VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400090002-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 18
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: July 28, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

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July 2 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE 16639
contain the reason why he has been deter-
mined to be ineligible. The written notice
will provide a basis for the individual to ex-
press dissatisfaction with the agency action.
(See IV-6000 re Hearings.)
6. The State plan must provide reporting
and other administrative and supervisory
methods for obtaining information about
whether local agencies carry out the State
plan provisions and meet Federal require-
ments in determination of eligibility, thus
enabling the State agency to identify prob-
lem areas and take corrective action. (See
II-4200, Item 3, re State-wide operation.)
THE AIRLINES STRIKE-POLITICS
VERSUS PUBLIC INTEREST
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I invite
the Senate's attention to an excellent
editorial about the airlines strike, which
was published in today's New York
Times. Clearly, it is high time that the
White House actively intervene in efforts
to bring this intolerable strike against
the public interest to a prompt conclu-
sion. I ask unanimous consent that the
editorial be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, July 28,
1966)
POLITICS VERSUS PUBLIC INTEREST
The only conclusion possible from Secre-
tary of Labor Wirtz' testimony on the air-
lines strike is that politics is the chief yard-
stick the White House applies in determining
when the cut-off of an essential service cre-
ates a national emergency.
The Secretary's recommendation that Con-
gress scrap plans for an immediate back-to-
work law and give "free collective bargain-
ing" another chance was a clear capitulation
to the dictates of organized labor. Twenty-
four hours earlier, while the Senate Labor
Committee held off its hearing at the Ad-
ministration's request, George Meany had
given the White House its cue.
"No danger to the nation's health and wel-
fare and no threat to national defense have
been demonstrated," the A.F.L.-C.I.O. presi-
dent declared. "The air traveling public has,
of course, been inconvenienced, but incon-
venience is a small price to pay for free-
dom."
Mr. Wirtz put it differently, but came up
with the same answer: Do nothing right
away. This a week after President Johnson
had declared that the strike was trying "the
patience of the American people"-and that
the time had come for a settlement. Mr.
Wirtz acknowledged that the tie-up already
has had "a serious, substantial, adverse Im-
pact on the national interest" and that its
prolongation would bring the country to a
"crisis" stage at some point.
Why the nation must wait until the hard-
ship becomes Intolerable before Congress
acts, the Secretary failed to make clear.
Even more obscure was his idea of how "free
collective bargaining" can be secured in a
dispute that has already been reviewed by a
Presidential emergency board. That board,
headed by Senator WAYNE MoRsE, recom-
mended wage increases that went beyond the
Administration's anti-inflation guideposts.
The President urged both labor and manage-
ment to follow these proposals; the airlines
not only accepted them, they bettered them.
The striking machinists still say no.
Presumably what Mr, Wirtz means by his
prescription that Congress send both sides
"back to the woodshed" with a settlement
deadline is that pressure will now be ex-
erted on management to save the union's
-face by giving It more money. Such ap-
peasement of labor under White House aegis
has been the historic road to instability in
industrial relations and to wage-price in-
flation, The airlines, as a regulatep industry
enjoying record prosperity, are In poor posi-
tion to hold out against what th Adminis-
The course Secret A charted
points more surely t es ruction of
"free collective bargai ng' to its pres-
VIETNAM
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, the
August 8, 1966, issue of Look magazine
carries the - views of five distinguished
Americans on our present involvement
in Vietnam. I ask unanimous consent
that these stimulating views be printed
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the inter-
views were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, RS follows:
VIETNAM: SUPPOSE THE PRESIDENT ASKED
You "WHAT SHOULD WE Do Now?"-FivE
EXPERTS GIvx THEIR ANSWER
(Produced by Leo Rotten)
(NOTE.-We are at war in Vietnam.
Whether we should have gotten into it or
not is a separate issue. We are in Vietnam.
(Americans have always backed their
armies with the moral certainty that in our
victory right would triumph. But to many
today, our cause seems stained by doubt.
Never, during a foreign war, have Americans
debated our national policy with such pas-
sion: "Get out, . . . Escalate.. . . Nego-
tiate. . 'Hole in' at coastal enclaves.,
Blockade Haiphong.... Push 'hot pursuit'
into Laos" The bitterness of the partisans
consolidates the confusion.
(Look invited in five experts, who hold
varying views about Vietnam, to answer this
question: "Suppose the President today
asked you, 'What should we do now?"' We
urged each to reply in the Intentionally brief
space of 1,000 words-for we sought not a
pablum of agreement but sharp, specific
proposals.
#Here are their answers. Each man pre-
sents a program that millions would no
doubt support.)
(By Ham Morgenthau, distinguished service
professor of political science and modern
history, University of Chicago; director,
Center for the Study of American Foreign
and Military Policy; has served as consult-
ant to the Department of State and the
Department of Defense; author of "In
Defense of the National Interest," "The
Purpose of American Politics," etc.)
President Johnson is wont to ask the critics
of his Vietnam policy, "What would you do
if you were in my place?" This is a legitimate
question, and it deserves an answer. Having
been a consistent critic of our Vietnam poli-
cies for more than four years, I have tried to
answer that question before and am glad to
do so again.
Mr. President, I would say, you must choose
between two alternative policies. You can
start with the assumption that in Vietnam
the credibility of the United States and its
prestige as a great power are irrevocably en-
gaged; that the war in Vietnam is a test case
for all "ware of national liberation"; and that
in consequence, the fate of Asia, and perhaps
even of the non-Communist world at large,
might well be decided in Vietnam. if you
believe this, then you must see the war
through to victory. That is to say, you must
escalate the wax both in the South and in
the North by committing what will amount
(according to authoritative estimates) to a
million American combat troops and by
bombing, without restrictions, the industrial
and population centers of North Vietnam.
By doing this, you will destroy Vietnam,
North and South, and risk a military con-
frontation with China or the Soviet Union
or both. Yet these risks are justified by the
magnitude of the Issues at stake,
This Is the policy that the Joint Chiefs of
Staff have been advocating and that you have
pursued since February, 1965, even though
you have been anxious to differentiate your
policy from that of the Joint Chiefs. In
truth, the difference between the two has
not been one of kind but rather of degree.
You have been escalating the war at a slower
pace than the Joint Chiefs recommended.
But escalate you did, and you will continue
escalating because the assumptions from
which you have started leave you no choice.
There is another policy, Mr. President,
which you could and, in my view, should
have pursued. This policy assumes that the
war is primarily a civil war; that its global
significance is remote; that, far from con-
taining China and communism, it opens the
gates to both-by destroying the social fabric
of Vietnamese nationalism, which is implac-
ably hostile to China; and that, in conse-
quence, the risks we are taking in the pursuit
of victory are out of all proportion to the
interests at stake.
We should never have gotten involved in
this war, but we are deeply involved in it.
The aim of our policy must be to avoid get-
ting more deeply involved in it and to extri-
cate ourselves from it while minimizing our
losses. Recent events In Vietnam offer us
the opportunity of initiating such a new
policy of disengagement.
These events have clearly demonstrated
two facts: The Saigon government is hardly
worthy of the name; and the great mass of
the people of South Vietnam prefer an end
to the war rather than a fight to the finish
with the Vietcong. The two main arguments
with which our involvement has been jus-
tified have thus been demolished: that we
have a commitment to the government of
Saigon to assist it in the fight against the
Vietcong; and that the people of South Viet-
nam want to be saved by us from the Viet-
cong-even at the risk of their own destruc-
tion. The prospect of elections to be held
in South Vietnam provides us with the
chance to use these new facts for the initia-
tion of a new policy of disengagement. Such
a policy would proceed on two fronts, the
political and the military.
Politically, we ought to work for the
achievement of four goals.
1. We must promote the establishment of
a broadly-based government in which the
elements seeking an end to the war would
have decisive influence. This government
would have the task of organizing elections
for a constituent assembly and a legislature
at an early date. It must be recognized
that such elections will neither be represent-
ative nor "free." The group that organizes
them is likely to win them. Hence, the
crucial importance of the composition of the
government presiding over the elections.
2. We must see to it that the government
that emerges from these elections will nego-
tiate with the Vietcong for a modus vivendi,
Such a settlement would no doubt increase
the risk of a complete takeover by the Viet-
cong. However, it is quite possible to vis-
ualize a coalition government under which
different sections of the country, after the
model of the Laotian setlement, would be
governed by different factions. One can even
visualize a South Vietnamese government
that would be anxious to maintain its inde-
pendence vis-a-vis the North.
3. We should put United States military
forces stationed in South Vietnam at the
disposal of the government that emerges
from the elections, to be used as bargaining
counters in negotiations with the Vietcong.
In other words, we would honor our commit-
ments and would leave it to the South Viet-
namese Government to interpret them-in
order to bring the war to an end.
4. Our ultimate goal would be the with-
drawal of our armed forces from South Viet-
nam. Such a withdrawal would be coor-
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16640 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
dinated with the progress of negotiations be-
tween the government of South Vietnam and
the Vietcong. Our military forces would be
gradually withdrawn, and our military
presence would' always be commensurate
with the political purposes it is intended to
serve.
Pending such a withdrawal, our military
policy would come in three parts:
1. We would stop both the bombing of
North Vietnam and the search-and-destroy
operations in South Vietnam that seek to
kill the Vietcong and occupy territory con-
trolled by them. For the continuation of
such operations in the North and South is
compatible only with a policy aiming at vic-
tory, not with one seeking a negotiated set-
tlement among the Vietnamese factions.
2. We would hold the cities and coastal en-
claves that we and the South Vietnamese
military now control. That is to say, we
would be satisfied with a de facto division
of South Vietnam.
8. We would expect the Vietcong to recipro-
cate by ceasing attacks upon the perimeter
of our positions and by stopping sabotage
within them. It can be assumed that we
and the Vietcong have a reciprocal interest
in maintaining the military status quo pend-
ing negotiations.
The policy here advocated, Mr. President, is
anathema to the men who advise you. Yet
it has always been supported by officials
fairly high in your administration. It now
has the support of a number of senators who
in the past have been "hawks" rather than
"doves."
You, Mr. President, will have to decide
whether the present policy-morally dubious,
militarily hopeless and risky, politically aim-
less and counterproductive-shall be contin-
ued or whether a better policy shall take its
place. You aspire to be a great President.
Whether you remain the prisoner of past
mistakes or have the courage to correct them
will be the test of your greatness.
(By Henry Kissinger, professor of govern-
ment, Harvard, and member of the Center
for International Affairs; consultant to the
National Security Council under President
Kennedy; author of "The Troubled Part-
nership," "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign
Policy,"' etc.)
The war in Vietnam is dominated by two
factors: Withdrawal would be disastrous, and
negotiations are inevitable. American pol-
icy must take both of these realities into
account,
'I. The impossibility of withdrawal. An
American withdrawal under conditions that
could plausibly be represented as a Commu-
nist victory would be disastrous for these
reasons:
Within the Communist world, Chinese at-
tacks on Soviet "revisionism" have focused
on the Russian doctrine of peaceful coexist-
ence. A victory by a third-class Communist
peasant state over the United States must
strengthen the most bellicose factions in
the internecine Communist struggles around
the world.
In Southeast Asia, it would demoralize
those countries-especially Laos, Malaysia,
the Philippines and Thailand-that have
supported our effort.
The long-term orientation of such coun-
tries as India and Japan will reflect to a con-
siderable extent their assessment of Amer-
ica's willingness and ability to honor its com-
mitments. For example, whether or not In-
dia decides to become a nuclear power de-
pends crucially on its confidence in American
support against Chinese nuclear blackmail.
A demonstration of American Impotence in
Asia cannot fail to lessen the credibility of
American pledges in other fields. The sta-
bility of areas geographically far removed
from Vietnam will be basically affected by
the outcome there,
In short, we are on longer fighting in Viet-
nam only for the Vietnamese. We are also
fighting for ourselves and for international
stability.
2. The inevitability of negotiation, His-
torically, the goal of a war, for the United
States, has been the destruction of enemy
forces. Negotiations could start only after
the enemy had been crashed. But the pri-
mary issue in Vietnam is political and pay-
chological, not military.
What makes the war so complicated is the
existence of a Communist "shadow govern-
ment," permeating every aspect of Vietnam-
ese life. A favorable outcome depends on the
ability to create a political structure that can
command the loyalties of the Vietnamese
people.
A purely military solution is impossible
also because Vietnam directly engages the
interests and the prestige of so many major
powers, Finally, the Administration has
stressed its unconditional readiness to re-
spond to any overture by Hanoi for negotia-
tions.
In these circumstances, the political pro-
gram-both within Vietnam and for negotia-
tions-is crucial. Military victories will
prove empty if they are f}ot coupled with
an effort to build political structures. Nego-
tiations will be sterile or dangerous unless
we enter them with significant areas of the
country substantially free of terror.
WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
1. Negotiations are likely when Hanoi real-
izes that its political apparatus in the coun-
tryside is being systematically reduced, and
that this process will accelerate the longer
the war lasts. It follows that the primary
goal of military operations should be the
creation of secure areas. It is better to have
100-percent control in 40 percent of the
country than 40-percent control in 100 per-
cent of the country. This is not to say that
we should adopt a static "enclave" theory,
'which would leave us with three Hong Kongs
and two Berlins in the midst of hostile popu-
lations. Nor does it mean that we must write
off all the territory that we cannot securely
control. We will always retain a capacity
for preventing the consolidation of Commu-
nist control even in areas that we do not con-
trol ourselves. It does mean that the high-
est priority must be given to creating "se-
cure" zones that contain a maximum of pop-
ulation-zones that can be expanded if the
war continues and that will give us reliable
negotiating counters at a conference.
2. We must understand that political in-
stabiilty in Vietnam reflects the transforma-
tion of an essentially feudal structure into
a modern state--a process that took centu-
ries in the West. Such a process involves a
profound shift of loyalties-a task. that would
be searing in the best of circumstances, but
is compounded by the pressures of civil war.
This imposes two requirements on us: (a)
We must have compassion for the travail
of a society that has been wracked by war
for two decades and not use its agony as an
alibi for failing in our duty; and ('b) we must
give special emphasis to building political
structures from the ground up.
3. The notion drawn from our experience
in Europe, that economic assistance auto-
matically produces political stability, does
not apply in Vietnam. On the contrary, there
is a danger that our enthusiasm and our con-
cern with technical refinements .will over-
whelm slender administrative resources and
compound political demoralization. The test
should be whether a program can enlist local
support and thus give the rural population
an incentive to defend it. Efforts should be
concentrated in areas of maximum military
security and spread out from there.
4. It may prove impossible to settle the
war at a large conference that deals with all
issues simultaneously. If the negotiations
are conducted in a forum consisting of many
nations that are already rivals (e.g., the
U.S.S.R. and Communist China, or the U.S.
and France), energies may be dissipated in
duly 2,, 1966
political jockeying that is peripheral to the
central problems in Vietnam. It may be
wiser to separate the issues into their com-
ponent elements, each to be settled by the
parties primarily involved. A larger confer-
ence could then work out guarantees for set-
tlements already achieved in other forums.
5. The war in Vietnam is a crucial test of
American maturity. In the lives of nations,
as of individuals, there comes a ;point when
future options are limited by past actions.
The choices of 1966 are not those of 1961.
We must recognize that to be on the de-
fensive often forces us to be engaged in
places chosen by opponents for their diffi-
culty and ambiguity.
We do not have the privilege of deciding
to meet only those challenges that most flat-
ter our moral preconceptions. If we cannot
deal with political, economic and military
problems as an integrated whole, we will not
be able to deal with them individually.
(By Hanson W. Baldwin, military editor of
the New York Times, Pulitzer Prize winner
for journalism, graduate of Annapolis, war
correspondent in the South Pacific, North
Africa, Normandy, Korea, Vietnam)
It's the eleventh hour in Vietnam. The
United States must decide to win or get out.
It is not too late to win, but it soon may be.
Victory means, first of all, a Governmental
and national determination to will.
Congress should declare a state of national
emergency and authorize a limited mobiliza-
tion. Our trained and ready military power
is spread thin all over the world. Limited
mobilization would provide-more quickly
than any other means-a pool of at least
partially trained manpower and organized
logistical training and combat units to sus-
tain a rapid buildup in Vietnam and, uti-
mately, to strengthen our weakened positions
in other parts of the world.
The President should be authorized to
mobilize up to 500,000 reserves for two-year
service, Draft calls should be increased as
necessary. All enlistments should be ex-
tended for a minimum of six months.
South Vietnam, North Vietnam, Laos,
Cambodia and Thailand must be regarded as
a strategic whole. The war in South Viet-
nam is clearly nourished from outside.
Soldiers, medicines, supplies, and especially
arms and ammunition, today reach South
Vietnam by sea, from Cambodia, through
Laos, and from North Vietnam by any and
all methods. Most of the small arms now
used by the Vietcong "main-force" units are
standardized on the Soviet 7.62-mm caliber
basis and are Chinese-manufactured, All of
the heavy arms-mortars, antiaircraft guns,
SAM missiles, MIG's, IL-28 bombers, and the
world's largest helicopter, the MI-6--are
either Chinese- or Russian-manufactured.
We must shut off, to the best of our abil-
ity, the stream of Communist supplies into
North Vietnam. We should turn off the
faucet, not merely put a stopper in the drain.
This means blocking the seaborne arms
traffic to North Vietnam-by mining, bomb-
ing, naval gunfire; the sinking of a dredge
in the narrow, silted ship channel to Hai-
phong; by so-called "pacific blockade" or
"quarantine" or other means.
The land supply routes, even more impor-
tant to the Communist war effort, must also
be interrupted. Past limitations upon the
bombing of railroads and roads, and of the
choke points and communications bottle-
necks in North Vietnam's extensive road net-
work, must be removed. We must reduce the
flow of supplies from North Vietnam through
Laos and Cambodia. Many of these supplies
move partway by truck; we have been bomb-
ing the trucks but, until recently, not the
fuel-oil supplies that power them. We
should bomb all the fuel-oil depots in North
Vietnam. Electric power plants, which pro-
vide power for a variety of war purposes,
should also be bombed.
