L.B.J. MODERATION IN VIETNAM WAR

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 13
• Publication Date: March 14, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

5370
Approved F,!6% ff (6/ & P?iHi6R00040004#pdpeq 14, 1966
rule while only a negligible number of Poles
remained within the German borders (pp.
85 and 38).
The basis of Germany's title to the East
German provinces in accordance with pres-
ent-day international "law is lawfully
spelled out (pp. 45-50) and the legal posi-
tion of Berlin is likewise explained (pp.
98-100). The great principles of U.S. for-
eign policy applying to this crucial question
are cited and forcefully expounded. No re-
sponsible statesman will disregard those
principles and go unchallenged (pp. 50-60).
The early testimony of our sixth President,
John Quincy Adams, and a statement in the
1920's of the hero of Polish liberation, Josef
Pilsudskt, attesting to the German char-
acter of Silesia and East Prussia respec-
tively, is quoted (pp. 32-33 and 104-105).
Mr. Reece also calls to our attention the
fantastic demands after World War II of
Polish (Soviet inspired) chauvinists claiming
all of Germany, east of the Elbe and bridge-
heads west of that river around Hamburg,
Magdeburg, and Dresden (pp. 87-38).
Mr. Reece points to an interesting lesson
of history: Only a peace treaty which re-
stores the "status quo ante" and refrains
from stealing the land of a defeated nation
can have a more nearly lasting effect. In
this connection he mentions the Westphalian
Treaty of 1648 and the Treaty of Vienna and
Paris in 1815, the latter ending the Napole-
onic wars of conquest in Europe by not tak-
ing one square foot of pre-Napoleonic
France (pp. 102-104). He then quotes from
the prophetic warnings of the South African
Statesman Jan Smuts and the American
Scholar-Diplomat Archibald Coolidge against
the consequences of injustices about to be
imposed upon the defeated Germans in the
treaties ending World War I (pp. 34, 36-37,
and 75-76).
Mr. Reece suggests a realistic solution of
the Eastern problem along the line in which
the same problem has been satisfactorily
solved on Germany's western boundaries and
also perhaps with the Jewish nation of
Israel (pp. 67-48 and 109-110). Finally he
pleads that we make the rule of law the
kernel of U.S. foreign policy and, thus, un-
fold a banner around which many nations
and all men of good will can unite, and which
A Goon WORD FOR L.B.J.
(By Roscoe Drummond)
I would like to say a good word about
President Johnson's management of the Viet-
nam war. Obviously there is a great risk
of timidly doing too little to arrest the ag-
gression and a great danger of recklessly
doing so much that Red China enters the
fighting.
With these two opposite perils in mind, I
cannot escape the feeling that many more
Americans will come to see that the President
is bringing wisdom, caution and determina-
tion to bear on the conduct of the war.
Surely the touchstone of wisdom in our
role in Vietnam is to do whatever is needed
to secure South Vietnam from conquest and
to use our masisve military power in such a
prudent and measured manner that Peiping
is given no legitimate reason to enter the war.
Such a course will not get the easy plaudits
of those who want to win quickly at any
cost by bombing North Vietnam to bits; will
not get the praise of those Who want to quit
at any cost by pulling out; and will not get
a high Gallup rating from those who suggest
we haven't the resources to defend South
Vietnam and that, anyway, a little aggres-
sion in southeast Asia is no concern to the
United States.
As these conflicting views find their level
in public opinion, I believe that the Nation,
on reflection, will feel even more reassured
that Gen. Curtis Lemay is not deciding the
bombing over North Vietnam, that Senator
WAYNE MORSE is not managing the defense
of South Vietnam and that Senator FUL-
BRIGHT is not deciding where aggression con-
cerns the United States and where it doesn't.
During the period when he was deter-
mining how the mounting attacks directed
from Hanoi should be met, President John-
son-as reported by Charles Roberts in his
book, "L.B.J.'s Inner Circle"-remarked to
his Intimates: "I'm not going north with
Curtis Lemay, and I'm not going south with
WAYNE MORSE."
Fortunately, the President is not easily
pressured either by events or by extremist
advice.
He did not act hastily, but deliberately;
not recklessly, but with great care; not tim-
-he committed the United States to do
idl
y
by its very moral strength will make Ameri-
can leadership in the world a reality (pp. whatever is necessary to defend South Viet-
111-112). nam successfully, but no more.
Our policymakers will be well advised to These ingredients of mind have marked the
weigh these words of one of the most highly President's course in Vietnam: deliberate-
respected legislators of our time, the true ness, prudence, and determination.
American patriot, Carroll Reece. / They have produced a clear and properly
L.B.J. MODERATION IN
VIETNAM WAR
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, yes-
terday, Roscoe Drummond, the na-
tionally syndicated columnist, paid a
richly earned tribute to the moderation
and restraint of the Johnson administra-
tion in waging the terribly trying and
difficult war in Vietnam.
Mr. Drummond concludes, in referring
to President Johnson:
And to make it least likely that Red China
will enter the war, he is not using U.S. air
power to bomb cities in the north; not send-
ing U.S. ground troops to occupy North Viet-
nam; not seeking the downfall of the Hanoi
regime; not asking for the unconditional
surrender of Hanoi. He is asking only for
an unconditional end to aggression against
its neighbor.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article written by Roscoe
Drummond be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
limited objective: to keep South Vietnam
from being taken over by force.
And to make it least likely that Red China
will enter the war; he is not using U.S. air
power to bomb cities in the North; not send-
ing U.S. ground troops to occupy North Viet-
nam; not seeking the downfall of the Hanoi
regime; not asking for the unconditional sur-
render of Hanoi. He is asking only for an
unconditional end to aggression against its
neighbor.
SECRETARY OF STATE RUSK WIN-
NING RICHLY DESERVED POPU-
LAR SUPPORT
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, few
public officials Occupy a post as subject
to criticism as the Secretary of State.
One has only to recall the,ordeal of Dean
Acheson, or the drumfire of criticism di-
rected at John Foster Dulles, as exam-
ples of the abuse visited upon a Secretary
of State.
Dean Rusk is no exception. He has
now occupied his great office longer than
any man in this century except for Cor-
dell Hull and John Foster Dulles. He
has occupied it in the middle of a trying
period in American foreign relations,
throughout one of the most distant, dif-
ficult to understand,. and frustrating
wars in our history.
He has become the No. 1 security of-
ficer of our Government-a position no
other Secretary of State has so clearly
occupied. He has crisply and cleanly
defined our cause in South Vietnam.
He finally appears to be emerging as a
Secretary of State who can do something
rarely achieved in our history; namely,
he is winning popular support. If this
is so, Mr. President, Dean Rusk richly
deserves it.
I ask unanimous consent that a recent
article written by Carl Rowan discussing
this new public appreciation of Mr. Rusk
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
RUSK EMERGES AS A PERSONALITY
(By Carl T. Rowan)
Adversity has done for Secretary of State
Dean Rusk what 5 years of prodding by his
advisers failed to do.
The ordeal of congressional and press criti-
cisms on the Vietnam issue has drawn Rusk
out to the point where he is developing a
public image. He seems suddenly to be ac-
quiring the reputation of a man who has
strong and laudable convictions.
His recent testimony before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee has pulled in
what State Department officials say is the
largest volume of mail ever received on a
single event-with the exception of the an-
nouncement of the fatal illness of John
Foster Dulles.
I examined hundreds of the letters, which
are running 10 to 1 in Rusk's favor, and they
clearly indicate that Rusk emerged from the
hearing as a personality with whom the pub-
lic could identify.
Previously he has been regarded as so lack-
luster, so unassertive, that even after 5 years
in office most Americans did not identify
him with any aspect of foreign policy.
But the recent mail praises his "great
knowledge, deep understanding-and tre-
mendous patience." It calls him "a wonder-
ful partner to our boys in Vietnam." It
says Rusk was "forceful and made sense." A
housewife in Winnetka, Ill., stated the essence
of hundreds of the letters about his testi-
mony by writing on a postcard: "Never in all
my life have I been so proud to be an
American."
One of Rusk's aids asked proudly: "Would
you ever have believed the public would
write letters like these to Dean Rusk? The
Secretary has finally won the people's confi-
dence."
It is risky to try to read too much into the
flow of mail from the public. One of Rusk's
main antagonists in those hearings, Senator
J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, says his mail has been
overwhelmingly favorable, too.
Yet, the mail to Rusk must have meaning
because it is so unprecedented. And this
will surely enhance his position with Presi-
dent Johnson, who only recently reiterated
the view that "Rusk sits first in the Cabinet
and he is first with me."
Because the President has a strong aver-
sion to criticism, some observers speculate
that he has embraced Rusk all the harder
because of attacks on the Secretary and pre-
dictions that he will be replaced.
If there is anything that the President re-
acts more strongly to than criticism, it is
praise; so these public tributes are likely to
put Rusk in the strongest position he has
been in since 1961.
In fact, last Friday's Presidential decree
giving Rusk unprecedented authority over all
U.S. Government activities in the foreign
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 March 1.,bp~-oved For Re~RESSfIONA~ C~~~7BOSENATE 400040013-0
enrolled bill (H.R. 12889) to authorize
appropriations during the fiscal year
1966 for procurement of aircraft, mis-
siles, naval vessels, tracked combat ve-
hicles, research, development, test, eval-
uation, and military construction for the
Armed Forces, and for other purposes,
and it was signed by the Vice President.
ADDRESSES,. EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE AP-
PENDIX
On request, and by unanimous con-
sent, addresses, editorials, articles, etc.,
were ordered to be printed in the Ap-
pendix, as follows:
By Mr. YARBOROUGH:
Editorial entitled "J. S. Bracewell, A Great
Houstonian," published in the Houston
Chronicle of December 3, 1965, and a memo-
rial article on page 136 of the Texas Bar
Journal of February 1966, in tribute to J.
Searcy Bracewell, Sr.
By Mr. COOPER:
Resolution in memory of Kenneth G.
Whitaker adopted by Kentucky Motor Trans-
port Association, Inc.
ASSESSING THE COST OF MEAT
INSPECTION
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, the
proposal to assess the cost of meat in-
spection to the packing plants to whom
this service is rendered has developed a
number of editorial comments, particu-
larly in the Midwest and the Western
press. There was published in the Feb-
ruary 14 issue of the Chicago Sun Times
an editorial on this subject, and still
another editorial in the Chicago Tribune
on February 14.
I ask unanimous consent to have both
these editorials printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the REc-
ORD, as follows:
[From the Chicago (Ill.) Sun Times,
Feb. 14, 1966]
PAYING FOR MEAT INSPECTION
Since 1906, all meat moving in interstate
commerce must pass Federal inspection.
The Government employs about 3,400 in-
spectors who examine all meat processed in
some 1,740 establishments in 720 cities. This
inspection is intended to protect the health
of the general public and to guarantee the
quality of American meat anywhere in the
world.
The meat inspectors work for the Govern-
ment and are paid by it the same as other
Federal employees who police drugs, foods,
railroads, radio and TV, the stock market,
and other industries. One year, 1947, swayed
by economy arguments, Congress passed the
cost of Federal inspection along to the meat-
packing industry. But after 1 year of ex-
perience, Congress reverted to the traditional
practice of paying representatives of the
public out of the Public Treasury.
Last month, at the request of the admin-
istration, Senator ALLEN J. ELLENDER, Demo-
crat, of Louisiana, introduced S. 2820 which
would revert to the short-lived 1947 practice.
