U.S. INVOLVEMENT IN VIETNAM NOT AN INSUPERABLE OBSTACLE TO DISARMAMENT AGREEMENTS, SAY RUSSIANS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080011-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 29, 2005
• Sequence Number: 11
• Publication Date: June 15, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

June Y 5, 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
Clearly, the job vacancy program is no sub-
stitute far effective private employment agen-
cies and a strengthened.pubiic employment
service; and it is no substitute for more long-
range projections of manpower Iieeda. In
general, the vacancy program wou18 comple-
ment other manpower programs. Perhaps it
would displace the present area skill surveys
which attempt to guide area planning and
.manpower retraining programs. ;
Witnesses indicated that job listings at the
Eanployment Service and the NICB Index
were not adequate substitutes for the survey
and tabulation of job vacancy statistics. Jab
listings accounted for akrout 30 percent of all
vacancies; however, the extent of listing
varied substantially from area to area. The
Index of ~ielp Wanted Advertising" does not
have full~;GOVerage of occupations and areas,
and there' is some overlapping of advertise-
ments -tor the same position in numerous
newspapers. These indicators of Job. open-
ings do not perform the task envisioned Por
the vacancy statistics.
V. RECOMMENDATIONS
The subcommittee is gratified by the prog-
ress made in developing the concepts and
procedures for the regular collection of job
vacancy data. It is an ewample of research
responding to a practical need. `In addition
to the extensive work connected .with the
pilot studies, specialists from government,
the universities, private research institutions,
and organized labor have contributed by way
of a conference on The Measurement and
Interpretation of Jppb Vacancies 1 held by the
National Bureau of &conomic Research, with
support from the office of Manpower, Auto-
mation, and Training. Additional research
on Measuring Job Vacancies has been com-
pleted by the National Industrial Conference
Board? on a grant from the Ford Founda-
tion.
After careful rev~ew and consideration, the
subcommittee reca~Ilmends that the program
of regular collection of vacancy data proceed
as rapidly as possible, and particularly that
it be expanded to the SO~major labor areas as
recommended ?by ,the Labor Department.
Significant progress has been made on the
difficult problems of definition and proce-
dure, although there -will undflubtedly be
continuing clariflce.tion and improvement as
experience is gained. It is time to expand
the program further.
It is difficult to conceive of a more obvious
way to improve the amount of useful infor-
mation available to, workers and employers in
the labor market. ~ Such information would
promote efficiency and greater equality of
economic opportunity. In addition, it would
feed the needs of tl~.e Nation's new and. grow-
ing manpower development programs.
LIFE REPORTS WHAT PAUL DOUG-
. LASiILEARNED
Mr. PROXMIRE, Mr. President, no
Senator can surpass the senior Senator
from Illinois CMr. DOUGLASI in .wisdom
or in demonstrated devotion to this
COUntry.
At a time. when speeches, especially
commencement. speeches are so fre-
quently loaded with platitudes, the re-
markable Senator from Illinois has given
a fresh. and inspiring insight from his
Research .(New Xork: Columbia Universit
Press), 1968.
s John Ci. Myers and Daniel Creamer, Meas-
uring Job Vacancies-A Report on a Feasibil-
ity Study in the Rochester (N.Y.) Area, Na-
tional Indu~trlal, Conference Board.. (New
York), 1968.
unusually full and productive life in a
commencement address .recently de-
livered at Amherst College.
Life magazine was to impressed by
this Douglas address that they wrote an
editorial quoting from that speech as the
lessons from PAUL DOUGLAS' life...
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial be printed in the RECORD at this
point.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the R>;coen,
as follows:
WHAT ,SENATOR PAUL DOUGLAS LEARNED
The 1966 commencement season finds the
usual number of distinguished, middle-aged
orators seeking contact with the young-
no doubt mostly in vain. But among all the
forgettable remarks there are some serious
attempts to convey a modicum of wisdom
from one generation to another. And if any
American is entitled to make that basic, old-
fashioned kind of commencement address, it
is Senator PAVL DOUGLAa of Illinois. At 74,
he can look back on a long career as a public
servant, as a distinguished economist and
teacher, and as a soldier. He was 50 when
he joined the Marines as a private; he
emerged, badly wounded at Okinawa, as a
lieutenant colonel. "What do you think life
and history have really taught you?" asked
DOVGLAa of himself before the Amherst class,
some 20 of whose members later walked out
on Secretary McNamara (see p. 40). "Are
there any hints which you can offer us on the
conduct of life2" The lessons oP Paul Doug-
las' lice are these:
"That what is most needed in the world
is 'love--ar energized good will-which, if
given a chance and practiced with devotion;
can in most cases melt antagonisms within
a democratic society and reconcile opposites.
"That truth has at once a compulsive and
healing power. We should not be afraid of
truth, far if recognized and acted upon it is
.the rock upon which we can base our Sndivid-
ual and collective lives.
"That in its larger aspects truth is not
simple but subtle. Frequently, it requires a
long process of discovery both by the prab-
ings of research and the sifting induced by
dialogue.
"That in dealing with the winds of doc-
trine, in the words of Jefferson, `We should
not be afraid td tolerate error as long as
reason be left free to combat it.'
"That when aggression stalks either a com-
munity or the world, resistance to it is both
necessary and noble, lest it become all-per-
vasive. And it is well that it should be
checked in its early days before it can ac-
quire the cumulative momentum of success.
"That human courage in defense of an
ideal is an ultimate virtue which we should
not permit the pressures of conformity to
diminish. The nation which minimizes
courage is on the road to destruction.
"That the Athenians did well to make
the owl and the alive tree their symbols to
denote wisdom and peace. But freedom
tempered with lave is the only atmosphere
in which true wisdom and peace can flourish.
And to preserve and maintain all these vir-
tues, astrong admixture oP Spartan courage
is needed. Thermopylae was necessary that
AN INSUPERABLE OBSTACLE TO
DISARMAMENT. AGREEMENTS,
SAY RUSSIANS
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President,lt is grati-
fying to learn that despite the strong
words used by Ambassador Roshchin at
12551
Geneva yesterday, the Soviet Union does
not view the involvement of the United
States in Vietnam as an insuperable ob-
stacle to the successful negotiation of
arms control and disarmament agree-
ments.
An erroneous report carried, on the
wires yesterday indicated that Ambassa-
dor Roshchin had said that there can be
no treaty to stop the spread of nuclear
weapons as long as the United States
continues its military operations in Viet-
nam. As I observed yesterday in com-
menting on this report, when I was at
Geneva a month ago Russia made it quite
clear that it did not consider Vietnam an
insuperable obstacle to a nuclear dis-
armament understanding. If in fast the
Russians had adopted the line attributed
to them in the report, it would have been
a most unfortunate change of mind.
It now appears an the basis of infor-
mation supplied by the U.S. Arms Con-
trol and Disarmament Agency, support-
ed by reports printed in this morning's
New York Times and Washington Post,
that despite their stronger language the
.Russians have not in fact altered their
position, and are not insisting upon the
removal of U.S. troops from Vietnam as
a precondition to a treaty. The princi-
pal obstacle to a treaty to halt the spread
of nuclear weapons continues to.be what
it has been ali along-this country's
shortsighted insistence on keeping open
the option of cutting West Germany in
on some nuclear sharing. arrangement.
If the State Department will permit our
negotiators in Geneva to agree with the
Russians to keep the West German finger
off the nuclear trigger, I am convinced
that a treaty to stop the spread of nuclear
weapons remains a live possibility, ,and
an immediate one, too.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD the
wire service story dated June 14, 19fi6,
which was published in the Philadelphia
Inquirer this morning under the head-
line, "Accord on Arms Barred by Soviet
Over Vietnam." This is the erroneous
report which I was given yesterday. The
correct version is reported in a story in
this morning's Washington Post under
the headline, "Russian Blasts United
States, at Reopened Talks on Disarma-
ment," and in this morning's New York
Times under the headline, "Arms Parley
Resumes in Geneva." I also ask unani-
mous consent that these articles be
printed in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, ,
June 15, 1986]
RUSSIAN BLASTa UNITED STATES AT REOPENED
TALKS ON DISARMAMENT
Soviet delegate Alexei A. Roshchin made a
virulent attack on U.S. policy in Vietnam at
the reopening of the 17-nation disarmament
conference in Geneva yesterday.
U.S. officials in Geneva and Washington
denied that Roshchin made a U.S. troop wit11-
drawal from Vietnam a condition ,for any
progress on disarmament. United Press In-
ternational and Associated Press interpreted
Roshchin's remarks as making a U.S. with-
drawal aprerequisite for new agreements to
ato~he spread of nuclear weapons and other
dis ament goals.
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CONGREiSIONAL RECORD -SENATE June 15, 1966
West Germang? He urged that the issue not
be confused by becoming "obsessed with any
one country:'
The alternative to a treaty "is not a world
with one or two new- nuclear-weapon states
in, say, Svc years, but rather a world with
perhaps ten new nuclear-weapon states in
10 to 20 years," the United States official said.
But Mr. Roshchin asserted that the United
States desired to draft a treaty that would
leave open the possibility of satisfying West
German ambitions through an allied nuclear-
sharing arrangement. He said that desire
was blocking in accord.
The Soviet delegate, who followed Mr. Fos-
ter, began his speech by accusing the United
States of having increased world tension
during the conference's recess by building
up its forces in South Vietnam.
"Continuous provocations" against Cuba by
Washington "also arouse serious concern,"
Y.ie said.
Mr. Foster replied by rebuking the Soviet
delegate for beginning the new round of
talks with a "propaganda blast:' The Soviet
Union, he said, would make a more x>seful
Contribution to negotiate.
Today's chairman, Antonia Gomez Robledo
of Mexico, warned that ii the conference
had no progress to report to the United Na-
tions General Assembly session opening in
September another forum for negotiating
arms-control questions might be sought.
[From tlxe Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer,
June 15, 1968]
ACCORD ON ARMS BARRED HY SOVIET OVFR
VIETNAM
GENEVA, June 14.-A virulent Soviet
attack of U.S. policy in Vietnam marked the
resumption of the 17=nation disarmament
talks here Tuesday. The tirade broke a tacit
xxnderstaxxding that Vietnam should not be
allowed to disturb the Geneva negotiations.
Soviet chief delegate Alexei A. Roschin said
at the meeting there can be no treaty to stop
ca spread of nuclear weapons as long as the
TJnited States continues its m[litaxy opera-
tions in Vietnam. Such a treaty is the main
issue before the conference.
PROPAGANDA BLAST
Roschin's speech---one of the most bitter
yet delivered 1n the 4-year-old conference-
was immediately denounced by U.S. chief
negotiator William C. Faster as a deeply re-
grettable propaganda blast.
Roschin accused the United States of du-
plicity in sending more troops to Vietnam
for what he called a merciless campaign
against peace in Geneva, He said Washing-
ton thus increased the arms race and is re-
sponsible for prospects of no progress in
Geneva.
Roschin's predecessor? Semgon K. Tsarap-
kin, had assured the conference earlier this
year that the Vietnam conflict, though re-
grettable from his government's point of
view, should not be allowed to disturb the
negotiations in Geneva. Tsarapkln has
since been appointed ~?Imbassador to West
Germany.
The disarmament talks are held in closed
session. Newsmen are. given only summaries
of the speeches.
Roshchin's speech was immediately de-
nounced by U.S. delegate William C. Foster
as a deeply regrettable propaganda blast.
Some observers were pessimistic about the
chances o:f progress on disarmament when
the Soviets took such a strong line at the
Srst session alter asix-week recess.
Roshchin blamed lack of progress in the
Geneva talks on the U.S. "aggressive war"
in Veetnam, "continuous provocations against
Cuba,"'the project of sharing nuclear wea-
pons with West Germany, and other actions.
He accused Washington of fomenting the
arms race and trying to sabotage an agree-
ment to stop underground nuclear explo-
sions.
Before Roshchin spoke, Foster said the
time had come for East and West to recon-
cile their differences and rivalries and work
together for nuclear disarmament. He added
that preoccupation with short-term objec-
tives only impeded agreement of a non-pro-
liferation treaty.
He warned that if the spread of nuclear
weapons was not halted there would be per-
haps 30 new nuclear powers in the world in
30 to 20 years.
Foster said the United States regarded as
positive remarks by Roshchin, when the con-
ference adjourned last month, that its work
had not been completely useless.
The United States also shared hopes ex-
pressed then by Roshchin that new steps
could he taken to break the deadlock in
negotiations an a nonproliferation treaty,
Foster added.
Negotiations on a nonproliferation treaty
are deadlocked over NATO nuclear sharing.
The Russians refuse to accept a U.S. draft
treaty because they say it leaves the door
open for NATO to give West Germeny access
to nuclear weapons.
The West denies this and says it cannot
subscribe to rival Soviet proposals that would
Weaken or undermine NATO defensive col-
laboration.
[From the New York Times, June ib, 1966]
ARMa PARLEY RESUMEa IN GENEVA
GENEVA, June 14.-The United States and
the Soviet Union agreed on the immediate
goals when the disarmament conference re-
sumed today after a five-week recess. How-
ever, the two powers were in complete dis-
agreement on how to reach them. The re-
sumption was marred by asharply-worded
Soviet attack on Washington's policies in
Vietnam and on West Germany's alleged de-
sire for nuclear weapons. It brought an
equally sharp retort from the United States.
William C. Foster of the United States and
Aleksel A. Roshchin of the Soviet Union both
gave priority to extending the present ban
on nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in space
and under water to underground explosions.
They alsa called for a treaty soon to prevent
the spread of nuclear weapons. Mr. Foster,
head of the United States Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency, said at the 17-nation
conference, which began In March, 1982, that
Washington remained "strongly committed"
to a ban on underground nuclear explosions.
The United States delegate acknowledged
that science had made "substantial progress"
in developing ways to detect such explosions
from a distance. He added, however, that
"hard evidence still points to the need for
on-site inspection to verify a comprehensive
test ban,"
This was disputed by Mr. Roshchin. He
asserted ,that the .United States advanced
"groundless demands" for international in-
spection in order, by preventing an accord,
"to have a free hand for carrying on dan-
gerous experiments with nuclear weapons:'
When calling for a treaty to prevent the
spread of nuclear weapons, Mr. Foster alluded
to the Soviet Union's preoccupation with
"IINF'OATUNATE CHANGE"
Roschin's statement led Senator JOSEPH S.
CLARK, Democrat, of Pennsylvania, who re-
cently returned from Geneva, to say in
Washington: "I think this Russian position
represents a most unfortunate change of
mind. When I was at Geneva a month ago,
Russia made it quite clear that it did not
consider Vietnam an insuperable obstacle
to a nuclear disarmament understanding."
When Roschfn took over more .than 2
months ago critical remarks about the U.S.
role in Vietnam began cropging up in his
statements and those of the delegates Pram
Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Ru-
mania here.
But these asides, though sometimes stlxxg-
ing, were. short and mild ~COmpared to the
Soviet delegate's long and bitter statement
Tuesday. Western delegatian officials said it
sounded like a concentrated recapitulation
of every main criticism the Soviet Union has
vodced against Washington during the past
B months.
SABOTAGE CHARGED
Roschin attacked the United States over
Vietnam, the project of Atlantic nuclear
weapons sharing with West Gerrmanp, ac-
cused Washington of fomenting the arms
race and trying to sabotage an agreement to
stop underground nuclear explosions.
He also denounced what he called the
"continuous military provocations against
the Republic of Cuba" around the Guan-
tanamo military base, a subject frequently
raised by Communist speakers in the current
international labor conference here.
OUR AMBASSADOR TO JAPAN,
EDWIN O. REISCHAUER
Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, as every-
one knows, the United States has .over
100 Ambassadors working in the various
capitals of the world. It is not sui~xris-
ing that no two of these Ambassadors
are exactly alike, either in qualifications
or in the manner in which they operate.
Some are excellent. Some are very good.
Some are good. Some are fair. dcca-
sionaily, one gets us into a lot of trouble.
Mr. President, I am not going to at-
tempt to classify U.S. Ambassadors in
other countries, but I do wish to point
out that one of the highest grade Am-
bassadors we have in any country is our
Ambassador to Japan, Edwin O. Rei-
schauer.