Interdiction of the many branches of the
Ho Chi Minh Trail (which leads over various
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July 48, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 16641
passes from North Vietnam through Laos or South Vietnam is as solemn an engagement to, the Saigon government should compete
Cambodia Into South Vietnam) must be as any modern nation has made. I do not with the Vietcong in promises of social re-
Improved-by eliminating some of the re- believe that commitments must be blindly form, should launch selective but significant
strictions that now hamper bombing and kept, regardless of costs; but just as we social-reform programs now, and should
particularly by assigning more trained For- should be careful about making commit- carry out pacification programs in a legal
ward Air Controllers, both on the ground ments, we should be very careful about hon- and humane way.
replace the present system of
and in the air. oring them. 4. We should Viet Air cavalry raids by helicopter against Lao- Maintaining the credibility of our com- four levels of American adsdvitosersresult in then lou-
tian bottlenecks on the supply route should mitments is not just a matter of "saving namese Army (wl-Ach ten be undertaken whenever possible. The doc- face." Our ability to support world peace levels of double veto) with a simpler, more
trine of "hot pursuit" must be applied to and security, particularly without using ex- unified system. 5. We should
South Vietnamese
the
any guerrilla forces that use Cambodia as a tcessive force, he faith depends in great
nations repose in Ameri- Army to make promot ions and assignments
sanctuary.
At sea, the Navy's coastal surveillance and can commitments. (Germany, Japan, India on the basis of merit. The efficiency of te
river patrols must be extended and tight- and Israel, for example, restrain their activi- fighting forces would be greatly increased if
ened-to stop Vietcong gunrunning by junks ties in obtaining nuclear weapons partly be- theenao mna don Cheta simple ,erpedie teof
and sampans. This will require more air and cause of American commitments.) P
small-craft bases in South Vietnam and To renege on commitments as serious as listed men to officer rank, regardless of edu-
Thailand. those we have made in Southeast Asia could cation-rewarding proven ability, aggressive-
: U.S. troop strength in South Vietnam be a major step in a disastrous erosion of ness and dedication.
should be doubled to a figure of 500,000 to faith in the United States. If faith in our 6. The amnesty programs offered to the
700,000 men, to enable U.S. and South Viet- commitments became so weak that we would Vietcong should be broadened and liberal-
namese forces to patrol areas that have been have to give excessive commitments in order ized. The counterinsurgency wars that have
Communist sanctuaries for years. We must to make them believable-for example, giving been won since World War II often involved
find and fix the main force of the enemy, and minor states control over our policy (as the generous, well-publicized amnesty programs.
force him to expend his supplies in action, British had to do with Poland in 1939)- (The Philippine Government, for instance,
if possible. An enemy "body count" is not then the likelihood of major escalation, such promised and gave farms to many Huk guer-
the proper yardstick by which to judge suc- as a war with China, would be dangerously Visas whose hi ke ed wrong Although to the South
cess in this kind of war. Even if the enemy increased. it treat rebels
refuses action and fades away into the The United States also has a crucial in- better than loyal peasants, it is clearly worth
jungles, or into the shadows of the U Minh terest in dispelling two illusions that have a good deal to South Vietnam to make cur-
Forest, the capture and destruction of his grown up since World War II: that radical render safe and attractive, and to guarantee
base camps, or his rice and food supplies, of terrorists almost always win; and that radi- a decent, useful life to the man who sur-
his medicines and weapons and ammunition cal regimes can subvert, or intervene in, a renders.
will reduce his combat capabilities. The war neighboring area with little risk. History 7. We probably do not need to escalate
must ultimately be won on the ground by is replete with exampels of how a victory military activities against North Vietnam.
destroying or breaking up the main-force by terrorists in one area powerfully in- The military tactics we have introduced-
units of the Vietcong, and especially by de- fluenced the likelihood and the tactics of aggressive patrolling to carry out search-
stroying the enemy's bases of operations. subversion in other areas. The invalidity and-destroy and clear-and-hold operations-
The final part of the strategy for victory- of oversimplified "domino theories" should contain many significant benefits that have
the part that will shape the peace-is the not lead us to underestimate the worldwide not yet been fully realized, but should soon
pacification program. The American and costs of letting the Vietcong succeed with show important results.
South Vietnamese military can launch their resort to violence. In addition, I am 8. I believe we can pacify Vietnam. A
search-and-destroy and search-and-clear seriously concerned about the political and stable, reasonable government there is pos-
operations; but only specially trained South moral repercussions within the United States sible, Although the political situation looks
Vietnamese administrative and paramilitary were we to "pull out" of Vietnam. bad today, many current political problems
forces can hold the areas that are cleared, Our cause in South Vietnam is not im- are likely to be solved following, and as the
The pacification program-in the past mis- moral. Many think we are creating more result of, military victories. The political
handled and underemphasized-has this destruction, more death, more human suf- difficulties in South Vietnam are likely to
year started slowly but well, it must be fering than our cause justifies. But what be diminished when and after elections are
pushed to the maximum. For one can con- would happen were we to let South Vietnam held-especially if the elections follow mili-
firm victory in a guerrilla war only if one fall into the hands of the National Libera- tary victories.
wins the people over and protects them tion Front? It is not likely that a victorious Our present policy is the only realistic al-
against the enemy. NLF would treat with restraint: the Cao Dal, ternative the United States really has. It is
This is a slow, a comprehensive, a tedious the Hoa Hao, the Catholics (each a commu- a hopeful policy. If we are patient, resolute,
process. The administrative, police, educa- nity of about 1,000,000 human beings); the realistic, that policy can probably realize our
tional and health authority of the' central 500,000 South Vietnamese soldiers; the many goals. I have yet to hear of an alternative
government must be built up from what other groups that have demonstrated they that Is not likely to involve costs far greater,
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge calls "the are anti-Communist; the tens of thousands far more deplorable, far more inhumane in
precinct level." who would probably be labeled enemies of a both the short and long run.
The enemy cannot win in a military sense; Communist state. Those who dismiss this (By Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Albert Schweitz-
he is stymied on the field of battle. But likelihood need only look at how the Chinese er profesesor of the humanities, City Uni-
political instability in Saigon, and U.S. im- Communists and the Indonesian Army versity of New York; professor of history,
patience at home, may cause us to lose the treated their opponents, and might ask Harvard, 1954-61; twice winner, Pulitzer
struggle-politically and psychologically. themselves if the victorious NLF is likely to prize; winner, National Book Award; as-
We have no easy choices-only grim alter- be more restrained. Nor should the West - sistant to Presidents Kennedy and John-
natives. Victory, which means making it view with equanimity 15,000,000 people pass- son; author of "A Thousand Days," etc.)
possible for a South Vietnamese government ing behind a Communist Iron Curtain. The moderate critics of the administra-
to govern without interference from outside, What, then, should we do in Vietnam now? tion's Vietnam policy do not question its
is possible; but it may not be possible soon. 1. An important aspect of the battle for proclaimed purposes; resistance to Commu-
The victory road will be long and hard and "the hearts and minds of men" is this: nist aggression, self-determination for South
bloody. But defeat or stalemate in Vietnam Which side will succeed in symbolizing na- Vietnam, a negotiated settlement in South-
will gravely impair the U.S. position in Asia tional identity? Many Vietnamese prefer east Asia. They do question, with the great
and in the world; and if we lose, our children good government to bad government, but est urgnecy, the theory that the way to
and grandchildren will face tomorrow a far even more prefer self-government to foreign achieve these objectives is to intensify the
worse problem than we face today. control. We should encourage self-govern- war. The more we destroy Vietnam, North
(By Herman Kahn, director of the Hudson ment, and should minimize our nonmilitary and South, in their judgment, the less
Institute (a nonprofit organization con- role. chance there will ever be of attaining our
ducting research in the area of national 2. Thus, we should accept and encourage objectives. The course of widening the war,
security and international order); former more independence by the South Vietnamese moreover, will mire our nation in a hopeless
member of the Rand Corporation; author in handling their political and economic and endless conflict on the mainland of Asia,
of "Thinking About the Unthinkable, On problems. Even If a Buddhist nationalist beyond the effective use of our national
Thermonuclear War, On Escalation: Meta- comes to power, he is likely to be more op- power and the range of our primary inter-
phors and Scenarios") posed to the NLF than to the Americans; ests-and may well end in nuclear war with
I have been asked by Look to describe my and if his government does not want our China.
personal position, rather than give an analy- protection, or makes it impossible, we can And the alternatives? Instead of suppos-
sis of the pros and cons. The first and over- then leave with honor-having fully honored ing that a guerrilla movement can be
whelming point is that whether or not one our solemn commitment. (I assume we crushed by strategic bombing, instead of
agrees with the steps that led to it, our would not have connived at his election or using military methods to solve a political
present commitment to_ oppose force and policy.) problem, we must adapt the means we em-
terror by the National Liberation Front in 3. To the extent that it can be encouraged ploy to the end we seek.
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16642 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July ,28 1966
1. Stop the Americanization of the war. only solidify the people of North Vietnam "I got lots to'say," Baby Face shouts from
The bitter fact is that the war in Vietnam behind their government, make negotiation the window. "Ha, ha, ha.-
can never be won as a war of white men impossible and eventually assure the entry He lets go with another burst from the
against Asians. It cannot be won "unless of China into the war. And even if we machine gun.
the people [of South Vietnam] support the bombed North Vietnam back to the Stone "If you're going to talk to us, Baby Face.
effort. . We can help them, we can give Age and earned thereby the hatred of the you'll have to sign a waiver that no one made
them equipment, we can send our men out civilized world, this still would. not settle the you say anything against your will."
there as advisers, but they have to win it, present war-which, after all, is taking "I'm signing nothing, copper. I know my
the people of Vietnam" (President Kennedy. place not in North but in South Vietnam. rights. Like the case of Gonzalez vs. the
1963). The more we Americanize the war- 6. A long-run program for Southeast Asia. State of Oklahoma, no one can lay a finger on
by increasing our military presence, by sum- We should discuss with Russia, France, China me until I'm brought before a magistrate and
moning Saigon leaders, like vassals, to con- and other interested countries a neutraliza- given a hot meal and a bubble bath."
ferences in an American state, by transform- tion program, under international guarantee, "Now listen carefully, Baby Face," the Po-
ing a local war in Vietnam into a global for Cambodia, Laos, North and South Viet- lice Chief says. "We know you've killed 12
test between America and China-the more nam. If these states could work out forms bank tellers and robbed six post offices, but
we make the war unwinnable. of economic collaboration, as in the develop- constitutionally you have nothing to fear.
2. A civilian government in Saigon. We ment of the Mekong Valley, the guarantors Even if we can prove our case, you can al-
have never had a government in Saigon that should make economic and technical assist- ways appeal on the grounds that, because of
could enlist the active loyalty of the country- ante available to them. this gun fight, you received adverse publicity
side, and we certainly do not have one in A program of limiting our forces, actions in the newspapers, and could not get a fair
Marshal Ky's military junta. Instead of and objectives still holds out the possibility trial."
Identifying American interests with Marshal of an honorable resolution of a tragic situa- Baby Face fires another burst from his ma-
Ky, and rebuffing the broader political im- tion. A program of indefinite escalation of- chine gun. "That's what you say now. I
pulses of the South, we should long since fers nothing but disaster; for our adversaries haven't forgotten what happened in the
have encouraged a movement toward a civil- can, in their own way, match our every step Glutz vs. the People of Peoria, Illinois, case
ian regime that represents the significant up to nuclear war-and nuclear war would when the coppers tricked Glutz into a con-
political forces of the country and is capable be just as much a moral and political ca- fession by giving him two tickets to the
both of rallying the army and carrying out tastrophe for us as it would be a physical ca- Green Bay Packers-Baltimore Colts football
programs of social reform, if such a govern- tastrophe for the Far East and the whole game."
ment should favor the neutralization of world. "The Third Circuit Court threw out the
South Vietnam, if it should want to negotiate - Glutz conviction, Baby Face," the Chief
with
lease us Vietcong, even if it should wish to re- shouts over the loudspeaker. "Didn't you
from our commitment to stay in THE MIRANDA CASE read about the Third Circuit Court of A
Vietnam, we cannot and should not object. P"
3. Reconvene the Geneva Conference. We Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, in a re- peals ruling in Nashville vs. Virginia Woolf?"
cent issue of his column, "Capitol Punish- "I haven't seen the newspapers lately,"
sh3. R consevere h e Geneva for negotiation.
itild in quest Since the Vietcong are a principal ment," Art Buchwald has made some ob- Baby Face shouts. "`I've been holed up here,
party to and if ou want me
the conflict, it would appear obvious that nervations in jesting guise which seem y you're going to have to
peace talks at Geneva are meaningless with_ quite appropriate to the recent decision come and get me." Rat-a-tat-tat.
Okay, Baby Face, have it your way, but
out their participation. And since they will Of the Supreme Court in the Miranda don't say we're violating your constitutional
never talk if the only topic is their uncon- case. Properly construed, the majority rights."
ditional surrender, we must, unless we plan opinion in the Miranda case attempts to The Chief gives the signal to charge and
to exterminate them, hold out to them a lay down some artificial rules which an a hailstorm of lead fills the air. When the
prospect of a say in the future political life
of South Vietnam-conditioned on their lay- arresting officer must repeat by rote like smoke clears, Baby Face is lying mortally
ing down their arms, opening up their terri- a parrot in order to make admissible in Founded.
tories and abiding by ? the His mother rushes up to him and puts his
g ground rules of a criminal case the voluntary confession head in her lap.
democratic elections, preferably under inter- of the defendant that he is the party who "They got me, ma. Tell Melvin Belli the
national supervision. committed the crime with which he is cops cheated him out of a fee," Baby Face
4. Hold the line in South Vietnam. Obvi- charged. I ask unanimous consent that gasps.
ously, Hanoi and the Vietcong will not Art Buchwald's observations may be "Don't talk, son. If the police doctor does
negotiate so long as they think they can win, printed at this point in the body patch you up, we can sue him for mal-
Since stalemate is thus a precondition to y of the practice"
negotiation, we must have enough American RECORD. "But how, ma?"
ground forces in South Vietnam to demon- There being no objection, Mr. Buch- "Don't you remember, son, Dillinger vs.
strate that our adversaries cannot hope for wald's observations were ordered to be the People of Malibu Beach, California?"
military victory. I believe that we havgmore printed, as follows:
than enough troops and installations there CAPITOL PUNISHMENT: BABY FACES-A REMAKE
now to make this point.
It is an illusion to suppose (By Art Buchwald) VISIT ALABAMA
that by i can ing the size of the American Army we we cn Ever since the Supreme Court ruling con- Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, this
ever gain a reliable margin of superiority; cerning the protection of a defendant's con- is in the nature of a s
for, by the Pentagon's preferred 10:1 ratio in stitutional rights at the time of his arrest, pedal report on
fighting guerrillas, every time we add 100,000 the motion picture people have been in a single tourist attraction in my native
e
men, the enemy has only to add 10,000, and dither. Almost every gangster movie of the Alabama.' As many Senators know, I
we are all even again. last 40 years is now outdated, and will have have been urging visits to Alabama to see
Nor does "di n in" mean a static strategy to be remade with the rights of the defendant what my State really is like. 1: repeat
wnitiative
gg g kept in mind, that invitation today, and I want to in-
ene wit SInth Vietnameserelinquished
Army of hall a milli n. This is probably what the remarks of Baby vite attention to one of the newest na-
men is better suaed in many ways than are Face Nelson will look like. Baby Face has tional monuments, Russell Cave,
Americans to search operations in the villages, been betrayed by his jealous girl friend and
the cos have his farm hideout surrounded. I say "newest," but this is only be-
We should also limit our bombing in the The Chief of Police says over his loudspeaker, cause this remarkable place has been a
South. Have we really no better way to deal "Now hear this, Baby Face. The farmhouse national monument for only a few years
with guerrilla warfare than the aerial oblit- is surrounded and you don't have a chance. and because it is planned to open the
eration of the country in which it is taking Come out with your hands up."
place? If this is our best idea of "protect- "Drop dead, copper," monument fall.
cave, expe formally this S itsrts eIa this
nIng" a country against communism, what the p window, firing a ngea," shot Baby at Face
the same shouts from
, Scave, on an fthe the ml Geographic
time.
other country, seeing the devastation we have "I must warn you, Baby Face,." the Chief ocilti and the National the lives
wrought in Vietnam, will ever wish for Amer- says, "that anything you say will be held Society have found a record of the lives
ican protection? against you." of people who lived there for about 8,000
5. Taper off the bombing of North Viet- Baby Face lets go with a burst of a ma- years. We know from these records that
nam. Secretary McNamara has candidly chine gun. "I don't intend to be taken alive, people were living in Russell Cave 4,000
said, "We never believed that bombing would you dirty finks."
destroy North Vietnam's will," and thus far, The Chief ducks behind his car. Kneeling, Pyears before the
yramid of Egyptbuilding of the Great
bombing the North has neither brought be says, "Baby Face, I have to advise you that
Hanoi to the conference table, demoralized youmay either have a choice of your own In the excavations which have been
the people nor stopped infiltration. As a lawyer or we will provide you with a public made thus far archeologists have found
result, pressure arise for ever-wider strikes-- defender, and you do not have to say any- spearheads, arrowheads, pottery? tools,
first oil depots, then harbors, factories, cities thing to us when you come out of the farm- and other artifacts to recreate the lives
the Chinese border. But these won't work house with your hands up if you dg not of these people as they progressed. in the
either. As we move down this road, we will want to."
degree of their civilization. The Na-
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16626 CONGRESSION
in our streets and also toward some inno-
cent bystanders.
The junior Senator from Ohio,
throughout his rather long life, has never
liked people who push other people
around. There were, in some instances,
individual policemen who acted irrespon-
sibly.
For Instance, in Newsweek of August 1
is pictured a Negro woman seated in an
automobile, riddled by police bullets.
Caption of the lady with blood stream-
ing from her face is "Hough: Police Bul-
lets Riddled a Car and Wounded a Young
Mother." Surely that is evidence of irre-
sponsible action by police.
Mr. President, I stand by my statement
of last Tuesday. We have a fine police
department in Cleveland. We have a
fine fire department. In my statement
of last Tuesday I was careful to state it
was a minority of policemen who did not
conduct themselves as responsibly as they
should under the circumstances. The
great majority of the Cleveland police
force is to be commended on its restraint
during that difficult time.
