THE TRAGIC FARCE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400070007-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 27, 2005
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: May 19, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

Mays 1966 Approved Foor ReleaseI2005/06/29 : CIA RDP67B00446R000400070007-4 10493
Americans who live far beyond the bor-
ders of the fabulous Tennessee Valley
Authority, because the work Don Mc-
Bride does for one area has always been
so well designed as to be worthy of repeti-
tion elsewhere.
The late Senator Kerr was at his side
in all of the promotion of water develop-
ment and soil conservation that took
place during his years of service here.
I feel sure that the Senate will con-
firm overwhelmingly and unanimously
this able public servant.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MONRONEY. I yield.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I would
not want this moment to pass without
expressing my own high esteem of the
Presidential nominee, Donald Opie Mc-
Bride, to serve as a member of the Board
of Directors of the Tennessee Valley Au-
thority.
His public service has been intimately
connected with this field under the spon-
sorship of my able friend and his former
colleague, the late Senator Robert Kerr,
of Oklahoma.
In my earlier years in the Senate, I
served on the Public Works Committee.
That committee fashioned much of the
legislation under which the Tennessee
Valley Authority now operates.
I remember the excellent contribution
which Don McBride gave to the members
of the Public Works Committee in the
fashioning of that legislation.
I have no doubt that he takes with him
to this new public service a unique skill
and background in dealing with the prob-
lems of administering the Tennessee Val-
ley Authority.
I simply rise to express my gratifica-
tion from the minority side of the aisle
for the appointment by the President of
one who is completely qualified for the
task that he now faces.
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, the Pres-
ident of the United States could have
appointed no person better qualified by
background, education, training, and ex-
perience to serve as a member of the
Board of Directors of TVA than Don
McBride.
I have known Don McBride for many
years. In Oklahoma, we call him the
"third U.S. Senator" from our State.
First on the staff of my distinguished
predecessor, the late Senator Robert S.
Kerr, and then on the staff of my dis-
tinguished senior colleague [Mr. MON-
RONEY], Don McBride has had a greater
hand in the development of Oklahoma's
soil and water resources than probably
any living man.
We will sorely miss him in Oklahoma,
but I am confident that he will continue
to render outstanding service for his
country and his fellowmen in the new
post to which he has been appointed.
Mr. President, I was honored to have
the opportunity to preside at the hearings
of the Senate Public Works Committee
which considered Don McBride's confir-
mation for this position. I am happy to
report that the approval of his appoint-
ment by our committee was unanimous.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem.-
pore. The question is, Will the Senate
advise and consent to this nomination)
The nomination was confirmed.
The legislative clerk read the nomina-
tion of William Howard Shaw, of Dela-
ware, to be an Assistant Secretary of
Commerce.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, the nomina-
tion is confirmed.
U.S. COAST GUARD
The legislative clerk read the nomi-
nation of Capt. Leon G. Telsey, of the
U.S. Coast Guard Reserve, to be rear
admiral.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Without objection, the nomina-
tion is confirmed.
The legislative clerk read the nomina-
tion of Capt. Chester I. Steele, of the
U.S. Coast Guard Reserve, to be rear
admiral.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tern-
pore. Without objection, the nomina-
tion is confirmed.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the President
be immediately notified of the confirma-
tion of these nominations.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem.-
pore. Without objection, it is so or-
dered.
LEGISLATIVE SESSION
On request of Mr. INOuYE, and by
unanimous consent, the Senate resumed
the consideration of legislative business.
OFFICIAL RECOGNITION OF WATER-
LOO, N.Y., BIRTHPLACE OF ME-
MORIAL DAY
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Chair lay
before the Senate a concurrent resolution
which earlier today was received by the
Senate from the House.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore laid before the Senate House Con-
current Resolution 587, which was read
as follows:
Resolved by the House of Representatives
(the Senate concurring), That the Congress
of the United States, in recognition of the
patriotic tradition set in motion one hundred
years ago in the village of Waterloo, New
York, does hereby officially recognize Water-
loo, New York, as the birthplace of Memorial
Day, and authorizes and requests the Presi-
dent to issue, prior to May 30, 1966, an appro-
priate proclamation calling the attention of
all citizens to the centennial anniversary of
the first observance of Memorial Day in
Waterloo, New York.
Mr. INOUYE. I ask unanimous con-
sent that the Senate proceed to the con-
sideration of the concurrent resolution.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. Is there objection to the present
consideration of the concurrent resolu-
tion?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to its consideration.
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the remarks of
the junior Senator from New York [Mr.
KENNEDY], who is necessarily absent, be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
I strongly support House Concurrent Reso-
lution 587, which the House of Representa-
tives passed earlier this week. This Resolu-
tion, Introduced by Congressman STRATTON
of New York in the House, recognizes the One
Hundredth Anniversary of the birth of Me-
morial Day at Waterloo, New York.
As the first anniversary of the end of the
Civil War rolled around in early 1866, many
communities across the country paused to
decorate the graves of their sons who had
been lost in that tragic conflict. But ac-
cording to the records of the Library of Con-
gress and other historical data, Waterloo,
New York, was the first community to de-
clare the existence of an annual holiday to
pay tribute to those who had fallen. On
May 5, 1866, following some weeks of plan-
ning by local civil leaders, the people of
Waterloo began the annual observance of
Memorial Day by holding services at each
of the community's three cemeteries and
placing wreaths and flowers at each veteran's
grave.
Since that time, Memorial Day has be-
come not only a time to remember those who
gave their lives in the Civil War, but an oc-
casion on which we remember all of those
who have sacrificed their lives for their
country, all of those who gave their fondest
hopes so that we could live in freedom.
I congratulate the village of Waterloo at
this time. The recognition which it receives
today from the Senate is well deserved. Its
leaders in 1966 have shown the same pa-
triotism and initiative as its leaders did in
1866. The village has scheduled a centen-
nial parade and observance on May 28, 29,
and 30, which will fittingly mark the 100th
anniversary of Waterloo's initiative in 1866.
Again, I congratulate the village of Water-
loo. Its people have my best wishes for a
successful and fruitful centennial celebra-
tion.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem-
pore. 1The question is oft agreeing to the
cone rent resolution.
Th concurrent resolution (H. Con.
Vs
THE TRAGIC FARCE IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the
situation in southeast Asia grows stead-
ily worse and increasingly perilous. Its
tragic aspects vie with its farcical ones.
Never has a great nation, never before
has the United States, been made to look
so utterly ridiculous than in its efforts to
make a patently worthless cause appear
a worthy one and to create an image of
it which exists only in the purpose of
those who, having unjustifiedly and in
violation of our solemn treaty commit-
ments involved us militarily, feel they
must now justify their past errors by
intensifying them. Blown up are all the
pretenses that a brave and gallant re-
gime has asked for our help to repel ag-
gression. The fact is that the United
States invited itself into Vietnam. The
self-imposed outfits-nine of them since
the fall of Diem-which our administra-
tions have supported and support now
are corrupt, concerned only with their
own perquisites, uninterested in the wel-
fare of the South Vietnamese people, who
are now openly rebelling. Thus we have
a civil war within a civil war. The rebels
against the governmeht we are seeking
frantically to prop up and which exists
only by virtue of our lavish military and
financial support, have now shot down
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 10494 Approved For Ref~9C-Ab?YiYf1)~'k~BUOV&F(0400070007-4 May !*1. /966
an American plane. Americans are
warned by our own leaders to keep off
the streets of Saigon lest they be at-
tacked.
While last year there were 96,000 de-
sertions from the South Vietnamese
Army, we are drafting our young men
to go and fight and kill people against
whom they have no grievance and
against whom the United States has
no legitimate grievance, and be killed in
the process.
We are now threatening to extend the
ware to Cambodia and bring it ever
closer to China-a steady escalation and
expansion which can only lead to greater
and greater disaster.
And this is the cause the President
asks us to support.
I ask unanimous consent that a few
recent publications be printed at the
conclusion of my remarks. They are:
first, a leading editorial from the New
York Times of this morning, entitled:
"The Childish, Divisive Things"; second,
an article by Joseph Kraft entitled: "]:n-
sight and Outlook: Degringolade," which
appeared in the Washington Post of
May 18; third, an article by Art Buch-
wald from the Washington Post of
Thursday, May 19, entitled: "Testing the
Testers": and, fourth, an article by
James Reston which appeared in the
New York Times of Wednesday, May 18,
entitled: "Washington: The Evaded
Moral Question in Vietnam."
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the Rrcoan,
as follows:
[f'romr the New York Times, May 19, 19661
"Tree. CHn.DISII, Dlvrsrvr THINCS"
Of ]President Johnson's earnest desire for
peace we have no doubt, nor have we ever
had any doubt. But we take strong excep-
tion to some of the President's other state-
ments at the Cook County Democratic fund-
raising dinner, night before last.
What is unacceptable in the speech the
President made in a highly political context
to a highly political audience is his clear
intimation that critics of his Vietnam policy
are somehow just a little less American, just
a little less patriotic, than those who go down
the line for it. This is a most dangerous tack
for the President to take, particularly in an
election year, and it is not the first time that
spokesmen for his Administration have
taken it.
"I ask every American to put our country
fist," said the President, with the unmistak-
able implication that those of us who believe
that the continued escalation of the war in
Vietnam is dangerously unwise are putting
our country second. It apparently has not
occurred to Mr. Johnson that untold num-
bers of patriotic Americans are critical of
present policy just because they do love this
country, Just because they are uneasy over
the moral, legal and political position of the
united States In Vietnam, and just because
they fear that the side-effects of this war may
even be bringing the American democratic
ideal into jeopardy.
"Pur away all the childish, divisive things,"
said the President, demanding "unity" and
an end to "the luxury of fighting each other
back home." Perhaps the critics of Vietnam
policy are wrong-what man is wise enough
today to know that his is the right solution?
But certainly the President is wrong in thus
dismissing the questioning, the dissent, the
criticism. And he is even more seriously
wrong In his unsubtle suggestion that "every
candidate for every office" who Is a critic of
the war's conduct becomes by that very cir-
cumstances a mere self-serving demagogue.
Few responsible critics, and certainly not
this newspaper, have ever suggested that the
United States "run out" on its Vietnam com-
mitment, as the President would have his
listeners believe. Few have even questioned
the primacy of the American commitment,
at last while there seemed some hope of a
popularly based Vietnamese government to
be committed to. But many question the
large-scale bombing, the constant build-up,
the apparent belief cf the Administration
that the United States' comma trnent is to
whatever group of Vie:namese generals hap-
pens to be in power. And many question
whether the present policy and strategy of
the United States, however well meant, will,
in President Johnson's words, insure that
"the gallant people of South Vietnam have
their own choice of their own government."
We do not pretend that it is easy to counter
Communist attempts to control Southeast
Asia. We do not dispute President John-
son's comment that neither Communist
China nor Communist North Vietnam has
--at least in recent months-shown any in-
terest in peace negotiations; nor that if they
wanted to, the Communists could speedily
bring the hostilities to an end at a negotiat-
ing table.
But that is quite different from saying that
all American policies have been wise, that
the emphasis and the actions have always
been well judged, that things could not have
been done differently or even better, or that
those who are in disagreement are somehow
unpatriotic. On the contrary, we believe It
to be the right and the duty of ,very Amer-
ican to voice his criticism and dissent when
he thinks it.
[From the Washington Post, M:;y 18, 1966]
INSIGHT AND OITTLO^OIS: DEGRINGOLADE
(By Joseph Kraft)
Degringolade is a French word meaning
how everything slowly came apart. It Is the
only word I know that adequately indicates
what has been set in motion by the events
of last weekend in South Vietnarn. For the
military seizure of Danang is an episode so
many-sided in its potential dangers that the
perils have to be counted in order to be
realized.
The first danger is the reinforcement of
the regime of Air Vice Marshal Nguyen Can
Ky. But the Ky regime is unfit to govern
South Vietnam, or any other country. As
now organized, it is not suited even to fight
a war. It has little capacity to clear and
hold territory in the wake of American mili-
tary successes, still less to provide security
and social services.
Most of the leading; generals in the re-
gime-particularly the regional, or corps,
commanders-are quite simply racketeers,
sealing olf jobs, contracts, real estate, supplies
and anything else that comes under their
control. Marshal Ky, though evidently hon-
est, is a hot-headed young pilot. The imme-
diate seat of all the recent trouble seems to
be a kind of temper tantrum last March that
led him to sack the former corps commander
at Danang.
Secondly, there is the probable alienation,
not only of the militant Buddhists but of
virtually the whole elite of the central coastal
plain stretching from Hue to within a few
hours of Saigon. Though cool to the Saigon
government and suspicious of all foreigners,
including Americans, the center has at all
times represented a distinctly nationalistic
strain-
Probably the best way to repel communism
In. Vietnam is to mobilize the exenophobic na-
tionalism of the center, But now the center
is under the gun of the government. It will
be a very lucky thing if the center, and in
particular the militant Buddhists, do not
commence private negotiations with the
Communists. It will not be the first time
that militaristic efforts to repel communism
by force have driven local nationalists into
the arms of the Communists.
Thirdly, the avenue for moving from Thili-
tary to civilian rule has now been blocked.
Even if some kind of elections are held, no-
body can have any faith in their honesty or
seriousness. General Ky has already indi-
cated that he intends to rule no matter what
the result of the poll.
Lastly, the other side can only be further
convinced of the utility of keeling up the
fight. The only true possibility of heading
off the insurgency is to divert it., support to
a genuinely nationalistic regime---a regime
that might have emerged from Ire elections.
But against a regime that is a. inherently
weak and unstable as the Ky regime, the
Communists are bound to keep up the pres-
sure.
The American role in all this is murky.
But It is certainly no good pleading that the
United States was caught by surprise.. Vir-
tually everybody in South Vietnam knew for
weeks that some such move was in the offing.
On April 27, this column, written from
Saigon under the title "Coups and Counter
Coups" suggested the possibility of a move
by Marshal Ky "aimed at preserving the pres-
ent military crowd in power."
The truth of the matter is that in the face
of this plain menace the American response
was uncertain and weak. Ambassador
Henry Cabot Lodge never made f;, clear that
the United States absolutely insisted on free
elections without any advance military :horse-
play. When Ky first said that he would
stay In power for another year. Secretary of
State Dean Rusk said only that he must have
been misinterpreted. No effort seems to have
been made to forestall Ky's airlift to Danang
by putting a tight check on furl supplies.
On the contrary, all signs indicate that
American officials, by turning a bl`nd eye and
deaf ear, actually encouraged Marshal Ky to
move to Danang.
Perhaps Rusk and Lodge have some clear
program for South Vietnam. But to me,
anyway, that is not the way it looks. To me,
it is not clear that they know what they are
doing. And maybe that is why, at every
juncture, President Johnson finds that his
only choice is to send in more troops and step
up the bombing.
[From the Washington Post, Mai 19, 19661
CAPrrAL PUNISHMENT: TESTING TGIF. TI:S'i'k:n,s
(By Art Buchwald)
The recent test given to college rtudents by
Selective Service officials to help decide
whether they would be deferred or not has
been up for some criticism. As one college
student put it, "What they're going to wind
up with is a dumb army."
I'm not against giving colleg~ students
tests to see if they go to Vietnam or not, but
I think it's only fair that we give tests to
people who are responsible for our Vietnam
policy, including all State Depar-;meat, De-
fense, and White House officials.
Here are some of the questions that could
be included in the tests:
(1) Name one (just one) South Vietna-
mese official whom we could support to head
up a South Vietnam government.
(2) Explain in a short essay what the
Buddhists want in South Vietnam
(3) Explain in a short essay what Erie
Catholics want in South Vietnam.
(4) Describe in detail how there can be
free elections in South Vietnam under the
present government.
(5) If you can't get the South Vietnamese
military to talk to the Buddhists and you
can't get the Buddhists to talk to the Catlr-
olies and you can't get the Catholics to talk
to Ambassador Lodge, how you can get the
North Vietnamese to talk to the Americans?
(6) If the South Vietnamese troops in the
south are used to protect Gen. Ky in Saigon
and the South Vietnamese troops in the
north are used to protect Gen. Dinh in Da-
nang, what troops will be left to fight the
Vietcong in the countryside?
Answer true or false:
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(a) The State Department has no idea of
what is going on in South Vietnam.
