active duty status. During the interim, he
has passed through the zone of promotional
consideration without consideration, and has,
as late as November 1963, refused to accept
civilian employment with the United States
Air For`ee at $9,475.00 per annum due to his
disability determination, both total and
permanent set out by the medical board on
October 1, 1957, and due to the other cir-
cumstances herein explained.
At the present time, after more than 20
years service, with total and permanent dis-
ability rating made almost nine years past,
he Is not in receipt of Army retirement bene-
fits, any compensation award from the Vet-
erans Administration, nor do his children
have any war orphans benefits in event of his
death due to heart disease which the Army
has found to have existed prior to his service.
Since 1942, Colonel Stephens has never
been given a single adverse efficiency report
by any commander to his knowledge. He has
never been reprimanded or court martialed,
or other wise had any discrepancy, with re-
spect to his performance of duty, brought to
his attention at any time. If his record
indicates otherwise, it is wholly untrue; if
any commander has certified to such effect,
and that any discrepancies were brought to
which the Army has made. Otherwise, the
Committee will never be in position to have
before it other vital information which
should, in the interest of justice, be con-
sidered. The statements herein set out
contain the truth and nothing but the truth.
May I have a favorable response from you
and your views in this connection? All of
which is respectfully submittedpor your kind
PREPARE FOR DECEPTION
(Mr. BURLESON asked and was give
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD, and to include cer-
tain articles.)
Mr. BURLESON. Mr. Speaker, Col-
umnist Roscoe Drummond cautions us
that Hanoi may come up soon with tricky
peace overtures, but he also points out
that President Johnson has made it
clear we will not be budged by false hope.
As the fighting goes badly for the Viet-
cong, Mr. Drummond says, Hanoi may
figure that the circumstances Of a con-
gressional election campaign in this
country provide the. right time for de-
ceptive peace proposals.
It will not work.
As Mr. Drummond notes, President
Johnson has warned against it with this
statement :
We will not withdraw under the cloak of a
meaningless agreement.
With the assent of my colleagues, I will
place Mr. Drummond's column as it ap-
peared in the Washington Post in the
RECORD:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, July 17,
19661
his attention for correction or improvement, PREPARE FOR DECEPTION: FIGHTING IN VIET-
it is also untrue. NAM IS GOING AGAINST VIETCONG SO WE
Any man in the Armed Forces of the United CAN EXPECT Tsicxs "PEACE PROPOSALS"
States, who has staked his life In mortal (By Roscoe Drummond)
conflict against an enemy in defense of his
native land, and for the principles under
which it is also governed, not knowing
whether he will return to see his family or
friends, is certainly entitled to a just, honest
and fair hearing before his fellow man.
My son would have been retired in 1954 due
to physical disability had the proper actions
been taken at that time. However, they were
not, so, he should have been retired in 1957
at the time of his myocardial infraction, for
which he has been taking medical treatment
and medication ever since at his own expense.
Under such circumstances, as herein ex-
plained, and especially when he has spent
the best part of his adult life in the defense
of his country, no stone should be left un-
turned in order to see that justice prevails,
thereby allowing the chips to fall where they
may.
With fighting going badly for the Viet-
cong, there is reason to brace ourselves for
tricky and deceptive "peace proposals" from
Hanoi.
Obviously, we ought to be responsive to
any initiative to end the war in a way that
protects the independence of South Vietnam.
But we ought to be on our guard against
a trap.
Those who know the ways of the Commu-
nists believe the time is getting near when
North Vietnam may engineer a diplomatic
maneuver designed to sell Washington and
Saigon a "peace package" with a false bottom.
Here is why the United States must be
alert:
1-The logical time to put such a move in
motion would be on the eve of the congres-
sional elections.
2-The Communists would expect that the
It is hoped and expected that this Hon- American public would leap at anything that
orable Committee will request and permit looked like peace in Vietnam, even if the
him a personal appearance in order that all small type warned the buyer to beware.
the details may be explained to the full and 3-They would figure that President John-
complete satisfaction of this Committee, and son, eager for the Democrats to do well in
when that is done, the ends of justice will the congressional voting, would not dare turn
have been met. Then, the Committee will down "peace proposals" which might be
have no hesitancy in arriving at a just con- made, for a time at least, to look like the' real
clusion. Ifs there has ever been a miscar- article. 'They would figure that the tempta-
riage of justice, as is clearly applicable in tions of election politics would coerce the
this case, it has been perpetrated in the back- Administration into accepting something
ground, and has been of such nature or which at any other time it would reject.
degree, that he has been denied any knowl- 4-The time for such a maneuver is run-
edge or information thereof. That is why it is ning out. It has to be undertaken soon-
cogently necessary for him to be allowed a in the next two or three months-or it will
personal appearance in order that he be be too late.
allowed to present to the Committee some What would be the basic strategy of the
of the records now in his possession and Communists in a move of this kind Their
main purpose would be to tempt the United
States into taking immedate steps that would
disadvantage the United States and advan-
take Hanoi's willingness to negotiate at all.
What would the Communists like to ac-
complish without making any final commit-
ment to end the aggression? Obviously, they
want to try to immobilize the United States
without any guarantee the Vietcong would
remain immobile.
The Communists could propose that the
United States begin to withdraw its forces
as a "gesture" that would help bring about
negotiations a little later.
The Communists could propose that the
United States de-escalate the fighting while
they try to catch their breath and get ready
for another push.
The Communists could propose that, as a
preliminary to a future settlement, the VC
be allowed a place In the Saigon regime be-
fore the new.government is elected.
It is possible, of course, that there Is so
much controversy at the top in Hanoi on
whether to keep up the war or accept nego-
tiations that nobody will dare make a move.
If it comes, it will probably be soon. Pres-
ident Johnson has warned against it with
his public affirmation that "we will not with-
draw under the cloak of a meaningless agree-
ment."
TRI-CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE
AND ADMINISTRATION INDIFFER-
ENCE BLAMED FOR INCREASING
UNREST IN LATIN AMERICA-A
CRITICAL MOMENT IN INTER-
AMERICAN AFFAIRS APPROACHES
(Mr. CRAMER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, on the
13th anniversary of the Castro revolu-
tion I call attention to administration's
failure to meet the growing communist
threat in this hemisphere.
Yesterday was the anniversary of Cas-
tro's July 26, 1953, attack on the Mon-
cada Barracks in Cuba, recognized as
the bearded dictator's first revolutionary
act and the administration is still with-
out a policy to deal with the Communist
menace only 90 miles from our shores.
The administration of not following
the congressional mandate aimed at
halting free-world shipping to Cuba
painting out that in 1965, Canada and
the United Kingdom alone exported over
$90 million of goods to Cuba.
As chairman of the Subcommittee on
Subversion of the House Republican Task
Force on Latin America, I say the ad-
ministration is guilty of gross ineptness
in meeting the crucial events in Latin
America. The administration has
ignored last January's Tri-Continental
Conference in Havana at which Commu-
nist representatives from three contin-
ents met and pronounced their goal to
step up their aggression and subversion
in this hemisphere. The Tri-Continen-
tal Conference is second in importance
only to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962.
Specific targets in the Communist
blueprint are Colombia, Venezuela, Peru,
Panama, Guatemala, Ecuador and Puer-
to Rico. Additional resolutions were
passed by the Conference on topics in-
volving the Organization of American
States, the Dominican Republic, Haiti,
Paraguay, and British and French
Guiana.
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July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
plication of Army rules and regulations
in separating him from the military
service. Judge Stephens' statement
speaks for itself. In my judgment, the
statement is altogether factual. I have
known Henry Stephens for more than 30
years, and have known his son for an
equal period of time.
I have introduced H.R. 15490 authoriz-
ing relief for James D. Stephens from
the circumstances outlined.
I am greatly concerned about the lack
of any appropriate administrative rem-
edy for the circumstances of this case
which leads me to the belief that the
Congress should thoroughly study this
matter with a possible view of enacting
general legislation which will appropri-
ately afford relief for other James Ste-
phenses who may be similarly aggrieved
by hypertechnical application of rules
and regulations in such disability mat-
ters. I consequently urge each Member
to give attention to,the case presented
by Judge Stephens on behalf of his son:
WHAT THE ARMY HAS DONE TO LT. COL. JAMES
D. STEPHENS AFTER MORE THAN 20 YEARS OF
SERVICE
(A partial statement of facts to be used in
connection with H.R. 15490, now pending
before the Committee on the Judiciary)
James Darwin Stephens was born in Pres-
tonsburg, Kentucky on May 2, 1916. At elev-
en yearsof age he began his military experi-
ences by attending the oldest private military
school of America in the hope that he would
eventually be graduated from West Point
thus making the Army his career.
After his graduation from military school
his appointment to the United States Military
Academy did not materialize. He was, how-
ever, commissioned in the Organized Reserve
Corps on September 8, 1937, by President
Franklin D. Roosevelt. He was active in the
reserves until 1941 when he was ordered to
active duty effective April 21st.
Within six months after being ordered to
duty he was sent overseas to Panama where
he was on duty with the 5th United States
Infantry at the time World War II began on
December 7, 1941. On completion of this
overseas tour, he was returned to the United
States where he received additional training
in the fall and winter, 1943-44, and subse-
quent thereto, he was sent overseas again,
this time to serve in England, France and
Germany.
He was one of three young combat arms
officers selected from several hundred to be-
come administrative officer of a civil affairs
group in American-British combined opera-
tions of northwest Europe before and follow-
ing invasion. He was the administrative offi-
cer for the American Contingent, First Civil
Affairs Group, under command of Colonel J.
M. Hamilton, DSO, British Army, and carried
on liaison activities with the SHAEF head-
quarters in London.
On fulfillment of this combined mission, in
October 1944, he was assigned to the 95th In-
fantry Division headquarters as assistant di-
vision military government officer. This was
the combat phase of military government,
and in this period he performed his duty in
combat and under enemy fire with the 379th
Infantry Regiment, and in its three battalion
zones of combat in both France and Ger-
many. While his division was in combat its
operations were under the jurisdiction of
the Third Army Commander, General George
S. Patton, Jr. Until the Battle of the Bulge,
this division saw some of the bitterest fight-
ing in the European theater. Certain par-
ticipants in such combat, particularly those
in the Moselle River, Metz, Saar River line
and Searlautern objectives, were highly com-
mended by the Third Army Commander,
General Patton. Colonel Stephens was one
of those persons.
For his performance of duty under such
combat conditions, in 1947, he was awarded
the Bronze Star Medal. In February. 1945,
he was assigned to the 12th Armored Divi-
sion, which was in the Seventh Army Area
under command of General Alexander M.
Patch. While yet in the combat phase of
military government operations, with this
division he served with headquarters Combat
Command "A", performing his duties with
this headquarters; the 66th Armored Infantry
Battalion and the 493d Armored Artillery
Battalion, in the Colmar Pocket, Crallsheim,
Ellwangen, Dinkelsbuhl, Goppingen, Aalen,
Dillingen, Laulngen, Landsberg, Murnau and
other areas.
Notwithstanding the above performance
and combat participation of record, the Army
has certified to the Veterans Administration
that Colonel Stephens had no combat. His
service data shows otherwise; his Bronze
Star citation shows otherwise; and General
Patton's commendation shows otherwise.
When it had been determined by the De-
partment of the Army in 1953 that Colonel
Stephens would not continue on active duty
beyond May 31, 1954, in April 1954, Colonel
Stephens submitted his unqualified resigna-
tion from commissioned status. His Army
commander recommended approval, and at
that time, Colonel Stephens under the law
had no further reserve service obligation. He
had served more than the required two years,
during the criteria of both World War II
and the Korean Conflict; he had almost thir-
teen years extended active duty; seventeen
years or more total' commissioned service;
and more than 71 months overseas service
in three separate theaters of war and na-
tional emergency.
Before his separation in 1954 from active
duty he requested a physical evaluation
board for disability determination pur-
poses; however, he was not properly referred,
and therefore not ordered before one. The
Army's representative in making out Colonel
Stephens' separation certificate, effective May.
31, 1,954, determined that he was not to be
assigned or transferred to any reserve com-
ponent, branch or class, cognizant district or
area command in any reserve capacity fol-
lowing separation. This certificate Colonel
Stephens also signed indicating that he had
no further desire to be connected with tha
reserves. Notwithstanding, without his re-
quest or any indication that he wanted to be
assigned to any reserve status, forty-two days
following his separation, the Army assigned
Colonel Stephens to the reserves anyway. He
was separated as a Lieutenant Colonel on his
orders, but when he was assigned to the re-
serves without request, he was assigned as
a Major.
At the time of his separation in 1954, his
physical examination had no clinical evalu-
ation which was required; however, the Army
elected to change this record in order to
show that one was done when, in fact, it was
not done. This physical examination shows
that Colonel Stephens was in perfect health
three days before his statement of medical
history was due in compliance with his
orders.
In 1956, Colonel Stephens was ordered to
duty at Fort Knox, Kentucky. He performed
this tour of duty but the Army denied him
credit which, were it granted, it would au-
thorize an additional retirement year, mak-
ing his total service credit more than 20
years. He had proof in his own records, as
well as did the Army, that this period of
service was performed. During this period
of duty in 1956 a physical examination was
made on him at Fort Knox, Kentucky, and
on completion of it, the Chief of Medical
Service postdated his review and approval by
one year and three days, approving Colonel
Stephens for active duty, effective June 29,
1957, nine days following his orders for active
duty dated June 20, 1957.
16429
On August 2, 1957, Colonel Stephens suf-
fered an acute myocardial infarction while
on duty at Fort George G. Meade, Maryland.
This condition was found to be in line of
duty, not due to any misconduct, while pres-
ent for duty, and while not under the in-
fluence of any drugs or intoxicants. This
finding was approved by the Secretary of
the Army on September 17, 1957.
On September 9, 1957, Fort Meade Army
hospital published Special Orders 112, send-
ing Colonel Stephens on attachment to the
Walter Reed Army hospital for further ob-
servation and treatment only, and on com-
pletion thereof, he was to be returned to his
organization and stationed at Fort Meade,
Maryland by U.S. Government transporta-
tion. This order Colonel Stephens did not
receive for a period of more than five years.
A medical board was not authorized in this
order by any commander of Colonel
Stephens, nor was one appointed by his com-
mander as required in Army regulations.
Therefore, any board action taken by the
Walter Reed Army hospital not in compli-
ance with orders from Colonel Stephens'
commander is illegal and of no effect.
Notwithstanding, a medical board did meet
at the Walter Reed Army hospital on Octo-
ber 1, 1957, but it was contrary to his orders
not yet known to or received by him. Not
one member of this board represented Colo-
nel Stephens' rank and branch of service,
nor was any member an officer of the com-
bat arms. The president of the medical
board, on October 1, 1957, misrepresented
himself to Colonel Stephens and the other
members of the board, by making two dif-
ferent medical determinations on the same
day on the same individual. The board
found that Colonel Stephens' heart condi-
tion existed prior to service and gave no ap-
proximate date of origin as required by
Army regulations. It found that his heart
disease was total and permanent. The pres-
ident of the medical board, as a member,
.found that the heart disease existed prior
to service, while simultaneously determin-
ing that it did not. Now both records exist
in official files of the Department of the
Army. Any doctor with any reputation that
would make a statement that a heart condi-
tion existed 20 years before it happened
should have his head examined. Any man
with common horse sense would know bet-
ter and he wouldn't have to be a doctor.
When the findings of the medical board
were approved by the hospital commander
on October 3, 1957, finding that Colonel
Stephens' heart disease existed prior to
service, Stephens did not elect relief from
active duty in writing to his commander as
set out in Army regulations. When he did
not do so, it became mandatory that his
case be referred to the jurisdiction of a phys-
ical evaluation board.
The Army now asserts that Colonel
Stephens has had a fair hearing when, in
fact, one has not been held. But if a hearing
has been held, it has been done in secrecy
without notice to him, and without his
knowledge as to where, when, who was
present in his behalf, who was counsel of his
choice, if any, and its findings.
In 1959, he was informed by an Army
headquarters that a physical evaluation
board had set forth a disability determina-
tion. Colonel Stephens has never been
notified what this degree of disability de-
termination was, nor has he ever been given
any knowledge with regard to its nature,
recommendation or effect.
On April 28, 1960, the Second Army head-
quarters mailed to Colonel Stephens, without
prior notice that such an action was to be
taken, a discharge certificate which stated
that his commission as a reserve had termi-
nated due to physical disqualification. This
discharge certificate is erroneous, ill-founded
and of no effect whatever, because, first of all,
he has not been given credit for all his serv-
ice which amounts to more than 20 years.
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July 27, 1966 1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16435
iat he who sows
tionarles t wold.bv#w
the win rea tli i nd.
PROTEST OF TREATMENT OF AMER-
ICAN PRISONERS BY COMMUNIST
NORTH VIETNAMESE
(Mr. BROYHILL of Virginia asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and
extend his remarks.)
Mr. BROYHILL of Virginia. Mr.
Speaker, the time has come for the Con-
gress of the United States, and particu-
larly the House of Representatives,
which is closest to our people, to take an
official stand in protest over the treat-
ment of American prisoners in the hands
of the Communist North Vietnamese.
The latest figures, Mr. Speaker, reveal
that there are at least 63 Americans now
in the hands of the Vietnam Communists
who are being starved, threatened, and,
verbally if not physically, beaten into
brainwashed submission as victims of
so-called war crimes accusations.
Unless I wrongly read the signs of an-
ger and distress on the part of the Amer-
ican people, these 63 Americans may well
be the most important soldiers we have
ever sent to foreign wars.
I say so, Mr. Speaker, because our peo-
ple are tired, sick and tired of Commu-
nist arrogance, Communist deceit, Com-
munist torture and killing.
They are tired of self-serving allies
whose halfhearted support leads them
to trading with the enemy and the pro-
longation of conflict and American
casualties.
They are tired of un-American activi-
ties on the part of a noisy segment of our
If there are no standards of decency ing for, Mr. Speaker, but I wonder if
among Communists, it is time to teach those men on forced parade, jabbed by
them some. Communist bayonets, jeered and ridi-
If there are no qualities of mercy culed by Communist puppets, believe in
among them, it is now time to cease deal- their hearts at this moment that it is.
ing with them as equals among human- For what is there to sustain their
kind. hopes, Mr. Speaker?
We can begin here and now, Mr. The United Nations? The Geneva
Speaker, to do so. Convention? The firmness and pressure
The Congress can do so by officially for decency from most of our allies?
serving notice now that we have had The unity of purpose and united pursuit
enough. of peace at home?
It can do so by refusing further for- I doubt it, Mr. Speaker. For these are
eign aid to any nation trading with the weakened reeds of justice.
enemy; by halting all loans and grants Our airmen, in the sweat and hunger
to any nation aiding the economy or of their cells, must remember the barges
abetting the foreign policies of Com- and ships of our friends in Communist
munist nations; by blockading Haiphong harbors; our soldiers, the guns and bombs
Harbor, as we did in China. that cut and maimed them-guns and
It can do so by slamming shut the bombs made and shipped from nations
gates of international travel to those we are told we must live with in peace
nations; by demanding rigid compliance and friendship.
with every facet of the United Nations War becomes a personal thing, when
Charter; by demanding pledges of sup- you are fighting it, Mr. Speaker.
port for our policies from those we have It becomes more personal if you are a
aided down the years; and by public Prisoner
There of it.
about it that sur-
against of condemnation from them
against Communist aggression, subver- passes reason; the hours of it erase time
sion and atrocities. and the misery of it dissolves hope.
This may not be enough, Mr. Speaker, Unless there is a certainty that you
for the hour is late. But it will be a are not forgotten; that you are not to
start. become a victim of some higher policy
It will be a welcome start, for our peo- or some grand strategy that leads to half
ple and our soldiers, who know in their victories and uncontrollable stalemates,
hearts that we are dealing with some- it is not endurable.
thing outside the ordinary ken of human I would be ashamed as an American if
behavior. - this is the only hope, the only heritage
I say, Mr. Speaker, the time for busi- we leave with those in the darkness of
ness as usual is past. their cells in Vietnam today.
It is time to use every ounce of our I do not believe it is.
intelligence, every segment of our eco- If Communist Vietnam can find a
nomic power and every pledge of retri- "legal basis" for war crimes trials of our
uders of civil- captive fighting men, surely we can find
th
ese mara
bution to stop
people. ized behavior. a "legal basis" for winning the war and
need send no more envoys abroad, securing their freedom.
They are tired of repeated breaches of W
e
treaties and agreements and the inef- Mr. Speaker, we need send no more visi- Today in Hanoi the North Vietnamese
fectualness and lack of action on the tors to the battlefront. We need no more have backed away from the trials, be-
part of the United Nations. resolutions for calm, no more editorials cause they have discovered the American
And, Mr. Speaker, they are sick and f or caution. peoplereven those who cry for "peace at
tired of our own State. Department's We need action, Mr. Speaker, by this any price" cannot tolerate them. But
groveling submission to threats and out- Congress and this House. we are warned by unnamed administra-
right violations of international law, lest- We need to serve notice today that our tion spokesmen that this backing away
we anger and frustrate the very inter- retribution will be unrelenting. may be temporary and that they can
national bandits who are already per- I have some personal knowledge, Mr. change their minds at any moment and
petrating the atrocities. Speaker, of the plight of a prisoner of reinstitute the trials.
I say, Mr. Speaker, tl'iat this is not the war. Our men are accused and may be
time to remain silent, but to speak out Not many years ago, while serving as judged for conducting crimes against
to our people and the world. a company commander in the 106th humanity, while serving as soldiers per-
I say it is time to pledge retribution, Infantry Division in the Battle of the forming the military duties we as a na-
no less lenient and no less swift, to Com- Bulge, my entire division was wiped out tion and a people.sent them to perform.
munist war criminals in Vietnam who and those of my company who survived And while the trials were expected
mistreat our, captured fighting men. and I were taken prisoner. The memory momentarily what help did we get from
Justice no less lenient and no less swift, of the disease, the dirt, the stardation, our friends?
Mr. Speaker, than that meted out at the and the fear lives with me yet. In Geneva the International Red
close of World War II against those who We were marched away from the front Cross "talked" of what could be done;
commuted atrocitiesround then. in their lairs. herded into boxcars like cattle, and in New York the United Nations was col-
We ran them ag. twice bombed by Allied planes. During lectively mute or antagonistic; in Eng-
do so Wendn we will do one bombing in Nuremberg half the land and France, nations for which we
And we will our so soldiers again, in are the very group were either killed or wounded, but have done so much, there was massive
jungles where ou fighting, we were proud of those bombers, and of resistance to our efforts to save freedom
be. W
It need can the men who were still fighting for us and the lives of captured Americans.
and our country. To ask where we can turn, as a na-
those We can who today are ledge aralr, lalr, M eady y the victims Speaker, s
of Communist atrocities and may soon be I 'escaped from a POW marching tion, Mr. Speaker, is an admission of
victims of their firing squads. column, by the grace of God and because weakness.
We can pledge no less to their parents. of the courage of my cellmates, whose We can turn to ourselves-to the
We can pledge no less to the thousands will to live and to fight again stemmed elected leaders of this Nation-to this
of ether American soldiers fighting in from an inner conviction that our coun- Congress and this Government, and we
Vietnam, any one of whom at this mo- try was worth fighting for. can act now or admit our lack of ability
ment may be facing a similar fate. I still know our country is worth fight- or will to do so.
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 16436
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966
In the days ahead, Mr. Speaker, the
air will be filled with cries of alarm, with
organized protests against America do-
ing anything. And, if previous patterns
of action prevail, with street protests
against any decision we may make in
justice and reason.
But for the sake of our men in Hanoi
prisons, for the safety of those still free
to fight for us on the battlefield, I, for
one, will endure the label of "hawk" and
the slander of being called a "war-
monger."
I, for one, will ignore the cries of
alarm; the marching protests, and the
banners of surrender.
I will do so, Mr. Speaker, because I
believe it is my duty not only as a Con-
gressman but as an American to do so-
and, in addition, to do something about
it.
If we have to choose freedom for those
we sent to fight, against the risk of a
greater conflict, I shall choose freedom.
If we have to choose between nations
of courage as against those who pay only
lipservice to freedom, I shall stand with
the courageous, whatever the risk.
If we must choose, as Americans, be-
tween might as against sniveling threats,
abject fear and weaseling foreign poli-
cies, I will stand with what is right and
the might that makes it so.
So, I believe, will this Congress. So
will our people.
In fact, Mr. Speaker, if I am any judge
of people, t am Sure they have had
e semiwars, and semipeace,
tories. I know I have.
VIETNAM: THE NEED FOR A
POLITICAL INITIATIVE
(Mr. COHELAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, in its
lead editorial yesterday the New York
Times outlined a four-point plan to pro-
mote a political settlement of the war in
Vietnam which I warmly endorse.
The plan calls for a stop to the Ameri-
canization of the war by halting the
buildup of U.S. troops. As the Time
comments :
A quarter of a million American troops is
more than enough.
Second. The plan calls for a civilian
government in Saigon "that can open
contact with the insurgent forces." The
fastest and most effective action that can
be taken here is the holding of free coun-
trywide elections. This objective should
be encouraged with every resource at
our command.
Third. The Times suggests a "tapering
off" of the bombing of North Vietnam
in order "to build an atmosphere con-
ducive to negotiations."
Fourth. It recommends coupling ef-
forts to reconvene the Geneva Confer-
ence with "broad diplomatic discussions"
that can find a "formula for the neutrali-
zation and economic development of
southeast Asia as a whole."
What is now required, as the Times
makes perfectly clear "is a clear indica-
tion that the American objective is not
a military victory but political settle-
ment. The American ability to escalate [Mr. OLSEN of Montana's remarks
the war needs no further demonstration. will appear hereafter in the Appendix.]
The need now is to halt the escalation
and make a vigorous new effort to achieve -
peace." (Mr. OLSEN of Montana asked and
It may well be, as I have suggested was given permission to extend his re-
before, that no political or diplomatic marks in the body of the RECORD.)
initiatives will persuade the other side
to come to the conference table. Their [Mr. OLSEN of Montana's remarks
plan may call only for military conquest, will appear hereafter In the Appendix.]
either overtly or by attrition. This
plainly must be resisted.
CONGRESSMAN HORTON OFFERS
But the costs of this war, and the T.xv3TOT A TTr-
ly threatens, require us-to pursue every TIGHT MONEY MARKET AND TO
reasonable course that can lead to an INCREASE HOUSING STARTS
early and just settlement. (Mr. HORTON asked and was given
The proposal outlined by the New York permission to address the House for 1
Times yesterday is sound and reasoned. minute and include extraneous mate-
It deserves the attention and action of rial.)
our policymakers. Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker, it is my
Mr. Speaker, I include the full text of privilege today to introduce a bill that
this timely editorial for the considers- will increase by $1.5 billion the home
tion of all who are concerned with this mortgage funds available through the
problem: Federal National Mortgage Association.
President Ho Chi Minh's statement that
there is "no trial in view" for American mili-
tary prisoners in North Vietnam is a victory
for the moral influence of world opinion.
That victory transcends the fate of the cap-
tive airmen, for it offers hope that common
sense and common humanity ultimately may
prevail against the ever greater barbarism the
war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both sides.
The United States has yielded to the pres-
sure of world opinion in the past by offering
peace proposals and twice suspending the
bombing of North Vietnam. But this is the
first time that Hanoi has shown regard for
the opinion of mankind. Its decision to back
away from talk of "war crimes trials" fol-
lows direct pleas from Secretary General
Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments
and opinion leaders everywhere, including
eighteen liberal American Senators. The
hope now must be that reason can prevail on
the broader issues of the war itself.
The conflict in Vietnam is a political
struggle that, in the end, can only be
resolved by political means. In politics,
timing is of the essence. A number of op-
portunities to probe the prospects for peace
have been neglected in the past. It is vital
that the new atmosphere and the new op-
portunity opened by Hanoi's response on the
prisoner issue not be missed as well.
The approach favored by American
moderates and long urged by The Times has
just been summed up admirably by Prof.
Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential ele-
ment is to stop the Americanization of the
war by halting the American buildup in
South Vietnam; a quarter of a million Amer-
ican troops is more than enough. The
second vital element is a civilian Govern-
ment in Saigon that can open contact with
the insurgent forces. Third, is the need to
build an atmosphere conductive to negotia-
tions by tapering off the bombing of North
Vietnam. Finally, efforts to reconvene the
Geneva conference must be linked with broad
diplomatic discussions with Moscow, Paris,
and other interested states to find a formula
for the neutralization and economic develop-
ment of Southeast Asia as a whole.
Most of all, what is needed is a clear indica-
tion that the American objective is not mili-
tary victory but political settlement. The
American ability to escalate the war needs no
further demonstration. The need now is to
halt the escalation and make a vigorous new
effort to achieve peace.