The administration argues that this would
save the Government $40 million a year.
Some industries, such as the seafood indus-
try, do pay for Federal inspection but it is
voluntary; it is requested by them. Meat
inspection is compulsory.
All taxpayers favor Government economy.
But economy should not be practiced at the
sacrifice of principle. Compulsory meat in-
spection can be justified only if it is in the
interest of the general public, not just the
meat-buying public. It then falls in the
category of a public health measure. When
the first meat inspection bill was passed in
1906, public against private financing of its
provisions was argued. It is as true now
as it was true then, as one Congressman of
that time argued, "No government has the
right to legislate in the interests of the
people and then require some special interest
to bear the burden. of executing its legisla-
tion.
The 1906 Congress turned down the sug-
gestion that those inspected pay the costs of
inspection because such an arrangement
would "discredit the inspector and cast sus-
picion upon it." It is a felony for a meat-
packer to pay an inspector directly or indi-
rectly to influence him. The administration
suggests that the packer can pay indirectly
and the operation remain above suspicion.
The meat inspection department has a fine
record for honesty and efficiency. For $40
million a year it is worth the cost to keep it
that way.
[From the Chicago (Ill.) Tribune,
Feb. 14, 1966]
ANOTHER MEAT Ax?
If President Johnson has his way, the
cost of paying the Federal inspector who
puts his stamp of approval on the steak
the housewife puts on her broiler will be
borne by the meatpackers and processors
and not the Federal Government.
- Except for 1947, the appropriation for Fed-
eral meat inspection has been an item of
the Federal budget; since inspection began
in 1906. In his budget message, Mr. Johnson
proposed to shift this cost to the meat in-
dustry. A bill embodying the change is now
before the Senate agricultural committee and
the meat industry is in full cry to kill it on
the ground that requiring the meat indus-
try to pay for being inspected is not in the
public interest.
This is the position taken jointly by the
American Meat Institute, the National In-
dependent Meat Packers Association, the
Western States Meat Packers Association, the
American Farm Bureau Federation, and vir-
tually every other major meat, live stock, and
farm group. Even the National Farmers
Union, which generally flies the house flag
of Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman,
has lined up against the bill.
At first blush, it might appear that the
administration had found a reasonable
budget item to out. If inspection of meat
redounded only to the benefit of the meat
industry it might well be expected that in-
dustry should pick up the tab:%
But Federal meat inspection did not come
into being at the request of the meatpackers.
Inspection started as an essential public
health service, to protect the public. It has
been so regarded in every debate in Con-
gress since the first inspection bill was ap-
proved in 1906, even while the cost of the
service mounted. For the 1967 budget the
cost is estimated at $42 million.
"It is wrong in principle and contrary to
the public interest when a regulatory agency
of the Government is paid for by the indus-
try it regulates," said a statement by leaders
of the meat industry.
If Federal inspection of meat is essential
to public health, as Congress has repeatedly
maintained, then the cost of this service
would seem to be a legitimate charge of Gov-
ernment. Asking the meat industry to pay
for its own inspection makes as much sense
ea taxing the railroads to support the Inter-
state Commerce Commission which regulates
them.
5369
B. CARROLL REECE ON SETTLING
INTERNATIONAL DIFFERENCES
BETWEEN EAST AND WEST
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, for 25
years or more, B. Carroll Reece, of Ten-
nessee, served in the House of Represent-
atives, and I regarded him as a longtime
personal friend. He also served as chair-
man of the Republican National Com-
mittee and filled that position with honor
and distinction.
In the course of his public service, he
became vastly interested In a basis for
the settlement of international differ-
ences between the East and the West and
made this the object of a series of
speeches and statements which were de-
livered in the years from 1956 to 1960.
These have been collected and edited
by his widow, Louise G. Reece, who suc-
ceeded her distinguished husband in the
Congress. The book deals with an area
which is the very center of the partition
of Germany and Europe and the con-
frontation scene of Soviet and free world
power.
To this series of speeches and state-
ments Mrs. Reece has given the title
"Peace Through Law," and it is pub-
lished by Longhouse, Inc. In connection
with these remarks, I want to include a
somewhat more expanded statement
which was prepared by the editor of the
Steuben News in New York at the request
of the National Council of the Steuben
Society of America of which Mr. Ward
Lange is the national chairman. I I ask
unanimous consent, therefore, to have
these additional remarks printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the remarks
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
As to its content, Mr. Reece begins with a
statement on East Prussia, enlarges the
theme by statements on other areas of Ger-
many now under Red Polish and Soviet
Russian administration, remarks about the
legally different position of the Sudeten
land, and finally envisages a general settle-
ment to include the border countries from
Finland to the Black sea, west of the Soviet
Russian legal boundary; that is, before
Stalin-much like Hitler-went on a rampage
of lawless expansion by aggression and sub-
version.
The compilation in a single volume of the
speeches and statements is a particularly
happy thought for which Mrs. Reece is to
be commended, and its publication at this
hour is most timely. The title of the book
indicates its tenor. A lasting peace will
never be found by trifling with truth, jug-
gling with facts, and sweeping ugly problems
under the rug. It cannot be built on the
quicksand of expediency. It must have the
firm basis of international law and justice.
The five chapters reveal a wealth of infor-
mation, little known and frequently over-
looked facts. Each East German province
is individually treated as Mr. Reece presents
the case for their return into German ad-
ministration: Pomerania h" been part of
Germany for 800 years; the boundaries of
Silesia and East Prussia with Poland have
stood unchanged for 600 and, respectively,
500 years (pp. 27, 29-30). Defeated in World
War I, Germany was forced to cede to Poland
the province of Posen, most of West Prussia,
part of Upper Silesia, and one county of East
Prussia; 1.5 million Germans domiciled in
the ceded area were turned over to alien
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 low 1
5372
Approved ForMfts
(gNM19 ii&W$P67~P&4l4W0004000400ia ch 14, 1966
hospital care in the country is now about
$42 per person, pre day. We can only
hope to hold back these rising costs by
modernizing obsolete facilities and mak-
ing them more efficient to operate. We
must also step up our research to find
better and more efficient ways to provide
health care.
Mr. President, I hope that Congress
will act quickly on this program to mod-
ernize our hospitals. We have waited
too long already. The need grows more
acute each day.
AUTOMATION AND ECONOMIC
PROGRESS
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, some
days ago Congress received the report of
the National Commission on Technology,
Automation, and Economic Progress.
When we consider the monumental man-
date which Congress laid before the Com-
mission when it began its work only a
year ago, I am doubly impressed by their
efforts. The findings and recommenda-
tions of the Commission deserve serious
congressional exploration and considera-
tion.
Its most important finding, the full
meaning of which has been brought home
during the past year, is that the high
levels of unemployment which we ex-
perienced from the mid-fifties to the
early sixties were the result of inade-
quate rates of economic growth. Thus,
while automation and other technologi-
cal changes may eliminate jobs, this Na-
tion possesses the needed monetary and
fiscal tools. to maintain a rate of growth
sufficient to encourage high levels of em-
ployment with reasonably stable prices
in spite of increases in productivity and
the labor force.
Spurred first by the 1964 tax cut, and
then by the increase in Federal defense
spending necessitated by our enlarged
commitment in Vietnam, we have re-
duced unemployment to its current low
level of 4.1 percent. Although this may
be startling to some-especially to those
who only a short time ago were predict-
ing that automation and technological
change would make much of the work
force obsolete-it is not startling to those
of us who over the years have stressed
the importance of increased Federal
spending in generating rapid economic
growth and full employment. It is un-
fortunate that so much of the stimulus
has had to come from increased military
spending, but it is instructive to note the
effect of such spending.
The report also,ainds that while the
Nation as a whole possesses the tools
necessary to solve its problems, many in-
dividuals lack the needed skills, training,
education, or mobility to get and keep
jobs in the face of labor displacements
necessitated by technological changes.
The Commission recommends many im-
portant programs to help these individ-
uals to enter and reenter the labor force
to upgrade their skills through education
and training.
The Commission also recommends a
program of public service employment
which would provide many hard-core
unemployed with rewarding work oppor-
tunities, while at the same time provid-
Ing society with some of the human re-
sources needed to meet our unmet indi-
vidual and community needs. This pro-
posal deserves strong and immediate con-
sideration by Congress both in the light
of the emerging labor shortages in some
areas and occupations, and in light of the
continuing high unemployment, among
teenagers and Negroes.
The Commission's proposals for 14
years of free education, for improvement
of the employment service, and for bet-
ter matching our technological capabili-
ties and human needs also deserve se-
rious consideration.
The Subcommittee on Employment
and Manpower of the Committee on
Labor and Public Welfare will be hold-
ing hearings shortly on this report.
I should like to offer my thanks to the
members of the Commission on Technol-
ogy, Automation, and Economic Progress
for their dedicated and successful ef-
forts to acquaint our Nation with what
needs to be done. to make technological
advancement a national asset instead of
a national liability.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD an editorial pub-
lished in the New York Times recently.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FACTS ON AUTOMATION
The report of the National Commission on
Technology, Automation, and Economic
Progress turns out to be an encouraging blue-
print for national greatness rather than an
essay on gloomy foreboding.
The Commission finds no evidence that
technological change in the coming decade
will be more rapid than the growth of de-
mand for new goods and services, both pub-
lic and private, will be able to offset. Com-
puters and automated factories will not lead
to mass unemployment and social disruption,
provided social imagination does not lag in
dealing with the tribulations of change.
Up to now, weedy myths have flowered
faster than facts in this field. The report
represents the first exhaustive joint study of
all the implications of automation by busi-
nessmen, labor leaders and academic special-
ists. Out of their research has come agree-
ment on the scope and nature of the prob-
lem and, in most respects, on what should
be done about it. Three union leaders on
the panel did enter a dissenting footnote to
complain that the report lacked a "tone of
urgency." But this criticism does not de-
tract from their agreement with their busi-
ness and public colleagues on the essential
issues.
The Commission recognizes that unem-
ployment is simply a waste. It recommends
that the Federal Government becomes em-
ployer of last resort for the hardcore job-
less, putting them to work in parks, hospitals,
and other places where useful work now goes
undone for lack of funds. Along with a re-
lated proposal to provide a floor under fam-
ily income, this proposal will require detailed
evaluation to guard against chronic wel-
farism.
Many of the Commission's other recom-
mendations can be acted upon promptly.
Among those with obvious merit are the fed-
eralization of the Federal-State Employment
Service to increase its effectiveness, a pro-
gram tailored to the needs of Negroes whose
skills and education have been crippled by
past discrimination, establishment of a na-
tional model building code and extension of
free education through the first 2 years of
college.
The report is essentially an avowel of faith
in the Nation's flexibility and imagination.
Automation can mean hardships for particu-
lar workers and dislocations in specific in-
dustries, but it holds the potentiality for in-
creased abundance, more leisure and im-
proved public services if Americans have the
wisdom to act and plan together. The re-
port is a welcome addition to the Nation's
common fun of wisdom on the complexities
ROBED KENNEDY'S CONSTRUC-
TIVE ROLE IN THE DEBATE, ON
VIETNAM
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the jun-
ior Senator from New York, ROBERT KEN-
NEDY, has played a highly constructive
role in the debate on Vietnam. In par-
ticular, Senator KENNEDY'S thoughful
statement of February 19, 1966, empha-
sizing the need for realism in defining
our objectives in Vietnam, merits the
close study of all persons, in private life
as well as in the Government, who are
concerned about the problem of achiev-
ing an honorable peace in southeast Asia.