Ambassador Reischauer has done a re-
markable job fn Japan. He has upheld
the position of the United States ably
and satisfactorily. He commands the
respect of the Japanese people as well
as the Japanese Government, and he has
the respect of all Americans who know
him.
I have been disturbed lately to hear
rumors that Mr. Reischauer might be
replaced.
Some of these rumors state that he
wants to come home. I do not know
whether that is true. Other rumors
state that someone wants him to come
home and get out of Japan so that his
place can be taken by someone else.
I want to say that I most earnestly
hope that Ambassador Reischauer does
not want to come home and that no one
is going to insist that he does come home,
because if he should give up that. post
for any reason whatsoever, it would be
an almost irreparable loss to the U1lited
States at this time.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD an
article which was published in the Bos-
ton Sunday Globe of June 12, 1966, en-
titled "Our Man in Tokyo-Reischauer
Doing Superb Job." It is an excellent
article and I agree with the expressions
which it carries.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
OUR MAN IPx TOKYO-REISCHAUER DOING
SUPERB JOB -
(By Richard Halloran)
TOKYO.-In the history of America's re-
lations with Jagan, the names of four famous
Americans spring immediately to mind-the
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 June Z5, 1966 c:ul~uxt;aal,v~~r>.L ,R,c~~nL-,,,:..~11L ~_~~~
5 nuclear powers,- 26 nations- by 1975 men and women now serving the Nation
would have the capacity to explode around the world in our military services.
atomic bombs. There is reason to fear Reverently, on Memorial Day, May 30,
that a nuclear w>~r could be brought on we paid homage to our war dead.
by accident, or mischance, or by the er- We owe an expression of the Nation's
ratic action of a trigger-happy officer, or gratitude to our disabled American vet-
a hothead, or drunk NATO ally. Also, Brans, who will bear the combat scars of
we must protect mankind from radioac- their patriotism throughout the rest of
five contamination. We must halt the thIiknow of no better day to set aside
spread of nuclear weapons.
General Eisenhower in World War II for this high purpose than June 17, the
showed bad judgment in preventing Gen- 34th anniversary of the national charter
crass Bradley and Patton from accupY- granted to them as an organization by
ing Berlin, and in ordering them to pull Congress.
back in favor of the Russians whose lead- It is appropriate that Congress observe
ers were .scheming to enter Berlin first. DAV Day 3 days after Flag Day, and
At that time he would have been well ad- 3 weeks before Independence Day.
wised not to cater to the Soviet Union. We honor the men whom the Nation
Times have now changed. Twenty-one can never repay for the lifetime disabil-
years following World War II, Commu- sties inflicted upon them as they fought
nist Russia na longer seriously menaces for our defense.
the United States or the peace of the Great changes have occurred in the
world, Were the Eisenhower viewpoint 190 -Years between 1776 and 1966. We
to prevail, it would no doubt cause the are probably in the era of greatest
leaders of the Soviet Union to withdraw change.
immediately from considering a proposed The one vital element in our national
nonproliferation treaty. affairs that has not changed is the great
General Eisenhower was wrong in American concept of constitutional gov-
1945 in pulling back Generals Patton and ernment, the source of our liberty.
Bradley. As a result of his orders, the The disabled American veterans bear
Russian armed forces first entered Ber- the scars of defending these principles.
lin. Were it not for General Eisen- Under their national charter, without
hower's command decision at that time, Federal aid, they work for the single
American armies led by Generals Brad- purpose of taking care of their own-
ley and Patton would have been the first the disabled war veterans, their depend-
with their tanks and thousands of GI's ents, and their widows and orphans.
to march into practically undefended As an organization, I congratulate the
Berlin. Were it not for General Eisen- DAV and their commander, Claude L.
bower's decision at that time, when he Callegary, of Baltimore, on the 34th an-
. had been misled by the Russian leaderp ni ee~rsa ~ o~~theirP~chand eevery one of
fo~?ces in the field and tnat tineir uu~cc-
tive was not to be the first of the allie
t
United States to make this fact perfectly
clear.
While the situation in Vietnam re-
mains unchanged, there is a very impor-
tant hopeful sign regarding the larger
Asian picture. A conference of nine
Asian and Pacific States is presently
meeting near Seoul, Korea. The partic-
ipants at this conference are: South
Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Malaysia,
Nationalist China, South Vietnam, Aus-
tralia, New Zealand, Thailand, and Laos
as an observer. Both white and Asian,
the participants comprise a group with
many common interests in maintaining _
peace in Asia.
I am particularly happy to see that the
emphasis at this conference is more on
the Positive and peaceful side than it is
military and ideological. This is an im-
portant first step for the countries in
that area of the world-a step in the di-
rection of regional responsibility.
I ask unanimous consent to have in-
serted in the RECORD two articles concern-
ing these matters which appeared in the
New York Times of Wednesday, June 15.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
- as follows:
JIINTA SAID TO BAR BUDDHIST DEMAND ON
CHARTER GROVP-REGIME IN SAIGON RE-
PORTED DECIDING TO LIMTT THE POWER OF
ELECTED AaSEMDLY^NEW PROTEST FORE-
aEEN-DEMONSTRATIONS CONTINUE-CxOY-
ERNMENT FORCES ROUND UP .STUDENTS FOR
DRAFT
SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM, June 14.-Highlp
reliable sources said today that the 20-man
governing National Leadership Council had
voted to limit the powers of the coming
legislative assembly to writing a constitu-
tion.
The Leadership Council, which was re-
cently enlarged by the addition oP 10 civili-
ians, decided that the assembly, to be elected
in September, would be dissolved as soon as
it wrote the constitution. That document is
to be the basis of parliamentary elections
next year.
It had been reoprted earlier that the com-
mittee drafting the laws for the September
election suggested that the assembly be given
limiEed legislative powers.
KEY ISSUE IN THE 4LSPUTE
The Buddhists have been demanding the
legislative assembly act as a lawmaking body
and take over from the military regime
headed by Premier Nguyen Cao Ky.
The issue lies at the -core of the Buddhist-
Government dispute. The junta's decision
was sure to bring violent protests Prom the
Buddhists, observers said.
They said the action apparently reflected
the generals' confidence that they would be
able to overcome the Buddhists. Thus far
they have.
However, Buddhist demonstrations con-
tinued in the capital and Thich Phap Minh,
a militant leader, told thousands oP cheering
Buddhists that if Washington continued to
support the Ky Government, "we can no
longer accept the American presence."
"If the Americans want to impose colonial-
ism on our heads, we will fight it," he said.
He asserted that the United States Ambas-
sador, Henry Cabot bodge, and other Ameri-
can officials "speak with the mouth of
Buddha but from a snake's heart."
PARLEY IN SEOUL SHAPES NEW BLOO-NINE
ASIAN-PACIFIC NATIONS WORK ON ORGANIZA-
TION To-RESIST CHINA'S MARXISM '
-
- , ar"'~' """"""" "' ' --- --
to enter Berlin, the history of our pos
ANEW HOPE FOR ASIA
war dealings with Stalin and the Soviet Mr. JAVTTS. Mr. President, I ask
Union might not have been so grim, and
the Berlin wall might never have been unanimous consent that I may be per-
. built. He is dead wrong now> as he was mitted to continue for 5 minutes.
then. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
DISABLED AMERICAN VETERANS Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I am dis-
DAY appointed today to have read that relia-
Mr, BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President, ble sources in South Vietnam believe
that the National Leadership Council,
this country has fought nine wars-in- which is the expanded version of the
eluding the war in Vietnam. Millions of military junta, will turn down the pro-
Americans have answered the call to posal of the South Vietnamese Electoral
arms. Commission to convert the Constituent
Most of these men have been citizen Assembly into a legislative body. If this
soldiers, sailors, and airmen-men like report is true, the repercussions could be
us, from farm, city, school, and college unfortunate indeed.
Campus, men never basically dedicated to I believe the South Vietnamese people
the profession of armed combat, men. really want a chance to freely express
never primarily skilled in the art of war. their own choices for a new civilian gov-
For the most part, they have been men ernment. I further believe that the gov-
whose native patriotism has exceeded ernment of Saigon needs the legitimacy
their concern over the complexities of that only these elections and the speedy
international intrigues-men who, in deep conversion of the Constituent Assembly
sense of duty, answered their country's {~ a civilian government can provide. I
call. am convinced that the American people
We thank God that the vast majority desire these elections and a civilian gov-
of them have been allowed to return ernment in Saigon.
physically unimpaired. But a million Should the military junta continue its
have given their lives, and more than confusing and delaying tactics regarding
11/2 million have suffered combat wounds. the above matters, I believe the result
loss of confidence
in
"i
D
g
ncreas
ay on will be an
` Properly, we observe Veterans
B Robert Trumbull)
November il. in Premier Ky both by the South Viet- ( y
Appropriately, on Armed Forces Day, namese themselves and the American SEOUL, SOUTH KOREA, June 14. Nine Asian
May 21, we paid tribute to the 3 million people. I urge the President of the and Pacific states, meeting in the riverside
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12556 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE June Y5, x'966
resort of Walker Hill near the was-battered NATO NATO must develo a
but frantically rebuilding city of Seoul, began p political identity.
today to plan an organization of non-Com= Mr. DAVITS. Mr. President, NATO HO's' can this be done?
There must be a decision at the top to go
murilst governments to resist the spread of remains the. 1111Chpiri Of free World forward. A Summit Conference of the Heads
il3arxism in the area fmm its bass in main- strength and unity of purpose, 'Despite of State of the NATO countries is needed to
land Ghina. the fact of French withdrawal from the set up ~ common poetical institutions;; only
The new international grouping; as it tcwk aritegrated Command Structure of the al- a command decision at the top can set the
shape in the opening session of a three-day lianCe, the Othe1' 14 members desire to machinery in motion.
conference, will shun anq military character For, left to their own devices, nations will
end will play down the ideological context. g0 forward.
The. idea is to reduce tensions, not increase In ChiCagO, on April 15, 1966, I de- go their separate ways, uniting only when it
them. suits individual purposes. It is up to the
livered a speech outlining 1ny thinking United States td provide the leadership to
"We do not contemplate" the Construction Ori the U.S. response to President de weave together the diverse threads of the
of new barriers "to surround our peoples and Gaulle'5 policy and t0 a number of prob- Western World. As a nation with preponder-
isolate them Pram the rest ai the. world," said lems presently facing NATO. My theme -ant economic and military strength, the
Thanat Khoman, the scholarly, multilingual was that NATO must develop a political United States must have the courage to
Foreign Minister of Thailand and vice chair- go
ma.n of the conference. identity, going beyond a military al- first and set the example. Our partners have
Hance, in order to successfully survive accused us often and justly of trying to force
THE OTI3ER PARTICIPANTS arrangements on them which we would :never
The other countries attending as parts- the Complexities and Challenges Of accept ourselves.
cipants are South Korea, Japan, the Philip- modern diplomacy. I ask unanimous The thrust of the Summit meeting should
pines, Malaysia, Nationalist China, .South consent to have inserted in the RECORD be an effort to unify the .great nlunber and
Vietnam, Australia and New Zealand.- Laos, a copy of my remarks. variety of decision-making units in the
nominally a neutral country, is represented There being no objection, the address Western world. As of today there are several
by an observer. Was ordered to be printed 121 the RE- dozen Western inter-governmental groups,
`We are sot necessarily anti-Communist," CORD, as fo11oWS: with no consistent membership pattern? try-
the 82-year-old Thai Foreign Minister ing to promote cooperation in matters of
declared, but he went an to say that the NATO CAN ANSWEYi DE GAVLLE'S CHALLENGE trade, finance, monetary affairs, politics,
"'new Yorm of colonialism" oY the Communists "(Remarks of Senator JAC08 K. JAVrre pre- technology, refugees, defense, and soda] life.
Was "the .most Yrightful and odious scourge P~'ed for delivery at a luncheon of the Coordinatinn among these groups is often
of our time." Executives' .Club of Chicago, Pick-Con- ad hoc and limited.
Lee Tong Won, the 40-year-old Foreign gress Hotel, Chicago, Ill., noon, Friday, The way to end this debilitating Yragtnen-
Mlnister of South Korea and conference April Sb, 1968) tation is by the rule of substitution. ~G'here
chairman, who conceived this meeting molly NATO 1s not about to fail apart. Neither there are several inter-governmental groups
months ago,, suggested that the. organization the conflict in Vietnam nor President de dealing with the same or similar. problems,
might begin merely as an agreement to meet Gaulle's withdrawal from the integrated ?ne group should be substituted for all-or,
annually in each of the member countries in Command structure will destroy the unity at least, one group ought to act as an. ex-
turn. and effectiveness of the alliance. For, NATO ecutive coordinating body for the others.
Etsusaburo Shiina, the self-effacing Fo:r- remains the core of Free World .securit and' The two groups-in-being that should take
sign Minister of Japan, proposed that the strength. The United States commitment the lead Sn this unifying process are NATO
discussions be conducted 'not from the to it continues to be our most important and OECD, NATO could act as the iPocal
standpoint of establishing in haste a new foreign- policy responsibility and should be Point for political and military cooperation,
aad rigid corm of cooperation but of pro- absolutely unimpaired. thus superseding the Western European
rooting gradual and realistic cooperation on NATO will survive the current French Union and a number of bilateral arrange-
a broad basis." challenge. Indeed, the immediate effect of ments, OECD is the natural body to t1.e in
vlEws LIKELY To PREVAIL this challenge will be a greater NATO unit North America with the Common Market
This short-run effect was demonstrated un and EFTA. To effect these ends, the North
The views aY Mr. Shiina and Mr. Khoman Atlantic Council-policy-making body of
seem likely to prevail__ ambiguously in the March 18th response oY NATO--sold the Secretary General of NATO
At a reception given by the Koreans in the the remaining fourteen partners to Press- sllould be delegated broader and more effec-
garden of a traditional temple-roofed Korean dent de Gazelle's note of French withdrawal. Live powers as provided for under Article 2
pleasure villa tonight, the Thai diplomat This joint note states that: "The North of-the NATO Treaty. OECD, in turn, should
said that he favored an organization in which Atlantic Treaty and Organization established be given a mandate to oversee all economic
the next host country for the annual meet- under it are both, alike, essential to the and trade negotiations.
ing would supply the secretariat while vari- security of our countries," that "no system In order to underpin these efforts, an At-
oue sanding committees o1 the member, of bilateral arrangements can be a sub- lantic Canaultative Assembly must be
8rovernments carried on continuing Consults- meetse "a coxnrrlonthe whole apparatus still established. Only such a parliamentary body
Lions in various fields of cooperation.. political need." can nurture habits of cooperation and feel-
Narciso Ramos, the vigorous, experienced But the confidence of today, the widely lugs of common loyalty. This Assembly
diplomat Who recently became the Philip- recognized couvictloli that NATO is still the should be composed of delegates selected. by
pine Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and others key to Free World strength should not the parliaments aY the 15 NATO nations-
Iook Yorward to a busily functioning asso?- obscure the problems of tomorrow. Unless which is the Composition of the NATO Parlia-
Clation of non-Communist Asian and Pacific these are solved, NATO will become a mere mentarians Conference, now in its twelfth
states with a commodities bank, customs shadow of itself in the suture. year-but with two major changest (1) 'the
union and other practical applications. NATO's problems, however, run much Assembly should be empowered to discuss
Australia and New Zealand, the only par- Its purpose ~ beintics relocation operation. all Atlantic matters, economic and politi-
Western ethnic and cultural background in the relaxation oY Soviet preissure 1n Europef t~llatliakl'e amenibershof OECDo but not ooi
en area o2 mostly Eastern culture, shared the its strength is befrag undermined by the NATO-Austria, Spain, Ireland, Sweden,
hard view of South Korean and Nationalist. short-sighted nationalism of the French and Switzerland-should be entitled to mem-
China on the Communist problem. President; its intentions are being chat- bership.