Treasury to purchase an additional $150
million in FNMA preferred stock. Since
FNMA is empowered to borrow up to 10
times the amount of its capital and sur-
plus, its borrowing power would increase
by $1.5 billion after this additional Treas-
ury investment.
I am offering this measure to pump
needed funds into the housing industry,
which is experiencing a sharp decline.
This bill is designed to quickly ease the
credit squeeze in which the builders of
this country find themselves.
I have seen statistics provided by Mr.
Joseph F. McCue, executive vice presi-
dent of the Rochester, N.Y., Home Build-
ers' Association, which show that new
single-family housing permits in that
area will be off by 24 percent this year
because of the tight mortgage market.
Housing starts throughout the country
are expected to be down by about 200,-
000 this year, at a time when other in-
dustries are prospering. Two months
ago, housing starts fell to their lowest
point in 31/2 years.
The FNMA assists the homebuilding
and mortgage industries during periods
of tight money, while its sales of mort-
gages during periods of relative mone-
tary ease provide a ready source of in-
vestment for long-term institutional in-
vestors. At present, however, FNMA is
extended to the limit of its lending power
since the authorization for Treasury pur-
chases of its stock is fully subscribed.
If we are to assist this industry during
this crucial period, we should not do it
at the expense of sound financial prac-
tices. Increasing the percentage lend-
ing power of FNMA on present Treasury-
held stock would free more mortgage
funds at the expense of watering down
the equity structure of FNMA operations.
By authorizing increases in Treasury
purchases, however, we can expand the
lending power of the Association without
impairing the soundness of its opera-
tions.
This bill is fashioned to fit the immedi-
ate needs of the hard-hit homebuilding
industry, and it can succeed without un-
duly heating up current high-speed eco-
(Mr. OLSEN of Montana asked and nomic conditions. This is direct,
was given permission to extend his re- straightforward action which carries no
marks in the body of the RECORD.), risk of impairing FNMA's credit.
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July 27, 3966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
I hope my colleagues will view with
seriousness the plight of this industry,
and that the House will see fit to take
immediate action to alleviate the credit
squeeze that has brought about this
situation.
(Mr. HORTON asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous material.)
[Mr. HORTON'S remarks will)ppear
ARTHUR SCHLESIN~`ER, JR., ON
VIETNAM
A (Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to
bring to the attention of my colleagues
the views on the war in Vietnam which
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., set forth in the
August 9 issue of Look magazine.
In discussing alternatives to current
policy he says.
We must adapt the means we employ to
the end we seek.
Professor Schlesinger suggests:
A program of limiting our forces, actions
and objectives still holds out the possibility
of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa-
tion. A program of indefinite escalation
offers nothing but disaster; for our adver-
saries can, in their own way, match our
every step up to nuclear war ...
He also observes that, as we increase
our bombing of North Vietnam-
we will only solidify the people of North
Vietnam behind their government, making
negotiation impossible and eventually assure
the entry of China into the war.
Mr. Speaker, I commend this thought-
ful article to the attention of my col-
leagues.
[From Look magazine of Augst 9, 1966]
VIETNAM?
(By Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.)
The moderate critics of the administra-
tion's Vietnam policy do not question its
proclaimed purposes: resistance to Com-
munist aggression, self-determination for
South Vietnam, a negotiated settlement in
Southeast Asia, They do question, with the
greatest urgency, the theory that the way
to achieve these objectives is to intensify
the war. The more we destroy Vietnam,
North and South, in their judgment, the
less chance there will ever be of attaining-
14 our objectives. The course of widening
the war, moreover, will mire our nation in
a hopeless and endless conflict on the main-
land of Asia, beyond the effective use of our
national power and the range of our pri-
mary interests-and may well end in nu-
clear war with China.
And the alternatives? Instead of sup-
posing that a guerrilla movement can be
crushed by strategic bombing, instead of us-
ing military methods to solve a political
problem, we must adapt the means we em-
ploy to the end we seek.
1. Stop the Americanization of the war.
The bitter fact is that the war in Vietnam can
nevf;r be won as a war of white men against
Asians. It cannot be won "unless the peo-
ple [of South Vietnam] support the ef-
fort . We can help them, we can give
them equipment, we can send our men out
there as advisers, but they have to win it,
the people of Vietnam" (President Kennedy,
1963). The more we Americanize the war-
by increasing our military presence, by sum-
moning Saigon leaders, like vassals, to con-
ferences in an American state, by transform-
ing a local war in Vietnam into a global test
between America and China-the more we
make the war unwinnable.
2. A civilian government in Saigon. We
have never had a government in Saigon that
could enlist the active loyalty of the coun-
tryside, and we certainly do not have one in
Marshal .try's military junta. Instead of
identifying American interests with Marshal
Ky, and rebuffing the broader political im-
pulses of the South, we should long since
have encouraged a movement toward a
civilian regime that represents the signifi-
cant political forces of the country and is
capable both of rallying the army and carry-
ing out programs of social reform. If such
a government should favor the neutraliz-
tion of South Vietnam, if it should want
to negotiate with Vietcong, even if it should
wish to release us from our commitment to
stay in Vietnam, we cannot and we should not
object.
3. Reconvene the Geneva Conference. We
should persevere in the quest for negotia-
tion.. Since the Vietcong are a principal
party to the conflict, it would appear obvious
that peace talks at Geneva are meaningless
without their participation. And since they
will never talk if the only topic is their un-
conditonal surrender, we must, unless we
plan to exterminate them, hold out to them
a prospect of a say in the future political
life of South Vietnam-conditioned on their
laying down their arms, opening up their
territories and abiding by the ground rules
of democratc elections, preferably under in-
ternational supervision.
4. Hold the line in South Vietnam. Obvi-
ously, Hanoi and the Vietcong will not ne-
gotiate so long as they think they can win.
Since stalemate is thus a precondition to
negotiation, we must have enough American
ground forces in South Vietnam to demon-
strate that our adversaries cannot hope for
military victory. I believe that we have more
than enough troops and installations there
now to make this point.
It is an illusion to suppose that by increas-
ing the size of the American Army we can
ever gain a reliable margin of superiority;
for, by the Pentagon's preferred 10:1 ratio
in fighting guerrillas, every time we add 100,-
000 men, the enemy has only to add 10,000,
and we are all even again.
Nor does "digging in" mean a static
strategy with initiative relinquished to the
enemy. The South Vietnamese Army of half
a million men is better suited in many ways
than are Americans to search operations in
the villages.
We should also limit our bombing in the
South. Have we really no better way to deal
with guerrilla warfare than the aerial
obliteration of the country in which it is
taking place? If this is our best idea of "pro-
tecting" a country against communism, what
other country, seeing the devastation we have
wrought in Vietnam, will ever wish for Amer-
ican protection?
5. Taper off the bombing of North Vietnam.
Secretary McNamara has candidly said, "We
never believed that bombing would destroy
North Vietnam's will," and thus far, bombing
the North has neither brought Hanoi to the
conference table, demoralized the people nor
stopped infiltration. As a result, pressure
arises for ever-wider strikes-first oil depots,
then harbors, factories, cities, the Chinese
border. But these won't work either. As
we move down this road, we will only solidify
the people of North Vietnam behind their
government, make negotiation impossible
and eventually assure the entry of China
into the war. And even if we bombed North
Vietnam back to the Stone Age and earned
thereby the hatred of the civilized world,
16437
this still would not settle the present war-
which, after all, is taking place not in North
but in South Vietnam.
6. A long-run program for Southeast Asia.
We should discuss with Russia, France, China
and other interested countries a neutraliza-
tion program, under international guarantee,
for Cambodia, Laos, North and South Viet-
nam. If these states could work out forms
of economic collaboration, as in the develop-
ment of the Mekong Valley, the guarantors
should make economic and technical assist-
ance available to them.
A program of limiting our forces, actions
and objectives still holds out the possibility
of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa-
tion. A program of indefinite escalation
offers nothing but disaster; for our adver-
saries can, in their own way, match our every
step up to nuclear war-and nuclear war
would be just as much a moral and political
catastrophe for us as it would be a physical
catastrophe for the Far East and the whole
world.
(Mr. HECHLER asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
[Mr. HECHLER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE
STATEMENT ON THE HOMEBUILD-
ING INDUSTRY
(Mr. RHODES of Arizona (at the re-
quest of Mr. REINECKE) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr.
Speaker, at the July 26, 1966, meeting of
the House Republican Policy Committee
a policy statement regarding the home-
building industry was adopted. As
chairman of the policy committee, I
would like to include at this point in the
RECORD the complete text of this state-
ment.
REPUBLICAN POLICY COMMITTEE STATEMENT
ON THE HOMEBUILDING INDUSTRY
Homebuilding and homebuying, one of the
nation's largest industries, is faced with a
major crisis. Due to the inflationary fiscal
policies of the Johnson-Humphrey Adminis-
tration, this major industry could slump by
as much as one-third during the second half
of 1966; It is tragically significant that the
June building permit rate, an indicator of
future activity, plummeted to the lowest
point since the Census Bureau began keep-
ing records. Private housing starts in June
were down 18 percent from June 1965' and
applications for FHA-insured mortgages on
existing homes were down 34 percent from
a year ago.
The homebuilding and homebuying crisis
affects millions of Americans-the young
couple who is getting married and wants to
buy a home of their own, but cannot saddle
themselves for 20 to 30 years with swollen
payments; the family that wants to sell the
house it now has or buy another but is pre-
vented from doing so by the absence of home
mortgage money; the builders and workers in
the home construction industry, and all of
the related industries and services that sup-
ply materials and equipment.
Under the Johnson-Humphrey Adminis-
tration, interest rates are the highest in more
than 40 years. As a result, high interest
costs have added tremendously to the cost
of financing the ever-mounting Federal debt.
The rising demand for credit by the Federal
government and business has drawn funds
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE July, 27, 1966
away from credit-sensitive industries such as
homebuilding. And, notwithstanding the
fact that personal consumption has levelled
off, plant and inventory expansion continue
at a record pace as a hedge by industry
against the continuing inflationary cost
spiral.
The only remedy offered by the Johnson-
Humphrey Administration has been support
for an ill-conceived effort to place a statutory
interest ceiling rate over time deposits in
banks and savings and loans. We are op-
posed to H.R. 14026. This finger-in-the-dike
approach will not create new savings nor di-
rect additional funds to the homebuilding
industry. On the contrary, it could drive
personal and corporate savings from banks
and savings and loans to government bonds,
Federal agency issues, or the stock market-
thereby further compounding the home-
building crisis.
We Republicans do more than "sympa-
thize" with the plight of the homebuilders
and the homebuyers. We demand that the
following "crash" program be undertaken be-
fore Congress adjourns:
1. Slash nondefense, nonessential domes-
tic spending. Not just In regard to appro-
priations as the President has urged, but
also with respect to new program authoriza-
tions which trigger the appropriations proc-
ess.
2. Reduce point discounts on FHA and VA
home financing through administrative ad-
justments of rates to more realistic levels.
Five and six point discounts ($1,500 on $25,-
000 home mortgage) are stifling home financ-
'ing and wiping out personal savings.
3. Suspend any further issues of FNMA
participation sales other than for VA and
FHA pooled housing mortgages. When the
participation sales bill was being debated,
we warned that this multi-billion dollar
budgetary gimmick would place severe strains
on the private credit market and push up
interest rates to record levels. Experience
with the program, has fully confirmed our
fears.
4. Enact the Republican-initiated proposal
to grant FNMA additional borrowing author-
ity in a prudent and legal manner.
b. Remove FNMA's $15,000 administrative
limitation on purchase of mortgages under
its secondary market operations.
6. Appoint an emergency Presidential fact-
finding committee on the homebuilding crisis
to report its findings in sufficient time for
Congressional consideration prior to adjourn-
ment of the 89th Congress.
Granted these are stern measures. How-
ever, the ever-deepening homebuilding crisis
demands that immediate and effective steps
be taken. The "do not open until after
election" tag must be removed from this
problem. -
(Mr. KUPFERMAN (at the request of
Mr. RErEJIcKE) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. KUPFERMAN'S remarks will
appear hereafter in the Appendix.]
SETTLING THE AIRLINE STRIKE:
TIME FOR CONGRESSIONAL AC-
TION
(Mr. CRAMER (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CRAMER. Mr. Speaker, I am
today introducing a resolution that is de-
signed to provide an effective procedure
for settling the present airline strike that
-is crippling the Nation. My resolution
would call for an immediate cessation of
this strike, and would provide for the im-
mediate resumption of the airline serv-
ices that are so desperately needed by all
sections of the United States. It would
further provide for a special arbitration
board which would settle this dispute in
such a manner so as to preserve the
rights, dignities, and equities of all the
parties to the controversy.
Mr. Speaker, I am a firm believer in
the inherent value of the traditional
form of free collective bargaining. How-
ever, as in the railroad strikes in 1963,
the public interest has been Ignored. I
am offering a resolution which will de-
mand compulsory arbitration in this
strike, having carefully weighed the
equities of the situation, and given the
problem considerable thought and be-
lieving a national emergency exists.
The airline strike has become an in-
tolerable burden on the American econ-
omy and on the American people. More
than 150,000 travelers and 4,100 flights
each day have ben affected by the walk-
out. In addition, 231 cities in the United
States have had their air service limited
in some degree; and, 70 cities are com-
pletely without commercial air service.
The strike has seriously hampered the
delivering of air mail, vital medical sup-
plies, and consumer goods.
Many States have felt the impact of
the strike on their tourist industries.
It has wrecked untold havoc in such sup-
portive industries as the hotel and motel,
restaurant, taxicab, and retail industries.
Within these industries marginal busi-
nessmen are faced with imminent bank-
ruptcy as a result of the strike.
In my State of Florida alone, 534 daily -
flights that carry an estimated. 20,000
passengers in and out of our 3 largest
cities have been totally canceled.
The airlines strike has been in progress
for almost 3 weeks. Yet, the prospects
for an imminent settlement of the dis-
pute are dim. Each bargaining session
has ended with the sides more firmly
entrenched in their positions than before.
We are faced with an emergency sit-
uation of the first order. Action must
be taken to correct this situation, and
it must be taken promptly. It is for this
reason that I submit the following re-
solution and strongly urge its immediate
acceptance.
WHY THE DELAY ON FISH PROTEIN
CONCENTRATE?
(Mr. KEITH (at the request of Mr.
REI]VECKE) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. KEITH. Mr. Speaker, Monday
afternoon at a high-level meeting, Food
and Drug Administration officials told
the Interior Department that its petition
for approval of fish protein concentrate
could not be granted until the FDA had
further information. I am told that
FDA scientists believe that the fluoride
content of the powdered fish extract may
be too high. As I understand it, the
question is not one of toxicity, but rather
of possible "cosmetic" effects. It is
thought that if large amounts of FPC
were consumed by someone over a period
of years, his teeth might become mottled
as a result.
The possibility of mottling is not con-
ceivable in this country, I am told, in
view of the fact that FPC would only be
a very modest percentage of anyone's
diet. Since FPC is a food additive, ap-
propriate levels could be prescribed for
adding to cornmeal or other foods so that
there would be no problem even in other
countries where fewer foods are avail-
able.
As I am speaking, children all over the
world are dying from malnutrition.
Each moment of delay denies some of
them the chance to live.
I have been advised by a number of
experts that this question of fluoride con-
tent is not a valid complaint. Frankly,
I cannot believe that the approval of
FPC is being held up for this reason.
The Bureau of Commercial Fisheries
scientists do not feel the fluoride content
is significant. I have personally talked
with a number of other eminent scien-
tists, including Dr. Frederick Stare,
world-renowed nutritionist, and head of
Harvard Medical School's Department of
Nutrition. These men assure me that
they have worked with FPC and consider
it to be perfectly safe. It has had re-
markable beneficial effects in Latin
America where I saw firsthand how in-
fants who had suffered from severe mal-
nutrition were transformed into happy,
healthy children by an FPC additive in-
troduced into their diets. The doctors
seemed to be completely satisfied with
the results.
Last October, the National Academy
of Sciences gave its stamp of approval to
FPC, and since then, the Food and Drug
Administration has had ample oppor-
tunity to study the data presented to
them by the Interior Department. What
further proof is needed? What are the
real reasons for this delay? If they are
valid ones, they should be made public.
If they are not, then the situation is
intolerable.
CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1966
(Mrs. DWYER (at the request of Mr.
REiNEcs a) was granted permission to ex-
tend her remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mrs. DWYER. Mr. Speaker, it is my
understanding that at the appropriate
point in the reading of the bill the dis-
tinguished gentlewoman from Michigan
[Mrs. GRIFFrTHS] will offer an amend-
ment to strengthen the bill with regard
to discrimination based on sex in the
selection of juries.
I shall associate myself with the
gentlewoman in urging the House to sup-
port the amendment for, without it, the
bill will fail in a major respect to con-
form to the principles of equity we all
subscribe to and it will fail to guarantee
the kind of representative juries on which
the impartial administration of justice
depends.
Mr. Speaker, section 201 of the bill
is designed to prohibit discrimination In
the selection of jurors in State courts on
account of race, color, religion, sex, na-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE 16441
000 with a requirement for Presidential
approval of any rates above these levels.
The legislation would increase bank re-
serve,requirements substantially. It also
would authorize the Federal Home Loan
Bank Board to regulate interest paid by
savings and loan associations.
Mr, Speaker, this measure will not ac-
complish its avowed purposes of stem-
ming inflation, easing credit, lowering in-
terest rates, and reviving the sagging
homebuilding industry.
Rather, inflation is likely to increase
because the administration refuses to
tackle the principal cause of inflationary
pressures-Federal spending in excess-Qf
revenue receipts.
Mr. Speaker, I am hopeful that the
Congress will unanimously make it clear
to the Communists in Hanoi that the
staging of "show trials" will mean an
intensification and escalation of the war
and will be a serious setback to the
achievement of a just and lasting peace
in southeast Asia. The firmness of our
convictions, as expressed in the resolu-
tions which my colleagues and I have
introduced, may deter the Hanoi regime
from committing themselves to an irre-
versible, inhuman step toward widening
the war.
HOW PRIVATE ENTERPRISE CON-
TRIBUTES TO A BETTER FUNC-
TIONING LABOR MARKET
(Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter;
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, early in
May the Subcommittee on Economic
Statistics of the Joint Economic Com-
This condition cannot be permitted to
continue forever. We cannot hope to
manipulate our monetary system to con-
trol the many fiscal and economic prob-
1~11 which are produced by excessive
Veds eral spending.
These temporary stopgap measures
are only political window dressing. They
may actually cause conditions to worsen.
We may eve{1 experience continued in-
flation and' economic recession in certain
basic industries at the same time.
The free market remains the most ef-
fective device for achieving stability in
'prices, living costs, wages, interest, and
profits.
Federal controls, Mr. Speaker, will not
produce a nickel of new money for home-
-
`
financing purposes; in fact
supply of funds avalla
they con
urther the
THE THREATENED "SHOW TRIALS"
IN NORTH VIETNAM VIOLATE THE
GENEVA CONVENTION
(Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to
extend, his remarks at this poilit in the
RECORD' and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, I am
happy to join with many of my colleagues
on both sides of the aisle in introducing
a concurrent resolution expressing the
sense of Congress with regard to possible
trial of U.S. airmen now held captive by
the Communist regime in North Vietnam.
It is clearly evident that such trials
would violate the express provisions of
_-.- of 1040 Con-
---
veilt
ucture 01
t
t
s
r
- school diploma or less Is u - ==. e= -Ku--
'entions which were signed and ratified details on he curren
by the Hanoi regime, as well as by the portunities in the national job market ment for mechanics, some recruiters are
United States. Article 2 of the conven- at all levels, including students, appli- seeking applicants with Bachelor's, Master's, rs and
degrees
even
for bons states that the provisions contained which ntheir eed such adviseinfor ationa for ade- crand aft, airframe assembly and test,belectr cal,
c the s declared war of oapply "to f any all quate career and program planning. instrument, jet engine, radio, television, and
came oc declared war or of aother qUnder unanimous consent, I include turbine mechanics. Lathrop attributes this
armed conflict which may arise between in the RECORD a press release from Who's development to sharply rising technology and
two more of the high co is not Hiring Who, which points out where job related changes in the concepts of technical
parties, even if the state war ar is not opportunities exist in the current tight and tossional positions.
recognized by one of them." Symptoms of a changing and troubled
This article is binding upon the North labor market. world also crop up in who's hiring who
The press release follows: ; on "work" for professional soldiers, plus de-
ernm nt has dh, red ohs Hanoi neva Jos JOURNAL WEIGHS EMPLOYER DEMAND FOR tails on how to apply for such openings. As
cnhaThus, , the Communist the APPLICANTS IN 1,000 OCCUPATIONAL CATE- an antidote, Peace Corps opportunities and
C GORIES requirements are also spelled out in detail.
conventions.
government of North Vietnam has an NEw YoRIe, N.Y., March 15.-Accountants, Eight thousand employers and employ-
obligation under international law to mechanical engineers, computers program- ment agencies across the nation were con-
treat captured U.S. servicemen as pris- mers, and secretaries, in that order, are the tacted regarding their 1966 recruiting plans
oner' of war and has no right to Uni- applicants (except teachers) most wanted by during the job-market sampling. In all,
laterally abrogate the Geneva Conven- employers according to the Seventh Edition more than 68,000 job openings were reported
by the recruiters as scheduled for recruit-
mittby accusing these prisoners of COm- of Who's Hiring Who.
matting "war War crimes." Published today the new edition of Who's went action. The reported openings are
r1o.121--s Approved For Release, 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6
mittee held hearings on the development recruiter emphasis on professional raider
of job vacancy statistics. In June the than business graduates reflects the inten-
subcommittee issued a report which em- sity of needs based on production require-
phasized the importance of this data for ments even though more employers are in-
a well-functioning labor market and terested in recruiting competent business
urged the continued development of this and computational specialists." In all, the
series. new edition covers requirements for college
Since these hearings, the need for such graduates in 55 major fields of study.
Although the job survey was not designed
data has been reaffirmed in my own mind to measure the demand for teachers, it re-
by the fact that private enterprise has ports that at least 235,000 new teachers will
moved in and begun to identify and dis- be needed during 1966 if all requirements
seminate information on job vacancies. are to be met. The book provides guides for
While I would not ordinarily call atten- students and applicants on how to proceed if
tion to the activities of a private form in they wish to help fill these needs.
this fashion, I wish to do so in this case Lathrop said, "Because there are six mil-
because employable handicapped people in the
pecause it is a striking example of how U.S., the survey asked employers whether
private effort and initiative responds to they favor hiring the handicapped when Ion-
a national need. sistent with performance and safety stand-
I refer to the publication Who's Hir- ards. Sixty-five percent said "yes." A
Ing Who, the journal of jobs. I do not measure was also taken of the attitudes of
suggest that the development of this pub- recruiters toward the 50,000 members of the
nor-
lication makes any less necessary a gov- Armed Forces civilian s who retire each year and
ernment job vacancy series. Each, I en seek
t said they would Sixt
consider
think, supplements other. It may percent
retirees if otherwise fully qualified for
well be that hat the Bureau eau of Labor States- their openings. Both of these indexes to
tics can learn something from the expe- employer attitudes indicate that the barriers
rience of Who's Hiring Who as it works to handicapped applicants and those over
to develop its own series. forty are falling under the weight of in-
"
What the publication seeks to do is creasing applicant shortages.
organize what appears to the job seeker For the first time in of the employ f who's
to be a chaotic labor market. It is de- hiring that a they number a looking for mechanics
yarned to permit dissemination of full eaten vAtl college degrees. Although a high
Hiring Who reports results of its latest na-
tional job survey and provides an unusually
reliable index to the weight of employer de-
mand for applicants in 1000 position cate-
gories.
The job-market study reveals that clerks,
typists, bookkeepers, key-punch operators,
and machinists fall well within the top 75
categories of most wanted applicants but
also indicates that demand for the top three
classes-accountants, mechanical engineers,
and computer programmers-is so broad as
to indicate highly critical shortages of ade-
quately trained applicants in these fields.
However, Richard Lathrop, editor of Who's
Hiring Who, states, "that well qualified ap-
plicants in the top seventy-five categories
should find that they have an extremely
wide selection of opportunities available to
them."
Engineering graduates will continue to be
big men on campus in the eyes of recruiters
between now and next June, according to
the survey's measure of demand for current
college graduates. This perpetuates a trend
in evidence since Who's Hiring Who's, first
publication-in 1959. Next highest in de-
mand among this year's graduates are chem-
ists followed by mathematics, physics, busi-
ness, statistics, and finance majors in that
order.
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6
16442 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966
identified in a tabulated style which per- magazine, are the 15.5 million civilians PRESSURE BY BEER FIRM IN TRUST SUrr unusuall on of mits an
of the w igy eli employer "at-sight"
erestca- for whom there is, in effect, only 1 (By Clark Mollenhoff)
each type of applicant in the thousand post- Vietnamese doctor available for every WASHINGTON, D.C.-,Justico Department
tion categories. Openings listed cover the 50,000-well over 50 times worse than records indicate that the Anheuser-Busch
whole range of occupations from jail guards the physician-patient ratio in the United Co. used "political pressure" to try to bring
to senior scientists. Who's Hiring Who States. a settlement on the highly controversial
names the recruiters who hope to fill the I have learned that the first group of antitrust suit involving acquisition of a
openings in the coming months and specifies U.S. Volunteer doctors arrived last Sep- Wisconsin malting company.
minimum qualifications requirements, gen- The settlement of the suit by the John-
pay levels, overseas openings, summer tember and have worked with similar son administration has been subject to Re-
jobs, temporary openings, employers who teams from Korea, Switzerland, the publican criticism since it was settled dur-
favorably consider older and handicapped Philippines, Iran, Taiwan, New Zealand, ing the same period that owners and repre-
applicants, and other data regarding the and Australia. sentatives of Anheuser-Busch were making
openings where supplied by the recruiters It is with particular pride that I men- political contributions of $10,000 to the
concerned. tion that two doctors from my hometown President's Club.
During the course of their job-market of Saginaw, Mich., have already partici-
study, the editors uncovered basic data about PLANE TRIP
122,000 sjobs ranging from smoke- ported in this program. They are Dr. Also involved in the controversy is the
jumpers summer
science bssi ngtn from
must smoke- Hugh T. Caumartin, a radiologist, and fact that Donald F. Turner, head of the
to be
filled before next June. This data includes Dr. Hugh L. Sulfridge, Jr., and ortho- Antitrust Division, went to the All-Star base-
plans for about 35,000 "disadvantaged" ap_ pedist. ball game in St. Louis in a plane owned by Anh-usch. The lane ride ok lace
plicants scheduled to be hired through A recent brief article in the Saginaw onlyeuser
hre eweeks after the an itrust action
state employment offices. Details on where News best describes the contribution of was dismissed on recommendation of Turner.
and how to obtain these summer positions these doctors. Permit me to quote the Alfred Fleishman, the public relations man
plus descriptions of employers offering more article:
than 100,000 part-time and temporary post- who arranged for the $10,000 in contributions
tions are provided. Hospital Corpsman James B. Beyersdorf to the President's Club, has said there was
According to Lathrop, "Who's Hiring Who of the Navy's 1st Shore Party Battalion, sta- settlement olitical pressure in connection with the
was developed to serveas a center of com- tioned in Viet Nam, has some nice words for seof the Anheuser-Busch case and
munication in the national job market two Saginaw doctors serving in that country no discussions of the antitrust case with the
where none had previously existed. It was as volunteers. Democratic Party people who accepted the
designed to permit better coordination of the In a letter to the Saginaw County Medical $10,000.
aims and actions of students and applicants Society, Beyersdorf-who comes home this that The fltheeet of trial the Justice Department show
with those of employers, schools and colleges, month after more than a year in Viet Nam- lawyers assigned to the dis-
employment agencies, career and guidance writes: "First of all I am proud of what missal heuser-Busch
of the case were opposed to di-
counselors, textbook publishers, and others these doctors (Dr. Hugh T. Caumartin and Ta the action.
who focus their attention on manpower and Dr. Hugh L. Sulfridge) of my home town Trial lawyers Jem memorandum Hughes ofM Maay 9, 11 9 R.
career-development problems. The require- have done. To volunteer their time and set the a historic background the case
ment for improved communication, is fur- their great knowledge of medicine to the o out the historic filed a u ry, case
ther served through inclusion of explicit people of Viet Nam, as well as to our service- from the came it was filed in January, 1962,
guides to applicants on resume preparation, men. To give up a well organized practic then
,
e on the head of the antitrust nof Lee Loevinger,
interviewing procedures, etc." In his view, in the City of Saginaw. They care for the the head of the atidivision.
communication of applicants' deprived man and the man without. Because Anheuser-Busch
)62 and lawyers , aanndto relative o
qualifications to employers is a basic factor. that is what most of the Vietnamese are. one ofe them 1ts in December, 1963,
in the improper utilization of manpower in I have seen a lot of sicknesses I thought I one es and efforts made the following
the economy and it is his hope that these would never see-Also, we know the reason Hughes and Melinooff made the following
guides will help to correct this limitation. _ we are here, and I believe the majority of comment:
the nation, and especially our home town trial section) "At that time, as Mr.aware, (are, Anh Je Rashid
knows why we are here. I am proud to be (chief, ttis user was
PROPOSED MEDAL FOR CIVILIAN from Saginaw." pressure not the least bit hesitant to bring positiossure to bear from among others, Senators
rs
SERVICE UNDER PERILOUS CON- With the cooperation of the Depart- (STUART) SYMINGTON and (EDWARD) LONG of
DITIONS meat of State, the Agency for Interns- Missouri."