I ask unanimous consent that this
statement be printed in the RECORD, to-
gether with a series of editorials and arti-
cles commenting upon it.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
STATEMENT BY SENATOR ROBERT F. KENNEDY
ONVIETNAM, FEBRUARY 19, 1966
This week has been another chapter in a
great tradition. For the Senate Chamber
still echoes to the distant ringing of the
great issues of our past. War and westward
growth, civil strife and the rights of man
have been argued on its floor; and from
those debates have emerged the shaping
events and judgments of American history.
The greater the issue, the larger the stakes,
the more passionately debate has raged, in
the Senate and across the land. Abraham
Lincoln was reviled for opposing the war of
1848. The citizens of his own State called
Daniel Webster traitor for proposing a com-
promise to avoid civil war. Those who saw
the storm, and tried desperately to prepare
the Nation for World War II, were cursed
as warmongers, enemies of mankind, sub-
verters of democracy-and worse.
Yet despite the condemnations and the vio-
lent recriminations, there have always been
within the Senate enough men of courage
and conviction to triumph in the end over
those who would stifle free discussion and
action. There are hazards in debating Amer-
ican policy in the face of a stern and dan-
gerous enemy. But that hazard is the es-
sence of our democracy. Democracy is no
easy form of government. Few nations have
been able to sustain it. For it requires that
we take the chances of freedom; that the
liberating play of reason be brought to bear
on events filled with passion; that dissent be
allowed to make its appeal for acceptance;
that men chance error in their search for
the truth.
"The best test of truth is the power of
thought to get itself accepted in the com-
petition of the marketplace," said Justice
Holmes. "That at any rate is the theory of
our Constitution. It is an experiment, as all
life is an experiment. Every year, if not
every day, we have to wager our salvation
upon some prophecy based on imperfect
knowledge. While that experiment is part
of our system, I think that we should be
eternally vigilant against attempts to check
the expression of opinions that we loathe
and believe to be fraught with depth."
Our Constitution imposes on the Senate
the most heavy and grave independent re-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0 ir,
March 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 53'71
policy field was a bigger vote of confidence
than anything the President has said.
The President is known to hold some of
the same misgivings about the State Depart-
ment as an institution that caused the late
President Kennedy to throw his hands up in
disgust.
The President apparently believes that
Rusk can'effectively alter a situation where
Commerce, Treasury, Agriculture, Labor, the
Pentagon, the Central Intelligence Agency,
and the U.S. Information Agency each exer-
cises a degree of initiative and autonomy in
foreign policy matters.
Some have acted more independently than
others. Thus the fighting in Vietnam could
be labeled "McNamara's war," after the De-
fense Secretary. Thus the view can be widely
held abroad that the CIA is overthrowing
governments without State Department
knowledge and is generally pursuing its own
foreign policy.
However, the initiative of some depart-
ments and agencies was laudable in the sense
that they could act speedily without the in-
terminable delays so often imposed by State's
bureaucracy.
The new system promises a speedy and
systematic hearing for other agencies, with
the Under Secretary of State empowered to
make and execute immediate decisions. The
other agencies would have the right to ap-
peal to "higher authority," which really
means the President.
If Rusk's stature in Johnson's eyes is as
high as it now seems to be, there will be
few successful appeals.
And If Rusk is now as boldly assertive as
some letterwriters think, the Secretary of
State will really be running American for-
eign policy. That, to his credit or discredit,
is just, how it ought to be.
NATIONAL DAIRY COUNCIL OPPOSES
CUTS IN SCHOOL MILK, LUNCH
PROGRAMS
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, since
I began my fight to save the special milk
program for schoolchildren from virtual
extinction, I have received literally hun-
dreds of letters of support for my efforts.
Many of these letters have provided me
with a demonstration of Just how disas-
trous an 80-percent cut in the school' milk
program would be. Whenever possible, I
have quoted schoolteachers, parents, and
administrators to show the devastating
impact which the proposed slash could
have.
Just last week, the National Dairy
Council indicated Its opposition to the
proposed cutback. Although I am sure
that this comes as no great surprise to
my colleagues, I think that the resolution
passed by the National Dairy Council
deserves careful consideration. The Na-
tional Dairy Council was one of the prime
movers behind. the school lunch and spe-
cial milk programs. In its role of spon-
soring nutrition research and education
programs in cooperation with recognized
health leaders, It has made a great con-
tribution to the work being done in this
area.
In its resolution the National Dairy
Council commends the Government, for
proposing to extend the health benefits of
the school lunch and special milk pro-
grams to all needy children. However,
it then goes on to say that the nutrition-
ally needy are found at all economic
levels. In other words, that it Is impos-
N'o. 44-4
sible to determine the need for "nature's
perfect food" on the basis of a parent's
income alone.
I would like to read into the RECORD
one paragraph of the resolution which,
in my estimation, beautifully states the
case for a continuation and expansion
of the school milk program on nutritional
grounds.
America's children, regardless of economic
status, are the hope for the Nation's future.
We must strive to make the children of today
healthy and strong, bettor prepared to build
a stronger nation tomorrow. This cannot be
done through false economies. It can be done
through Resistance to improve their nutri-
tional health and well--being by extending the
educational values of school lunch and spe-
cial milk programs to reach all of the Nation's
children.
Mr. President, too little notice has been
taken of the fact that, the administra-
tion's Child Nutrition Act will lower
rather then raise the nutritional stand-
ards of our Nation's schoolchildren. The
National Dairy Council's resolution
makes this point abundantly clear, and
I ask unanimous consent to have it
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
STATEMENT BY NATIONAL DAIRY COUNCIL ON
PROPOSED BUDGET APPROPRIATION FOR 1966-67
SCHOOL LUNCH AND ESPECIAL MILK PROGRAMS
National Dairy Council commends the pro-
posals, in the proposed 1966-67 Federal Gov-
ernment budget, to extend the proven health
benefits of the school lunch and special milk
programs to all needy children. We recom-
mend, however, that determination of need
be arrived at in terms of nutrition and
health, rather than In terms of economics
alone. The nutritionally needy are found at
all economic levels.
America's children, regardless of economic
status, are the hope for the Nation's future.
We must strive to make the children of today
healthy and strong, better prepared to build
a stronger nation tomorrow. This cannot be
done through false economies. It can be
done through assistance to improve their
nutritional health and well-being by extend-
ing the educational values of school lunch
and special milk programs to reach all of the
Nation's children.
National Dairy Council strongly opposes
certain contemplated reductions of $14.5 mil-
lion in the school lunch program, and as
much as $82 million in the special milk pro-
gram. The proposed reductions represent a
retreat from the well-established concept of
the programs as a means to further sound
nutrition education for all children.
The proposed budget reductions are incon-
sistent with the goal established by the 1946
School Lunch Act which, in its declaration
of policy, describes school lunch *"as a meas-
ure of national security to safeguard the
health and well-being of the Nation's chil-
dren." The same philosophy has been ap-
plied in the special milk program. In a
statement in connection with this program,
the U.S. Department of Agriculture said, in
1965: "Whenever or wherever it's (milk)
served? the goal is the same-to put abundant
supplies of U.S. dairy products to good use
boosting the nutritional quality of our chil-
dren's diets."
When viewed in proper perspective with
the proposed total national budget, the pro-
posed budget for the war on poverty or the
proposed budget for foreign aid, the contem-
plated dollar savings are incalculably small.
Offsetting them would be the irretrievable
loss to the nutritional health and well-being
of the great majority of the Nation's chil-
dren, at a critical time when the Nation
needs to give all possible assistance to help
them develop into healthy and strong men
and women.
MODERNIZING OUR OLDER
HOSPITALS
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the Presi-
dent's message on domestic health and
education certainly indicates that he in-
tends no slackening in our efforts to im-
prove the health of every American. I
am particularly pleased that the admin-
istration has endorsed a major drive to
promote the modernization of our older
hospitals through a program of Federal
grants and loans.
I introduced such proposed legislation
as far back as the 87th Congress. The
need is critical. There are an estimated
260,000 hospital beds in this country that
are obsolete. Hospital capacity equiva-
lent to 13,000 beds becomes obsolete each
and every year we wait.
The need is especially pressing in our
urban areas. In these areas we have hos-
pital facilities that are much the same
as they were 50 or 60 years ago. These
are our teaching and research hospitals.
Thus, their deterioration affects not only
the medical care of the patients they
serve, but the medical care of the entire
Nation as well.
My own State of Pennsylvania is a
good example the magnitude of urban
hospital obsolescence. The State gov-
ernment has estimated that In 1966, hos-
pital capacity equivalent to more than
25,000 beds is in need of modernization.
Of this amount nearly 21,000 beds are in
the State's 12 major urban areas.
Over the past 19 years, the Bill-Bur-
ton program has been very successful in
meeting a large part of the need for
hospital facilities where we. had none,
particularly in rural areas and small
towns. Because It has been so success-
ful we now can turn our efforts to re-
building and renewing the health care
facilities and we already have.
The heart of the proposed moderniza-
tion program is a financing mechanism
that is new to hospital construction-the
amortization grant. Under this system,
the Federal Government will pay up to
40 percent of the principal and interest
on loans secured by hospital from pri-
vate lenders. This will be a tremendous
lever and will stimulate construction
many times greater than the Federal
contribution. The Surgeon General can
also make the loans where none are
available from private sources.
Another important part of the pro-
gram is an expansion of Federal research
on health care. This will make available
to our hospitals the most up to date in-
formation on good hospital design and
organization.
We certainly cannot afford to wait any
longer in initiating this important hos-
pital modernization program. Hospital
costs have been increasing at a rate of
from 5 to 7 percent a year for the past
20 years. The average cost of general
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Marc'n 14,---* 19 66
Approe15fd"A2L0( ~ q&?b %VRR 777i00446R000400040013-0 5373
sponsibilities. We ourselves owe to the
people of 50 States the burden of independ-
ent thought and action. Our whole. system
of government rests on a complex structure
of independence and cooperation among the
branches; a structure which requires that we
make our own judgments about events, giv-
ing due weight to the reason and responsi-
bility of others.
Shall we then debate with force and pas-
sion the issues of labor relations and hous-
ing and trade-while the great issues of
peace and war are allowed to pass in silence?
Shall we discuss the standard of living of
our constituents-while policies which affect
their very existence go undiscussed? To do
so would be the gravest departure from our
duties as representatives of the people of the
American States. ,
Full and informing debate rests upon mod-
eration and mutual indulgence. Men must
seek acceptance of their views through rea-
son, and not through intimidation; through
argument, and not through accusation. We
are all patriots here. We are all defenders
of freedom. We are all Americans. To at-
tack the motives of those who express con-
cern about our present course-to challenge
their very right to speak freely-is to strike
at the foundations of the democratic process
which our fellow citizens, even today, are dy-
ing in order to protect.
I suggest that the Senate, and this entire
Nation, might well adopt for its own guid-
anep the personal creed of Thomas Jefferson.