Paul Hasluck, the Australian Minister of lenged by artifically inspired West German Finally, an Atlantic High Court at Justice
External Affairs, referred to a statement by demands for a nuclear voice; and its goals is needed to round out the institutional plc-
President Chung Hee Park of South Korea, are being blurred by a lack of strong and tore. This Court should be empowered to
in his welcoming address this morning, to consistent leadership from the United States. decide specified legal controversies which
the effect that it was sometimes necessary Above all, NATO faces the challenge of may arise under Atlantic Community
to fight ipr peace. Mr. Hasluclc suggested transforming itself from a military alliance treaties.
that this could. be the "keynote" of the con- to a political community, to a true form of It is essential that this "operation nucleus"
Terence, regionalism in the North Atlantic area. A start now. The decision to move in thhis
"It is fitting that a meeting of this nature mi]itary alliance is a negative farm of unity. direction is long overdue. It will take many
should be held in the Republic of Korea, for It exists only as long as the common threat long years of hard and pragmatic bargain-
it was here that one of the critical turning A perceived by the partners in the same way. ing to establish the reality of an Atlantic
points was reached in recent world histor Political cornmunfty derives its meaning Community and an appropriate infrastruc-
Y." from positive sources, by what it is for, by tore.
the New Zealand Minister oi. Customs, Nor- what it is trying to rxchieve, by the institu- In the meantime, NATO is being buffeted
man L. Shelton, said in a reference to the tiona and ideals upon. which it rests. b a whole ran a os
Korean. war. -NATO must establish bonds that hold, in- immediate attention-and dlecision a0uriomg
Tran Van Do, Foreign Minister of South dependent of a common danger. It cannot range objective of an Atlantic Community
Vietnam, noted that St was "remarkable" to depend upon threats from the Soviet Union should not obscure them. But the decisions
have a gathering of non-Communist govern- for its unity. Furthermore, no realistic oY today must be made in the light of and in
ments in a country where allied forces began NATO nuclear sharing arrangement to meet accordance with the ultimate goals.'
lighting Communist North Korea 18 years that threat can materialize unless is a gen- There are six key problems facing NATO
ago tYiis month, nine sin le
g political means to control St. toda -
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June j 5, Y 966 CO1vGRE~SIONAL RECORD -SENATE 1257
(1) Since World War II, we have urged present a constant source of danger and Because Vietnam is not an isolated conflict,
the United Kingdom to reorder its foreign temptation, because St does have the greater meaning of
policy priorities and merge itself with West- (8) NATO is 1n the throes of a globaliza- war or peace in Asia, it has led us to a search
ern Europe. The Commonwealth is not the t1oil debate. -The U.S. wants NATO to take a for causes and roots. The search has led
British Empire, and a close Anglo-American more active role in conflicts and problems baclc to Communist China.
tie is no substitute for an intimate British- outside the Atlantic area. Our partners are Since 1949, United States policy toward
European connection. Western Europe reluctant to do so. In time, we hope our Communist China has been static and
needs the United Kingdom and the United partners will realize that the security of the largely negative. We have done and must
Kingdom can be greatly stimulated by West- Western world is dependent on the struggles continue to do what we must, that is, can-
ern Europe. A permanent British presence in the underdeveloped world. In time and fain Red China militarily, But we should
in the Common Market can assure the Bene- with insistence, we hope they will undertake 'now begin as well, in a measured and care-
lux countries and 3taly that they will not their proper share of this burden, as for ex- ful manner, the process of trying to bring
become pawns in a Franco-German struggle ample in Vietnam. Communist China into the community of
for ascendancy. It is also necessary for What should be the course of our own poi- nations.
London to open up the Common Market door icy during this period? United States poi- I believe that over the long term, we must
for the other countries of the European Free icy should be steady but not slow, purpose- find some way to get along with Communist
Trade Association. ful but not pressurefui, and unambiguous China. Without such an understanding
(2) West Germany wants more status and but not unsophisticated. Diplomacy is a de- there can be no peace in Asia. Without it,
influence within the alliance. Specifically, dlous and intricate art, but it is an unfruit- ViThose of ns who a egi onvincedtthatethe
the Bonn Government wants to share in the ful process unless given clear direction from
control and use of nuclear weapons. I can the tap. Current crises and problems should so-called "wars of national liberation" are
sympathize with- Bonn's desire for influence not make us panic. They should make us actually wars of aggression instigated and
commensurate with its contributions, but I realize that the time has come to set NATO supgarted by Communist China, are also
do not believe that nuclear weapons is the olI a new footing, not as a new military dill- convinced that such wars must be frustrated.
proper area for this new role. A German once, but as the nucleus for an effective At- Our overriding reason is -the future role of
finger on the nuclear trigger will create two lantic community. the Peking regime in the issue of war and
major difficulties; (a) it will be resented and peace in Asia. Viewed in this light, the
seared by all European powers Who still do struggle in Vietnam is one element in our
xiot have complete confidence in German CHINA policy toward Communist China. If we are
stability and (b) it will undercut the U.S. successful in demonstrating our will to re-
drive for anon-proliferation treaty. Anon- Mr. DAVITS. Mr. President, this has sist aggression, it can be a most fruitful na-
proliferation treaty must take precedence been a year Of important resurgence re- tional effort, it can lead to peace. If the
over any sort of NATO nuclear force. Just gardlrig the d1SCUSSlOn Of Communist results of the struggle are inconclusive, we
as our -own government created the German China in the United States. For many will still be faced with the possibility of war.
demand for a nuclear voice by the MLF pro- years, there Were feW COnStruCtlVe pi'O- I believe that we must ultimately come to
oral of 1962, so we must now help the Ger- orals on hOW we Should deal with the some sort of agreement with Communist
p p China. I do not believe fn the wisdom or
mans to forego it. China problem. Many people have now inevitability of preventive war, nor do I see
(3) The French withdrawal from the ante- Come forward with sound &nd analytic&i any sense in a unilateral U.S, withdrawal
grated command structure of NATO and statements on what should be done. from the Asian mainland. I am convinced
their request for NATO to leave French ter- In my home State of New York I re- that in the course of the long effort to find
ritory unless placed under direct French some wa to get alon we had to show steel.
control, raises another set of difficulties. Gently delivered two speeches on United y g'
But these are not insu erable. It must be States-Communist China relations. The Because of this, I support our limited mili-
p tart' commitments and limited political ob-
clearly understood that France has not with- theme Of the first, "China and the Peace jectives in Vietnam. But I consider what
drawn from the alliance as such. She still of Asia," was that in the long run We we are doing in Vietnam as part of a greater
recggliizes the need for the common defense. must find Some way to get along With whole. It gives us a basis for making policy
Unfortunately, France under de Gaulle is Communist Chin&, because without such with respect to Communist China which
too preoccupied with the principle of na- a longrun understanding there can be could get us away from the static condition
tionalism and so is overly sensitive about no peace in Asia. The second SpeeCll, in which we now find ourselves, i.e, being
- any formal kind of cooperation. Also, while against recognition, against any kind of
the French continue to pursue this line, "Communist China and NUClear DiS- trade, against admission to the United Na-
NATO must take care not to be punitive armament," is an attempt to enlarge oil floor, and against policies of other nations
to French interests to try to isolate France. the theme of the first speech. I present .with respect to Communist China which
Every effort must be made to reserve the thesis that both the United States differ from our own.
France's rightful place in the alliance organ- and Communist Chiria must leBerri to ne- There is no question about the need for
ization and to leave in tact as much of the gotiate what is negotiable and to talk in finding a way to deal with Communist China
military structures as France will allow on some areas While We dispute 111 others, in respect to any Vietnam settlement. It is
her soil. For, we have a right to expact I also make a proposal to invite Commis- a fact that Oommunist China is the main
France to return fully to NATO when Press- supporter and stimulator of the North Viet-
~}ent de Gaulle leaves the French press- riist China to the Geneva Disarmament namese and ideologically the principle
dency-at least, the chances are good enough Conference provided that they first sign ba,n?ier to bringing North Vietnam to the
to warrant such planning. the riUClear partial test bari tl'eaty. peace table.
Duling this transition period, the U.S. Both speeches emphasize the fact that Whatever settlement may result an Viet-
should reaffirm its commitments to the al- Chiria'S aggressive objectives and tactics nom will require some international action,
Hance and take the necessary steps in con- have not changed, and that they are un- such as supervision of free elections prab-
junction with the other members to relocate likely t0 respond positively to ariy pro- ably by the United Nations, and will require
troops and supplies and keep the alliance pOSa1S from us at this time. Neverthe- Communist Chinese participation. To make
operating. such participation practicable in a settle-
less, Ibelieve certain carefully posed con-
(4) There is still an unsettled debate about ment it would be necessary to have Com-
strategic doctrine. Our European partners facts that d0 riot endanger our security munist China as a member of the com-
oppose the U.S. doctrine of flexible and con- or llnderCUt OUr diplomatic poSltlOri munity of nations, making the settlement.
trolled response. The Europeans fear that should be made. Mr. President, 2 ask Accordingly, lust as I have concurred with
sUCh a doctrine will lessen the credibility of unanimous consent to have these two the President t11at in peace negotiations
our nuclear deterrent. We believe that credi- speeches inserted in the RECORD. regarding Vietnam there should be uncon-
bility is a matter of meeting force with ap- There being no objection, the addresses ditional discussions, so I believe that in
propriate levels of counter-force. Such a de- were ordered to be prlrited iri the RECORD, connection with such peace negotiations
bate can never be solved in the abstract, and there should be "unconditional discussions"
we hope it will never be resolved in reality. aS fO110WS: with Communist China.
The only reasonable response to the debate is CHINA AND THE PEACE OF ASIA This is only a step and the meaning of this
to maintain the strength of NATO on all (Excerpts of the remarks of Senator JACOH step must be celarly understood. It is im-
levels-conventional, tactical and nuclet~r. K. JAVTT9, prepared for delivery before the partant to consider what we are not doing
(b) There is a feeling in some quarters that Annual Masonic Dedication Service and under such circumstances. We -are not
the Soviet Union no longer represents a Breakfasts, Waldorf and Astor Hotels, New recognizing Communist China or agreeing
threat to the security of Europe, tha# Mos- York City at 10 a.m., Sunday, March 20, to trade with it or to cease opposing its ad-
cow's motives have changed. But we cannot 1986) mission to the UN. We are saying only that
base policy on unknowable intentions and The struggle in Vietnam is really a strug- we are willing to discuss all questions and
motives; we have to base it on capability. gle to create and preserve peace and stability to abide by the results of an agreed-upon
A divided Berlin and a divide Germany still in Southeast Asia and in Asia as a whole. treaty or agreement.
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 12558
' ' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE ~ June 1,~5, 1966
We are net turning our back an the
Chinese Natianallst government on Taiwan
which as a state and as a member ai the
UN must be assured that its national
integrity fs being fully respected.
We are not in any way lessening our
determination to resist-with. mllitary
means or otherwise-the change ai govern-
m,ents by force, subversion and aggression,
whether ar not called a war of national
liberation, and that we propose to stand by
our military commitments to resist subver-
sion or aggression in the future.
We are not in any way retxeating cram
our purpose or our determination in Viet-
nam-that its people should be in an atmos-
phere of peace freely decide their own gov-
ernmental future.
We are not ~Seekin.g the approval ar agree-
ment of Caminunist China, nor are we in
fear of Communist Chinese rejection. We
are continuing our peace offensive on a
breeder and more inclusive scale, facing
realistically the real problem-Communist
China-and conflctent that other nations
will realize that it is never embarrassing to
face reality, especially when speaking and
acting from a situation of strength.
I have no illusions about Peking's reaction
to stitch a proposal ar to any other peace
overtures-at this time. Mao Tse-tung and
the other old revolutionaries, liked as they
are in the prison os their own dogma, will
(respond with _ hate and invective in the
negative. On March 3, Jenmin Jih Pao, a
Communist party newspaper, commented
that the U.S. Senate debate on Vietnam was
a "oilmouflage to hoodwink the people," and
that both the "hawks" and the "doves" are
"fools." On March 14, Vice President
HurvieFIREY was treated with the same sort of
disdain by the Communist Chinese leaders.
The day after he hinted that Washington
tnay be prepared to adopt a policy of con-
tainment without isolation, the Chinese
E3ommuniat leaders called his .suggestion
the "kiss of Judas".
As of now, the Red leaders are completely
preoccupied with maintaining their doctri-
nal purity. .They shun any formal contact
with the "American imperialists." They be-
lievo that their appeal in the developing
nations rests on an uncompromising ideology
and on implacable hostility to the West.
They are dead wrong in this belies. Recent
events in Cuba, where Castro has turned his
lengthy diatribes against Peking, in Africa
where the overthrow of governments which
had. become ,too much under Chinese com-
munist influence was greeted with immense
Afrioan approval, sand in Indonesia where
the overwhelming number oP IndAnesiahs
have risen up in support of the Army's
efforts to prevent a communist takeover-
all these events are testimony to the blind-
ness of Peking's doctrine.
Our problerh is to bring Peking to the
realization that not only has its dogmatism
failed, but that its refusal to recognize this
failure will be dangerous-to everyone oon-
cerned. Aa long as the Peking leaders re-
main entrapped by their own propaganda,
every conflict runs the risk oP escalation. As
long as then ideology provides no room far
peaceful coexistence, every small dispute
China has with another nation can become
a full-blown confrontation. This is not only
true of Peking's relations with the West, but
within the Communist world as well.
How can we bring Communist China into
the international .community of nations for
the purpose of making peace in Vietnam
without selling-out other peoples or our own
ideals and commitments?
The answer to this question must revolve
around a general policy of strength and
sensibility, containment but not isolation
of the Chinese people.
We can have peace In Vietnam only if
the priorities of Pekixig are reordered. To
do this. we must maintain our strength while
showing our willingness to negotiate un-
conditionally whir Communist China, as
well as with North Vietnam and the National
Liberation Front.
COMMIINIST CHINA AND NUCLEAR. DISARMAMENT
(Excerpts of the remarks of Senator JACOB K.
JAVITa prepared for delivery at the Sixth
Annual Banquet of the Iona College
Alumni Association, Comlmgdore Hotel,
New York City, 7:30 p.m., Thursday June 9,
1966)
Will Communist China join the commu-
nity of nations?
This, in the 1980's, is the most crucial
question in respect of the future peace and
suability of the world.
The United States, the most powerful na-
tion oa the face of the earth, must play a
leading role in assuring that the answer to
that question is, a positive one. in mq opin-
ion, we can help to bring about a positive
answer by our strength-moral as well as
physical-net our weakness by our patience,
not our haste; axrd by our reasonableness,
not our inflexibility, and not by unilateral
concessions.
It will take tinge; there will be frustra-
tions, set-backs and even dangers, but the
process of building bridges between Com-
munist China and the world community must
be pursued.
Until now, however, I feel we have been
mesmerized by the dream of some magical
event-some mystical world conference-in
which all major disputes between China and
the remainder of the world may be elimi-
nated at one stroke. But the history of in-
ternational relations demonstrates that the
process of accommodation in relative peace-
time between hostile nations is a piecemeal
One. It rarely happens at one stroke. Pack-
age deals are illusory, and complex diplo-
matic problems must be treated separately
and an their individual merits. With respect
to U.S. relations with the Peking regime,
this means that both nations must learn to
negotiate what is negotiable and we must
learn to talk in some areas while we may
dispute in others.
I have hoped-and continue to hope-that
a breakthrough might come in Vietnam. To
this end, I have repeatedly proposed that the
United Staten state its willingness to engage
in "unconditional discussions" with Com-
munist China with respect to Vietnam. Un-
happily, the Peking leaders, as well as those
in Hanoi, show no signs of compromise. The
only hopeful signs in Vietnam come not from
Peking os Hanoi, but from the prospect of
genuinely free elections in South Vietnam.
If these free elections are held as scheduled
and if the South Vietnamese are able to sub-
merge their differences enough to form a
reasonablq representative civilian and con-
stitutional government, the cause of peace
and freedom will be greatly strengthened.
But the Tact that the aggressors in Viet-
nam are not willing to come to their senses
does not require that the rest of our diplo-
matic machinery come to a halt. Indeed,
our government is quite frequently engaged
in talks with Communist China at the Am-
bassadorial level in Warsaw. This contact is
a vital one, but it is only one link. In the
nuclear age neither the Chinese nor the rest
of the world should allow it to be the only
link.