(b) Secretary of Defense Robert McNam-
ara, by nature, is an optimist.
(c) The CIA knows more about what is
happening in Hanoi than what is happening
in Saigon.
(d) President Johnson would like to buy
back his introduction to Gen. Ky.
(e) Buddhists in South Vietnam are anti-
Communists.
(f) Buddhists in South Vietnam are anti-
American.
(g) It would be much better if South Viet-
nam were made up of Moslems.
(h) Dean Rusk is looking forward to his
next appearance in front of Senator FoL-
BRIGHT's Foreign Relations Committee.
The following are choice questions. Select
just one.
1. If it takes 500 B-52 bombers 3000 tons
of bombs to shut down one road from North
Vietnam, it will take the Vietcong how long
to open that road? (a) One week. (b) Five
days. (c) 24 hours. (d) They bombed the
wrong road.
2. If you can kill 159 Vietcong in one week,
how long will it take to kill every Communist
soldier in South Vietnam? (a) Two years.
(b) Five years. (c) Ten years. (d) The
rest of this century.
3. The bombing of Haiphong and Hanoi as
advocated by some military and Senators
would bring this about: (a) A better morale
situation among the South Vietnamese
troops. (b) A new bomb shortage. (c) Stu-
dent protests. (d) World War III.
4. The reason the U.S. is in so much more
trouble in South Vietnam is that: (a) Sen.
MORSE is against them, (b) Walter Lippmann
is a dove. (c) President Johnson is doing the
best he can. (d) Administration policymakere
have tests for college students, but they
haven't come up with any for themselves.
[From the New York Times, May 18, 1966]
WASHINGTON: THE EVADED MORAL QUESTION
IN VIETNAM
(By James Reston)
in the formation of a stable government Saigon or in South Vietnam. We should
now than he had at the beginning of the not evade this problem any longer.
crisis. It is interesting to note that upon his
WHAT JUSTIFICATION? recent return to the United States, Am-
Justifying this historically, and particu- bassador Lodge remained vacationing in
laxly, Justifying it personally to families of New England for about 5 days instead
sive the will casualties be eas there were coming there wef fen- of coming direct to Washington to report
sonable not thee as re a rea-
expectation o of political stability, the to the President. One could conjecture
thing might be done, but lacking that, it as to whether by deliberate action he
is hard to see why the President rejected the came to the United States knowing that
course of a defensive pause. civil war inside another civil war was
The latest review of the war here with going to erupt.
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge did not deal What are our commitments to justify
primarily with fundamental policy, but with more killing when there is no Saigon
operations. It did not focus on where we
now stand or where we mean to go from government capable of pacifying the
here, but on what to do about the inflation country and no Saigon regime exercising
and the shipping in Saigon, and the tactical authority even over Saigon itself and
problems in Danang and Hue, and how to admittedly
three-fourths not exercising the area authority South
pump a little more sawdust into the ruling
generals in the capital. Vietnam?
There is little reason to believe that Presi-
dent Johnson's latest "appeal" to the Bud-
dhist leader, Thich Tri Quang, will have any one another instead of the Vietcong, the
more effect than the other peals that have been made to thatr militant natives, One, to send 100,000 to 200,000
monk by other Americans in the last few more American GI's to Vietnam, bringing
weeks. our forces in Vietnam, Thailand, and in
He is clearly not thinking much about the South China Sea off the coast of Viet-
putting aside "the lesser issues in order to nam, Close to 600,000. This is one alter-
get on with the great national tasks." He
is summoning his followers to new demon- native, and a bad one. Why should we
atrations against the military junta in send more and more Americans into
Saigon and the generals in the Government Vietnam to replace South Vietnamese
thousands
th
b
,
e
y
are moving troops of the Seventh Infantry soldiers who desert
Division out of the operations against the who in some recent weeks have had
Communists to deal with the expected riot- fewer battle casualties than we Amerc-
ing in the capital. cans and who seem interested principally by Presi- dent Plenty of
Johnson, , among have others, been to made General ral Ky Ky, in fighting among themselves?
to "compose his differences" with the Bud- The action our Commander in Chief
dhists and get on with the formation of a should take seems to me, is the other
civilian government, but his answer to that alternative-to announce that we are
was first to increase his military power by suspending all bombing of areas of Viet-
general
nam north of the 17th parallel and that
First Corps kicking area, out and the lately yl t sending ding his in mthearinees s to to
Corps l
rge of bringing the country to the this efforts to go to the conference table with
verge of civil war. effor
it may be that, in the face of all this petty representatives of the National Libera-
and provocative folly, President Johnson is tion Front, or Vietcong, and representa-
playing a waiting game and being more tives. of what is left of the Saigon gov-
clever than anybody here can see. What he ernment, and delegates of North Viet-
will do if his latest appeal to Tri Quang is nam, seeking a cease-fire and an armis-
ignored and followed by more chaos in the tibe 1. Vietnam. ill
streets remains to M. This should be followed by elections
WHAT COMMITMENTS? later this year under the supervision of
Atone es, point, there will have if to the be a new present defini- trend the International Control Commission
h
continu
tion of all the commitments that have been consisting of representatives from Po-
given. Our commitment to Saigon originally land, India, and Canada, or under the
rested on Saigon's commitment to fight and auspices of the United Nations. Then,
govern, neither of which it is now doing ef- when there is a Saigon government capa-
fectively. The President's commitments in ble of maintaining authority over the
this war involve not only a handful of gen- area south of the demarcation line, or
who na a se people seized power,
and the At but involve the people e as as the 17th parallel, we could effect an or-
well. e people American withdrawal of our Armed Forces.
w
our commitment was to a "legitimate gov- President Johnson in the past repeat-
ernment" and what we now have in Saigon is edly has laid down the condition that
neither "legitimate" nor a "government." there must be an effective war effort by
Our commitment was to help them win the a friendly government in Saigon that
war not to replace them on the battlefield. can really govern and fight to maintain
our arms were start a provided civil war. the am- - itself against the Vietcong. It has been sors Ise was and was to not help Souath csS Vietnam, Our not prom-
p to roro de- his position all along that the friendly
stroy it. l c forces of South Vietnam, so called,
headed by generals who overcame the
WASHINGTON, May 17.-President Johnson
has been confronted for some time with a
moral question in Vietnam, but he keeps
evading it. The question is this: What justi-
fies more and more killing in Vietnam when
the President's own conditions for an effec-
tive war effort-a government that can gov-
ern and fight in Saigon-are not met?
By his own definition, this struggle cannot
succeed without a regime that commands
the respect of the South Vietnamese people
and a Vietnamese army can pacify the coun-
try. Yet though the fighting qualities of the
South Vietnamese are now being demon-
strated more and more against one another,
the President's orders are sending more and
more Americans into the battle to replace
the Vietnamese who are fighting among
themselves.
THE TWO OPTIONS
Ever since the start of this latest political
crisis in Saigon, the President has had before
him two courses of action. The first was to
make clear to all the contending South Viet-
namese leaders that the United States was
going to limit its reinforcements, its military
and economic aid, its casualties, and its mili-
tary operations to the minimum until they
had composed their differences.
The objective of this course was to try to
produce unity, and failing that, to provide
time for a basic reappraisal of the American
commitment.
The second course was to appeal to every-
body to get together and meanwhile to keep
the war going as best we could with the Amer-
ican forces. President Johnson chose the
second course. He is appealing and fighting,
though he has even less reason to believe
ADED MORAL QUESTION IN
VIETNAM
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
the time has come for us to consider what
possible justification there is for us to
continue fighting in Vietnam, killing
Vietnamese men, women, and children
when there is no effective government in
civilian regime in Saigon last June and
then placed Ky as Prime Minister, must
exercise authority, command the respect
of the South Vietnamese people and be
supported by armed forces capable of
pacifying South Vietnam.
We have sent hundreds of thousands
of our best soldiers to aid the Saigon
regime. We have suffered casualties
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frequently exceeding those of the South
Vietnamese forces. We have provided
enormous economic aid. Now the time
has come for us to reappraise the entire
situation and then act without delay,
What have been our commitments in
the past? President Eisenhower'offered
in 1954 in a letter to the then Premier of
South Vietnam to--
assist the Government of Vietnam in devel-
oping and maintaining a strong, viable state
capable of resisting attempted subversion or
aggression through military means. ' "
The U.S. Government hopes that such aid,
combined with your own continuing efforts,
will. contribute effectively toward an inde-
pendent Vietnam endowed with a strong
government.
This was the extent of the commit-
ment made by President Eisenhower.
During his administration the U.S. mili-
tary advisory group in Vietnam never
exceeded 685. The Vietnamese were
fighting, it is true, but American GI's
were not waging a land war in Vietnam
or any other place in southeast Asia.
't'hen, President Kennedy on Septem.-
ber 3, 1963 shortly before his a.ssissina-
tion said:
Unless a greater effort is made by the Gov-
ernmen t-
T-,efe:rring to the Saigon government--
to win popular support the war cannot be
won out there. In the final analysis, it its
their war. They are the ones who have to
win it or lose it. We can help them, we can
give them equipment, we can send our men
out there as advisers, but they have to win
it- the people of Vietnam-against the Com.-
irmnists. We are prepared to continue to
assist them, but I don't think that the wax
can he won unless the people support the
effort, and, in my opinion, in the last 2
months the government has gotten out of
touch with the people.
Also, on another occasion, our late
great President John F. Kennedy said:
Transforming Vietnam into a Western re-
doubt is ridiculous.
1I; is crystal clear that those two Pres-
idents made no commitment whatever
for our GI's to fight, and die in Vietnam..
Recently President Johnson urged
Prime Minister Ky to compose his dif-
ferences with the Buddhists and form an
effective viable government. Instead,
Ky threatened to kill the mayor of Da-
nang and ordered 2,000 marines to Da.-
nang and suddenly and without any
warning assailed the Buddhists and the
Vietnamese forces led by a rival general.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
SimpsoN in the chair). The 3 minutes
of the Senator have expired.
M"r. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent that I may pro--
cued for 3 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
Objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
Prime Minister Ky talks big. He acts
sinall. His is not a legitimate govern-
ment. It was based on the military
seizure of power.
Premier Nguyen Cao Ky cannot be de-
liended upon to so run his country that
peaceful preparations for the elections
can be held. Another interim head of
government should be found, and :found.
quickly.
We are involved in a mist,fable civil
war in South Vietnam. If we continue
in combat there, we will help depopulate
South Vietnam. We shall be adding to
the millions of refugees whose homes
have been destroyed. President Johnson
no doubt considered that everything he
has done has been done to help Vietnam.
Now, he must know what we are doing
over there will really result not in help-
ing but in destroying Vietnam.
Vietnam was never of an3y strategic
importance to the defense of the United
States. Certainly it is not n, tw of any
economic or strategic importance to the
defense of our country,
'T'hroughout Asia the unfortunate facts
are that we Americans are now regarded
as a neocolonial power. In other words,
the French who sought to retain and re-
establish their huge Indochinese colo-
nial empire and who were fought by the
forces of the National. Liberation Front,
have been succeeded by us.
In 1953 and 1954 it was unfortunate
but it is a fact, that under President
Eisenhower and Secretary of State John
Foster Dulles the United Stater; provided
massive military aid to the French and
in addition to providing war planes, mu-
nitions, trucks, machineguns, tanks, and
bombs, we contemplated makil ig an ac-
tual military .intervention. At that time
reason finally prevailed and the French
colonial forces of 200,000 withdrew.
This, directly after their so-called of-
fensive base at Dienbienphu which Gen.
Henri Navarre had established and gar-
risoned was overrun and surrendered
May 8, 1954.
Following that, through the operations
of our CIA, we established the first pup-
pet government in Saigon and President
Diem was brought from the e United
States to Saigon as President by our CIA.
He called off the elections stipulated in
the Geneva accords. President Eisen-
hower, in, his reminiscences, stated that
had the elections been held as provided
in the Geneva agreement which we ap-
proved Ho Chi Minh would hav, received
80 percent of the vote of the Vietnamese
living to the north and south of the
demarcation line.
Now we are in the unfortunate situa-
tion of aggressor and neocolonial op-
pressor. Here is the time and oppor-
tunity for our President to announce a
pause in bombing and propose a cease-
fire to be followed, we would ht pe by an
armistice agreed to by delegates repre-
senting the National Liberation Front or
Vietcong, and delegates of the Hanoi
government and our own delegates and
those of the Saigon regime.
Mr. President, the hour is late. The
opportunity for a suspension of bombing
of North Vietnam and putting an end
to waging an American ground and air
war in Vietnam is here. Thr,t highly
respected columnist, James Renton, re-
ferred to the situation in hi: column
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REcorn,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, May 18, 19661
WASHINGTON: THE EVADED MORAL QUESTION
IN VIETNAM
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, May 17.-President Johnson
has been confronted for some time with a
moral question in Vietnam, but he keeps
evading it. The question is this: What jus-
tifies more and more killing in Vietnam wlhcn
the President's own conditions for an effec-
tive war effort-a government tha:. can go-
ern and fight in Saigon-are not met?
By his own definition, this struggle cannot
succeed without a regime that commands tilt
respect of the South Vietnamese people and
a Vietnamese army that can pacify the noun-
try. Yet though the fighting qualil.ies of the
South Vietnamese are now being demon-
strated more and more against one another,
the President's orders are sending more and
more Americans into the battle to replace
the Vietnamese who are fighting among
themselves,
THE TWO OPTIONS
Ever since the'start of this latest polif 'e.1
crisis in Saigon, the President has I ad before
him two courses of action. The fist was to
make clear to all the contending South Viet-
namese leaders that the United States was
going to limit its reinforcements, its military
and economic aid, its casualties, ana its mili-
tary operations to the minimum until they
had composed their differences.
The objective of this course was to try to
produce unity, and failing that, to provide
time for a basic reappraisal of the American
commitment.
The second course was to appeal to every-
body to get together and meanwhile to keep
the war going as best we could with the
American forces. President Johnson chose,
the second course. He is appealing and
fighting, though he has even less reason to
believe in the formation of a stable govern-
ment now than he had at the beg.nning of
the crisis.
WHAT JUSTIETCATION?
Justifying this historically, and particu-
larly, justifying it personally to farrrilies of
the casualties in the coming monscon offer -?
sive will not be easy. If there were a reason-
able expectation of political stablity, the
thing might be done, but lacking that, it is
hard to see why the President rejected the
course of a defensive pause.
The latest review of the war here will
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge did not deal
primarily with fundamental policy, but Witt.
operations. It did not focus on where we
now stand or where we mean to go from
here, but on what to do about the inflation
and the shipping in Saigon, and the tactical
problems in Danang and Hue, anti how to
pump a little more sawdust into the ruling-
generals in the capital.
There is little reason to believe it at Presi-
dent Johnson's latest "appeal" to be Bud-
dhist leader, Thich Trl Quang, will have any
more effect than the other innumerable ap-
peals that have been made to that militant
monk by other Americans in the last few
weeks.
He is clearly not thinking much at out put-
ting aside "the lesser issues in order to get
on with the great national tasks." He is
summoning his followers to new de?nonstra-
published in the New York Times of May tions against the military junta in Saigon
18, 1966 under the caption, "Th': Evaded and the generals in the Government are
Moral Question in Vietnam." The state- moving troops of the Seventh Infantry Divi-
ments made by James Reston are irre- Sion out of the operations against tilt Com-
munists to deal with the expectec rioting,
futable. I ask unanimous con:;cnt, Mr, in the capital.
President, that this column be printed Plenty of appeals have been made by Pres-
at this point in the CONGRESSIONAL ident Johnson, among others, to General Ky,
RECORD as part of my remarks. to "compose his differences" with the Bud-
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dhists and get on with the formation of a
civilian government, but his answer to that
was first to increase his military power by
kicking out his rival general in the First
Corps area, and lately sending his marines
to Danang and bringing the country to the
verge of civil war.
It may be that, in the face of all this petty
and provocative folly, President Johnson is
playing a waiting game and being more
clever than anybody here can see. What he
will do if-his latest appeal to Tri Quang is
ignored and followed by more chaos in the
streets remains to be seen.
WHAT COMMITMENTS?