He said:
"I tolerate with the utmost latitude the
right of others to differ from me in opinion
without imputing to them criminality. I
know too well the weakness and un-
certainty of human reason to wonder at its
different result. Both of our political parties
agree conscientiously in the same object-
the public good; but they differ essentially
in what they deem the means of promoting
that good-which is right, time and experi-
ence will prove-with whatever opinion the
body of the Nation concurs, that must pre-
vail. My anxieties on this subject will never
tarry beyond the use of fair and honorable
means of truth and reason; nor have they
ever lessened my esteem for moral worth, nor
alienated my affections from a single friend,
who did not first withdraw himself."
The discussions which have been taking
place in recent days are. therefore worth-
while and important. But we-must do all
we can to make certain that the exchange
of views accomplishes the most for our coun-
try-moving our policy toward the goal we
all want to achieve. All of us are concerned,
as the American people are concerned, about
the progress of the struggle in Vietnam.
There are several aspects to this con-
cern.
We are concerned at the casualties, the
death and suffering, of our young men in
South Vietnam.
We are concerned over the effect of some
of our military action on the people of
South Vietnam-whether more cannot be
done to lessen the death and destruction of
the innocent that comes with war. For a
military victory at the cost of a completely
destroyed South Vietnam would be a de-
feat for our larger purposes.
We are concerned whether the people of
South Vietnam are being offered something
positive to live and fight for-something
beyond negative anticommunism. The
President's recent initiatives are to be ap-
plauded and welcomed; but it is now in-
cumbent on the Government of South Viet-
nam to make good at last on promises which
the people of that unhappy country have
heard for many years.
We are concerned over our relationship
with Communist China-not just concern to
avoid a deadly war, but also concern lest the
Vietnam struggle make any reasonable ac-
commodation with China Impossible in the
future. The events of the coming decade
will determine whether our relations with
mainland China will change for the better
or for the worse. But they will change and
we can influence that change; and the di-
rection of change must receive the earnest
attention of the Senate.
And we are concerned about the effect of
the war on our domestic efforts to conquer
ignorance and disease and unemployment-
the problems of the cities-problems which,
warned the McCone Commission, could split
our society irretrievably. And this concern
is heightened by the way in which the war
perpetuates discrimination-for the poor and
the less fortunate serve in Vietnam out of all
proportion to their numbers in the United
States as a whole.
But the central question before us now-
the area of greatest present concern for the
Senate, and what we must discuss at all
levels of government-is our political strat-
egy in the war in Vietnam; not simply how
to move, but in what direction we wish to
move.
At the outset, it must be realized that
negotiations are not an ultimate goal. Ne-
gotiations or discussions are only a means
by which ultimate goals may be reached.
Our arrival at the bargaining table will not
make the struggle disappear. Even if we
arrive at the bargaining table, the real ques-
tion is what goals we will seek there. With-
out clear goals in mind, negotiations are
pointless. And without clear goals and
realistic objectives, it is doubtful whether
the bargaining table will ever be reached.
What, then, are our goals in Vietnam?
The Secretary of State and others have
stated objectives in general terms. They are
the independence of South Vietnam-or, at
least, its independent right to determine its
own future, They are to halt the aggression
from the north and to prove to China that
a policy of subversion in other lands will
not work. These are worthy objectives. All
are important. The question remains, how-
ever, under what realistic terms and condi-
tions they can be advanced in Vietnam.
There are three routes before us: military
victory, a peaceful settlement, or withdrawal.
The last is impossible for this country.
For the United States to withdraw now, as
I said last May, would be a repudiation of
commitments undertaken and confirmed by
three administrations. It would flatly be-
tray, those in Vietnam whom we have en-
couraged by our support to resist the forces
of Hanoi and the Vietcong. Unilateral with-
drawal would injury, perhaps irreparably,
the principle of collective security, and un-
dermine the independence of small nations
everywhere in the world. And it would offer
no hope for a reasonable accomodation with
China in the future. There are reasonable
and responsible steps which we can take to
raise the possibility of improved relations
with China in the future. But unilateral
withdrawal would only reward aggression and
could offer China no inducement to reach
accomodation in a peaceful world.
I now turn to the open avenues-military
victory or a peaceful settlement.
Military victory requires that we crush
both our adversary's strength and his will
to continue the battle; that the forces from
the north be compelled to withdraw beyond
the border; that much of Vietnam be de-
stroyed and its people killed; that we con-
tinue to occupy South Vietnam as long as
our presence is required to insure that hos-
tilities, including insurgency, will not be re-
sumed. And this will be a very long time
indeed.
I cannot say with certainty that such an
outcome is beyond our reach. We do know,
however, that it would mean rapidly in-
creasing commitments of American forces.
It would mean a growing risk of widening
war-with North Vietnam, with China, even
with the Soviet Union. It would lead, in-
deed already has led thoughtless people to
advocate the use of nuclear weapons. And
it would involve all these things-commit-
ment, risk, and spreading destruction-in
pursuit of a goal which is at best uncertain,
and at worst unattainable.
Despite all these dangers, we may yet
come to this course. The intransigence of
our adversaries may leave us no alternative.
There should be no misunderstanding or
miscalculation of this point in either Hanoi
or Peiping. The American people possess
the bravery and the will to follow such a
course if others force it upon us. I also be-
lieve, however, that given the opportunity
by our adversaries, we possess the wisdom
and skill to avoid such a grim necessity.
And President Johnson has made clear,
on behalf of the United States, in every
forum of the world, that this country seeks
the other road: the road to negotiated
settlement.
In this pursuit we have asked for uncon-
ditional discussions. This means simply
that we will neither demand nor yield spe-
cific formal commitments before bargaining
begins. In fact, both sides must come to
any discussion with at least one basic con-
dition; one irreducible demand; one point
they will not yield. For the United States
it must be that we will not turn South Viet-
nam over to the North. For North Vietnam
it must be that they will not accept a settle-
ment which leaves in the south a hostile
government, dedicated to the final physical
destruction of all Communist elements, re-
fusing any economic cooperation with the
North, dependent upon the continued pres-
ence of American military power.
These conditions, these minimum terms,
can be breached only at sword's point; only
by driving the adversary's forces from the
field. For either side to yield its minimum
conditions would be in fact to accept to de-
feat. If we intend to deny these minimum
conditions to our adversaries, then we must
defeat them completely. If this is what we
intend, we should understand it clearly-
and undertake it with resolution.
But if negotiation is our aim, as we have
so clearly said it is, we must seek a middle
ground. A negotiated settlement means that
each side must concede matters that are
important in order to preserve positions that
are essential.
It may be that negotiation is not possible
in this war because our political aims are
irreconcilable; because one side, or both
sides, are not willing to accept anything less
than the fruits of victory. If that is so,
then we must reluctantly let slip the hope
of reasoned discussion and proceed to the
uncertain, uncharted course of war.
I believe there is a middle way, that an
end to the fighting and a peaceful settle-
ment can be achieved. It must be said,
before all else, that the middle way-the way
of negotiation-involves risks. An adversary
who lives may perhaps fight another day.
And a government which is not continuously
sheltered by American military power may
be again attacked or subverted or
overthrown.
These risks, I believe, we are courageous
enough to undertake. They are risks, in
fact, which we do take everyday in a hundred
countries in every corner of every continent.
There are dozens of countries which might
be the target of Communist aggression or
subversion. If we were unwilling to take
any risk that they might be subverted or
conquered_ by the Communists, we might
simply have occupied all of them. But
clearly, we would rather live with such risks
than attempt to occupy these nations. We
take these risks because we believe men and
nations will not willingly choose to submit
to other men from other lands.
If we are wrong in this basic faith, then
Vietnam will be but a flicker in the con-
flagration which is to come. But in Indo-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
5374 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 1r`, 1966
nesla, in Algeria, and in the Central African
Republic the Chinese have suffered enormous
defeats-not because we are stronger or more
skilled than they-not because we defeated
them. They were defeated because the peo-
ple of these lands preferred to run their
affairs In their own way-and our faith was
justified. This basic faith may not be borne
out on every occasion in every land. But in
the past when the question has been clearly
presented, men have chosen independence
and freedom,
With this basic faith in the aspirations of
man, what are the elements of a settlement
in Vietnam?
Whatever the exact status of the National
Liberation Front-puppet or' partly inde-
pendent-any negotiated settlement must
accept the fact that there are discontented
elements in South Vietnam, Communist and
non-Communist, who desire to change the
existing political and economic system of the
country. There are three things you can
do with such groups: kill or repress them,
turn the country over to them, or admit
them to a share of power and responsibility.
The first two are now possible only through
force of arms.
The last-to admit them to a share of
power and responsibility-is at the heart of
the hope for a negotiated settlement. It is
not the easy way or the sure way; nor can
the manner or the degree of participation
now be described with any precision. It
may come about through a single confer-
ence or many meetings, or by a slow, un-
dramatic process of gradual accommodation.
It will require enormous skill and political
wisdom to find the point at which participa-
tion does not bring domination or Internal
conquest. It will take statesmanship will-
ing to exploit the very real differences of
ambition and intention and interest between
Hanoi and Peiping and the Soviet Union.
It may mean a compromise government fully
acceptable to neither side. It certainly
means that we must take considerable risks
in the expectation that social and economic
success will weaken the appeal of commu-
nism-and that sharing the burden and the
satisfaction of helping to guide a nation will
attract hostile elements toward a solution
which will preserve both the independence of
their country and their new-found share
of power. And we must be willing to face
the uncertainties of election, and the possi-
bility of an eventual vote on reunification.
We must be prepared to think about what
kind of relationship such a reunified country
would have to the United States, to Com
muilist China, to the Soviet Union.
If we are willing to accept these uncertain-
ties and run the risks-and if our adver-
sarles are willing to submit their cause to
the same arbitration, the same peaceful
choice-then a settlement may be possible;
and the other hazards, the hazards of widen-
ing conflict and devastation, may be ended.
Of course, such a road toward solution
must be protected from sudden and violent
upheaval. There must be international
guarantees to back up agreement, good faith,
and mutual self-interest. Foreign forces
must be withdrawn, by balanced and veri-
fied stages. And we must Insist that the
political process go forward under the rigor-
ous supervision of a trusted international
body.
I would stress that such a settlement would
not end our burden or our vigilance in Viet-
nam. President Johnson has made clear
that we are ready to help with economic aid
for North Vietnam. Further, If South Viet-
nam is to remain free to determine its own
destiny and to live in harmony with the
north, then we must help repair the ravages
of 20 years of war. Our reconstruction ef-
fort may be nearly as costly, and more de-
minding of care and intelligence, than is our
present military effort. And we must con-
tinue to stand guard against any violation
of the agreement, which must make clear
that the United States would not permit the
country or the Government to be seized by an
outside power.
There will be many other difficulties and
problems. I do not pretend to be able to
forecast all the details of a final settlement,
or the process by which it may be reached.
That is the task of statesmanship, in full
command of all the channels of communi-
cation. But we must have our terms set
firmly in our own minds. And we must re-
veal enough of our intentions to Hanoi to
eliminate any reasonable fear that we ask
them to talk Only to demand their surrender.
And they must be given to understand
as well that their present public demands
are in fact a bid for us to surrender a vital
national interest-but that, as a far larger
and more powerful nation learned in Octo-
ber of 1962, surrender of a vital interest of
the United States is an objective which can-
not be achieved.
I am aware that the United States can-
not proclaim in advance the precise terms
of an acceptable political settlement. We
cannot show all our cards before we get to
the bargaining table. Nor can we make all
our concessions before receiving concessions
from the other side. To so commit our-
selves would be to show a weakness which
could not serve the cause of justice or the
cause of peace.