Years ago I was a private in the Ohio
National Guard. Those guardsmen
called from their civilian vocations per-
formed an unpleasant duty in a highly
creditable manner. It is a fact as stated
by me, and I reaffirm every statement I
made last Tuesday, some of these guards-
men, most of them very young men, are
unaccustomed to handling weapons in
combat. A few appeared "trigger
happy," as the saying is; and in a couple
of instances their guns were fired acci-
dentally. Fortunately, they injured no
one.
For instance, the Cleveland Press re-
ported an incident in which a National
Guardsman fired several rounds from a
machinegun at East 55th and Harlem
Court when he thought he heard prowl-
ers. Firing several rounds from a ma-
chinegun in a heavily populated neigh-
borhood appears to me to have been the
act of a trigger-happy guardsman.
I do assert that there was no nation-
wide conspiracy or Communist conspir-
acy, so-called, involved. While there
may have been organized bands of hood-
lums who took advantage of the riots to
pillage and loot; while there may have
been extremist groups who grasped the
opportunity to exploit the violence for
their own selfish ends; I am convinced
that the riots themselves did not begin
as a result of any conspiracy or organized
plan. To state the riots were Commu-
nist, or otherwise, inspired appears to me
to be a lame excuse to salve the con-
sciences of those who do not want to,
or refuse to, face the conditions that pre-
cipitated this disaster and similar ones
in other great cities of our Nation-rat-
infested slums, unemployment, poverty,
hopelessness, frustration, and despair.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent that I may be
permitted to speak for an additional 3
minutes on another matter.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
D - SENATE July
PRIME MINISTER KY
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
Prime Minister Ky, of the Saigon regime,
has been in power since June 1965, when
10 generals conspired and overthrew the
civilian government of South Vietnam.
I realize that at the Honolulu Con-
ference, earlier this year, our President
embraced him and made a sort of sweet-
smelling geranium of him. Evidently
power has gone to the head of this flam-
boyant so-called air marshal.
Shortly after the 10 generals made him
Prime Minister, in an interview by an
American reporter he was asked:
Who are your heroes, Marshal Ky?
His answer was:
I have only one-Hitler. I admire Hitler
because he pulled his country together when
it was in a terrible state in the early thirties.
The situation here in South Vietnam is so
desperate that one man would not be enough.
We need four or five Hitlers in Vietnam.
When his fellow countrymen were
fighting for liberation against the French
colonial oppressors from 1946 to Septem-
ber 1954, where was Ky? Not only was
Ky one of the tories in the war for libera-
tion in Vietnam at that time, as he was
being trained in the French Air Force,
but the startling fact is that 9 of the 10
generals who overthrew the civilian re-
gime at Saigon served with the French,
fighting against the forces of the Na-
tional Liberation Front, or Vietminh.
We Americans have regarded ourselves
as the most revolutionary people in the
world. We revere those patriots who won
the Revolutionary War against England.
We have always held low opinions of the
American tories of that time who op-
posed those Americans who fought for
the liberation of our country from colo-
nial oppressors. However, we seem to be
adhering at the present time to the tories
in Vietnam.
Unfortunately at present time our Na-
tion in the estimation of heads of state
of most Asiatic countries has become the
neocolonial oppressor. We are carrying
on with our military might where the
French left off. The United States has
long been regarded as the most revolu-
tionary nation in the world. We Ameri-
cans revere the memory of those patriots
who won the war for independence and
then demanded that the first Congress
write into our Constitution the first 10
amendments which we affectionately
term our Bill of Rights. In our Revolu-
tionary War the tories fought against the
patriots.
We have alined ourselves directly with
the tories of Vietnam in the civil war
that is raging there. It is my hope that
our President would disassociate himself
from his involvement with Prime Minis-
ter Ky. Ever since the Honolulu confer-
ence earlier this year where the Com-
mander in Chief of our Armed Forces
embraced this egotistical Prime Minister
he has been too big for his britches.
Last October I interviewed him per-
sonally and I have followed his opera-
tions as best I can. Now this man, who
himself was born in Hanoi and presently
holds a position of power in Saigon
which was usurped by the general's coup,
28, 1966
apparently wants to go home. He has
even had the effrontery to state that
war between the United States and Red
China is inevitable within 5 or 10 years.
Why wait, he says. Talking as a native
of what is termed North Vietnam he said
ultimately the people of the North would
overthrow the Communist regime there.
Then he posed the question:
Does the free world have the patience to
aid and build South Vietnam for the neces-
sary period of waiting? If not, we must de-
stroy the Communists in their lair-
He said. Then he said that he did
not believe that the Chinese Communists
would intervene directly in the Vietnam-
ese war at this time. He said, however,
it was certain they would intervene di-
rectly in Vietnam or elsewhere in Asia
in 5 or 10 years unless they were stopped.
Very definitely Ky should be removed
as Prime Minister of South Vietnam.
We Americans should repudiate his
statement that the U.S. Government
should join in an allied invasion of North
Vietnam and an armed conflict now with
Communist China. Administration of-
ficials and Secretary of State Rusk
should immediately dissociate our Gov-
ernment from the irresponsible state-
ments made by our South Vietnam pup-
pot Ky. If he wants so badly to return
to Hanoi, let him do it on his own two
feet and not by reason of the untimely
death of thousands of killed and wounded
young American fighting men presently
involved in a miserable civil war in Viet-
nam, a far-off country which is of no
strategic importance whatever to the
defense of the United States.
FORTUNE MAGAZINE WARNS THAT
ECONOMY IS SLOWING DOWN
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, our
economy is slowing down. Despite a
lingering tendency for prices to creep
upward, the overall pace of economic
activity is slowing dramatically.
Instead of being worried about wheth-
er to impose a restraint in the form of
a tax increase, as so many were this
spring, we ought to be making sure we
do not sit on our hands as we head into
a recession.
In recent statements, I have cataloged
in detail the movement of several eco-
nomic indicators showing clearly that
the steam is going out of the boom.
Consumer demand has fallen. The In-
dex of Industrial Production and the
gross national product have been in-
creasing at far slower rates. Housing
starts have plunged sharply.
An excellent, thorough review of the
current economic situation has- just been
published in the August issue of Fortune
magazine. It begins:
The change in the pace of economic ex-
pansion is now unmistakable. Most people
welcome it as a relief from inflationary
pressure. Many of the readjustments loom-
ing up, however, look to be more painful
than has been generally recognized. Each
month's new business statistics are revealing
further deterioration in the prospects for
underlying demand in the domestic econ-
omy. The figures begin to suggest a change
in direction, not just a change in pace.
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July 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
see for raising this question of interest istrations. In other administrations they
rates. The rates are getting very much at least let the small investors join in
out of line, and have created an almost reaping the benefits of the higher :inter-
impossible burden upon many segments' est. This administration is placing a
of the American economy. The building ceiling of 4.15 percent on E-bonds. It
industry, particularly, is becoming al- now proposes a ceiling on certificates of
most completely stagnated; and that deposit for the small depositors while
industry is one of America's largest leaving the lid off for the larger ones.
employers. I do not know why an administration
It seems to me that the situation re- that is always talking about wishing to
quires a number of remedial actions. help the smaller people is trying to pe-
First, I do not believe we can carry on nalize them on this point. It is sheer hy-
a war in Vietnam that is costing about pocrisy. The best thing this adininis-
$2 billion a month, and continually ex- tration could do in the way of finding a
pand welfare programs of all types in solution to relieve the cost of interest
this country. Some of those programs, and this excesive demand for money,
under ordinary conditions, may be high- would be to stop advocating the expan-
ly desirable; but we cannot have our sion of every Great Society idea. Many
cake and eat it, too. We must put first of these programs may be meritorious
things first. if we had the money to pay for them, but
Then, as has been repeatedly pointed they are certainly not meritorious when
out by some Senators, we have almost we are borrowing money at 51/4 percent
six divisions in Western Europe at the interest rates to defray their costs.
present time, and that, as one of the dis- The Government should set the ex-
tinguished members of the Appropria- ample of fiscal responsibility.
tions Committee says, is costing our
country $2.3 billion a year-much of it
being converted into a dollar deficit and
a gold drain-while at the same time we
are continuing to draft more of our
American sons to send them to South
Vietnam.
It seems to me that we should reduce
our troop commitments in Europe very
drastically, and call on those countries
which have greater gold reserves than
we to assume a greater responsibility and
a greater share of the burden in defend-
ing themselves.
Those are two things which can be
done immediately. Those things can be
done, in my judgment, by executive de-
cision; and then whatever is necessary in
addition to that to bring some semblance
of order into the high interest rates that
are slowing down the economy of our
country, and in my judgment will place
hundreds of thousands of people out of
jobs in the not too distant future, cer-
tainly should be done.
I compliment and commend my dis-
tinguished fellow Senators for raising
their voices in this matter.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, interest rates are of concern,
or at least should be of concern, to every
American. But we should not overlook
the fact that interest represents the cost
of money, and when a commodity is in
short supply, prices rise. It so happens
that there is a greater demand for money
than the existing supply.
One great contribution this Federal
Government could make to reduce that
excessive demand and thereby reduce in-
terest rates, is in line with what the
Senator from Georgia has just said; and
that is, to stop trying to carry on all of
the expansive Great Society spending
programs and financing them with
deficit spending.
The Kennedy-Johnson administration,
in the last 5 years, has spent $30 billion
more than it has taken in, and $1.5 billion
of our interest burden today goes to pay
the interest costs on the deficits created
by the Kennedy-Johnson administra-
tion.
There is one difference between the
high interest rates today and the records
of high interest rates in previous admin-
RACE RIOTS IN CLEVELAND
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I have
here a letter dated July 24, from an
Edward A. Spelic, 2848 Lorain Avenue,
Cleveland, Ohio. The letter is a simple
expression of what seems to be a humble
citizen's view of problems confronting
our metropolitan areas. I wish to read
the letter:
Hon. Senator FRANK LAUSCH$: I would
like to know if you could recommend medals
for bravery for all the police and firemen of
the city of Cleveland, Ohio, because the
police and firemen this last week have been
through hell because of these Communist-
led race riots. Also, if you are going to take
up a collection for the President's daughter's
wedding, how about a collection for the
police and firemen who are trying to help
save an American city called Cleveland, Ohio,
from being destroyed?
This letter has great significance: to me
in the thought that it expresses.
Throughout the country, all too fre-
quently, at the end of every riot, the
charge is made of police brutality.
It has been sought to lead public opin-
ion into the belief that the culprits of
the riots are innocent, and that the fire-
men and especially the police are the
guilty ones.
On Tuesday, July 19, at a meeting in
what is known as the J.F.K. Club, in the
Hough Avenue area of Cleveland, a group
was assembled. In that group was pres-
ent an individual who was a friend of
the Government.
The subject of discussion of the group
was the development of ways and means
to snipe at firemen trying to put out
blazes, and at policemen maintaining law
and order.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. LAUSCHE. I ask unanimous con-
sent that I may have 3 additional
minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. LAUSCHE. While the meeting
was in progress, policemen entered. With
the policemen's entry, the gathering was
dispersed. Hence it is not known what
ultimately happened in the development
of a design and plan for sniping at police
16625
and firemen. All we know is that while
the firemen were facing the fire in the
buildings, they were also facing the fire
sent forth from the gun barrels of the
rioters.
The time has come. Mr. President,
when we had better stop denouncing po-
lice and firemen. At this point, I wish to
take exception to what my colleague
from Ohio stated about the Ohio Na-
tional Guard. He stated that some of
the members of the Ohio National Guard
were trigger happy.
It is a tragedy that we had to bring
them in. They were there in the face
of danger. They performed valiant and
proper service for the maintenance of law
and order.
I thank Mr. Spelic for his letter. I
cannot start a collection for the police
or the firemen. I cannot secure awards
for them for their courage and their
adherence to duty.
I bow and express my gratitude as a
citizen of Cleveland to the police, the
firemen, and the National Guard,
who brought order to Cleveland, after
96 buildings had been destroyed, some
wholly and others partially, after vio-
lence had run rampant, and Govern-
ment had been defied.
I regret to say this, but, in my opin-
ion, Cleveland, Rochester, and Brooklyn
are clearly training grounds for the
worst that is yet to come. There are
drills, trials, and maneuvers. Unless we
back our Government and demand that
the full force of law be used, including
the police, the firemen, the National
Guard, and the morale of the people,
there is no foretelling what the end will
be.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
some years ago I was chief criminal pros-
ecuting attorney of Cuyahoga County,
Ohio.
I believed then and I believe now that
punishment, like a shadow, should follow
the commission of any offense against
law and order in our country.
I am, of course, opposed to mob vio-
lence, whether it be in Mississippi, Ala-
bama, Ohio, or any other place in our
Nation. On Tuesday of this week, I spoke
out at some length on the disorders in
Cleveland and on the frustrations, the
helplessness, and hopelessness of those
who live in what we term the Hough
Avenue area of Cleveland. I mentioned
their pent up frustrations which finally
erupted in violence.
We in Cleveland have always been
proud of our great city. It is a melting
pot of all ethnic groups which have come
here from the old country, seeking lib-
erty and seeking to free themselves from
oppression and to escape the hopeless sit-
uation they faced in the old country.
I stand by every statement I made on
Tuesday in a rather lengthy speech which
was referred to by the distinguished sen-
ior Senator from Ohio. I shall be happy
to have any of my colleagues read that
speech in its entirety, and not just take
one sentence out of context:
In my opinion, the police of the city of
Cleveland in some instances were guilty
of acts of violence and of unnecessary
brutality toward those who were vio-
lating the laws, burning buildings, rioting
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 28, 1966
Confronted with such self-evident facts,
the civil rights leaders tend to retort with
the argument that if they did not promote
civil disobedience, nothing would be done to
Improve the squalid surroundings in which
many Negroes live. Anyone contemplating
civil disobedience, however, in a society
whose existence depends on respect for law
is obligated to ask himself what alternatives
exist before he turns to that last resort.
Here again, the President put it well: "The
ballot box, the neighborhood communities,
the political and civil rights organizations-
aye the means by which Americans express
their resentment against intolerable condi-
tions. They are designed to reform society,
not to rip it apart."
And the truth is that many individual
Negroes, even before the past decade's civil
rights legislation, have come up from poverty
and gotten out of the "ghetto." (The term,
incidentally, is a loaded one; by connota-
tion if not denotation it suggests the false-
hood that some governmental authority is
,compelling Negroes to stay in segregated,
walled-in areas.)
Many more can be expected to make a
decent living for themselves without the
leaders having to rip up society. What can-
not be stressed too often, and what the ro-
manticists fail to understand, is that for the
most part they will have to do It on their
own; the leaders would be better occupied
helping them help themselves than In cre-
ating the climate for riots. Even then,
there will be some members of any society,
regardless of color, who for one reason or
another will not be able to make a go of
It's time, we thin for a little bit of
common sense and andor. Neither the
society at large nor th Federal Government
is responsible fo h violence. Those re-
sponsible are t e r t s and the teachers of
casual disre a ~f f law and order.
Mr. JACKSON. Mr. President, the
Nation's press is being heard on Presi-
dent Johnson's significant speech on our
obligations in Asia, and the early re-
action is strongly favorable.
I have here editorials from three
newspapers-the Baltimore Sun, Phila-
delphia Inquirer, and Washington Eve-
ning Star-praising various aspects of
the President's speech to the American
Alumni Council.
Each comments with approval on his
call to Communist China for an atmos-
phere of conciliation.
There is firm agreement with his dec-
laration that the United States Is a Pa-
cific power with responsibilities that
cannot be shirked in Asia.
And there is hope that Hanoi and
Peking will get the point.
This was a message reflecting our de-
termination and our fervent desire for
peace,
I ask that these editorials discussing
,the President's speech be inserted in the
RECORD.
There being no objections, the edito-
rials were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun,
July 14, 1966]
THE UNITED STATES IN ASIA
That the United States Is a Pacific power,
as President Johnson called in his speech
on Asia, must be obvious to everybody, in-
cluding the Chinese. We did not at some
moment make a decision to become a Pa-
cific power; we were forced into becoming
one by the interests of our own national
security, and by the vacuum left in that part
of the globe after World War If. If a date is
to be set, we can say that on December 7,
1941, the Japanese made inevitable the
emergence of the United States as a major
factor in all developments in the Pacific,
among the islands of its seas and on the
mainlands that border it.
It was on the fact of American power that
the President built his examination of Asia
and his view of its future. It is true, as he
said, that Asia is now the crucial arena of
"man's striving for independence and order,"
and true that if peace cannot be established
there it cannot be secure anywhere. Mr.
Johnson's listing of heartening signs in Asia,
from Indonesia through Japan, and of ex-
amples of Asian cooperation, from Manila
to the valley of the Mekong, was an impres-
sive list. And his call to China to accept
an atmosphere of conciliation was fervent
and eloquent.
If the Chinese cannot be expected to see
the sense of this, and to respond soon in
the same spirit, still most of our allies will
follow the President this far, in thorough
agreement. What they might argue about Is
his statement that the Asia he sees so well
"is the new Asia that Is taking shape behind
our defense of South Vietnam."
In the eyes of some of our allies, the
defense of South Vietnam, while it may
be necessary, is but one element of many
in the Asian condition today. And then
there is a question of how power is to be
applied. Some of our allies believe that the
very fact of the existence of vast American
power, by sea and air, and if worst should
come to worst, In nuclear terms, might suf-
fice as a deterrent to the Chinese, without
an American ground presence.
But would it serve further to persuade
the Chinese toward conciliation? And
where lies the point beyond which American
efforts at conciliation would be taken by the
Chinese as a sign of weakness, and by now-
friendlier Asians as a signal of betrayal?
This is the kind of tortured question the
makers of policy have constantly to ask
themselves. To pretend that the answers are
easy is to assume an omniscience no one can
possess.
[From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer,
July 14, 19661
THE PRESIDENT'S Os a OF PEACE
President Johnson's call for reconciliation
with Communist China and for peace with
North Vietnam marks an important turn
in U.S. policy in Asia. The President, in his
televised address, made it clear that, if the
proffer of peace is rejected by Hanoi and
Peking, the war in Vietnam may last a long
time.
Mr. Johnson, It Is evident, is stepping
beyond the previously stressed policy of
"containment without Isolation" of Red
China and is looking beyond the present
conflict in Vietnam to the situation In Asia
after the war ends.