(Mr. HARVEY of Michigan (at the tional Development, the Department of The trial attorneys contended that the
request of Mr. REINECxE) was granted Defense, and the President's OiHce, no a trial lawyers lawy Anheuser-Busch tried to avoid
permission to extend his remarks at this great difficulty should arise in singling trial and for had haa lted l the ess tosettl ertl p th
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
out the men and women, in a variety of a con sentd decree everag t stages. e w ith
traneous matter.) endeavors, who are deserving of this spe- However, the trial attorneys said this ap-
Mr. HARVEY n,f r,r;G+t,a-?- wT- cial recognition.
concurrent
concurrent resolution in behalf of hun- tance to focus attention onv the~~little operating the Rahr Malting Co. at Irani-
and skill to serve their coun- tart' commitment and successes, LL This Edward Barton, a lawyer for Anheuser-contended
the try and fellow men under perilous con is a deserving tribute to dedicated men not e a violation t the antitrust laws, o nd
ditions. My resolution reads as follows: :
and women who have and are making a asked "whose interest the department (of
Resolved by the House of Representatives personal sacrifice to heed a call of hu- justice) seeks to protect since all brewers,
(the Senate concurring), That it is the sense manity. It is, in the truest sense, the former customers of Rahr, have alternate
of Congress that the President should award real spirit of America at work for supplies."
an appropriately designed medal and certif- freedom-loving people. Hughes and Melincoff replied: "Our answer
irate to those citizens of the United States is that the public interest will be protected
who, although not members of the Armed malt by and retaining beer a industries as possible in light
C'Government, voluntarily serve in areas where tries." ligopolistic tendencies in both indus-
the Armed Forces are engaged in combat SUIT trwith hostile forces in an effort to lessen the (Mr. GOODELL (at the request of Mr. They stated that "in one swoop the na-
suffering and improve the conditions of the REINECKE) was granted permission to tion's largest brewer (Anheuser-Busch) ac-
civilian populations in such areas. extend his remarks at this quired 9 per cent of all production of malt."
point in the
In Particular, I would like to point RECORD and to include extr In his recommendation to dismiss the
case,
aneous mat-
stated: "With great reluctance, since I believe
by Americans in South Vietnam, which - Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, for the there should be a strong presumption against
has prompted this legislation. U.S. doe- information of the Members, I place in taking such action, I recommend that we con-
tors have volunteered to work without the RECORD at this point the following sent to the dismissal without prejudice of
pay for at least 2 months in South article by the distinguished, Pulitzer the above civil complaint. I have had the
Vietnam. Prize-Winning Columnist Clark 11Rollen- case carefully analyzed by several staff peo-
Their patients, as pointed out in an hoff in the July 22, 1966, edition of the not'supd am convinced the the facts
theories which
article in the May 20 Issue of Time Des Moines, Iowa, Register: I would consider of thpossible theories appropriate."
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 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090003-6
July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16451
TABLE 3.-Areas in the national park system for. which there are statutory fiscal limitations for land acquisition-Continued
Ceiling
reached with
Estimated
Area
Ceiling
Date of
fiscal year
Estimated
needed increase
I
Num-
authorized
authorization
1966 or earlier
ceiling needed
in ceiling
bet
year appro-
priations
24
Allegheny Portage NHB Pa--------------------------s-----------------------------
NHS
-------------
P
1
1 $445,0(1(1
ll
Aug. 31, 1964
Yes____-----
$445,000
None
-
Johnstown Flood
---------------
,
a----------------------------
000
319
Sept. 13, 1961
Yes ---------
864, 000
$545,000
25
26
*.Fort Smith NHS, Ark------------------------------------------------------------
Agate Fossil Beds NM, Nebr------------------------------------------------------ -
,
301,160
000
300
June 5,1965
July 14
1960
No ----------
Yes_________
----------------
300,000
---------- N-----
one
27
28
Morristown NHP
Harpers FerryNllP W.VA.,Md--------------------------------------------------
J.(boundary change) ----------------- __________________,-----
N'
,
281,000
,
Sept. 18,1964
Yes____ ____
281,000
4)
(*
4
None
(* ?)
)
29
.
,
Cape Hatteras NS, N.C-------------------------------------------------------------
250, 000
-226
000
Aug. 6,1966
S8,1960
Sept. ept
Yos-----__--
Yes _--------
(*
)
(*
)
30
:Fort Donelson NMP, Tenn -------------------------------- --------------------------
,
000
169
31,1904
Aug.
Yes _ ________
169,000
69
None
31
82
John Muir NIIS Calif -------------------------------------------------------------
Ga__________________________________________________________
Kennesaw Mtn Cali
,
155,000
June 26,1935
Yes_________
1
,000
Nono
33
,
Mesa Verde NP, Colo---------------------------------------------------------------
125,000
115
000
Dec. 23,1963
Sept. 8, tool
No________z_
Yes ---------
----------------
115,000
-__-___--
None
Fort Davis NHS, Tex_______________________________________________________________
,
*115
000
Aug. 10,1961
Yes_________
:423, 500
*308, 600
35
3
*Fort Necessity NB, Pa--------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------
-
Va
rt House
C
tt
A
,
100,000
Aug. 13 1935
No ----------
----------------
----------------
6
87
-
--------------------------
,
ou
ppoma
ox
Petersburg NB, Va-----------------------------------------------------------------
00,000
000
*75
Aug. 24,1962
Feb. 10,1962
No ----------
Yes______
__
-------*--------
255,000
----------------
*180, 000
38
Lincoln Boyhood NM, Ind----------------------------------------------------------
----------------
M
T
,
8 *57,100
July 3, 1926
_
Yes_________
-113,200
56,100
39
40
enn -------------------------------------------------
P,
Shiloh N
Cumberland Gap, Ky., Tenn., Va--------------------------------------------------
k
A
30,000
25,000
July 26,1961
July 6,1960
No ----------
No ----------
----------------
----------------
----------------
----------------
*4
41
42
_________________________
r
Arkansas Post,
*Big Hole NB
Mont-
------------------------------------------------------------
:20, 000
May 17,1963
Yes---------
(*4)
(
)
43
,
______-____
---
Fort Frederica NM Ga ----------------------------------------------
----------------------
k BNi?
Mo
C
W
l
'
20,000
20,000
May lo, 1958
Apr. 22,1960
No__________
No---------
________________
---------------
44
45
,
ree
--------------------------------------
son
s
i
Scott's Bluff NM, Nebr--------- -------------------------------------------- --------
15, 000
June 30,1961
No----------
N
-
----------------
----------------
.46
Alibates Flint, Tex-------------------------------------------------------------- ----
5,000
2
500
Aug. 31
,
1965
Sept, 6 1962
o-
--------
Yes _________
' ----
2,b00
;
None
e
47
Capulin Mtn. NM, N. Mex----------------------------------------------------------
-
,
2
000
27
:1961
Ma
Yes
(*)
(7)
4$
:Effigy Mounds NM, Iowa-----------------------------------------------------------
,
y
----____-
*Subtotal for 18 areas for which additional fiscal ceiling Is now believed needed-
71, 464,100
---------------
153, 446, 500
921
500
1
4 87,480 300
one
Subtotal for 8 areas for which no additional ceiling needed_________ ___________
Subtotal for 22 areas for which it is not now known if additional ceiling necded
1,921,500
95, 243,150
-------
----__________
,
,
_____________
----------------
Grand total-----------------------------------------?--------------------?
168,628,750
---------------
-?-------?--
----------------
----?------?--
I These are tentative, preliminary estimates which are subject to change.
f Total ceiling, including ceiling on land acquisitions by the Forest Service in the
Whiskeytown-Shasta-Trinity National Recreation Area.
8 The act of June 28, 1048, providing for the establishment of the Independence
National Historical Park authorized $4 435,000 for land acquisition. Subsequent
authorizations have brought the total to 7,950,000. The last authorization was con-
In fiscal year 1965.
4 In condemnation. Increase needed will depend on court award.
Index
Area No.
Agate Fossil Beds NM, Nebr------------ 26
Alibates Flint, Tex____________________ 46
Allegheny Portage NIIS, Pa ------------ 24
Appomattox Court House, Va---------- 36
Arkansas Post, Ark____________________ 41
Assateague Island NS, Md.-Va---------- 3
Big Hole NB, Mont_____________________ 42
Cape Cod NS, Mass____________________ 4
Cape Hatteras NS, N.C----------------- 29
Capulin Mtn. NM, N. Mex-------- _----- 47
Colonial HNP, Va_________________ ____ 13
Cumberland Gap, Ky.-Tenn.-Va-------- 40
Delaware Water Gap NRA, Pa.-N.J------ 1
Effigy Mounds NM, Iowa_______________ 48
Everglades NP, Fla-------------------- 12
Fire Island NS, N.Y------ -------------- 5
Fort Davis NHS, Tex______ ____________ 34
Fort Donelson NMP, Tenn______________ 30
Fort Frederica NM, Ga----------------- 43
Fort Larned NHS, Kans________________ 23
Fort Necessity NB, Pa__________________ 35
Fort Smith NHS, Ark__________________ 25
Golden Spike NHS, Utah_______________ 17
Great Falls, Va________________________ 18
Harpers Ferry NHP, W. Va.-Md----- --_- 27
Herbert Hoover NHS, Iowa_____________ 14
Hubbell Trading Post NHS, Ariz -------- 19
Independence NHP, Pa_________________ 7
John Muir NHS, Calif----------------- 31
Johnstown Flood NHS, Pa_____________ 24
Kennesaw Mtn. NBP, Ga -------------- 32
Lake Mead NRA, Ariz.-Nev------------- 16
Lincoln Boyhood NM, Ind______________ 38
Mesa Verde NP, Colo___________________ 33
Minute Man NHP, Mass________________ 10
Morristown NHP, N.J. (boundary
change) ---------------------------- 28
Nez Peres NHP, Idaho_________________ 22
Ozark National Scenic Riverways, Mo___ 8
Padre Island NS, Tex__________________ 9
Petersburg NB, Va------------ t-------- 37
Piscataway Park (Mockley Point), Md__ 20
Point Reyes NS, Calif------------------ 6
Shiloh NMP, Teln--------------------- ' 39
Scott's Bluff NM, Nebr ----------------- 45
5 Land acquisition and construction and relocation of roads.
Land acquisition and development.
7 Firm estimate has not been made.
8 When the Shiloh National Military Park was authorized by act of June 4, 1897, a
fiscalpimitation of $50,000 for land acquisition was imposed. The act of July 3 1926
raises this an additional $7,100. Appropriation of the $7,100 was not completed until
year 1962.
of including estimates for 5 areas for which increases will depend on court award
TWO MONTHS IN VIETNAM cal coverage? Is it factual? As little as a
year ago, some of the correspondents were
(Mr. CORMAN (at the request of Mr- battling their offices over what the true
WALDIE) was granted permission to ex- picture was.
tend his remarks at this point in the Answer. I think the people I met there
RECORD and to include extraneous are good and honorable men doing a testing
matter.) job. I think that personal opinions have to
Mr. CORMAN. Mr. Speaker, Wally become involved because the men are per-
McNamee, staff photographer for the sonally involved themselves. They are bound
to have
Buddhithe sts pro-
Washington Pont, has recently returned cal situation ion the le way ay It it opinions. is, With
from -
i2 months of covering the war in testing, elections being scheduled, and ques-
Vietnam. tions being asked as to whether or not the
His comments, found in the June 1966 Americans will stay, it had to be interpreted
publication of the White House News as well as written as a news story. What
to be
Photographers Association, will be of par- happens in Viet Nam is going up to the
people of the country themselves. The
tioular interest at the present time. American press, therefore, has to look the
Under general leave to extend my re- situation over very carefully.
marks, I insert into the RECORD the White Question. Then you feel the war is being
House News Photographer interview with covered fairly.
Mr. McNamee: Answer. Yes, but remember there is a dif-
MCNAMEE CALLS UNITED STATES VIETNAMESE ference between the political story and the
COVERAGE Tops actual war. They are both covered fairly and
well. For the war coverage, the reporters
Question. Wally, there has been criticism, and photographers go where the war is. They
even from within our own business, on the see for themselves what is happening.
lack of responsibility used in the war cover- Question. Then the stories about the cor-
age. The AP and UPI recently have even respondents covering the war from Saigon
been attacked on the floor of Congress for are not true?
handling "phony pictures." How do you feel Answer. Well, no, it is true in some cases.
about these charges? In fact, you can sit at the bar on the 6th
Answer. There have been examples of poor floor of the Majestic Hotel near the Saigon
coverage of the war, but I feel they are Riverfront some nights and watch the war
isolated. When you think of the hundreds, being fought across the water. Maybe only
even thousands of pictures produced by the 10 or 20 miles away. You see the mortar pat-
wire services and other people in Viet Nam, tern and the flare ships.
you realize what a fantastic job is being done Question. Were you in combat in Korea?
over there. It's easy to cover the war itself. Answer. Yes. I was a photographer there -
That's like going to a baseball game and wait- too. But it's a different kind of war in Viet
ing for something to happen. Reporting the Nam. So much of the fighting in Korea,
war in words is the same way. Covering the when I was there In 1953 and '54, was done
political part of the struggle is almost im- at night. No one took many pictures. You
possible because nobody can really under- couldn't use flash, and people get tired of
stand what's going on. Things change looking at tracer patterns and search lights.
rapidly and the Vietnamese are sometimes This is one of the reasons so many great pie-
reluctant to talk to the Americans. For tures are coming out of Viet Nam. So much
Vicksburg NMP, Miss__________________ 11 Instance, I tried to get to (militant Buddhist of the fighting is in the daylight. Then too,
Virgin Islands NP, V.I------------------ jr, leader) Tri Quang for two weeks but was the cameras have improved so much. People
Whiskeytown-Shasta-Trinity NRA, Calif- 2 never permitted to see him. can carry small cameras, lots of film and ex-
Wilson's Creek BNP, Mo---------------- 44 Question. What do you think of the politi- tra lenses.
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 16452
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966
Question. What kind of equipment did
-you take to Viet Nam?
Answer. I had three Nikon F's with five
lenses. A 28mm, 35mm, a 50mm, a 150mm
and a 200 mm. All performed well. I didn't
take a motor. I carried 200 rolls of Tri-X,
36 exposure film, 60 rolls of Ektachrome X
and 40 rolls of highspeed Ektachrome. All
the color film was outdoor type. This proved
to be plenty of film. In fact, I had to ship
some home when I left Saigon.
Question. How did you work in the field?
Answer. I wore a pack. It's a lot easier
than trying to handle a camera bag. The
first time I went out I carried three cameras
with a lens on each. But this proved awk-
ward. One camera was always slipping or
hooking onto a vine. After that I carried
only two cameras-one with a 35mm and one
with a 105mm. A 200 was always in my
pack. This combination is what most of the
photogs carried in the field and proved very
adequate. Some of the people carried Tele-
extenders, too.
Question. How about food and clothes
when you're out in the field? Does the mili-
tary give you that?
Answer. No, they won't give you or allow
you to buy army uniforms. You have to buy
.them on the black market or from a surplus
store. I didn't have any of this stuff when
I got there so I had to scrounge. Fatigues,
-pack, cartridge belt, and canteens.
Question. What is your estimate of the war
itself? How does it look compared to Korea?
Answer. Well, in Vietnam, when a unit
gets into a fight, they don't send everybody
charging in. They call on firepower and
artillery and air strikes and really blast 'em.
When I was in Korea it was all trench war-
fare. We would send out probes and recon
patrols. There was a stalemate and we were
trying to hold onto what we had without get-
ting the other guys too mad at us. In Viet-
nam the war is entirely different. There is
no front line,- You go through a village one
day and it's like a Sunday afternoon walk.
But a day or week or month later you can be
in the fiercest fight in the world in the, same
place. The Viet Cong choose the fighting
time and the fighting place. They want to
fight you on their own terms and in spots
where they figure they have a good chance.
Question. In this operation, then, you live
as a civilian?
Answer. Right. The military will take
care of you as best they can while you're in
the field.
Question. When it's time to take pictures
of the war, what do you do?
Answer. The first day, the MACV (Mili-
tary Assistance Command-Viet Nam) people
advise you of the various ways of getting
around the country. The army runs passen-
ger flights starting from Saigon each day to
major concentration areas. So, if you de-
cide you want to go to An Khe, where the
1st Cavalry is based, you call the Special
Projects Officer the night before and he books
you on this flight. If you don't make prior
arrangements, you just go out to the airport
and walk up the flight line asking the pilots
where they're headed. Most times they're
very accommodating. The Marines try to
keep an escort with you all the time, but
then, each outfit does it differently. With
the 1st Cav., It's all up to you. They advise
you that something is happening here, or
there, and you go with them if you choose.
You ride with Medevacs, or re-supply heli-
copters or walk in with the troops.
Question: Aside from being a newspaper
man, simply as a citizen who has got some
indication, are you personally satisfied with
the way the war is being fought? Not just
the individual unit or fighting man, but are
you convinced that the U.S. Is in Viet Nam
for a good reason?
Answer. I sure am. I'm satisfied that we
should be there and fighting the way we are.
We should continue to do it this way as
long as we're welcome. As long as the gov-
ernment of South Viet Nam wants us.
Question. If a government should take service on submarines was one of the most
over in Saigon and ask us to leave, do you democratizing experiences of my life. And
think we should? never more intense than when I had the
Answer. Yes, definitely. We're there un- privilege and duty of command.
der a legal commitment. We were asked One night, nearly a quarter century ago,
there by the government of South Viet Nam, the U.S.S. Pollack was at test depth, trying
and if that government says they don't want to elude a long, persistent and accurate
us any more, I don't see how we can stick depth charge attack. The heat inside the
around. If we didn't leave, any military hull was overpowering. We were all ex-
victory would be negated by the trouble we'd
think the U.S. can keep going into countries In that time of great trial, I looked around
any time they feel they have to. That way the control room and saw for the first time,
we're just as bad as the other guy. We may really saw-human beings from four races
say "you're doing the wrong thing if you and from so many national origins that I
chase us out of here, pal," but we'd. have to could not count them. Literally and. fig-
go., After all, it's their country. uratively, as this one great nation is today,
Question. Were you satisfied with the trip we were all in the same boat together. I
and its results? realized then with stunning force, the ax-
Answer. Yes, but I was just getting to rogance, the' futility and the comedy of any
know my way around when I had to leave. human being's thinking that he was en-
(Mr. LEGGETT (at the request of Mr.
WAIDIE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. LEGGETT'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr.
WALDIE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, one of the
most noble and inspiring speeches I have
ever read was made last Friday at the
U.S. Naval Submarine Base, Groton,
Conn., by our colleague, Congressman
GEORGE GRIDER, of Memphis, Tenn. - The
occasion of this wonderful address was
the commissioning of the U.S. ship
Flasher, a new and powerful nuclear sub-
marine, equipped with Polaris missiles.
This occasion-the commissioning of
a new submarine Flasher-was particu-
larly poignant for GEORGE GRIDER, for
it was he who commanded the old. U.S.S.
Flasher in World War II. As com-
mander of that submarine in the war,
Captain GRIDER directed the sinking of
more enemy tanker tonnage than has
ever been sunk on any single patrol by
any other submarine in history. GEORGE
GRIDER was truly one of our Nation's
naval heroes in World War H, and I am
proud to salute him once again for his
courage and his distinguished service for
our country, both in war and now in
peace.
What GEORGE GRIDER did for our coun-
try in World War II in the highest tradi-
tions of devoted public service, he is now
doing for the people of Memphis in the
House of Representatives. Never more
titled to preferential treatment either from
his Maker or from his society because of
such inconsequential and accidental consid-
erations as color or place of birth. For a
long moment I no longer heard the depth
charges outside.
This remembrance, coupled with
GEORGE GRIDER'S actions today, reveal
the strength of character in our fellow
colleague, and I am pleased to share his
friendship and enjoy his advice and
counsel. I commend to my fellow col-
leagues this splendid address which Con-
gressman GRIDER delivered last Friday
at Groton, Conn., on the occasion of the
commissioning of the new U.S.S. Flasher
as a member of our nuclear submarine
fleet. His message is courageous, inspir-
ing and noble. The speech follows:
COMMISSIONING OF UNITED STATES SHIP
"FLASHER" (SSN-613) FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1.966,
U.S. NAVAL SUBMARINE BASE, GROTON, CON-
NECTICUT
(Address by GEORGE W. GRIDER, Member of
Congress of Tennessee)
This festive occasion brings to mind an-
other commissioning ceremony of sorts held
in Washington, D.C., in January of 1965. A
somewhat decrepit retread of a submarine
sailor was being launched in the United
States Congress on those troubled waters
filled with cross currents, storms and wind-
above all wind. As he opened up his office
he put forth a gleaming and untouched
guest register. He opened the door for busi-
ness, and hopefully sat back. I think it sig-
nificant that his first caller was Commander
Kenneth M. Carr, prospective commanding
officer of this ship. It is an honor to return
the call, Captain, and I hope you are as glad
to see me as I was to see you.
It was just up river from here that I stood
on the deck of a noble ship in March 1.946
and mournfully ordered the striking of the
commission pennant. On that day a shadow
settled on the spirits of the small group of
sailors who stood there. The crew had been
scattered during the decommission period.
was GEORGE GRIDER'S remembrance, of had been made under ignominious tow from
the Navy
his realization as skipper of the U.S.S. e v her in enPhiladelphia, gines silenced, her her torpedo
Pollack, of the injustice of prejudice be- removed,
tubes sealed forever. aWe shook hands all
tween men because of the differences in around and walked slowly ashore with our
the color of their skins, their religions, shoulders slightly stooped because a name
their national origins, and so on. made so gallant in Pacific combat had been
But let GEORGE GRIDER'S powerful removed from the lists.
words speak for themselves: Today that shadow lifts, our shoulders
If you will forgive a personal reference, straighten, and we look with joy on this new
I came into the Navy as a product of the inheritor of the renowned name of Flasher.
Southern way of life as it existed in 1932. These eyes, in the span of years, have never
In my childhood I even knew an ancient lost their love of caressing the lines of a ship
gentleman named Uncle Charlie who had of war, and this new Flasher brings a catch
once been a slave on my grandfather's plan- to my throat. Deadly, menacing, sinister, ex-
tation, I was the product of that en.viron- citing and beautiful she is. Within her steel
ment, and brought aboard my first sub- hull nestles the most awesome weapons, the
marine all of the prejudices and misconcep- most modern equipment, the most efficient
tions that such a background produces. My and inexhaustible machinery that clever and
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966
issue, and discovered the article about your
program for collecting names of local serv-
icemen and forwarding the Journal to them.
I have It soft here in Rome, Italy. I work
on a civilian airport, wear civilian clothes to.,
work, and live on the economy rather than
on a base. But, regardless of location or type
of circun3stances, the Journal is very wel-
come, and makes available all the local news
that I miss.
In view of what the Journal means to me
here, it isn't hard to guess what it means to
the guys in Vietnam, Thailand, Korea, Ber-
lin and Okinawa. Seeing photos of and
reading about old friends means a great deal
to all of us. I can assure you, and keeping
up on new civic building projects, i.e., new'
buildings, roads, etc. helps avoid that lost
feeling when our military tour is over and
we return home.
I'm sure that there are many young men
who would like to write and express their
gratefulness to you and to the staff of the
Forest Hills Journal for your thoughtfulness
and effort in their behalf, but due to duties,
don't have the free time. Please accept my
thanks, speaking for all of us who are re-
ceiving and enjoying news from home.
I want to publicly commend the Mt.
Washin ton Junior Women's Club and
the edit r of the Forest Hills Journal
for tiyis ne public service to the mem-
TRIALS IN VIETNAM OF AMERICAN
SERVICEMEN
(Mr. FOUNTAIN (at the request of Mr.
WALDIE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. FOUNTAIN. Mr. Speaker, if
Hanoi entertained any doubt as to haw
we would react to war crimes trial of
any of our pilots, it should have none
after President Johnson's news confer-
ence statements on the matter.
An editorial in the Scripps-Howard
Washington Daily News relays this warn-
Ing.
The newspaper lists the warnings that
have come previously from various offi-
cials at home and the appeals of Pope
Paul VI and Secretary General U Thant
of the United Nations.
Now the President has declared the
American people would find such trials
revolting and repulsive, and would react
accordingly.
The editorial makes no claim to under-
stand just why Hanoi has made the ugly
threat. It expresses hope, however, that
the President's warning sinks in and the
threat is abandoned.
Confident that this is a hope we all
share, I propose to place the entire edi-
torial In the RECORD.
NATIONAL ECONOMY SUFFERS
DAILY
(Mr., FLYNT (at the request of Mr.
WALDIE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. FLYNT. Mr. Speaker, it was with
surprise bordering on shock when I read
a few minutes ago that the. Secretary of
Labor testified before the Senate Labor-
Committee that the present airline strike
does not amount to an emergency which
requires legislative action by Congress.
My good friend Secretary Wirtz knows
better than this. He knows that the air-
line Industry is partially paralyzed and
that many other segments of the na-
tional economy are suffering daily be-
cause of the very serious effects of the
present strike which has halted opera-
tions of five major airlines.
The cessation of operations of these
five airlines is causing a loss of more
than $7 million per day, and the daily
rate of loss is increasing each day.
There are 66,200 airline employees out
of work; 4,100 regular scheduled flights
have been canceled. More than 150,000
passengers per day are unable to obtain
air transportation which they desire.
These facts meet-my definition of an
emergency.
Some of the airlines which are operat-
ing are receiving calls which originate
at the White House demanding that a
named person be placed on a confirmed
reservation status-or else. Many of
these people have no urgent or emer-
gency business. The only basis for pri-
ority handling of such requests for con-
firmed reservations is that such requests
originated at the White House.
When told that the flight on which
such a reservation is requested is already
fully sold out, the response is, "Provide
a reservation anyway." When the air-
line representative then asks, "Even if
it means canceling a previously con-
firmed reservation?" the answer comes
back, "Yes, even if it means canceling a
previously confirmed reservation."
Members of Congress, executive de-
partment officials, and independent
agency officials are also involved in ask-
ing for special handling of requests for
airline reservations. We in Congress
cannot smugly wash our hands and say
we know nothing about it-because we
do.
Mr. Speaker, in order that the effect
of the airline strike might be made per-
fectly clear to the Secretary of Labor and
to other Government officials, I suggest
the immediate consideration of a resolu-
tion which I shall- introduce Thursday
which would provide an embargo on
commercial air transportation requested
by members of the White House staff, by
officials and employees of the U.S. Gov-
ernment, including Representatives and
Senators in Congress. If this is done,
Mr. Speaker, I think that the people who
presently deny the existence of an emer-
gency will recognize the true situation.
Mr. Speaker, an emergency does exist
in the air transportation industry, and
it is time that something was done about
it. I respectfully request that my resolu-
tion be appropriately referred, and that
it be considered by the House.
(Mr. FLYNT (at request of Mr.
WALDIE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr.FLYNT'S remarks will appear
hereafter In the l ppentiix. i
RIGHT POLICIES IN VIETNAM
The SPEAKER. Under previous or-
der of the House, the gentleman from
Delaware [Mr. McDOWELL], is recog-
nized for 30 minutes.
Mr. McDQWELL. Mr. Speaker, the
Christian Science Monitor commends
President Johnson for re-emphasizing
what it sets forth as the two indispensa-
ble pillars of successful policy in south-
east Asia.
These are a determination that ag-
gression will not be allowed to succeed
and a readiness to keep the hand of re-
conciliation, peace and negotiation ex-
tended to North Vietnam and Commu-
nist China.
In his recent speech on policy in Asia,
the newspaper remarks, the President
extended the hand of reconciliation still
further to Red China.