At one point, however, if the present trend
continues, there will have to be a new defini-
tion of all the commitments that have been
given. Our commitment to Saigon origi-
nally rested on Saigon's commitment to fight
and govern, neither of which it is now doing
effectively. The President's commitments in
this war involve not only a handful of gen-
erals who seized power, but involve the Viet-
namese people and the American people as
well.
Our commitment was to a "legitimate gov-
ernment" and what we now have in Saigon
is neither "legitimate" nor a "government."
Our commitment was to help them win the
war not to replace them on the battlefield.
Our arms were provided to fight the ag-
gressors and not to start a civil war. Our
promise was to help South Vietnam, not to
destroy it.
THE 150TH ANNIVERSARY OF
SOUTHBRIDGE, MASS.
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
this year marks the 150th anniversary
of Southbridge, Mass. Incorporated in
1816, the town was first settled in 1730.
Southbridge is a valley town, rich in
heritage, and situated in the heart of a
New England abundant in tradition.
Among its first settlers were French-
Canadians, and many of their descend-
ents live and work there today, contrib-
uting to this manufacturing community.
The first factory in Southbridge was
built to make cotton yarns. Later it be-
came a woolen mill. Today the town's
economy is based on a wider range of
manufacturing activity and includes tool
and die, machinery fabricating, elec-
tronics and instrumentation, optical
products, research and development, and
others.
It is my pleasure to join with the peo-
ple of Southbridge today as they cele-
brate their 150th anniversary.
ADDRESS BY MAJ. GEN. CHARLES E.
BROWN, JR., CHAIRMAN OF THE
ARMED FORCES CHAPLAINS
BOARD
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. Mr. Presi-
dent, I have had the privilege of reading
an inspiring address delevered by Maj.
Gen. Charles E. Brown, Jr., chairman of
the Armed Forces Chaplains Board, at
the luncheon of the Women's Organiza-
tions' Services of the National Jewish
Welfare Board on April 28, 1966.
Chaplain Brown's remarks offer a
close-up picture of the vital work that is
being performed for the spiritual welfare
of our servicemen by members of the
Chaplains Corps of all religious faiths.
The importance of the chaplain's role is
underscored by a significant statistic
cited by Chaplain Brown; namely, that
although only about 60 percent of the
people in civilian life have a church or
synagogue affiliation, in the miltary more
than 97 percent state a religious prefer-
ence and most participate in the reli-
gious program.
In discussing the religious programs
in the Armed Forces, General Brown
calls attention to the interfaith activi-
ties of the Chaplains Corps and observes
that-
Every chaplain has a concern for all men
in his unit, regardless of faith * * * Chris-
tian chaplains have been concerned for the
needs of Jewish personnel and have served
Jewish personnel (and) Jewish chaplains
have helped in counseling and serving men
of all faiths.
It is this demonstrated universality of
the Chaplains Corps and the dedication
and devotion of the individual chaplains
that is in a large measure responsible
for the high morale of America's service
men and women everywhere. Certainly
this is true of our men who are fighting
under their country's flag today in Viet-
nam.
As chairman of the Senate Committee
on the Armed Services, I commend and
salute the Chaplains Corps for its great
work. I think Chaplain Brown has made
a most worthwhile contribution to a bet-
ter knowledge and understanding of this
work, and I ask unanimous consent to
have his remarks printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ADDRESS AT 25TH ANNIVERSARY TRIBUTE
LUNCHEON NATIONAL JEWISH WELFARE
BOARD, WOMEN'S ORGANIZATIONS' SERVICES,
APRIL 28, 1966, AMERICANA HOTEL, NEW
YORK, N.Y.
(By Chaplain (Major General) Charles E.
Brown, Jr., Chairman, Armed Forces
Chaplains Board Department of Defense,
Washington, D.C.)
I am delighted to have the opportunity to
bring you greetings from the Department of
Defense. Although I serve as Chief of
Chaplains of the Army, I am here today in
my capacity as Chairman of the Armed
Forces Chaplains Board which is on the
Department of Defense level and is composed
of the Chiefs of Chaplains of each of the
three services. The Executive Secretary of
this Board is a Jewish chaplain, a Captain
in the Navy-Chaplain Samuel Sobel. At
present he is the only chaplain serving full
time on the Department of Defense level.
The basic mission of the chaplaincy is to
provide for the morale and religious needs
of our military personnel. No military force
in history has ever had a more fully rounded
religious program than the men and women
in the American Armed Forces. Americans
are God-fearing people. Although in civilian
life only about 60% are church and syna-
gogue affiliated, in the military more than
97% state their religious preference and,
for the most part, participate in the reli-
gious program.
The chaplaincy is held in high regard by
all Commanders. In fact, in my trips
throughout the United States and around
the world I am continually amazed, even
after 25 years of service, at the high priority
Commanders place on the service of the
chaplains and the credit which they give
them for the maintenance of high morale
among the troops. The military was highly
sophisticated administrative and technical
means for dealing with the life of the
soldier. They have recognized, however,
that no matter how well a soldier is clothed,
fed, housed and trained, the indefinable
factor which is most significant in his effec-
tiveness is morale. The chaplain is a valu-
able instrument in helping to develop this
morale. We take pride in the superb group
of clergymen of all faiths that we have train-
ed and put into the field to serve the needs
of the men and women in uniform.
I think you might be interested in know-
ing how we obtain chaplains to serve in
the military. Because of our historical tradi-
tion of separation of Church and State, the
government can never set up seminaries to
teach and ordain military chaplains. There-
fore, the military merely sets up the basic
requirements for commissioning a chaplain.
An applicant for the chaplaincy must be a
college graduate, have completed a course
of study at a theological seminary, and
have been validly ordained by his denomina-
tion. The actual recruiting and endorse-
ment of these chaplains is turned over to
the denominations themselves.
To accomplish this, the major denomina-
tions of this country have set up their own
ecclesiastical endorsement agencies. For the
Jewish group the recruiting and endorsing
of chaplains is done by the Commission on
Jewish Chaplaincy of the National Jewish
Welfare Board. One of my purposes for
being here today is to express, on behalf of
the Department of Defense, and more par-
ticularly The Department of Army, our ap-
preciation to all the various Jewish groups
(I know that you are fragmentized just as
we Protestants are) who have united them-
selves under JWB's Commission on Jewish
Chaplaincy to provide us with Jewish chap-
lains to serve our military personnel.
Today, I want to pay tribute to the three
rabbinic organizations-for the Reform, the
Central Conference of American Rabbis, for
the Conservative, the Rabbinical Assembly
and for the Orthodox, the Rabbinical Coun-
cil of America-which have worked together
through the Commission on Jewish Chap-
laincy to provide Jewish chaplains to the
military. I am especially appreciative that
they have recognized the importance of this
obligation and, in spite of their severe man-
power shortage, have given first priority
to the needs of the military chaplaincy. The
records show that since the Korean War,
one third of the graduates of your seminaries
have served as chaplains in uniform.
I am here to praise the National Jewish
Welfare Board not only for past services but
for having created a new retention pro-
gram for Jewish chaplains so that many of
them may be persuaded to make the chap-
laincy a life-time career. This will be most
helpful, not only in providing mature and
experienced Jewish chaplains to serve Jew-
ish personnel, but even more, it will provide
for more Jewish chaplains to move up in the
administrative ranks and become senior
Supervisory chaplains with responsibility for
chaplains of all faiths. Navy Chaplain Sobel
is in such a position now. Army Chaplain
Kleinberg is a full Colonel in such a position;
Army Chaplain Messing, who will soon be-
come a full Colonel, is in such a position
new. Air Force Chaplain Levitan is in such
a position now. These are only four when
there should be a score or more in such posi-
tions in the three services. There is no
reason why eventually a Jewish chaplain
should not be named a Deputy Chief or a
Chief of Chaplains of one or more of the
three services. This can only be accom-
plished if enough rabbis remain in the ser-
vice for long periods of time to develop a
substantial, mature Jewish leadership. I am
convinced that the Chaplaincy Retention
Program that is soon to go into effect will
get a long way toward making these possi-
bilities a reality.
I especially want to pay tribute to the Jew-
ish chaplains serving in Vietnam. There are
three Jewish chaplains there-two Army and
one Marine. They each serve a different
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geographic section of Vietnam and provide women provide to Jewish chaplains for dis-
roligious services for all Jewish personnel in tribution to the servicemen and their fami-
their respective areas. They are constantly lies play a very important role in providing
on the move by jeep and by helicopter to a Jewish atmosphere an( a sense of Jewish
cover the various units for which they have identification at a time when the Christmas
responsibility. The work closely with the spirit seems to pervade the atmosphere of
Christain chaplains who constantly help by the entire military establishment. It is im-
bringing together their Jewish personnel for portant that, at this time, Jewisl'. children
brief services, counselling and religious edu- should be taught the difference between
cational programs. This service is highly Hanukkah and Christmas and be strength-
regarded by the Command which has already erred in their own religious, faith.
cited each of the Jewish chaplains serving I am. aware of the h.ur. dreds of Thousands
there. .f treasure with you the cherished
rxiemory of Chaplain MeIr Engel who lost his
life in Vietnam a year and a half ago. He
was an unusually fine and capable chaplain,
whose devotion to ditty is symbolic of the
chaplaincy.
Now I want to turn specifically to the work
that the Women's Organizations' Services of
the National Jewish Welfare Board has been
coral..ributing to our national defense effort.
The Military itself, and I speak to you in
terms of my travels around the world to large
and small installations over it long period of
time, has set up a fine logistical system of
support chaplains' activities. It provides
chaplains with nondenominational chapels,
religious and educational programs and ma--
terials, church and synagogue appurtenances.
Although the military tries to provide for
all faiths on an equal basis, the vast ma--
jority of the people in the military are of the
Christain faith. Naturally, the programs are
geared toward the well over 95% of the
ufflitary population which is Christain.
We are, however, very much concerned about
the religious requirements of the .Jewish
personnel and a fine program has been de-
veloped for them too. In planning and
executing that program we have had the
help and cooperation of the National Jew-
ish Welfare Board's Commission on Jewish.
Chaplaincy.
of paperback books on Judaism which your
organization is distributing to chaplains for
their libraries so that, personnel of the Jewish
faith can increase their knowledge of their
religion, history and traditions, and of the
tine contr.butions which your religion has
made in the field of ethics and mor ils. Your
gifts of ceremonial object;, ark cun'cains and
table covet.; with Jewish symbols, a.ad Jewish
art; objects help create an almost here con-
ducive to worship and a link with home. I
am especially appreciative that, on Passover,
you are concerned about individual Jewish
GI's in hospitals, at radar stations at anti-
aircraft emplacements, and other far-off,
lonely place,, who can not attend Passover
Seder, Th:_! "Solo Seder" packages which you
send. to these Individual men e')utaining
Passover foods, a Haggadah and (pamphlets
which explain the holiday, are tremendously
helpful to these individuals who wol.ild other-
wise be denied the oppc,rtunity of partici-
pating in the Seder observance.
The concern which you have shown for
the wives of servicemen by organizing Jewish
Military Chapel Women' Associations and
providing therm materials, advice acid assist-
ance has not only helped ^normously in rais-
ing the morale of these young women far
from home but has helped, strength, n Jewish
family life amid strange surrounds, in parts
of the world 'where organized Jewish com-
l':snecial thanks are due to the Women's. munities do not exist.
Organizations' Services. You have recog- It is for these unique services to in diividuals
oozed that Jewish Personnel are widely dis- that we of the Department of Defense salute
persed and very often in small numbers at you and express our heartfelt thanks. In-
hundreds upon hundreds of installations deed, you are one of General Ifarold K.
throughout the United States and the World Johnson's, our Army Chief of Starr, strong
over. Because they are so widely dispersed, arms in his determination to put the per-
il, is difficult to reach the individuals at far- sonal hack in to personnel.
,)if installations. Your Ingenious program America . is great. We area people if diverse
called "Serv-A-Chaplain" has provided an backer mind, of diverse ways, of diverse faiths,
excellent service which has won significant and of diverse opinions-but we' are all
recognition, Jewish chaplains, especially Americans, The spirit of universality which
overseas, cover large .areas. 't'hey are dis- has been dominant in civilian religious life
tributed the world over on the basis of goo- in the last few years is not new to the mili-
graphic need. Each chaplain serves many tary. The chaplaincy has been practicing it
installations, often hundreds of miles apart, for years. Christian chaplains have been
Through the Serv-A-Chaplain program you concerned for the needs of Jewish personnel
have made available to the Chaplain resources and have served. Jewish personnel. Many of
inch as books and records, ceremonial items, us have helped organize Jewish services and
holiday gifts, decorations and foods, pre- preached at. Jewish services. Jewi?eh chap-
kindergarten materials, and other items lairs have helped in counseling an![ serving
which he can distribute as he makes his men of all efaiths. Every chaplain has a con-
rounds from one small congregation to an- cern for all men in his 'unit, regardless of
other in the geographic area which he covers. faith. Your organization, too, has shown
l remember, during the Korean War, the its concern for men of all faiths. During
exceptionally fine work done by your organ ix- World War If and in Korea your - haplains
ation when you provided your chaplains with distributed the gifts you sent to all men,
Polaroid cameras so that as they visited the whoever had need of them. Today in Viet-
sick and the wounded they could take a ram, the thousands of comfort items, the
picture of the young men which they would battery operated fans and other !gifts, are
then send on to their families. Parents distributed. in that same broad spirit,
and wives who had previously received in- In the armed. forces of every other country
formation from the military that their sons the chaplaincy Is divided into faith groups.
had been wounded, were naturally filled with There Is it Chief of Chaplains for each re-
deep concern. When they received a picture ligion in their Armies, Navies and Air Forces.
of their son or husband, smiling and lying In America all chaplains are under one Chief
comfortably in a bed, it was a tremendous and one never knows if hw, will be :. Protes-
anora.le factor not only for the families but tant. Catholic or Jew. America has taken
for the soldier himself who knew that the the view that Wren of all colors---while, black,
picture would he reassuring to his loved ones red and brown, and of all religions--ratholic,
at home. Protestant and Jew, fight and die side by ,side.
Christmas is it great time for exchanging And we know it is much harder aid much
gifts. Our Post Exchanges stock many gifts more important for us to live together than
but almost all carry Christian symbols.' Han- it is for us to die together. We are therefore
ukkah falls during the same season. Post dedicated to the proposition that they must
Exchanges do not carry gifts which are of also learn to live side by side- We have a
a Jewish character. The gifts which you great country with great ideals. All of its. in
uniform or out, whether of the Department
of Defense or the National Jewish Welfare
Board, should be and are highly resolved that
we are going to do our very best to make sure
that the United States remains just that, it
united people striving to obtain liberty and
justice for itself and for all mankind.
IMPACTED AREAS
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, the ad-
ministration budget for the fist-al yeitr
ending June 30, 1967, provides for a re-
duction of $217 million in payments to
school districts under Public Law 874,
better known as the impacted ar 'as pro-
gram.
Proposed amendments to this pro-
gram would reduce the number of dir;-
tricts entitled to participate from 4,077
to 2,846. In my State of California alone,
this reduction would amount to more
than $35 million; the number of districts
participating would decline from 515 to
374.
As a member of the Senate Commit--
tee on Appropriations, I oppor e these
cuts. I urge that the school districts of
this Nation be given their full entitle-
ment for the coming year. No Federal
program has been provided to compen-
sate for this loss, nor did Congress in-
tend with the passage of recent advances
in Federal aid to education that the im-
pacted areas program be curtailed. I
believe it is a false economy to cut back
programs in this critical area of educa-
tion without providing a satisfaccairy re-
placement,
Reduction in impacted aria funds
means essentially a transfer of the cost
of necessary education expenditures to
the local taxpayers. Unlike other Fed-
eral programs of assistance to education.
Public Law 874 support is noncate corical;
it can be used directly in local school
budgets as needed. It can only be re-
placed by the local revenue of individual
school districts.
In California the proposed reduction
would mean an increased tax burden of
$778,000 on the citizens of Oakland,
$1,083,000 on the citizens of Long Beach,
$1,268,000 on the citizens of San Fran-
cisco, and over $5 million on the citizens
of San Diego. Moreover, if as proposed
by the administration, the fort iula is
changed for assistance to large cii ies, the
citizens of Los Angeles will lose e.spected
revenues of $3,069,233 for the next year's
school budget.