I therefore,, propose another link. I pro-
pose that Communist China be invited to the
Eighteen Nation Disarmament Conference in
Geneva, if it will sign the Partial Nuclear
Test Ban Treaty.
Over 110 nations have already signed the
Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and it seems
to me that Communist China should first
assume these same treaty obligations, as so
many others have, before discussions can be
fruitful.
The Geneva Disarmament Conference is
making important but slow progress in sev-
eral areas. The fssues in dispute between
the U.S. and the Soviet Union in regard to
the nuclear non-proliferation problem are
now clearly focused. The major obstacle to
the completion of this vital treaty is the
question of nuclear sharing within r1AT0.
We want to find some way to satisfy tyre in-
terests of our allies, and the .Soviet 77nion
wants to guard against a West German
finger on the nuclear trigger. If NATO can
agree to some internal arrangement based on
the principle of consultation on nuclear
matters rather than joint ownership, there
rs a good chance that the non-proliferation
treaty could become a reality, probably when
the acute Vietnam trials is behind us. On
the problem of extending the partial test ban
provisions to cover underground tests, there
are also some positive signs. Signiflcarit ad-
vances have been made in the technology of
detecting underground nuclear explosions.
The key stumbling block, however, remains
Moscow's refusal to accept the necessity for
any inspections whatever of "suepiciouis ex-
plosions," that is, explosions that are diffi-
cult to distinguish from earthquakes.
Communist China should hot be alllowed
to make a propaganda circus of the Geneva
discussion ii it joins them. The best way to
guard against this is to give the Peking
leaders some stake In the success of the talks.
Signing the Partial Test Ban Treaty would
be a step in that direction. Permitting Com-
munist China to introduce other issuers for
discussion, such as their own procls~imed
interest in a "no first strike" nuclear agree-
ment, would be another step. Our own gov-
ernxnent, in fact, has already indicai;ed a
willingness to discuss this "no strike" issue
if the Chinese would agree to step its atomic
testing In the atmosphere.
Inviting Communist China to the Geneva
Conference as a way of adding to its links
with- the world would also have they ad-
vantage of not prejudicing the recognition
problem. The disarmament meetings ixr Ge-
neva are independent of the United Nai;iona.
Communist China's membership would not
commit our own government in any way to
recognizing this regime or to giving it mem-
bership ixr the U.N. Moreover, it woulci not
be difficult to extend the invitation. The
U.S. and the Soviet Union, as co-chairmen
of the conference, could make the offer. Of
course, some provision must also be :made
at that time to keep the proper balance at
the conference between Warsaw Pact, NATO,
and neutralist powers.
I have no illusions about the likelihood of
Communist China's response to the 1n.vita-
tion. It will probably say "No" to the of-
fer, and will continue to instigate its so-
called "ware of national liberation," But
I also have no doubt that the U.$. skrould
attempt to bring the People's Republic of
China into a genuine dialogue an disarma-
ment and other security matters. Peking
has recently exploded its third nuclear de-
vice, and the radioactive fallout from this
explosion was dangerously high. Whether
we like it or not, Communist China ia, fast
becoming a nuclear power.
On April 16, Secretary of State Ruak: laid
down the principle of our policy toward ~Dom-
munist China. He said: "We must take: care
to do nothing which encourages Pekirl~;-or
anyone else-to believe that it can reap gains
from its aggressive actions and designs. But,
at the same time, we must continue to make
it plain that, ii Peking abandons its belief
that force is the beat way to resolve disputes
and gives up its violent strategy of world
revolution, we would welcome an era of good
relations." I subscribe to this principle,
a}rd my proposal of today is made in this
VIETNAM
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, on ,June
12, 1968, I delivered the commencemnent
address at Hofstra College. This adciress
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represents my thinking on the situation
iri Vietnam.
In this address, I deal with the two
mast .pressing problems in Vietnam:
First, elections; and second, escalation,
Fair, open, and free elections and a
speedy conversion to a caretaker civilian
government are needed to give the gov-
ernmerit _,of ~otlth Vietnam the legiti-
macy the government needs and the pco-
pie of South Vietnam want. In regard
to briflgin~ peace to Vietnam, positive
and constructive proposals should be
made to bring the conflict to the con-
ference table. My address contains pro-
posals for a military freeze.
I ask unanimous consent to Have my
remarks printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE NEED TO,PREVENT ESCALATION IN SOIITH
VIETNAM
In such a setting as this, it Ss appropriate
that we think of our life purpose, bath as
individuals and as Americans. As individ-
uals I am sure this purpose is on every mind
and heart and I would contribute only little
within this context to your individual
thoughts.
But an. our purpose as a nation I can per-
haps be helpful.. Because of our productive
power, traditiar}s and geographic location, we
are a natioxl that has. .fallen heir to world
responsibility., Our people have accepted
slid carried out this role as being vital to
our security and to our ideals-but we still
feel uncomfortable with this responsibility.
Yet, we are probably the first of the world
powers in history that can sincerely demon-
strate that we want nothing but peace and
freedom for all and the 'broadest ,possible
.opportunity for all people.
By now it is also quite true that we have
no_doctrinaire, preconceptiolis about social
-arid economic systems and are perfectly will-
ing to live in peaceful co-existence even with
Communist states, provided they do not
practice aggression or subversion upon
others,
Within this context, it is proper to ask why
Vietnam has become such an overriding issue
Yn our: country. 'We have faced military
challenges `before, as for example, in the Ber-
lin Blockade, the Korean War, and the Cuban
missile crisis=but these seemed easier to ex-
plain. - .
in Berlin, we had the full support of the
Western world, and we were"defending un-
equivocal rights of access to this city. In
Korea, 'the North Korean attack across the
17th parallel was a clear case of aggression,
end we acted as the major part of a United
' Nations Police I~'orce to repel the aggression.
The Cuban missile crisis waa close to home,
it was a clear attempt by the Soviet Union
to alter the balance of power, and our allies
came to our support immediately.
Vienam is more difficult to explain. As the
threat becomes more subtle and the area
more distant from our traditional concerns,
it' is harder to understand-but it is no less
a threat. We have allies in Vietnam-in
fact, those nations in the area, among others,
which also. feel their security is at stake-
but their number and capacity are limited.
The point that troubles so many Ameri-
cans is the unusual amount of disapproval
11i. thg free world for the. position we have
j;aken and the way we are carrying it on.
All the moie_reason why our policy ixi Viet-
~nam' nee~is:to be spelled out and be clearly
1xn;derstood by every American if possible-
so grave is the issue, so critical are its im-
plications.
In reflecting on the first catastrophic year
of World War I, Winston Churchill wrote
that "events passed very" largelg outside the
scope of conscious choice. Governments 2. 'That the United States agree to cease
and individuals conformed to the rhythm of bombing in North Vietnam in return far a
the tragedy, and swayed and staggered for- North Vietnam and NLF pledge. to came to
ward in helpless violence, slaughtering and the conference table and negotiate for peace.
squandering on ever-increasing scales .
Reflecting on war in general, Karl von
Clausewitz, the dean of military historians,
warned that all military conflicts tend to
outstrip political objectives and develop a
logic of their own.
Vietnam must not become a case in paint.
My own thinking on Vietnam has been
governed always by four principles:
First, that our cause of helping the South
Vietnamese people to defend themselves is a
lust one, and that our objective of allowing
the people freely to determine their own
future should be pursued by limited mill- _
tart' means. The objective would make little
sense if it led to the devastation of South
Vietnam and a wider Asian land war.
Second, that the conflict should end in
somq kind of negotiated settelment, and that
we must do all we can to bring all relevant
parties, including Communist China, North
Vietnam, and the National Liberation Front,
to the baragining table. This requires that
our objectives be reasonable and our means
measured; it does not mean unilateral con-
cessions by the U.S.
Third, that we should focus our energies
on means to develop a freely elected, repre-
sentative, and workable government in
Saigon. Only such a civilian government
can gain legitimacy and acceptance from
the Vietnamese.
Fourth, that if there is to be no stable
Saigon Government because the leaders of
the various factions will not submerge their
personal power drives for the common effort
against a communist takeover, the U.S., not-
withstanding its determination to see the
struggle through, cannot remain in Vietnam.
I feel the American people are flatly opposed
to U.S. forces fighting alone-or to a U.S.
takeover of South Vietnam.
As I see the situation, then, we must pur-
sue peace through strength and reasonable-
ness in order to prevent the further escala-
tion of the conflict, and we must help to
stabilize and legitimize the Saigon Govern-
ment in order to achieve our purpose-the
social and economic reconstruction of Viet-
nam under self-determination.
PIIRSIIING THE PEACE
In order to prevent the- fighting from de-
veloping alogic of its own and in order to
avoid a condition where muitary decisions
determine political choices, the escalation
of the conflict must be ended.
There .must be a military freeze before
there can be hope for peace discussion to
begin.
I think it is important to distinguish be-
- tween a military freeze and a cease fire. A
freeze simply means to fix a ceiling on the
present magnitude of battle, particularly
in respect to the introduction of new troops.
At this stage of the Vietnam conflict, there
is probably little hope for a prolonged ar
extended cease fire. More likely, as in the
Korean War, fighting will occur during the
negotiations themselves. The establishment
of a cease fire agreement and the details of
policing it will also be the business of the
eventual peace conference.
To the end of bringing about discussions
through a military freeze, I would make
the following proposals:
1. That, subject to international verifica-
tion, the United States agree to stop send-
ing additional troops into South Vietnam
in return for a North Vietnamese pledge to
halt the infiltration of their soldiers into
South Vietnam.
North Vietnamese infiltration is now ex-
ceeding 6,000 per month. U.S, troop- intro-
ductions during the next twelve month pe-
riod are likely to average 10,000 per month.
At this rate, the already high casualties will
double in a year's time.
The cessation of bombing 1n the North
should provide Hanoi with some face-saving
reason for agreeing to talk. It could also
create a calmer atmosphere for the talks.
3, That the Geneva Conference of 1954
be reconvened in order to conduct the ne-
gotiations, and that the NLF be allowed to
sit at the conference as an "independent
party ?
I suggest the Geneva Conference rather
than the United Nations because of the
fact that neither North Vietnam nor Com-
munist China are members of the U.N. and
would, therefore, object to a U.N. frame-
work. Moreover, the Geneva Conference, un-
like other possible international bodies, is
composed of nations that have a direct and
intilnate stake in Southeast Asian Affairs.
That ie not the time to go looking for a new
international body-only to argue about
Composition and procedure all over again.
These are my proposals, yet even as I make
them, I am not sanguine about the possi-
bilities of negotiations at this time. Peking,
Hanoi, and the NLF show no signs of willing-
ness to end the struggle. Their precondi-
tions for negotiations are "immediate, com-
plete, unconditional withdrawal of U.S.
troops; ' and "the recognition of the NLF as
the only legitimate voice" of South Vietnam.
These are not negotiating points, they are
ultimatums. The main responsibility -for
preventing a peace conference lies squarely
on the communists' shoulders.
The U.S. has repeatedly sbated its readi-
ness to discuss "anything with anyone", and
no preconditions have been attached. If the
communists do not believe the sincerity of
this offer, they have but to test us to find out.
But the fact that we have made this open
offer to talk does not mean that we are re-
lieved of further responsibility. The Presi-
dent has an obligation to continually restate
and clarify our objectives, and to explain
these 1n positive and realistic terms to the
American people and the world. In recent
weeks, the U.S. people's "consensus" behind
the President's policy in Vietnam has di-
minLshed. I believe this is, in large measure,
due to a sense of drift regarding the Presi-
dent's conduct of the conflict and due to the
frustration generated by the internecine
quarrels among the South Vietnamese lead-
ers.
American people feel that the President has
not been forceful enough in presenting U.S.
interests in the current South Vietnamese
power struggle. I believe that the American
people are losing patience with intramural
power plays in Vietnam by local military,
political and religious groups, and that they
.want the President to make this perfectly
clear to the -South Vietnamese. . I am not
implying that our own people want the Presi-
dent to dictate a solution or support any
particular faction or man in South Vietnam.
What I am saying is that I believe the Ameri-
can people want the President to state that
unless these internal differences are settled,
we cannot remain in South Vietnam.
I also believe that the American people
are unhappy about the fact that the Presi-
dent has apparently accomplished-little in
.bringing the negotiating position of the Sai-
gon Government on peace in Vietnam into
line with our own. Premier Ky has often
stated that he will not discuss any matter
with the NLF under any circumstances. We
cannot become tied to such an .unbending
position.
The thrust of what I am saying is that
neither we nor the Vietnamese can afford
the luxury of taking positions .that con-
tribute only to the escalation of .the conflict
. and not to peace.
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 12560
' ' CONGRESSIONAL .RECORD -SENATE June 1 ~ 1966
- ELECTIONa AND LEGITIMACY
Free elections are the single most impor-
tant elements in the future stability of South
Vietnam. If the ;communist leaders con-
tinue to- Yareclose the possibility of negatia-
tlons, tree elections may be the only way for
the Saigon Government to establish the
legitimacy it needs and the people of South
Vietnam. ought to have.
If every step of this electoral process,
from campaigning to the installation of a
new government, is not conducted with the
openness and fairness it deserves, hope Yod?
bringing peace to Vietnam will .seriously
recede. .
T.he various, South Vietnamese factions
seem to be fighting primarily over power,
and not over purposes. The over-whelming
majority of these same people do not want
to be ruled by a communist dictatorship any
more than a mllitary one.
The South Vietnamese leaders moat learn
that their quarrels only defeat their ends.
I was pleased to learn last week that there
are some hopeful signs in this regard.
The Electoral Commission of South Viet-
nam has properly recommended that the
Constituent Assembly to be elected next
September should "also have legislative
power" and could transform itself into afull-
fleged parliamentary body if the proposed
constitution so provides. It would be very
unwise for the military junta to prolong
unduly their own military farm of govern-
ment; the transition to a caretaker civilian
government should be made as quickly as
passible.
Tlx6 Electoral Commission .also recom-
mended that the Saigon Government request
U.N, observation of the elections. This is
an important sign of good faith, and I hope
that the U.N., notwithstanding the oppoe>r-
tion of the Soviet Union and Frasxce, will
assume this responsibility. Some outside
international supervision of the elections is
mast desirable.
It would be appropriate, in addition, to
call for a cease 8re during the period of
the elections. If need be, this cease fire
should be urxilaterlly declared. All bombing
should stop, and U.S. and ARVN troops
should be ordered to fire only in -self-defense.
While I am pleased that the Electoral Com-
mission has asked the Saigon ,Government
for a speedy transition to pivllian rule acid
for international supervision of the elections,
i am concerned by another of the Commis-
sion's proposals.
The Commission proposed that "those wlio
directly or indirectly are involved in any
activity favoring communism and neutral-
.` rsm , , ,should not be permitted. to stand
as candidates."
It is a dangerous practice to allow local
officials to determine who. are included ixr
an abstract definition of "communtsts anal
neutralists."
Also, tho election must be open to all--
univorsal suffrage by secret ballot should be
the basis of participation in the September
elections, otherwise the results of the elec-
tion might not be truly representative of ail
the South Vietnamese people.
As a practical matter, however, we must
realize that there are certain areas of South
Vietnam in which it may be impossible to
have Yrea elections. Ail those who observe
these elections-the U.S., the U.N., and other
international bodies, and the whole world--
will be able to judge whether areas so ex-
cluded by the Saigon Government invalidate
the essential fairness of the election. The
i3algon Government must, theroiore, be care-
Ytll not to exclude areas in an arbitrary man-
n~i'-and I hope our Government wlll make
this clear, too.
8houlfl the people of South Vietnam de-
cide in these elections that they no longer
desire II.$, assistance, we should withdraw.
It is my belief, however, that the people of
South, Vietnam ,will freely choose to retain
our help in the joint effort to bring about
peace and freedom and the social and eco-
nomic construction of South Vietnam for
which its people have sacrificed so much.
Peace is an elusive condition in human
affairs. The history of man is dotted end-
lessly by needless conflicts.