"A peaceful mainland China Is essential to
a peaceful Asia," he said. "A hostile China
must be discouraged from aggression. A
misguided China must be encouraged toward
understanding of the outside world and
toward policies of peaceful cooperation."
"The peace we seek in Asia," he said
further, "is a peace of conciliation." He
added that he did not mean a peace of con-
quest, or the simple absence of armed hos-
tilities, but a settlement based on a broader
concept of international relations.
He talked of the peace that could be sus-
tained through international trade; through
the free flow of people and Ideas; through
"the full participation by all nations in an
International community under law."
Meanwhile, there Is the wax in Vietnam.
The President defined the American position
in blunt terms directed at Hanoi: "Victory
for your armies Is Impossible. You cannot
drive us from South Vietnam by force, The
minute that you realize that a military vic-
tory Is out of the question, and turn from
the use of force, you will find us ready to
reciprocate. We want to end the fighting.
We want to bring our men home."
President Johnson's message to the Com-
munists was one of peace, backed by de-
termination to press on in Vietnam, if our
peace offers get nowhere.
Will Hanoi and Peking get the message?
Past history furnishes little ground for op-
timism. We still must make the effort.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
July 14,19661
AMERICA IN ASIA
President Johnson has held out the hand
of conciliation to Red China,-but the chances
are that the response will continue to be
hostile as long as the Mao Tse-tung hard-
liners remain in power. Not until a younger,
less doctrinaire group takes over will a
change for the better In Sino-American re-
lations be likely.
Meanwhile, however, as the President has
Indicated to the American Alumni Council,
measures can be taken by the United States,
in concert with the free Asians, to prove that
aggression is a losing game and to bring
nearer the day when the Chinese Commu-
nists will be persuaded to come out of their
self-imposed isolation, abandon force and
cooperate with neighboring lands-and with
America-to promote peace and economic
progress throughout Asia. Among other
things, our government might well go along
with proposals offering Peking a seat in the
United Nations, provided of course that this
would not affect the membership or security
of the other China, Taiwan.
In any event, with more emphasis than any
of his predecessors, Mr. Johnson has pro-
claimed to the Chinese and the rest of the
world that the United States is a Pacific
power determined to meet its obligations in
Asia. He has pretty well demolished the
arguments of those domestic critics who
hold that Europe, not the Far East, is Amer-
ica's main "sphere of interest" and that the
Asians can be safely forgotten. In the Pres-
ident's words, "We are bounded not by one
but by two oceans-and whether by aircraft
or ship, satellite or missile, the Pacific is as
crossable as the Atlantic ... The economic
network of this shrinking globe is too inter-
twined-the basic hopes of men are too re-
lated-and the: possibility of common disas-
ter is too real-for us to ignore threats to
peace in Asia ... Asia is no longer sitting
outside the door of the Twentieth Century.
She is here, in the same world with us, to be
either our partner or our problem."
The President, in effect, has given Asia
a status at least equal to Europe's in terms
of its bearing on our country's well-being.
Other Americans have made the same point
In the past, but not so effectively. We think
Mr. Johnson Is altogether right.
POLITICS AND THE FBI
Mr. CANNON. Mr. President, a great
deal has been said in recent months
about the attempted eavesdropping by
agents of the Federal Government in my
State of Nevada and many other places.
These incidents have been carefully and
systematically brought to the surface
largely through the efforts of the dis-
tinguished junior Senator from Missouri
and the staff of the subcommittee he
heads which has been holding hearings
on the subject.
Of late, a distinction has been made
between the term "wiretapping" which
was the term used in the 1934 law and
the term "bugging" which represents an
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with recognition of the existing cultural
values to be preserved.
When I first announced that a grant had
been received for public housing here at
Leech Lake, one commentator raised the
question whether such an effort did not mis-
takenly create an enclave of Indians on the
teservation. He asked whether we weren't
making reservation life too attractive, and
whether we might not better build the
houses in cities to which Indians were mi-
grating. I think that these questions miss
the point.
Some of Minnesota's Indians want to leave
the reservation now, and some will want to
leave in the future. Our Government ought
to be able to help house and train them for
life off of the reservation. But many others
want to stay on the reservation, and I don't
think that Indians or any other citizen of
this country ought to be told that they have
to leave their home environment and move
a few, hundred miles to enjoy the basics of
good housing and good education and a job.
We shouldn't treat any citizen that way.
There Is even more to it. Legally, the In-
dian has been free to leave the reservation
for years. But this is a terribly hollow right
when the life he leaves has failed-by lack of
housing, education, health and social serv-
lees-to prepare him for life in the modern
economy of our cities. The sad unemploy-
melit figures of Minnesota's Indians both on
and off the reservation testify to that fact.
So far, the Indian has been "free" to remain
in poverty on the reservation., or to go to live
unemployed In a city slum. This choice is
the indefensible product of a bankrupt
policy.
So I think that there is only one reason-
able direction open to us, It is to build on
the reservations the kind of economy which
will support jobs for Indians, the kind of
housing which will permit a healthy life,
and, above all, the kind of education which
will motivate and provide skills for a produc-
tive job.
Our effort must place the reservation itself,
and the Indians on it, in the mainstream of
our economy. Then there will be real free-
dom, Freedom to leave the reservation, or to
stay on it. And all America will be the better
for it.
Such a program of economic and educa-
tional development will have to come, but
it is not here yet. It can't be worked out
from a distance, but must be done with initi-
ative and cooperation of the Indian commu-
nity here. It can't be the Washington plan;
It has to be your plan. And let's not fool
ourselves-it isn't going to happen overnight.
It will take long, hard work by all of us,
Indian and non-Indian. I want to help, and
hope that you will ask me to. It Js a hard
job, but it can be done. And it will be worth
It to make the reservation a good place to
live and work. We'd better get to it. As
President Kennedy said in 1963: "The Amer-
ican Indians hold a romantic grip on our
Imaginations, but I hope that they also hold
a practical grip upon our efforts."
REMEDIAL READING RECOM-
MJ INDED FOR JOHN BIRCH SOCI-
ETY
Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, on
June 6, t informed the Senate that I saw
no need to go to extremes to discredit the
John Birch Society because I thought
that that organization was perfectly ca-
pable of discrediting itself.
The occasion for that remark was the
receipt of a letter from a John Birch
Society official who accused me of going
to extremes in an attempt to discredit
the society. The extreme to which I had
allegedly gone was the insertion in the
RECORD of an editorial published in a
newspaper in my State, the Rochester
Courier, of Rochester, N.H., commenting
on the aims of the John Birch Society.
It was my opinion at that time that
the John Birch Society could be relied
upon to discredit itself, and my opinion
turned out to be justified. I had the
letter which I had, received printed in
the RECORD for June 6, and commented
upon one phrase which seemed to me to
illustrate the society's philosophy. That
phrase was :
A benevolent dictatorship clearly implies
complete justice and complete freedom.
Mr. President, the letter writers of the
John Birch Society seem to want to
amuse themselves in their idle time, and
this morning my mail contained yet an-
other letter from the same society offi-
cial who had written me before.
It is addressed to:
DEAR SENATOR MCINTYRE's GHOST READER-
And it goes, in relevant part, as fol-
lows :
On May 24, 1966, senator McINTYaE in-
serted a scurrilous newspaper editorial in
the RECORD. It was from the Rochester (New
Hampshire) Courier, and In essence accused
the John Birch Society of proposing "dic-
tatorship" as the ideal form of government
for the United States of America.
I replied to the newspaper with a correc-
tion, and sent a copy to the Senator, which
he inserted in the RECORD on June sixth, to-
gether with -his own strange remarks. Since
the Senator obviously cannot read, and I do
not know your name, please excuse the
anonymous salutation,
The letter then goes on to some more
material which is not particularly in-
formative, and concludes as follows:
Enclosed is $1, which I hope will Initiate
a fund to send Senator McINTYRE to a re-
medial reading class.
Now, I happen to think this is a most
intriguing contribution. I am particu-
larly interested In the fact that the John
Birch Society recommends remedial
reading, in view of the very clear fact
that the John Birch Society official who
wrote to me is apparently unable to read
the text of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
As can be noted from the first para-
graph of his letter to me, he refers to a
newspaper editorial from the Rochester,
N.H.,, Record. I am certain that, with
only the most rudimentary reading abil-
ity, this gentleman would have been able
to glean from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
of either May 24 or June 6 that the edi-
torial in question came from the
Rochester, N.H., Courier.
As, this letter indicates, it is the John
Birch Society official who has trouble
reading.
I stated a few weeks ago, as I restated
today, that the John Birch Society was
perfectly capable of discrediting itself.
Once again, the society has proved its
own point, by sending me a letter about
remedial reading which conclusively
shows the society's own problems with
reading. I feel that this is the most
generous interpretation which can be
placed on this matter, although at least
one member of my staff has suggested
that this error merely shows the John
Birch Society's careless attitude toward
facts.
In any event, I emerge from this cor-
respondence $1 the richer, and, consid-
16647
eying the source of the contribution, I
feel that this is truly an embarrassment
of riches. I have decided to donate this
contribution to the Anti-Defamation
League, where the funds gleaned from
the dues of John Birch Society members,
I am certain, may be used to help stem
oncoming waves of extremism.
A TIME FOR CANDOR
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, the Wall
Street Journal for July 27, 1966, carried
an editorial in which the writer made
some timely observations in respect to
the rioting and looting which has been
going on in some of our major cities and
the attempts of some persons to justify
it. I ask unanimous consent that such
article be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed as follows:
A TIME FOR CANDOR
This summer's harvest of horror--murder,
arson, looting in city after city, week after
week-is prompting ever more insistent
questioning. Why? Who Is to blame?
Strangely enough, the response of a good
many people is that it is not the fault of
the rioters but of the general society and, if
you please, the Federal Government.
One editorialist was moved to express the
sentiment in the following extremist fash-
ion: "The (Federal) housing program is too
small. The poverty program is too small. It
is not the riots in the slums, but these lane
and inadequate programs that are the real
disgrace of the richest nation on earth."
We submit that attitudes of that sort are
an unmerited rebuke to America and the
millions whose hard work and hard thinking
have made it the most abundant and just
nation on earth. We are glad that President
Johnson, at least, is not thus beguiled; while
commiserating with the plight of slum-
dwellers, he is forthright in his condemna-
tion of riots that tear at the very fabric of
of the community. "Our country can abide
civil protest . . . it cannot abide civil via-
lance."
Let us.look a little more closely at the
catalog of charges against the "inadequacy"
of Federal efforts.
Large-scale Federal housing aid for low-
Income families has been going on for many
years at a cost of many billions in tax dol-
lars. It has failed Indeed, but Its inade-
quacy is not in terms of cost but in terms
of concept. The same applies to the bulk
of the activities launched by the more re-
cent antipoverty program.
The fundamental conceptual flaw is a sen-
timental view, reminiscent of Rousseau, of
the nature of man. According to this inter-
pretation, man is inherently good and per-
fectible and is held down only by the ex-
ternal forces of society. Put him in pleasant
surroundings, or give him enough money,
and all will be well.
The inescapable corollary Is that the so-
ciety rather than the individual is respon-
sible for his behavior, however ambition-
less, venal or criminal. The doctrine has
been preached with so much vigor, and not
only in connection with civil rights, in con-
temporary America that it is hardly surpris-
ing to find some of the listeners taking it
literally.
Experience, to put it mildly, lends little
credence to the romantic view of man's
nature; left entirely to our own devices,
relatively few of us would qualify for
sainthood. In that context, the political
triumph of the American design of 200 years
ago is that it engineered a maximum of per-
sonal liberty with a minimum of govern-
mental compulsion. But the order is there,
and it has to be, else the design falls.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 28, 1966
telephone company after graduation from
high school.
Instead, she joined the Smithsonian pro-
gram and was an instant success. Her first
job was in the botany library-where she
found a confused jumble of scientific books,
magazines and pamphlets.. Within two
weeks, she and Lola Bundy "brought order
-out of chaos," Whitelaw said.
Diana then was hired as a research assist-
ant by Dr. Floyd A. McClure, one of the
world's authorities on bamboo who. is work-
ing at the Smithsonian. Diana dissects
plants and prepares slides for the scientist,
freeing him from routine.
BLACKBOARD LECTURES
Diana is a favorite around the botany lab.
Dr. Thomas R. Soderstrom, curator of grasses
at the Smithsonian and custodian of the
largest grass collection in the world, and Dr.
Cleofe E. Calderon of Buenos Aires, teach
Diana new techniques and give blackboard
lectures that very few college students are
lucky enough to get.
"It's very good for us," said Dr. Soderstrom.
"We are able to find some really top-notch
people. Instead of searching in the open
market, we have trained assistants here that
Regusters said the youths orking in the
Smithsonian's exhibits sectio are learning
skills that can be transferr private in-
dustry. Some are nnakodels, others
CAPTURED U.S. PILOTS IN NORTH
VIETNAM
Mr. JACKSON. Mr. President, an-
other indication of public outrage over
Hanoi's mistreatment of captured U.S.
pilots appears in the Philadelphia
Inquirer.
The North Vietnamese have paraded
these valiant airmen through the streets
of Hanoi and threatened to execute them
as war criminals. Should they think
such a monstrous act would discourage
the American military effort, the Inquirer
asserts in an editorial, they would be
making one of history's monumental
errors.
Secretary of State Rusk has warned
that we would consider the abuse of
prisoners held in North Vietnam as a
very grove development. The newspaper
suggests it would unite the country be-
hind a hugely stepped-up policy of force
in Vietnam.
I request that its editorial be included
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IF THEY KILL CAPTURED FLIERS
The North Vietnamese should have it
spelled out for them in unmistakable terms
just what the consequences will be if they
carry out their threats to try and to execute
captured American fliers as war criminals.
Ifr they think for one. moment that such
a monstrous act of reprisal would put a stop
to American bombings and otherwise discour-
age American military effort, they are making
one of history's monumental errors.
The American public has already been
shocked by the mistreatment given captured
fliers by the North Vietnamese Communists.
It has been angered by pictures showing the
shackled prisoners paraded through men-
acing crowds on the streets of Hanoi.
But this reaction will be nothing com-
pared to the horror that will sweep this coun-
try if the helpless captives are thrown to the
firing squads after drumhead trials.
Secretary of State Rusk has warned that
the U.S. would view as a "grave development
indeed" the abuse of prisoners held in North
Vietnam, and will insist on humane treat-
ment under the Geneva accords.
If Ho Chi Minh does not want this coun-
try united behind a hugely stepped-up policy
of force in Vietnam, he had better call off
his would-be killers of prisoners before it is
too late.
FOREIGN AID
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, pursuant
to a request made of me by it, I wrote
a letter to the Forensic Quarterly on
April 26, 1966, in which I set forth my
views in respect to foreign aid. A copy
of this letter was printed in the Forensic
Quarterly for May 1966.
By way of explanation of my vote
against the foreign aid authorization bill,
I ask unanimous consent that a copy of
this letter be printed at this point in the
body of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE OPINION OF SENATOR SAM J. Ea lie, JR.
American opinion is now forcing a close
reappraisal of our foreign aid policies. The
time has come when the American people
must adopt a harsh test of self-interest in
dealing with foreign aid. Earlier, American
aid sought nothing greater than to provide
the war-torn countries of the world with
greater economic stability in order to help
these nations resist communist pressures.
At that time this policy served our self-in-
terest and the interest of humanity. How-
ever, now that the program of rehabilitation
of Western Europe and Japan has been com-
pleted, there is no reason, twenty years after
the Second World War, for the United States
to be giving away over three billion dollars
annually forforeign aid.
Under our Constitution the power to tax
and to appropriate monies raised by taxation
can be exercised by the Congress only for
a public purpose. Congress does not have
the power to spend beyond the ambit of
this constitutional authorization. Therefore,
in order to justify the Congressional appro-
priations for foreign aid programs on the
grounds that they are for a valid public pur-
pose, these programs must strengthen either
the economic, or military, or international
position of the United States. Our present
foreign aid program does not have a valid
public purpose because it cannot be justi-
fied on either of these grounds, and for this
reason I cannot support the Administration's
present foreign aid policies. I maintain that
our foreign aid programs do not aid the
United States or the free world. On the con-
trary, the economy of the United States on
which the defense of the free world depends,
is actually weakened by these expenditures.
Foreign aid amounts to a substantial part
,of our federal budget. Therefore, because of
our seemingly permanent policy of deficit
financing, our government has actually bor-
rowed a substantial amount of the money
which the administrators of post-war foreign
aid programs have scattered among the na-
tions of this earth. By increasing our budget
deficits, foreign aid dollars have contributed
to monetary inflation In this country. The
buying power of our dollar constantly is
being eroded. If this continues, our econ-
omy will be irreparably damaged.
Our dollars have found their way into
many foreign treasuries and now these for-
eign governments are clamoring at our doors
demanding gold in repayment for these dol-
lars. These foreign aid dollars are claims on
the goods and services produced by the in-
dustries of the United States and no one can
say that the resources of this country are not
being drained when we give away dollars
abroad and they return as demands on our
nation's wealth.
For example, since World War II we have
given France approximately nine billion dol-
lars in foreign aid. This does not include
the other billions which ground their way
into the French economy through the main-
tenance of our military forces in France. Now
the French government is demanding pay-
ment of gold for this money which has been
drained from our economy and added to our
national debt. Our balance of payments
dilemma which has largely resulted from our
foreign aid policies, weakens the value of the
dollar and the public welfare of the country
is, of course, damaged. This is In direct
violation of the requirement that money
Congress appropriates for any purpose, in-
cluding foreign aid, must be spent in a way
to aid the public welfare.
No matter what the currently fashionable
Keynesian economists say, there is a limit to
government spending and if we are to con-
tinue budget deficits, certainly we have an
obligation to our own poor superior to any
obligation we assume year after year to care
for the poor of other nations. We should
satisfy this superior obligation before we
look for other countries to assist.