Proposals to reduce impacted areas
payments were introduced earlier this
year. If they should become law tetween
now and the close of this session,; Ind the
budget for fiscal year 1967 reduced ac-
cordingly, in all probability there would
not be time for school districts to put,
through measures to raise necessary
taxes to pay for expenses accruing next
fall. School districts are planning now
for next year, and they need to know
what their income will be. Ca this
ground alone the administration's pro-
posals for fiscal year 1967 are ha.?ty and
are inconsiderate of local problems.
When the impacted areas program was
passed in 1950, during the Korean war,
it became the declared policy of the
United States to provide financial assist-
ance for "local education agencies upon
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able to survive in the New world in its operations has increased sharply year play cases for perishables. Were trading up
to more and more convenience foods, pre-cut,
traditional form. They felt that the after year with no end in sight. pre-cleaned, pre-frozen, all processes which
Jewish religion should express itself in The American consumer is today buy- cost money. We're generally buying more ex-
new forms, closer to those of the Chris- Ing more food and fiber at the smallest pensive meats, fruits, vegetables.
tian majority. percentage of his take home pay than at on the marketer's side there's no doubt
The founders of conservative Judaism any time in our Nation's history, while that'costs of most processing and marketing
believed that it was important that the the American farmers and rancher are services have been increasing steadily. In
ancient values be conserved, hence the receiving much less than parity for their fooodmarketing a firms, 1950. hourly the wages
re-
term "conservative Judaism." They be- products. are 86 's percent sthere ve: 9the 5e0 iAlsoon hidden
lieved the liturgy should remain He- The American farmer and rancher are expenses of spoilage and food brew. They were convinced that Jewish entitled to their fair share of our national Relatively speaking, ood remains abar-
ahildren should be nurtured in a tradi- income and they do not ask for more. gain, taking an average of only 18.2 cents
tion of scholarship, based on the knowl- They both deserve praise instead of criti- of each of our after-tax-dollars.
.edge of the Bible and other religious writ- cism. But the warning to the food industry,
ings in the original Hebrew and Aramaic. I ask unanimous consent to have largest in our nation, is clear: With the
They were confident that the Jewish printed in the RECORD as a part of my re- Marketing Commission's report on the price
immigrants from Europe would not want marks a very excellent article by Sylvia spread coming up and with consumer re nt-
to reject the heritage of their fathers, Porter, which appeared in a recent issue t a over hot spotlight d price so in coming widespread, des months.
sustained over tholtsands of years. of the Evening Star. be what's more, if a subctpercentage
The vision and faith of the founders There being no objection, the article of the projected slide in farm prices is not
of conservative Judaism were justified. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, reflected in declining food prices, the in-
Today the conservative movement in- as follows:' d M o could be on a hot spot.
eludes the largest number of Jews affil- PRicEs BETWEEN FARM, STORE
iated with synagogues. Its seminary is (By Sylvia Porter) T E SITUATION IN SOUTH VIETNAM.
recognized as one of the greatest institu- The U.S. farmer will be getting an average
tions of learning in the world. The of 4 cents for a pound of lettuce in the final
United Synagogue is a leader in the areas quarter of 1966, according to authoritative
of religious education textbook publish- projections. But the U.S. consumer will be
ing, social action, adult education, and paying an average retail price of 26-28 cents
in many other related fields. for the same lettuce. Lettuce doesn't go
As President of the Rabbinical Assem- through a transformation between farm and
bly, Rabbi Bohnen will have a prominent store-comparable to, say, the change from a
pound of hog
place on the boards of the Jewish Theo- on the hoof to a pound of pork
on the counter. A head of lettuce is a head
logical Seminary and of the United Syn- of lettuce is a head of lettuce.
agogue, and will have intimate contact The farmer will be getting about 33 cents
with national and international Jewish for a dozen eggs at year end, according to the
religious and service organizations. same projections. But you'll be paying an
The presidency of the Rabbinical As- average of 52-54 cents for these eggs. Eggs
sembly is one of the highest offices within don't go through a transformation either.
.
Jewry. The president joins illustrious An egg is an egg is an egg.
A pound of potatoes should be bringing
predecessors in this office who include the farmer 1.7 cents in the last quarter while
Rabbi Louis Finkelstein, chancellor of you'll probably be paying 51/2-61/2 cents. The
the seminary; Rabbi Simon Greenberg above observations apply to potatoes, too.
and Rabbi Max Arzt, vice chancellors; and Where store? does st the into all the between operations
Prof. Mordecai Kaplan, founder of the areconstructionist movement in Judaism; lumped under "food marketing": Transpor-
ad-
and Rabbi Edward Sandrow, president of tation, processing, packaging, displaying, ad-
vertising, promoting, selling. It goes into
the New York Board of Rabbis; Prof. an ever-widening number of store services:
Robert Gordis, professor of Bible at the Big parking lots, check-cashing, baby-sit-
the past 2 weeks, I have addressed the
Senate twice on the subject of Vietnam.
The thrust of my argument has been that
elections in South Vietnam must be held.
Most important, these elections must be
free and fair. And it will take an inter-
national presence to assure that the elec-
tions are, indeed, free and fair. The
United Nations, it seems to me, must
undertake this task.
There has been a wide and positive
reaction to my proposal. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent that the most
recent editorials supporting my position
which appeared in the Hartford Times,
the New York Times and the Litchfield
Enquirer, be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Hartford (Conn.) Times, May 17,
1966]
AGONY Or DECISION
Jewish Theological Seminary. ting. The nearest thing to a clear-cut policy
The Rabbinical Assembly has given to The farmer's share of the $1 you spend for decision the United States has made in many
the armed services of our country mili- food rose from a postwar annual low of 37 months of trouble in its involvement in Viet
tary chaplains from every branch of the cents in 1964 to 41 cents in the first quarter
services. Indeed, no one is, eligible for Nam is the Honolulu announcement of sup-
of this year, reflecting generally higher farm port for the military junta ruling South Viet
prices and bringing net realized income per
membership in the Rabbinical Assembly farm to an estimated $4,600 in 1966, an in- Nam under Premier Ky.
unless he has volunteered to serve as a crease of 55 percent since 1960. Now that junta is in serious trouble. It may
military chaplain immediately follow- Nevertheless, a full 59 cents of your dollar not survive. The threat of civil war, with
ing his ordination. still is going to the "intermediaries." Since Buddhist rebels shooting at government sup-
The Rabbinical Assembly publishes 1950, the cost of marketing of food has porters, raises the prospect of a double war-Communis "Conservative Judaism" a quarterly de- climbed 25 percent while the farm value of athe fight against t the same time aset he Buddhist rebellion.
voted to ideas and philosophies of Juda- food actually has declined. There is a chance that the internal troubles ism. It has a special department for The food price spread has risen so relent- lessly-in times of falling as well as rising may so vitiate the South Vietnamese deter-
the publication of prayer books adapted farm prices-that Congress in 1964 estab- mination to fight the North Vietnamese that
for conservative congregations. It as- lished a National Commission on Food the war of South versus North will collapse,
sists in the publication of textbooks for Marketing and ordered it to make an ex- leaving the United States to choose whether
to carry it on alone.
religious schools in English-speaking haustive probe into every aspect of the American policy in Viet Nam has been for
countries, spread. After more than a year of invest ig t a long time a series of compromises, all dodg-
l
PRICES BETWEEN FARM AND STORE
Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, the ac-
cusation that the farmers are largely re-
sponsible for the present inflationary
trend is completely unjustified.
Farm prices are now at 80 percent of
parity and the farmer is earning only
about 60 percent as much as his city
cousin.
The prices farmers receive for most
commodities are lower now than they
were 20 years ago, while the cost of farm
tion, the commission is slated t' re
ease s ing essential moral and political questions.
findings June 30. In the present turmoil, there are only a few
Its recommendations to Congress well may really clear courses open to the United
carry some explosive implications. While States:
the commission's findings are a secret, an Continue our support of the Ky govern-
informed report is that it will make "critical ment, backing it with military force against
observations" about the parts played in retail the Buddhists.
food prices by advertising, trading stamps Abandon the Ky government in favor of
and such marginal services as babysitting. the Buddhists, which would involve an at-
Of course, much of the rise in the spread tempt somehow to disarm the present gov-
between farm prices and retail food prices ernment.
is easy to explain. Determine to carry on the anti-Communist
On our side, we're demanding and get- fight alone if necessary, promising to cooper-
ting an enormous array of services ranging ate with whatever Vietnamese government
from elaborate parking lots to dazzling dis- turns out to be dominant in the South.
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E 10199
which the United States has placed perienced during the Korean war and for a 2-year term by the Rabbinical As-
financial burdens by reason of the fact which was one of the principal causes of sembly. This is the International Asso-
that such agencies provide education for establishing this program, ciation of Conservative Rabbis with 500
children residing on Federal property Despite the burgeoning costs (if de- in attendance at the assembly's 66th an-
or such agencies provide education for fense :I would argue, as in earlier years nual convention at Toronto.
children whose parents are employed on did the late Senator Robert A. Taft: An interesting sidelight is that this
Federal property." if a million children who are not receiving honor comes to Rabbi Bohnen in the
Since the Land Ordnance of 1785 the education today continue wi,shout education, very city of his birth.
American system of public education has it Will be lost and gone to them forev:,r. The Rabbinical Assembly is ar or-
,a-been based chiefly on. revenue earned Today education has been recoi,n.ized nization of 800 rabbis serving in the
from land. The State of California has at last as a vital element in the focnda- United States, Canada, South America,
been greatly benefited by this program tion of American life---indeed, we can- Europe, and Asia. Its members consti-
and would in turn be greatly affected not survive in these complex times with-
and the rabbinic arm of conservative
by its reduction. While 90 percent of Out it. Judaism. The academic arm of con-
the people of California, the Nation's I refer to one of the most urger L and servative Judaism is the Jewish Theo-
most populous State, live in urban areas critical situations which the reduction in logical Seminary, whose chancellor i; the
which require a high rate of investment these funds would affect. Oakland, one world-famous Dr. Louis Finkelstein, and
in schools and other public services, 45 of the largest cities of the State of Cali- whose chairman of the board of ever-
percent of the lands of the State of Cali- forma, employs a highly qualified body seers is Ambassador Arthur Goldberg.
fornia are federally owned. There are of teachers and has established a : drool The lay arm of the conservative move-
over 250,000 Federal employees in the system that is moving effectively to assist ment is the United Synagogue, whose
State of California. The normal tax the disadvantaged areas in the city, president is Mr. Henry Rapaport.
base of our State, the Nation's third Well over half of the school population Rabbi Bohnen is at present president
largest, is greatly reduced by large scale of Oakland can be classified as "cultural- of the Rhode Island Board of Rabbis In
Federal land ownership. I inight choose ly disadvantaged" under the Elementary Rhode Island he has served innumerable
one example to illustrate. The school and Secondary Education Act. The civic and religious organizations. He
district of China Lake in Kern County school system draws $2.5 million for spe- has been on the boards of the United
is organized to educate a group of stu- cialized purposes under this law. Never- Fund, Council of Community Services,
dents each one of which is the child of theless, even with this help the system Community Workshops, Narragansett
parents employed in or living on Federal will have to reduce its staff by 180 ti-ach_ Council Boy Scouts of America, Big
lands. China Lake School District has ers in the next year because of increasing Brothers, the General Jewish Comnri,tee,
no other means of support than funds costs and limited revenues. the Miriam Hospital, Jewish Family and
provided under Public Law 874. The citizens of Oakland are working Children's Service, the Governor's c-im-
The method of Federal payment under hard to establish the bonds of corn- mittee on refugees, the mayor's c,m-
Public Law 874 has met wide approval munity trust and to provide for all the mittee on juvenile delinquency, and so
not only in California, but also through- necessary stake in society through edu- forth. He was cited as "Man of the
out the United States and has been con- cation which will lead to civil peace. Year" by the Conference of Christens
sistently supported in testimony before Foremost; among them are the teachers and Jews, and has received many other
committees of the Congress since estab- of the Oakland school system. I ar,, in- citations and awards.
lishment of the impacted areas program formed that a reduction of impacted Rabbi Bohnen has served the Rabbini-
in 1950. The Congress has recognized area money would contribute subetan- cal Assembly as secretary and then vice
that the burden imposed on individual tinily to the loss of teachers which Oak.- president before his elevation to the p cc-
school districts has required continuing land must fare next year. idency. He has been chairman of the
Federal support. This Federal commit- This is wrong. I do riot believe the ad- placement commission, which is com-
ment has been particularly vital to ministration has thought through its prised of representatives of the Rabbitri-
rapidly growing communities, of which proposal for substitution of other educa- cal Assembly, United Synagogue, and the
we have a great many in California. In tional programs for money long .pro.. Jewish Theological Seminary. He has
new communities there is an immediate vided under Public Law 874. The Ele- been chairman of the ethics commi,tee
requirement, for investment not only in mentary and Secondary Education Act, and a member of the committee on Jc: w-
schools, but also in streets, lighting, despite its enormous value, was not des- ish law and standards.
sewers, fire and police protection and igned to meet the problems of loss of and Rabbi Bohnen came to Providence
other items referred to by economists as from the tax rolls to the Federal Govern- from Temple Emanu-El, Buffalo, N.Y.,
"social overhead." In 1966, as we face ment. Tt would riot save the situation in where he served for 10 years and ve.s
a period of risin,> prices, the costs of Oakland because, while it will aid the active in both civic and religions a ti ,
providing each of these facilities has in- children who are not now enjoying the Prior to this he was, for 4 years, assistant
creased rapidly. In California, these full benefits of American life, it doe: riot rabbi of Congregation Adath Jeshurtuz,
costs have imposed an unusually high meet the need for teachers' salaries in Philadelphia, Pa.
tax burden, over $10 per $100 of assessed The case is clear. No adequate ar- During World War II Rabbi Boitricn
valuation in. many urban communities. rangement has been made to provide re- served with the 42d Infantry--Rain-
l'he cost of education has moved relent- placement of funds under Public Law bow--Division and rose to the position
lessly forward both as a result of in- 874 by other programs. These fund. are of assistant division chaplain with the
creasing prices, including the necessary needed for the education of our children, rank of fnajor. He was with the dvi-
adjustments in teachers' salaries, and for their education as citizens who later sion during its training period at Camp
also because of a rising demand for edu- will be the leaders of our country. Their Gruber, Okla., and its combat experience
cation on the part of an enlightened preparation for this task may ultimtely in France and Germany. He remained
citizenry. decide the future of our country. I be- with the division during most of its ierv-
'1'he administration's proposed reduc- lieve that process should not be dais- ice as occupying force in Austria where
of impacted area funds comes at a turbed. he was able to do a great deal in further-
t,irne when school districts in California ----- ing the division's work with displaced
Lre having increasing difficulties in hal- TI.rBUTE TO RABBI ELI A. BOHNEN, persons. He was awarded the Bronze
incing their budgets, when citizens are Star and the Army Commendation Rib-
attaching art increasing value to the edu- AS PRESIDENT OF 'PH]: RABBI VI- bon.
cation of their children and when every CAL ASSEMBLY Conservative Judaism is one of the
rihase of ecenomic activity in our coun- Mr. PASTURE. Mr. President, a tiffs- three groupings within the Jewish re-
i.ry is demanding higher educational and tinctive international honor has coon.. ligious life in America. It began in the
intellectual standards. It comes, more- to Rhode Island because it has con r to United States in the middle of the ilith
over, at a time when throughout the Na- one of its most prominent citizens. century as a reaction to a trend, whose
Lion, and particularly in California, there Word comes from Toronto that R!-bbi leaders had abandoned many of the an-
is the same increase in Federal activity Eli A. Bohnen., of Temple Emanu-El of cient traditions of the Jewish faith, in
and Federal employment which was ex- Providence, has been chosen president their belief that Judaism would not be
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 May 19, 1966 Approved FoC&4@0NMREE"$618000400070007-4
Get out of Viet Nam.
Assume as an American responsibility the
maintenance of order, the operations of civil
government and the direction of the armed
forces of South Viet Nam until the people
are capable of electing a stable and compe-
tent government.
Every one of those policies involves terrible
difficulties and not one of them has much to
recommend it. Yet unless there is a choice,
we shall go on in an interminable muddle of
doubt, insecurity, sacrifice, loss, expenditure
and death with no prospect of any gain worth
a fraction of the cost.