But we ourselves must look at our own
cards. And we must show enough of them
to persuade our adversaries that a settle-
ment is in their interests as well as our own.
The Senate could serve no higher func-
tion than to discuss-for the benefit of our
own people, for our adversaries, and for the
people of the world-a framework within
which a settlement would be aceeptable.
That is why discussion and debate in the
Senate are now so important. We stand at
the doorway of great decisions and fateful ac-
tion. To decide in. ignorance is to risk dis-
aster. But if we now can clearly define our
ends in South Vietnam, if we can at least
begin discussing what our future relations
with mainland China are to be; if we can
adapt our means to those ends, and, most
important, if we can use only that force-
and no more-that is needed to accomplish
these objectives, then there is hope that
they may be achieved without prohibitive
cost to ourselves, to the people of Vietnam,
or to the peace of the world.
And if this debate can reach such a defi-
nition, we will know at least that we have
followed the path of reason and realism as
far as it now can lead.
And we will have worked to meet our re-
sponsibilities to our posterity-to walk the
final mile toward peace, not so much for
ourselves, as for those who will come after.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Feb. 22,
19661
ROBERT KENNEDY'S POINT
(By Walter Lippmann)
The key question in the Senate hearings
has been whether the administration, which
says that it wants a negotiated settlement
has in fact committed itself to a policy which
requires the unconditional surrender of the
enemy. This is the question which is at
the root of the profound concern of the
Senators. It is also, most certainly, the
question which is worrying the country. The
question was not answered definitively in
the hearings. General Taylor and Secretary
Rusk kept insisting that the administration
was fighting a limited war, that its objec-
tives and its targets were limited, and that
it is earnestly seeking to engage Hanoi in
discussions and negotiations.
It has remainded for Senator ROBERT
KENNEDY to raise the decisive question about
a negotiated settlement, which is whether
the administration is prepared to negotiate
with its adversaries in the field. We have
learned promptly from the immediate reac-
tions of Messrs. Bundy, ball and HUMPHREY
that the administration is not prepared to
negotiate with its adversaries in the field. It
does want to negotiate with Hanoi but not
with the Vietcong unless the Vietcong is
acknowledged to be nothing more more than
the instrument of the Hanoi government.
This position is in fact a demand for the
unconditional surrender of the Vietcong.
which constitutes at least three-quarters of
the military forces arrayed against us in the
field, and it is a demand for the uncondi-
tional recognition of General Ky's govern-
ment as the only political power in South
Vietnam.
No one is entitled to claim that he is in
favor of a negotiated settlement of the war
unless he is prepared to negotiate with all
his important adversaries who are engaged
in fighting. Senator KENNEDY has gone to
the heart of the matter`in fixing public at-
tention on the simple truth that if the ad-
ministration wants to negotiate, it will have
to negotiate with the enemy who is in fact
arrayed against us.
This does not mean, it seems to me, that
the United States itself should negotiate
with the Vietcong for the purpose of forming
a coalition government in South Vietnam.
A negotiated settlement of the war in South
Vietnam will have to be negotiated by the
South Vietnamese, and our policy should be
to refrain from vetoing it. We shall have to
cease putting our whole influence and sup-
port behind General Ky, who refuses to nego-
tiate. The makings of a South Vietnamese
negotiated settlement have long been present
just under the surface in South Vietnam.
The outcome would probably be some kind
of coalition government formed for the pur-
pose of organizing a general election. Such
a government would, of course, be vulnerable
to the machinations of the hard-line Com-
munists in Hanoi and Peiping. Difficult and
unattractive as this may be, it would be a
great deal better than an unlimited war to
achieve unconditional surrender. Moreover,
there would still be open to us what in my
own view is the only live option we have
ever had in southeast Asia. It is to help
provide the material means by which a united
Vietnam-probably under the rule of Ho
Chi Minh, who is the one national leader of
that country-could be neutral and mili-
tarily Independent as regards China.
The partisans of our present course will do
well to study carefully Mr. Hanson Baldwin's
article in Monday's New York Times. It
deals with the present condition of our
combat forces. Mr. Baldwin is not only the
leading military correspondent in contem-
porary journalism, but has always been, and
probably still is, a hawk in the Vietnamese
debate. He tells us that "the Nation's armed
services have almost exhausted their trained
and ready military units, with all available
forces spread dangerously thin in Vietnam
and elsewhere. The commitment of more
than 200,000 men to Vietnam, supported by
strong air and naval forces, and the main-
tenance of two divisions in Korea, more than
five in Europeand of smaller units elsewhere,
including the Dominican Republic, have re-
duced the forces in the United States to a
training establishment."
This report poses for the President the
enormously difficult question of how much
longer he can overrule the Joint Chiefs of
Staff on a limited mobilization of Reserve
forces. It also poses the question of wheth-
er Secretary Rusk realizes what he is saying
when he tells us we have some 40 unilateral
military commitments and that we must be
prepared to fulfill them all. How can the
American people have confidence in an ad-'
ministration which expands its commitments
to the extent that Secretary Rusk expands
them in the face of the condition of the
military forces?
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Marc 1.x,_'1966
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP6 B00446R000400040013-0
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 5375
parallel to what Senator KENNEDY proposes
for South Vietnam. If the Johnson admin-
istration can support the device in the Carib-
bean, there should be no reason in principle
for rejecting it in southeast Asia-if the ad-
ministration really wants a negotiable peace.
Basically the problem is to find workable
methods by which, after years of civil war,
the Vietnamese people can make their own
decisions on their political future. This
would be the proper business of peace nego-
tiations; not all the decisions can or should
be made in advance, or by the United States
alone. Yet we cannot fairly expect negotia-
tions even to open if we rule out, in advance,
any Vietcong participation In South Viet-
nam's political future. By taking his stand
on this clear reality, Senator KENNEDY has
proved himself an effective advocate of peace.
Mr. Baldwin's article raises the question,
too, whether Secretary Rusk realizes what
he is saying when he keeps telling us that
the credibility of all our alliances all over
the world is at stake in South Vietnam. Can
he really believe that our value as an ally
in'Europe rises when we have to draw more
and more trained men ouh of our Armed
Forces in. Europe and replace them with un-
trained men? Mr. Rusk has entangled him-
self in the error of failing to realize that it
is not what the United States is willing to
do but what in fact it is willing and able
to do which determines the credibility of
any one of its alliances.
[From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch,
Feb. 2, 1966]
ROBERT KENNEDY'S STAND
Considering how often the President chal-
lenges his critics to offer ideas for peace in
Vietnam, it is regrettable that his advisers
moved so quickly to shoot down the ideas
suggested by Senator ROBERT KENNEDY. We
hope that Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor's more
receptive attitude, contrasting with that of
Messrs. HUMPHREY, Ball, and McGeorge
Bundy, heralds some sober second thought in
administration ranks.
In proposing that the United States halt
the troop buildup and prepare to accept
Vietcong participation in a provisional gov-
ernment for South Vietnam, Senator KEN-
NEDY was adopting a position already taken
by Senator FuLBRICHT, and other thoughtful
critics of administration policy. That he did
so has highly interesting political implica-
tions, but the important thing is that these
proposals go to the heart of the administra-
tion's professed eagerness for a negotiated
settlement.
Unless we are ready to consider a tem-
porary compromise government that would
represent all elements in South Vietnam, we
are really saying that we are only willing to
negotiate a surrender by the Vietcong. Nego-
tiations are obviously not going to get
started on that basis, any more than they
can get started on the basis of a Hanoi de-
mand that the Vietcong be recognized as the
sole representative of the South Vietnamese
people. The administration is right to reject
this demand, but its own position in the
quest for peace is weakened by insisting in
effect that the Saigon generals be recognized
as the sole representative of the people.
Admittedly a coalition government would
present difficulties, as Senator KENNEDY rec-
ognizes, and would be far from an ideal so-
lution. But it is hard to imagine a practical
alternative. To say simply that we are will-
ing to let South Vietnam decide its own
fIture in a free election at some unspecified
date ignores the crucial problem of how a
divided country would be governed during
the period between a cease-fire and the elec-
tion. Conceivably some solution might be
worked out without setting up any central
political authority, but on the basis of ex-
perience this seems unlikely. In such cir-
cumstances, to exclude the very possibility
of a coalition government amounts to erect-
ing a major barrier, or condition, to
negotiations.
When President Kennedy wanted negotia-
tions on Laos he obtained them by agreeing
to accept a coalition government. True, the
Laos settlement has not worked well. But
that is not because it provided for a coalition
government. The reason for its failure was
that geographically Laos could not be sep-
arated from the struggle for Vietnam and it
was unrealistic to expect peace In Laos
alongside an expanding war next door.
President Johnson also has used the coali-
tion device in his efforts to solve problems
arising from an unwise military intervention
in the Dominican Republic. The Garcia-
Godoy provisional government, which is try-
ing under grave handicaps to run the coun-
try until elections can be held, offers a close
[From the New York Times, Feb. 22, 1966]
COALITION IN VIETNAM
The essence of Senator ROBERT F. KEN-
NEDY'S proposal for bringing about a Viet-
nam settlement-which, if negotiated rather
than imposed by force, inevitably must in-
clude some Vietcong participation in the
provisional Saigon government-is, this:
"We cannot show. all our cards before we
get to the bargaining table. But we must
have our terms set firmly in our own minds.
And we must reveal enough of our inten-
tions to Hanoi to eliminate any reasonable
fear that we ask them to talk now only to
demand their surrender."
The insurrection in South Vietnam rep-
resents a political force that escalation
shows no signs of destroying by military
means. To face up to this fact of life, as
the Times has pointed out for many weeks,
requires acceptance of Vietcong participa-
tion both in negotiations and in the future
political life of South Vietnam. The ulti-
mate Vietcong role, Washington and Hanoi
agree, will be determined by elections under
international supervision. But there must
be agreement first on the provisional Saigon
government that will preside over the coun-
try from the time of cease-fire until free elec-
tions are held. In the absence of leaders
capable of forming a neutral administration,
such a government in Saigon will have to
include all the main factions: the South
Vietnamese Army, the Vietcong, the Bud-
dhists, the Catholics, the Cao Dal and other
elements. It is self-deception to talk of a
negotiated settlement without, at least Im-
plicitly, accepting this as one of the results.
The real question-and the primary one,
to which Senator KENNEDY courageously ad-
dressed himself-is whether to concede this
point in principle now to obtain a peace con-
ference, as President Kennedy did to obtain
a Laotian Conference and settlement. Secre-
tary General Thant, the French Government,
and others in contact with Hanoi believe
such a concession is essential to enable
pro-negotiation forces in the Communist
world-within Hanoi and the Vietcong, as
well as in Moscow and Eastern Europe-to
carry the day.,
Communist participation in a coalition
government in Saigon would involve many
risks. Senator KENNEDY made no attempt to
gloss the dangers. But there, Is no basis for
the widespread assumption that a coalition
government inevitably means a Communist
takeover. Neither the Laotian experience nor
those of postwar France and Italy justify
that conclusion. The outcome was different
in Eastern Europe. But, interestingly
enough, one of the chief victims there-.
former Premier Ferenc Nagy of Hungary-
now has joined those who believe that, if
the most detailed safeguards are provided, a
coalition government could be "a temporary
solution for Vietnam."
The decision President Johnson faces is
not an easy one. He already has made many'
concessions with little response from Hanoi.