Foreign aid does not strengthen the mili-
tary position of the United States. Actually,
it impairs the build-up of our own forces on
which the survival of the United States and
the free world may depend. Many times
military leaders have come before the Con-
gress and requested authorizations for na-
tional defense purposes In excess of those
asked by the civilian authorities. They felt
the appropriations were necessary to main-
tain our ground forces at proper levels and
to equip them with modern weapons. Civil-
ian authorities have always said on these
occasions that the Congress ought not take
any such action because it was essential to
keep the United States fiscally sound and
the actions urged by the military men were
beyond the financial capacity of the United
States. For example, we have been told
that the United States was not financially
able to develop both the B70 bomber and
intercontinental ballistic missiles. The B70
project was dropped and while no one doubts
the necessity for the .developing intercon-
tinental ballistic missiles, it Is also a military
fact that the B70 bomber had a very neces-
sary place in our arsenal because of its
flexibility. Another example is our parsi-
monious development of an anti-missile mis-
sile which would be so vital to our defense
against a hostile intercontinental ballistic
missile attack.
Every time members of the Senate Com-
mittee on Armed Services have insisted on
these projects, the response of the Depart-
ment of Defense has been that the United
States does not have even the financial re-
sources available to provide our ground forces
with modernized weapons. In reality, the
money that has not been available for main-
taining adequate ground forces and obtain-
ing essential weapons has been devoted to
foreign aid.
The inevitable conclusions one must draw
from these facts is that foreign aid has ac-
tually prevented the United States from
building up the armed forces and acquiring
weapons which are absolutely essential for
the survival of the United States and the
free world.
Also, running directly against our military
strength Is the military and economic aid
we have given our non-allies. Millions of
dollars have been given to aid countries such
as Yugoslavia and Egypt. This aid could
certainly come back to haunt us much as
the scrap metal we gave Japan before the
Second World War.
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July 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE ' 16649
application of a more sophisticated tech-
nology in the electronic age. It is clear
to all that by any name or method we
are talking about the same obnoxious
and undesirable violation of the basic
right of privacy which the Government
should be guarding for all citizens. I
will refrain from speculating on the
negative effect in our war on crime which
such lawbreaking by Federal officials
engenders.
I can think of no more effective or
proper move to end this practice than a
law which would ban all eavesdropping
or surreptitious listening whether by
mechanical or other means except in
cases of national security upon the issu-
anee of a proper court order. The sub-
ject is one which demands proper clari-
fication and I believe that the executive
department should come forward with
their recommendation for a law which
would deal fairly and constitutionally
with the rights of the public and the
obligation of policing agencies to protect
society.
I ask unanimous consent that an arti-
cle on the subject which appeared in the
Washington Daily News on July 27, 1966,
appear at this point in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Daily News,
July 27, 1966]
POLITICS AND THE FBI
(By William F. Buckley, Jr.)
The FBI Is in trouble because an agent in
Las Vegas bugged a suspected criminal back
in 1963 and Sen. Boast KENNEDY, asked on a
network television program whether he
knew, as Attorney General at the time, that
the gentleman in Las Vegas was being wire-
tapped, replied that he did not. That reply
raised the question whether the FBI had
acted illegally. If so, the situation is scan-
dalous Indeed, it being the job of the FBI to
enforce the law, not to break it.
The relevant background: There is, under
the law, a distinction between "wiretapping"
and "bugging." There is no reason why this
should be so, except that wiretapping was
the earlier of the two inventions, and Con-
gress acted on it, but has not got around to
acting on the other.
In 1934, Congress passed a law regulating
the use of the wiretap by Federal crime-
prevention agencies. The law was defined by
supplementary executive decrees in 1940, and
again in 1965. The governing regulations
are that the FBI may use a wiretap only in
cases involving the national security (e.g.,
spies), threatening bodily harm (e.g., Mur-
der, Inc.), or life and limb (e.g., kidnaping).
But in each case the Attorney General must
personally authorize the wiretap, and any
prosecutions that develop as the result of
overheard evidence may not Introduce that
evidence in any court of law.
Not knowing that technology would come
around with sophisticated devices that would
permit eavesdropping through the olive in a
suspect's martini, Congress dealt exclusively
with the wiretap. The FBI, however, has
proceeded all along on the assumption that
the rules governing the wiretap ought to
regulate the use of the bug; i.e., the FBI has
not taken advantage of the opening left by
Congress. But this does not mean that Sen.
KENNEDY failed to take advantage of that
difference. Indeed, there are those who be-
lieve that that is exactly what the Senator
did when asked whether he had authorized
the Las Vegas "wiretap" No, he said--a
technically correct answer inasmuch as there
In the absence of an elucidation from the
former Attorney General, one is left to spec-
ulate. It is reasonable to suppose that J.
Edgar Hoover would not jeopardize his repu-
tation or that of the FBI In pursuit of a felon
in Las Vegas, and it is unreasonable to sup-
pose that if asked permission to use the bug,
Attorney General KENNEDY would have de-
nied it, since he has never denied using the
tap during his tenure.
Perhaps the Senator's memory is defective,
Perhaps he sought refuge in the technicality.
In due course the matter should be cleared
up. One supposes that the FBI, which Is a
highly efficient organization, could, if abso-
lutely necessary, prove that Attorney General
KENNEDY had knowledge of the Las Vegas
incident. One doubts it will come to that.
There is left a general issue of consider-
able importance. Reasonable folk agree that
the FBI should utilize all technological in-
ventions available to it In order to safeguard
the national security and to frustrate the
assassin or the kidnaper. The trouble is
that once it sets up a bug, the FBI becomes
a sort of omnium-gatherum, because the bug
does not distinguish between conversation
about how to steal a state secret, and con-
versation about how to make contact with a
lady of easy virtue.
Inevitably, other branches of the Federal
Government hunger to know whether the
bug has picked up information of particular
interest to it. For instance, Internal Reve-
nue.
At the moment a petitioner, Fred Black
Jr., has asked the U.S. Supreme Court to
overturn his conviction as a tax dodger on
grounds that the prosecution had available
to it information gleaned by an FBI bug.
The Government has maintained that noth-
ing got up by the bug was used in the Gov-
ernment's case. All very well. But the fact
remains that the Attorney General author-
ized the transmission of FBI-bugged infor-
mation to Internal Revenue, and that flouts
the intent of the 1934 law.
One can hardly blame Mr. Hoover for the
communication of the bugged information.
He did only what his superior-once again,
Attorney General KENNEDY-Ordered. But
surely a law should be passed, and one as-
sumes the FBI would welcome it, to the ef-
fect that no information should be given to
collateral divisions of the Government which
is picked up by wire tap, unless it Is neces-
sary to prevent acts of violence.
NEIGHBORHOOD YOUTH CORPS
Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr.
President, employment figures for the
month of June show a heartening rise
in the number of jobs held by teenagers.
The more than 2 million youths who
found jobs last month will be learning
skills and accumulating earnings to help
themselves and their families and in
many cases, to enable the youths to re-
turn to school in the fall.
Part of this success can be traced to
the Federal Government's efforts to en-
courage private industry, community or-
ganizations and public agencies to hire
youths. The most outstanding of these
efforts has been the Neighborhood Youth
Corps program which put 575,000
youngsters to work in the past year.
Neighborhood Youth Corps is making
it possible for young people who cannot
afford to stay in school to continue on RAISES ASPIRATION
with their education by offering them Regusters called the Smithsonian program
part-time jobs. It helps those who have "the beet in Washington" and said he knows
had to drop out of school to get a job of no equivalent in the United States.
and develop a useful and needed. skill. "It raises the general aspiration level," he
said "Most kids never even knew these jobs
in Washington. Under a Neighborhood
Youth Corps grant and in cooperation
with Washington's United Planning Or-
ganization, the Smithsonian is training
40 youths in skills needed in museums
and laboratories.
The Washington Post recently pub-
lished an article about the program.
This kind of project demonstrates that
training of this kind is needed, can be
used, and will offer many of our young-
sters an exciting and rich future. I ask
unanimous consent that the Post article
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, May 31,
1966]
SMITHSONIAN OPERATES ANTIPOVERTY UNIT,
Too
(By Stuart Auerbach)
A 19-year-old Washington, girl whose
horizons once stretched no farther than a
clerical job bent over a microscope in a lab-
oratory at the Smithsonian Institution and
tossed out $50 words that only a botanist
could understand.
On another floor in the same building, sev-
eral youths were making silk screen prints
for some of the Smithsonian's new exhibits
and two sisters were carving up a penguin
with scalpels to prepare it for scientific study.
They are among 40 youths being trained in
skills that are in great demand by museums
and laboratories in a small but remarkably
successful anti-poverty program.
STARTED LAST JULY
The program was started last July by S.
Dillon Ripley, secretary of the Institution,
under a Neighborhood Youth Corps grant
and in cooperation with the United Planning
Organization.
The Labor Department supplied funds for
26 youths to work at the Smithsonian.
Trainees work 32 hours a week and earn $1.25
an hour.
Many officials were dubious that the youths
could fit into the Smithsonian's atmosphere.
Now, however, officials at both the Smith-
sonian and UPO are loud in praise of the
program.
"Rather than bring these kids in and have
them cut grass and pull weeds, we decided
we would give them meaningful jobs," said
Jack Whitelaw, who heads the program for
the Smithsonian.
FEW DROP OUT
Most of the 26 who started at the Institu-
tion last July have graduated to other jobs
as a result of their experience. Very few
have dropped from the program.
"There is some kind of adhesive here that
seems to hold people," said Don Regusters,
coordinator of out-of-school programs for
UPO who was counselor for the Smithsonian
project.
The training given at the Smithsonian pre-
pares the youths for jobs in other museums,
store display departments and in scientific
laboratories, Regusters said.
"It not only helps them find jobs," said
Whitelaw, "it gives them a sense of working
on something important. When they are
ready to go out and get a job, they can offer
references from some of the Nation's leading
scientists. It's a bit different than giving
the name of a couple of high school teachers."
One small but highly significant prof- existed."
ect to develop such skills is being carried Diana Newman, 19, who started with the
never had been a wiretap. It was a bu out by the Smithsonian Institution here program last Jul , hoped to work for the
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July 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE . 16755
In the position that the United States now
occupies in the world we cannot know when.
a confrontation may occur. We cannot focus
on any one particular period in the future.
Rather, we must maintain the highest pos-
sible state of readiness now and over the lohg
term.
I refer my colleagues to the magazine
"Grumman Horizons," volqme 6, No. 1,
for 1966, which presents a omplete out-
line of the submarine threa , our present
efforts and future needs We are dealing
with survival-an can be no
greater priority In efense posture.
CONGRESS SHOULD DENOUNCE
POSSIBLE TRIAL OF AMERICAN
AIRMEN IN NORTH VIETNAM
(Mr. LANGEN was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. LANGEN. Mr. Speaker, of grave
concern to Members of Congress and,
indeed, every American citizen is the
news that U.S. military personnel are
being help captive in Vietnam. It has
been implied that the captured American
airmen might be brought to trial by the
'Communist regime of North Vietnam.
For this reason I have joined my col-
leagues in introducing a House concur-
rent resolution to make clear that the
people of the United States condemn any
trial, punishment, or execution of these
servicemen.
Our strong and unwavering position in
this matter must be forthrightly com-
municated to the leadership of North
Vietnam and to the governments of for-
countries which lend aid and com-
eign
fort to Communist aggression in South
Vietnam. Unless the Communist re-
gime of North Vietnam adheres to the
Geneva Conventions of 1949, the accepted
concepts oI international law and stand-
ards of international behavior, the op-
portunity for achievement of a just and
secure peace in Vietnam and southeast
Asia will be diminished..
Therefore, every effort must be made
to prevent Hanoi from undertaking in-
humanitarian acts in connection with the
captured American servicemen. It is my
earnest desire that the Congress will take
expeditious action to dramatize the con-
viction and concern of the American
people in this crucial situation.
NEW YORK MEDICAID - "THE
GREAT TREASURY ROBBERY OF
1966"
(Mr. BATTIN (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. BATTIN. Mr. Speaker, in my
newsletter of June 24, 1966, I discussed
the New York State Medicaid program.
Since that time I have had numerous re-
quests for copies and under unanimous
consent I place it in the body of the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
Dear Friends: The total welfare'state may
be nearer than we think. A bulletin pub-
lished by the Mount Sinai Hospital of New
the finest complete medical care is now free I"
A note in the bulletin adds that:
"This is new and in addition to the Medi-
care Program of the Federal Government.-
. The bulletin goes into minute detail of
ow most New Yorkers "unless your income
is considerably above the national average"
will be entitled to the total cost of almost
all medical care, services and supplies which
will be "fully paid for by your state." -
Any person of any age may apply under
the new state law which the bulletin points
out enacts a "dramatic change in the tradi-
tional relationships between patients, doc-
tors, hospital and state." It also proclaims
the (apparent) glad tidings that "from now
on, you are financially responsible only for
your wife or husband and children under 21
years old. You are no longer financially re-
sponsible for the medical expenses of your
parents."
Also in the anouncement was a breakdown
of wage brackets and eligibility which extend-
ed to a family of six with a net income of
$8,550 and this was net income les Federal
and state Income taxes and health insurance
premiums.
Actually, New York has had a very liberal
state medical assistance program for some-
time, but has now lowered the eligibility
requirements and added almost complete
medical benefits including the cost of trans-
portation necessary to obtain care and
services.
Under provisions of the Medicare bill
passed last year, the Federal government will
pay a good part of the New York State pro-
gram. Several other states have similar pro-
grams although none are as extensive as the
New York plan. Other states have applied
and, unless Congress plugs some loopholes
in the Federal assistance provisions of the
Medicare legislation, original estimates of
the cost to the Treasury will have to be re-
vised upward by more than $500 million a
year, and that could be only a start.
The New York plan does not completely
socialize medicine, but leaves little to be
done before those who must foot the bill
will demand at least equal treatment. The
expanded New York program alone will add
something like $100 million in Federal cost
to the Medicare program. Other states are
not likely to stand by and watch as New
York drains the Treasury but will, as several
already have, demand their shares.
Of course this plan is also costing the State
of New York a tremendous amount in tax
money in a state where taxes and more taxes
seem to be the order of the day.
New York subway riders are subsidized by
the state and city government and business
and industry, including the New York Stock
Exchange, threaten to leave the area if taxes
continue to rise. But rather than providing
necessary medical assistance to those who
cannot afford to pay, New York law extends
total benefits to millions who have an annual
income of about three times what the Presi-
dent has set as the poverty level in the Great
Society war on poverty.
The New York plan should be called the
great Treasury robbery of 1966 and if adopted
by other states could break the Treasury,
Sincerely,
JIM BATTIN.
FLEXIBLE LEAD-ZINC QUOTA BILL
(Mr. SKUBITZ (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. SKUBITZ. Mr. Speaker, for a
good many years we have asked for, been
promised, and still await a long-range
minerals policy for our natural resource
try in my State and one important to
many States, the mining of lead and
zinc, has suffered from rapidly changing
cycles of price and supply caused by a
lack of appropriate import controls. We
have proposed to correct this with legis-
lation but, to date, have had no encour-
agement from executive agencies.
Today I join with other interested col-
leagues in introducing a flexible lead-
zinc import quota bill designed to serve
as a deterrent should we again face the
possibility of excessive imports. We do
this as an action necessary while we
await the enactment of a minerals pol-
icy by our Government.
The industry has operated during the
last 11/2 years at reasonable and sta-
bilized prices that encouraged both pro-
duction and consumption of both metals.
We hope this continues but, with expan-
sion of supplies abroad and particularly
for zinc in Canada, we can see the need
for a quota plan on the books now, to
become effective when or if metal stocks
in the United States reach abnormal
levels. The bill we introduce today does
this and has the active endorsement of
essentially all the domestic mining and
smelting industry. Furthermore, the leg-
islation has a term of 5 years to give the
Congress and the executive department
an opportunity to examine the need for
continuing the plan and also to assess
its operation if called into action. I
urge speedy consideration and approval
to assure continuing stability of this im-
portant industry.
(Mr. MORSE (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) as granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. MORSE'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
THE INDIANS' STAKE IN
GRAND CANYON
(Mr. SAYLOR (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, in a des-
perate effort to gain sympathy for their
scheme to sacrifice the beauty of the
Grand Canyon in exchange for two un-
necessary and uneconomic hydroelectric
projects, promoters of the central Ari-
zona project have resorted to blue sky
promises designed to attract the support
of American Indians.
So far as substance is concerned, the
picture as presented may as well have
been etched on the shifting sands, and
those of us who through the years have
fought for better opportunities for our
Indian friends are resentful of this tactic.
In response to the appeal, which in-
cluded the generous offer to change the
name of Bridge Canyon to Hualapai, Mr.
George Rocha, chairman of the Hualapai
Council, wrote an excellent letter based
.upon the information given to him by
propagandists for the proposed dams. I
include this letter, along with a reply
from Mr. Jeffrey Ingram, Southwest rep-
York announces that- "for most New Yorkers,,, industries. In the meantime, an indus-
No. 122-20
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16756 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 28, 1966
resentative of the Sierra Club, in the
RECORD. I urge my colleagues to peruse
the contents of both letters very care-
fully.
The letters follow:
HUALAPAI TRIBAL COUNCIL,
Peach Springs, Ariz., June 30,1966.
DEAR FRIEND: My people have lived in iso-
lation and poverty so long that we have al-
most forgotten how to hope for a better way.
The progress and prosperity of the Nation
have not touched our lives. Our world is the
canyon country of the Colorado River in Ari-
zona. There are no jobs for us. We have no
business to run and no resources to sell, but
now there is a new hope for us. I will tell
you about it because we need your help to
make the dreams of my people come true.
The Congress of the United States has a
bill before it to build a dam on the Colorado
River in Bridge Canyon, a part of our Reser-
vation. It will be called Hualapai Dam. and
it will make a beautiful lake in our canyon,
far removed from the Grand anyon Na-
tional Park. A good road will built from
Peach Springs to the lake. Thousands of
people will come to take boat rides on the
lake and to fish in it, and we plan to make a
fine place for them to stay and to sell them
the supplies they will need. This will make
jobs and business for us and we will not be a
poor and forgotten people any longer. The
dam and the lake and the road across our
Reservation are the only hope we have of
ever being able to help ourselves out of our
ancient misery into a better life and into
the main stream of our Great America.
All we ask you to do if you want to help us
is to write a letter to your Congressmen and
ask them to vote "Yes" for Hualapai Dam.
It is in a Bill called H.R. 4671-The Colorado
River Basin Project Act.
We need your help now.
GEORGE ROCHA,
Chairman.
ALBUQUERQUE, N. MEx.,
July 8, 1966.
Mr. GEORGE ROCHA,
Chairman, Hualapai Tribal Council,
Peach Springs, Ariz.