This is another of many laudatory
press observations on the President's
statement of Asian policy, and I ask that
it be inserted in the RECORD, together
with President Johnson's speech of July
12 to the American Alumni Council.
[From the Christian Science Monitor,
July 15, 1966]
RIGHT POLICIES IN VIETNAM
The two firm indispensable pillars of a
successful American policy in Southeast
Asia today are an unswerving determina-
tion that aggression must not be allowed
to succeed and a readiness to keep the hand
of reconciliation, peace, and negotiation ex-
tended to North Vietnam and Communist
China. President Johnson's White Sulphur
Springs speech wisely reemphasized these
two foundation stones of American policy.
Indeed, his speech did more. In addition
to keeping the hand of reconciliation in
view, in the case of China he extended that
hand still further. Not only did he review
the recent steps taken by Washington to re-
open lines of communication with mainland
China (to none of which Peking has yet
responded) but he also made it plain that he
was ready to do more if China showed any
receptivity.
White House aides termed the speech the
President's first major statement on China.
It was in the right direction and established
a policy which we hope will be adhered to.
Someday, somehow America and China must
again learn to live together in peace and co-
operation. There must never be any doubt
about America's willingness to speed that
day.
Simultaneously, the President could, not
have done less than reiterate with utter
firmness anti determination the United
States' undeviating intention of proving that
aggression, political and territorial imperial-
ism, and terrorism will not be allowed to suc-
ceed. It is imperative that the Communist
leadership be convinced that aggression will
not pay off and that a military victory is be-
yond their grasp.
At the same time, however, the President
wisely repeated earlier assurances that Wash-
ington has no intention of overthrowing the
North Vietnamese government, attacking
North Vietnamese independence, seizing an
Inch of South Vietnamese territory or setting
up permanent bases there. If Hanoi does
not believe these assurances, Washington
must be ready to take any steps-consistent
with its obligations to Saigon-to prove its
clean-handedness in these matters.
Meanwhile, Britain, India, and the United
States all appear to be pressuring the Soviet
Union to agree to seek to reconvene the Ge-
neva Conference on Vietnam. It is believed
that, in its heart, Russia too would like to
see such a step, but that it fears Hanoi's re-
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July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE ` 16461
capability of the airport on a manageable
basis of a total number of operations each
hour spaced evenly through the hour. The
Bureau of National Capital Airports has de-
termined that the instrument flight capacity
of the airport is approximately 60 operations
per hour. The historical use has been 73
percent air carrier and 27 percent general
aviation. The application of these percent-
ages would divide the available capacity be-
tween the competing users of the airport
by allocating 40 operations per hour to air
carriers (other than air taxi operators) and
allowance for extra sections.
Air carrier flights serving passengers at
Washington National Airport will continue to
be limited to those whose last stop before
landing at the airport and whose first stop
after taking off at the airport are within 650
statute miles from the airport (in place of
the 500-mile limitation in the policy state-
ment of July 1, 1966 (31 F.R. 9148)), except
for non-stop flights of less than 1,000 miles
operating to or from the fololwing:
(1) Miami, Florida.
(2) Memphis, Tennessee.
(3) Minneapolis, Minnesota.
(4) Orlando, Florida.
(5) St. Louis, Missouri.
(6) Tampa, Florida.
(7) West Palm Beach, Fla.
The types of airplanes used to perform
such operations would be subject to the ap-
proval of the Director, Bureau of National
Capital Airports. The Director will be guided
in granting approvals by considerations such
as whether the airplane is a type that would
increase congestion, whether it is appropriate
to the airport's physical limitations, and
whether it contributes to the use of the
airport on a manageable basis, with due re-
gard to the public need for service.
The Agency hopes that the limitation of 40
air carrier operations an hour can be ac-
complished by agreement among the various
air carriers, Due to the urgency of the
matter and the limited period of time avail-
able, agreement by the carriers to schedule
operations within the 40 operations an hour
limitation will be accepted, provided such
schedules would be effective by the date the
regulation becomes effective.
Should the above alternative not prove
feasible, operational limitations would be im-
posed by applying a formula that would re-
suit in a proportional roll back, on an hourly
basis, of current air carrier schedules 'during
those hours of the day when there are more
than 40 air carrier operations. Under this
latter alternative, any changes to schedules
that would result in moving any operation
from a crowded to a non-crowded hour would
be subject to the approval of the Director,
Bureau of National Capital Airports.
Interested persons are invited to participate
in the making of the proposed rule by sub-
mitting such written data, views, or argu-
ments as they may desire. Communications
should identify the docket number and be
submitted in duplicate to the Federal Avia-
tion Agency, Office of the General Counsel,
Attention: Rules Docket; 800 Independence
Avenue, S. W., Washington, D. C. 20553. All
communications received on or before
August 3, 1966, will considered by the Ad-
ministrator before taking action on the pro-
posed rule. The proposal contained in this
notice may be changed in the light of com-
ments received, All comments will be avail-
able, both before and after the closing date
for comments, in the Rules Docket for exam-
ination by interested persons.
The proposed amendments would become
effective September 1, 1966, or at the end of
the present strike against the airlines, which-
ever is later.
The Administrative Procedure Act does not
require notice or public rule-making proce-
dures to be used in any matter relating to
public property. However, in view of the
Importance of the proposals contained here-
in, comments from Interested persons con-
cerning the proposed action would be
beneficial.
This amendment is proposed under the
authority of section 1602, Title 2, District of
Columbia Code: section 2, Act of June 29,
1940, as amended (54 Stat. 686); section 4
of the Act of September 7, 1950 as amended
(64 Stat. 770).
DIRECTOR, BUREAU OF NATIONAL CAPITAL
AIRPORTS.
Issued in Washington, D.C.
CORRECTING AN INEQUITY SUF-
FERED By RETIRED MILITARY
PERSONNEL
(Mr. FULTON of Tennessee (at the
request of Mr. WALDIE) was granted
permission. to extend his remarks at this
point' in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. F(JLTON of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, today it is my pleasure to in-
troduce legislation designed to correct
an inequity suffered by retired military
personnel.
Prior to 1958, with an exception dating
back to 1949 regarding disabled retirees,
retirement pay was based on current ac-
tive duty pay.
In 19,58 the Congress granted active
duty pay increases but said that for the
purpose of that act persons on the retired
rolls would not receive an increase in
benefits.
In 1963 the Congress granted another
military pay raise for personnel on active
duty but at this time amended the law
with a specific provision to put retired
personnel on a cost-of-living benefit in-
crease and take them off the former
system whereby their retired benefits
were computed on the basis of active
duty pay.
Since that time active duty military
personnel have received increases aver-
aging between 10 and 13 percent. How-
ever, retired personnel have only a 4??4
percent cost of living increase and a
small percentage given in lieu of the
raise they would have received in 1963 if
computation had continued to remain
on the active duty pay scale basis.
Mr. Speaker, this is a great disservice
to these retirees. They knew when they
elected the military as a career that their
active duty pay would be relatively low
compared to civilian pay, but they also
knew that they would receive a generally
more liberal retirement. The changes
in the 1963 law have denied them this
retirement and we have, in effect, broken
faith with these persons whom had been
promised that their retirement would
compensate for their relatively low ac-
tive duty pay.
This bill will restore the retired pay
system to its former status of equity and
I urge early and favorable consideration
by the Congress.
SENDING FOREST HILLS JOURNAL
TO MEN IN ARMED SERVICES
(Mr. GILLIGAN (at the request of Mr.
WALDIE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. GILLIGAN. Mr. Speaker, I in-
sert in the RECORD the following letter
received in my office on June 15, 1966,
from Mr. E. B. Wright, Jr., editor of the
Forest Hills Journal, a weekly newspaper
in Cincinnati, Ohio, serving Anderson
Townsihp, Mount Washington, Newtown,
and West Claremont areas:
DEAR CONGRESSMAN GILLIGAN: For some
time I have been meaning to bring to your
attention something which you may wish to
include in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD at your
convenience.
The Mt. Washington Junior Women's Club
has decided to send each week a copy of the
Forest Hills Journal to men in the service
who live in the Mt. Washington-Anderson
Township-Newtown vicinity. For several
months this has been going on and it has
proved very popular with the servicemen.
Enclosed are some tearsheets which provide
the details.
I thought you should know of this effort
of the Women's Club because of your con-
stant efforts to help the servicemen. In a
previous letter or two you have asked that
I bring anything to your attention which I
feel you should know about. Well, this I
feel you should.
If there is any other information you
need, please feel free to contact me or Mrs.
Mary Jo Wheatley, Chairman of the Club's
Community Improvement Committee, who
sponsored the idea.
This project began in December of
last year. By February, 86 servicemen
were receiving free subscriptions to the
Journal, and by this date I am sure that
many more names have been added.
The women's club has received many
letters from servicemen and their fam-
ilies thanking the club for this fine ges-
ture. I would like to quote a letter writ-
ten by a lieutenant on the U.S.S. Kitty
Hawk and which was addressed to Mrs.
Wheatley:
We have never met, but as a way of intro-
duction I will say that I am one of the 86
servicemen receiving the Forest Hills Jour-
nal. When I saw the article in the February
9 Issue of the Journal, I felt it would be
appropriate to express, my thanks.
Until now I wasn't exactly certain why or
how I was receiving the subscription. Now
that my questions are answered I can only
say that it is much appreciated. When I
was in the States I never read a Journal but
now I eagerly read each page to see what
has been happening. Though it takes ap-
proximately two months for a copy to arrive,
it is still welcome news of home.
After six months away from the States
and almost eight months away from Cin-
cinnati, I am already eagerly anticipating
my return home in June. Having flown al-
most 100 combat missions myself, I know
all too well how hard men in the service
are working over here; not only in the air
but on the land and the sea. And this
aids me all the more in appreciating, how
much encouragement and enthusiasm from,
the 'folks back home' seems to shorten our
stay and make our job, though not very
often a pleasant one, all the more worth-
while.
I hope that you will convey my thanks
to all the members of the Mt. Washington
Junior Women Club.
Another serviceman-an airman in
Rome writes:
DEAR MRS. WIIEATLEY: For the several
months that I have been receiving the Forest
Hills Journal, I've been racking my brain,
and those of my parents in Mt. Washington,
to discover who was responsible for the gen-
erosity and thoughtfulness. It wasn't until
yesterday that I received the February 9th
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97 1966 'CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 16463
Jul
y
, n must fusal. and Peking's charges of betrayal. But ten merely in the words of treaties, but peace it Every Ame yvericae trying know oex ct y what
eventually some international conference is the day-by-day work of builders.
must be held either under the sponsorship The peace we seek in Asia is a peace of our greatest resource, really, in this con
or within the United Nations or under the conciliation between Communist states and flirt--our greatest support for the men who
aegis of a reconvened Geneva Conference. their non-Communist neighbors : between are fighting your there-is your r understand-
Thus rstand-
Thus we are grateful to Britain and India rich nations and poor;
for pressing such a meeting. tions and large; between men whose skins are for a long time-the heavy burden of a con-
brown and black, and yellow and white; be- fusing and costly war.
REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT ON NATIONWIDE twee'n Hindus and Moslems, and Buddhists naWe are not trying to wipe out North Viet-
RADIO-TV TO AMERICAN ALUMNI COUNCIL and Christians. ned FROM THE WHITE HOUSE THEATER, JULY 12, thrIt is a ough the peace durable tbcan only be stained mWe are not trying to change their govern-
1966 international trade; through the free flow of We are not trying to establish permanent
Ladies ei in West and West Gentlemen: Virginia rginiI to wanted very much people and ideas; through full participa- bases in South Vietnam.
to b m oun 1, speak to tion by all nations in an international com- And we are not trying to gain one inch of
the American Alumni Council, bulb the munity under law; and through a common new territory for America.
weather has prevented it. However, the mfr- dedication to the great task of human prog- Then, you say, "Why are we there?" Why?
ac of electronics has made it possible. ress and economic development. We are there because we are trying to make
Ie
Very Is such a peace possible? the Communists of North Vietnam stop
am happy the be Wh hate Hu g se you tonight
from here special wa in the Hr h In a very With all my heart I believe it is. We are shooting at their neighbors.
special way, this s really your wouke. not there yet. We have a long way to jour- Because we are trying to make this Com-
Ihay own great respect of for l the work that you ney. But the foundations for such a peace munist aggression unprofitable.
an. like yoou, owes who a l have large mdebtade it to per- men in Asia are being laid tonight as never be- Because we are trying to demonstrate that
o fore. They must be built on these essen- guerrilla warfare, inspired by one nation
and women wn like y
sable for the young people of our country tials: against another nation, can never succeed.
learn. First is the determination of the United Once that lesson is learned, a shadow that
I know what alumni mean to the support States to meet our obligations in Asia as a hangs over all of Asia tonight will begin, I
tr du higher almost $300 education. million year talumni he con- Pacific power. think, to recede.
rosf this s Nation. the the faefaf colleges You have heard arguments the other way. "Well," you say, "when will that day
the universities t daughters, t and as h re They are built on the old belief that "East come?" I am sorry. I cannot tell you; only
an
country two in which more at the President our is East and West Is West and never the the men in Hanoi can give you that answer.
a ther
a ens ntra in which more than half of our "twain shall meet." We are fighting a war of determination. It
tnoow now how important 25 years s age, Isistance -that we have no business but business may last a long time. But we must keep on
thhinkink I know that h assistance in Asia; until the Communists in North Vietnam
is to the youth m this Nation. -that Europe, not the Far East, is really realize the price of aggression is too high-y entire risthe e warning that life,
the I world have is takeen- n our proper sphere of interest; and either agree to a peaceful settleme.zt or
gaged seriously in a t race a between education and chaos. os. -that our commitments in Asia are not to stop their fighting.
gag the last years I e a with worth the resources they require; However long it takes, I want the Ccm-
'Fo the daily awareness ss that have at lived here k with -that the ocean is vast, the cultures alien, munists in Hanoi to know where we star d.
ea lde ens ne that the fate t mankind the languages strange, and the races dif- First, victory for your armies is impossibl
rally the outcome of that race. ferent; You cannot drive us from South Vietnam by
So I came came here tonight because you are -that these really are not our kind of your force. Do not mistake our firm stand
us der de tha the name of That education to is the most help people. for false optimism. As long as you persist
pavictooctrty we can contest. ever That win is the most im- But all of these arguments have been in aggression, we are going to resist.
portant o v thoroughly tested. All of them, I think, Second, the minute you realize that a milt-
ov have set out in this country life. im- really have been found wanting. tary victory is out of the question and turn
e are concthe quality of all American life. We They do not stand the test of geography: from the use of force, you will find us ready.
are cerned with each Wen's opportunity Because we are bounded not by one, but by and willing to reciprocate. We want to end
defies a his talents. We are concerned two oceans. Whether by aircraft or ship, by the fighting. We want to bring our men back
satellite or missile, the Pacific is as crossable home. We want an honorable peace In Viet-
with his i ves, the s, the air t he breathes, cities and foa s
hede k liv o ecthe as the Atlantic. nam. In your hands is the key to that peace.
that drinks. educate hiseen to enrich the Schools pr They do not stand the test of common You have only to turn it.
him. to improve sense. The economic network of this shrink- The third essential is the building of po-
him and, er course,
ments that
the eoven at wa against hm, ing globe is too intertwined-the basic hopes litical and economic strength among the
We are r agnem ohs nt that that of men are too interrelated-the possibility nations of free Asia.
deprives hiwam, the unemplyment ahat de- of common disaster is too real for us to ever For years they have been working at that
grades him, and the prejoudice that defies ignore threats to peace in Asia. task. And the untold story of 1966 is the
him. They do not stand the test of human story of what free Asians have done for them
As we look at es being o the world, in concern, either. The people of Asia do selves, and with the help of others, while
Ae similar battles being fought in Asia, r matter. We share with them many things South Vietnam and her allies have been busy frica, hand hnd we and see in the thirst Latin America.
for independence, m eppe. On every every the in common. We are all persons. We are all holding aggression at bay.
human beings. Many of you can recall our faith in the
struggle for s taking education, 11
one place disaster n either. Asia is no longer sitting outside the when we began the Marshall Plan. We
on the one hand, and disaster have the other. big door of the 20th Century. She is here, in backed that faith with all the aid and com-
In all these regions we, too, have a very the same world with all of us, to be either passion we could muster.
stake. our partner or our problem. Our faith in Asia at this time is just as higher Nowhere are the stakes you tons than in Americans entered, this century believing
Asia. So I want to talk to you tonight about that our own security had no foundation great. And that faith is backed by judgment
Asia and about peace in Asia. and reason. For if we stand firm in Vietnam
outside our own continent. Twice we mis- against military conquest, we truly believe
Asia Is now the crucial arena of manor took our sheltered position for safety. Twice striving for independence 'and order, and for the emerging order of hope and progress in
life itself. we were dead wrong. Asia will continue to grow, and to grow.
people This is in all true his worl live out As illevery flue m If we mistakes are of wise the now, past. we We will will not not repeat our retreat Our very able Secretary of State, Dean ia to be use of millions from the obligations of freedom and security Rusk, has just returned from a trip through
This is exist because hundreds 25 cents a day. in Asia. the Far East. He told me yesterday afternoon
of them exist on because than 25 a day. The second essential for peace In Asia is of many of the heartening signs he saw as the
Thh is true beve Co force in order to in As to o this: to prove to aggressive nations that the people of Asia continue to work toward com-
tonige still believe force use of force to conquer others is a losing man goals.
achieve their Communist goals. . game. And these are just some of them. In the
So it enduring peace can ever come to There is no more difficult task, really, in a last year:
long-
Asia, all mankinh will benefit. But Ic peace world of revolutionary change-where the -Japan and Korea have settled their long-
milents s real therel nowhere else will our achieve- rewards of conquest tempt ambitious standing disputes and established normal
mils
peace in be sia I d. not meansimply the appetites. relations with promise for closer cooperation;
armed hostilities. For wherever As long as the leaders of North Vietnam -One country after another has achieved
absence Asia
men hunger and hate there can really be no really believe that they can take over the rates of economic growth that are far beyond
people of South Vietnam by force, we must the most optimistic hopes we had a few years
peace.
I do not, an the peace conquest. For not let them succeed. ago;
m
humiliation can be the seedbed d of of war. We must stand across their path and say: -Indonesia and its more than 100 million
I do not mean simply the peace of the con- "You will not prevail; but turn from the use people have already pulled back from the
brink of communism and economic collapse;
ference table. For peace is not really writ- of force and peace will follow."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1966
--our rriends in India and Pakistan-800
million strong-have ended a tragic conflict
and have returned to the immense work of
peace;
-Japan )ias become a dramatic example
of economic progress through political and
social freedom and has begun to help others;
-Communist China's policy of aggression
by proxy is failing;
-Nine Pacific nations-allies and neutrals,
white and colored-came together on their
own initiative to form an Asian and Pacific
Council;
-New and constructive groupings for eco-
nomic cooperation are under discussion in
Southeast Asia;
-The billion dollar Asian Development
Bank which I first mentioned in Baltimore
in my televised speech a few months ago is
already moving forward in Manila with the
participation of more than 31 nations;
--and the development of the Lower
Mekong River Basin is going forward despite
the war.
Throughout free Asia you can hear the
echo of progress. As one Malaysian leader
said: "Whatever our ethical, cultural, or
religious background, the nations and peo-
ples of Southeast Asia must pull together
in the same broad sweep of history. We
must create with our own hands and minds
a new perspective and a new framework.
And we must do it ourselves."
For this is the new Asia, and this Is the
new spirit we see taking shape behind our
defense of South Vietnam. Because we have
been firm-because we have committed our-
selves to the defense of one small country-
others have taken new heart.
And I want to assure them tonight that
we never intend to let you down. America's
word will always be good.
There is a fourth essential for peace in
Asia which may seem the most difficult of all:
reconciliation between nations that now call
themselves enemies.
A peaceful mainland China Is central to a
peaceful Asia.
A hostile China must be discouraged from
aggression. A misguided China must be en-
couraged toward understanding of the out-
side world and toward policies of peaceful
cooperation.
For lasting peace can never come to Asia
as long as the 700 million people of mainland
China are Isolated by their rulers from the
outside world.
We have learned in our relations with other
such states that the weakness of neighbors
is a temptation, and only firmness, backed
by power, can really deter power that is
backed by ambition. But we have also
learned that the greatest force for opening
closed minds and closed societies is the free
flow of ideas and people and goods.
For many years, now, the United States
has attempted in vain to persuade the Chi-
nese Communists to agree to an exchange of
newsmen as one of the first steps to increased
understanding between our people.
More recently, we have taken steps to per-
mit American scholars, experts in medicine
and public health, and other specialists to
travel to Communist China. Only today we
have here in the Government cleared a pass-
port for a leading American businessman to
exchange knowledge with Chinese mainland
leaders in Red China.
All of these initiatives have been rejected,
except the action today, by Communist
China.
We persist because we know that hunger
and disease, ignorance and poverty, recognize
no boundaries of either creed or class or
country.
We persist because we believe that even
the most rigid societies will one day awaken
to the rich possibilities of a diverse world.
And we continue because we believe that
cooperation, not hostility, is really the way
of the future in the 20th Century.
That day is not yet here. It may be long
in coming, but I tell you it is clearly on its
way, because come it must.
Earlier this year the Foreign Minister of
Singapore said that If the nations of the
world could learn to build a truly world civil-
ization in the Pacific through cooperation
and peaceful competition, then-as our great
President Theodore Roosevelt once remarked
-this may be the greatest of all human
eras-the Pacific era.
As a Pacific power, we must help achieve
that outcome.
Because it Is a goal worthy of our Ameri-
can dreams and it is a goal that is worthy
of the deeds of our brave men who are dying
for us tonight.
So I say to you and I pledge to all those
who are counting on us: You can depend up-
on us, because all Americans will do their
part.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legisla-
lative program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. KUPFERMAN, (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE), for 30 minutes, July 28; to
revise and extend his remarks and to in-
clude extraneous matter.
Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN (at the request of
Mr. REINECKE), for 15 minutes, today; to
revise and extend his remarks and to
include extraneous matter.
Mr. MCDOWELL (at the request of Mr.
WAI.DIE), for 30 minutes, today; and to
revise and extend his`remarks and to in-
clude extraneous matter.
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks
was granted to:
Mr. ROGERS of Colorado and to include
an article which appeared in the Denver
Post.
Mr. ABERNETHY and to include extra-
neous matter.
Mr. BURKE and to include a newspaper
article.
Mr. ZABLOCKI in two instances and to
include extraneous material.
Mr. HORTON and tp include extraneous
matter.
Mr. RUMSFELD in two instances and to
include extraneous material.
Mr. GRAY in two instances and to in-
clude extraneous material.
Mr. CALLAWAY and to include a. letter
during general debate in the Committee
of the Whole today.
Mr. MARTIN of Alabama and to include
a letter and an editorial during general
debate in the Committee of the Whole
today.
Mr. MARTIN of Alabama (at the re-
quest of Mr. REINECKE) and to include
letter and Times editorial during his re-
marks in general, debate.
Mr. CALLAWAY (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) and to include letter during
his remarks in general debate.
Mr. WHITENER to incorporate in his re-
marks the minority views contained in
the report on the Civil Rights Act of
1966 and certain statements and letters
by clerks of U.S. district courts and U.S.
district judges.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. REINECKE) and to include
extraneous matter:)
Mr. AYRES.
Mr. KUPFERMAN In two instances.
Mr. YOUNGER.
Mr. CONTE.
Mr. RUMSFELD in two
Mr. SCHNEEBELI.
Mr. ROUDEBUSH.
Mr. DON H. CLAUSEN.
Mr. NELSEN.
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana.
Mr. BUCHANAN in three instances.
Mr. MOORE in three instances.
Mr. QUILLEN.
(The following Members, at the re-
quest of Mr. WALDIE) and to include ex-
traneous matter:)
Mr. CORMAN.
Mr. FOGARTY in two instances.
Mr. CALLAN.
Mr. BINGHAM in two instances.
Mr. RYAN in six instances.
Mr. Nix. -
Mr. FASCELL In two instances.
Mr. CAREY in two instances.
Mr. DENT.
Mr. GONZALEZ in two instances.
Mr. CLEVENGER.
Mr. BECK WORTH in two instances.
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas in six Instances.
Mr. MACHEN in four instances.
Mr. GETTYS.
Mr. FARNSLEY in two instances.
Mr. REUSS in six instances.
Mr. VAN DEERLIN in two instances.
Mr. VIVIAN.
Mr. RACE.
Mr. KING of Utah in three instances.
BILLS PRESENTED TO THE
PRESIDENT
Mr. BURLESON, from the Committee
on House Administration, reported that
that committee did on this day present
to the President, for his approval, bills of
the House of the following titles:
HR. 1407. An act for the relief of Leonardo
Russo;
H.R. 1414. An act for the relief of Jacobo
Temel;
H.R. 4083. An act for the relief of Mr. Leo-
nardo Tusa;
H.R.4437. An act for the relief of Bryan
George Simpson;
HR. 4458. An act for the relief of Michel
Fahim Daniel;
H.R. 4584. An act for the relief of Mrs.
Anna Michalska Holoweckyj (formerly Mrs.
Anna Zalewski);
H.R. 4602. An act for the relief of Maj.
Donald W. Ottaway, U.S. Air Force;
H.R. 7508. An act for the relief of Guiseppe
Bossio;
HR. 8317. An act to amend section 116 of
title 28, United States Code, relating to the
U.S. District Court for the Eastern and West-
ern Districts of Oklahoma;
HR. 8865. An act for the relief of Ronald
Poirler, a minor; and
H.R. 11718. A. act for the relief of Jack L.
Philippot.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr. WALDIE. Mr. Speaker, I move
that the House do now adjourn.
The motion was agreed to; accordingly
(at 5 o'clock and 22 minutes p.m.) the
House adjourned until tomorrow, Thurs-
day, July 28, 1966, at 12 o'clock noon.
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 Approved For C81
1614 c~ 1Vc~j ffibNy RT 0067 A6H900400090003 uty 27, 1 - 966
nomic life, a 150 year payout period and in- Electronic Engineers, the very distinguished them, constitutes approximately five per cent 2 New
Engl terest at 31/4 per cent, total $11.9-million Vice-President
Franciat the Boston Edison carCom- of eful andhwould bee old7to them atasubstan in ly
per year. The benefit-to-cost ratio thus pany, Mr. calculated is 1.8. These figures reflected study of the relative merits of the Dickey- below the $21.03 per kilowatt year calculated
Federal Power Commission estimates of Lincoln School project and certain alterna- by the FederalPower Commission as the cast lus
a
acit
eakin
develo
own
propos
2.3
kilowatt per hour telectricity deli eredlin the companies ,arri ed ea d ba tconclusionr e ctly pumped storage pnit assuming $100 per ilo-
watt of installed capacity and pumping
s area, and kilowatt er kilowatt year opposite to mine.
plus 2 2.9 mills per kowathour for electricity In his statement, Mr. Staszesky pointed energy at three mills per kilowatt hour.
delivered in Maine. A composite power value out that under the "Big Eleven" proposal the It is my sincere belief that the rural elec-
of $23.50 per kilowatt year and 2.6 mills per companies would add to the power supply of tric systems of New England have no choice
kilowatt hour was used by the Commission New England some 6.25 million kilowatts by but to actively advocate immediate construc-
in developing the hydro-electric power bene- 1972, plus some seven hundred miles of 345 tion of the Dickey-Lincoln School project as
fit attributable to the Dickey-Lincoln School kv transmission line. This very large in- their best alternative for obtaining lower
project of $21.5-million per year compared crement of new capacity, he added, would cost wholesale energy. It seems to me also,
$25.1-million per year as originally esti- tgenerate more than otal requirements of 60 the per
area at an average capacity of the project available tfori
mated peaking
per cent of New ng-
med b by FPO PC in 1963.
During the August 1965 hearings on the cost of 4.76 mills per kilowatt hour. This, purposes is some five
Dickey-Lincoln School project before the when combined with the 1965 average cost of land's anticipated 1972 peak load and some-
Flood Control Subcommittee of the House generation for all of New England of 9.7 thing on the orde of only ten per cent of
Committee on Public Works, an alternative mills per kilowatt hour, would result in an what the investor owned companies them-
to the Dickey-Lincoln School project, con- over-all reduction of 26.4 per cent to an selves conse a installing by 1972, that
advantageously
sisting of privately-financed pumped stor- average of 7.14 mills per kilowatt hour in its peaing a b ity can be grid system.
age and nuclear baseload, was suggested 1972. Based upon these circumstances, Mr. , used on t Entland
f New Staszesky concluded that (1) the Dickey
by the investor-owned companies o
England. Immediately thereafter, Senator project should not be substituted for one of
Y the the Big Eleven projects, and (2) that there
t
i
o
rec r o
MUSKIE of Maine asked the D
Bureau of the Budget to again evaluate the is no place for Dickey-Lincoln School in New MCINTYRE. Mr. President, an
editorial McINTYRE.
benefits and costs of the proposed Federal England's power picture. Mr.