One more possibility offers itself, but first
let us briefly consider these five.
Continued American support of the Ky
government or any successor with the same
political orientation implies contravening
the obvious will of a majority of the politi-
cally active population of South Viet Nam.
Neither the Ky regime nor any of its prede-
cessors has been stable.
Abandonment of the Ky government would
involve, in all probability, a bloody fight be-
tween Americans and Ky supporters, who will
not willingly surrender control of their forces
to the Buddhists.
Carrying on the anti-Communist fight
alone while the South Vietnamese iron out
their own political troubles would multiply
our military investment in a war in which
our objectives are becoming less attractive
every day, and it might prove an intolerable
burden.
Pulling out of Viet Nam entirely would be
a betrayal of every American who has lost his
life there. All the sacrifice would have gone
for naught. The proper objectives of the war
would be lost.
And taking over the country as trustee of
the future and the fate of the South Viet-
namese would expose the United States to
charges of colonialism and tyranny that we
would be hard put to rebut.
Those are over-simplified judgments of
the five courses of action. Each has many
subtle and complex implications, and pro-
ponents and opponents of each could argue
for years over their merits and demerits.
We don't have that much time to decide, for
events are crowding judgment.
The remaining course-we believe the
best-is to appeal to the United Nations to
intervene by force and put an end to the
fighting, both the anti-Communist war and
the civil war in South Viet Nam.
The UN is the only authority in the world
with the requiste prestige and the potential
power to be able to stop the shooting. Our
appeal for UN intervention woud have to
include an expression of willingness to offer
our own forces in Viet Nam as a police force
under whatever command the UN chose to
establish or, alternatively, to pull them all
out of the country as quickly as they could
be replaced by an international army strong
enough to keep order.
The UN might not agree to intervene.
But an appeal for intervention would be a
step toward the establishment of peace. All
the alternative courses seem to lead inevit-
ably to one result: the destruction of any
hope of peaceful, responsible government in
South Viet Nam except by the total exter-
mination of one side or the other in the civil
war.
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times,
May 16, 19661
THE DANANG COUP
The seizure of Danang by the Ky Govern-
ment means a determination to fight it out
with the dissident political elements of the
Unified Buddhist Church. Unless the strug-
gle is quickly stopped, this would mean an
end to the hopes, expectations and promises
of an election by Sept. 15 for a constituent
assembly and later an elected government.
The gravity of the situation is obvious.
Civil war is one possibility. The South
Vietnamese struggle against the Vietcong
is bound to be seriously hampered. Worst
of all would be the embarrassing and per-
haps critical position of the American forces
in Vietnam and the handicap to the war
they are waging.
Once again, Washington has been caught
by surprise-even to the extent of Ambas-
sador Lodge being in the United States in-
stead of in Saigon. When Marshal Ky calm-
ly announced a few days ago that he in-
tended to keep his government in power for
at least another year, Secretary Rusk de-
clared that the Premier had been misun-
derstood and really did not mean what he
seemed to be saying. He meant it all right,
and this development becomes another in
the long series of misunderstandings and
miscalculations of the Vietnamese by the
United States Government.
As always when a sudden and unexpected
event of this sort explodes in Vietnam, it is
necessary to let the storm blow over. When
it does, every effort must be made to bring
the electoral position back to where it was,
if that is going to be possible.
The desirability and, indeed, necessity to
hold elections that would permit a broad-
based civilian government in South Viet-
nam is as clear as ever. Washington's orders
to the American advisers in Saigon to urge
a peaceful settlement can only be a stopgap
move. The military may prove strong enough
to prevent the militant Buddhists from cre-
ating a chaotic situation in Danang, Hue
and Saigon. The damage is by no means
beyond repair. In South Vietnam the pes-
simists as well as the optimists are often
confounded.
But the coup emphasizes once again that
it has never been possible to interpret Viet-
namese events in terms of American ideas or
Western logic. Premier Ky obviously feels
strong enough to assert Saigon's authority
over the virtually rebellious northern prov-
inces. If, having done so, he then turns back
to the concept of constitutional and legis-
lative elections, the harm can be held to a
minimum.
Once the situation has stabilized it is
more important than ever that the elec-
tion be demonstrably fair. The very nature
of the American involvement in South Viet-
nam makes it impossible for the United
States to operate with total detachment in
this respect. As Senator RIBICOFF has sug-
gested, the United Nations would be the
best possible choice to exercise a supervisory
function to guarantee the fairness of a vote
in a country with no democratic tra-
dition.
The alternative to elections is chaos.
Premier Ky must realize this. So much
Washington. Whatever happens now, the
final goal still has to be elections.
[From the Litchfield (Conn.)
May 12, 1966]
THE END WE SEEK
Senator ABRAHAM RISICOFF of Connecticut
stood up on the Senate floor in Washington
last week and delivered a "major speech" on a
major issue-Viet Nam. What he had to offer
was hard, plain talk.
"No amount of bombs or bullets alone can
assure success (in Viet Nam)," he said. "We
could commit a million men-stamp out the
Viet Cong-and 'lose' the war. The end we
seek in Viet Nam must never be military in
nature. We cannot become a colonial power.
"We must get back to the original premise
of our involvement in South Viet Nam. It
is not an American war-it is a South Viet
Namese war. We are in Viet Nam to help-
not to conquer."
In his speech, RIDICOFF called for two
things: United Nations supervision of the
forthcoming elections in Viet Nam, and an
address by President Johnson before the
V.N. General Assembly, redefining this coun-
try's role in the war-ravaged land. The
senator thus aligned himself with other men
in high places who are convinced that some
form of stable government in Viet Nam must
exist before the conflict can be resolved.
What RIDICOFF suggests is that elections
be held within those areas of South Viet Nam
that could reasonably be secured against vio-
lence and intimidation, and where U.N.
observers could gain access to assure impar-
tiality. He sees this working to advantage in
two ways: "If the peasant is assured that he
plays a role in the policies of his government,
his suspicion of that government decreases.
If the central figures of government know
that their future depends on the people--
then their support of a program to help the
people will be assured "
And what would RIeicoFF have President
Johnson tell the world through the General
Assembly? Simply that America sees in the
Viet Namese elections an "opportunity as
well as a challenge." and that the United
States is committed to the success of those
elections. In this simple restatement of pur-
pose, the senator believes, there would be
reassurance for all that our primary purpose
in the Far East is indeed help and not mili-
tary victory.
COASTAL FISHING LIMITS AND
THE ROAMING FISHERMAN
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President,
Pacific coast fishermen are seriously con-
cerned at the present time with the re-
cent arrival of a fleet of Soviet fishing
vessels to harvest the adjacent resources.
Soviet vessels off the coast of the United
States is not a new problem, for we have
long had such operations by that nation
and others off the State of Alaska and
off the Atlantic coast. The present
Pacific coast effort is critical. The re-
sources being harvested by the Soviet
vessels are stocks upon which our trawl
fleets have operated historically.
Further, there is growing evidence that
the kind of gear being used by the Rus-
sian fleet is of a smaller mesh than that
used by our own fleet for such species as
Pacific Ocean perch, and'the Soviets ap-
pear to be taking everything in their
path, with no apparent thought to the
future.
As you know, I have spoken on this
floor many times of the need for con-
servation of the fishery resources, not
only off our own coast, but throughout
the world ocean, for I foresee great need
for this food in the long-range survival
of mankind. I have regularly sought
assistance for our domestic fishermen,
feeling that their welfare and well-being
is a matter of deep concern in the long-
range, broad national interest.
Pacific coast fishermen are gathering
at Seattle, I am informed, to discuss the
question of jurisdiction in regard to the
coastal fisheries. I am further advised
that there will be representatives from
the Atlantic coast present and I await
with interest the deliberations and de-
cisions from the meeting. It is important
that the United States give serious
thoughts as to what is in the broad na-
tional interest in this question of juris-
diction, and I am hopeful for good testi-
mony at the hearings scheduled May 18
and 19 on Senator BARTLETT'S 12-mile-
limit bill.
But in the meantime, Mr. President,
I repeat my overall concern as to the
conservation of the world fishery re-
sources. The problem which is now be-
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ing faced by Oregon and Washington
fishermen in relation to the fleets of the
Soviet Union has been faced and is cur-
rently being faced by others and the
circumstances are not as unlike as you
might suspect.
I was particularly interested in this
regard, in an editorial in a recent issue
of the British fishery trade publication,
"Fishing News International," inasmuch
as it does a commendable job of com-
paring sonic of the problems on the
Pacific coast of the United States with
those of South Africa. I ask unanimous
consent to have the editorial printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
a, follows:
FISHING LIMITS AND THE ROAMING FISHERMAN
It would be hard to think of two fishing
areas more widely separated than those of the
west coast of North America and of the south
west coast of Africa. Their fishermen are
as different as a halibut and a hake; they
use different methods and boats to catch dif-
ferent species of fish. But; the global spread
of the fishing effort of several nations has
given each fishery a problem common to the
other and shared by fishermen all over the
world.
In an age when the screeching jet and the
howling ether have made a nonsense of dis-
Lance, it was inevitable that some fishing
areas would lose the protection their remote-
ness once gave them. The ocean hunt for
fish is on and only the exhaustion of stocks
is likely to stop it. The question anxiously
asked from Vancouver to Cape Town and
from Buenos Aires to Reykjavik is: How far
away is exhaustion?
For some fisheries the signs are already
ominous. "Every year," wrote Mr. Roy Mat-
thews, chairman of the British White Fish
Authority in an article in The Times, "larger
fleets range more widely and declining yields
in one traditional ground after another tell
their own story of over-fishing." Mr. Mat-
thews was adding his plea to that of many
other far-sighted fishing men for "effective
international agreement for productive man-
agement: of the world's fisheries".
Inevitably men, industries and nations will
and ways of managing the resources of the
oceans. But events over the past year show
that such co-operation will be slow in com-
ing and that some cherished concepts of com-
mercial fishing may have to be discarded in
the process. One of these is the illusion of
"our fish" and "our grounds."
There is a limit to what can be claimed as
the exclusive fishing preserve of any one na-
tion. and this is generally recognized today
its 12 miles from the shore. In sonic fortu-
nate areas this protects valuable stocks;
in other the best fish are being found well
outside the limit.
Off the west coast of Canada a particularly
rich. trawling area lies in the tumultous
Hecate Strait between the mainland and
Queen Charlotte Island. As Canadian base
lines are drawn, the Strait is open fishing
water outside 12 miles. But just south of
Queen Charlotte is Vancouver Island and
it is being contended that the base line
should be drawn between the two islands
enclosing the Strait in territorial waters.
Urgency has been added to this contention by
the appearance over the Hecate trawling
grounds of a large Russian fleet complete
with factory ships and modern stern trawl-
ers. In law this Soviet fleet is working in
the open sea as are smaller American trawlers
who have fished the Hecate Strait as a tradi-
tional ground. To oust these ships by draw-
ing fresh base lines will create a delicate
international situation. But Canadian fish-
ermen are calling on their government to
do something to protect these productive
,grounds before other wide-ranging fleets
come in.
Across the other side of the world what
has been described as a "fishing free for all"
has surged beyond control of any one nation.
less than five years ago fishermen of South
Africa and South West Africa were working
a rich, remote backwater.
From Cape Town it fleet of about 70 local
trawlers brought in about 100,000 tons of
hake and other bottom fish a year. This
catch has now soared beyond 200,1)04 tons
but the entire increase is coming up in the
nets of vessels from seven or eight countries.
The hurried extension of the local fishing
limit from. three to 12 miles has had no effect
on trawlers working 20 or more miles off the
coast. When it was introduced in 1963 there
were about a dozen. ships from ;;pain and
Japan operating off the Cape coast: last year
they were joined by vessels from Israel, Hol-
land, Italy and Germany. The fleet-
-includ-ing ships of the Soviet Union, East Germany,
Poland, Bulgaria and Ghana operating to
the north-now exceeds 104 vesse)s and the
local industry is becoming more and more
anxious for the future of its stocks.
One positive result of this anxiety is a
suggestion that all or most of tl~c nations
with ships fishing off Southern Africa should
work together in an investigation of the
little-known resources of demersal fish. En-
couragement for this has come from the
owner of the first West German 1.rawler to
arrive in Cape Town who believes an inter-
national agreement could be reached for the
conservation of Southern African stocks.
Further support is implied in the interest
being; shown in the area by the White Fish
Auth ority The views of the Japanese are
not known, but the largest of the Spanish
companies with ships based on -Cape Town
has a 4,0 per cent. stake in a South African
fishing company and it could wall. take a
leading part in negotiations for s joint re-
scarch;conservation project.
N/hile these are still the early, turbulent
days of long range fishing, they are already
showing that reluctant "hosts" will get no-
where by standing on the cliff tops and
shouting at the factory ships a:id freezer
trawlers on the horizon. Restrictions, shut-
outs and other, perhaps more ingenious,
measures may temporarily restrain them, but
they are not likely to stop nations and indus-
tries who have spent millions on this new
oce:f.n-wide pursuit Of fish.
Mr- MAGNUSON. Mr. President, as
Fishing News International sass, "what
has been described as a 'fishing free for
all' has surged beyond control of any
one nation."
These are critical times in fisheries,
though they come as no surprise. The
U.S. Senate well recognized tale pend-
ing disorder when it unanimously
adopted the resolution I sponsored for
a World Fisheries Conference. Today
foreign vessels are fishing heavily off our
shores and in many cases we do not
actually know whether they are deplet-
ing the fisheries or not. The appearance
of 1:he sizable fleet off Oregon and. Wash-
ington indicates to me that the waters
to the north, closer to. the Soviet fishing
bases, are either depleted or reduced to
a point 'where productive fishing is no
longer possible.
The United States ]must move firmly
and swiftly in this question of jurisdic-
tion and conservation for the protection
and productive future of its citizens, but
in an even broader sense, we must take
the world leadership in assembling the
coastal and :fishing nations to determine
the proper conservation regime that
there may be hope for the hungry.
THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
AGENCY
Mr. YOUNG of North Dakota. :Mr.
President, the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy has always been the subject of some
controversy and it is inevitable that an
Agency with the duties and responsibili-
ties such as it has, always will bc.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have inserted in the body
of the RECORD as a part of my remarks
an editorial on the subject of the CIA in
the May 18, 1966, issue of a very rep-
utable newspaper, the Washington Eve-
ning Star. Also, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have inserted as a pare of my
remarks a column in the same issue of
the Washington Evening Star which
deals with the CIA, written by a very
reputable journalist, David Lawrence,
entitled "Danger Seen in Proposal on
CIA."
There being no objection, the ditorilti!:
and article were ordered to be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Stau-,
May 18. 1966]
WATCHING THE CIA
It would be difficult to find any cloak-and-
dagger organization that is more closely
supervised than the Central in, elligenco
Agency.
It is watched over by the President and the,
National Security Council. By ,de;ignatioit
Of the President, a non-goverrlmenral group
headed by Clark Clifford closely scrutinizes
what the CIA is doing. Finally, its activities
and its expenditures, though concealed, have
to run the gantlet of two congressional com-
mittees. In the Senate, this committee i:;
made up of three representatives each from
the Armed Services and Appropriations cant-
rnittees.
There would seem to be no need for any
additional watchers. Senator Fulbright':;
Foreign Relations Committee, howevor, wants
to add three of its members to the watching
group. Senator Russell, who heads Like super-
visory committee, is strongly opposed.
Because there are already so many watch-
ers, it might be wondered what valid objec-
tion there is to adding three more, especially
if they come from Mr. Fulbright's committee
since CIA activities undoubtedly influence
foreign relations.
The reason for the objection was scot quite
spelled out in Monday's debate. But its es-
sence emerged clearly enough.
Ohio's Senator LAUSCHE, himself a mern-
ber of Foreign Relations, said that commit-
tee "has also distinguished itself for the fre-
quency of leaks that come out of their (ex-
ecutive) hearings."
Later on, Senator MORSE, who Li inks the
CIA is a "police state institution," said: "I
do not accept the major premise that the
elected officials of the American people
should not have an opportunity to be briefed
in executive sessions of their committees in
regard to what their checking committee has
found."