DEAR MR. RocIIA: Your recent letter has
touched me and many others in the Sierra
Club deeply. I feel that you should know of
what we believe to be our basic agreement,
We are both concerned about people; we
are both moved by a reverence for the land,
and a belief that man loses contact with the
natural world at the peril of his spiritual
health. It is quite possible that the Indians
in the Southwest have much to teach Amer-
icans in general about this belief. The Taos
Pueblo in its effort to regain title of its sacred
land around Blue Lake, the Navajos in their
determination to open their land without
lowering its value, the White Mountain.
Apaches in their decision to devote a section
of their reservation to wilderness; these are
current examples of the way that the South-
western Indians have demonstrated, in the
midst of a world too often devoted to short-
term gain, their hope that the land and the
people can mutually benefit each other.
The Sierra Club holds this hope firmly:
The land can be enhanced by the love of peo-
ple who respect it; people can he refreshed
by land which has not been wounded or
scarred for limited purposes.
In this particular case, I do not believe our
conflict to be basic. The condition of your
tribe as you describe it is deplorable. It is
shameful that those who knew of your plight
and might have helped you in past years
turned their faces away from you. I sincerely
hope that those who rush in with their help
now have more than their own ends in view.
I do wish that the National Park for the
Grand Canyon could originally have included
the whole of the Canyon. As you know, the
Peach Springs-Diamond Creek Canyon was
once a mecca for visitors to the Canyon be-
fore the South Rim was chosen for full devel-
opment. What a difference it would have
made to your people if instead of closing off
the lower part of the Grand Canyon, the Fed-
eral Government had opened it up back in
1920.
That is a lost opportunity; now there is a
new one-the hope that you can benefit from
the construction of Hualapai Bridge Canyon
dam & reservoir. But this new opportunity
is hollow. Hollow because by destroying part
of a unique piece of Creation, the dam will
be destructive of those spiritual values that,
as you know so well, can come only from land
which affords peace and the chance for man
to conceive of his wholeness. You above all
must feel that since recreation in the reser-
voir will be in motorboats, that their me-
chanical racket in that narrow gorge will cut
off forever the chance to enjoy the quiet of
the Canyon & the chance to enjoy the sounds
that are natural to it. Surely you must
know, with your long history in the region,
how foolish it would be to sacrifice that part
of the inner gorge, when in only about a cen-
tury-a moment to your tribe-the reservoir
area will be silted in, becoming a phreato-
phyte jungle. Thus would all people be de-
prived of opportunity to know this land as
it should be.
Let me emphasize my anger at the shoddy
treatment you have received up to this point.
Let me also strongly state that I believe that
both your tribe and the Canyon can be saved,
and therefore I urge, in the name of all the
people-who need this piece of undefiled
land-that we work together. I believe that
your entranceway to the Canyon need not be
spoiled for your and all other Americans to
benefit from it. I therefore ask you to turn
away from those who tell you that this de-
structive, unnecessary project will help you;
to realize that these are the same people who
ignored you for so long; to turn to the
Canyon itself, which if it is left unimpaired,
can forever be a tangible resource for your
,people and a spiritual resource for all people.
JEFFREY INGRAM,
Southwest Representative, Sierra Club.
They are pushing ahead with develop-
ment plans, subdividing more land than
their sales warrant, in preparation for
the time that they will be able to demand
a higher price from the Federal Govern-
ment.
Recently the Wall Street Journal pub-
lished an article pointing out the prob-
lem evolving out of the delay in obtain-
ing the necessary funds for acquisition
of lands for the park. Also, the Sunday
Star-Ledger of Newark, N.J.,, has ex-
pressed concern about making Tocks
Island a paradise for promoters. These
articles are included as a part of my
remarks and I commend them to you for
careful reading.
In an effort to ease this situation, I
have introduced a bill which would per-
mit the Delaware River Basin. Commis-
sion, being composed of representatives
from the States of New Jersey, New York,
Pennsylvania, and Delaware, to enter
into a contract with the Department of
the Interior, to advance funds to the
Secretary of the Interior for the purposse
of expediting land acquisition at Tocks
Island, which would be repaid to the
Commission from the Land and Water
Conservation Fund Act over a period of
years.
I am hopeful that the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs will consider
this bill, H.R. 15193, prior to the adjourn-
ment of this Congress.
The articles follow:
[From the Wall Street Journal]
COSTLY PLAYGROUNDS-DEVELOPERS DRIVE UP
PRfCE OF LAND PICKED FOR NEW NATIONAL
PARKS-FUNDS Now AUTHORIZED LIKELY To
FALL SHORT; REAL ESTATE MEN CALL U.S.
PLANS VAGUE-SUDDIVISIONS AT Tocks
ISLAND
(By Douglas Bedell)
WALLPACK CENTER, N.J.-This sylvan com-
munity is at the heart of an area that is
scheduled to become a national ark within
easy reach of 30 million Eastern seaboard
residents. Officially designated the Delaware
Water Gap National Recreation Area but
commonly called Tocks Island, the park will
embrace 72,000 acres of lakes, forests and
hills. It will offer city dwellers swimming,
boating, trout fishing, camping, hiking and
glimpses of white-tailed deer, beaver and rac-
coon.. -
Pay a visit here today, however, and you
would never know a national park was in the
making. Up on nearby Blue Ridge Moun-
tain, within the boundaries of the planned
park, private developers are bulldozing a new
road and clearing homesites. A hemlock
swamp, envisioned by park planners as the
climax of a hiking trail, has just been
drained as the basin for a lake for the use of
cottage owners. Salesmen are peddling
choice lakefront lots in the growing summer
colony of Blue Mountain Lakes for $5,500
each, and the developers are registering new
blocks of subdivisions with the Wallpack
township clerk.
All this activity is causing frustration and
deep concern in Washington. While Federal
planners have picked sites for a series of new
recreation areas near turban centers to round
out the national park system, funds for land
acquisition have been slow in coming.
PRESIDENT ACTS
Meanwhile, speculation and continued de-
velopment of the very acreage the Govern-
ment hopes to buy have become so exten-
sive that U.S. officials fear rapidly rising costs
may force cutbacks in plans for the parks
unless a lid can be put on prices or the Gov-
ernment can move faster to buy the park-
URGENCY AT TOCKS ISLAND
(Mr. SAYLOR (at the request of Mr.
REINECKE) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, last year
the Congress approved the establishment
of the Delaware Water Gap National
Recreation Area in the States of New
Jersey and Pennsylvania, commonly re-
ferred to as Tocks Island, which is the
first national park to be established east
of the Mississippi River.
The approval of this park has touched
off a land speculation war among devel-
opers which is most regrettable since
they are fully aware of the Federal Gov-
ernment's intention to acquire the entire
area for creation of the new park.
Plans to develop the area have been
widely publicized, and maps showing the
boundaries of the park and the area of
the dam to be constructed by the Corps
of Engineers are available to all con-
cerned.
Unfortunately, these park plans seem
to have given impetus to some real estate
men and land developers eager to make
a "fast buck" at Uncle Sam's expense,
'knowing full well that it will take 6 to
10 years for the Federal Government to
complete acquisition of the land involved.
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July 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
fended the desecration of the American
flag. In an article in yesterday's New
York Times which I am including with
these remarks, the ACLU is reported to
have defended flag burning as "a con-
stitutionally protected activity" akin to
sit-ins and other forms of civil disobedi-
ence. As if to reach for a straw in the
manner of the proverbial drowning man,
the ACLU spoke out of the side of its
month and said, in effect, "After all, the
law provides that old flags shall be de-
stroyed in a dignified way."
'What contempt for our flag and our
Nation? It is unconscionable that any-
one except Communist sympathizers and
those who would destroy our Nation
should advocate a theory that it is a
proper means of protest to desecrate the
stars and stripes. The ACLU adds one
more footnote to a history which already
is full of questionable chapters.
It is groups like the ACLU which gives
a rationale to those who advocate dis-
obedience, rioting and contempt for au-
thority. I wonder where they will ever
draw the line. One of these days they
will be telling us that academic freedom
includes the right of indecent exposure
in the classroom. Their questionable po-
sition Is in totally bad taste, Mr. Speaker,
and I strenuously object to their views.
Unfortunately, the Supreme Court will
probably uphold their twisted, wierd
theory which they propound in this of-
fensive unpatriotic and despicable beat-
nik-type protest.
The article in the Times indicates the
immediate need for the Congress to act.
I am joining many of my colleagues in
signing the discharge petition offered by
my good friend, the gentleman from In-
diana [Mr. ROUDEBUSI]. His bill would
make the desecration of the flag a crime
and I have introduced a companion bill
on this same subject. It is high time we
call a halt to these people who flaunt law
and order by desecrating its symbol, old
glory.
The article from the Times follows:
BURNING OF FLAG IS DEFENDED HERE-BUT
ACLU FAILS To SWAY COURT ON CIVIL-
RIGHTS ISSUE
(By David Anderson)
The New York Chapter of the American
Civil Liberties Union contended yesterday
in a Brooklyn courtroom that burnl,ng an
American flag on a street corner could be "a
most practical and effective way" to demon-
strate for civil rights.
Flag-burning, it was argued, is "a consti-
tutionally protected activity" akin to sit-ins
and other forms of civil disobedience. Fur-
thermore, the organization asserted, the law
provides that old flags "shall be destroyed in
a dignified way, preferably by burning."
On trial before Judge Ludwig Glows, in
Criminal Court was Sidney Street, a 47-year-
old bus driver who won the Bronze Star in
World War II. Defending him was David T.
Goldstick of the Civil Liberties Union. Here
is the story, as was given in court:
his father-in-law, Fernandez Decora, a World
War I veteran, at his funeral 20 years ago,
and on the corner of Lafayette Avenue and
St. James Place, Mr. Street lit a bonfire of
newspapers topped with the flag.
Patrolman James Copeland drove up in a
squad car around 7 P.M. and demanded:
"What the hell's going on here?"
"If they did that to Meredith," Mr. Street
replied, "we don't need an American flag."
Mr. Street was arrested and charged with
malicious mischief and disorderly conduct.
Mr. Goldstick, the lawyer, said to the
court: "This man was enjoying a constittt.-
tionally protected activity to be equated
with civil rights protests. He adopted a most
practical and effective way of calling atten-
tion to a very grievous deed. It was no act
of desecration; he did not defile the flag but
burned it with all dignity, not contempt."
Mr. Street, the defense said, was "engaged
in symbolic speech, protected by the First
Amendment to the Constitution." Accord-
ing to the Civil Liberties Union, this is the
first prosecution in New York under a Penal
Law provision, enacted in 1892, prohibiting
public mutilation of the flag.
Judge Glowa found Mr. Street guilty on
the malicious-mischief charge, but dismissed
the disorderly-conduct count because every-
one agreed that the few people who had wit-
nessed the flag-burning paid it little heed.
Mr. Street, who could receive the maximum
penalty of $500 and three years in prison,
Will be sentenced Aug. 9. The Civil Liberties
Union said it would appeal.
(Mr. CONYERS (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. CONYERS' remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. CONYERS (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. CONYERS' remarks will appear
(Mr. CONYERS (at the request f Mr.
REES) was granted permission xtend
his remarks at this point in- t; ECORD
and to include extrane
[Mr. CONYERS' rem41vvlkAppear
MILITARY PERSONNEL HELD CAP-
TIVE IN VIETNAM
(Mr. LONG of Maryland (at the re-
quest of Mr. REES) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. LONG of Maryland. Mr. Speaker,
I recently urged the President and the
Congress to maintain a "stern cool" in
the crisis created by the threat of Hanoi
ri
il
n
minals.
p
ots as wua c
Last June 6 Mr. Street was sitting in his In w Vr`'d ... ` a
home at 309 Lafayette Avenue, in the Bed- oer that Hanoi may fully appreciate
ford-Stuyvesant section of Brooklyn, listen- the impact of, the trials of American fliers
ing to the radio. Suddenly there came the on public opinion, I am introducing to-
news that James Meredith, the Negro who day a concurrent resolution stating that
was leading a civil-rights march, had been our military personnel held captive in
shot in Mississippi. Vietnam are prisoners of war entitled to
BONFIRE IN THE sTREE'r all the benefits of the Geneva Convention
Outraged, Mr. Street took the '48-star of 1949, and that the trial, punishment,
American flag that had covered the coffin of or execution of these prisoners by the
16767
Communists would seriously diminish
the opportunity for achievement of a
just and secure peace in Vietnam, which
is the objective of our Nation.
We should not take any action, how-
ever, that is not carefully considered to
be in the best interest of the United
States, regardless of the trials. If it is
not sound policy to step up the bombing
of North Vietnam, we should not let our-
selves be stampeded into unwise action.
If It is sound policy, we should do it any-
way.
I was delighted to have the President's
reassurance the other day that enemy
provocations have not driven our Gov-
ernment to such frustration that major
decisions affecting the war might be
made in haste and passion. The Balti-
more Sun has commented on the Presi-
dent's statement in the thoughtful edi-
torial which follows:
[From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun,
July 22,19M ]
PRESS CONFERENCE
The value of the presidential press con-
ference, not of the impromptu sort but on
a rather formal basis, was well demonstrated
in Mr. Johnson's meeting with the press,
and through television with the country, on
Wednesday afternoon. The President called
this gathering at a molnent when the nation
was much agitated over the issue of the
American fliers held captive by the North
Vietnamese, and was fearful and uncertain
as to what might happen next. Also part of
the background were Mr. Johnson's speeches
of three weeks ago in Omaha and Des Moines,
which had seemed to some to suggest that
the United States, in a change of policy, had
decided to seek a military solution in Viet-
nam. It was a moment when the country
needed information, and reassurance.
These the President provided, with the in-
formation that in the face of great difficulties
our policy remains the same, and with reas-
surance that severe enemy provocations had
not driven our Government to such a degree
of frustration that major and perhaps ir-
revocable decisions might be made hastily
and in passion. The President's demonstra-
tion of the profound concern we all share and
at the same time of the thoughtful steadiness
his office calls for especially at the hardest
times was healthy for the country, and help-
ful to the press and to our friends elsewhere
in the world. We venture to believe that Mr.
Johnson for his part may have found the
exchanges of this meeting useful.
DOMENIC ANNOTTI
(Mr. FOGARTY (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, the
Sunday Rhode Islander recently ran a
feature article concerning one of the
young men and women of this Nation
who is making a major contribution to
the war on poverty. This young man
comes from my district and I have per-
sonally known him for many years.
His name is Domenic Annotti, and he
is a 27-year-old former marine from
Providence, who is now spending a year
of his life in service to Americans. In
fact, he is helping some of the most de-
prived and isolated Americans in the Na-
tion-the Alaskans who live in Em-
monak.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 28, 1966
In an article by Douglas R. Riggs VISTA is up, to supervise completion of the
which appeared in the Providence Jour- $100,000 refrigeration plant and electric
nal, it was pointed out that selling generator.
refrigerators to the Eskimos is no joke, His letter started out in a coffee can,
Emmonak's only post office. The weather
for that is exactly what young Don An- was good, so a plane was able to land on
notti is doing. He is trying to build a cold the frozen Yukon River and pick it up, de-
storage plant which will enable the peo- livening it to Nome and thence to "Outside"
ple of this small village to preserve their here else, for that ffor o theeLower 48--or aany
e so that they can sell them at the half an hour away by plane in good weather.
peak -
pof the season. In bad weather, it might as well be a million
Don Annotti is typical of the VISTA miles away.
volunteers who have chosen to spend a Alaska, which never did quite live up to
year of their lives helping those who are its myths, has undergone vast changes in
in need: those who are termed econom- the last several years. Not only do Eskimos
ically impoverished, but whom I choose have refrigerators, but there are more than
to call poor. Today, there are 13 men 500 air conditioned homes In the state-and
and women from Rhode Island who have why not, when the summertime temperature
dedicated a year of their lives to serving sometimes soars into the nineties?
But Emmonak, a virtually all-Eskimo vil-
their fellow Americans. They range lage on a spur of land jutting into the Yukon
in age from 19 to 74, and are serving in River, hasn't seen much of this change.
all the major areas of poverty in this , Igloos, are no longer found there, but the best
country. One serves in Alaska. Another of the one-room wooden shacks in which
in an Appalachian hollow. These men most of the natives live probably would be
and women of Rhode Island are working condemned under any number of minimum
and living in migrant camps and on In- :housing regulations found in most American
dian reservations in the Far West. cities. Emmonak is a city, the natives in-
sist, , with a general store, city council and all.
Rhode Island also benefits from the But plumbing of any kind is virtually un-
work of VISTA volunteers. Jack Dono- known. It has some electric power, but when
van, one of the volunteers who worked the VISTA team tried to show slides while
with the poor in Providence was so suc- a film was playing at the town's only movie
cessful that when he finished his service house, they overloaded the generator.
he was hired by Rhode Island University The new generating plant will augment the
to supervise an antipoverty project. supply, and the new refrigeration plant is
expected to augment the Eskimos' incomes,
It is apparent, Mr. Speaker, that these which average about $1,500 during the month
persons who serve in VISTA for a mini- of June, virtually nothing the rest of the
mum financial reward are the unsung year. June is when the King Salmon run
heroes of the war on poverty. They go up the Yukon and Emmonak's one indus-
where they are needed to serve those try-fishing goes into high gear. The rest
in need. Their return is an immense of the year the Eskimos hunt, trap, haul
amount of personal satisfaction. logs for fuel across miles of ice and snow,
I am proud that a former marine from and generally do what Eskimos have done for
generations, living off the almost-barren land
my State, a personal friend of mine, has and the money they made in June.
chosen to devote yet another year of his Don Annotti and his three VISTA com-
life to the service of his country. His panions (another young man and two girls)
story deserves wide attention because it are helping to change th eepatt they be-
is the story of VISTA. it is a story which munity life Emmonak
come a part of it. The Eskimos vea as get a low
contains the essence of the war on pover- price for their fish, and the prices they pay for
ty-of helping those in need to help goods are "outrageous," according to Don.
themselves: Much of the catch, furthermore, is lost due
[From the Providence (R.I.) Journal, to spoilage. The new freezing plant is ex-
July 24, 1966] pected to change all that. "'t'hat way we
VISTA COMES To EMMONAK-DON'S MOTHER won't have the spoilage and waste and we'll
WONDERS: WILL HE EVER COME HOME? be able to get higher prices by cutting out
(By Douglas R. Riggs) the middle man and selling directly to can-
neries," Don said.