He is prepared-as White House security ad-
viser McGeorge Bundy has said-to abide by
the results of free elections. The adminis-
tration is also prepared to accept a coalition
government after elections, as one of its
highest officials recently told the House For-
eign Affairs Committee in executive session.
But in the American political context it is
one thing to accept the results of elections-
or even to yield on a provisional government
after prolonged negotiations and mounting
casualties bring general acceptance of this
outcome. It is another thing to make this
concession, even in principle, in advance.
Public discussion of this unattractive,
risky, yet inescapable decision is vital to help
the President act, as sooner or later he must.
In that sense, Senator KENNEDY'S proposal-
which many other Senators and Congress-
men support-is less a criticism of the Presi-
dent's policies than an invaluable contribu-
tion to the decisionmaking process.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Star,
Feb. 25,19661
THE RECORD ON KENNEDY'S PROPOSAL
(By Clayton Fritchey)
Despite all the hair splitting of the last
few days, the administration is fundamen-
tally opposed to the proposal by Senator
ROBERT F. KENNEDY, Democrat, of New York,
of a negotiated peace in Vietnam based on a
coalition government, including Communists.
It is now suggested that the administration's
objections center more on timing than on
principle. But that is not what the record
shows:
To Vice President HUBERT H. HUMPHREY,
permitting a coalition government would be
the same as putting "a fox in a chicken coop
or an arsonist in a fire department."
To Under Secretary of State George W. Ball
it would be not only unacceptable, but "bur
experience with coalition governments hasn't
been very good, you know; in which the Com-
munists have played a significant role."
To McGeorge Bundy, the President's prin-
cipal White House adviser on foreign affairs,
the KENNEDY proposal was neither useful nor
helpful. He also said that President Kennedy
was opposed to coalition governments. That
is not an accurate reflection of the late Presi-
dent's actual policy. John F. Kennedy did
not think coalitions were ideal, but in a dour
world of limited choices he preferred such
compromises to war.
The most puzzling aspect of the violent
reaction to Senator KENNEDY'S proposal is
that his administration critics were all in
favor of coalition when President Kennedy
sought peace in Laos on just that basis.
Back in 1961, when the situation in Laos
was even more critical than in Vietnam next
door, a compromise solution (based on bring-
ing the Communists into the Laos govern-
ment) was developed at a series of National
Security Council meetings.
Among the participants were President
Johnson, then Vice President, Secretary of
State Dean Rusk, Ball, and Bundy, then spe-
cial assistant to Kennedy. HUMPHREY, then
the assistant majority leader to the Senate,
was kept advised, of course.
All of them went along with the President's
efforts (irrespective of elections) to establish
a popular front in Laos. If any of them were
opposed to it, or felt it would play into the
hands of the Communists, they kept it to
themselves.
Why did President Kennedy and his prin-
cipal advisers favor coalition as a solution
to Laos? The answer may help leaders un-
derstand why Senator KENNEDY now wants
to extend this formula to Vietnam.
At the time President Kennedy came to
power, the Communist forces in Laos were
close to complete military victory. There
were some, like Richard Nixon, who urged
Kennedy to intervene, but, after the Bay of
Pigs disaster, he had learned that military
adventures are risky enterprises.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 5376
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0 __Now
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 14, 1966
Nixon quotes Kennedy as saying to him,
"I just don't think we ought to get involved
in Laos, particularly where we might find
ourselves fighting millions of Chinese troops
In the jungles. In any event, I don't see
how we can make any move in Laos which
is 5,000 miles away, if we don't make a move
In Cuba, which is only 90 miles away."
Even before he took office, Kennedy
thought that, "without support of the native
population there is no hope of success in any
of the countries of southeast Asia." He
also had said, "for the United States to * ?
send troops into the most difficult terrain in
the world, with the Chinese able to pour in
unlimited manpower, would mean that we
would face a situation far more difficult than
KoFea,"
He was troubled that other major powers,
even in the East, did not share our alarm
over Indochina. As President, he said to
Arthur Schlesinger, "India is more directly
threatened than we are; and, if they are not
wildly excited, why should we be?"
All of this led him to the conclusion that
whatever the shortcomings of a coalition
government, it was better than the risk of
large military intervention. This political
solution in Laos has had its ups and downs,
but after 4 years the Communists have not
yet swallowed the country and no Americans
have been killed. That, in the view of Sen-
ator KENNEDY, would not be a bad deal for
Vietnam.
[From U.S. News & World Report, Mar. 14,
1966]
SENATOR ROBERT KENNEDY EXPLAINS HIS
POSITION
(Exactly what is Senator ROBERT F. KEN-
NEDY proposing about dealing with the South
Vietnamese Reds? Does he have a formula
for getting the war to the conference table?
To explain his position, the Senator visited
the conference room of U.S. News & World
Report for this interview with members of
the magazine's staff.)
Question. Senator, just what do you pro-
.pose in Vietnam?
Answer. I favor continuing our military
commitment with the objective of getting a
settlement in Vietnam which would prevent
North Vietnam and the National Liberation
Front from taking over South Vietnam by
force, free the people of South Vietnam from
terror and intimidation and from the de-
struction of war, preserve our honor and our
commitment, and end as quickly as possible
the loss of American lives and the strain on
our resources.
,Question. Isn't that what the Johnson ad-
ministration has been after?
Answer. I therefore support the objectives
of the administration. I think there are
three alternatives in Vietnam:
One, we can pull out, which would be
catastrophic for American interests. That's
so unacceptable that it hardly needs to be
discussed.
Two, have a complete military victory. We
Could accomplish that. We could win, mili-
tarily, if we decided that was what our policy
should be. But I think there are dangers in
an expanded war. There are the heavy
casualties that would be suffered by Ameri-
can troops. There would be great loss of life
within South Vietnam. Here at home, do-
mestic programs would not receive the atten-
tion that they should receive. So, for vari-
ous reasons, I don't accept that course of
action-and I gather it also is turned down
by the administration, and for the same rea-
sons. ,
So that leaves a negotiated settlement.
Now, if you're going to talk about that, you
should talk about it realistically. Those who
argue for a negotiated settlement without
facing up to the implications of what that
means are, I think, being less than realistic
and less than candid.
Question. So you feel that this is the heart
of the matter?
Answer. Somebody who analyzes the course
of negotiated settlement might reach the
conclusion that the dangers are too great-
that what we're going to undertake in a
negotiated settlement is a situation that you
really can't live, with. But if you go down
the road for a negotiated settlement-which
I favor-I think we can deal with the prob-
lems, although they are going to be very, very
difficult.
Question. In what way?
Answer. One of the facts of life that you
have to face up to is that the Communists,
or dissident elements, will play some role in
the Government at some point as the result
of a negotiated settlement in which both
sides make some concessions. If we're going
to have a negotiated settlement, what that
means-what we have to be prepared for-
is the sharing of power with them in South
Vietnam. They've been around a long time
and they have considerable support in the
villages, and they have continued to raise a
substantial body of troops.
So I think you have to recognize these
facts. The situation isn't very satisfactory-
and certainly no one wants to help the Com-
munists, or condone or excuse them-but
these are the facts.
Now, if they're going to share in the po-
litical processes of the country, we'll want
them to concede some things, too-to lay
down their arms and return the area and
people now under their control to the Cen-
tral Government, and to refrain from inter-
fering with the freedom of the people of
South Vietnam to determine their own des-
tiny. But we can't get these concessions, and
thereby shorten the war, without being pre-
pared ourselves for a settlement that brings
them into the governmental structure and
society in South Vietnam.
Question. Even if the declared policy
should be to negotiate with the South Viet-
namese Communists, how do you get them
to the negotiating table?
Answer. I don't have any magic formula
for that, but I think there are two ways:
First, and most important, is to demon-
strate to them that they're not going to win,
militarily; that they're not going to drive the
United States out of Vietnam, and they're
not going to be able to take over by force.
Second, if you're going to have negotia-
tions, you've got to show them that it's
worthwhile coming to the negotiating table-
that we're going to negotiate and that con-
cessions are going to be made on both sides.
I'm convinced there is tremendous pressure
on them from China not to come to the
negotiating table. If they do come, they are
going to impair their own relationships with
Communist China. So I think, first, they
have to be hurt enough to know that they
aren't going to win and, second, they .
have to feel that there is enough reason for
them to negotiate to make it worth their
while.
Question. Are you saying the administra-
tion is not realistic?
Answer. They've talked and stressed nego-
tiations, but I don't think there has been a
wide discussion in this country=at least, I
haven't been aware of it-of the facts of life
in connection with negotiations.
Now, we all hope that, at some point,
you're going to have elections in South Viet-
nam--and there's some chance that, as a
result, you're going to have some Commu-
nists within the Government. But, clearly,
that will be decided by the people of South
Vietnam in the elections.
Even before that, you're going to have to
face up to the fact that, in the interim
period, the dissident elements-those who are
opposed to the Saigon government-are not
going to let General Ky run the elections any
more than we would want to have the Com-
munists running them.
Now, I'm not suggesting that we go in and
say to the Vietcong or the Communists:
"You can have a role in the Government, and
then we'll start to negotiate." As I said on
February 19, "We will neither demand nor
yield specific formal commitments before
bargaining begins."
I'm saying to them: "The door is open to
you to have a role in the future government
as long as we get serious concessions from
you. You might play a role during the
interim period and, if you win popular sup-
port in elections, later on."
IF GENERAL KY OBJECTS
Question. What are you going to do about
General Ky, who says he won't do business
with them?
Answer. Obviously we're not going to turn
our backs on the people of South Vietnam,
but, as faras General Ky is concerned, the
policies of the United States should just as
obviously take into account what is in our
best interest. General Ky has said he has
complete control over only 25 percent of the
population at the present time.
Question. Do you think the President can
go over Ky's head?
Answer. We haven't always agreed with
General Ky. For example, General Ky feels
that all of us should extend our bombing
efforts in North Vietnam, and we have not
agreed with him about that. And the ad-
ministration has said that the presence of
the dissident elements-Communists and
others-at the negotiating table is not an
insurmountable problem.
All I'm saying is that we've taken a step
to open the door, and the Communists have
done nothing yet. If we show them what
we're interested in-although we don't spell
it all out in advance-we've opened a door
for them, and we see if they put their foot
in. If they do put their foot in, and say,
"We're willing to come in, but you've got to
do something worthwhile," then we can face
that problem.
Now the interim period-between negotia-
tions and eventual elections-is itself sub-
ject to negotiation. If they come to the
negotiations in good faith they could expect,
in return for concessions made by them, to
share in the governmental processes. But
that would still be a negotiable point. They
don't get it in advance of negotiations, and
it doesn't come to them without concessions.
But if they make the right kinds of conces-
sions, then they can share in the govern-
mental and political process.
Question. There has been talk that you're
trying to stake out a position to the left
of the President and Mr. HUMPHREY-
Answer. I know there has been such talk.
It probably is based on an assumption some
people make on their own that I expect to
run for the Presidency, and would be involved
with HUBERT HUMPHREY. My own experience
in the past in these matters is that it is
empty to speculate about what one is going
to be doing 5 or 6 years from now-or even
whether one is going to be here then.
Question. Do you have any political plans
for 1968 or 1972?
Answer. No, I don't.
KEEPING PRESSURE ON REDS
Question. Senator, what do you say to peo-
ple who feel that Senators ought to avoid
such discussions as Vietnam while the Gov-
ernment is engaged in delicate negotiations?