This lets the cat out of the bag. While no
senator would stand up on the floor and say
so, the obvious fact is that the opponents
of enlarging the watchdog comma ttee are
afraid of leaks if representatives of Foreign
Relations should be added to the watchdog
group. And this would be especially true if
all 19 members of Mr. FULBRIGHT'S committee
would be briefed, as Senator MORSE advo-
cates, "on what their checking committee
has found out."
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 May 19, 1966 Approved FcCGN SS 2WECI P.6$Bbb 'UR000400070007-4 10519
It would be appreciated if you would con-
firm the agreement of the Government of
the United States of America to the fore-
going.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances
of my highest consideration.
Ambassador of the Turkish Republic:
ERDIL K. AKAY,
First Secretary,
Embassy of Turkey.
WASHINGTON, D.C.
DONOVAN Q. ZOOK,
Officer-in-Charge, Atomic Energy Af-
fairs, International Scientific and
Technological Affairs, Department
Assistant Director for Program De-
velopment and Liaison.
Atomic Energy Commission.
His Excellency DEAN RUSK,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D.C.
Initialled on April 18, 1966.
WASHINGTON, April -, 1966.
EXCELLENCY: I have the honor to refer to
your note of April -, 1966, which reads as
follows :
"EXCELLENCY: I have the honor to refer to
the Amendment to the Agreement for Co-
operation between the Government of the
Turkish Republic and the Government of the
United States of America Concerning Civil
Uses of Atomic Energy which is being signed
today.
"In connection with the Amendment to
the Agreement for Cooperation, the Govern-
ment of the Turkish Republic and the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America fur-
ther agree as follows:
In the event any of the Parties to the tri-
lateral arrangement envisaged in Article VI
bis of the Agreement for Cooperation, as
amended, is unable to agree to the terms of
that arrangement, either the Government of
the Turkish Republic or the Government of
the United States of America may, by notifi-
cation, terminate the Agreement for Coopera-
tion. In the event the Agreement for Co-
operation should be so terminated by either
Government, the Government of the Turkish
Republic agrees that it shall, at the request
of the Government of the United States of
America, return to the Government of the
United States of America all special nuclear
material received pursuant to the Agree-
ment for Cooperation still in its possession
or in the possession of persons under its ju-
risdiction. The Government of the United
States of America will compensate the Gov-
ernment of, the Turkish Republic for its in-
terest in such material so returned at the
United States Atomic Energy Commission's
schedule of prices then in effect domestically.
"It would be appreciated if you would con-
firm the agreement of the Government of
the United States of America to the fore-
going.
"Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur-
ances of my highest consideration."
I have the honor to confirm the agree-
ment of the Government of the United
States of America as requested.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assur-
ances of my highest consideration.
For the Secretary of State:
DONOVAN Q. ZOOK,
Officer-in-Charge, Atomic Energy Af-
fairs, International Scientific and
Technological Affairs, Department of
State.
WILLIAM L. YEOMANS,
Assistant Director for Program Devel-
opment & Liaison, Atomic Energy
Commission.
His Excellency TURGUT MENEMENCIOGLU,
Ambassador of the Turkish Republic.
ERDrL K. AKAY,
First Secretary,
Embassy of Turkey.
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Initialled on April 18, 1966.
U.S. ATOMIC ENERGY
COMMISSION,
Washington, D.C., April 20, 1966.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The Atomic Energy
Commission recommends that you approve
the enclosed proposed agreement amending
the Agreement for Cooperation Between the
Government of the United States of America
and the Government of the Turkish Republic
Concerning Civil Uses of Atomic Energy, to-
gether with the enclosed proposed notes to be
exchanged between the two Governments,
which notes are to be considered as part of
the proposed amending agreement, determine
that its performance will promote and will
not constitute an unreasonable risk to the
common defense and security, and authorize
its execution. The Department of State sup-
ports the Commission's recommendation.
The proposed amending agreement, which
has been negotiated by the Atomic Energy
Commission and the Department of State
pursuant to the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
as amended, would revise and extend the
Agreement between the United States of
America and Turkey which was signed at
Washington on June 10, 1955, as amended by
Agreements signed at Washington on April
27, 1961, and June 3, 1965.
The proposed amending agreement would
extend the Agreement for five years, until
June 9, 1971. The Government of the Turk-
ish Republic has agreed to the transfer to the
International Atomic Energy Agency of safe-
guards responsibilities for materials and fa-
cilities transferred under the Agreement for
Cooperation. Agreement with respect to this
transfer would be effected by an article in the
amendment, together with the enclosed
notes.
Article II of the proposed amending agree-
ment would permit the transfer to Turkey of
material enriched to more than 20% in the
isotope U-235 when there is a technical or
economic requirement for such a transfer.
Article IV would reflect the recent changes in
the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 permitting
private ownership of special nuclear material
by enabling private parties in the United
States and Turkey to be parties to arrange-
ments for the transfer of special nuclear ma-
terial. Previously, such transactions were
confined to Governments. Arrangements
made directly between private parties under
Article IV would be undertaken pursuant to
applicable laws, regulations, policies, and li-
cense requirements of the United States and
Turkish Governments.
The amending agreement also includes
several minor revisions. Article I would con-
form the fields of information exchange to
our more current practice, while Article III
would delete the now-obsolete requirement
for the Turkish Government to retain title to
enriched uranium it receives under the Agree-
ment until such time as United States users
may acquire title to such material. Article
IX would be clarified by explicitly stating
that the U.S. and Turkey "may" consult, not
necessarily "will" consult, with each other
concerning an additional agreement covering
nuclear power production in Turkey.
Following your approval, determination,
and authorization, the proposed amending
agreement will be formally executed by ap-
propriate authorities of the Government of
the United States of America and the Gov-
ernment of the Turkish Republic. In com-
pliance with Section 123c. of the Atomic
Energy Act of 1954, as amended, the agree-
ment will then be placed before the Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy.
Respectfully yours,
GLENN T. SEABORG,
Chairman.
The PRESIDENT,
The White House.
Enclosures:
1. Proposed Agreement Amending the
Agreement for Cooperation Between the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and
the Government of the Turkish Republic.
2. Proposed Notes.
THE WHITE HOUSE,
Washington, April 22, 1966.
The Honorable GLENN T. SEABORG,
U.S. Atomic Energy Commission,
Washington.
DEAR DR. SEABORG: In accordance with Sec-
tion 123a of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
as amended, the Atomic Energy Commission
has submitted to me by letter dated April 20,
1966, a proposed agreement amending the
Agreement for Cooperation Between the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and
the Government of the Turkish Republic
Concerning Civil Uses of Atomic Energy, to-
gether with proposed notes to be exchanged
between the two Governments, which notes
are to be considered as part of the proposed
amending agreement, and has recommended
that I approve the proposed amending agree..
ment, determine that its performance will
promote and will not constitute an unrea-
sonable risk to the common defense and
security, and authorize its execution.
Pursuant to the provisions of 123b of the
Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, and
upon the recommendation of the Atomic
Energy Commission, I hereby:
(a) approve the proposed amending
agreement and determine that the perform-
ance of the Agreement as amended will pro-
mote and will not constitute an unreasonable
risk to the common defense and security of
the United States of America;
(b) authorize the execution of the pro-
posed amending agreement on behalf of the
Government of the United States of America
by appropriate authorities of the Department
of State and the Atomic Energy Commission.
SIIlcerely,
d
CONSIDER ALTERNATIVES
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, an edi-
torial in the Philadelphia Inquirer about
the formulation of our Vietnam policy
makes good sense.
It recalls that "U.S. policy in Vietnam
has not been embarked upon blindly,
with no consideration of alternatives or
with no thought of what might happen
if that policy is abandoned."
The paper points out that the fram-
ers of any policy must examine the alter-
natives and their probable consequences,
and then take the calculated risk that
the policy they have determined upon
is the best that could be pursued.
I want to make this editorial available
to my colleagues and I therefore ask
unanimous consent that it be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the edito-
rial was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
[From the Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer,
May 8, 19661
To JUSTIFY POLICY-OR CRITICISM
"To justify a course of policy in its largest
dimension," wrote Richard N. Goodwin, for-
mer assistant to President Kennedy and
President Johnson, in a recent "New Yorker"
article, "is to predict what will happen if that
course is not taken; to prophesy the un-
knowable turns of history."
"All that any leader can do," he went on,
"is call upon wisdom, judgment and national
principle, a sense of history and a knowledge
of present reality, and act on the speculative
and intuitive guess that results."
This enormous limitation haunts the de-
cision-makers at every moment of history,
whether the course to be taken involves the
dropping of the atom bomb on Hiroshiraa,
Hitler's invasion of Russia, the missile o m-
frontation in Cuba, or U.S. military opf.ta-
tions in Southeast Asia.
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 Approved For ,r( k
s / /%9L: J 5I PD67B~~ JFK00400070007-4 ay 19 1966
As noted by Senator WILLIAMS in a
statement on the Senate floor on May 29,
1962, the Comptroller General made the
following points regarding the Hanna
nickel contracts:
1. Although. other contracts made by GSA
under the Defense Production Act of 1950
that we have reviewed limited in varying de-
grees the financial risks of the contractors,
the Hanna Mining and Smelting Company
contracts eliminated practically a',y risk of
financial loss to the Hanna companies.
Under the Hanna contracts the Government
guaranteed virtually all the contractor's capi-
tal investment and provided a market for all
the contractor's production at prices which
virtually preclude operating lossee. . . .
2. The smelting contract permits. Hanna to
acquire clear title to the smelting facilities
costing about $22 million by payin:, the gov-
ernment the estimated salvage value of the
facilities (about $1,700000) after the Gov-
ernment's advance has keen amor?ized.. . . .
3. The mining contract provides a basic
fixed price of $6 a ton for the sale of ore to
the Government subject only to escalation of
certain base costs and premiums or discounts
for variances in the nickel content f the ore.
'I'lie price was based on estimates :,ubniitted
by Hanna, prior to actual operations, which
indicated a rate of profit of about 90 percent
of costs before taxes. Since the contract
precludes GSA from examining the financial
results of the mining operation, GSA is not
in a position to ascertain the reasonableness
of the estimate upon which the fixed price
was established....
Peculiarly limited as Hanna's obliga-
tions were under the contracts. the per-
formance of those limited obligations
came under the scrutiny of the subcom-
mittee. The contract provided that costs
of production were to be borne by the
Government., while capital item,. were to
be paid for by Hanna.
As a result of the hearings held in
1962, on November 8, 1963, the Depart-
merit of Justice filed suit against the
Hanna companies in the U.S. district
court; in Portland, Oreg., seeking dam-
ages for breach of contract. I was im-
pressed then, as I am now, with the dili-
gence and thoroughness with which
Senator SYMINGTON pursued the facts in
this case. His chairmanship was a
model of impartiality and dedication to
the public interest for which he deserves
the thanks of this body and of the Amer-
ican people.
The Government alleged that he over-
charges arose because the Hanna Smelt-
ing Co.: First, charge(] to reimbursable
costs of production various iteris which
under the contract were actually expend-
itures for Capital items: second, ob-
tained an inflated price for approxi-
mately 19.5 million pounds of nickel to
be delivered after March 31, 1961, this
as the result of its erroneous statements
to the Government with respect to its
actual production costs: and third, failed
to properly account for certain other ex-
penditures and receipts, the latter re-
sulting in an overstatement of reim-
bursable costs.
In February 1964 the Hanota com-
panies admitted their liability arising out
of the smelting company's failure to
properly account for other expenditures
and receipts, and therefore paid to the
Government the sum of $54,325. plus ac-
crued interest of $9,290, or a total of
$63,525, as claimed by the Government.
After an extensive trial of the remain-
ing claims asserted by the Government,
the U.S. District Court for the District;
of Oregon found that Hanna had
breached the contract with :respect to
some 38 items. Accordingly judgment
on these items was entered in favor of
the Government in the amount of $2:31,--
506.
If the men who make the decisions could
react the future, their task would be simple.
Because they cannot, they are vulnerable to
misjudgment and miscalculation-as Hitler
was when he invaded Russia.
The framers of any policy must examine
the alternatives and their probable conse-
quences, and then take the calculated risk
that the policy they have determined upon
is the best that could be pursued. They may
be mistaken. They can hope that they are
not, and leave room for quick changes if
events contradict judgment.
U.S. policy in Vietnam has not been em-
barked upon blindly, with no consideration
of alternatives or with no thought to what
might happen if that policy is abandoned..
What if South Vietnam is thrown to the
Communist wolves? What if Red China is
given free rein to take over all Southeast
Asia? What if we retreat ignominiously and
leave people now free to Communist domi-
nation?
These possibilities loom large in our deci-
sion-making, and they should be given equal
weight by those critics of U.S. policy who,
untroubled by the responsibility of leader-
ship, find fault with our presence in Viet-
nan-c.
To justify their fault-finding, these critics,
in and out of the U.S. Senate, must also
"prophesy the unknowable." They also
have the burden of considering what may
happen if their assessment is wrong-es it
may well be. The men who make the deci-
dons have their responsibility, and it is an
awesome one; but those who criticize the de-
cisions, once made, cannot escape their share
of responsibility also. It is something to
think about.
E'EDERAL DISTRICT COURT JUDG-
MENT AGAINST THE HANNA COM-
PANIES
Mr. CANNON. Mr. President, on
April 27 last, in the U.S. District Court,
Portland, Oreg., Judge Gus J. Soloman
found that the Hanna Mining Co., and
the Hanna Nickel Smelting Co., had
breached their contracts with the Gov-
ernment, had overcharged the Govern-
merit $560,000 on top of the $63,000 which
Manna had previously paid to satisfy one
count of the complaint.
In exercising his discretion to allow in-
terest on the improper overcharges from
the date of overpayment. rather than the
date the breach was legally established,
the court observed:
This is a classic case of unjust enrichment.
This is in strange contrast to a state-
merit issued by Hanna when the court
handed down its initial opinion last Feb?-
ruary. At that time, the president of
Hanna, stated in part:
We are pleased with the report which vin-
dicates the company's position and removes
any question of the integrity of the com-
pany's performance and accounting.
This statement was both premature
and inaccurate. Contrary to this asser-
Lion, the opinion of the district court
demonstrates that the decision was not
a vindication of Hanna's conduct but it
repudiation of it.
Four years ago, a report made by the
General Accounting Office, plus a state-
ment inserted in the RECORD by Senator
.JOItN WILLIAMS, of Delaware, led the Sen-
ate Subcommittee on the National Stock-
pile and Naval Petroleum Reserves un-
der the chairmanship of Senator SYM-
rNCroN, to investigate this matter thor-
oughly.
The court observed that the 3:6 capital
items in question were expensed! "solely
to obtain reimbursement" from the Gov-
ernment for the expenditures that
Hanna companies otherwise would have
had to bear themselves.
In addition to the Government's re-
covery of $231,506 for the capital items
which the Government decided were un-
justifiably charged to costs of produc-
tion, the court reformed the contract:
as requested by the Department of Jus-
tice, so as to reduce the price the Gov-
ernment was obligated to pay for the
19.5 million pounds of nickel remaining
undelivered after March 31, 1961.
The court found that the parties had
agreed to a price which in turn was
based on a formula that was predicated
upon Hanna's 1959 and 1960 costs of
production.
Since the court found, however, that
the smelting company charged improp-
erly capital items to its reported cost: of
production, the contract was reformed
in order to reflect a price which was
based on actual costs of production; and
this reformation reduced the price by
1.24 cents per pound on the 19.5 million
pounds of nickel scheduled to be de-
livered after March 31, 1961, is a re-
sult entitling the Government to Obtain
an additional recovery of $241,798.
In its decision the court also granted
the Government interest at the rate of
6 percent per annum on the amounts
which the smelting company over-
charged the Government. This; return
amounted to $87,329.
These amounts, together with the
$63,525 already paid results in a total
recovery of $624,158 by the Government
from the Hanna Co.
The Department of Justice deserves
congratulations for obtaining this large
reimbursement to the Treasury its a re-
sult of the determination by the court
of the illegality of the Hanna Co. cost-
ing under their nickel agreements with
the Government.
It is to be hoped that the decision of
the court will have a salutary effect on
other contractors and businessmen com-
ing into public office to see that their
companies are not found to have been
unjustly enriched in their dealir;gs with
the Government.