Abraham Lincoln, in his Secorxd Inaugural
Address, has given us the criterion; we have
but to follow it: "Let us strive to finish the
work we are in; to bind up the nation's
wounds; to care for him who shall have borne
the battle, and for his widow, and his ar-
phan-to do all which may achieve and
cherish a just and lasting peace among our-
selves, and with all. nations."
.THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE
CHARTERING OF THE BOY
SCOUTS OF AMERICA
Mr. HILL. ? Mr. President, -this is a
memorable date for the 38 million
.Americans who have been or are now as-
sociated with one of the greatest youth
organizations in world history, the Boy
Scouts of America. It is likewise a date
of great significance to our beloved Pres-
ident pro tempore, the Senator Prom
Arizona CMr. HaYDEM,
It was 50 years ago, on June 15, 1916,
that President Woodrow Wilson signed
into law the bill authorizing a congres-
sional charter for the Boy Scouts of
America. Today is the golden anniver-
sary of that event.
CARL HAYDEN iS the One Member of
the 89th Congress who was also a Mem-
ber of the 64th Congress, which approved
.this bill 50 years ago. He voted for it
as a Member of the House, representing
the State of Arizona.
His vote on that occasion was but one
of innumerable instances of CARL HAY-
DEN'S lifelong concern fOr American
youth.
The bill chartering the Boy Scouts was
introduced in the House as H.R. 755, and
passed that body an March 6, 1916. On
May 31 of that year, it was approved by
the Senate. The bill was duly signed by
the then Speaker of the House, the Hon-
orable Champ Clark, of Missouri, and
the Honorable Jolzn H. Bankhead, Sr., of
Alabama, then Acting President pro
tempore of the Senate. The key section
of that act read as follows:
The purpose of t]ais corporation shall be to
promote through organization, and coopera-
tion,with other agencies, the ability oY boys
to do things for tlYemaelves and others, to
train them in Scoutrraft, and to teach them
patrlotisnx, courage, self-reliance, and kin-
dred virtues, using the methods which are
now in common usee by the Boy Scouts.
Congress has every reason to be proud
of the action it took in 1916 in providing
a Federal charter for the Boy Scouts of
America. AS Senator HAYDEN himself
has written:
Judged by fts outstanding accomplish-
ments, no organization has proved to be more
worthy oP a Federal charter.
By 1955, on the 45th anniversary of
the founding of the American Scout
movement, there remained only four
Members in Congress who had served in
the 64th Congress, and who had voted
irx 1916 to charter the Boy Scouts of
America. These four men, all of whom
had made historic contributions to our
Nation's progress, together issued a proc-
lamation on February 8, 1955, celebrat-
ing the 45th birthday of the Boy Scouts
of America, and reminding the Scouts
that the purpose for which their charter
was created by the Congress "continues
as your vital service to our beloved Amer-
ica.." The four signers of that proclama-
tion wer Sam Rayburn, Speaker of the
House of Representatives, Carl Vinson,
chairman of the House Commx'ttee on
Armed Services, Alben W. Bax?kley,
former Vice President of the United
States and Senator from Kentucky, and
our dear colleague, CARL HAYDEN.
In commendation Of CARL HAYDEN'S
leadership in the Scout movement, the
National Council of the Boy Scouts of
America, on June 14, 1962, awarded him
Scouting's highest award, the Silver Buf-
falo, for "distinguished service to boy-
hood.,,
On January 14 of this year, Seriator
HAYDEN offered a resolution, Senate Con-
current Resolution 68, which I had the
honor to cosponsor, expressing the .sense
of Congress on the 50th anniversary of
the chartering of the Boy Scouts of
America. The resolution was ordered
reported to the Senate from the Commit-
tee on Labor and Public Welfare on Jan-
10, and was approved by the House on
February 21. May I remind the Senate
.that in adopting that resolution we: re-
solved
That the Congress hereby pays tribute to
the Boy Scouts of America on the occuxaion
aP the fiftieth anniversary of the granting.
by Act oP Congress of the Charter of the: Boy
Scouts of America; and expresses its recog-
nition of anal appreciation for the public
service performed by this organization
through its contributions to the lives of the
nation's youth.
Mr. President, it is indeed deserving
and fitting that the Boy Scouts of Amer-
ica be so recognized on this auspicious.
occasion for them, for the Congress, and
for the Nation. I am proud to have had
apart in the resolution making this oc-
casion possible and to have this op]POr-
tunfty to add my words of personal ap-
preciation and gratitude to the Boy
Scouts for all they have done thre~ugh
the years for our Nation's youth. I salute
our Boy Scouts of America on the :i0th
anniversary of their chartering by C`an-
gress and say to them as emphatically as
I can, "Continue with the same energy
and vigor that in the past you have so
magnificently displayed to instill in the
hearts and the minds of our Nation's
youth, at a time when it is so vitally
necessary, the noble and lofty ideals of
patriotism, courage, self-reliance, and
kindred virtues on which you Nrere
founded."
AMENDMENT OF SECTION 502 OF
THE MERCHANT MARINE ACT,
1936
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Serrate
proceed to fire consideration of Calendar
No. 1164, S. 3858.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title for the information
of the Senate.
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June ?Y 5 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
aUove reproach by a U.S.- senator, is placed
{xnder surveillance-during a trip abroad; pri-
vate detectives look for damaging evidence in
the personal life of a lawyer who criticizes
automotive safety; a spy is planted in a drug
firm by a company specializing in industrial
undercover work. ?
Big Brother, the ail-knowing ruler of the
year .1984, Ys `not watching. Not yet, any-
way. But a lot of little brothers are and as
they, do they raise questions that defenders
of the individual have constantly struggled
to answer. The late Justice Brandeis, dis-
senting from, a 1928 Supreme Court ruling
that wiretapping was not an unreasonable
search and seizure, went back to the framers
of the Constitution to argue "They
sought to protect Americans in their beliefs,
their thoughts, their emotions and their sen-
sations, 't'hey conferred, as against the gov-
ernment, the right to be let alone: '
Dr. William Beariey, Cromwell professor of
law at Prixiceton, agreed in testimony before
a House subcommittee investigating the in-
vasion of privacy. Dr. Beaney, aware that
a flnaf definition of privacy is elusive, did,
nonetYxeless, call for an inventory of activi-
ties that raise the issue of privacy and dig-
nity:
Dr. $eaney's suggestion has generally gone
unheeded. Some intrusions may have been
justifiable; others could have been perni-
cious, while still others could best be cate-
gorized as absixrd. But ii euch.practioes "are
to go unchecked, they could result in a so
ciety of living in fear of Big Brother: ~. J~~
.THE REAL REASONS FOR OUR PRES-
ENCE IN SOUTH VIETNAM
Mr. MCGEE. Mr. President, .the real
res~sons for America's presence in South
Vietnam are set forth quite realistically,
I think, in a column Howard K. Smith
wrote for. the Evening Star. Smith asks
if the United States is pleading its case
fn Vietnam on the wrong grounds by
emphasizing legal a moral reasons for
our presence: And a prefers, as I do,
to argue the case for our presence in
Vietnam on the basis of political reali-
ties.
The "real and relevant" explanation
for our presence in Vietnam, he says, "is
that this is a power struggle the Loss of
which would bring consequences awful
to contemplate." Mr. Smith states the
consequences in this column, Mr. Presi-
dent, and they are indeed awful to con-
template. I ask unanimous consent that
the article be printed in the RECOen.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECOen,
~aS fOllOW5:
Ia UNTTED STATES PLEADING VIET CASE ON
WRONG GROUNDSP.
~ (By Howard g. Smith)
Every successive opinion poll shows that
our appetite for resisting in Viet Nam is
declining, and that President Johnson's stock
with the voters is going the same way.
One cannot help thinking that the ad-
ministration is not putting Its case- to the
American, people in proper terms: OE sev-
eral faults, one is outstanding: The Preai-
ient and Secretary of State Dean Rusk and
their colleagues almost always justify our
effort fix Southeast Asia on legal or moral
groixnda. The fact is that the struggle there
Ls essentially and overwhelmingly a power
struggle which we would probably have to
uYidertake regardless of law or'morality.
This is Iaot to agree with the host of guilt-
ridden oritics who believe our moral case is
bad. ' Compared witfx our foe's case, it is
downright good. Ho Chi b11nh has never
f
dared submit his regime to a free election
such as we are pressing for uxxder U.N. in-
spection in the south.
His instrument of power has been terror-
ism. His "reforms" left the average North
Vietnamese peasant considerably worse off
that the average South Vietnamese peasant--
until Ho made life in the south impassible
by the murder of nearly all local officials and
the systematic intimidation of the rest. It
is an eloquent fact that though war-weary
South Vietnamese dissent or riot or desert
the forces, none go over to the Viet Cong.
But the real and relevant explanation of
why we are fighting is that this is a power
struggle the loss of which would bring con-
sequences awful to contemplate:
To make the point, consider what would
happen, first if they, then if we, prevail.
A Communist success, following an Ameri-
can withdrawal, would be an "open-ended"
result. It would sharpen their appetite and
despex?ately weaken the resistance of neigh-
bors waiting to be consumed. It would
justify the basic motivation of their ideology
which is blind faith in a world interpreta-
tion that promises universal dominion at
the end of the road.
The "domino" theory is much discredited in
conversation. But the facts of life are these:
Laos and Cambodia are shot through with
guerrilla forces trained where those naw in
South Viet Nam were trained. Our AID
officials in Thailand are watching a guer-
rilla minority, trained in the same place be-
ginning to accumulate power by methods of
pure terror in northeast Thailand.
China has made public the intention of
adding Thailand to her bloc, and her actions
over many years make clear her ultimate
design of forcing the disintegration of India,
the only possible counter-force to China
south of Japan.
In short, a Communist success would be a
destabilizing event; it would be bound to
lead to further and worse conflicts.
A success for our side, on the other hand,
would be a stabilizing result. As in Eu-
rope, we seek no .territorial gain. Our aim
is to find a line and establish the principle
that we will not cross it to their detriment
if they will not cross it either.
In the age of nuclear weapons it is a para-
mount mission to establish this principle
that borders may not be changed by force in
Asia-just as we established it in Europe.
With China rapidly becoming a nuclear
power, we dare not relinquish the effort now
by curtailing our force or withdrawing it.
In his recent history of our times, Prof.
Carroll Quigley makes the point that Germa-
ny, Italy and Japan gained immensely more
by losing to us in World War II than they
could have possibly have gained by winning.
Had they won, their governments, filled with
the seeds of their own degeneration, would
have been stimulated to infinite acquisition,
with consequent national impoverishment
and eventual annihilation by the United
States. As it is, they have stabilized, be-
come , .progressive, democratic and pros-
perous societies.
Very much the same can be said about
the Communist nations of Asia. If they win
in Viet Nam, they will move on indefinitely
to extend their sway. At some point the
United States would be forced to intervene
again, this time with the support of the
opinion polls of a frightened public that at
last would see the real nature of the struggle.
A much bloodier war would result.
South Vlet Nam Is the right place and this
KANSAS DETERMINED TO,~R~'SUILD
AFTER KILLER TORNADOES
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, last
Wednesday, June 8, a series of killer
tornadoes struck Kansas. Approxi-
12575
mately 15 tornadoes were sighted and
several of them touched down and left
paths of violent destruction. A good
number of communities and farm sites
were affected. All together 17 persons
were killed. Over 500 were injured with
almost 100 of these requiring hospitaliza-
tion. Preliminary surveys supplied to me
by the Red Cross show that 818 homes
were destroyed, 938 with major damage,
and 1,116 with minor damage. In addi-
tion almost 100 house trailers were de-
stroyed or received major damage. All
together a total of approximately -3,300
families suffered losses.
Iri the city of Manhattan approxi-
mately 75 homes in a newly developed
section of Manhattan were either de-
stroyed or received extensive damage.
At Kansas State University all but two
of the married Student housing apart-
ment buildings received such major dam-
age that they have had to be evacuated.
The greatest destruction, however,
was concentrated in Topeka, the State's
capital. Here 16 persons were killed and
approximately 2,000 homes destroyed or
damaged. Several apartment buildings
were also hit, leaving a total of 3,000
families homeless. Approximately 200
business firms were destroyed or received
major damage. One automobile dealer
lost 275 automobiles through the storm.
The city's Washburn University was
especially hard hit. President John W.
Henderson states that the losses to the
university are probably "the largest
damage ever to any institution of higher
learning."
Preliminary estimates placed the loss
for Topeka at $150 million. However,
several building experts believe that final
estimates may well show damages of at
least $300 million.
Mr. President, an article in this morn-
ing's, June 15, Wall Street Journal de-
scribes the death and destruction which
was visited on Topeka a week ago. It
also reports on the tough determination
of Topekans to rebuild their devastated
city. While I visited Topeka last Friday,
I was impressed by the manner in which
all the city's citizens were working to-
gether to clean up the debris and to make
their city operational and livable as soon
as possible. Topeka Mayor Charles W.
Wright, and Topeka Water Commis-
sioner C. Frank Mannspeaker, are today
here in Washington seeking assistance
in planning and funding rehabilitation
of the city, which suffered what some be-
lieve is the worst damage ever sustained
by a metropolitan area from a tornado.
Housing, mass transit, education-all
suffered heavily from the twister. The
Wail Street Journal article describes this
mood of determination and cooperation
very effectively and I ask unanimous con-
sent that it be printed in the RECORD at
the conclusion of my comments.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
encouraging to report that all the regu-
lar natural disaster programs and agen-
cies are being effectively used to help
Kansans l?ecover as rapidly as possible
from this disaster. However, as I stated
last Thursday-upon introducing a spe-
cial disaster relief bill, I believe that ad-
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 32576
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CONGRESS,~ONAL?RECORD -SENATE June 15, 196 E
~9itional programs beyond those by pres-
8nt law are needed in. order to provide
rei}sorlabls and necessary relief, Presi-
dent Johnson has declared Kansas to be
a national disaster; area, indicating that
this was a disaster of truly major pro-
portions.
' 1;'XHIBIT 1
[From the Wall Street Journal,
June 15, 1966)
TORNADO AFTERMATH: TOPEKA DEMONSTRATES
HOW ti'ITY CAN i~EBOUND IN WAKE O}~' A ~IS-
ASTER-DEVASTATED AUTO DEALERSHIP RENTS
FAIRGROUND FACIDITY; COLLEGE VaES HIGH
SCHOOL-THE, ENORMrrY OF REBUILDING
(By James C. Tanner)
' TOPEKA, KANS.-Parts of the roof and walls
are missing from Cyrus Guthrie's corner- gro-
cery store. Canned goods and packages of
detergents are strewn in front. Electricity is
still off. Homes of most of the store's cus-
tomers are heaps of debris. But groceryman
Guthrie is open for business-almost as
usual.
The Guthrie store, a concrete building in
aortheast Topeka, was wrecked by a tornado
that killed 17 persons and left a ~ib0 million
?scar acrasa this state capital city of 130,000
last Wednesday evening. When the warning
sirens sounded,. Mr. Guthrie closed his store
slid headed for cover. Later he returned to
the-area to help haul out theYnjttred and to
spend a weary night at his battered store
giving away flashlights from his stock to
dazed and homeless neighbors.
8y dawn the next day, Mr. Guthrie was
out rounding up carpenters and scrambling
tar materials to patch up the stare. 3ike
most Topekans with property in the path oP
the storm, he had insurance, but not nearly
enough, Mr. Guthrie had coverage of only
X9,000, and he says he "threw away that
much" in .ruined vegetables and other per-
ishables.
"It knocked me down, but I'm coming
back," he vows.
Mr, C=uthrie's determination demonstrates
the resiliency a city struck by disaster can
display. Although still digging out of the
debris, most Topekans already are bouncing
back from the most destructive act of nature
in the state's history: Mobilizing quickly,
the city began the "process of getting back on
its feet almost. as soon. as the fullnei lifted.
FEDERAL AGENCDy'S ACTIVE
"Open for business" signs on boarded-up
storefronts and propped-up walla are evident
throughout the tornado's, path: Cleanup
crews working round the crock are rapidly
clearing away tons of debris. Many busi-
nessmen. and homeowners are already re-
building. Hundreds of volunteers are pitch-
ing in to aid the tornado's victims, and
Uncle Sam 1s lending a hand, too. President
Johnson has declared Topeka a disaster area
eligible for Federal aid, and Federal agencies
are opening makeshift offices all over town.