Answer. Certainly we want Hanoi and the
Vietcong to understand our resolve. That is
why I favor continued military action until
they show that they want to bargain in good
faith. To some extent, discussion raises a
problem. But I think our military action
should prevent any misconceptions about our
resolve.
Question. Does the necessity of open dis-
cussion outweigh the risk that the enemy
may misunderstand?
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Mar n-7 iY 1966
Apprpb"(% ,RL20R fL0N& CI R P, JB00446R0004000400113-05377
Answer. Well, obviously, I think that it
noes. And that's why we must make out
resolve clear to our adversaries. But I felt
that our attention should now be focused on
the real problems that are going to have to
be faced by the country. So, I felt I had a
responsibility.
Maybe the discussion will bring more peo-
ple to think that we have to win the war,
rather than convince them that we should
have negotiations. But, at least, everybody
is going to be honestly going down the road
.n which they believe, and we won't be de-
luding ourselves into thinking that we can
have the best of both worlds.
Question. Isn't the administration saying
now that the tide of battle out there has
turned in our favor?
Answer. Yes.
Question. But you're talking about offer-
_ng the Communists a deal. Don't you agree
There's a chance we can win, militarily?
Answer. Let me say this. If this tide is
:urning and we can win, then I think that's
what we should say. Let's say, openly, that
are can win in Vietnam, and not say that
we're trying-so hard to get the enemy to the
negotiating table.
If we have the power, and we can win
without destroying everybody in Vietnam,
and we don't increase the risk, materially, of
I. war with China-that's one thing.
But the more the war expands, the more
Sur own casualties go up, the more destruc-
ion there is in South Vietnam, the less
:hance there is, it seems to me, that ex-
Danded military efforts can bring any long-
term stability in that area,
Question. Isn't the argument made that
;he more the Vietcong is hurt, the better our
-average will be in negotiations?
Answer. Yes. So I think we should do
whatever needs to be done, militarily. But
t comes to this: What price are we willing
-o pay to defeat them totally?
If we can defeat them without paying a
:rest price, an overwhelming price, then
fiat's what I'd like to do. But if we're going
-o cause tremendous destruction to the peo-
^le of Vietnam, including innocent civilian
Jomen and children; and if we're going to
^ave tremendous-very, very, very high-
-asualties; and if we're going to take some
?f these other dangers, such as war with
1hina and even f ond, then we get to the
not that-because of these dangers-we have
.o try, at least, as the administration has
aid, to negotiate. My judgment is, there-
ore, that the deaths, destruction, and risks
involved in trying to destroy the Vietcong
.ompletely make a negotiated settlement ad-
isable if it can be done honorably. It was
iy judgment that this was also the policy
f the administration.
Question. Senator KENNEDY, does all this
alk about what we will do and what we
.on't do--doesn't that pretty much expose
-ur hand to the Communists?
Answer. I am convinced that the Chinese
ommunists do not want the Vietnamese
ommunists to negotiate. That's clear. The
Chinese want this war, to go on; so they're
sitting all sorts of pressure on Hanoi to keep
n frog. Now, if they-I'm talking about the
ietnamese Communists-if they're going to
nme to the negotiating table, they are going
D have to cut their bridgess with
hina, somewhat. There has to be, there-
Dre, a reason for them to come to the nego-
_ating table-a reason other than just to
Mme in to surrender.
All I'm suggesting is that we show them!
hat we're offering them genuine negotia-
might just as well continue to fight and die
because when they come to the table, any-
way, they're going to cut themselves off from
China, and they're going to get nothing.
That must be the way they think about all
this.
Now, we shouldn't expose our whole hand
to them. Committing ourselves to any spe-
cific terms would show a weakness that
wouldn't serve the cause of peace. But we
have to show enough of our cards to per-
suade them that a settlement is in their in-
terests as well as ours.
HOW COALITION MIGHT WORK
Question. If the Reds agreed to negotia-
tions and, through them, got assurance that
they would be represented in the governing
power in Vietnam, how would such a coali-
tion work?
Answer. I take it that you're talking now
about the interim period-after negotiations
and before elections. Whatever government
there is during that period would have to be
subject to international guarantees. And
the fact is that you might have a wholly in-
ternational operation during that period of
time. But the international operation would
have to be satisfactory to both sides, not just
our side. You might have one man who was
satisfactory to everybody to run the govern-
ment during the period before elections. You
might have something like the Organization
of American States force that is in the Do-
minican Republic.
And, under international guarantees, we
may well have an interim government in
which the National Liberation Front has a
role. This is a factor that we ought to be
thinking about. That is my point.
There's concern that any coalition govern-
ment, for example, might be taken over by
the Communists. That's certainly a risk and
a danger, and I said, when I made my state-
ment, that we should focus on those risks
and plan for them.
Ferenc Nagy, who was the Premier of Hun-
gary when the Russians took it over in 1948,
was asked about my statement. He said that
the outcome and the safety of any coalition
government depends on the support that out-
side powers give. He said the Communists
could take over in Hungary because Russia
dominated the country militarily. Ob-
viously,'we shouldn't allow North Vietnam-
now or after a settlement-to exercise that
kind of military predominance in South Viet-
nam. So I think if the United States, or the
U.N., or some other authority, protects a set-
tlement from being upset by North Vietnam,
that the Communists won't be able to seize
power in South Vietnam.
Question. Would you require the South
Vietnamese Army to lay down its arms in
order to get the Communists to bargain?
Answer. No. As I said, I wouldn't make
any specific concessions prior to the negotia-
tions. And I don't think anybody can spell
out what all the terms are going to be. I'm
just saying what some of the things are that
we're going to have to deal with in a realistic
way.
We, in turn, are going to try to end the cas-
ualties, and the aggression-end the war.
We, in turn, are going to try to bring peace
to South Vietnam.
If we don't get that, we're not getting any-
thing. And we will have to keep on fighting.
PROTECTING V.S. INTERESTS
Question. Isn't negotiating with the Viet-
cong like letting them shoot their way to the
conference table?
with them and negotiate. They're certainly
as bad as the ones who are doing the actual
fighting in South Vietnam.
And we have discussions with the Com-
munist Chinese continuously, even at the
present time.
But, most important, I don't think adjec-
tives help us decide the vital questions of
our national interest. No one likes the Com-
munists. No one wants them to win, or to
dominate any nation. But the question is
how we best prevent them from dominating
South Vietnam-and, in the last analysis,
what's best for the United States. What's
best for the United States, in my judgment,
is not an all-out war with Communist China,
or a greatly expanded war throughout Indo-
china.
What we do want is not to let North Viet-
nam or the NLF just take over. What we
want is a settlement which stops the fight-
ing, and saves American and South Viet-
namese lives, and preserves the free choice
of the people of South Vietnam.
I think, if we continue our military effort,
and pursue the social, economic, and politi-
cal efforts which I've talked about repeatedly
and which President Johnson emphasized at
Honolulu, and pursue our diplomatic effort
along the lines I suggest, we will at least
know that we have done all that's now possi-
ble to obtain the kind of settlement we want.
I think it is awfully important in our own
country that we know what our objective is,
so that we'll know what price in blood and
anguish and money we're willing to pay to
accomplish that objective.
It's a different military objective to destroy
the Communists within Vietnam. It's a dif-
ferent military objective to try to bring them
to the negotiating table. And, from the re-
cent statements that have been made, there
is some confusion among various spokesmen
for our own Government as to exactly what
our objectives are in Vietnam.
But I do think we have brains, we have
talent, and we have imagination in this
country-and, if We can fight a war, then
we can also work as diligently and as effec-
tively to find a peaceful answer to it.
[From the New York Times, Feb. 27, 19861
THE KENNEDY-JOHNSON DEBATE
Senator ROBERT F. KENNEDY has helped to
bring about a clarification of American think-
ing on Vietnam. The idea of Communist
participation in a coalition government in
Saigon is so unwelcome that until Senator
KENNEDY forced it into the realm of public
discussion it had been shunted aside in
Washington-although a great deal of private
discussion had already come to focus on it.
The thought was considered so "far out" that
when Senator MCCARTHY, of Minnesota, ad-
vanced it recently, as he commented rue-
fully last week, nobody noticed. Eight lib-
eral House Democrats had much the same
experience.
President Johnson now, in his Freedom
House speech, has committed himself ex-
plicitly to abide by the results of elections
in Vietnam, no matter how distasteful they
may be. As his press secretary, Bill D. Moy-
ers, has made clear, that includes acceptance
of Communist participation in the Saigon
Government, if the vote so mandates. Mr.
Moyers has specified further that a coalition
government prior to elections is not excluded,
but "should be left to the negotiating par-
ties." Frank recognition of this possibility,
as Senator KENNEDY said and as the Times
has urged for some time, lies "at the heart
ions-not that they just come in and sur- we're willing to negotiate with Hanoi. They even of the hope for negotiation.
snder, sign on the dotted line. We have to are as much "murders and killers" as those In effect, the administration now is facing
Dnvince them that there is some reason for operating in the south. Wouldn't you say more frankly some of the implications of its
ne.m to come to a meeting with the United Hanoi is shooting its way in? We're trying July proposal for free elections as one ele-
-tates. If we don't hold that open to them, to negotiate with assassins and all the rest ment in a negotiated settlement. The Amer-
nen, no matter how much we hurt them of it. They-the North Vietnamese Commu- loan objective in South Vietnam has been
militarily, there's nothing that makes it mists-they're the ones that are directing all defined by President Johnson as self-deter-
-orthwhile for them to negotiate. They this, as we say, and we're willing to sit down mination, whatever that produces-not the
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
537$ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE March'y 14,' 1966
destruction of the Vietcong. Most Important Still the Communist Party could get in power
the nature of the interim Saigon regime that in 2 years because they were supported by
will govern between a cease-fire and elections the Soviet Vnior} and I was overthrown be-
is admitted to be a proper subject to be de- cause no outside power gave me any help.
cided In the peace negotiations. I would not say that a coalition govern-
If this means anything, it means a com- ment could not be a temporary solution for
mitment that American, influence will be Vietnam but I would like to call the atten-
used to assure bargaining in good faith be- tion of those who are dealing with thisideal
tween the Vietnamese factions to form an to certain basic rules that should be followed
interim national government acceptable to very carefully.
both sides. The distinction between such a First of all, the goal, the composition, and
policy and a refusal to recognize it as a the time of service of the coalition govern-
possibility is the distinction between a policy ment must be made clear to the last details.
of negotiation in which both sides are will- In the case of Vietnam the main goals of a
ing to compromise and a policy of uncondi- coalition should be, besides ending the war,
tional surrender. There would, of course, be the pacification, democratization, and eco-
risks in any coalition regime but the alter- nomic reconstruction of the country.
native of expanded war is riskier still. There must be a detailed plan for the dis-
Theoretically, an agreed central govern- armament of the fighting forces.
ment prior to elections could be made up of It is very important to decide in advance
neutral Vietnamese or international person- which party or coalition group will get those
nel. But it is unlikely that either the Saigon government posts controlling the police force
leaders or the Vietcong would prefer joint and the military forces.
exclusion from such an interim government But the main thing Is that those who
to joint participation. It would be a major would like to save the neutrality and inde-
accomplishment if both sides could be pendence of Vietnam through a coalition
brought to agree on the inclusion of some government should not be too tired to fight
neutral or international officials in important for a clear agreement in the last details, and
posts. should be determined to protect even the
All of this may seem to be academic until seemingly unimportant points of the agree-
Hanoi shows some interest in a peace con- ment. -
ference. until that point, President Johnson Otherwise, the coalition will be just a
remains reluctant to agree to an independent transition for a Communist- takeover or the
conference status for the Vietcong delega- hotbed of another military conflict.
tion--a suggestion that obviously would be
repugnant to Saigon.