I ask unanimous consent thi,.t there
be inserted in the RECORD a new; article
on the Federal court judgment against
the Hanna Co. that appeared in the
Portland Oregonian of April 29
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Oregonian, Apr. 29. 19661
JUDGE ORDERS HANNA To PAY IEiTISREST ON
U.S. OVERPAYMENTS
U.S. Dist. Judge Gus J. Solomon his issued
an order and judgment awarding the federal
government some $624,154 from Hanna
Nickel Smelting Co., of Riddle, Ore., and
Hanna Mining Co., of Cleveland, Ohio.
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 May 19, 1966 UProve le9"R1/0#/ 9o --RDDSP R000400070007-4 A2723
Hearings Held in Minneapolis on War in
Vietnam-II
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD M. FRASER
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, May 19, 1966
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, continu-
ing the presentation of the views ex-
pressed at the Minneapolis hearings on
Vietnam, I have the pleasure of present-
ing the testimony of Romeyn Taylor, as-
sociate professor of history at the Uni-
versity of Minnesota, and Rodney C.
Loehr, professor of history at the Uni-
versity of Minnesota.
These hearings were an attempt to look
beyond the day-to-day events of the
way and to analyze its implications for
the people of Vietnam and its lessons
for the United States. The testimony
illustrates the excellent insights of the
expert witnesses into the problems. The
wisdom presented here will be important
far into the future.
The testimony of Romeyn Taylor and
Rodney C. Loehr follows:
Romeyn Taylor: "This statement pre-
pared by me for Representative DONALD
FRASEn'S hearings in Minneapolis, December
7, 1965 represents my own views only and
not that of any organization."
U.S. Foreign policy in the Far East since
WW II appears to have been-focused, as In
other parts of the world on the containment
of Communism. The practical definition of
containment, however, cannot be the same
in different time and different areas. In
Europe, the policy of containment was gen-
erally successful. Here, military assistance,
the NATO system of collective security and
the programs of economic aid got good re-
sults. The states we supported in central
and western Europe were already com-
mitted to non-Communist traditions of gov-
ernment and representative institutions.
Moreover, they possessed, at least collec-
tively, the skills and natural resources nec-
essary to create and maintain military power
on a very large scale. Little more than an
infusion of U.S. capital and a certain amount
of enlightened cooperation among the na-
tions concerned were needed to create a firm
obstacle to Russian expansion westward. At
the same time, economic recovery prevented
the massive social disturbances without
which Communist revolution could hardly
have been attempted. The definition of the
problem of containment and the means used
to implement it in Europe, however, cannot
easily be transfered to Southeast Asia. This
is not mere speculation: we have tried it
and on the whole, it has worked poorly.
In Southeast Asia, several economically
weak and politically unstable states are ar-
ranged on or near the southern periphery
of China, a nation that outnumbers all the
Southeast Asian states together by about
four to one in population and is relatively
stable politically. The problem here was to
prevent these peripheral states from align-
ing themselves with China to our own stra-
tegic advantage, Two general approaches to
this problem have been, one: the neutraliza-
tion of the area under collective guarantee
by the leading states on both sides of the
cold war. This approach is represented by
the Geneva Conference of 1954 and was
strongly advocated at that time by India,
itself a neutralist state. While the United
States participated in this conference, it ap-
pears to have done so with some reluctance
and proceeded to implement the other ap-
proach, namely the application, or misappli-
cation, of the methods employed success-
fully in Europe. This was expressed in
SEATO, the South East Asia Treaty Organi-
zation, which was created in the same year.
SEATO was logically incompatible with the
Geneva approach since it implied a Western
alignment, Instead of neutrality, of the
Southeast Asian members.
It may be argued, therefore, that we have
made it impossible to give neutralization a
fair trial. Our course in this regard can
only be justified if it can be shown to have
been highly successful. For a number of
reasons it has, on the contrary, worked
poorly. The weakness of the Southeast
Asian members has resulted in their having
to permit the establishment of U.S. military
bases on their territory, in some cases close
to the Chinese frontier. This has furnished
China with a strong reason to apply pressure
by taking advantage of their extreme vulner-
ability to organized internal opposition from
the left. Other states, such as Cambodia
and Burma have avoided alignment with the
West for this reason and have remained out-
side of SEATO, thereby greatly weakening
the organization. Moreover, the advantages
of alignment with the U.S. seem uncertain at
best. Our enormous investment in defense
of the various Saigon regimes has not only
failed to nullify the effectiveness of the
militant left, but has escalated the internal
struggle to a degree that threatens the devas-
tation of the entire state. Far from encour-
aging other Southeast Asian states to as-
sociate themselevs with us in this manner, it
is more likely in the long run to persuade
them that this is the most dangerous of all
possible policies.
Another defect of the containment ap-
proach is that its economic phase necessarily
produces results very different than in Europe
and may sometimes work against our politi-
cal objectives. In Europe, we were under-
writing the restoration of developed indus-
trial societies. In Southeast Asia, we hope
to foster the Industrialization of predomi-
nantly non-Industrial societies. This de-
mands a profound change in their cultures
and their institutions. Such change in turn
results in sharp internal conflicts that may
take political or even military form. Since
internal order is necessary for economic de-
velopment, this creates a presumption In
favor of authoritarian governmental forms
as against the kind of open and representa-
tive forms that we would favor on ideological
grounds. Moreover, the authoritarian left
has a distinct advantage over the right.
While there have been some durable au-
thoritarian regimes of the right, these have
generally occurred in Europe, where there
was a relatively secure conservative middle-
class base, as in Spain or Portugal. Such a
social base is largely absent in Southeast
Asia, and where it exists, it is likely to be
partly Chinese, and therefore to this extent,
by attraction of the home country, inclined
to the left. Moreover, rightist distatorships
have not generally had a good record in eco-
nomic development. Nationalist China
might be cited on Taiwan as a small example
to the contrary, but here there are the pecu-
liar circumstances of rule by cohesive and
powerful refugee elite and investment of U.S.
capital on a scale which it might be impos-
sible to repeat for other states. The political
left, on the other hand, by involving great
numbers of the population in revolutionary
political or even military action, achieves
strong psychological identification with many
or most of the population. This it turn
makes the party or governmental organiza-
tion strong enough to carry out the costly
and difficult tasks of capitalizing industrial
and agricultural development. On this score,
the Asian Communist states of China, North
Korea and North Vietnam appear to have
done fairly well. The authoritarian left,
therefore, has real solutions for real prob-
lems. Whether the price paid in the form of
state control of much social and intellectual
activity is really worth the gains is hardly
a question we should presume to answer for
other peoples. In terms of their cultural tra-
ditions, which are very different from our
own, the cost may not be as high as it would
seem to us.
In the fact of these adverse factors, our
application of the containment principle to
the National Liberation movement in Viet-
nam and perhaps elsewhere amounts to the
exercise of a U.S. veto with military force
over certain real and not wholly unreasonable
political tendencies in some of the economi-
cally underdeveloped countries. One effect of
this is to place leadership of anti-western
nationalism in the hands of the left, and
under certain conditions, as in Vietnam, this
may help them greatly. In passing, it should
be noted that the arguments sometime ad-
vanced in support of our present policy that
the NLF's resort to violence creates a moral
obligation for outside powers to intervene
against it is absurd. If this principle were
generalized, all nations would be obliged to
keep the democratic practices of their neigh-
bors under critical review and intervene when
they found force being used improperly.
Moreover, it would be difficult in Vietnam to
say whether Ngo Dien Diem or Ho Chi-Minh
was the more responsible for the non-exist-
ence of political democracy in their country,
since both appear to have been opposed to
it from the start. To define the revolutionary
war in Vietnam as an instance of interna-
tional aggression is a transparent effort to
force it into the category of problems that
our policy of containment was intended to
cope with.
Our failure in Vietnam does not mean
that we should cease to support democratic
leaders against their authoritarianrivals on
the left and right, but it does mean, that we
must distinguish between those cases where
such support has a reasonable chance of
achieving its intended result and those cases
where our intervention is simply destruc-
tive. We must also recognize that we can-
not substitute for or create indigenous lead-
ership as we have tried to do in Laos and
Vietnam with uniformly disastrous results.
This necessary condition of democratic de-
velopment is one that must be provided by
the people In question. Where it is lacking,
we must try to live with the result and not
try inappropriately by military means to
force upon them governmental forms that
have no relation to their culture and experi-
ence. What are the implications of such a
change in policy toward SEAsia? In a gen-
eral sense, this points to a return to the
Geneva approach of protected neutrality for
those states that desire it and the acceptance
of leftist control where it is already an ac-
complished fact. It also calls for the gradual
replacement of the Western oriented system
of collective security in SEATO by joint
guarantees by the major Communist and
non-Communist powers. China's adherence
should become a major goal of our policy
and to secure it, we should show our readi-
ness to discuss all major issues now dividing
the two countries.
We must also face the fact that to hope
for neutralization of Vietnam at this very
late date may be unrealistic. Our war there
can probably be ended only if we make it
clear to the Saigon Military that we will not
win their war for them and they will either
have to win it themselves with limited as-
sistance or, which is more likely, make their
own arrangements with the NFL and Hanoi
in a reconvened Geneva Conference. If, as
is likely, this results in a leftist or even Com-
munist government in the south under
Hanoi's political control, we should then un-
dertake to encourage Vietnamese indepen-
dence of Peking as we have encouraged
Yugoslavia's Independence of Moscow. This
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112724 CONGRESSIONAL RECOR y
alternative, unpalatable though it may be,
is preferable to our present self-defeating
military involvement. Much of the pressure
on Laos, Cambodia and Thailand that has
been created by the war in Vietnam would
be removed and they could more easily move
towards neutralism from their present posi-
trons on file left and right.. The net effect
of such a policy would not be to surrender
any positions of real strength in Southeast
Asia but to acknowledge forthrightly certain
weaknesses of our position that can no longer
be concealed. Given the present state of
world opinion, this would enhance rather
titan diminish our prestige and give us a
chance to site our immense economic re-
:x,urces con:aructively in SEAsia. For the
Icnig :-un, pc?rha.ps the most important act-
vantage would be that we would have taken
the first hard step toward removing certain
u.rtneeessary grounds of Sino-U.S. hostility.
The outlook here is not altogether bad. The
Chinese have compensated for the reduction
ou their trade with the other Communist
countries since the Sino-Soviet split, by ex-
h_tuding their trade with the West. The
problem of Taiwan, which is very much a
thorn In China's side should be Inure possi-
ble of sohttion with every passing year. The
tame is ripe for a policy of mutual accommo-
dation and we should not refuse to take the
first steps.
,TA?rr'M1:sr 1'111 SENTED AT l1EARINGS OP 'SITE
l1c,NoftAHLE DONALD P'RASER BY PiROr.
lht'iwr:i C. Loamy, DECEMBER 7, 1965
Roy mime is Rodney C. Loehr. I am a pro-
cessor of history at the University of Nlirme-
ta.. During World War If, I was the His-
t tiical Giber for the United Slates Joint
c filets of Staff. From 1951-1953 1 was Spe-
;al Historian in the Office of the United
totes High Commissioner for Germany.
In re ptniac to your questions may I tire-
:
a nt the following viewpoints
Question No. I. What role might the
United Nations play in Vietnam?
Answer It is first necessary to t;et the
United Nations to agree to work in Vietnam.
Provided that the U.N. is willing to under-
k; kc Icspunsibilities in Vietnam, the U.N.
might plt.y the following roles:
(:1) The IJ.N. can act; as a, medium of coin-
rnuntcalion between us and our adversaries.
'Phis role can be taken immediately by the
I c'cretary.
(b) The U.N. can supervise or police any
a;,rcement reached between us and our ad-
er,;trie This role envisages a peace settle-
ieten; sometime in the future.
(c) The II.N. can act as a. channel or eeo-
iuimic aid which a future agreement might
?nmfse for the region of Southeast Asia,
such aa; tine proposed Mekong river develop-
nent. Ibis role is something for the far
alistrnel, future.
Question No. II. What more should the
United 'States do to assist the government of
Jiel,na.ni in the development of stable po-
information. Most of the information prob- Are there dissident elements in -.oath Viet-
ably is available now and can be secured from nam that can be accepted in a future peace
the Special Forces, CLA, MAG, AID, medical settlement by the U.S. and the South Viet-
people and missionaries. I suggest that an namese government? Can a middle ground
independent presidential commission, some- be discovered? There is where the proposed
what on. the order of ::he Taft Commission presidential commission can do great serv-
that functioned so successfully in the Philip- ice, since it may be able to suggest political
pine Islands around the turn of the century solutions that will end the cot ilict or at
at the time of the Philippine rebellion, be least ease the military burden of the war.
formed .o study the sit nation in South Viet- In the meantime we have a nuts ber of inili-
nam and to make recc,mmendattons for the terry options that we can use or trading
creation of a stable sit.aatiun tlur~e. Such a material to get the North Vietnamese out of
cotnmissiun would be able to tak' a long look South Vietnam. We can increase our ground
at the situation and this is soniething that forces, apply harsher economic sa,tctions, ex-
operating agencies cannot do, since they are tend the bombing, inflict a blockade or eseu
involvcu_ 11 daily crises Such a commission
would also have the prestige needed to have
its recommendations influence policy. If
.etch a con:unissio:ri cannot be created, then
let one of the national foundations finance
a nationai committee to do the same work.
in the meantime we can send professional
people i:o train administrators :;ud others in
the region. AID and, the Peace Corps can
play a larger role, anal economit- and tech-
uica1 aicf can be increased. However, we
should totito firm gus.rantees a out the use
to which the aid is pat, and we should in-
sta.ll some kind of ins.pcetion sy:Lem to make
sure that the aid does what it is supposed
to do, In connection:, with aid, it should be
'toted Litt we may need to send large sup-
;,lit" 2 it rice to South Vietnam in the near
iuLUre because of the Viet Conk blockade of
I hie cities, and that the .s rice must come from
our owa supplies or from pure :;ices.. In the
rid what we do in S,:-nth Vietnam will de-
pend upon the limits We place ,ipon what we
are willing to do,
Q tes,ions No. III Wliat call be done in
the way of eco_nom..,: and so'ial develop-
ment?
Aii,~:v,,r. First, we must identify the prob-
lems and try to detc"mine wl ere improve-
Intents arc needed! and where and how they
can be made. Whatever is d me must be
done in terms of Vietnamese culture and
;,needs ; nd not in terms of American culture.
For example, it would be sens=toss to build
a c:--called model village with a nine-hole
g if conr.ce and it shell sea ing 10,000 for the
ctiowing of "Hello f Dolly!" Instead, Vietnam
an be helped with fertilizer lid penicillin
fact.orics. improved varieties of rice, improved
and simple tools, hospitals and schools that
-~feol. with life in Vietnamese terms. What-
ever is 'tone, must fit a rice sub:.isteiice econ-
ornv. We should buy as much ^s possible of
ma.terittls used in the country itself because
this will infuse money and labor into the
eectturmv. A master plan shoo!Id be drawn
up, based on how much aid we wish to give,
that wi 11 deal with. the infrastru?.' Lure we hope
to create or rebuild. Probably only in elec-
tricity and communications an advanced
techniques be applied; the rest will have to
be mo=.tly in terms of grass-s i;ltched huts.
Soei:.l developments will be ,t by-product
of economic and educational (range, Edu-
cation is badly needed but sheild always be
in tennis of Vietnamese culture and needs.