It's very likely that some areas of 'Ibpeka-
particularly in the blighted lower-income
aortheast. section of the city-will emerge
from the devastation of the tornado in better
physical shape than they were in before.
New housing and shopping areas are already
being planned.
Moreover, the whirling winds of the storm
had hardly died before city fathers were dust-
ing off plans, dormant for a decade, to build
an expressway from southwest to northeast
Topeka. The route,- as initially planned,
ironically parallels the path of the tornado.
Previously, the light-of-way was too expen-
save. "But that's all unimproved property
Ilaw," says one city official. City emissaries
-arc in Washington-right now laying their pro-
posals before Federal authorities.
PREPARING FOR DISASTER
Topeka probably has fared better than
many other comparable-sized communities
would if they were hit with a disaster of this
magnitude. Living. as they do in the heart
of mid-America's "tornado alley," Topekans
are no strangers to violent weather, even
though until last week the city had never
been hit by the full force of a tornado. Hail
storms are common here. Alga, Topeka out-
shines many a Iarger city in its elaborate
preparations for dLsasters. Local officials
take pride in a, civil defense center located
in the subbasement of a reec_ntly built court-
house. There, strategy had been mapped to
cope with disasters ranging 1n size up to nu-
clear attacks on nearby Forbes Air Force
Base. Moreover, Topeka's storm-warning
system is second to none. "Weather watch-
ers," mostly volunteers, are posted around
the city in radio-equipped cars whenever
tornado conditions exist,. and special warn-
ing sirens sound Sn every section of the city
whenever a twister is sighted visually or on
radar.
But there are some lessons to be learned
here. Many new homes built in Togeka in
recent years had neither storm cellars nor
basements,. as evidenced byall the concrete
slab foundations exposed to view today where
houses crambled when the tornado struck.
Although the loss of life was relatively small
because of the repeated visual sightings of
the tornado and other warnings, injuries are
estimated as high as b00. These casualties
could have been sharply reduced if everyone
had taken proper precautions, it's generally
agreed. It's even being suggested that all
hew homes be required by city ordinance to
have a basement.
Many Topekans concede they were slaw to
act when the sirens sounded last week be-
cause the warning blasts had already come
several times this spring a?nd nothing much
had happened. Darold D. Main, chairman
of the Board of the Shawnee County Com-
missioners, admits he was nonchalantly
.Working at his desk on the second floor of
the county courthouse while the sirens were
wailing last week. He paid little attention
until debris flying past his window sent him
scurrying to the civil defense shelter three
floors below.
Many Topekans also appear to have put
more stock in an old Indian legend than in
sirens. The legend had it that Topeka was
immune to tornadoes because of a feature
of Its topograghy, specifically a hill south-
west of town named Burn.ett's Mound after
the Indian chief said to be 'buried there. The
reasoning was that since tornadoes usually
move in a northeasterly direction, the hill sat
directly in the path that would normally be
taken by a twister headed toward Topeka.
The storms would break up at the mound,
never touching Topeka-or so the story went
until last week.
Just before sundown last Wednesday,
weather watchers stationed atop Burnett's
Mound sighted a funnel moving toward the
city. It didn't stop at Burnett's Mound. It
danced across the hill, smashed into Twi-
light Street on the southwest side of Topeka
and then swept northeastward with what one
witness says was "the roar of 100 trains"
through the city's most heavily populated
sectors. The bailing black cloud ripped a
half-mile-wide swath for 10 miles, whipping
hard by the Weather Bureau building at the
airport on its way out of town and sending
the meteorologists who had earlier ordered
the sirens sounded diving for cover amid
flying glass.
For many Topekans the situation has never
been so grim. Many lost relatives and
friends; hundreds- last their life's savings.
The storm left 3,000 families Nameless,
destroyed 200 businessa firms, leveled most of
the stately old structures on the Washburn
University campus, destroyed other bu11d-
1ngs, and nicked thb State capitol. It also
overturned buses. and boxcars and sucked
windows from buildings and autos three
blocks away from the tornado's trail. Some
Topeka debris later turned up 75 miles away.
- A BIG JUNKYARD
Until the bulldozers got busy, much of
Topeka resembled a giant automobile ,~unk-
yard, with 8,000 to 10,000 cars in tangled
heaps. "This is the most terrible thing that
ever happened," says William Alexander, a
retired businessman. Disaster experts are
just now totaling up the damages. At city-
owned Washburn University, losses that are
described by President John W. Henderson as
"the largest damage ever to any institution
of higher learning" are expected to approach
$10 million.
Wrecked business structures in Topeka a:re
swarming with some 150 insurance es~ti-
matora. The Santa Fe Railway has figured
damage to its facilities here at $2 million.
Southwestern Bell Telephone Co. estimates
its losses at more than ffi1.3 million; 18,000
.phones were out right after the storm. Local
Dodge dealer Claude Shortrlian, who lost
27s automobiles (175 of them new) and a
dozen trucks, says his damages will surpass
!&1 million. All told, some building experts
believe, the ultimate loss tally could nIn
double the early estimate of $150 million.
In one low-income area hit by the tornado,
insurance won't cover more than 20 M, of t:he
overall loss, according to city auditor Charles
Holt. Henry A. Bubb, president of Capii;ol
Federal Savings & Loan Association, which
holds about 90% of the mortgages in two
fashionable residential sections in southwest
Topeka that were hard hit, estimates re-
placement casts in those neighborhoods will
exceed insured value by at least 10~ .
HELP FROM WASHINGTON
Also, it's generally agreed that replacement
of demolished properties will take consider-
able time, both because of a scarcity of labor
and todaq's tight money situation. "We
ought to be able to rebuild Topeka within
a year," says contractor Clyde SeIt11e. But
businessmen like Dodge dealer Shortman
sear that financing probably may slow re-
building.
The Small Business Administration has e~l-
ready set up offices here-it had more than
50 inquiries the first day-to make disaster
loans to both homeowners and businessmen.
Topeka banker R. C. Clevenger expects to be
swamped with pleas for financing.. He sayer a
bookbinder telephoned him before the bank
opened the morning after the tornado to ask
for help in lining up a building in which he
could relocate his devastated business.
Officials like Robert Jones, Shawnee County
civil defense director, worry that Topekans
don't realize the enormity of the rebuilding
task ahead. Some fret, too, that the initial
enthusiasm to clean up and restore the tor-
nado-damaged areas may wane. "The real
test will be where Topeka is at this time next
year," says Capt. James F. Barker, who di-
rects Salvation Army aid units that are gath-
ered here from 24 Midwestern communities.
Efforts to clean up and achieve a semblance
ai normality did indeed move at a feveriish
pace in the days immediately after the tor-
nado. A five-mile long caravan of trucA:s,
many hauling heavy tractors, was rushed
here by the Kansas City, Mo., parks depart-
ment. Equipment from as far away as :it.
Louis and Houston was also sent, and offers
of help arrived from around the country.
A Phoenix, Ariz., mobile home dealer
pledged temporary housing for displaced
Topekans. Kansas, Oklahoma and Nebraslka
Mennonites, carrying axes and other tools for
cleaning debris, were on hand within eight
hours after the storm: they are part of the
Mennonite Disaster Service, an organization
within the Mennonite Church.
VOLUNTEERS FLOCK TO HOSPTIAL
State Rep. Robert Harder, who directs
Topeka antipoverty programs and whose dis-
trict makes up 40?!? of the damaged zone, is
supervising up to 3,000 local volunteers In
social and welfare work for the tornado vic-
tims. Disaster agencies such as the Red Cross
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Of course many individuals and nu-
merous groups in this country have also
lodged protests with Soviet authorities
it Moscow, and have appealed- urgently
on behalf of these. two writers. Some
berievulent -and kind individuals have
even expressed the wish to aid these two
victims of Soviet "justice" by, offering
to h~.ve them brought to this country and
live here at their expense, without hav-
ing them become public charges.
Recently I received a letter from one
of my _ constituents, a highly public-
spirited friend whose humanitarian
feelings were aroused by the fate of
Sinyavsky and Daniel. He wrote me
stating that if the Soviet authorities
want to be rid of Sinyavsky and Daniel
and axe willing to release them fror}'i.
prison and allow them to leave the So-
viet Union, he "would underwrite the
support of them and their families in
this country for a couple of years." He
expressed confidence that dozens of
American writers would join him.
I wanted to explore ways by which the
wish of my friend could be fulfilled, .and
so on April 27 I wrote to the Department
of State, asking information on the pos-
sibility of obtaining the release of these
two victims from their Soviet prison-
Iabor camp, and on the chances of their
coming to this country.
But the reply which I received from
the Assistant Secretary of State for Con-
gressional Relations, Mr. Douglas Mac-
Arthur II, was not encouraging. In his
considerate reply to me, Mr. MacArthur
makes it abundantly clear that appeals
to the Soviet Government could oiler no
hope of securing the release in Sinyavsky
and Daniel, since that Government has
already refused to consider favorably all
appeals made by innumerable other
groups and individuals, including appeals
made by some eminent Soviet writers
and Communist intellectuals from East-
ern and Western Europe. He also stress-
es the State Department's view that
"concerned Americans -and citizens of
other countries should not hesitate to ex-
press their views in public about the fate
of Sinyavsky and Daniel: '
Under the circumstances that prob-
ably is the most and the very least we
can do now. While it may not be pos-
sible to secure the release of Sinyavsky
and Daniel from the Soviet prison-labor
camp, I would like to voice my protest in
this House against the conviction of these
two gifted and innocent victims of Soviet
"justice." It is my hope that such pro-
tests, from all quarters of the globe, may
in some way help to deter the Soviet au-
thorities from this type of repression in
the future.
The case of Sinyavsky and Daniel is a
particularly significant one for me and
for the people of the First Congressional
District of Massachusetts. whom I am
privileged to represent in this body. As
a further example of the Soviet brand of
"justice," it is a grim reminder of the
. tragic and bitterly frustrating case oP
young Newcomb Mott of Sheffield, Mass.
It was less than a year ago that 27-
.year-old Newcomb innocently wandered
across the Soviet. border from Norway,
seeking information on how he might
legally enter Russia for a brief visit. He
-yeas promptly arrested on charges of il-
legally entering the Soviet Union. His
trial was a mockery of anything close to
due process as we know it, and his con-
viction-l8 months at hard .labor in a
Siberian penal colony-was considered
severe even by Russian standards.
The world, of course, knows the out-
come of the Mott case. Newcomb never
reached Siberia. He died on the prison
train, allegedly taking his own life, al-
though the detailed circumstances of his
death have never been clearly explained
by the Soviets, and it is unlikely that
they ever will.
It is to be hoped that Sinyavsky and
Daniel will fare better on the sacrificial
altar of Russian "justice" than did New-
comb Mott.
And certainly it should be crystal
clear, even to the most euphemistic swal-
lowers , of Russian hogwash, that the
Soviet Government cannot be trusted to
react in either a plausible or predictable
In Town Hall last month I participated in
a read-in of American writers against our
government's war in Viet Nam, which to me
appears a crime and to others a duty, and
there listened to such invective against our
political leaders that even my ears burned.
Surely our names without exception went
into the FBA's files,. but each of us spoke his
fragment of the truth, in a faith as old as
this country ,that out of many ouch frag-
ments comes a wholer truth. Uninteriered
with, I came home thanking my lucky stars,
from the first thirteen on, that I had read
my pages from a platform in New York and
not in Moscow.
True, the traditions of your country and
mine are so contrary that we cannot use the
same language of humanity without ending
in confusion, and it is a waste of breath to
lecture each other. I know only that, like
Sinyavsky and Daniel, I am a writer who
abhors the lies which grease the machinery
of every state; and while I come and go as
I please on my road here, they are laboring
in a prison camp; and I cannot honor my
promise to visit pour country while it so
dishonors men like me.
and justice. There is but one rule-expe-
dience for the good of the state. All elsdl
is subordinate, and I repeat my earnest
advice to any American foolish enough
to consider placing his own welfare at
the mercy of the Russian authorities.
-Steer well clear of any jurisdiction con-
trolled or influenced by the Soviets. Ig-
nore the rather surprising appeal of
Russian advertising to visit the Soviet
Union. The lessons are hard and clear.
The risk is not worth the taking.
Mr. Speaker, the constituent of whom
I spoke earlier and who has expressed in-
terest in bringing Sinyavsky and Daniel
out of Russia to this country, is the dis-
tinguished playwright, William Gibson
of Stockbridge, Mass.
Mr. Gibson has made this case some-
thing of a personal crusade, since he him-
self has a more or less personal interest
in it. Mr. Gibson is, of course, one of our
more noted dissenters in this country.
He makes no secret of his convictions on
some of the issues confronting the Nation
today-but makes equally clear his patri-
otic devotion to the only country in the
world, perhaps, that would allow him to
speak his convictions without-fear of the
kind of reprisals which the Soviets have
taken against Sinyavsky and Daniel .
I would like to include at this point in
my remarks the text of a letter written by
Mr. Gibson to Soviet Ambassador Ana-
toly Dobrynin. The letter, I feel, is in the
clear tradition of the utterance by Vol-
taire, who said: "I disapprove of what
you say, but I will defend with my life
your right to say it."
The letter follows:
AmbasaadOT ANATOLY DOSRYNIN,
The Soviet Ambassador,
'Washington, D.C.
DEAR AMBASSADOR DOBRYNIN. Last year I
was Snvited by the Inatitute of Soviet-Amer-
ican Relations to visit Moscow, where two of
my plays are being performed; I accepted,
hoping to come when time permitted. Now
I wish to state why I will not.
The sentencing to hard labor of the au-
thors Daniel and Sinyavsky for publishing
their dissent from state dogma, which to the
Soviet government appears a crime and to
me appears a duty, is not only a bitterness
to all who hope for understanding between
our countries; it should be felt by every
writer in the world as a kick in the groin.
MBODIAN AID TO THE VIETCONG
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Michigan CMr. CHAMBERLAIN]
is recognized for 15 minutes.
(Mr. CHAMBERLAIN asked and was
given permission to revise and extend his
remarks and to include extraneous mate-
rial.)
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker, in
recent weeks, since my return from serv-
ing on a special Armed Services Commit-
tee assignment to South Vietnam during
the Easter recess, I have made a number
of speeches in this Chamber on the sub-
ject of the aid the Vietcong derives from
Cambodia.
Today I -wish to inform my colleagues
of a cable I received from the Prime Min-
ister of Cambodia in which he, in strong
and unusual language, protests the
statements I had made. I wish to take
this means to respond to this extraor-
dinary communication because I be-
lieve it does more to lend credence to
the charges than it does to deny them.
The Prime- Minister, Norodom Kantol,
specifically attacks me for advocating an
aggressive policy against his country, for
making public "faked" information, and
far the failure to be concerned about the
truth of the situation along the Cam-
bodian-Vietnamese border.
Let me first simply refer my colleagues
to information which I have previously
inserted_ in the RECORD on May 4, May
17, and May 23. At this time I would
only reiterate that while ixi South Viet-
nam Iwas specifically told by a special
forces officer of the existence of three
airstrips on Cambodian soil which re-
~ceived daily flights with supplies for
Vietcong and of the existence o~f a train-
ing area as well. Furthermore, I have
yet to speak to a military officer of high
or low rank knowledgeable of that part
of the world who had the, slightest doubt
that the Vietcong were using Cambodia.
Consequently, if it is a matter of believ-
ing the Cambodian Government or be-
lieving what our troops in the field tell
me I shall believe the latter.
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 June 15, 1966 Approved F~P~C$$~q~~1Al~~~[3R6$~0~~6R000400080011-8
SOVTH CAROLINA Although J. George Stc,wart, the Architect
Senator STROM TxuIIMOND {R), S & L.
JOHN L. MCMILLAN (D)
L. MENII~I. RIVERS (D) , S & L.
ALBERT W. WATSON (R), S.
SOUTH DAKOTA
E. Y. BERRY (R) , L.
Senator KARL E. MIINDT, (R) , S.