Washington Daily Ndevelopment in the light of the alternative THE PROBLEM OF THE COOPERATIVES editor al in Chi 1ashins on Daily News
ens
presented by the companies in their testa- The differing viewpoints of the Dickey- that he has ordered partial mobilization
mony before the House Subcommittee. The Lincoln School project developed by Mr. of North Vietnam's partial
Bureau of the Budget again called upon the Staszesky and myself are probably not un- He left unclear just what "partial" reserves.
Federal Power Commission for technical expected, and, in my opinion at least, prob-
assistance. On September 30, 1965, over ably arise from the different operating con- means, but the editorial in this Scripps
the signature of F. Ste%art Brown, Director ditions of the particular segments of the Howard newspaper expresses the feeling
of its Bureau of Power, the Federal Power industry which each represents. that it is worse news for the people of
Commission, in a memorandum to Budget, Rural electric systems in New England North Vietnam than for us.
calculated the benefit-to-cost ratio of the badly need a source of wholesale energy at a There is no joy in reading Ho's bitter
proposed Federal project at 1.58. substantially lower cost than that which is denunciation of our role in Vietnam,
This benefit-to-cost ratio transmitted by available to them at the present time. Al-
the FPC staff on September 30, 1965, was though the average revenue per kilowatt adds the writer, but in the face of his
based upon a privately-financed alternative hour realized by the companies in New Eng- stubborneSs we can only keep. up the
consisting of a hypothetical pumped storage land from residential sales has steadily de- pressure until he agrees to negotiate or
site located within 75 miles of New England clined from an average of seven cents. per gives up trying to conquer South Viet-
load centers, which could be constructed at kilowatt hour in 1930 to an average of three nalrl
an investment cost of $100 per kilowatt, plus cents per kilowatt hour in 1964, the average I ask unanimous consent that this edi-
a 600,000 kilowatt nuclear plant north of rate for wholesale service available to the tonal be included in the RECORD.
Boston with transmission for 100,000 kilo- cooperatives has not shown a similar trend. There being no objection, the editorial
watts of 50 per cent load factor power from In addition, as I understand it, the 26.4 per
said plant to Maine. The Commission staff cent savings attributable to the "Big Eleven" was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
calculated that such an alternative, includ- combine will apply to generation only. Pre- as follows:
Ing transmission, would provide peaking ca- sumably, the generation component consti- HO's MOBILIZATION
pacity at $21.03 per kilowatt year including tutes only 28 per cent of total cost and 25 North Viet Nanfs President Ho Chi Minh
energy, and load factor power at $36.38 per per cent of revenue. Thus, the savings to has ordered the "partial mobilization" of his
kilowattan
year including energy. These fig- the rural electric systems would probably not arm reserves, as a response to American air
ures yielded a total cost attributable to the be more than seven per cent below present strikes against petroleum depots near Hanoi
proposed alternative for the Dickey-Lincoln costs under the "Big Eleven" Proposal. and Haiphong. He left unclear just what
School project of $18.3-million per year com- By contrast, Federal power from the "partial" mobilization means, but we have
pared to the $11.5-million annual cost of the Dickey-Lincoln School development would the feeling It is worse news for the people of
Federal, project. The resulting benefit-to- be available to rural electric systems at frgm North Viet Nam than it is for us.
cost ratio for the Federal project is, there- seven to eight mills per kilowatt hour deliv- In He's and other week-end statements
fore, 1.58. erect at load centers. This compares to the from Hanoi, there is the standard condem-
One plan provides for operation of the 7.4 mills per kilowatt hour estimate for the nation of American "imperalists." But sig-
Federal project to develop 100,000 kw of 4500. average cost of generation in New England nificantly there also is the admission the
,000 kw o p per g capat ty Its power and 6would be as of 1972. "Vietnamese people in the whole country are
sold,Including n trans. Its output would be Rural electric cooperatives in Maine pur- facing an extremely serious situation," and a
sold, including transmission, for $15 per kilo- chase approximately 46 million kilowatt new appeal to fellow-communist nations to
watt 4500 plus 3 mills per kWh for energy, hours per year at an average cost of 11.8 mills help "more resolutely and effectively."
about Thus 6. 46 .3 mills hour with pelectricityeakinwould g ng capacity wholesale avail-, Per kilowatt hour. In short, Ho seems to be warning his peo-
able e at about $17.40 per kw year including uding Federal power from the proposed St. John pie that for all the destruction the American
energy. The resulting revenue would be River development could be delivered to air raids have caused so far, there's going to They
e
the s
t fosse-million per year assuming ten per cent them would save mills per yearoor 37 per beForousothere sano joy in reading Ho's bit-
losses, SOME DIVERGENT VIEWS cent on present cost. In New Hampshire ter denunciation of our role in Viet Nam,
_ mists ists and Various econom aengineers and, the cooperatives purchase some 82 million and his emphatic rejection of the idea of
sometimes lawyers, evaluate hydro-electric kilowatt hours per year at an average cost of open negotiations. But it's at least some
projects as well as conventional and nuclear- 13.3 mills. Even at a delivered cost of eight comfort that Ho, in a big speech, refrained
fired thermal plants by different methods mills, Federal power would save them nearly from ordering the mobilization of his 350,000
and using a great variety of assumptions. $435,000 per year or 40 per cent on present man army for a thrust across the seven-
As a long-time advocate for a particular seg- cost. Thus, the problem, from the stand- teenth parallel, stopped short of asking other
ment of the electric industry, I, of course, point of the rural electric cooperatives, re- communist governments for "volunteers,"
recognize that various approaches to a single lates to the availability of low-cost power at and said nothing about the rumored trial of
problem frequently yield different results. load centers. From our standpoint, the downed U.S. pilots. Apparently our warn-
This is especially true in cases where engi- Dickey-Lincoln School project offers the best ings not to tamper with the lives of our cap-
neering and management decisions have fac- alternative for solving our problem. tured pilots has sunk in,
tored into them elements of politics or phi- From the standpoint of the investor-owned In the face of North Viet Nam's stubborn-
losophy. Thus, in an address of April 13, companies, I can only point out that the nest, there is nothing for us to do but to
1966, to the Power Chapter of the Boston some 700,000 kilowatts of peaking power, a continue to battle in the South, keep up
Section of the Institute of Electrical and major portion of which would be available to pressure thru air raids on the North, until
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16513
Cooperative Association. I commend
him for his clear and well-documented
statement, which is further. testimony to
the overall economic worth of the
Dickey-Lincoln School project to north-
ern New England. I ask unanimous
consent that the full text of Mr. Robin-
son's speech be printed at this point
in thQ,. RECORD.
?There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PANEL ON Low COST POWER FOR NEW ENGLAND
(Remarks of Charles A. Robinson, Jr., staff
engineer and staff counsel, National Rural
Electric Cooperative Association, 1966 New
England Conference of Public Utilities
Commissioners, Stowe, Vt., June 27, 1966)
It is indeed a privilege to be afforded this
opportunity to exchange ideas and opinions
with a group as thoroughly knowledgeable
and experienced in electric power system
planning, financing and operation as are the
persons in attendance at this Conference. I
deeply appreciate your invitation to partici-
pate in this panel.
The Conference itself is, I believe, render-
ing a very substantial public service by fur-
nishing a, forum in which persons possessed
of similar objectives, but perhaps with dif-
fering views on how these objectives should
be achieved, can meet with the common pur-
pose of discussing ways and means by which
an indispensable commodity such as elec-
tricity can be made available to the gen-
eral public at the lowest possible cost. Cer-
tainly, nothing but progress ought to result
from a meeting such as this.
It is my intention, in accordance With
Commissioner Gibson's request, to discuss
the facts as I know them concerning the
topic assigned to me-the Dickey-Lincoln
School project in Maine. This is a project,
I recognize, which has stirred as much bit-
terness between various segments of the elec-
tric power industry in New England and has
given rise to as much political controversy
as has any similar proposal in recent years.
It is my hope that this controversy and the
strained relationships which have stemmed
from it, will ultimately be reconciled, and
that all of the plans and proposals for re-
ducing the cost of power throughout the
northeast can proceed together in harmony.
RURAL ELECTRIFICATION IN PERSPECTIVE
The REA-financed portion of the electric
utility industry, with which I have been
associated for some 16 years, is small by any
standard when compared with the magnitude
of the investor-owned companies which serve
80 percent of the nation's population.
The total investment in REA-financed sys.
tems throughout 'the United States is less
than $5 billion compared to the more than
$70 billion of assets owned by the investor-.
owned companies. Electric cooperatives op-
erate only one percent of the nation's in-,
stalled generating capacity and themselves
generate only some twenty percent of the
total energy input to their own systems..
They serve some eight percent of the nation's
electric consumers with five percent of the
total electric energy sales for which they
receive about six percent of total U.S. electric
revenue.
Even if legislation now pending in Con-
gress, which would provide supplemental
capital for REA-financed systems, were en-
acted immediately, total investment in such
systems might reach some $15 billion by 1980
compared with an estimated industry total
by that date of $170-200 billion. And, If all
regular and supplemental financing, pro-
grammed for REA-financed generation and
transmission facilities through 1980, were
expended by that date, such facilities would
then constitute about 3.5 percent of the total
Industry. (Statistics for electric coopera-
tives in New England are shown in Table II.)
TABLE IL-Selected statistics for electric cooperatives in New England (fiscal year 1965)
Consumers
served I
Miles of
line 1
Annual Consumers Revenue
revenue I per mile per mile
Maine- ---- ------------------
Now Hampshire_______.__________ -----
6,843
22
598
1,077
2
017
999,644 6. 3
$925
-------------------
U
it
---------
,
7,277
,
1 993
2,655,012 7.8 912
1
247057
n
ed States______
5,440, 189
1,556:956
,
3.6 625
815, 432, 624 3. 5 522
Kilowatt-
hour sales
X 1,0001
38, 093
72,176
42, 477
41, 382, 098
2.6
3.7
2.9
2.0
Kilowatt-hour
sales per
consmner
5, 560
3, 200
5:820
7,600
Revenue per
consumer
$146
118
172
150
Revenue per
kilowa
tt-hour
(cents)
= Figures furnished by REA directly, per unit figures derived via slide rule. Source; Report of the Administrator, REA, 1965.
I emphasize these statistics not because
they are per as related to the Dickey-Lin-
coln School project, but because the advocacy
of such projects by the electric cooperatives
is frequently misconstrued as an attempt to
harm the investor-owned segment of the in-
dustry. In fact, the co-ops are so small a
part of the industry as to be incapable of
accomplishing many of the nefarious pur-
poses with which they are sometimes
charged.
COST OF WHOLESALE ENERGY
Most of the energy distributed by the elec-
tric cooperatives in New England is pur-
chased at wholesale from other power sup-
pliers. A very small amount is generated in
REA-financed plants. All of it is extremely
high in cost. During the past twenty years,
the cost of wholesale power purchased by
rural electric cooperatives from investor-
owned electric companies throughout the
United States has fallen continuously and
steadily from an average of 10.1 mills per kilo-
watt i
n 1945 to 7.5 mills per kilowatt hour
in 1965.
By contrast, as shown on the attached
Chart I (not printed in the RECORD) the price
of wholesale energy purchased by REA-
financed systems in New England has fluc-
tuated between very wide limits during the
same period of time, except for the state of
Vermont which exhibits a steady decline be-
tween 1950 and 1960 with slight increases
thereafter. The downward, trend In Vermont
between 1958 and 1960 is accentuated by
the availability of 8.5 mill power from the
St. Lawrence-Niagara system. In Maine the
;recent steep decline in the average Wholesale
cost of power to REA-financed systems is di-
rectly traceable to the importation from Can-
ada of increasingly large blocks of power
supplied by the New Brunswick Electric
1: ower Commission. By contrast, however, as
Indicated In Table I, the average 1965
No. 121--18
cost of power from some wholesale suppliers
has actually increased over the cost of the
same power from the same supplier in 1950.
In other cases there is little or no difference
between the average rate of such purchases
in 19150 and in 1965.
TABLE I.-,overage wholesale cost for whole-
sale energy purchased by electric coopera-
tives in New England by source 1
[In an ills per kilowatt-hourl
Source
Bangor Ilydro Electric Co__ _____
Maine Public Service Co___________
Meddybemps Lake powerplant
Now 13runsw1 ck Electric Power (1011 s-
sion nnecticat Valley Electric Co----------
Co New Ilampshire Electric Co----- _---_
Public service Co. of New Ilampshire_____
White Mountain Power Co___________
New Hampshire Electric Coop__-_-
Central Vermont Public Service Corp_____
Citizens Utilities Co-_ __
Ureen Mountain Power Corp.__- ---------
public ____ _
Service Board of Vermont_
U. S. total average__
13.3
19.1
16. 1
19.3
12.0
9.5
15. 3
12. 6
12.9
17.4
15. 2
12. 4
10.0
20.4
8.3
1 Source; REA Bulletin 111-2, fiscal year 1965.
DICKEY-LINCOLN SCHOOL
From this type of wholesale power supply
situation there has arisen, as might be ex-
pected, tremendous pressure on rural electric
system management in New England to seek
out and explore every possible avenue which
might hold promise of lower wholesale rates.
It should come as no surprise, therefore, that
these systems have strongly supported eon-,
struction of the Federal Dickey-Lincoln.
School hydro-electric development. our,
support of the Dickey-Lincoln School proj-
ect stems, not from the fact it is to be con-
structed by the Government, but rather
from the fact that wholesale power from it
can he delivered to our cooperative load
centers at rates reflecting major savings over
presently available alternative sources.
The Dickey-Lincoln School project, as
presently contemplated, would have an in-
stalled capacity of 760,000 kilowatts at
Dickey Reservoir an the St. John River in
Maine, with an additional 34,000 kilowatts at
the Lincoln School re-regulating impound-
ment downstream. The natural flow at the
Dickey site, controlled by eight million acre
feet of reservoir storage, would assure an-
nual generation of. just over one billion kilo-
watt hours from the combined project. As
planned, the power and energy from the
project could be marketed by a twin circuit
345 k.v. transmission line system with ter-
minals at Bangor and Portland, Maine and
Boston, Massachusetts. Both load factor
energy and peaking capacity could be pro-
duced.
Total Federal Investment in the Dickey-
Lincoln School project is estimated at $227-
million. The above-mentioned associated
transmission system would cost an addi-
tional $73-million-.bringing the total In-
vestment In Federal facilities to $300-million,
including interest during. construction.
Based on February 16, 1965 Federal Power
Commission figures, annual benefits attrib-
utable to the combined project total $21.5-
million of which 98 per cent represents the
hydro-electric potential. Benefits assigned
to the hydro-electric features of Dickey-Lin-
coln School were at that time corrected
downward to reflect a comparison by FPC
with the cost of equivalent power and energy
to be produced at a new 500,000 kilowatt
steam station and a new 125,000 kilowatt
steam station scheduled for installation in
Massachusetts and Maine respectively. An-
nual charges for the combined project in-
cluding transmission, using a 100 year eco-
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July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
the Hanoi regime agrees to negotiations, or
decides it has had enough and quietly gives
up trying to conquer the South by force of
arms.
CAPT. JAMES R. MITCHELL-
ANOTHER UTAH HERO
Mr. SENNETT. Mr. President, the
war in Vietnam has produced many
heroes and fora brief moment, I would
like to pay tribute to James R. "Dick"
Mitchell of Ogden, Utah, who has joined
that group of men who are proving once
again that courage and daring are still
very much American characteristics.
Captain Mitchell was recently rescued
from the North Vietnamese panhandle
by a brave helicopter crew-another of
those units to which American pilots owe
a deep debt of gratitude-after his F-105
had been shot down by North Vietnamese
ground fire. As fate would have it, Cap-
tain Mitchell was flying his 100th and
last combat mission. We in Utah are
proud of this native son who is a graduate
of Ogden High School and the University
of Utah.
Captain Mitchell is not new, however,
to individual competition. The son of
Mrs. Louise Mitchell and the late Ralph
Mitchell was a- member of the 1956
Olympic ski team which competed in
Italy. His flying skill and his courage re-
flect the physical stamina and independ-
ent thought which made him a top com-
petitor in the Olympic Winter. Games.
In behalf of the people of my State, I
want Captain Mitchell and his family to
know that we appreciate the sacrifice
which he has made in defense of the free
world. I am pleased that his rescue will
make it possible for this Nation to bene-
fit again from his fine skills and his great
courage: That he is alive and well makes
us very grateful and proud that we can
claim him as a native son of our State.
POLISH MILLENNIUM HONORED
THE ISSUANCE OF A COMMEMO-
RATIVE STAMP
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, 1,000
years ago King Mieszko was baptized and
the whole Polish kingdom he had united
was converted to Christianity. Al-
though the Catholic Church grew stead-
ily in Poland throughout the centuries,
there were often great times of trouble.
In 1079 a great spiritual leader, Stanislav,
was martyred while Bishop of Cracow.
He is now the revered patron saint of
Poland.
The 20th century has been one of the
m6st difficult for Christians in Poland.
But the hardships they have endured and
continue to endure have not diminished
their abiding faith.
We in the United States have tried in
some small way to show the Polish people
in our country and in their native land
that we acknowledge the great signifi-
cance of their millennium. On July 30 a
commemorative stamp will be issued
celebrating the 1,000th anniversary of
Christianity in Poland in hopes ` that
everyone in the country will join with
their Polish brothers in observing this
truly great day of the millennium.
I am proud of the part I was able to
play 1n'the issuance of the commemora-
tive, stamp. I ask unanimous consent
that my letter concerning the millennium
stamp and Postmaster General O'Brien's
xesponse to it be included in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letters
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FEBRUARY 18, 1966.
Hon. LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN,
Post Office Department,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR LARRY: I appreciate your assurance
that the suggested Polish millennium stamp
is under consideration as the last commem-
oratives for 1966 are being selected.
In writing now, I want to reaffirm my in-
terest in this stamp and suggest how very
meaningful it would be to the American
people.
Poland has long been a beleaguered land.
But her creative, strong-willed people have
endured partition, tyranny, war, and now
the oppression of communism, maintaining
their love of beauty, their spiritual strength,
and intense pride in their Polish heritage.
Our society has been nourished by the
Polish people who have come to the United
States and taught us to appreciate more than
we might otherwise have learned of the re-
markable culture now trapped behind the
Iron Curtain. A stamp to commemorate the
Polish millennium will awaken even more
interest in the glory of Poland's ancient
heritage. I very much hope that it will be
approved.
With thanks for your consideration, and
best wishes.
Faithfully yours,
PAUL H. DOUGLAS.
THE POSTMASTER GENERAL,
Washington, D.C., February 23, 1966.
Hon. PAUL H. DOUGLAS,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: It gives me great pleasure
to advise you that I have approved a com-
memorative stamp to mark 1,000 years of
Polish culture.
Because of your personal interest in this
subject, I thought you would like to know
about the stamp in advance of the public
announcement. The date and place of first-
day sale have not been determined at this
time.
Your endorsement contributed signifi-
cantly to my decision to issue a stamp for
this important anniversary.
Sincerely yours,
LAWRENCE F. O'BRIEN.
SEDUCTION BY STATISTICS
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, in the
July Issue of Nation's Business there is
a most interesting and provocative arti-
cle, entitled "Seduction by Statistics,"
written by the distinguished Republican
leader in the Senate, EVERETT MCKINLEY
DIRxsEN. As Nation's Business describes
it, the minority leader indicts those
Washington wizards who employ hallu-
cinatory estimates for masquerade and
mirage in an extravaganza of political
chicanery on the American public which
is no less than seduction by statistics.
I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
ticle be included in the body of the
RECORD.
'There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SEDUCTION DY STATISTICS
(By EVERETT M. DIRKSEN)
The city of Washington is the world center
for the manufacture of statistics. Several
thousand of the 2,542,590 employees on the
16515
United States government's $17 billion an-
nual payroll spend their days feeding mag-
netic tape into computers and drawing off
columns of figures. What kind of guidance
do their statistics provide? Who is really
benefiting from them?
Studies such as those dealing with the
perspiration problem of Australian aborigines,
or with the rate per hundredweight for
trucking yak fat from Omaha to Chicago, are
not at issue here.
My concern is with statistics essential to
the formulation of sound national policy.
And I charge that some of them reflect not
facts but a mirage. Some are pure sleight
of hand. Still others are hallucinatory. In-
deed, figure management now reinforces
news management in Administration tactics.
The combination, as I intend to show, can
be doubly dangerous.
The foremost example of sleight of hand
statistics is, of course, the national budget.
The President has raised it from just under
$100 billion-a figure known to have been
inaccurate when presented-to $112.7 billion,
To you and me that looks like, and is, an in-
crease of nearly $13 billion. But the image-
makers in the Administration noticed that
the President, as all Presidents must do,
had trimmed some of the more pendulous
fat off the amounts of money requested by
various agencies and departments. So out
came an inspired news release, headlined
"President Lops $10 Billion from Budget."
Can a $13 billion budget increase really
be a $10 billion cut? It cannot. It is an
example of what George Orwell identified in
his prophetic book, "1984," as "newspeak."
It is like describing the world's biggest
spender as "frugal," or Russia as a "democ-
racy." Nobody really should be fooled by
the federal budget.
Much of the same sort of numerical flum-
mery, as many citizens are discovering, goes
for last year's loudly trumpeted tax cut.
What was benevolently extended by one
hand of government as an income and ex-
cise tax cut, with withdrawn by the other as
a hike in social security taxes, a little later.
The harsh fact is that today the tax collec-
tor at all levels of government, local, state
and national, takes 35 per cent of the na-
tional income.
WHERE THE HOCUS-POCUS STARTS
Largest and most potent of government's
hallucinatory statistics is the gross national
product. The GNP-most widely accepted
indicator of the pace of America's economic
growth-is used by the government also for
divination and to produce euphoria in the
face of inflationary spending. It is a gross
national illusion. One man toiling away in
the Department of Commerce, "guessti-
mates" the GNP by counting the dollars
spent for certain goods and services, every
time they go by.
He may not wear a conical hat and a
black robe decorated with cabalistic dia-
grams, but mystic and intuitive elements do
seethe and bubble in his pot.
The synthetic figure produced is stu-
pendous-$720 billion this year. With in-
flation now going at the rate of more than
two per cent a year, the GNP rises auto-
matically by $4 billion every quarter. To
make it leap upward still faster, a skeptic
suggests that every man be ordered to pay
his wife $40 a week as cook and house-
keeper. That would not produce any more
wealth though it might set off some fire-
works. But it would, as if by magic, push
the GNP statistics on toward the $1 trillion
figure.
At that level, incidentaly, the GNP would
about equal the real national debt, $947 bil-
lion, which is three times as high as official
statistics report it. (The official debt figures
omit about $600 billion--owed for services
already rendered, such as the $40 billion
the government owes the civil service re-
tirement fund.) The GNP is not wealth,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1966
nor earnings nor anything else you can touch,
borrow or spend. It is only a statistic, but
every day someone says we can afford still
Another vast expenditure because it would
"require less than one per cent of the G11P."
And all too often we do make the down pay-
ment on still another tremendous program,
with tremendous and unkown costs to fol-
low.
Ironically, last summer the U.S. Commerce
Department itself renounced as erroneous
the GNP figures it had produced since 1929.
It recalculated the lot, and then came up
with a higher figure for the annual increase
in labor productivity.
The increase was small, from 3.6 to 3.7 per
cent, but it was sufficient to provide labor
union economists a basis for demanding that
another famous figure-the Administration's
guidelines for wage increases-be adjusted
upward.
THE STATISTICAL SNOW JOB
A bureaucratic technique now being skill-
fully employed in Washington can be proper-
ly termed the statistic avalanche.
A distinguished practitioner of the ava-
lanche is Sargent Shriver, a handsome and
voluble man with energy enough to run
(until recently) two high government jobs
while dreaming of a third. The avalanche
device is triggered, for example, when Mr.
Shriver is questioned at press conferences
about instances of what he defends as high-
spirited mayhem or arson in his scandal-
ridden, politically manipulated Job Corps,
which is part of the federal poverty program.
On one occasion last fall, he called down
a tumbling mass of statistics which rolled
end over end, at express train speed, to en-
gulf the reporters. It included data rang-
ing from the annual cost of keeping an in-
mate in the Illinois penitentiary at Menard
to the median Consumption of fish, classified
as to. Weight and species, by seals in the
Seattle zoo.
When at last the rush subsided, the shaken
questioner was sorry he had asked the little
question that started it all, namely: "How
much more does it cost to keep a boy in
the Job Corps than in Harvard University?"
The question had been buried in the
statistical snow-job. There it will remain
forever unless a shift in the political glacier
opens a crevasse and exposes it to view.
Plain deception meets the needs of some,
Arthur Sylvester, assistant secretary of de-
fense for public affairs, has made it clear that
the Administration would not hesitate to
deceive about defense affairs when it deemed
deception necessary. Some of the news out
of Viet Nam persuades many of us that he
was, in that statement at any rate, telling
the truth.
Those who class the war on poverty with
Viet Nam in importance surely are engaging
in deception. So are the postal snoopers
and the Internal Revenue wiretappers, whose
work seems more suited to a collectivist than
to a great society.
A phantom statistic which even compels
its compilers to smile is that showing "the
rising productivity of government employ-
ees." There are, of course, many conscien-
tious, hard-working government employees
among the myriads, but they are all sup-
ported by the work of someone else. What
could they produce, but statistics?
HAULING OUT THE BOGEYMAN
An old favorite is what might be called
the Cheshire statistic. It is pulled out of
the air like a magician producing a bowl of
goldfish, Such a statistic was the basis for
the charge during the 1960 Presidential cam-
paign that "17 million Americans go to bed
hungry every night." Not four million or
18.1 million, but 17 million exactly. Unless
many of them were reducing, that seemed to
Indicate a deplorable breakdown in a public
relief system which was even then the most
gigantic ever conceived. But then President
Johnson raised the figure two years ago to
35 million. it hung on the campaign air a
while like its predecessor and then faded
gently from view.
So did the terrifying missile gap discovered
by Democratic creators for use in the same
campaign. Both were meaningless as fact,
but useful as bogies for whipping up, emo-
tion.
The dictionary defines that as dem-
agoguery.
Cheshire or phantom statistics are common
in foreign affairs, too. Successive Presi-
dents have extolled military aid as assuring
the United States of staunch allies, ready
to spring to our side in the fight for freedom
with "250 strategic bases, five million ground
forces, 10,000 aircraft and 2,500 vessels."
Well, thousands of American men are fight-
ing for freedom today in the dark jungles of
Viet Nam, but where are those eager allies?
We know where some of them are. More
than 200 different ships of a dozen free world
nations which have received $29 billion in
American aid are busily hauling munitions to
our communist foe, the Viet Cong. Others
which received even greater sums are run-
ning supplies through our toothless "'quar-
antine" to Communist Cuba, in defiance of
all our pleas and entreaties.
If we cannot expect gratitude for the $130
billion we have poured out in postwar for-
eign aid, might we not demand decency?
The scale of our generosity, by the way, is
shown by the fact that interest on the public
debt, ballooned by this aid, now runs more
than $1 billion a month, or about twice the
current cost of our struggle in Viet Nam.
THOSE STRETCHABLE YARDSTICKS
Rubber statistical yardsticks to fit varied
occasions also are common in government.
For gauging unemployment, the long yard-
stick is used. Housewives, youngsters, peo-
ple resting unconcernedly between jobs, are
all counted as jobless to bring the unem-
ployment total up to a level intended to
cause public worry. Although unemploy-
ment is given as 2.9 million, a former director
of the census recently estimated the number
of male family heads out of work at only
600,000. Nobody really knows. The official
guess is extrapolated from a survey of only
35,000 families,
An effort to provide a count of job open-
ings available was defeated last year in Con
gress by labor union pressure, as tending to
minimize the pathetic plight of the honestly
apathetic.
The myth of suffering millions searching
in vain for work apparently must be pre-
served, even though employers from one end
of the country to the other complain of
their inability to hire help.
There's a saying now which goes: "'If you
don't like the beat, change the thermometer."
For many years, the Administration's
economists, along with pundits and com-
mentators, had bemoaned the existence of
a "dollar gap" abroad. But more recently,
as everyone knows by now, the recipients of
American bounty abroad have drawn down
our gold reserves by billions. They have
been, able to buy gold because our gifts, loans,
investments and purchases abroad have been
running about $3 billion a year greater than
their transactions with us. So, suddenly
with the mysterious unanimity of a cloud of
gnats, they all changed direction. The dol-
lar gap had become a dollar glut.