What is a 26-year-old ex-Marine from His use of the word "we" is no pose.
Providence doing in Emmonak, Alaska (pop. Bundled in his fur-trimmed parka and muk-
400) this summer? Why, building a re- luks -(knee-high seal skin boots), he often
frigeration plant for the Eskimos, of course. goes on hunting, fishing and logging expedi-
That old canard about selling refrigerators tions with the Eskimos at their invitation,
to the Eskimos is no joke to Domenic Annotti, and pitches in whenever anything needs
son of Mr. and Mrs. Anthony Annotti of doing.
Providence, and the three other VISTA vol- "Don has the personality," said one of his
unteers In Emmonak. Nor to the Eskimos, VISTA companions. "Everyone in Emmonak
who desperately need refrigeration equip- comes to him. The Eskimos love his sense of
ment to keep the fish they catch in June humor and a great rapport has sprung up."
from spoiling before they can get them to a The Eskimos even invited him to dance in
cannery. And it's no gag to the U.S. govern- their luknok, a traditional dancing contest
ment, which is footing 80 per cent of the given for a neighboring village. "If we have
equipment's cost, nor to VISTA (Volunteers a gussick (white man) dancing for us, we
In Service To America), which is sponsoring can't lose," they explained. Don has be-
the whole project. come proficient in the stylized dances per-
According to reports reaching Rhode Island formed to the rhythmic beat of Eskimo
from Emmonak and VISTA headquarters in drums.
Washington, D.C., Don (everyone calls him Don and Carl Berger, the other male merp-
that) not only enjoys what he is doing but her of the team, spearheaded the building of
has fit in so well with village life that his a community saw mill as one or their first
mother, an employe of the state Board of projects. "It was all there, the saw, every-
Elections who lives at 443 River Avenue, is thing. Had been for a year," Don said. "We
beginning to wonder if he will every come just started building it. Pretty soon every-
back. Actually, according to a recent letter one pitched in to help." The VISTA men
to the Sunday Journal, Don's plans are to made their dining room table from the saw's
remain in Emmonak during the summer packing crate. The two VISTA girls, mean-
months, even though his year's tour with while, set up a Head Start program for pre-
school Eskimo children and an adult educa-
tion program for their parents, along with
other community activities.
Don and Carl share a cramped trailer and
join the two girls in their cottage for meals.
Their living quarters are nearly as Spartan
as those of the Eskimos. Likewise their
menu: homemade bread and fish for the
most part, with an occasional rabbit, seal or
walrus steak, leavened with packages from
home and as much store-bought food as
their financial resources and transportation
will allow.
Transportation, in descending- order of re-
liability, is by foot, dog sled, skidoo (a mo-
torized dog sled), motor boat (during the
summer) and airplane, weather permitting.
Often, the weather doesn't permit anything
at all.
Mrs. Joan Larson, a community' relations
official at VISTA headquarters in Washing-
ton, from whom much of the information in
this article came, was "weathered in" at Em-
monak for four days during a tour of several
of the 30 VISTA outposts in Alaska earlier
this year. The Yukon River is the only air-
strip: the bush planes, which drop in once
or twice a week in good weather, can land
on either water or ice. But when the ice
breaks up during the spring thaw, there is
a period of about three weeks when no
planes can land. The flight schedule may
also be interrupted (and frequently is) by
rain, snow or fog. Temperatures in the win-
ter go down to 40 or 50 degrees below zero.
Don hever dreamed he'd be heading for
Alaska when he joined VISTA: he was sup-
posed to work in the slums of Chicago. He
joined the domestic Peace Corps last June.
after a three-year hitch in the Marines and
a year at Hartford University. (lie had a
scholarship to Providence College when he
graduated from La Salle Academy, and went
there for a year, but left to join the Marines
at the age of 18.) But when they asked him
to go to Alaska, Don said sure, if that's
where they wanted him. In the Marines, he
was stationed in Hawaii. Going from there
to Alaska was "a pretty cold transition," as
his mother put it.
But he seems to have no regrets. He
was interested in social work, his mother
reported, so when he felt he wasn't getting
anywhere in college, joining VISTA seemed
the natural thing to do. "This suits me,"
Don said. "I like these people. They're
good, honest and intelligent. They're not
complex. They're eager to please." He also
spoke admiringly of the Eskimos' ability with
their hands.
According to his mother, Don is no slouch
in that department. himself. He was a radar
technician in the Marines, and between his
schooling and hitch in the service he worked
at various trades, from landscaping, stone
wall and cesspool building to short order
cook, turret lathe operator and surveyor.
Once in VISTA, his skills were sharpened by
six weeks of intensive training at the Uni-
versity of Alaska and Fort Yukon. He
learned the basics of the Eskimo language
there and is picking up more all the time
from the villagers. Several of the Eskimos
knew English already, and others are learn-
ing it from the VISTA team.
VISTA is winding up it first year in the
49th state with 60 volunteers, some of them
working alone in villages even smaller than
Emmonak. The state has now requested 200
volunteers, and it looks as though Don will
still be there when the new group comes in.
His mother wants him to come back and
finish college. But thoughts of college seem
far from his mind when Don starts talking:
"We get into the homes- of these people and
got to know them and their problems.
That's what VISTA really is." And that's
why Don Annotti is building a refrigerator
for the Eskimos this summer.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
paratory to a determination of specific
changes in existing wage rates.
The bill which I have submitted would
assure these employees uniformity in
various differentials as well as in basic
wage rates. It would provide for uni-
form application of the night differential,
the differential for hazardous duties, the
differential for holiday work as well ps
the overtime rate of 11/2 times the basic
rate for work in excess of 8 hours in any
one day. I believe the enact Tentf this
bill would be the most pro essive for-
ward step made by the Gove ent since
it authorized the fixing pfa age rates in
the navy yards as lol kjps 1862.
PEACE IN ASIA
(Mr. MACKAY (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MACKAY. Mr. Speaker the At-
lanta Constitution reviews editorially
President Johnson's policy for peace on
Asia and concludes that he has clarified
an evolving, policy toward Red China
aimed at ending the isolation of its 700
In the words of the newspaper:
He has pointed the way to peace in a forth-
right expression of this country's national
will.
If the Red Chinese accept, the Consti-
tution believes, they could indeed open
the door to lasting peace in Asia.
I include the editorial in the RECORD:
LASTING PEACE IN ASIA
President Johnson has spelled out a four-
point policy for peace in Asia, combining U.S.
commitment against aggression there with a
continuing effort for improved relations with
Red - China. Such overtures have been re-
jected in the past but the President is trying
to open a door looking to an end of Peking's
isolation and Red China's paranoid tenden-
cies.
"The peace we seek in Asia," the President
declared in a speech Tuesday night to the
American Alumni Council, "is a peace of
conciliation. Communists in Asia still be-
lieve in force to achieve their goals and the
United States, as a Pacific power, will not
retreat from the obligations of freedom and
security in Asia" and particularly in Viet
Nam.
His proposals for achieving lasting peace
in Asia included international trade, the free
flow of people and ideas, the full participa
tion of all nations in an international com-
munity and a common dedication to human
progress and development.'
A peaceful mainland China is central to a
peaceful Asia, the President declared, and
Peking must be discouraged from aggressive
hostility and encouraged toward peaceful co-
operation with others. He cited U.S. efforts
to open up travel between the United States
and mainland China-efforts which so far
have been unsuccessful. He will continue
such initiatives in spite of rebuffs.
Referring to the U.S. effort in Viet Nam
as part of the four essentials he cited for
peace in Asia, he said our purpose there is
"to prove to aggressive nations that the use
of force to conquer others is a losing game."
His other three points were:
"The determination' of the United States
to meet our obligations in Asia as a-Pacific
power, . the building of political and eco-
nomic strength among the nations of free
Asia" and "reconciliation between nations
that now call themselves enemies."
The President thus has clarified an evolv-
ing policy toward Red China aimed at ending
the isolation of the country's 700 mililon
people from the outside world. He has
pointed the way to peace in a forthright ex-
pression of this country's national will. Ac-
oeptance by the Red Chinese could indeed
open the door to lasting peace in Asia.
APPROPRIATIONS BUSINESS OF THE
SESSION
(Mr. MAHON (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include tables.)
[Mr. MAHON'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
WATCH THOSE INTEREST RATES
(Mr. MONAGAN (at the request of
Mr. REES) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, the
current period of high interest rates is
causing serious dislocations in our
economy.
One of the results of the rising interest
rates has been to divert funds from
savings banks and savings and loan as-
sociations to commercial banks or to
other forms of investment. As a result
of this flow, the institutions which nor-
mally provide money for the homebuild-
ing industry are discovering that their
deposits which provide the funds for
lending are sharply reduced from last
year. 'The results of this policy have al-
ready been seen in the movement of
loaned money from home mortgage to
short-term and commercial loans.
This heating of the economy must be
met on many fronts. There must be
determination to control spending on
the part of the Congress, there must be
restraint in the appropriation requests
on the part of the executive branch, and
there must be a broad national policy to
discourage abnormal threats to the sta-
bility of the economy.
In addition, the Congress can and
should take prompt action by legislation
to redress the balance between commer-
cial and savings institutions and keep
their dual operation functioning effi-
ciently without undue discrimination.
In this way the housing industry can
continue to provide employment and eco-
nomic activity, as well as furnish the
necessary homes for our growing popu-
lation.
I urge the House Committee on Bank-
ing and Currency to take prompt action
to deal effectively with this problem.
RUBBER FOOTWEAR
DEVELOPMENTS
(Mr. MONAGAN (at the request of Mr.
REES) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, since
the meeting of the New England delega-
tion which convened on May 24 to for-
mulate plans for action on the Treasury
Department's recent reduction of the
. 16771
tariff on rubber-soled footwear imports,
several important steps have been taken
in pursuit of this objective.
As chairman of the committee which
was appointed to coordinate House and
Senate efforts in this matter, I am
pleased to inform the Members of this
body that our committee members have
been joined by other Members of Con-
gress in our response to the Treasury
Department action.
Through the committee, we were able
to mobilize substantial congressional
participation and representation at the
June 8 Tariff Commission hearings on
the American selling price system of tar-
iff evaluation of rubber-soled footwear.
At this hearing, through the testimony
and statements of Senators PELL and
EDWARD KENNEDY, and Representative
BOLAND, as well as my own, the economic
consequences of the tariff change were
firmly presented to the Commission.
Immediately following this hearing, on
June 9r the committee called for discus-
sion with Assistant Secretary of' the
Treasury True Davis, Commissioner of
Customs Lester D. Johnson, and Mr.
Edwin F. Rains of the Customs Bureau,
and requested administrative restoration
of the original tariff.
The presence at this meeting of 14
Members and their representatives from
a cross section of New England and Mid-
western States including Representatives
BATES, BURKE, O'NEILL, FOGARTY, MONA-
GAN, Senator RIBIcoFF, and representa-
tives of Speaker MCCORMACK, Senators
EDWARD KENNEDY, MUSKIE, and SALTON-
STALL, and Representatives MORSE,
TaoMPSON of Wisconsin, and ADAIR em-
phasized the importance of this issue to
the Congress.
It should be noted that a. complaint
against the new appraisement procedure
has been made to the Customs Bureau by
nine of the major footwear firms, and
the Commissioner of Customs has as-
sured the committee that in this pro-
ceeding a thorough reexamination of the
Bureau's previous decision will be made
and the points made by the Committee
will be considered.
In addition to these measures, we have
sent to the President the letter proposed
by Senator RIBICOFF and signed by 37
Members, protesting the Treasury De-
partment's unilateral tariff reduction
and emphasizing the threat that this
action poses to the domestic footwear
industry and its workers.
We have recently recived a reply to
this letter from Secretary Fowler on be-
half of the President which raises some
doubt that administrative relief from
the Treasury Department's decision will
be forthcoming and from it the inference
may be drawn that corrective legislation
or judicial relief may be necessary. Hav-
ing noted the disregard of the Treasury
Department for the evidence of the act-
ual and potential impact of increased
imports and the dismissal of this argu-
ment by the Department as "not persua-
sive," it is difficult not to conclude that
legislative action will provide the only
practical solution of this problem.
Many members of the committee and
other Members of Congress have spon-
sored legislation identical to my bill,
H.R. 12983, which would reverse the
No. 122-22
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Treasury Department's decision. This,
legislation is pending before the Ways
and Means Committee and we have made
and will continue to make organized at-
tempts to bring these bills to a hearing.
Also, Chairman DENT of the General
Subcommittee on Labor has planned to
schedule hearings next month on the
impact of imports on American industry
and employment.
Although the task we have undertaken
is a difficult one, the broad support that
our efforts have received from workers
and management of the industry has
been rewarding and greatly encouraging.
As an example of the enthusiastic ap-
proval the committee's labors have re-
ceived, I offer the following letters of in-
terested parties and a resolution adopted
by District No. 2 of the United Rubber
Workers for insertion in the RECORD at
this point:
UNITED STATES RUBBER CO.,
Naugatuck, Conn., July 25, 1966.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
Room 1314, Longworth House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR JOHN: I want to take this opportu-
nity to express my thanks for the work you.
are doing on our fabric shoe tariff problem.
We at the Naugatuck Footwear Plant know
that this has taken a great amount of time
and effort on your part, and I affil certain
that without your interest and the interest
of Senators DODD and RLBIcoFF and others,
there would be very little hope for. eventual
success. I was particularly impressed with
the work that you did as a result of the
meeting with the New England Congressional
Delegation and although there have been no
tangible results as yet, I hope that some-
thing beneficial will come of this.
Your activity on our behalf in this matter
convinces me that our district is very well
represented in Congress.
Very truly yours,
P. G. BROWN,
Factory Manager.
UNITED RUBBER, CORK, LINOLEUM,
AND PLASTIC WORKERS OF AMERICA,
Akron, Ohio, June 15, 1966.
Hon. JOHN S. MONACAN,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN MONACAN: I want to
extend to you my thanks and deep apprecia-
tion for the extensive effort you have put
forth to protect domestic rubber footwear
fobs through continuation of a fair tariff
practice. Although this matter can affect
your own State, much is at stake in other
areas of the country.
As President of the United Rubber Work-
ers International Union I am greatly con-
cerned about this matter. I intend to keep
in personal contact with it and devote per-
sonal attention to it where necessary,
I have made our position very clear in op-
posing the change in tariff structure and it
is certainly encouraging to have the support
of someone like yourself in this matter.
Very truly yours,
GEORGE BURDON,
Itternational President,
B. F. GOODRICH FOOTWEAR CO.,
Watertown, Mass., March 25, 1966.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN MONAGAN: The man-
agement and employees of the B. F. Good-
rich Footwear Company and Federal Local
No. 21914, AFL-CIO wishes to express their
appreciation for your efforts in our behalf
by submission of Hatt. 12983, a bill to amend
the Tariff. Schedules of the United States
with respect to the determination of Amer-
ican selling price in the case of certain foot-
wear of rubber or plastics.
We are wholeheartedly in favor of this
legislation and hereby offer to help you in
your efforts to pass the bill.
Please do not hesitate to call on us if we
can be of service to you.
Thank you and kindest regards.
WILLIAM R. WARD,
.Manager, Trade and Community Relations.
UNITED RUBBER, CORK, LINOLEUM
AND PLASTIC WORKERS OF AMERICA,
Akron, Ohio, June 16, 1966.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN MONACAN : May I ex-
press sincere appreciation for your efforts to
assure the job security of rubber footwear
workers in the State of Connecticut.
Your appearance before the United States
Tariff Commission on June 8 aided substan-
tially our efforts to convince the Commission
that the domestic rubber-soled footwear in-
dustry has already been adversely affected by
mounting imports of foreign-made shoes.
We are well aware of the yeoman efforts
which you and a number of your colleagues
in the House have made to secure, by legisla-
tive action, a recision of the Treasury De-
partment's recent cut in the effective rate of
the tariff on imported footwear.
Be assured of the continued support of the
United Rubber Workers for the leadership
which you have demonstrated in attempting
to resolve a problem vital to all of us.
Very truly yours,
P. BOMMARrro,
International Vice President.
BRISTOL MANUFACTURING CORP.,
Bristol, R.I., June 6, 1966.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
Mr. DEAR CONGRESSMAN MONACAN: We ap-
preciate very much your letter of May 27,
1966 to which you attached a copy of the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of May 26, 1966 out-
lining your remarks on the subject of re-
duction of tariff on imported rubber-soled
canvas footwear.
This letter also included the notice of the
June 8 hearing by the U.S. Tariff Commis-
sion and the minutes of the meeting of
May 24, 1966 called by Speaker IACCORMACK.
It is our Intention to be represented at
the Tariff Commission hearing and hope that
this hearing will result in rates of duty that
will protect our industry.
We are appreciative of the support you
gave us and our industry at the -meting of
May 24, 1966 and in Congress by your H.R.
12983 to rescind the Customers ]Bureau's re-
cent reduction on imported rubbe~-soled can-
vas footwear.
Sincerely yours,
M. A. SOUSA.
THE NAUGATUCK COUNCIL OF CHURCHES,
Naugatuck, Conn., March 2, 1966.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
New House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MONACAN : We wish to advise you
that at the March 1 meeting of the Execu-
tive Committee of the Naugatuck Council
Cf Churches a resolution was adopted ex-
pressing support for the legislation which
you introduced in Congress last; week call-
ing for retention of higher tariffs on Im-
ported rubber soled-canvas footwear. It is
our earnest hope that this bill will be passed.
Very truly yours,
E. M. WAIDELICH,
Secretary.