Answer. uur objective appears to be to u tderlts sent to this country will be lost to
education should be in-country
V
t
Te
n tin,
a sec an independent government in South
/ 1ectnani that is capable fo governin:, in its ti linii:g. The experience of tlrc missionaries
awn ini.erei.s and not to have lust a puppet aiid Special Forces will be a u=1 ful guide for
;ncernnient. To achieve such an indepen_ t luc,i?noting projects
bill government favorable conditions must Question No. 7:V ]I"riot. should be an ac-
he created and this means ending the in- c"_ ptahie basis for set tlement or the conflict
version by North Vietnam. quelling the in- I Vie Liam?
urgency and establishing law and order. Ans;ver. We dcmanai that tl,e North Viet-
'hefcre we can help South Vietnam develop namese and their Chinese advisers get out
tangle political institutions, we must be able of South Vietnam. This may appear to them
I:tt identity the problems involved. The situ- to anmount? to uncond.: tional surrender. They
a.tio.a is inure complex than just a struggle demand that we get out of St'nth Vietnam,
between Communists and anti-Communists. and this certainly amounts to a humiliating
Various religious and ethnic groups are in- and unacceptable demand for our uncondi-
solved. Tlie government of South Vietnam tional surrender. Is there a middle ground?
today is city-oriented and a better balance Bearing in mind the harsh re,. lities of what
between city and country is needed. Before has happened, is something short of uncon-
;enything is done we need a wider base of ditional surrender acceptable ,u both sides?
offer invasion. From the military standpoint
if we are to bring the North Viel.namcse to
the conference table by military means. we
must be able and willing to raise the conflict.
to an unacceptable level of violence. We
have that capability. There should be no
doubt in anyone's mind about tic;;
What are the stakes? The slakes; ere
whether or not we wish to conta.ir the spread
of Iced China's influence and power in Souh-
east Asia. Pulling American ,troops out of
Vietnam will not end the kil]i ig in that
unhappy country but instead may well load
to the slaughter of those who lia''C befriend-
ed us. If we do not make a stand in Viet-
nam, we will. have to make a static sornewhere
else or else give up the whole area to the
Chinese on the mainland. The inomeiil, we
pull out of Vietnam we will be faced with
a similar crisis in Thailand. W, can in ike
a stand in Vietnam under relatively lie or-
able conditions that would not c:.hit fit other
parts of Southeast Asia.
Question No. V. What lesson: should be
drawn from a decade of Unites States in-
volvement in Vietnam?
Answer. First, the military le :airs: Ai t~ri-
can military units can fight 'iii kind of war
now raging in South Vietnam. Our miiit fry
system is geared to respond to guerrilla u u'-
fare and also to the increased p5 ('mill;; car-
fare which uses large organized units cud is
sometimes called by our advt r:aries wars
of national liberation."
Secondly, we have learned lh:at in. tirsenl,
and supporting forces from the outside have
increased in almost direct ral;a to the in-
crease in American aid. In otter word:; as
we have escalated, they have al 'o escaated.
But it should be borne in mind that we do
have the capability to escalate to level, Cl
violence that are unacceptal;ic to our
adversaries.
1961-1,000 Americans were in Vietnam a.
advisers. It was decided that there should
be a massive increase in aid. 1):?comber saw
the first helicopters and in adci Lion we be-
gan to provide air support, ccnvnumt :Lions
and an increase in the number of arlvic:orn.
In units where American aid u.:erv 1151d the
kill ratio was increased. But i . was still a
hit-and-run war.
1962-The number of American a.,:l v'isers
was increased to 20,000.
1963-Diem was killed l.nd '.lie war v.,ent
badly for a time because of po lineal instn-
bility-a good demonstration r the rela-
tions between politics and war Then Gen-
eral Ke was brought in and ,.ire stability
was achieved.
1964-PT boats attacked the It S. Na o and
in retaliation PT sites were bombed.
1965-February saw the begin nog of mas-
sive bombing of North Vietnam site anti
March saw the beginning of the big bullet-up
of American forces that; liar continued.
Probably, as a minimum a ho11 a million
of American ground forces will l c committed
to Vietnam, and it may take a , least t:iree
years before a favorable so:lu ion can be
reached. The draft will have to be increased
and it may be necessary to c.iii to active
duty units of the National Guard and Re-
serve forces.
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In this matter, the example of Canada is a
model for nations everywhere, As Prime
Minister Pearson pointed out eloquently in
New York just last week: Canada "is as
deeply involved in the world's affairs as any
country, of its size. We accept this because
we have learned over 50 years that isolation
from the policies that determine war does
not give us immunity from the bloody, sac-
rificial consequences of their failure. We
learned that in 1914 and again in 1939....
That is why we have been proud to send our
men to take part in every peace-keeping
operation of the United Nations-in Korea,
and Kashmir, and the Suez, and the Congo,
and Cyprus."
The organization of the American states
in the Dominican Republic, the more than
30 nations contributing troops or supplies
to assist the Government of South Vietnam,
indeed even the parallel efforts of the United
States and the Soviet Union in the Pakistan-
India conflict-these efforts, together with
those of the United Nations, are the first at-
tempts to substitute multinational for uni-
lateral policing of violence. They point to
the peace-keeping patterns of the future.
We must not merely applaud the Idea.
We must dedicate talent, resources, and hard
practical thinking to its implementation.
In Western Europe-an area whose bur-
geoning economic vitality stands as a monu-
ment to the wisdom of the Marshall Plan-
the problems of security are neither static
nor wholly new. Fundamental changes are
under way, though certain inescapable reali-
ties remain,
NUCLEAR BACKDROP NEEDED
The conventional forces of NATO, for ex-
ample, still require a nuclear backdrop far
beyond the capability of any Western Euro-
pean nation to supply, and the United States
is fully committed to provide that major nu-
clear deterrent.
However, the European members of the
alliance have a natural desire to participate
more actively in nuclear planning. A cen-
tral task of the alliance today is, therefore,
to work out the relationships and institu-
tions through which shared nuclear plan-
ning can be effective. We have made a prac-
tical and promising start in the special com-
mittee of NATO defense ministers.
Common planning and consultation are
essential aspects of any sensible substitute
to the unworkable and dangerous alterna-
tive of independent national nuclear forces
within the alliance.
And even beyond the alliance, we must
find the means to prevent the proliferation
of nuclear weapons. That is a clear impera-
tive.
There are, of course, risks in nonprolif-
eration arrangements; but they cannot be
compared with the indefinitely greater risks
that would arise out of the increase in na-
tional nuclear stockpiles.
In the calculus of risk, to proliferate in-
dependent national nuclear forces is not a
mere arithmetical addition of danger. We
would not be merely adding up risks. We
would be insanely multiplying them.
If we seriously intend to pass on a world
to our children that is not threatened by
nuclear holocaust, we must come to grips
with the problem of proliferation.
A reasonable nonproliferation agreement
is feasible. For the ye is no adversary with
whom we do not share a common interest
in avoiding mutual destruction triggered by
an irresponsible nth power.
That brings me to the third and last set
of relationships the United States must deal
with. Those with nations who might be
tempted to take up arms against us.
These relationships call for realism. But
realism is not a hardened, inflexible, uni-
maginative attitude. The realistic mind is a
restlessly creative mind-free of naive delu-
sions, but full of practical alternatives.
There are practical alternatives to our cur-
rent relationships with both the Soviet Union
and Communist China.
A vast ideological chasm separates us from
them-and to a degree, separates them from
one another.
There is nothing to be gained from our
seeking an ideological rapprochement; but
breaching the isolation of great nations like
Red China, even when that isolation is largely
of its own making, reduces the danger of po-
tentially catastrophic misunderstandings, and
increases the incentive on both sides to re-
solve disputes by reason rather than by force.
TRADE AND DIPLOMACY
There are many ways in which we can build
bridges toward nations who would cut them-
selves off from meaningful contact with us.
We can do so with properly balanced trade
relations, diplomatic contacts, and in some
cases even by exchanges of military observers.
We have to know where it is we want to
place this bridge; what sort of traffic we want
to travel over it; and on what mutual foun-
dations the whole structure can be designed.
There are no one-cliff bridges. If you are
going to span a chasm, you have to rest the
structure on both cliffs.
Now cliffs, generally speaking, are rather
hazardous places. Some people are afraid
even to look over the edge. But in a thermo-
nuclear world, we cannot afford any political
acrophobia.
President Johnson has put the matter
squarely. By building bridges to those who
make themselves our adversaries "we can
help gradually to create a community of in-
terest, a community of trust, and a com-
munity of effort."
With respect to a "community of effort" let
me suggest a concrete proposal for our own
present young generation in the United
States.
It is a committed and dedicated genera-
tion: It has proven that in its enormously
impressive performance in the Peace Corps
overseas; and in its willingness to volunteer
for a final assault on such poverty and lack
of opportunity that still remain in our own
country.
As matter stand, our present Selective
systems draws on only a minority of eligible
young men.
That is an inequity.
It seems to me that we could move toward
remedying that inequity by asking every
young person in the United States to give
two years of service to his country-whether
in one of the military services, in the Peace
Corps or in some other volunteer develop-
mental work at home or abroad.
We could encourage other countries to do
the same; and we could work out exchange
programs-much as the Peace Corps is al-
ready planning to do.
. While this is not an altogether new sug-
gestion, it has been criticized as inappropri-
ate while we are engaged In a shooting war.
But I believe precisely the opposite is
the case. It is more appropriate now than
ever. For it would underscore what our
whole purpose is in Vietnam-and indeed
anywhere in the world where coercion, or in-
justice, or lack of decent opportunity still
holds sway.
It would make meaningful the central con-
cept of security: A world of decency and de-
velopment-where every man can feel that
his personal horizon is rimmed with hope.
Mutual Interest-mutual trust-mutual
effort; those are the goals. Can we achieve
those goals with the Soviet Union, and with
Communist China? Can they achieve them
with one another?
The answer to these questions lies in the
answer to an even more fundamental ques-
tion.
Who is man?
Is he a rational animal?
If he is, then the goals can ultimately be
achieved.
If he is not, then there is little point in
making the effort.
All the evidence of history suggests that
man is indeed a rational animal-but with
a near infinite capacity for folly. His his-
tory seems largely a halting, but persistent,
effort to raise his reason above his animality.
He draws blueprints for utopia. But never
quite gets it built. In the end, he plugs away
obstinately with the only building material
really ever at hand: His own part-comic,
part-tragic, part-cussed, but part-glorious
nature.
I, for one, would not count a global free
society out.
Coercion, after all, merely captures man.
Freedom captivates him.
Thank you very much.
earings Held in Minneapolis on War in
Vietnam-III
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD M. FRASER
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, May 19, 1966
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, we were
very fortunate in the Vietnam hearings
in Minneapolis to have the views of Dr.
Charles McLaughlin, chairman of the
Department of Political Science at the
University of Minnesota.
Dr. McLaughlin is a well-known in-
ternational lawyer, author, and lecturer.
Dr. McLaughlin dealt mainly with the
legality of our participation in the af-
fairs of southeast Asia. I commend his
remarks to the careful attention of the
House :
STATEMENT OF CHARLES H. MCLAUGHLIN,
CHAIRMAN, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL
SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA, HEAR-
INGS ON VIETNAM CONDUCTED BY CONGRESS-
MAN DONALD M. FRASER, FIFTH DISTRICT,
MINNEAPOLIS, MINN., DECEMBER 7, 1965
I wish to make clear that any views I shall
express are personal conclusions which are
not authorized by and do not necessarily
reflect positions taken by any organization
or institution with which I may be con-
nected. Nor do I pretend to be expert upon
the complex and varied problems which con-
front Vietnam. If I am at all qualified to
speak on this occasion, it is only with respect
to some aspects of the legality of steps taken
by the United States in its efforts to aid
the Government of South Vietnam, and it is
upon these points that I wish to concen-
trate.
President Johnson and his principal ad-
ministrative officers have been criticized by
Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT, Chairman of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, and even
more sharply by Senators WAYNE MORSE and
ERNEST GRUENING. In introducing into the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD a "Memorandum of
Law" prepared by a "Lawyers Committee on
American Policy toward Vietnam," Senator
MORSE asserted on September 23, 1965 that
. we have totally flouted the rule of
law, and we have flouted the United Nations
Charter.... we have violated one tenet after
another of international law and one treaty
obligation after another, and the world knows
it, . violations of the Geneva Accords
of 1954, as well as article after article of the
United Nations Charter and even Article I,
section 8 of the Constitution of the United
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~;tatcs, a sad and shocking chronicle of our a state it recognizes so long as it does so in complex matter. However, it has made
repudiation of the rule of law in our foreign a manner consistent with the provisions of clear that it feels the Accords had already
policy practises." the Charter. been extensively violated by North Vietnam
As I share Senator MoasE's conviction I hope It will be understood that I am in the breaches of the Laos frontier and the
that progress toward the rule of law in inter. not arguing against involvement of the supplying of the Viet Cong via the Ho Chi
national affairs greatly depends upon the United Nations in Vietnam. If some basis Minh trail. There had also been a basic
willingness of major powers, including the can be found upon which the United Na- change of position in the creation and rec-
United States, to observe faithfully their tions can mount an effective security action ognition of a separate state in South Viet-
obligations under the Charter of the United there, I should be happy to see assumption nam, which could be taken to render the
Nations and under general international law, of collective responsibility for the restora- whole arrangement of the Accords obsolete.
and as I am so solicitous as he that our Gov- tfon of peace and order. Pretty clearly this I cannot say that these views are ursreascns-
ernment shall comply with the provisions of is not presently a case for a, peacekeeping able, although I do not assert that they are
the Constitution of the United States, I think force, for a substantial war is being fought free from doubt. I am myself troubled by
it important to examine the propositions there with great determination. What would what constitutes self-determination in such
upon which his charges rest. Presumably be required now is collective security by ap- it situation. Clearly the Buddhists did not
they can he found in the Memorandum of the plication of large-scale military ,.;anctions. feel that Diem's government represented
l,:iwyers Committee. That document details I cannot see that the political relationships them, and the peasants have not c ngratu-
a.lleged violations by the United States (1) of within the United Nations would permit this. lated themselves upon any of the successive
the UN Charter, (2) of the 1954 Geneva Ac- Perhaps the war will one day reach a point governments. It does not follow that either
cords and the SEATO Treaty, (:l) of the U.S. at which a United Nations presence and would be happier under the communists.
constitution, a peacekeeping force will suffice to main- We are evidently confronted with the kind
With respect to the Charter, reference is taro order. If so I should certainly favor of political vacuum in which self-determina-
made to the obligation of member states to such measures even if the United States tion requires time, education, and freedlom
refrain from the threat or use of force against found itself obliged to foot most of the bill, of information for the formation of opinion.
the territorial integrity or political rode- The Memorandum. of the Lawyers Coin- At least the policy of the United States may
dence of any state or in any other manner mittee argues in its second section that the contribute to this if it keeps a reasonably
1Q7rx actions of the Government of the United open society while restoring peace and eeo-
Un d Natiotons with Art the 2 (4) purposes of the States are inconsistent with the 1954 Geneva gnomic stability. We have not accomplished
this nited Na would mnsesn unilateral use dse ). of force Ordinarily out - Accords and the SEATO Treaty. The short this yet, but I take it to be our goal.
answer to the first charge is that neither the The argument with respect to the SEATO
silt seCective security procedures authorized Republic of Vietnam nos the United States Treaty seems pointless. That treat.,, has not.
Article Charter. 'i'he Memorandum notes that can have violated the Geneva Accords, for been formally invoked in view of the known
Article .51 provides an exception to this--the neither was a signatory of them, nor did opposition of the French Government. 01
an individual either ever approve the basic mode of set- course we can agree that. if it were invoked,
or conecti of the self-defense right
collective self-defense if an United armed attack ttack tlernent provided. This contemplated, uni- procedure would be subject to the require-
Lions, unnttiiuthe a Security of the e fication of North and South Vietnam on the ment in Article 53 of the UN Charter that
bons, iltrity Council has taken basis of elections to be held two years later. no enforcement action can be taken by
measures to maintain international peace As the North Vietnamese outnumber the regional agencies without the prior authori-
caid sec apply to It ettnam because that e the Sexception gSouth Vietnamese by about four millions nation of the Security Council. I have a.l-not over apply to Vie o the and are tightly regimented under comma- ready shown that there is no need for the
GUn Nation (b) is is not not a a member of the nist control, and as there are many commu- United States to rest upon any such author
t-
tempoited ury zone within Vietnam state but t only
by the a nfsts also in South Vietnam, such ales- ity. It proceeds not under SEATO and Artf-e leri v aAcco d (set) has itnot V been subjected tions would be merely a formal devise for cle 53 but under the right of defense under
to a attack by external fs not ected turning over the whole country to commu- general international law as qualified by
being dedefended by a regionion,al and (d collective ieive n de- ot fist control. Clearly then we have not Article 51.
en violated the treaty. The. United States fa- The final assertion of the Memorandum
tense system' vored the alternative policy of a reparation is that the United States is violating Article
"]'here, is ci difference of opinion among in- of South from North Vietnam on terms I, section 8 of the Constitution of the Unitoil
t.ornatiomcl lawyers whether for member which mi