A cut in business investment and tourist
purchases ordered by the Administration did
not help enough. (Nobody knows what
tourist purchases amount to.) The glut
continues to grow. The Administration it-
self keeps on spending and donating dollars
abroad through a dozen spigots. The money
goes out as foreign aid, as bounties to foreign
governments for sugar and coffee, as research
grants to foreign scientists, as expenditures
to keep U.S. troops in Europe to defend pros-
perous allies from whom we now are bor-
rowing money, and in other ways. Further
damage to our dwindling gold stocks seemed
certain. What to do?
NOW YOU SEE IT--
The problem, as our leaders saw it, was
how to make things look better without
actually turning off or curtailing their
spigots. Last August somebody came up
with an idea. The government began com-
puting the balance of payments in a new
way. Dollars held by private institutions
abroad were dropped from the liability
column on the government's statistical
tables, althought they had been included in
the earlier system of accounting because they
can become official claims against our gold
the moment they are turned into a central
bank.
So, where the old fiscal thermometer
showed a deficit of more than $3 billion for
1964, the new one cut it In half. The fever
has not been changed, just the thermometer.
We have a new statistical mirage, and the
band plays on.
One of the most serious of all the govern-
ment's statistical fantasies, however, reflects
our balance of trade, which is a vital part of
the total balance of international payments
problem. For 20 years, Commerce Depart-
ment officials have been pleased to inform the
President, the Congress and the people that
the United States regularly sells more goods
to foreign lands than they sell to us. Our
foreign trade was seen in wonderful health.
With the assurance of great and rising
prosperity in foreign trade, Congress has gone
along with successive Administrations, Re-
publican as well as Democratic, in acts of
generosity to our outdistanced trading part-
ners abroad. We out tariffs, increased foreign
aid and borrowed $130 billion to lend or give
away overseas.
At the same time we shipped-and are still
shipping now-mountains of food and fiber
as outright gifts or in exchange for non-
spendable forints, dinars, zlotys, kips and
rupees, all of which are reported by the De-
partment of Commerce as commercial
exports. This, of course, swells the export
balance, but we receive no dollars. Ameri-
cans who questioned our financial capacity
to do whatever we liked, without limit, or
who doubted the wisdom of supporting dic-
tators who were busy sharpening the swords
of our enemies, were laughed to scorn.
Not until the dollar stood shaken and
defoliated, not until our gold stock had
plummeted, did people begin to wonder if
our balance of trade had really been as great
as reported over the years. We began to ask
if we had exposed ourselves to the gold drain
by a statistical mirage in foreign trade
earnings.
The answer, if you dig deep enough, is this.
The United Kingdom and most other nations
value imported goods on the "c.i.f." (cost,
insurance, freight) basis. That means they
take the purchase price abroad, add shipping
and insurance costs, and end end up with the
total cost of the merchandise landed in their
own country. The difference between the
seller's figures and the buyer's is just frefght
and insurance. It is proper that those costs
be added to the valuation of imports.
But here's the catch: The United States
does not add freight and insurance costs in
computing the volume of imports. We do
not keep the same kind of books as our trad-
ing partners. We value our imports on the
"f,o,b. " basis, foreign pert of shipment. Our
valuations are simply the cost of the goods
abroad, with freight and insurance disre-
garded.
From that difference in accounting arises
the mirage. Our statistics are not compar-
able with those of other nations. We under-
state the value of our purchases from Great
Britain, for example, by an average of 22 per
cent. And that, in computing trade balances,
produces a violent distortion of fact.
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Judy 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
the letter, photograph it-without even
breaking the seal."
Perhaps the most troubling aspect of the
Fishbowl Society is that most of those who
live in it seem to view it with equanimity.
There has been no great public outcry in re-
sponse to disclosures of mounting invasions
of privacy.
"People have to learn that they can say
no to these things," says Rep. CORNELIUS E.
GALLAGHER (D-N.J.). But Long warns that
"by the time the people finally become in-
dignant enough to demand that something
be done, it will be too late."
In one of. the definitive legal statements
on the right of privacy, Samuel D. Warren
and Louis D. Brandeis wrote in the Harvard
Law Review that "modern enterprise and in-
vention have, through invasions upon his
privacy, subjected (the individual) to mental
pain and distress far greater than could be
inflicted by mere bodily injury."
(!'heir article appeared in 1890. Modern
enterprise and invention have come a long
way since.
ECONOMY HITTING NEW PEAK
Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, the
rate is not as fast, but the key indica-
tors show that our economy is still
climbing to new highs.
Sam Dawson, the Associated Press
business writer, points this out in the
face of considerable talk about the econ-
omy's turning down.
It simply is not so.
With few exceptions, Mr. Dawson re-
minds us, key segments of the economy
have not turned down or even leveled
off, And there are special circumstances
governing the exceptions, such as auto
sales, housing starts, and new orders for
durable goods.
What is really happening, as Mr. Daw-
son says, is that unlike the booming ex-
pansion of,the first quarter of the year,
the economy is now advancing at a more
normal pace and responding in more
healthy fashion to seasonal factors.
With the approval of my colleagues, I
will enter this column in the RECORD as
It appeared in the Washington Evening
Star.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
,MOST KEY FIGURES INDICATE ECONOMY
HITTING NEW PEAK
(By Sam Dawson)
NEW YORK.-Much of the talk these days
is about the economy turning down. But
most of the key statistics show the economy
is still climing to new highs.
What is happening Is that while the econ-
omy was booming ahead at a rapid rate in
the first three months of this year, it is
now advancing at a more normal pace and
responding in a more healthy fashion to
seasonal factors. With few exceptions, the
key segments in the economy haven't turned
down or even leveled off.
And the exceptions, such as auto sales,
housing starts and new orders for durable
igoods, have exceptional circumstances of
their own.
spending for that period grew by $3.3 billion
to a seasonally adjusted annual rate of $458.9
billion. You can view this with alarm be-
cause the gain was less than the $10.4 billion
advance in the first quarter of the year, or
you can hail the more normal rate of advance
and the new high it set,
Housing starts have had periodic sinking
spells for two years now. At the moment a
new uncertainty-tight money In the mort-
gage fund field-is complicating the pic-
ture. And tight money stems from the in-
flationary boom of the first three months of
1966-both because of official efforts to
tighten credit and of still booming demand
for loans in many fields.
New factory orders for durable goods-
watched as a guide to future output-in
June came to a seasonally adjusted $24.1
billion. This was $100 million below the
May and April totals. But the June orders
were $2.8 billion higher than a year ago.
And a "large increase in bookings for de-
fense products" is reported by the Commerce
Department. These seem more likely to con-
tinue to gain than to drop.
The backlog of durable goods orders ac-
tually rose by $1.2 billion to a total of $70.7
billion at the end of June, or $13.2 billion
more than a year ago. Factories apparently
still have lots of orders to keep them busy.
GNP ALSO RISING
Worriers gout the economy like toy point to
a slowdown in the advance of the Gross Na-
tional Product. Actually, this measure of
the total output of goods and services Is still
rising. In the 'second quarter it hit a new
high, a seasonally adjusted annual rate of
$732 billion. The annual rate gain was $10.8
billion above the previous record of $721.2
billion set in the first three months of 1966.
But it was the abnormal and unexpected
$16.8 billion advance in the first quarter that
sparked all the worry about the onset of in-
flation and the Overheating of the economy,
and sparked a campaign in some quarters
for a rise In federal income tax rates.
The economic pace may moderate a bit
more this summer. But even professional
worriers aren't suggesting that the Gross
National Product actually will turn down
overheating.
VIETCONG ATROCITIES
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, a few
days ago, some of us in this body joined
in an open letter to the leaders of North
Vietnam to caution them against a re-
ported plan to place on trial our airmen
now in their captivity. We pointed out
that we were among those whose strong-
est efforts remain dedicated to an early
peace. We pointed out also that public
humiliation of these pilots, followed by a
kangaroo trial and, perhaps, by the
death sentence would be reprehensible.
in fact, such sordid, barbaric drama
would be so repugnant to the good sense Each of the five experts has a particu-
of the world that American public opin- lar view on our policies in southeast Asia.
Ion might well demand further escala- Each disagrees with the others.
tion of the war as to compensation. We must assume that if each of these
Indeed, the patience of Americans of all experts were President of the United
opinions is not in
h
tibl
ex
aus
r sales are lower at the moment than a
e. States, each would pursue a different pol-
a While the leaders of North Vietnam icy and each would have harsh criticism
But no one when the.were at a can be sure whether rthat means have shown restraint and prudence thus of the others.
that consumers are tightening up on spend- far in not continuing the humiliation of I think the article underscores the fact,
ing or are influenced by all the talk about the captured fliers, their men in the field Mr. President, that we are not con-
auto safety. _ have not shown such concern for fronted with a simple choice in Vietnam.
aoNSUMER SPENDING ' humanity and decency. We have a series of alternative policies,
Althot~ gh Americans were buying fewer In the last few days we have learned each of which can be defended or at-
cars in April, May and June, total consumer that the Communist forces in Vietnam tacked by articulate experts.
No. 121-19
16521
have shelled our hospitals with mortars
and have systematically killed wounded
marines unable to defend themselves.
Both these acts are clear violations of the
Geneva Agreements. Both are acts of
barbarism seldom seen in civilized
countries in many years.
It is to these events that I wish now to
address myself.
We who urged a continuing ban on the
bombing of North Vietnam some months
ago and who have remained in the fore-
front of seeking peace have done so as
loyal Americans. It remains our con-
viction that violence breeds violence and
escalation breeds escalation.
We felt that bombing the north-even
military targets-perhaps retarded
peace, in that it might stiffen opposition.
We urged new efforts at an honorable
peace in the military struggle so that the
war-wracked Vietnamese might turn
their energies better to the political and
social struggle of elevating themselves.
We were concerned with humanity,
wanting to spare human life and elimi-
nate suffering. We wish to avoid the ulti-
mate escalation that could breed atomic
warfare.
The North Vietnamese, by inhuman
acts of recent days, flout the efforts of all
Americans to govern themselves by re-
straint. They invite retaliation.
Let it never be said that we who urge
caution to one side fail to do so with
equal vigor when the other side violates
international convention.
So long as our men are committed to
battle in Vietnam, I, for one, intend to
vote to give them everything they need.
As one who himself served his country in
wartime, I could not do less.
Until such time as the differences can
be settled at the conference table, we
shall continue to press for peace and to
speak out for humanity, temperance and
justice-regardless of source. We seek
questione
cans or b
our patriotism be
by our fellow Ameri-
U.S. POLICY IN VIETNAM-VIEWS OF
FIVE EXPERTS
Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, the Au-
gust 9, 1966, issue of Look magazine con-
tains an article entitled: "Vietnam-
What Should We Do Now?"
It is composed of answers to this ques-
tion by five foreign policy and military
affairs 'experts: Hans Morgenthau,
Henry Kissinger, Hanson W. Baldwin,
Herman Kahn, and Arthur Schlesinger,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 27, 1966
dill pursued. This policy assumes that the war victory, not with one seeking a negotiated
h
I commend the article and t
e 1 e is primarily a civil war; that its global sig- settlement among the Vietnamese factions.
ences of opinion to Senators and ask nificance is remote; that, far from contain- :2: We would hold the cities and coastal
rint mous consent that the article be ing China and communism, it opens the gates enclaves that we and the South Vietnamese
p
printed at this point in the RECORD. to both-by destroying the social fabric of military now control. That is to say, we
There being no objection, the article Vietnamese nationalism, which is implacably would be satisfied with a de facto division
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, hostile to China; and that, in consequence, of South Vietnam.
as follows: the risks we are taking in the pursuit of 3. We would expect the Vietcong to re-
s'UPPOSE THE PRESIDENT ASKED You "WHAT victory are out of all proportion to the in- ciprocate byour ceasing tioatta ds by upon the
SHOULD WE Do Now?'-FIVE EXPERTS GrvE terests at stake. perimeter
TuEU, Arrswri? We should never have gotten involved in sabotage within them. It can be assumed
(NOTE: We are at war in Vietnam. this war, but we are deeply involved in it. that we and the Vietcong have a reciprocal
Whether we should have gotten into it or The aim of our policy must be to avoid interest in maintaining the military status
not is a separate issue. We are in Vietnam. getting more deeply involved in it and to quo pending negotiations.
(Americans have always backed their extricate ourselves from it while minimizing The policy here advocated, Mr. President,
armies with the moral certainty that in our our losses. Recent events in Vietnam offer is anathema to the men who advise you.
victory right would triumph. But to many us the opportunity of initiating sucha new Yet it has always been supported by officials
today, our cause seems stained by doubt. policy of disengagement. fairly high In your administration. It now
Never, during a foreign war, have Americans These events have clearly demonstrated two has the support of a number of senators who
debated our national policy with such pas- facts: The Saigon government is hardly in the past have been "hawks" rather than
sion: "Get out ... Escalate ... Negotiate worthy of the name; and the great mass of "doves."
. 'Hole in' at coastal enclaves ... Block- the people of South Vietnam prefer an end You, Mr. President, will have to decide
ode Haiphong Push 'hot pursuit' into to the war rather than a fight to the finish whether the present policy-morally du-
Laos." The bitterness of the partisans con- with the Vietcong. The two main arguments bious, militarily hopeless and risky, politi-
solidates the confusion. with which our involvement has been Justi- Bally aimless and counterproductive-shall
a (Look invited five experts, who hold vary- fled have thus been demolished: that we have _. be continued or whether a better policy
Ong views about Vietnam, to answer this a commitment to the government of Saigon shall take its place. You aspire to be a
" great President. Whether you remain the
question: "Suppose the President today asked to assist it in the fight against the Vietcong;
that the people of South Vietnam want prisoner of past mistakes or have the cour-
and
eac 'What reply should the do now?''
intentionally We brief urged to be saved by us from the Vietcong-even age to correct them will
eh to reply at the risk of their own destruction. The be the test of your
space of 1,000 words-for we sought not a prospect of elections to be held in South greatness.
pablum of agreement but sharp, specific pro- pHenr Kissinger: Professor of government,
posals. Vietnam provides us with the chance to use (Henry
a Harvard, and member of The Center o:for
(Here are their answers. Each man pre- these new facts for the initiation of new International Affairs; consultant to the for
Bents a program that millions would no policy of disengagement. Such a policy
would proceed on two fronts, the political National Security Council under President
doubt support.) and the military. Kennedy; author of "The Troubled Part-
(Hans Morgenthau: Distinguished Service politically, we ought to work for the nership, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign
Professor of Political Science and Modern achievement of four goals. Policy," etc. "We are no longer fighting
History, University of Chicago; director, 1. We must promote the establishment of in Vietnam only for the Vietnamese. We
Center for the Study of American Foreign a broadly-based government in which the are also fighting for ourselves and for in-
and Military Policy; has served as con- elements seeking an end to the war would ternational stability.")
sultant to the Department of State and the have decisive. Influence. This government The war in Vietnam is dominated by two
Department of Defense; author, of "In De- would have the task of organizing elections factors: Withdrawal would be disastrous,
fense of the National Interest, The Purpose for a constituent assembly and a legislature and negotiations are inevitable. American
of American Politics," etc.) at an early date. It must be recognized that policy must take both of these realities into
President Johnson is wont to ask the critics such elections will neither be representative account.
of his Vietnam policy, "What would you do if nor "free." The group that organizes them 1. The impossibility of withdrawal. An
you were in- my place?" This is a legitimate Is likely to win them. Hence, the crucial im- American withdrawal under conditions that
question, and it deserves an answer. Hav- portance of the composition of the govern- could plausibly be represented as a Com-
ing been a consistent critic of our Vietnam ment presiding over the elections. munist victory would be disastrous for these
policies for more than four years, I have tried 2. We must see to it that the government reasons:
to answer that question before and am glad that-emerges from these elections will nego- Within the Communist world, Chinese at-
to do so again. tiate with the Vietcong for a modus vivendi. tacks on Soviet "revisionism" have focused
Mr. President, I would say, you must Such a settlement would no doubt increase on the Russian doctrine of peaceful co-
choose between two alternative policies. You the risk of a complete takeover by the Viet- existence. A victory by a third-class Com-
can start with the assumption that in Viet- cong. However, It is quite possible to visual- munist peasant state over the United States
nam the credibility of the United States and ize a coalition government, under which dif- must strengthen the most bellicose factions
its prestige as a great power are irrevocably ferent sections of, the country, after the in the internecine Communist struggles
engaged; that the war in Vietnam is a test model of the Laotian settlement, would be around the world.
case for all "wars of national liberation"; governed by different factions. One can even
and that in consequence, the fate of Asia, visualize a South Vietnamese government In those c Southeast ountries-esp Asia, eci it ally L would aos, demomorralize
laze
and perhaps even the non-Communist world that would be anxious to maintain its in- the Philippines -d eci aly athat os haal yup-
at large, might well be decided in Vietnam. dependence vis-a-vis the North. the P our effort.
If you believe this, then you must see the 3. We should put United States military long-term orientation of such coun-
war through to victory. That is to say, you forces stationed in South Vietnam at the The
tries as India and Japan will reflect to a
must escalate the war both in the South and disposal of the government that emerges t t ie extent pan their ll of
In the North by committing what will from the elections, to be used as bargaining considerable as In America's willingness and abil reflect ity to honor
amount (according to authoritative esti- counters in negotiations with the Vietcong. America's
commitments. For example, whether or
, whe er or
mates) to a million American combat troops In other words, we would honor our commit- not oIndia mm decides to become a nuclear
and by bombing, without restrictions, the ments and would leave it to the South Viet- de ads crucially to ie confidence in Aaneer
industrial and population centers of North namese Government to interpret them-in loan support against Chinese nclein Amer-
black
Vietnam. By doing this, you will destroy order to bring the war to an end. mail.
Vietnam, North and South, and risk a mili- 4. Our ultimate goal would be the with- demonstration of American Impotence in
tary confrontation with China or the Soviet drawal of our armed forces from South Viet- A
Asia cail no lessen the poten y in
Union or both. Yet these risks are Justified nam. Such a withdrawal would be coordi- a cannot a American of fail to other fields. cre The stabilof
f
by the magnitude of the issues at stake. nated with the progress of negotiations be- d oved from
This is the policy that the Joint Chiefs of tween the government of South Vietnam and ity of areVietnamas will geographically far affected b the oo
Staff have been advocating and that you the Vietcong. Our military forces would be come there.
have pursued since February, 1965, even gradually withdrawn, and our military pres-
though you have been anxious to differenti- ence would always be commensurate with In short, we are no longer fighting in for the Vie
se. We ate truth, your olicy from that the Joint Chiefs. the political
such withd awaIntended oour military also fighting -
not ourselvestand efor Inters-
Inn trutthe difference between the two has g
not been one of kind but rather of degree. policy would come in three parts: tional stability.
You have been escalating the war at a slower 1. We would stop both the bombing of 2. The inevitability of negotiation. His-
pace than the Joint Chiefs recommended. North Vietnam and the search-and-destroy torically, the goal of a war, for the United
But escalate you did, and you will continue operations in South Vietnam that seek to States has been the destruction of enemy
escalating because the assumptions from kill the Vietcong and occupy territory con- forces. Negotiations could start only after
which you have started leave you no choice. trolled by them. For the continuation of the enemy had been crushed. But the pri-
There Is another policy, Mr. President, such operations in,the North and South is mary issue in Vietnam is political and psy-
i which you could and, in my view, should have compatible only with a policy aiming at chological, not military.
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Jul y - 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
What make the war so complicated is the
existence of a Communist "shadow govern-
'ment," permeating every aspect of Vietna-
mese life. A favorable outcome depends on
the ability to create a political structure that
can command the loyalties of the Vietnamese
people.
A. purely military solution Is impossible
also because ,Vietnam directly engages the
interests and the prestige of so many major
powers. Finally, the Administration has
stressed its unconditional readiness to re-
spond to any overture by Hanoi for negotia-
tions.
In these circumstances, the political pro-
gram-both within Vietnam and for nego-
tiations-is crucial. Military victories will
prove empty if they are not coupled with an
effort to build political structures. Negotia-
tions will be sterile or dangerous unless we
enter them with significant areas of the
country substantially free of terror.
WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
1. Negotiations are likely when Hanoi real-
izes that its political apparatus in the coun-
tryside is being systematically reduced, and
that this process will accelerate the longer
the war lasts. It follows that the primary
goal of military operations should be the
creation of secure areas. It is better to have
100-percent control in 40 percent of the
country than 40-percent control in 100 per-
cent of the country. This is not to say that
we should adopt a static "enclave" theory,
which would leave us with three Hong Kongs
and two Berlins in the midst of hostile pop-
ulations. Nor does it mean that we must
write off all the territory that we cannot
securely control. We will always retain a
capacity for preventing the consolidation of
Communist control even in areas that we
do not control ourselves. It does mean that
the highest priority must be given to creat-
ing "secure" zones that contain a maximum
,of population-zones that can be expanded
if the war continues and that will give us
reliable negotiating counters at a conference.
2. We must understand that political in-
stability in Vietnam reflects the transforma-
tion of an essentially feudal structure Into
a modern state-a process that took centuries
in the West. Such a process involves a pro-
found shift of loyalties-a task that would-
be searing in the best of circumstances, but
is compounded by the pressures of civil'war.
This imposes two requirements on us: (a)
We must have compassion for the travail of
a society that has been wracked by war for
two dacades and not use its agony as an
alibi for failing in our duty; and (b) we must
give special emphasis to building political
structures from the ground up.
3. The notion drawn from our experience
in Europe, that economic assistance auto-
matioally produces political stability, does
not apply in Vietnam. On the contrary, there
is a danger that our enthusiasm and our
concern with technical refinements will over-
whelm slender administrative resources and
compound political demorafization. The
test should be whether a program can enlist
local support and thus give the rural popu-
lation an incentive to defend It. Bfforts
should be concentrated in areas of maximum
military security and spread out from there.
4. It may prove impossible to settle the
war at a large conference that deals with all
issues simultaneously. If the negotiations
are conducted in a forum consisting of many
nations that are already rivals (e.g., the
U.S.S.R. and Communist China, or the U.S.
and France), energies may be dissipated in
political jockeying that is peripheral to the
central problems in Vietnam. It may be
wiser to separate the issues into their com-
ponent elements, each to be settled by the
parties primarily involved. A larger confer-
eriee could then work out guarantees for set-
tlements already achieved in other forums.
5. The war in Vietnam is a crucial test of
American maturity. In the lives of -nations,
as of individuals, there comes a point when
future options are limited by past actions,
The choices of 1966 are not those of 1961.
We must recognize that to be on the defen-
sive often forces us to be engaged in places
chosen by opponents for their difficulty and
ambiguity.
We do not have the privilege of deciding to
meet only those challenges that most flatter
our moral preconceptions. If we cannot deal
with political, economic and military prob-
lems as an integrated whole, we will not be
able to deal with them individually.
(Hanson W. Baldwin: Military editor of the
New York Times, Pulitzer Prize winner for
journalism, graduate of Annapolis, war
correspondent in the South Pacific, North
Africa, Normandy, Korea, Vietnam)
It's the eleventh hour in Vietnam. The
United States must decide to win or get out.
It is not too late to win, but it soon may be.
Victory means, first of all, a Governmental
and national determination to win.
Congress should declare a state of national
emergency and authorize a limited mobiliza-
tion. Our trained and ready military power
is spread thin all over the world. Limited
mobilization would provide-more quickly
than any other means-a pool of at least
partially trained manpower and organized
logistical, training and combat units to sus-
tain a rapid buildup in Vietnam and, ulti-
mately, to strengthen our weakened posi-
tions in other parts of the world.
The President should be authorized to mo-
bilize up to 500,000 reserves for two-year,
service. Draft calls should be increased as
necessary. All enlistments should be ex-
tended for a minimum of six months.
South Vietnam, North Vietnam, Laos,
Cambodia and Thailand must be regarded
as a strategic whole. 'The war in South
Vietnam is clearly nourished from outside.
Soldiers, medicines, supplies, and especially
arms and ammunition, today reach South
Vietnam by sea, from Cambodia, through
Laos, and from North Vietnam by any and
all methods. Most of the small arms now
used by the Vietcong "main-force" units are
standardized on the Soviet 7.62-mm caliber
basis and are Chinese-manufactured. All of
the heavy arms-mortars, antiaircraft guns,
SAM milliles, M1G's, IL-28 bombers, and the
world's -largest helicopter, the Mi-6-are
either Chinese- or Russian-manufactured.
We must shut off, to the best of our abil-
ity, the stream of Communist supplies into
North Vietnam. We should turn off the
faucet, not merly put a stopper in the drain.
This means blocking the seaborne arms traf-
fic to North Vietnam-by mining, bombing,
naval gunfire; the sinking of a dredge in the
narrow, silted ship channel to Haiphong; by
so-called "pacific blockade" or "quarantine"
or other means.
The land supply routes, even more im-
portant to the Communist war effort, must
also be interrupted. Past limitations upon
the bombing of railroads and roads, and of
the choke points and communications bot-
tlenecks in North Vietnam's extensive road
network, must be removed. We must reduce
the flow of supplies from North Vietnam
through Laos and Cambodia. Many of these
supplies move partway by truck; we have
been bombing the trucks but, until recently,
not the fuel-oil supplies that power them.
We should bomb all the fuel-oil depots in
North Vietnam. Electric power plants,
which provide power for a variety of war pur-
poses, should also be bombed.
Interdiction of the many branches of the
Ho Chi Minh Trail (which leads over various
passes from North Vietnam through Laos or
Cambodia into South Vietnam) must be im-
proved-by eliminating some of the restric-
tions that now hamper bombing and par-
ticularly by assigning more trained Forward
Air Controllers, both on the ground and in
the air.
16523
Air Cavalry raids by helicopter against
Laotian bottlenecks on the supply route
should be undertaken whenever possible.
The doctrine of "hot pursuit" must be ap-
plied to any guerrilla forces that use Cam-
bodia as a sanctuary.
At sea, the Navy's coastal surveillance and
river patrols must be extended and tight-
ened-to stop Vietcong gunrunning by junks
and sampans. This will require more air and
small-craft bases in South Vietnam and
and Thailand.
U.S. troop strength in South Vietnam
should be doubled to a figure of 500,000 to
700,000 men, to enable U.S. and South Viet-
namese forces to patrol areas that have been
Communist sanctuaries for years. We must
find and fix the main force of the enemy,
and force him to expend his supplies in ac-
tion, if possible. An enemy "body count" is
not the proper yardstick by which to judge
success in this kind of war. Even if the
enemy refuses action and fades away into the
jungles, or into the shadows of the U Minh
Forest, the capture and destruction of his
base camps, of his rice and food supplies, of
his medicines and weapons and ammunition
will reduce his combat capabilities. The war
must ultimately be won on the ground by
destroying or breaking up the mainforce
units of the Vietcong, and especially by de-
stroying the enemy's bases of operations.
The final part of the strategy for victory-
the part that will shape the peace-is the
pacification program. TI-fe American and
South Vietnamese military can launch
search-and-destroy and search-and-clear op-
erations; but only specially trained South
Vietnamese administrative and paramilitary
forces can hold the areas that are cleared.
The pacification program-in the past mis-
handled and underemphasized-has this year
started slowly but well; it must be pushed
to the maximum. For one can confirm vic-
tory in a guerrilla war only if one wins the
people over and protects them against the
enemy.
This is a slow, a comprehensive, a tedious
process. The administrative, police, educa-
tional and health authority of the central
government must be built up from what
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge calls "the
precinct level."
The enemy cannot win in a military sense;
he is stymied on the field of battle.' But
political instability in Saigon, and U.S. im-
patience at home, may cause us to lose the
struggle-politically and psychologically.
We have no easy choices-only grim alter-
natives. Victory, which means making it
possible for a South Vietnamese government
to govern without interference from outside,
is posisble; but it may not be possible soon.
The victory road will be long and hard and
bloody. But defeat or stalemate in Vietnam
will gravely impair the U.S. position in Asia
and in the world; and if we lose, our children
and grandchildren will face tomorrow a far
worse problem than we face today.
(Herman Kahn: Director of the Hudson In-
stitute (a nonprofit organization conduct-
ing research in the area of national security
and international order) ; former member
of the Rand Corporation; author of
"Thinking About the Unthinkable, On
Thermonuclear War, On Escalation: Meta-
phors and Scenarios")
I have been asked by Look to describe my
personal position, rather than give an analysis
of the pros and cons. The first and over-
whelming point is that whether or not one
agrees with the steps that led to it, our
present commitment to oppose force and
terror by the National Liberation Front in
South Vietnam is as solemn an engagement
as any modern nation has made. I do not
believe that commitments must be blindly
kept, regardless of costs; but just as we should
be careful about making commitments, we
should be very careful about honoring them.