July 28, 1966
RESOLUTION No. ,7, URW DISTRICT No. 2
COUNCIL MEETING, APRIL 23, 1966, BOSTON,
MASS., ON TARIFF DUTY ON IMPORTED RUB-
BER-SOLED FOOTWEAR
Whereas: The approach of the AFT -CIO to
the participation of the United States in For-
eign Trade, and to the inevitable problem of
competition of imports with domestically
produced goods, has been to support, on the
one hand, the maximum flow of goods be-
tween countries via Foreign Trade-while in-
sisting, at the same time, that those Indus-
tries and those workers adversely affected by
foreign imports be protected via tariff du-
ties and Import quotas, and/or via govern-
ment subsidy or retraining and. displacement
allowances; and
Whereas: Imports of rubber-soled footwear
with canvass or fabric uppers began to enter
the American domestic market in increasing
numbers in the decade following World War
II-and in recent years have risen to the
point where such imports now command a
substantial segment of the domestic market
(particularly at the low end of the price
scale); and
Whereas: Such imports of rubber-soled
footwear have adversely affected both pres-
ent and future employment opportunities for
United Rubber Worker Members-and mem-
bers of sister AFL-CIO Unions-engaged in
the domestic production of rubber-soled
footwear. Foreign competition at low wage
levels is particularly severe in the case of
rubber-soled footwear, because of the rela-
tively high labor content of such production
which is approximately 45%; and
Whereas: Imports of rubber-soled :footwear
continued to inundate the American domes-
tic market in spite of tariff duties imposed
on the basis of the highest American Selling
Price for a comparable domestically produced
shoe; and
Whereas: The unilateral action of the
Bureau of Customs of the U.S. Treasury De-
partment, in February, 1966, In effectively
reducing the tariff on imported rubber-soled
footwear by 20-25%, by establishing the
American Selling Price basis for valuation of
such imports on the lowest-priced compar-
able domestic shoe-compounded by making
such reduction retroactive for three years-
can only result in even more serious effects
on the market for domestically produced
footwear-and, therefore, on the job security
of United Rubber Workers and other AFL-
CIO members. The effect of this change has
been to establish non-union shoes, pur-
chased by low paid American workers, as a
basis for levying the tariff on imported shoes.
This is a further and flagrant affront to the
American Labor Movement and to its union
label problem, geared to encouraging the
purchase of products made under decent
wages and working conditions; and
Whereas: The announcement by a respon-
sible spokesman for the American negotiating
group, which will go to Geneva this spring
for the Kennedy round of tariff negotiations
under General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT), indicating that the American
Selling Price basis for valuation of imports is
subject to negotiation during the Geneva
meetings, can only lead to a further reduc-
tion in the tariff duties on Imported rubber-
soled footwear; and
Whereas: Congressman JOHN MONACAN
(D-Conn.) has introduced a bill in the
United States House of Representatives (the
bill, H.R. 12983, is now pending before the
House Ways and Means Committee;) whose
purpose is to reverse-by legislative action of
the Congress-the decision of the Treasury
Department and the Bureau of Customs.
This bill would re-establish the use of the
highest comparable American Selling Price
as a basis for valuation of imported rubber-
soled footwear. We note with appreciation
the bills introduced by other friendly Con-
gressmen to accomplish this same purpose,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX A3991
and mailers on the ZIP code program,
and it is most gratifying to find such
cooperation among a major mail user
organization.
IRS and the Grand Canyon
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
.HON. JOHN R. SCHMIDHAUSER
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 28, 1966
Mr. SCHMIDHAIISER. Mr. Speaker,
action by the Internal Revenue Service
has threatened to block exposition of
conversation groups' views on the pro-
posed Grand Canyon dams.
The ,appearance early this week of an
advertisement in the New York Times,
sponsored by the Sierra Club and pre-
senting the reasons for the club's op-
position to the Grand Canyon dams, is
an encouraging sign.
Discriminatory action by the Internal
Revenue Service has failed to stop the
defense of Grand Canyon, and I am glad
of it.
An editorial in the Idaho Statesman of
June 14, 1966, raises the question of
whether the IRS action may result, in
effect, in taxation of free speech:
THE "CLUB" OVER TAX-EXEMPT ORGANIZATIONS
A provision in the Internal Revenue Code
pertaining to tax-exempt organizations pro-
hibits such groups from attempting to in-
fluence legislation. If they take political
action, the Internal Revenue Service is
charged with enforcing the law and with-
drawing the tax-exemption status.
It is assumed that federal agents investi-
gate organizations before granting such
status in the first place. However, the pro-
cedures they entertain in removing organiza-
tions from tax-exempt classifications may be
questionable.
As an example, the Sierra Club, a Cali-
fornia-based organization which promotes
studies and programs on preservation of wi-
derness and national scenic monuments, has
a public record of intervening in conserva-
tion acts, such as wilderness, wild rivers, sea-
shore, redwood forest preservation and pre-
venting damage to certain national scenic
monuments.
Last Thursday, the club placed ads in the
New York Times and Washington Post, re-
cruiting public opposition to the construc-
tion of two federal reclamation dams in the
Grand Canyon as now proposed in Congress.
Twenty-four hours later the Internal Rev-
enue Service issued a summons to the club
declaring its advertising was an attempt to
influence Congress. Thus the club is to lose
its tax-exempt status, unless a hearing pro-
duces a different interpretation.
There is no intent here to argue the pros
or cons of the Sierra Club's stand on the
But if the IRS grants' tax-exemption,
knowing the purpose of an organization-
religious, charitable, public service, political,
business or conservation-is to comment and
stir opinion on public issues, has the gov-
ernment the right to take away such a status
because of influential and capricious com-
plaints from opposing interests.
The law must not be enforced by "shotgun"
tactics.
Most prized in this nation is the ability
61 the people to speak out and organize to
protest or support various actions of govern-
ment.
This is the service the Sierra Club and
other foundations perform. If the IRS holds
a club over their activities and threatens,
possibly the law should be changed to pro-
vide that a modest tax be imposed. If any
orgaliization operates commercially in com-
petition with private business or holds in-
collie property, then it should be taxed in a
comparable manner to assessment of private
interests.
As it is now, the IRS code can be unjustly
enforced on, groups which have taken posi-
tion on public matters, while allowing other
organizations to continue without punish-
ment.
Congress should inquire into the intent of
the tax-exempt law and whethe it is being
,administered fairly or not, or sjhether free
Arabs To Fight A*iVt American Troops
in Vi nam?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 28, 1966
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Vice
President HUBERT HUMPHREY recently
spoke before the American Jewish Press
Association here in Washington and
during the course of his address pointed
out that American tax dollars are going
to support the members of an Arab army
being organized to fight against Israel
and whose officers are being sent to Viet-
nam to fight against our troops as train-
ing for an eventual attack upon Israel.
This incredible story is reported edi-
torially in the July-August 1966 edition
of the National Jewish Monthly and I
commend that editorial to the attention
of our colleagues:
ARABS WE ARE FEEDING ARE PREPARING To KILL
AMERICANS IN VIET NAM AND To INVADE
ISRAEL
To the overwhelming major.ty of our read-
ers, who are American citizens, we address
this question: Are you aware that part of
your tax money is now being used to support
men who are in an army that is openly pre-
paring to fight against Americans in Viet
Nam and later attack the State of Israel?
This shocking statement is literally true.
The army referred to is the so-called Pal-
estine Liberation Organization (P.L.O.),
which the notorious Arab opportunist
Ahmed Shukairy has formed with Arab ref-
ugees from Palestine. That army is receiv-
ing weapons from Communist China, and
some of its officers aie being sent to North
Viet Nam to fight against the Americans de-
fending South Viet Nam-and at the same
time to receive training in guerrilla warfare,
to be applied later against Israel. These
soldiers in the P.L.O., and their families, are
living in the Arab refugee camps in Egypt
and Syria which are supported by the United
Nations. And the United States contribu-
tion to the support of those camps is 70%
of the total.
This is no idle theory; Shukairy himself
boasts of it. During the recent annual con-
vention of the American Jewish Press Asso-
ciation in Washington, B'nai B'rith tendered
nation. We receive arms from the Chinese
People's Republic. The P.L.O. has military
officers being trained in the arms of -libera-
tion and the experience of the Chinese." He
added: "We and our army are a threat to
Israel." Shukairy, usually unreliable, ms.y
be telling the truth now.
THE UN SHOULD STOP SUPPORTING AN ARMY OF
AGGRESSORS
The U.S. Government has now urged the
UN to remove from its relief rolls all Arab
refugees who are involved in such military
activities. All we can say to that is: it's
about time! Sen. EDWARD KENNEDY heads a
Senate subcommittee which has been investi-
gating UN relief activities in general in
Egypt, Lebanon, and Jordan, and he has esti-
mated that between 10,000 and 14,000 Arab
refugees are in the P.L.O.-all of them receiv-
ing food and supplies from the UN. We wel-
come his demand that they be stricken from
the relief rolls. "It is .incompatible with
United States policy and with the funda-
mental concept of the United Nations," he
declared, "to supply aid in any way to mem-
bers of any army whose purpose is to work
against a member nation of the UN."
We also welcome the action of King Hus-
sein of Jordan, who has banned the P.L.O.
in his country. He called it "an extremist
group," and was promptly attacked by Egypt
and Syria. But the King went even further,
and made a statement of the utmost sig-
nificance: he demanded that all the Arab
refugee camps now being maintained by the
UN be liquidated, and that those living in
them should be integrated in the countries
where those camps-are located.
This is, of course, the policy which Israel
and many leaders in other countries
throughout the world have been advocating
for years. It just does not make sense-nor
is it humanitarian-to keep on maintaining
hundreds of thousands of refugees in "tem-
porary" enclaves, supported by the charity
of the world-when the vast empty stretches
of Arab territories are crying out for man-
power to develop them-and especially man-
power of their own religious and linguistic
kind. King Hussein himself has shown the
way; almost half of all the Arab refugees are
living in his kingdom, and he has incor-
porated them into his country. If _ Egypt and
Syria were to do the same, the problem would
be solved. But Egypt and Syria have found
the "refugee problem" too convenient for
their political purpose to do that, so far.
It is now more than 18 years since the Pale-
stine Arabs fled from the new State of Israel,
after being told by their leaders that follow-
ing an Arab victory they could return and
seize all the Jewish property for themselves.
The intolerable refugee camps should be
closed, and their inmates integrated into the
countries of their Arab brothers.
That cannot be done overnight. But what
can and should be done at once is to remove
from the UN relief rolls every Arab refugee
Who, through the Palestine Liberation Orga-
nization, is being supported by American tax
dollars while he trains to fight against Amer-
icans in Viet Nam and prepares to invade
Israel.
Power of Nonsense
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
the delegates a reception in the B'nai B'rith Thursday, July 28, 1966
Building. Vice President HUBERT HUMPHREY Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, the
was the speaker, and brought out the facts mentioned ed above.' His His remarks were reported Chicago Tribune, in an editorial Monday,
to Shukairy, who declared in a speech at a July 25, very properly noted the passing
P.L.O:'camp in Syria: "The Liberation Army of Konrad Heiden, and their very appro-
and the P.L.O. are proceeding with determi- priate editorial with its fascinating his-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX July 28,,1966
torical recollection attracted my atten-
tion. I would therefore like to include
It in the 1tECORD at this point.
POWEa OF NONSENSE
Konrad Heiden was so early an anti-nazi
publicist that his first book, "History of Na-
tional Socialism" [1932], was published in
Germany and publicly burned by Nazis there
before Hitler's party came to power. Heiden's
death in New York the other day has re-
minded the public that it was he who first
-pop{vlarized the term Nazi, in place of the
earlier current. Naso.
The expression "National Socialist" was
,,naturally first abbreviated to the first two
letters in each of the two words-Naso. As a,
satiric thrust, Heiden preferred to use the
first four letters in the German word mean-
in, "national,'"' as in Bavarian slang Nazi had
the established meaning of "bumpkin" or
"simpleton." Some say that the Nasos
quickly adopted the term Nazi, successfully
seeking by their acceptance of the word to
blur the bite it had in Heiden's first use of it.
In writing of Hitler's speeches, which he
heard as early as 1920, Heiden said they
-impressed him as a "flood of nonsense."
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
' Wednesday, July 27, 1966
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, it was
indeed welcome news that the regime in
North Vietnam has reconsidered its pre-
viously announced intentions to try
American pilots shot down over their
territory as war criminals.
Such a step would have produced an
increase of tensions and probably escala-
tion of the war itself. The execution of
American fliers, as the Milwaukee Jour-
nal said In a recent editorial, would be
a "calamity,"
'The Journal pointed out that the re-
straint which has marked the conflict
thus far might be snapped by such trials
and executions. For that reason, such
actions not only would violate interna-
tional law on the treatment of prisoners,
but also would imperial world peace.
At this point I wish to'insert in the
RECORD the thoughtful comments of the
newspaper's editorial:
TRIAL or AMERICAN FLIERS CERTAIN To
ESCALATE WAR
lence, insults and public curiosity. Measures
of reprisal against them are prohibited.
The United States ratified the convention
in 1932. ,Russia, Communist China and
North Vietnam have never signed it.
The 1949 Geneva convention, signed by 61
nations including the United States, specifl-
caily provides that war prisoners be pro-
tected against intimidation. and reprisal for
acts of war performed in the lime" of duty.
And it forbids reprisals against prisoners in
"all cases of declared war or any other armed
conflict which may arise between two or
more of the high contracting parties, even if
the state of war is not recognized by one of
them," Among the signers was North Viet-
nam. The date: June 5, 1957.
The history of this conflict is ugly enough
already. At least one American prisoner of
war has been murdered by the Vietcong.
There also have been published reports of
atrocities, some against prisoners of war, by
the South Vietnamese.
This is no polite gentleman's game covered
by polite rules. The only rules observed at
all are those imposed by the fear that if one
side breaks them, the other will retaliate
and thus escalate brutality with more bru-
tality.
It would be disastrous If this slender thread
of sanity in the midst of war should be
snapped by the trial and execution of Ameri-
can airmen, or of any prisoners of war on
either side. It could result in an even more
ominous threat to the peace of the whole
world.
New Mexico Democrats Oppose Grand
,Canyon Dams
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or -
HON. JOHN D. DINGEELL
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 28, 1966
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, the
Grand Canyon dam proposal resembles
a steamroller in the way it has respond-
ed to opposition.
For this reason it is particularly sig-
nificant when people in the Colorado
River Basin raise their voices against the
proposed Bridge and Marble Canyon.
Dams.
The New Mexico State Democratic
Party recently took a stand in opposition
to the dams and in support of national
park status for the entire Grand Canyon.
About the dams they say:
Particularly we oppose construction of any
dams on the Colorado River within the
Grand Canyon Area between Lee's Ferry and
Captured and handcuffed United States Lake Mead.
airmen have been paraded through the I submit for inclusion in the RECORD
streets of Hanoi under armed guard and
through hostile crowds. Now North Viet- the text of the resolution adopted by the Just ho?w far ARE we going to carry this
nam has threatened to try the airmen as New Mexico Democrats at their conven- "rights" thing? Exactly whose rights are
criminals for participating in bombings tion' on July 16, 1966: of primary importance-those of the crim-
which killed North Vietnam citizens. Hanoi Be it resolved, That the New Mexico Con- inal few, or those of our vast majority of
reportedly feels that the Americans are not gressional delegation explore all ]possibilities law abiding citizens? If we render our law
prisoners of war because there has been no of providing electric power to the Central enforcement agencies powerless to maintain
declaration of war. Arizona Project and that the members of peace and order; if the average citizen is
. Vicious as this undeclared war is, the mass the delegation seek all alternates to the thereby not safe in his home or on the
trial and execution of American flyers would building of large multi-purpose clams which streets via this mistaken, overzealous
be a calamity. "We l;ave had many tragic would deface or destroy the beauty of the witch-hunt towards over liberality in pro-
miscalculations on both sides in this war," Grand Canyon, particularly we Oppose con.- tection of dubious "rights" of the lawless
columnist James Reston declared, "but none struction of any dams on the Colorado River few-isn't it about time that we decide whose
more ominous or dangerous than this." within the Grand Canyon Area between Lee's and what rights are paramount? Are the
International agreement on treatment of Ferry and Lake Mead. This specifically con- rights of our very vast rnajority-unpr'otest-
prisoners of war, such as it is, has evolved cerns the present congressional legislation ing, peaceable, ordinary citizens-so obscure
painfully. Article2 of the Geneva conven- for Marble Gorge and Bridge Canyon (Wa- that these can be dismissed, overlooked, or
tion of 1929 declared that war prisoners lap,) dams. trod upon by a relative few who choose to
"must at all times be humanely treated and We support giving National Park status riot, burn, obstruct, loot, and abuse at will
protected, part'ularl a 1 ac vio- v t e n n n under the fictiticious claim of so-called pro-
Ar. V(( In or 2elease `ddef `:61 1-~6 b(~ 6~R06000090002-7
Right or Wrong, the Readers Always
Write
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JULIA BUTLER HANSEN
OF WASHINGTON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 28, 1966
Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. Mr.
Speaker, Wednesday, July 6, in the Daily
Olympian is a letter written by a very
articulate and thoughtful man in my
district which expresses the thoughts,
spirit, and decency of a sizable number
of people in my district.
It is a distinct pleasure to place this
in the RECORD today so that others may
have the opportunity of reading his
message.
May I particularly call attention to
the last paragraph:
RIGHT OR WRONG, THEREADERS ALWAYS WRrrE:
WHOSE RIGHTS?
EDITOR, the DAILY OLYMPIAN:
I am angered, nowadays, every time I hear
the word "rights" Whose rights? The
rights of a tiny minority to scorn, abuse, and
undermine the welfare, peace, and safety of
the vast majority?
This nation was founded on a Bill of
Rights, but those rights were, and are, de-
signed to protect the majority and the na-
tion as well as the individual or the few,
When the sometimes mistaken, often de-
liberate, assertion of so-called "rights" by a
comparatively small minority take away from
the large majority of our citizenry the Tat-
ter's own rights-just whose "rights" are we
talking about?
Is it too "reactionary" to say that the
youth of America have the right to peaceably
and orderly attend our universities without
being obstructed, annoyed, and insulted by
a few protesting, obscene malcontents-who
contribute nothing to the national welfare?
Many, not students at all, but merely Idle
agitators. Is it too much to say that the
average American has the right to traverse
our streets without the hazard of riots and
lethal lawlessness on the part of those who
seek to take the law into their own hands
under the pretense of fighting for some as-
sumed right?
How long must we stand idly by and see
our police, whom we empower to maintain
law and order, attacked, abused, under-
mined and ridiculed by the criminal few, and
those who choose to prostitute the meaning
of the word rights? Our Supreme Court
recently split 5 to 4 In deciding the "rights"
of the criminal suspect and the resulting
decision brought the strong protest of the
minority judges as well as the near com-
plete dismay of a very sizeable segment of