BEN REIFEL (R), L.
TENNESSEE
WII,LIAM R. ANDERSON (D) ?S.
WILLIAM E. BROCK, .`3rd (R), S.
JOHN J, DUNCAN (R) , S BL L.
RICHARD H. FULTON (D) ,SSG L.
TExes
Senator RALPH YARHOROUGH (D), L.
OMAR BURLESON (D), S.
EARLE. CABELL (D) , L.
BoB CASEY (D), S & L.
JOHN DOWDY (D), S & L.
O. C. FISHER (D) , L.
ELIGIO DI: LftA GARZA (D), S RL L.
HENRY B, VONZALEZ (D), S SL L.
WRIGHT PATMAN (D), L.
J. J. (JAKE) PICKLE (D), S.
W. R. PoecE (D), L.
Q'RAHAM PURCELL (D) L.
RAY RUBERTa (D), $ BL L.
WALTER ROGERa (D) , $.
OLIN E. TEAGUE (D) , S.
CLARK W. THOMPSON (D), L.
RICHARD C. WHTTE (D), S & L.
JAMES C. WRIGHT, Jr. (D) , S & L.
UTAH
Senator WALLACE F. BENNETT (R), S.
Senator FRANK E. Moss (D), S.
LAURENCE J. BURTON (R), S BL L.
DAVID S. KING (D), L.
VERMONT
ROBERT T. STAFFORD (R), S.
VDIGINIA
THOMAS N. DOWNING (D), S & L.
PORTER IIARDY, Jr. (D), S & L.
JoxN O. MARSH, Jr, (D), S & L.
DAVID E. SATTERFIELD, III (D), S.
WASHINGTON
Senator HENRY M, JACKSON (D) , S.
BAOCK ADAMS (D) , S.
THOMAS S. FOLEY (D) , S.
LLOYD MEEDS (D), S & L.
THOMAS M. PELLY (R), S.
WEST VIRGINIA
Senat0l ROBERT C. BYRD (D), S.
SonatOr JENNINGS RANDOLPH (D), S.
Ken IIECHLER (D), S 8L L.
JAMES KITE (D) , S.
ARCH A. MOORS, Jr. (R), L.
JOHN 1VI. SLACK, Jr. (D), S.
RAREFY O. STAGGERS (D), L.
WISCONSIN
ROBERT W. KASTENMEIER (D) , S.
Senator WILLIAM PROXMIRE (D) , S.
GLENN R. DAVis (R), L.
MELVIN R. LAIRD (R) , S.
HENRY ,~. REU&S (D), S BL L.
VERNON W. THOMSON (R), S.
WYOMING
Senator TALE W. MCCxEE (D), S.
Senator MILWARD L. SIMPSON (R) , L.
of the Capitol, did not ask far funds to con-
struct an extensibn an the West Front, there
is no reason to think the project has been
postponed. Mr. Stewart has never favored
asking for separate appropriations for his
building schemes. At this stage in a session
Congressmen are tempted to ask questions
and demand explanations before approving
expenditures. Mr. Stewart prefers to stick
his requests among the supplemental appro-
priations items that come in the last hectic
days before adjournment. He .funded the
East Front extension in this manner. He
funded the Rayburn House Office Building
in this manner.
The statements that the extension of
the east front and the Rayburn Building
were funded through supplemental ap-
propriations are essentially false.
A review of the retards, which could
be made with great ease by anyone in-
terested, shows the following:
Extension of the east front: $24 million
was appropriated for this project and
associated items. Of this amoumt, $19,-
700,000 was obtained through the reg-
ular annual appropriation acts and
$4,300,000 through supplemental appro-
priations. It is significant that the first
two appropriations made for this project,
totaling $17 million, were carried in the
regular acts This was more than enough
to cover the fatal cost$12 million-of
the -extension of the east front itself.
Additional House office building proj-
ect: $134,500,000 was appropriated under
this heading, which includes the con-
struction of the Rayburn Building at a
cast of approximately $89 million. Of
the total of $134,500,000 appropriated,
$124,500,000 came by the regular an-
nual appropriations acts and $10 million
by supplementals. Of the $10 million
from supplementals, $5 million was ear-
marked for purchase of land east of the
Gannon House Office Building which the
Congress has now decided will be used
for the Madison Memorial-Library of
Congress Building. So, in fact, only $5
million from supplemental appropria-
tions went toward payment for the Ray-
burn Building, remodeling of the other
buildings, construction of garages and
subways, and other items carried on
under this project.
SINYAVSKY AND DANIEL: VICTIMS
OF SOVIET "JUSTICE"
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. AL-
sERT) . Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from Massachu-
setts [Mr. CONTEI is :recognized for 15
minutes.
(Mr. CONTE asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend, his remarks
and to include extraneous lnatterJ
Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, the fate of
innocent-and helpless victims under So-
viet law has always elicited much com-
passion and pity in humanity, often
leading to expressions of indignation and
protest. That is one of the finest and
noblest feelings of all sensible and sensi-
tive human beings: It is a trait that has
long been part of our own heritage, for
in our fervent desire tcl see justice done,
we have always championed the rights
of the innocent and. the helpless, the
EDITORIAL IN THE WASHINGTON
POST, JUNE 14, 1966
(Mr. STEED asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD slid t0 include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. STEED. Mr. Speaker, in the in-
terest of keeping the record straight, I
call attention the following. Under the
heading "Stewart's Ploy," ar; editorial
in the Washington Post states as follows:
12697->
downtrodden and the underdog.. Such
has been our behavior ixi human affairs
touching human rights, particularly in
instances where the fate of certain in-
dividuals was involved, and where, in
the courts of law, justice was flouted for
political consideration and baser mo-
tives.
The case of two Soviet writers who
were recently tried in Moscow, convicted
and then sentenced to long terms of
penal servitude in prison-labor camps, is
an instance in point.
Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel are
two well-known men of letters. Sin-
yavsky has long been known as a novelist
and literary critic and also as an ardent
admirer of the famous Soviet writer,.
Boris Pasternak. Daniel has been best
known as a gifted and versatile poet.
They have often written in praise of the
Soviet Union's authorities. For a while,
when Khrushchev was all .powerful,
their critical views, expressed in subtle
literary farms, were tolerated and the
writers were unmolested.
For years they retained their status
in the Gorki Institute of World Litera-
ture in Moscow, and they continued to
hold their own, even after Khrushchev's
demise. Then last September they were
arrested by Soviet authorities and
charged with disseminating anti-Soviet
propaganda in their writings abroad un-
der assumed names. On this allegedly
serious and principal charge they were
tried in Moscow in a courtroom which
was open to Soviet newspapermen: but
deliberately barred to foreign press rep-
resentatives. After a 4-day trial in
early February, they were found guilty,
convicted and then sentenced to serve
at penal prison-labor camps, Sinyavsky
far 7 years and Daniel for 5 years.
At the trial the prosecution charged
that Sinyavsky, under the name Abram
Tertz, and Danie] as Nikolai Arzak, had
written very critically of Soviet litera-
ture,. and particularly about life in the
Soviet Union; that they had successi`ully.
smuggled their anti-Soviet writings out
of the Soviet Union by devious and illegal
methods; and had them published
abroad.
Both Sinyavsky and Daniel readily ad-
mitted to writing under assumed names
and to having smuggled their writings
out of the Soviet Union for publication
abroad, but they stoutly denied the
charge that their writings contained or
constituted anti-Soviet propaganda.
Nonetheless both men were convicted.
No sooner was the trial over early in
February and the verdict known abroad,
than the .case of these two Soviet, waters
became something of an international
issue. Men of letters in all parts of the
free world held protest meetings and
sent appeals to Soviet authorities, ask-
ing for leniency and Clemency. The
storm of protests from groups of writers
in the west was also directed to the So-
viet writers union in lf2oscow.
Unfortunately, these protests and ap-
peals have not brought about any change
in the fate of Sinyavsky and Daniel; and,
so far as is known, they are already
doing penal servitude in a prison labor
camp.
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 Jude Y5, Y966 Approved Fa~~~~S8Q1,13Z~~t~RDP~I~1~R000400080011-8 12699
I am impressed that by sending me this
personal cable the Cambodian Prime
Minister is admitting that a very sensi-
tive nerve has been hit. His cable is not
so much a r buttal of the charges as it
is a countercharge that the whole ques-
tion is a fabrication'of the U.S. Govern-
ment to prepare the American people
far a war against Cambodia. A genuinely
neutral Cambodia has nothing to .fear
from the United States. But just how
does Cambodia.. understand the word,
"neutrality"? For one example, let me
quote from a letter by the Cambodian
delegate to the United Nations to the New
York Tiines on May 27, 1966, in which he
states:
Because of her policy of strict neutrality,
Cambodia refuses to be subjected to im-
perialist domination and to approve this war
of aggression. It contlllues to support
morally end politically the struggle of the
brave Vietnam people against American ag-
gression. We have never concealed the Pact
that in token oP our solidarity with the Viet-
nam people we have offered medical supplies
and dated fish to the National Liberation
Front.
This, it seems to me, is a very peculiar
definition of neutrality. It's clear from
its hostile tone toward the United States
that we must be, extremely wary of the
Cambodian Government's public assur-
ances about its alleged neutrality.
Therefore, while I think it is well that
the invitation. by Cambodia fora con-
gressional delegation to check into the
border situation has been accepted, I
would strongly recommend that any such
delegation should also inspect these
areas with our awn military people as
well, preferably before journeying to
Pnompenh.
The nature and extent of the aid to
the Vietcong receive from Cambodia is
admittedly difficult to measure. This is,
of course, in part due to the very char-
acter of guerrilla warfare. No one
doubts the existence of the Ho Chi Minh
Trail~compiex but perhaps on any given
day it is practically. impossible to find it.
Certainly we must be sure that such a
delegation is not given a whitewash
treatment.
Mr. Speaker, no one wants the war to
be enlarged whether into Cambodia or
elsewhere. Neither does anyone want the
war kept going by condoning the enemy's
use of Cambodian soil as a sanctuary
and as a logistical base of support. The
Cambodian interpretation of neutralism,
whatever its intentions, clearly is being
exploited, by the enemies of South Viet-
nam. This cannot be tolerated and I be-
lieve that efforts to bring economic
pressure should be undertaken un~il
Cambodia takes more effective action to
eliminate the use of its territory by the
enemies of its eastern neighbor.
I note also from the Prime Minister's
cable that while he invites an inspection
of the border and protests my recom-
mendation that the Mekong River be
closed, he makes no offer of inspection of
Cambodian part facilities. I have urged
that Cambodian-bound ocean traffic
using the Mekong River be stopped to
eliminate the possibility of contraband
reaching, the Vietcong and as a weapon
of economic pressure to bring Cambodia
to adopt a genuine policy of neutrality.
The international treaty covering the use
of this river specifically was predicated
on the existence of friendly relations
between the countries. It also stipulates
that countries may make such regula-
tions as are necessary fox the mainte-
nance of their own security. Mr. Speak-
er, no one should need reminding that
South Vietnam is fighting for its very
existence.
Before the Cambodian Government
can establish beyond reasonable doubt
its neutrality, it will have to show not
only that its borders are not being
violated but also that goods entering the
country by ship are not being diverted
with or without the government's knowl-
edge to the Vietcong. I would strongly
recommend, therefore, that any con-
gressional delegation accepting the Cam-
bodian invitation to inspect its borders
should also make a thorough inquiry re-
garding the possibility of supplies enter-
ing especially the capital port city of
Phnom Penh by means of the Mekong
River.
If I thought it would really do any
good, I would: also challenge the Cam-
bodian Government to permit the full
inspection of all .Mekong River traffic
unloading at Pnompenh by representa-
tives of both interested and disinterested
governments. By inspection, I mean not
simply the examination of ships' docu-
ments but the surveillance of the actual
goods in each ship. However, even if
this were done, the result would still be
less than adequate. Goods bound for the
Vietcong could still come through the
saltwater port of Sihanoukville on the
Gulf of Thailand. In fact, there are
already reports to this effect. Conse-
quently, Ibelieve that the only way to
bring substantial pressure to bear on
Cambodia would be to close the Mekong
River since this would place a premium
on all space for cargo entering the coun-
try which, hopefully, would help insure
that it would be used only for domestic
and peaceful purposes.
Mr. Speaker, in conclusion I can only
say that this cable makes it clear to me
that the Cambodian Government will let
no opportunity pass to attack the United
States as a device to-shift attention from
its own failure to control its territory.
The Prime Minister, to borrow a phrase
from Shakespeare, "doth protest too
much, methinks."
The translation of Prime Minister
Kantoi's cable, a translation of a letter
I have received from the Cambodian
delegate to the United Nations, and a
copy of his letter in the New York Times
of May 27, together with the article by
C. L. Sulzberger in the New York Times
of May 1 to which the latter refers, as
follows:
Mr. CHARLES CHAMBERLAIN,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C., U.S.A.:
We have Just learned of your astonishing
statements about Cambodia from the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD Oi May 23, 1968. They
show us that a representative of the Ameri-
can people is free to advocate an aggressive
policy against a peaceful and neutral coun-
try on the, basis of reports that he knows
very well are false. We really cannot imagine
tizat you do not know of the reports about
ou; border areas published b~ major news-
papers under the signature of Seymour Top-
ping, Stanley Karnow, and Stanley Shein-
baum. This is, for us, therefore, a new pic-
ture of so-called American democracy. We
invited a Delegation of American Senators
and Representatives to make an on-the-spot
study of the actual situatlon in our couxi-
try. They refused, for, according to the
example set by you, the search for truth is
irreconcilable with the implementation of
a policy of force and domination. We re-
cently requested increased inspection of our
borders by the International Control Com-
mission in order to prove our good faith and
the actual fact of our neutrality, Your
Pentagon and Department of State hastened
to deny the accusations made against Cam-
bodia. You have deemed fit to ask Presi-
dent Johnson to bring pressure to bear on
Cambodia by closing the Mekong. Such
a measure would be a violation. of inter-
national' law, and this would be added to
the innumerable violations of treaties and
agreements, as well as the United Nations
Charter; of which your country is guilty.
However, you may rest assured that Cam-
bodia would be able to cope with that situa-
tion Just as it is coping with the constant
,acts of aggression perpetrated by your forces
and your mercenaries. 'And above all do not
imagine that such . a measure can destroy
our independence.
NORODOM KANTEL,
President of the Council of Ministers
and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS,
LEGISLATIVE REFERENCE SERVICE,
New York, June 1, 1966.
[Translation (French)
(Rep. CHAMBERLAIN,)
(Permanent mission of Cambodia to the
United Nations Organization, No. 2397.)
Mr. CONGRESSMAN: It is with great surprise
and regret that bread in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD of May 23, 1986, the remarks extended
by you in the House of Representatives rela-
tive to my country.
By taking up the slanderous (and un-
founded) accusations of the Psychological
(Warfare) Services of the U.S. Armed Forces
in South Vietnam, taken up by some Ameri-
can and "free world" newspapers for the puI?-
pose of justifying and creating a pretext for
an American aggression on my country, you
have, to my great regret, been a party to this
campaign of poisoning American public opin-
ion.
You saw fit to stress that "press reports in-
dicate there is no (reason to) doubt that
Cambodia is a sanctuary, a training ground,
and a source of supply for the Viet Cong."
Mr. Congressman, do you know that re-
cently, perhaps during your visit to South
Vietnam, the Royal Government of Cambodia,
invited the representatives of the American
press, Mr. Seymour Topping of The New York
Times, Mr. Stanley Karnow of The Wash-
ington Post, and Mr. Stanley Sheinbaum of
the periodical Ramparts, to conduct investi-
gations in the border areas suspected, accord-
ing to the Psychological Services of the U.S.
Armey~ Forces in South Vietnam, of harbor-
ing i/ne forces oP North Vietnam and of the
Viet Cong? The results of their inquiries
were published in the newspapers in question.
All confirmed that Cambodia has never been
and in no way is being used as a base, as a
sanctuary, or as a training ground for the
Viet Cong. In addition to the affirmations of
these American newspaper correspondents,
there are also those of the members of the
International Control Commission, of the
Military Attaches of the countries (including
those of the Western countries) accredited to
my country who acknowledged that no base,
no sanctuary of the Viet. Cong existed in
Cambodia.