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Maintaining 'the credibility of our commit-
:ments Is not just a matter of "saving face."
Our ability to support world peace and
security, particularly without using exces-
sive force, depends in great measure upon
the faith that other nations repose in Ameri-
can commitments. (Germany, Japan, India
and Israel, for example, restrain their activi-
',ties in obtaining nuclear weapons partly be-
cause of American commitments.)
To renege on commitments as serious as
those we have made in Southeast Asia could
be a major step in a disastrous erosion of
faith in the United States. If faith in our
commitments became: so weak that we would
have to give excessive commitments in order
to make them believable-for example, giving
minor states control over our policy (as the
British had to do with Poland in 1939)-
then the likelihood of major escalation, such
as a war with China, would be dangerously
increased.
The United States also has a crucial inter-
est In dispelling two illusions that have
grown up since World War II: that radical
terrorists almost always win; and that radi-
dal regimes can subvert, or intervene in, a
neighboring area with little risk. History is
replete with examples of how a victory by
terrorists in one area powerfully influenced
the likelihood and the tactics of subversion
in other areas. The invalidity of oversim-
plified "domino theories" should not lead us
to underestimate the worldwide costs of let-
ting the Vietcong succeed with their resort
to violence. In addition, I am seriously con-
oerned about the political and moral reper-y
cusaions within the United States were we
to "pull out" of Vietnam.
Our cause in South Vietnam is not im-
moral. Many think we, are creating more
destruction, more.death, ore human sufler-
1ng than our cause justifies. But what would
happen were we to let South Vietnam fall
into the hands of the National Liberation
Front? It Is not likely that a victorious NLF
would treat with restraint: the Cao Dal, the
Hoo Hao, the Catholics (each a community
of about 1,000,000 human beings) ; the
500,000 South Vietnamese soldiers; the many
other groups that have demonstrated they
are anti-Communist; the tens of thousands
who would probably be labeled enemies of a
Communist state. Those who dismiss this
likelihood need only look at how the Chinese
Communists and the Indonesian Army
treated their opponents, and might ask them-
selves it the victorious NLF is likely to be
more restrained. Nor should the West view
with equanimity 15,000,000 people passing
behind a Communist Iron Curtain.
What, then, should we do In Vietnam now?
1. An important aspect of the battle for
"the hearts and minds of men" is this: Which
side will succeed in symbolizing national
identity? Many Vietnamese prefer good gov-
ernment to bad government, but even more
prefer self-government to foreign control.
We should encourage self-government, and
should minimize our nonmilitary role.
2. Thus, we should accept and encourage
more independence by the South Vietnamese
in handling their political and economic
problems. Even if a Buddhist nationalist
comes to power, he is likely to be more op-
posed to the NLF than to the Americans;
and if his government does not want our pro-
tection, or makes it impossible, we can then
leave with honor-having fully honored our
solemn commitment. (I assume we would
not have connived at his election or policy.)
3. To the extent that it can be encouraged
to, the Saigon government should compete
with the Vietcong in promises of social re-
form, should launch selective but significant
social-reform programs now, and should
cary out pacification programs in a legal and
humane way.
4. We should replace the present system of
four levels of American advisers In the Viet-
namese Army (which tends to result in four
levels of double veto) with a singular, more
unified system.
5.'We should urge the South Vietnamese
Army to. make promotions and assignments
on the basis of merit. The efficiency of the
fighting forces would be' greatly increased if
the army adopted the simple expedient of
promotions on the battlefield, raising enlisted
inert to officer rank, regardless of edfacation-
rewarding proven ability, aggressiveness and
dedication.
6. The amnesty program offered to the
Vietcong should be broadened and liberal-
ized. The counterinsurgency wars that have
been won since World War II o;ten.4nvolved
generous, well-publicized amnesty programs.
(The Philippine Government, for instance,
promised and gave farms to many Huk guer-
rillas who surendered.) Although the South
Vietnamese think it wrong to treat rebels bet-
ter than loyal peasants, it is clearly worth
a good dehl to South Vietnam to make sur-
render safe and attractive, and to guarantee
a decent, useful life to the man who sur-
renders.
7. We probably do not need to escalate
military activities against North Vietnam.
The military tactics we have Introduced-
aggressive patrolling to carry out search-and-
destroy and clear-and-hold operations-con-
tain ma}iy significant benefits that have not
yet been fully realized, but should soon show
important results.
8, I believe we can pacify Vietnam. A
stable, reasonable government there is pos-
sible. Although the political situation looks
bad today, many current political problems
are likely to be solved following, and as the
result of, military victories. The political
difficulties in South Vietnam are likely to be
diminished when and after elections are
held-especially if the elections follow mili-
tary victories.
Our present policy is the only realistic al-
ternative the United States really has. It is
a hopeful policy. If we are patient, resolute,
realistic, that policy can probably realize our
goals. I have yet to hear of an alternative
that is not likely to involve costs fax greater,
far more deplorable, far more inhumane in
both the short and long run.
(Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.: Albert Schweitzer
Professor of the Humanities, City Univer-
sity of New York; professor oJ? history,
Harvard, 1954-61; twice winner, Pulitzer
Prize; winner, National Book Award; as-
sistant to Presidents Kennedy and John-
son; author of "A Thousand Days," etc.)
The moderate critics of the administra-
tion's Vietnam policy do not question its
proclaimed purposes: resistance to Commu-
nist aggression, self-determination for South
Vietnam, a negotiated settlement In South-
east Asia. They do question, with the great-
est urgency, the theory that the way to
achieve these objectives Is to intensify the
war. The more we destroy Vietnam, North
and South, in their judgment, the less chance
there will ever be of attaining our objectives.
The course of widening the war, moreover,
will mire our nation in a hopeless and end-
less conflict on the mainland of Asia, beyond
the effective use of our national power and
the range of our primary interests--and may
well end in nuclear war with China.
And the alternatives? Instead of suppos-
ing that a guerrilla movement can, be crushed
by strategic bombing, Instead of using mili-
tary methods to solve a political problem, we
must adapt the means we employ to the end
we seek.
1. Stop the Americanization of the war.
The bitter fact is that the war in Vietnam
can never be won as a war of white men
against Asians. It cannot be won "unless
the people [of South Vietnam] support the
effort , . . . We can help them, we can give
them equipment, we can send our men out
there as advisers, but they have to win it, the
people of Vietnam" (President Kennedy,
1963). The more we Americanize the war-
by increasing our military presence, by sum-
moning Saigon leaders, like vassals, to, con-
ferencesin an American state, by transform-
ing a local war in Vietnam into a global test
between America and China-the more we
make the war unwinnable.
2. A civilian government in Saigon. We
have never had a government in Saigon that
could enlist the active loyalty of the country-
side, and we certainly do not have one in
Marshal Ky's military junta. Instead of
identifying American interests with Marshal
Ky, and rebuffing the broader political im-
pulses of the South, we should long since
have encouraged a movement toward a civil-
ian regime that represents the significant
political forces of the country and is capable
both of rallying the army and carrying out
programs of social reform. If such a govern-
ment should favor the neutralization of
South Vietnam, if it should want to negotiate
with Vietcong, even if it should wish to re-
lease us from our commitment to stay in
Vietnam, we cannot and should not object.
3. Reconvene the Geneva Conference. We
should persevere in the quest for negotiation.
Since the Vietcong are a principal party to
the conflict, it would appear obvious that
peace talks at Geneva are meaningless with-
out their participation. And since they will
never talk if the only topic is their uncon-
ditional surrender, we must, unless we plan
to exterminate them, hold out to them a
prospect of a say in the future political life
of South Vietnam-conditioned on their lay-
ing down their arms, opening up their terri-
tories and abiding by the ground rules of
democratic elections, preferably under inter-
national supervision.
4. Hold the line in South Vietnam. Obvi-
ously, Hanoi and the Vietcong will not
negotiate so long as they think they can win.
Since stalemate is thus a precondition to
negotiation, we must have enough American
ground forces in South Vietnam to demon-
strate that our adversaries cannot hope for
military victory. I believe that we have more
than enough troops and installations there
now to make this point.
It is an illusion to suppose that by in-
creasing the size of the American Army we
can ever gain a reliable margin of superiority;
for, by the Pentagon's preferred 10:1 ratio
in fighting guerrillas, every time we add
100,000 men, the enemy has only to add
10,000, and we are all even again.
Nor does "digging in" mean a static strat-
egy with initiative relinquished to the
enemy. The South Vietnamese Army of half
a million men Is better suited in many ways
than are Americans to search operations in
the villages.
We should also limit our bombing in the
South. Have we really no better way to deal
with guerrilla warfare than the aerial oblit-
eration of the country In which it is taking
place? If this is our best idea of "protecting"
a country against communism, what other
country, seeing the devastation we have
wrought in Vietnam, will ever wish for
American protection?
5. Taper off the bombing of North Viet-
nam. Secretary McNamara has candidly
said, "We never believed that bombing would
destroy North Vietnam's will," and thus far,
bombing the North has neither brought
Hanoi to the conference table, demoralized
the people nor stopped Infiltration. As a
result, pressure arises for ever-wider strikes--
first oil depots, then harbors, factories, cities,
the Chinese border. But these won't work
either. As we move down this road, we will
only solidify the people of North Vietnam
behind their government, make negotiations
Impossible and eventually assure the entry
of China into the war. And even if we
bombed North Vietnam back to the Stone
Age and earned thereby the hatred of the
civilized world, this still would not settle
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July 27, 1966 CONGRESS' C -
the present war-which, after all, is taking down sound goals and guidelines but to the production conditions in developing
place not in North but in South Vietnam. should not attempt to administer the countries. it seems to be possible for the
developing countries,
A long-run program for Southeast, Asia. , by making use of the
? day-to-day decisions of AID by statute. scientific advances of the West, to achieve
We should discuss with Russia, France, China Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- comparatively very high growth rates over
And ether interested countries a neutraliza- sent that Mr. Bell's fine speech be print- sustained periods of time. The Japanese
t program, under international guSoun-
tee, for Cambodia, Laos, , North and South ed in the RECORD at this point. record is well-known. Taiwan's is less well-
Vietnam. If these states could work out There being no objection, the speech known, but nearly as spectacular.
forms of economic collaboration, as. in the was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, For the past decade, been growing at an average n's economy
this
development of the Mekong Valley, the as follows: has of 7 bb per cent. For the last years, e annual
per year. In
guarantors should make economic and tech- ADDRESS BY THE HONORABLE DAVID E. BELL, ohas scent. r per last five
nical assistance available to them. ADMINISTRATOR, AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL rate 8.8 cent
rcyear In
el in
economic which 9 thth,e Taiwan's ntis ed
A program of limiting our forces, actions DEVELOPMENT, DEPARTMENT OF STATE, BE- 1ats965, , the the year
and objectives still holds out the possibility FORE THE NATIONAL PRESS CLUB, WASHING- increased by 10 per cent. Al-
of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa- TON, D.C., JULY 14, 1966 tional these r prroduct are inc r eased yly twice the Alfern. A program of
ast indefinite escalation ar- I come before you, from a newsman's point parable rates for the United States.
fern nothing but disaster; for our adversar- of view, as that most useless of creatures- The second inference is the crucial im-
iesca, in their own way, match our every y a lame duck. It is too late for me to speak portance of leadership in they developing
sou up to t as war-and and pol war with authority, and too early for me to speak countries. Modern science and technology
would be just as much a ou moral be and phy sical without responsibility. I do have a few part- do not apply themselves-they must be ap-
catastrophe for t as r East and the whole in comments, however, mostly having to do plied, as the result of strong development
catastrophe for the Far East anthe whole with the future possibilities of the U.S. for- policies. Priorities must be set sensibly.
world. sign aid program. In the question period Local resources must be raised. - Incentives
to follow, I will of course be glad to answer must be assured. Skills must be trained.
.TANGIBLE SUCCESSES OF TEE -questions on any subject within my com- All these and many other matters can be
FOREIGN AID PROGRAM petence. arranged only by public and private leaders
_ in the developing countries.
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr. My first suggestion is that the prospects It is not too much to say that the most
President, David Bell, the distinguished for economic growth in the developing coun- useful effect of foreign aid is not the projects
former Administrator of the Agency for tries are better than many people think. One that may be built, but the support and stim-
International Development, recently often hears the view that the needs of the ulation that may be given to stronger and
spoke to the National Press Club on the developing countries are so great-their wiser development policies. Clearly each
goals and the results of our foreign aid poverty is so extreme-that the United States project should be well-run and effective, but
program. In the midst of the harsh and the other advanced countries will have the important question is what effect can
to provide aid in large amounts for decades aid have in encouraging and helping the
criticism which has been directed at the to come. Another view sometimes heard- local leadership to devise and apply firm de-
alleged failures of our foreign aid pro- in a-sense the reverse of the first-holds that velopment policies.
gram, I think Mr. Bell's speech il1uS- the developing countries are so hopelessly The third inference relates to the future
trates very well some of the tangible suc- poor, so weakly and irresponsibly governed, need for aid from the U.S. and other donors.
Cesses of this program. Taiwan and that sending them aid is a waste of good re- Just as many observers may have under-
Japan in Asia, Israel and Greece are sources and should be stopped altogether. estimated the prospects for economic growth,
cases where our aid has been terminated As you could guess from the way I have so many may also have exaggerated its cost.
after, producing spectacular economic Set up these straw men, I think both are The purpose of foreign aid, after all, is not
quite wrong, and are based on an excessively to help every country achieve the income
gains. In Brazil, Chile, and Korea we pessimistic reading of our experience. The standards of the advanced countries, - but
see examples - of economic growth Com- record shows some startling success stories. only to help aid recipients reach the point
bind with relative political stability. Looking back, we forget how startling they where they can move ahead on their own.
In the past I have consistently sup- were. Remember the case of Japan. In 1949, The real question is: what amount of con-
ported sound foreign aid programs. I so responsible a source as Fortune Magazine cessional aid, coupled with sound self-help
think it particularly important that we described the United States' "$2 billion fail- policies and actions, will put the country
pre in Japan", and went on to say that "the in question in position to move ahead on its
have author ears so tions that w we e Ca ax cog n d deeve e lop Japanese face a future uniquely bleak . . . own, to obtain its capital requirements on
period of y years five, ten or more years of ... grueling work. normal commercial terms, thus ending the
effective long-range planning. In adds- The American taxpayer must prepare him- need for concessional aid. Taiwan has only
tion, we should avoid defeating the pur- self for an indefinite period of vast appro- started on the road of economic develop-
pose of our foreign aid program by im- - -priations." meet. Many years of growth will be re-
posing ruinous interest charges on our That of course is not what happened. lap- quired before Taiwan will approach present
long-term development loans. At pres- anese economic growth has been a modern V.S. income levels. Taiwan will need to
ent an excessive amount of annual de- wonder. Instead of going on for an indefi- import much capital over that period. But
nite period, sizeable economic aid from the now it can do so on normal commercial terms,
v orld ou ries Is be g return by fthe United States to Japan ended within five without further concessional aid. Taiwan
world countres is being returned to the years of that Fortune article. More recently, has only started on the development process,
lending nations in the form of interest Japan has agreed to repay $490 million of but it has already finished the aid process.
payments and debt service.. What has our economic assistance, and in 1965, its own
been aptly called the debt explosion by foreign aid program totaled more than $240 these conclusions are warranted, as I be-
World Bank President George Woods can million. If
they are, one could are suggest that be-
severely hamper and retard the sound Even more significant, in my opinion, is lieve
fu e ey aid policy should st to
g countries
development of nations already poor in - the success of Taiwan-a story some of you work on with those deould simply
es
investment capital and foreign exchange in this room may have heard me tell before. following on wrong sosehelp lopings o trio
reserves. The key lesson of Taiwan is that a country country after country, economic strength and
' the conditions self-sustaining ro ress have been established and each has
can
In his speech Mr. Bell touches on economic c growth at a surprisingly y low w level l p g
Indonesia and the sharp reversal of of per capita income. American aid has not the capacity to continue its forward momen-
.
So far withoout it our goes, aidthis conclusion seems to
Sukarno'S policy of creating a Peking- made the Taiwanese wealthy-their per ca- turn
Djakarta axis. This sudden and unex- pita income is less than $200 per year, com- me correct. There is a group of countries-
pected shift underlines the importance pared to more than $2500 per year in the such as Israel, Mexico, Venezuela-in which
of keeping our foreign aid policy as flex- - United States. But our aid-and their own the need for concessional aid-grants and
ible as possible. This year, as in the efforts-have given Taiwan the power to soft-term loans-is clearly near its end.
past, there have been attempts to tie achieve further economic growth without There is a second group of countries mak-
further economic aid. ing strong and solid progress though it will
the ; amendments d hand by statutory man- These cases, and others like Greece, Israel, be some years before aid qan be ended.
date; amewere offered restrict- Mexico, do not prove that every underdevel- These are countries which, like India, Paki-
ing aid to various countries in certain oped country will succeed. But they come stan, Korea, Turkey, Brazil, Chile, are follow-
circumstances. close to showing that every underdeveloped ing sound self-help policies. United States
In my view, the rigidity of the law can country can succeed. - development assistance is heavily concen-
vitiate a sound policy of foreign aid, These success stores lead, I think, to three trated in these countries.
which should be able to meet the chal- very important inferences. These countries are clearly on the road to
lenges' and the opportunities of a con- One is the enormous power of modern sci- economic self-support. They are likely to
stantly changing world. We should lay ence and technology when effectively applied reach their goal at different times, since each
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1966
starts with a different endowment of natural
resources, skilled managers, and so forth. In saying this and of great value the -supp States. A
o
, however, I would not wish world indeppen enden nt, self-supporting na-
ically self-sustaining within five years, and as asserting that our press pions, c
Some of these countries could be econom- to be understood cooperating to kind her o d solve the even the poorest, probably within 15 or 20 env; U.S. aid programs are nearly h good as problems,
se is the kind of world the Unite
years, they should be. A great deal of change has States seeks-in which believe ct can
Our economic aid policies toward the type been underway and further changes are In live most safely and most constructively.
of countries have been de toardg can be prospect. i would cite three illustrations. But such a world Is not utopia.
of count s I have
relatively simple-
sheb execution First, we are in process of adapting to the The case of France illustrates the point
a very complex and execution fact that foreign aid has become an interna- neatly. France has been the largest single
mater. The logic of the situation would tional business-with other advanced coun- recipient of U.S. aid-over $9 billion in eco-
matt r. be The l o cinue to d our full sold tries in Europe plus Canada and Japan pro- nomic and military assistance. That aid ac-
seem g these to . Along wa ll sha viding last year over $2.5 billion in aid to the complished what it was intended to ac-
donors, countries.
be et prepared with developing countries. The most promising complish, namely, the restoration of the
donors, we h u provide other e arrangements for coordinating aid are the French economy from the devastation of
tries,more aid should
will en the future a them .to make these faster consortiums and consultative groups, of World War II, and .the rebuilding of the
headway toward economic self which the World Bank has established per- French military forces as part of the NATO
-support and haps ten or a dozen, with two or three more alliance. It is not an exaggeration to sA
the end of the need for outside aid. on the horizon. Through these consult
say
The question f
ti
li
a
o
ve
po
cies becomes more un- groups, the Bank takes the lead in. working
certain when we look at countries that do out the right prescription both for the self-
not have strong, full-scale development pro- help actions and for the amounts and types
grams. Some of these are countries, such as of aid that are required for a particular aid-
a number in Africa, which are not in a post- receiving country.
tion to make rapid progress toward economic It is feasible for the United States or an-
development because they are seriously short other bilateral aid donor to take a leading role
of competent leaders, or because they have in working out the arrangements for strong
not yet found a way, in their particular pout- self-help in a given country. We have done
ical circumstances, to achieve a firm com- so successfully in several cases. It Is clearly
mitment to sound economic policies. preferable, however, for this role to be played
There have been suggestions that until by the World Bank or another international
such countries put their own houses in order agency, backed up by the bilateral aid donors.
there Is little we can do to help them, and The consultative group, therefore, represents
consequently we should no nothing. I be- in our judgment a major improvement In our
lieve such a policy would be utopian and methods of providing economic assistance.
wrong. There are certainly cases in which A second improvement which is well un-
we should indeed provide no aid at all. In- derway Is to place much greater emphasis
donesia, a year ago, was such a case. among both aid recipients and aid donors
But many of these developing countries on the urgency of enlarging agricultural
can be helped, by technical assistance and productivity in the developing countries and,
training efforts, to understand their own meanwhile, of improving the arrangements
problems better and gradually to improve under which food assistance is provided to
their development policies and programs. them. In this same connection there is
And sometimes a wise and timely use of in- rapidly growing a more rational approach to
centives can help bring about important the problems of population growth. The
policy changes or reforms. This is delicate United States, I am glad to say, has played
business, normally needing to be carried out
a leading role in both these areas.
privately, and preferably through the good One illustration of this is our invitation
offices of an international agency such as the for th
e
result of United States aid, and that is a re-
sult which would have been worth a good
deal more to the United States than $9 bil-
lion. But it, does not require Bastille Day
to remind us that an independent France
may sometimes act independently. And the
moral of that story is that foreign aid can
solve some problems but not all.
A final observation. The question is often
asked whether United States aid helps the
growth of democratic attitudes and institu-
tions in less-developed countries. In the pre-
sent state of our knowledge, we cannot be
sure of the answer. My own personal view is
that aid is substantially helpful to this end,
for several reasons.
The first is exposure. There is no doubt
that most of the thousands of persons who
come to this country under our aid programs,
and most of those who come In contact with
our technical assistance people abroad, are
impressed by the freedom and mobility of our
society and the benefits of government by
consent.
Furthermore, under the aid program we
deliberately foster many democratic institu-
tions-savings and loan associations, for ex-
ample, democratic trade unions, cooperatives
of various kinds; government agencies with
an
ttit
a
ude of service toward people; and
Development Assistance Committee of the
times be done. OECD to meet s Washington next week, many others. Through such Institutions,
Our policy, therefore, in countries which with problems of food and agriculture in a people in developed counties learn at first
are not fully committed to strong full-scale
d h
an
ow a pluralistic society functions, and
development programs, in my opinion, should prominent place on its agenda. experience the necessity for responsible
be one of seeking to catch hold where we can, A third improvement which 'is underway choice.
and to bring positive influence to bear where in our aid programs is a greater emphasis Finally, the economic and social pol the opportunity is open to us, with the ob- on the encouragement of local and private which we foster are designed to broaden the
jective of helping more and more countries initiative in the developing countries. We base of economic participation and spread
to embark on full-scale economic develop- continue to support strongly American pri- the powers of economic decision. Land re-
re-
cent efforts which can lead them toward eco- vote investment in Asia and Africa and Latin form, for example, is often a powerful means
meat eelf-support. America. And we are also finding more for making a society more democratic, as
nomto I have not mentioned so far one last group ways to support the growth of private and well as for stimulating the growth of invest-
of countries to which we provide aid. These local organizations in the developing coun- ment and output in agriculture. The exten-
are the countries such as Vietnam and Laos, tries themselves-businesses, cooperatives, Sion of education to more children at ele-
the Congo, and the Dominican Republic, trade unions, farm organizations, and so mentary, secondary, and higher levels
where the first problem has been the restora- forth. We are finding excellent support broadens the basis for responsible participa-
tion
of peace and security, and economic aid among private American organizations of all tion in a nation's affairs.
is directed to assist that objective, as a pre- kinds for this approach, and a number of In all these ways and for all these reasons,
requisite to longer-term considerations of new organizations have been established by I believe the net effect of our aid programs is
economic and social progress. private groups to contribute to this, end- strongly positive in encouraging democratic
If, therefore, you look across the develop- as the AFL-CIO has established the African- evolution, and those critics who charge the
ing world you can see a rough spectrum rang- American Labor Center and a group of aid program with perpetuating rigid social
Ing at one extreme from countries torn by in- businessmen led by David Rockefeller and
surgency, through those which are at peace Sol Linowitz has established the Internation- patterns and oligarchical control have simply
al Executive Service Corps. not been looking at what we are actually do-
but are struggling to develop effective leader- ing around the world. ate ship and policies for development, through leader- In these and other ways the United SStt s Nevertheless, I would certainly not argue
countries well on the road to solid develop foreign aid program---and. the aid
ment, to those at the other extreme where of other countries-are in a state of rapid dthat emocracy. Tare are assistance n a other recipe for
our assistance is terminating. It seems to me change and, I believe, increasing efficiency. at dem workocracy. There are many ether influences
our economic aid policies can be fitted to the It is a lively business, attracting highly able struggle work, and it many will countries plainly be a find long, satis-
particular circumstances of these various people to work on the challenging problems factory a s for cal s a -that
types of countries, in order to help each of of economic and social change in the de- ory basis for political institutions that
them achieve the next step forward from the veloping countries. could properly be called democratic.
restoration of security, through the develop- Iv
ment of effective leadership, through strong I should like to close with an observation
development programs, to economic inde- or two going beyond the area of economic
pendence. And it seems to me that looked development as such.
at in this light, it is legitimate to say that if It is important not to expect too much.
we stick with the job we can hope to see very our aid programs, when they are success-
substantial gains over, say, the next decade, ful, assist developing countries to establish
along this path toward economic develop- themselves as Independent, self-supporting
cent. nations. That is a great accomplishment,
And so I am ending my association with
AID with the good feeling of having been in
the thick of a very good fight-of having sign been
involved in an endeavor of very great i-
ficance to the United States and to the future
of the world. The problems are extremely
difficult, and we have much to learn about
how to deal with them effectively. But I am
convinced that the United States in its aid
programs is on a sound footing. I trust we
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July 27, Y96e CONGRF.SSIONAT R1Pf'f1UT1 Or.T.T A r....
wia nave the y/i/iotn and the fortitude to other mistreatment as well. The idea that in our descent toward barbarism and world
stay the Co tars 1' 11 they might be tried and nut to death as "wa, w
at home; one senator warns that the U.& Subsequently there was addressed to
would, in that event, make a desert of North the President
l
"
"
a
so a
minute
ctiig
onann Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, Pres- Vietnam. the statement of the Friend's group on
id Mr Johnson's measured comments Pres- Understandable though the reaction is, it the means which should be adopted for
is not calculated to contribute to the most moving toward ending the war.
Hanoi's threats to try captured Ameri- intelligent prosecution of the war. Hard as it
can airmen as war criminals have drawn is to say it, the national interest requires Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
favorable attention in the press. that the war be waged in accordance with sent that the statement of the Friends'
In response to questions at his tele- the best military judgment, without regard General Conference, which includes the
vised news conference this week, the to the fate of the airmen or to public outcry texts of the two statements addressed to
President said the very committed war crimes at Actually, the Hanoi regime presumably RECORD. . obj,
is deplorable and revolting. Should wars It s influence the America's
Convention, Rent There was being ordered to to ection the state-
North Vietnam put them on trial, he to which it is a signatory, on the ostensible RE, :
be pr i nted in the
said, the people of the world would re- ground that the U.S. is waging an unde- THE WA as foVIE N
act accordingly. Glared aggressive war; the contention is non- THE WAR IN VIETNAM A DEEP CONCERN OF
Both the Baltimore Sun and Wall sense because the Convention applies to wars MEMBERS OF THE RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF
Street Journal similarly deplore Hanoi's declared or undeclared. The real point is FRIENDS (QUAKERS)
Stri et while contending that it 'is in the nature of Communists to Members of the Religious Society of
uppon h e at our must keep abide or not abide by the niceties of interna- Friends, meeting during their biennial con-
bring m mind that
fighting in Viet urrpose is tional law as it suits their purpose. ference at Cape May, New Jersey, June 24-
honorable end. In this case it seems likely, as C. L. Sulz- July 1, 1966, were deeply disturbed by the
berger suggests in the New York Times, that announcements of the escalation of the war
Prior to the President's comments, the the Communists are attempting to use the effort in Vietnam. In response to this esca-
Chicago Daily News, like the Wall Street fliers to ward off further broadening of the lation, Friends united in sending the follow-
Journal, branded as nonsense North war against North Vietnam; sealing off Hai- ing messages to the President of the United
Vietanam's claim that the Geneva Con- phong harbor, for one example. In other States:
V iet on war prisoners does not a words, they might try but not execute the 1. A telegram sent on June 29, 1966 to
v this case. If Noon s does not pply prisoners unless the U.S. did undertake sig- President Johnson, signed by 600 delegates:
in Vietnam per
nificant expansions on the attacks on the "Our hearts go out to the many Vietna-
in violating international agreements, North.