If you are so sure that Cambodia is harbor-
ing the Viet Cong, how does it happen that
the U.S. Senate refused the invitation which
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 ;.
12700 i Approved For Re~l~~/~~1~~G~~BO~~~A0400080011-BJune 15, ~6
the President of the National Assembly of I shall not make (itrrther) comments on this
Cambodia addressed to its President la;,t truly unfortunate speech,
January to send three representatives of di:f- Very truly yours,
ierent trends of opinion to conduct meticu- HuoT SANLPATH,
loos investigations 1n Cambodia? We have Permanent Representative of Cambodia.
~ right to ask ourselves why the distinguished [Translated by Elizabeth Hanunian.]
representatives of the American people
showed no curiosity to come to the spot, i. is to package resort to scare tactics and threaten that
goods in various weights indiscrimi- such law would result in a drop in sales,
nately in gaudily printed boxes of vary- falling wages and rising unemployment,
ing sizes at different prices.. The joker They are alarmed that such law would
in this packaging scheme is that ire- give dangerous new powers to the Federal
quently there is little or no relationship Government. These bills give little new
between the size of the package and the power; but they put teeth into the powers
quantity of merchandise init. Legerde_ already vested in the enforcement agen-
main is fine on the stage, but it has no ties.
place in the consumers market. What The consumer products industry
the eye sees bears no relation to the true should not object to this legislation. It
quantity of the contents fn the package. has become necessary because of the in-
What i~ worse, is the ,cheating label. dustry's increasing, u??e; of , deceptive
to consist of 16 ounces-the same as ite~
less romantic brother, just plain old Mr..
Quart. The same is true of "big-gallon"'
and "giant-pint." To protect .himself'
against the charge of fraud, the manu-
facturer microscopically hides the actual
weight in some corner of the label.
Let us not .forget. the manufacturer
who packs his goods lightly in large pack-
ages to make them appear as better buys,
the 3-inch soap bar in the 4-inch
wrapper.
The consumer marketing .field needs
remedial legislation. To eliminate these
deceptive practices that cost the con-
sumer millions of dollars, truth-in-pack-
aging bills have been introduced in the
Congress. I am pleased that unions-such
as the Seafarers International Union,
among others, is supporting the AFL-
CIO demand for passage of truth-in-
packaging legislation.
These bills will bring intelligible,
standardized packaging and labeling to
the market place. It would bring order
out of chaos and make it possible foi? the
consumer to get his money's worth.
This seems to be a modest enough ohjec-
tive to which no fair-minded person
should object.
More important, the Food and Drug
Administration would be authorized to
enforce the law for food, drugs and cos-
metics, while the Federal Trade Com-
mission would enforce it for other con-
sumer products. They would set weight
and quantity standards for packaged
goods, prohibit deceptive size and shape
packages, define such terms as "king-
size", "jumbo-size," and so forth, require
labels to truly reflect the contents and
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 12720
Resicdts of questionnaire, 1966
Do yon favor?
. 1. (a) Continuing present U.S. po]icy in South Victnam?________________________________________________
(b) Escalation of our military effort'1--------------------------------------------------
(e)? Retucment t0 coastal enclaves7---------------------------------------------------------------?-`--
. (d) Bombing Hanoi?-`------------------------ ----------- --------------------------- -------
(e) Blockadr, ofIIaiphong7 _ _ -- ------------ -- --- ---?----- ---------- - ---
(f) Completo withdrawall of U.S, troops? _ -- ------- --------
2. hmreasing the. present $1.25 Per hour I'edoral minimum wngo level to $1.607_ :____ __ _________
3. Legislation to control interstate shipment of fircarms7-------------------------------------------------
4. A 4-year teen for Members of the Iouse of Representatives7__________________________________________
6. Expansion of Federal programs to assist local-State efforts to combat water pollution?_________________
6. Income tax exemption or credit for persons Paying expenses of college studmits7__ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
7. U.S.adoptionofthemoti'icsystemofweightsandmoasures7__________________________________________
8. Stricter7egulationofthohandlingofanimnlsusedinlaboratoryrescarch?_____________________________
fl. A demonstration cities program to robu~ld entire slum. amas7____________ ----
10. Establishment of a Cabinot-level Department of Transportation with unification o[ transportation ac-
tlvitics?--------------------------------------------
11. A ~ahStitutional amendutmit to PoriniC tho voluntary recitntiat of prayer in public schools?__ __ ______
12. A constthit.ional amondment to penult a Stato to apportlou one houso of its legislature on a basis othor
_,,than population?-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Approved For Release 2005/07/13 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080011-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD =HOUSE June 15, Y966
465
1
~ 66.04
800
30. GO
349
13.36
,
1,385
b2.98
740
28.31
~ 489
18.71
222
8.49
1, 648
63.05
744
28.46
S,1b0
43.99
820
31.37
644
24. G4
1
655
63.31
398
15.23
661
21.46
,
470
17.98
1, 714
65.57
430
1G. 45
1
277
48. &5
1, 202
45.99
135
5. 16
,
1
902
7E. 20
510
19.52
112
4.28
,
1, 532
68. Gl
956
3G. 57
136
4.82
264
2
86. G1
280
10.71
70
2.68
,
957
1
74.87
5fl1
22.61
66
2.52
,
384
1
b2.94
937
35.84
2fl3
11.22
,
835
1
62. 55
707
27.05
272
10.40
,
1, 353
b1.7G
960
36.72
301
11. 52
637
1
68.80
872
31.OG
2G5
10.14
,
2,123
81.22
425
16.2E
G6
`2. 52
], 276
48.81
1, 068
40.80
270
10. 33
HOW.MUCH TIME DOES THE UNITED There are good judges in Saigon who lay
STATES HAVE IN VIETNAM? this development to a renewed loss of hope-
the feeling, caused by the peace offensive and
The .SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. other factors, that there was still no end in
ALBERT) . Under previous Order of the sight. Significantly, one of the propaganda
House, the gentleman from Delaware agents lin t heyarmy lwasi that the Us.d was
[Mr. McDawELL] is recognized for 5 min- not going all out to win the war as soon as
UteS. possible, and therefore wished to prolong the
Mr. McDOWELL. Mr. Speaker, Isub- war indefinitely.
,rriit the following interesting report with nt any rate, the South Vietnamese now
T2SpeCt t0 the Conf~ict in Vietnam from desperately need the reassurance of a real
.the Washington post of June 8, 1966: turning point in -the fighting. They have
shown astonishing patience, courage and
MnTrEg of FACT: HURRY UP, PLEf.SE resiliency. But war weariness, inflation, all
,(By Joseph Alsop) the human and economic problems caused
The final, central problem that has to be by larger and larger numbers of American
faced in Vietnam in the present phase is the troops in this small country, are beginning
problem of time. to combine to make the situation fragile.
It is anyone's guess how much time Gen- The South cannot be counted on to hold to-
eral Westmoreland has iri hand to achieve a gether indefinitely, unless a turning point Ss
relatively decisive result. It could be 10 reached within a reasonable time period.
:;Months, a year, or even 18 months. But to That unavoidably raises the problem of
everyone who knows the situation an the the North Vietnamese Communist takeover
"spot, it now appears urgerit to reach the of the war in South Vietnam. As just re-
tUrning point in the war as soon as pos- ported in this space, even the Vietcong civil-
sible. !an administration, of tax collectors, provin-
That need not mean the end of the war, cial committeemen and the like, is by now
to be sure. The turning point that it is one half composed oY invaders from the
so Argent to reach is the effective defeat of north. By the end of this year, furthermore,
the Vietcong. main forces. If the enemy's two-thirds of the main force-backbone of
backbone=army can be effectively defeated, the enemy will also be composed of invading
much of the local infra-structure of the northern troops.
V.C. can be expected to-break up and crumble Already, American soldiers are mainly
away. Large additional areas of South Viet- fighting regular soldiers of the North Viet-
nom should be rapidly freed from the Viet- hamese Communist army. By any ordinary
conk terrorism and pressure. test, therefore, President Johnson is fully
.Here and there, however, remnants of the justified in doing everything he can prud-
infra-structiitre will probably survive. 'T'he ently do, as riposte to this massive North
job of mopping up and rooting the remnants Vietnamese Communist invasion of South
out may well be long. But it will be far Vietnam.
IesS costly and burdensome than the pres- That does not mean attacking the civilian
ent stage of the war. It will require a much populations of Hanoi or Haiphong, or even
smaller American presence and effort. And flattening the North Vietnamese industrial
it will leave room for the long=suffering Viet- plants that do not contribute to the war
namese to find their own way at last, with effort. But it certainly means intensifying
no serious' external menace. the bombing attacks on the North in all the
It is urgent to reach this kind of turning ways that may be militarily useful.
point for both political and economic rea- People say, "The northern bombing has
sons. The main es'ror of judgment of the accomplished too little." It has indeed, Yor
Ainerioans on the spot in 4letriam, emphati- the simple reason that the bombing tactics
tally shared by this reporter; it must be con- thus far employed have violated every rule
Yessed, was the judgment that the restore- Sn every air tactical manual written in the
-tion of hope would at least insure a political last 30 years. As all manuals emphasize,
truce in Vietnam until the warended. mere attacks on roads, bridges, and railroads
Ti~,is was half or even two-thirds correct. - can never be counted on for -solid results.
Before the Aerican 1{ttervention, the grog- The effort must be in depth and that means
ressive loss of hope had turned Saigon poll- attacking power stations, oil fuel stores and
tics into a kind of dance of death. After the tho like.
American intervention, there was indeed a This kind of bombing effort ought to ac-
_~-' mast valuable political truce that lasted close complish a great deal~and still without at-
to ayear. But as anyone can see who reads tacks on noncombatants; please remember.
the papers, the truce ?did not last long There are the best possible reasons'to believe
enough. that President Johnson was on the verge of
ordering just such an intensified- effort in
March, when the first round of political trou-
ble in the South began, and again a few
weeks ago, just before the second round of
trouble, started.
The time factor now demands that every-
thing possible be done to hasten the war's
turning point; and the fact that our soldiers
are already mainly fighting North Vietnam-
ese underlines the lesson of the time factor.
One of the biggest things that can be done
is to include the North's power stations and
oil stores in the target lists.
LEAVE OF ABSENCE
By unanimous consent, leave
sence was granted to:
To Mr. KRESS (at the request
ALBERT) for today OIl aCCOUnt Of
business.
of Mr.
official
TO Mr. CUNNINGHAM (at the req~:est of
Mr. GERALD R. FORD) for today and to-
morrow, on account of official business.
To Mr. FLYNT (at the request of Mr.
WxITE of Texas) , for June 15, on ac-
count of official business.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legisla-
tive program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. PATMAN, for 15 minutes, to~:ay; to
revise and extend -his remarks and to
include extraneous material.
Mrs. GRIFFITIiS, for 60 minutes, on
June 20; and to revise and extend her
remarks.
Mr. LANDRUM, for 45 minutes, today;
and to revise and extend his remarks.
Mr. Asxsaoox (at the request of Mr.
ANDREWS Of North Dakota), for 30 min-
utes, today; to revise and extend his
remarks and include extraneous matter.
Mr. McDowELL (at the request of Mr,
WHITE of Texas) , for 5 minutes, today;
to revise and extend his remarks and
to include extraneous matter.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend. remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend- remarks
teas granted to:
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 Approved For Release 2005/07/13 :CIA-RDP67B00446R000400080011-8
J~cne 15, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE 12,719
involving 4o employers and unions. This percent would blockade Haiphong; 8.49 ters,and messages which have come to mo
week he personally heard complaints newly, percent favored retirement to coastal en- together with the questionnaire returns.
brought against U.S. Steel by NAACP's sir- claves; and 17.98 percent favored com- All of the messages were not compli-
mingham chapter, after inviting the local
chalrma,n, Dr. John Nixon, to bring five oP p.tete withdrawal of 'U.S. troops from nlental'y.
the complsxinants with him to Washington. Vietnam.
The settlement of this case could have far- As a student and. advocate of programs
reaching results, since a possible strike to correct the national catastrophe of
1 h'
t t
b
i
i
aga ns
xs
as
c
ndustry would aifect our water pollution, I was gratified with the
entire economy. 86.61 percent vote of support for the
expansion of Federal programs to assist
(Mr. HANNA (at the request of Mr. local-State efforts to combat water pol-
WHITE of Texas) was granted permission lotion. No other score approached the
to extend his remarks at this point in total favoring water pollution control.
the RECORD and to include extraneous Other issues showing major support were
matter.) a .constitutional amendment to permit
[Mr. HANNA'S remarks will appear public schools, 81.22 percent; an income
hereaf~er in the Appendix.] tax exemption or credit for persons pay-
QUESTIONNAIRE REPORT, FIFTH
CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT OF
THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT
(Mr. MONAGAN (at the .request of
Mr. WHITE of Texas) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECOeo and to include ex-
traneousmatter.)
Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, the
tabulation of returns on my 1966. annual
questionnaire has just been completed
and I wish at this time to xeport to. my
colleagues, and to my constituents, on
this cross section of opinion on impor-
tant issues which currently are before
the Congress and the administration.
My 1966 congressional questionnaire
was mailed early in May to constituents
whose names are on my regular mailing
list as a result of earlier correspondence
ar expressions of interest in legislative
matters. This list was supplemented by
requests for cards resulting from news-
paper, radio, and television announce-
ment of the suiwey. Once again, I can
report that the people of the Fifth Con-
gressional District of Connecticut, whom
I have .the honor to represent, have
shown a gratifying inte>est in the af-
fairs of our Nation.
I include with this report the complete
chart showing total and percentage
"yes," "no," and "undecided" opinions on
each of the 12 issues included in the sur-
vey. Most important tome, and I think
to the people of the Nation, is the return
on the questions concerning the conduct
of the war in Vietnam. I presented the
Vietnam question. in six categories. I
did not include the alternative of nego-
tiation because in my opinion this is not
a controversial question. It is my feel-
ing that all of us would welcolrle the
termination of the Vietnam conflict
through proper negotiation.
I want to call particular attention to
some of ..the highlights of the question-
naire returns: 56.04 percent of those re-
sponding expressed themselves in favor
of Continuing our present U.S. policy in
Vietnam; 52.98 percent recommended es-
calation of our military efforts; 43.99
percent would bomb Hanoi, and 63.31
ing expenses of college. students, 74.87
percent; legislation to control interstate
shipment of firearms, 7G.20 percent; and
stricter regulation of the handling of
animals used in laboratory research,
62.55 percent.
Other scores: 58.61 percent in favor of
a 4-year term for Members of the House
of Representatives; 58.80 percent for es-
tablishment of a Cabinet-level Depart-
ment of Transportation; 52.94 percent in
support of adoption of the metric system
of weights and measures; 51.76 percent
fora demonstl?ation .cities program to
rebuild entire slum areas; 48.85 percent
in favor of increasing the Federal mini-
mum wage level to $1.60; and 48.81 per-
cerrt for a constitutional. amendment to
permit-a State to apportion one house of
its legislature on a basis other than pop-
ulation.
As I have previously stated, a question
which limits the answer to "yes" or "no"
leaves much to be desired, but this form
is made. necessary by space limitations.
Even with this restriction, however, I
have found the response to tYle 1966 ques-
tionnaire most heartening and informa-
tive. I have also been favored by many
letters from constituents who have given
me the benefit of their views with de-
tailed comments. I welcome and appre-
ciate these. comments and I am grateful
to all those who took the time to com-
plete the questionnaire and return it to
me.
I do not look upon these returns as an
official mandate, nor do I endeavor to
identify this program as a professional
sampling, but the returns al?e a helpful
guidance in their indication of public
opinion trends. As in the past, I shall
continue to exercise my own judgment
and. to vote on issues as I see them and
their influence on the people of my dis-
trict and of the Nation, but most as-
suredly the returns will help me to form
this judgment.
I also want to emphasize the point that
this questionnaire was not printed at
Government expense, and the cards were
returned to me by constituents who were
willing to pay the post