Rose men, women, and children who have
the Daily News said, it should be treated We obviously cannot pretend to know been killed and injured by our bombs as well
as a renegade nation, whether expansion is dictated by military W to the Americans who in died today.
I have editorials from each of the need, All we are saying is that it should We are moved to protest in bomb Hanoi newspapers and would like to insert not be done in reprisal; nor should new tar- Haiphong your decision
is to bomb Hani and
them in the RECORD. gets be rejected, in hope of saving the fliers, Haiphong areas. barbarism This is another step ar anarchy no objection, the edito- if such raids are deemed necessary for the The de toward es directl and herfa face of the descent There being
were ordered to be printed in the war effort. The American purpose is to bring The dary-Ge flies directly 's tun face the
RECORD, a
follows: the. the war to an acceptable conclusion, and Secretary-General U Thant June to rec om-
as m
that must be the guiding consideration, bombing that the United States cease
[From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun, July 21, It will be a bitter thing if Hanoi carries bombing of North with angui
1966] out its threats. But when a nation is pitted our own "We are responsibility ib anguish
and as participatthink n of
THE CAPTIVE FLIERS against Communists, it has no reason to ex- American bint this and
action. W pl as
While stating strongly this country's Con- pect anything but Communist cruelty, with you to citizens rf r td n. We plead
cern over the threatened North Vietnamese with you to pray for God's guidance that you
maltreatment of captured American fliers, whthose efgiven thh wichJwiwisdom end and h o isite ito adopt
President Johnson took repeated occasion at QUAKERS URGE PRESIDENT TO by pe cuies weans and hb w ld n w war
his press conference yesterday to insist that ' REVERSE LATEST ESCALATION all Gods children cant ivy in peace." which
our policy in Vietnam has not changed, and Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, the
is still. a policy of trying through mil itary 2. A minute addressed to President John-
pressure and diplomatic exploration
bring General Conference of the Religious So- son and other national and international
to .
the war there to a peaceful, honorable solu- ciety of Friends, often known as Quakers, Conference approved
Central d by the tteenos July 1, General
tion. The exploration continues even now, May, Conference Central Committee on July 1,
held its biennial meeting at Cape M May, 1966:
the President reported, and of course the N.J., frgm June 24 to July 1. More than "The General Conference of Friends, rep-
military pressure will be maintained. Mr. 3,000 members were present for the resenting Yearly, Quarterly, and Monthly
Johnson emphasized~bis intention of confln- meeting, coming from more than 30 Meetings of the Religious Society of Friends
Ing the pressure as applied from the air to States, including my own State of Indi- gland, meeting at
military targets. He was dot from California to New En n;gna more than ari&. Cape May, New Jersey, June 24-July 1,
facing the harsh facts when he said that any strongly urges President Lyndon B. Johnson,
treatment of the prisoners as other than The historic concerrr of the Friends Senators, and Representatives of the United
military assignments would be "deplorable for the cause of peace is a tradition to States Congress to reverse the latest. escala-
and repulsive" and would draw reaction which they have held for many years. In tion of the war in Vietnam involving the
accordingly. wartime they have furnished from their bombing of targets in the immediate area of
The moment is a grim one, and could grow ranks ambulance drivers, medics, and heavily We,
grimmer, if the .North Vietnamese persist in Y populated Hanoi and Haiphong
their miscalculations-or t we for our In other workers whose mission has always as Friends, have historically deplored the use
in the face of what indeed is of military force, but this latest action in
ugly plops , been that of healing rather than joining Vietnam deeply concerns all men and women
tion; abandon the painful process of trying in the hurt of actual combat. In peace- who believe that there are other ways to win
daily to find a reasonable way through the time they have been a powerful force, the hearts of men and women than death
Vietnamese dilemma. We have first to pro. far beyond their numbers, for the devel- and destruction by bombing. Bullets na-
tect the fliers, and other prisoners, and then, opment of relief to the needy places of palm, and bombs have never won friends;
if possible, to continue the policy of disci- the world.
plane and restraint, believing as we must that but land reform, tax reform, and the elimina-
plthe end this policy prevail. 15 nonetheless expected, , that ato t this gen- la it large evl factor th in the the causes civil which
[From ofeignifih
war ch in have South been Viet-
[From the Wall Street Journal, July 21, 19661 oral conference should d express its deep nom.
- - THE CAPTURED AIRMEN concern for the -conduct of our policies "Among possible steps to end this war
The North Vietnamese threat to try, and in Vietnam, By official action, the now, we urge the United States Government
possibly execute, captured American fliers is group united in sending to President to:
one more depressing development in a de- Johnson a telegram signed by 600 dele- "I. Work through the United Nations and
pressing war. And because it is so emotion- gates, expressing on the same day as tion Geneva Conference for a peaceful solu-
pressing it is all the more necessary to try to the escalation of bombing of Hanoi and "2. Accede to the proposals of the United
view it calmly.
Even a it is, the plight of the men is sad Haiphong, the strongest kind of protest: Nations Secretary-General, U Thant, includ-
enough. as It I, paraded before taunting mobs and, This is another step- ing:
Judging from the photos, perhaps suffering Said the telegram- "a. Cessation of bombing of North Viet-
nom;
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16528 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1966
"b. Scaling down of all military activities to cope with the problem, they tend to be major, effective antipollution effort is many
in South Vietnam, 'which alone could lead overwhelmed by their own corruption. The years overdue, House action is now impera-
to an effective cease-fire'; wholesale fouling of our once-clear rivers is tive.
"c, Willingness of all sides to enter into truly a national disgrace.
discussions with those who are 'actually The central idea behind the present bill is
fighting'; to clean up entire river systems. At the re-
"3. Work for a quick return to civilian quest of a state, or several states in the case
government in South Vietnam; of interstate streams, the Secretary of the
"4. Organize a peace-keeping force of Interior may designate a planning agency
Asians in this wartorn area under the aus- for an entire river basin. The plan devised
pices of the United Nations; by that agency would have to meet the stand-
"5. Commit ourselves now to a phased ards fixed by the bill and the state would
withdrawal of U.S. armed forces as quickly have to put up 30 percent of the cost of the
as possible; essential treatment facilities. In these cir-
"6. Support plans for reconstruction of cumstances, the Federal grant could amount
South Vietnam and North Vietnam indicat- to 50 percent of the entire cost, leaving only
ed by the President in his proposals last 20 percent for the municipalities,
spring at the Johns Hopkins University." Apart from the basin-wide projects, the
We are deeply aware of the tremendous bill would eliminate existing dollar ceilings
burden of decision resting upon the shoul- on grants to state and local agencies for the
ders of the President of the United States. construction of treatment works. It would
We pray that he will have the courage to set up a special program for depressed areas
work through that Eternal Spiritual force which cannot finance sewage treatment fa-
which can guide us all toward a Peace on cilities. It would provide a 10-percent Fed-
Earth for all the children, of God. eral bonus to encourage joint action by large
Mr. METCALF. -Mr. President, two
prominent Eastern newspapers cheer the
Senate for passing without dissent legis-
lation designed to clean our rivers and
streams.
Each asks the House to follow suit.
Much still remains to be done to rid
the Nation's waters of pollution, but the
New York Times and Washington Post
endorse the bill to generate Federal,
State, and local spending of some $200
billion over the next 6 years.
Both newspapers declare the pollution
of our water resources has reached
alarming proportions. But as the junior
Senator from Maine-the bill's chief
sponsor-has contended, the people have
given Congress a mandate to act.
In recognition of this mandate, I offer
these newspaper editorials for the REc-
ORD.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, July 15,
1966]
MANDATE FOR CLEAN WATER
The 90-to-0 vote by which the Senate
passed the clean-rivers bill is indicative of
a tidal wave of reaction against filth in our
streams. A few years ago it was difficult to
arouse any interest in pollution or its abate-
ment on a national scale. Now there is
mounting alarm, and, according to Senator
MTSKIE, the chief sponsor of the Senate bill,
the people have given a mandate to Congress
to end the shocking abuse of our water
resources.
In any event, the Senate has responded
with a commendable sense of urgency. It
voted ,to authorize the spending of $6 billion
for pollution control over the next six"years.
The program is designed to stimulate a total
outlay of $20 billion, with the states and
municipalities contributing the larger share.
It remains to be seen whether the local gov-
ernments will take full advantage of this
opportunity to reclaim their corrupted riv-
ers. But the Federal incentive will certainly
be much stronger than ever before.
To date the states have been shockingly
negligent in this field. With many of their
rivers stinking from sewage and many har-
bors befouled by oil and other wastes, 42
states have done nothing at all, leaving the
whole burden on their municipalities. As a
result numerous towns and cities are pour-
Ing raw sewage Into the same stream. Even
where municipalities have made some effort
metropolitan areas in meeting their pollu-
tion-control problems. Funds would also_
become available for the training of person-
nel in pollution control, for additional re-
search in the disposal of radioactive wastes,
the pollution of estuaries and so forth. It is
an immense undertaking.
Let no one suppose, however, that the pol-
lution problem Is about to be solved or that
no further efforts are necessary. Senator
MUSKIE candidly told his colleagues that two
major problems are left untouched by his
bill; the disposal of industrial waste and the
separation of storm and sanitary sewers.
Under the best of circumstances, moreover,
the billions voted by the Senate would pro-
vide only primary and secondary sewage
treatment for 80 percent of the population.
Someone has estimated that it will cost $100
billion to wipe out the country's befoulment
of its water resources, and then it Is doubt-
ful whether the job would be complete.
The Senate bill will also need scrutiny as
to the clean-water standards it provides.
Yet,, with all its deficienSies, it is a remark-
able step forward. The House should be at
least equally forthright and positive in its
response to the mounting mandate fOr clean
water.
[From the New York Times, July 15, 19661
THE SENATE ACTS ON POLLUTION
The Senate has given a powerful thrust to
the fight for cleaner air and water i];L America.
Without a dissenting vote, it has passed and
sent to the House a $6.2-billion, six?-year pro-
gram to eliminate water pollution and a bill
authorizing $196 million over three years to
combat air pollution.
For cleaner air, the bill would provide up
to 60 per cent of the costs of antipollution
programs for individual communities and up
to 60 per cent for campaigns undertaken
jointly by cities or states.
For cleaner water, the Senate program
would go well beyond Administration re-
quests. In fact, in his testimony on a similar
bill before the corresponding House Commit-
tee, Interior Secretary Udall had urged a ceil-
ing of $3.45 billion over five years.
Senators did not just pluck the $6-billion
figure out of thick air, however. This sum
would provide Federal contributions aver-
aging about a third of the cost of urgently
needed water purification programs across
the country. Sponsors ' believe that if the
states and localities cooperated properly, this
expanded program could eliminate the pres-
ent $20-billion backlog of required waste-
treatment facilities over the six-year period.
Mr. Udall is under budgetary pressure be-
cause of the expanding war effort in Viet-
nam. Even his proposed ceiling would go
well beyond current programs and President
Johnson's request for the clean-rivers cam-
paign this year. But the need Is clear and a
COMMUNISTS LOSE GROUND
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, if we think
we have world problems, consider the
view from the Communist angle.
The Aurora, Ill., Beacon-News, one of
the Copley newspapers, makes this sug-
gestion in an editorial describing the
domestic and international failures that
mar the outlook for Red China and Rus-
sia.
Their problems do not solve ours, the
newspaper acknowledges, but they do in-
dicate that our policies furthering multi-
lateral alliances and economic stability
among friends are right.
When the Communist world falters,
the editorial advises, we should play from
a hand of strength to assure victory for
freedom and the dignity of man.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD this description
of cracks in the Communist front.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Aurora (Ill.) Beacon News, July 11,
1966]
CRACKS DEVELOP ON ALL FRONTS--COM:MU-
NISTS LOSE GROUND
If at times, the world problems of the
United States of America seem grim and de-
pressing, consider how the globe must look
to the Communist today.
Red China, one of the two major atheistic
Communist powers, is fighting a bitter in-
ternal ideological war and has a serious dif-
ference of opinion with Russia.
Its aggression in Indonesia was a total
flop; it has alienated India and even Pakistan
has shown a noticeable cooling to the wiles
of Mao Tse-tung. A Red Chinese ideological
invasion of Africa was a dismal failure.
Peking's agricultural and industrial economy
is archaic and stagnating.
The problems of Russia, the other large
Marxist power, are no less serious. Its agri-
culture is so weak it is still spending hoarded
gold to buy Free World wheat. Its industries
are years behind major free world nations
despite abortive attempts at a pseudo free-
enterprise system. The people are restive,
demanding more consumer goods and more
luxuries.
In the political realm the problems of RI1s-
sia make those of the United States seem
small. After 11 years of existence, the War-
saw Pact, a, counterpart to the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, is faltering. Without
total Russian domination, there probably
would not be a pact.
Romania, Yugoslavia and even the militant
Czechoslovakia are rebelling at the iron hand
of the Kremlin. Additionally, communism
and Catholicism are in a major confrontation
in Poland. And on the other side of the
continent, China is casting covetous eyes on
its former territories in Siberia.
In Southeast Asia the war is going badly
for both the Red Chinese who spur it ideolog-
ically, and the Russians who are supplying
much of the equipment and technical knowl-
edge.
In the American hemisphere, the Russians
have an albatross in the form of Fidel Castro,
who may be near the verge of collapse in
Cuba. The problem is further aggravated for
Russia by failure of the Cuban sugar crop
and inordinately low world prices for the
commodity.
Because of quick and proper United States
assistance, the Communists failed to gain a
toehold in the Dominican Republic.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX July 27, 1966
vide the ridiculous symbol of their fears by
erecting a wall in Berlin. Only recently has
there been a relaxing of the barriers that for
so long separated the Communist-dominated
countries behind the Iron Curtain from the
rest of the world.
Red-leaders have concluded-and correct-
ly so-that they have much to lose if they
end their isolation. The aggressive designs
that typify Communist nations merely serve
to keep the focus of attention on something
other than their domestic problems.
The President has made it clear that Red
China has nothing to fear from the U.S. if
it halts its exports of terror, and recognizes
that "co-operation, not hostility, is the way
of the future." Even though the Red Chi-
nese may not listen, the conciliatory speech
cannot help but impress other world leaders.
The timing of the policy outline was excel-
lent-for the President could not have spoken
convincingly a few months ago while Ameri-
cans and South Vietnamese were being ter-
rorized in the streets of Saigon and repeated-
ly ambushed in the jungles of South Viet
Nam. Speaking now from a position of
strength, the appeal is much more likely to
be effective.
Project Headstart Is Tremendously
Beneficial
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JOHN E. MOSS
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 12, 1966
Mr. MOSS. Mr. Speaker, Project
Headstart has proven, in my judgment,
to be tremendously beneficial. I had an
opportunity for close observation of its
operation in the city of Alexandria, Va.,
? last year as a result of the very active in-
terest of my 16-year-old daughter who
served as a volunteer participant in the
program. Her reports of improvements
were most impressive. I believe that the
benefits far outweigh the costs of the
program-the successes more than over-
balance the few instances of failure.
The Sacramento Bee in an editorial in
its issue of Wednesday, July 13, 1966, re-
flects in part the broad public approval
of Project Headstart.
I commend the editorial, particularly
the closing paragraph, to my colleagues:
[From the Sacramento Bee, July 13, 1966]
ALL START EQUAL?
When Project Head Start was initiated in
the attempt to create a better educational
opportunity among the disadvantaged very
young there was scoffing from the critics it
would become just another extravagant gov-
ernmental boondoggle.
Well, after only a year's operation even the
harshest critics have had to pull in their
necks in the face of irrefutable testimony
that Project Head Start represents a magnifi-
cent beginning at helping the disadvantaged
prepare for schooling.
Those. who are expert in such things have
found that the IQ of children enrolled in
Head Start programs increases as much as 16
per cent in the exposure. They report there
not only has been a marked improvement in
the educational potential of these children,
the project has helped the disadvantaged to
adjust socially. This cannot be considered
only a side benefit. In a real sense, this ad-
justment is absolutely essential to living the
fuller, more creative life.
There have been many stories told of the
experiences of those working in Read Start
programs. Among them include the revela-
tions that in the case of many Children, the
tots never had a book of their own to open
and reveled in their new discovery: The pic-
ture and the written word. In the case of
another a Negro child was asked what a
policeman was. She replied a policeman was
someone who would hurt you and throw you
in jail. Such was her environmental con-
cept of law, justice, in her tender years.
There also is the story of the teacher who
was reading to these tots when a little boy
stopped her and asked what the word "love"
meant. It had been used in the sentence
"The boy loves his lather." H had never
learned the word in his four year of living.
Every one may be born "equ 1" but the
fortunes of family and envir. anent can
make all the difference; a/Idit s is where
New Opportunity in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 27, 1966
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, when na-
tions wage war it is rare that they talk
to each other with words of sympathy.
The more intense the war becomes, the
more difficult it becomes to envision the
parties negotiating to resolve their differ-
ences.
The war in Vietnam has reached that
level of intensity where all talk of nego-
tiations begins to sound like propaganda.
It is, therefore, highly significant that for
the first time in this war the North Viet-
namese appear to have responded to a
plea by the United States and by voices
of humanity everywhere. Ho Chi Minh
has reportedly said that there is "no trial
in view" for American military prisoners.
In an editorial yesterday morning, the
New York Times explored some of the
possible implications of this statement.
The editorial, which deserves our careful
attention, follows:
[From the New York Times, July 26, 1966]
NEW OPPORTUNITY IN VIETNAM
President Ho Chi Minh's statement that
there is "no trial in view" for American mili-
tary prisoners in worth Vietnam Is a victory
for the moral Influence of world opinion.
That victory transcends the fate of the
captive airmen, for it offers hope that com-
mon sense and common humanity ultimately
may prevail against the ever greater barbar-
ism the war in Vietnam daily inflicts on both.
sides.
The United States has yielded to the pres-
sure of world opinion in the past by offer-
ing peace proposals and twice suspending
the bombing of North Vietnam. But this is
the first time that Hanoi has shown regard
for the opinion of mankind. Its decision to
back away from talk of "war crimes trials"
follows direct pleas from Secretary General
Thant, Pope Paul VI, numerous governments
and opinion leaders everywhere, including
eighteen liberal American Senators. The
hope now must be that reason can prevail
on the broader issues of the war itself.
The conflict in Vietnam is a political strug-
gle that, in the end, can only be resolved by
political means. In politics, timing is of the
essence. A number of opportunities to probe
the prospects for peace have been neglected
in the past. It is vital that the new atmos-
phere and the new opportunity opened by
Hanoi's response on the prisoner issue not
be missed as well.
The approach favored by American mod-
erates and long urged by The Times has just
been summed up admirably by Prof. Arthur
M. Schlesinger Jr. One essential element is
to stop the Americanization of the war by
halting the American buildup in South Viet-
nam; a quarter of a million American troops
is more than enough. The second vital ele-
ment is a civilian Government in Saigon that
can open contact with the insurgent forces.
Third, is the need to build an atmosphere
conducive to negotiations by tapering off the
bombing of North Vietnam. Finally, efforts
to reconvene the Geneva conference must be
linked with broad diplomatic discussions
with Moscow, Paris and other interested
states to find a formula for the neutralization
and economic development of Southeast
Asia as a whole.
Most of all, what is needed is a clear
indication that the American objective is not
military victory but political settlement.
The American ability to escalate the war
needs no further demonstration. The need
now is to halt the escalation and make a
vigorous new effort to achieve peace.
Great Lakes Commission States Federal
Water Pollution R. & D. Must Be Di-
rected to Development of Effective New
Waste Treatment Processes
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HENRY S. REUSS
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 18, 1966
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, water pol-
lution problems mount in the Nation, and
it has long been known that the best
available conventional waste treatment
plants fail to do more than retard the
growth of pollution. Yet the Research
and Technical Programs Subcommittee
found in a recent investigation that Fed-
eral R. & D. is not organized toward the
development and actual field-scale test-
ing of advanced treatment plants. Work
on development of new technology pro-
ceeds at a mere $5 million per year level,
permitting only pilot-project-scale tests,
while the remainder of some $30 million
per year in Federal R. & D. is diffused into
small, scattered research studies. Many
of these are no doubt useful, but they
are no substitute for a deliberate, well-
organized program directed to the de-
velopment of an adequate technology
which could start reversing the tide of
pollution in every stream, river, and lake
in the country.
The executive director of the Great
Lakes Commission, Mr. Leonard J. Good-
sell, in a letter to me deplores this failure
to direct Federal R. & D. to the develop-
ment of new, effective treatment meth-
ods. Mr. Goodsell's, letter follows:
GREAT LAKES COMMISSION,
Ann Arbor, Mich., July 20, 1966.
Hon. HENRY S. REUSS,
House of Representatives,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR.REUSS: The Milwaukee Journal on
July 10 carried an account of the report of
your Subcommittee on Research and Techni-
cal Programs, Committee on Government
Operations which deplores the "Slow Re.
search Pace in Pollution- "
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July 27, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
In part a~ a result of this flooded bond
market, these predictions have now been
affirmed. On July .21, the Wall Street
Journal reported that Mississippi offered
for sale four bond issues totaling $17,-
433,000. Two of the bond issues were to
finance improvements In the port facili-
ties of Gulfport and Pascagoula, another
would pay for capital improvements at
various State institutions and junior
colleges, and a fourth would be used to
finance improvements to the State peni-
tentiary.
Only the small $300,000 penitentiary
Issue which matures in 5 years was sold.
The interest rate ,was just under 4 per-
cent.
The State rejected as too costly a bid
of nearly 4.1 percent interest on the bond
Issue to improve State institutions. The
other two port facility offerings carried
a maximum interest limitation of 4 per-
cent and consequently, no bids were
received.
All four bond issues were rated
Double A by Moody's and Single A by
Standard & Poor's.
As,a result of the'high interest rates
on municipal bonds-in part the conse-
quence of the glutted municipal bond
market-Mississippi will have to look
elsewhere for financing for its needed
public improvements.
The July 21 Wall Street Journal article
follows:
FOUR MISSISSIPPIISSUES OFFERED, BUT ONLY
ONE, $300,000 BONDS, IS SOLD-rSTATE RE-
JECTS BIDS ON $13,683,000 BONDS AND FAILS
To RECEIVE ANY ON TWO ISSUES TOTALING
$3,450,000
(By a Wall Street Journal staff reporter)
JACKSON, Miss.-Mississippi offered four
bond Issues totaling $17,433,000 for sale, but
awarded only the smallest issue, totaling
$300,000. It rejected bids for $13;683,000 of
bonds and failed to receive bids on the other
two Issues, totaling $3,450,000.
The $300,000 general-obligation peniten-
tiary bond Issue, maturing in five years, was
awarded to Deposit Guaranty National Bank
of Jackson, Miss., bidding alone, at an annual
net interest cost of 3;0955%.
The state treasurer's office, however, re-
jected both bids it received for Its biggest
issue $13,683,000 general improvement
bonds. The apparent best bid, offering an
annual net interest cost of 4.0827%, came
from a group headed by Chase Manhattan
Bank, Blyth & Co. and Lehman Brothers.
A group led by First National City Bank of-
fered an annual net interest cost of 4.2260%.
TRYING FOR 4-PERCENT BID
"We obviously were hoping for a bid under
4%, but I don't think any of us were too sur-
prised the bids were over 4% In view of the
bond market situation," said State Treasurer
William F. Winter, noting that "Louisiana
rejected a bid over 4.50% recently." Mr.
Winter said he didn't know of any civil rights
protests against the Mississippi bond offering
and didn't believe the recent civil rights
march in the state had any detrimental effect
on the bids it received for its bonds.
-Before its bid was rejected., the Chase-
Blyth-Lehman group was reoffering'the bonds
to investors, subject to award, from a yield
of 3.751/'o for the July 1, 1967, maturities to
a dollar'price of 100% for 4% bonds, due
July 1, 1977-86.
All of the bonds are rated double-A by
Moody's and single-A by Standard & Poor's.
Proceeds were to have been used for Capital
improvements at various state institutions
and junior colleges.
NO BID ON PORT ISSUES
The state failed to draw any bids for two
port Issues totaling $3,450;000' and carrying a
maximum Interest limitation of 4%. Pro-
ceeds from these bonds would have gone for
improvements at Gulfport and Pascagoula.
Mr. Winter said that state will finance con-
struction slated to be supported by the $13,-
683,000 general improvement bonds from
short-term loans from local banks. He said
several alternative financing plans, includ-
ing short-term borrowing, are being studied
for the planned port improvements.
Compared with other recent municipal is-
sues, the 4.0827% "didn't look like a bad
bid," Mr. Winter declared. "But the imme-
diacy of our needs Isn't such to cause us to
pay that rate at this time. We're aware that
sooner or later we may have to pay that
interest, but we're deferring that decison for
several months."
On its previous trip to the bond market,
June 23, 1965, Mississippi obtained an annual
net interest cost of 3.3487% in selling $8.3
million general improvement bonds, due
July 1, 1968-87, and an annual net interest
cost of 3.5664% in selling $3.5,million Greater
Port of Pascagoula improvement bonds, due
June 1, 1969-95.
The 1966 Civil Rights Act: A Federal-
State Comparison of Fair Housing
SPEECH
'HON. HERBERT TENZER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 25, 1966
Mr. TENZER. Mr. Speaker, during
the course of the debate on the proposed
Civil Rights Act of 1966, many questions
were raised in connection with title IV, to
prohibit discrimination in residential
housing transactions by persons in the
housing business. Because of these
questions I requested statistics and re-
search material relating to fair housing
laws in the various States and territories
in order to evaluate the impact of title
IV on my own State of New York and on
the Nation.
The statistics are interesting and re-
vealing and I believe my colleagues will
find them helpful in formulating a posi-
tion with respect to title IV of the bill
H.R.14765.
The State of New York has a more
comprehensive law against discrimina-
tion than the bill before the House this
week. The New York State law prohibits
discrimination in the sale, leasing, or
rental of all housing except owner-occu-
pied two family dwellings and the rental
of a room in an owner-occupied house.
Of particular significance is the fact that
real estate brokers and lending institu-
tions, are specifically covered by the New
York State law.
Seventeen States and the District of
Columbia, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin
Islands have fair housing laws which
go beyond title IV of the proposed Civil
Rights Act of 1966. These 17 States rep-
resent more than 50 percent of the total
population of the United States.
The laws of these 17 States cover pub-
Ile housing or publicly assisted housing
A3979
and all cover private housing.. Eight of
these States cover single family homes
and only two-Michigan and Indiana--
exempt realtors. Four States and one
territory excludes lending institutions.
The 17 States are Alaska, California,
Colorado, Connecticut, Indiana, Maine,
Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,
New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York,
Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Is-
land,-and Wisconsin.
More than half of all U.S. ctizens
live under fair housing law which go
beyond the coverage of the legislation
now under consideration by this Chain--
ber. The other citizens of the United
States are entitled to the same protec-
tion for so long as we diminish the rights
of a single American, the rights of elf
American are in danger. Freedom and
democracy can make no distinctions
with respect to equal treatment of our
citizens and I urge my colleagues to for-
mulate their decision upon this prin-
ciple and to support the proposed Civil
Rights Act of 1966.
L.B.J.'s Policy Outline Well Timed
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLAIR CALLAN
OF NEBRASKA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 27, 1966
Mr. CALLAN. Mr. Speaker, the Presi-
dent's statement of policy in Asia before
the American Alumni Council has been
received with praise by several newspap-
ers across the country. I am particularly
proud that such endorsement is con-
tained in a recent editorial by the Nor-?
folk Daily News of Norfolk, Nebr., one
of the Nation's leading smalltown daily
newspapers.
This editorial comment recognizes that
the President's speech may not have an
immediate influence on the leaders of
Red China. But it contends the speech
will have a valuable impact on other
countries-including those behind the
Iron Curtain.
I am pleased to submit this editorial
for publication in the RECORD:
[From the Norfolk (Nebr.) Daily News, July
14, 1966]
L.B.J.'s POLICY OUTLINE WELL TIMED
Red China's leaders may not be impressed
by President Johnson's outline of U.S. poli-
cies toward that nation, but the effect of his
Tuesday message upon officials in many oth-
er countries, especially the neutralist ones or
those with Communist sympathies; should be
great. This might ultimately help convince
the Red Chinese that there is more to be
gained from the "peaceful co-existence"
which the President offered than there is
in pursuing Asian conquest.
President Johnson simply asked the Red
Chinese to renounce aggression and to open
their doors to the world. This is, at the same
time, the most difficult thing for Communists
to do.
It was not until after nearly four decades
of Communist rule in Russia that its officials
opened the doors just a crack, The Commu-
nists in East Germany went so far as to pro-
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