Nevertheless, the Kennedy-Johnson con-
troversy-despite the domestic political by-
play-has brought a significant step forward
in administration policy. By defining
sharper limits to American war aims, it may
help limit the military forces sent to achieve
them. By removing taboos on what can be
negotiated, it may advance the efforts of pro-
negotiation forces in the Communist world-
in Hanoi and within the Vietcong, as well as
in Moscow and Eastern Europe`to bring
about a conference.
Most important, the first serious public de-
bate by responsible men on the Vietnam is-
sue-as initiated in the Fulbright hearings
and carried forward by Senator KENNEDY-
undoubtedly has set a precedent that will
play an important role as the problem
evolves.
Ex-HUNGARIAN PREMIER VIEWS KENNEDY'S
IDEA-OUTSIDE POWERS ARE KEY To COALI-
TION, NAGY SAYS OF NEW YORK SENATOR'S
PROPOSAL
(By Ferenc Nagy)
(Ferenc Nagy was Prime Minister of Hun-
gary in 1946-47. Nagy, who now lives in Vir-
ginia, shared his government with Comrnu-
nists and offered these views on Senator
ROBERT F. KENNEDY'S proposal for a coalition
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, the American people have a
right to know how the taxpayers' money
is being spent on any Great Society pro-
gram although obtaining such informa-
tion is ofttirnes rather difficult.
Over the past several months informa-
tion has been sought as to how the money
under the poverty program is being
spent. Many questions have been
raised as to whether or not those for
whom the benefits were intended were
in reality being helped.
In this connection I ask unanimous
consent that there be printed at this
point in the RECORD an article appearing
in the New York Daily News of February
28, 1966, entitled "Thirty-seven Now Liv-
ing on Suite Charity at the Astor."
Follo*ing this I ask unanimous con-
sent that there be printed a letter which
I addressed to Mr. Sargent Shriver, the
Director of the Office of Economic Op-
portunity, under date of February 9. I
regret that I cannot follow this insertion
with a reply thereto, but as yet none has
WASHINGTON.-AS far as I know I am --
only former political leader in exile in There being no objection, the article
America who was the head of a coalition gov- and letter were ordered to be printed In
ernment in central eastern Europe after the RECORD, as follows:
World War II. THIRTY-SEVEN NOW LIVING ON SUITE CHARITY
On the basis of my experiences in my Qwn AT THE ASTOR
country and observations in the whole central (13y William Federici)
and eastern European area I would like to
comment on Senator ROBERT KENNEDY'S For at least 37 persons, the city's anti-
proposition. , poverty program is successful beyond their
The first thing to know is that if a wall- dreams. For more than a month they have
tion In an ideologically troubled country is been provided with posh accommodations in
established with the assistance of outside one of the city's finest hotels and given
power or powers, then the strength and en- food allowances beyond the reach of all but
durance of the participating political parties the richest of the taxpaying citizens, the
or groups is not dependent at all on domes- News learned yesterday.
tic popular support but on the help of the Eleven families, consisting of 20 adults and
outside great powerswhich are behind them 17 children, have been enjoying all the serv-
politically. ices of the elegant Hotel Astor and collecting
in my government the Communist Party $9 a day food allowances per person since
had only 17 percent of popular support while' January 28, when they went to the anti-
my party alone was supported by more than poverty people to complain of lack of heat
60 percent of the voters and the Parliament, and the like.
LIVING IN SUITES
Ever since, they have been living in suites
up to three rooms. They have had their
beds made by chambermaids, avoided the
drudgery of housework and have had their
room tabs, averaging $5.75 a day a person,
picked up by Mayor Lindsay's antipoverty
program.
The only comfort missing was cooking
privileges. Hence, the allowance for meals.
And all is paid by city, State, and Federal
funds earmarked to erase poverty.
It all started during last month's cold
spell. Antipoverty program mobile units
were dispatched to slum areas throughout
the city to help tenants who were suffering
because of lack of -heat, water failures and
other conditions which made their apart-
ments uninhabitable during the freeze.
MOST PUT UP IN ARMORIES
Most were put up overnight in armories.
Some, where it would take a couple of days
to correct the conditions, were put up at the
Astor. For those in the armories, the stay
.was short. For 37, the Astor became home.
All that was necessary, the News learned,
was for a person to go to the mobile unit
and register his complaint. Some cases re-
ceived a brief investigation, others none.
CASEWORKER ASSIGNED
The families were given letters from the
unit's caseworker which were presented to
antipoverty program headquarters. There
they got a second letter, signed by Mrs. Anne
M. Roberts, temporary executive director of
the economic opportunity committee and
the antipoverty operations board, which en-
abled them to take up digs in the Astor.
Although the operation had no connection
with the welfare department and many of
the recipients were wage earners, a depart-
ment caseworker was assigned as a -liaison
man to see they got everything they needed.
He was identified as George Johnson, living
in Astor's room 562.
It also was learned that welfare depart-
ment employees-from caseworkers to the
brass-are highly critical of the situation.
One person, who did not wish to be
identified, explained that this was not their
way of doing things.
MAIDS, CLERKS UNHAPPY
Also voicing criticism were the hotel's
maids, clerks, and the like. One thing, to
them, distinguished the new guests from the
rest. Not used to such living, they were
stingy with tips.
All they did, said one maid, was get up, get
dressed and take off. They don't straighten
up the rooms. That's for the hired help, she
said.
The situation came to light yesterday
after a city ambulance was called for one
of the children put up in the Astor, iden-
tified by police as Gloria Ramos, 3. Gloria,
police reported, fell Saturday night in the
bathroom of her two-room suite, in which
she is staying with her parents and two
other children, and awoke with a high fever.
The hotel physician suggested hospitaliza-
tion and the ambulance was called.
A spokeman for the Astor, when asked
about his new guests, answered:
"Well, I thought we were doing the right
thing when we did this, but I'm beginning
to have my doubts now."
Mr. SARGENT SHRIVER,
Director, Office of Economic Opportunity,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SHRIVER: On February 3, 1966,
there appeared in the Journal-American an
article alledging that there is a shortage of
approximately $800,000 in the accounts of
Haryou Act in New York City.
Please advise me whether or not there is
a shortage of accounts in this particular pro-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 5M6 ii~
Schwartz on a clumsy breakdown in internal
diplomacy.
Schwartz, according to the authoritative
Department version, returned from a 3-week
trip to Geneva, Switzerland, at midnight last
Friday. He was met at the airport by a
journalist who informed him that his job as
Administrator of the Department's Bureau of
Security and Consular Affairs was being
abolished.
The next day-Saturday-Schwartz ap-
peared at the State Department in an agi-
tated frame of mind. He met separately
with Secretary Dean Rusk and Under Secre-
tary George Ball, who explained that in his
absence the Bureau of the Budget had un-
expectedly given its approval to a reorgani-
zation plan affecting Schwart's Bureau.
Rusk had laid the plan aside, pending
Schwart's return. It had been his intention,
acording to the Department, to discuss it
with Schwartz before any other steps were
taken. The premature leak at the airport
had been an unfortunate slip-up.
During this Saturday discussion, Ball asked
Schwartz to remain in the Department in the
same rank (equivalent to Assistant Secretary
of State) as a Special Assistant to Rusk.
His new duties would have encompassed im-
migration and refugee affairs which, Rusk
has said, Schwartz had handled superbly
since 1962.
But Schwartz, the Department maintains,
was in no mood to take a new job. He turned
down the Ball offer and expressed no interest
in any other assignment.
Rusk, accordingly, made no effort to dis-
suade him from resigning and on Sunday
Schwartz announced that he had quit.
This version of the Schwartz affair, which
has aroused political liberals in and out of
Congress, is likely to be disputed in the days
ahead, by Schwartz, among others. The
dates, the sequence of events, and the new
job offer are among the matters at issue.
In any case, both the White House and
the State Department were perturbed yes-
terday over the repercussions of his resigna-
tion. From both quarters came firm denials
that .Presidential Assistant Marvin Watson
had played any part In the matter and
equally firm denials that the departure of
Schwartz signaled any change in the liberal
policies he had pursued with respect to the
issuance of passports and visas and the ad-
ministration of immigrant affairs.
The Department's managers and the White
House both insisted that the abolition of the
27-man Bureau that Schwartz had headed
was being recommended for only two rea-
sons. The first was that the Bureau was an
unnecessary appendage of the Department's
bureaucracy. The second was that its elim-
ination was an economy move that would
save $246,000, with no loss of departmental
efficiency.
It was pointed out that last year Rusk
had abolished the job of Assistant Secretary
Dwight Porter, who was an Administrator,
and had combined the Bureau of American
Republic Affairs with another departmental
unit. There was not a word of protest,
according to the Department, and the result
of those and other shifts has been a worth-
while reduction in jobs and an elimination
of unnecessary way stations in the chain of
command.
Rumors to this effect In Congress were
brought to the attention of White House
Press Secretary Bill D. Moyers yesterday.
He replied: "The worst source (of informa-
tion) in Washington is obstreperous Mem-
bers of Congress."
Congress, in any case, will have the final
say on whether Schwartz's old Bureau will
be abolished.
The Bureau was created by Congress and
can be abolished only by Congress through
approval of the reorganization plan which
the President will submit.
There are already indications that the
plan will be closely scrutinized by Govern-
ment Operations Committees in both Houses.
TRIMJTE TO SENATOR MANSFIELD
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, in
yesterday's Parade magazine Reporter
Jack Anderson speaks of Senator MIKE
MANSFIELD as "one of those rare politi-
cians who cares nothing for power or
publicity."
As we all know, and as Anderson has
written:
He is guided only by conscience and duty,
and in politics the demands of one do not
always coincide with the demands of the
other.
Senator MANSFIELD'S manner of re-
sponding to conscience and duty-so
much admired by his colleagues-is il-
lustrated by the article he has written
in the same magazine Issue, "What's Go-
ing To Happen in Vietnam?" With
typical honesty the majority leader says
conditions have not changed since last
fall when he reported:
The situation as it now appears, offers only
a very slim prospect of a just settlement by
negotiations or the alternative prospect of
the continuance of the conflict in the direc-
tion of a general war on the Asian mainland.
Yet he recognizes how earnestly Presi-
dent Johnson pursues those very slim
prospects while confronting problems
more complex and difficult than those
facing any American President in this
century. He speaks of the President's
"Intense preference for the works of
peace" and concludes on the hopeful note
that, although the eagle in the Great
Seal of the United States holds both the
olive branch and the arrow, "his head
is inclined toward the olive branch."
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that this richly deserved tribute to
Senator MANSFIELD, and the excellent ar-
ticle he has authored himself, both from
the March 13 Issue of Parade, be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection,-the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From Parade magazine, Mar. 13, 1966]
THE AGONY OF DISSENT
Schwartz, in his resignation announce- (By Jack Anderson)
ment on Sunday, Implied strongly that his WASHINGTON.-In this city, of awesome de-
leaving was related to policy disagreements cisions, most leaders. search their souls be-
with Deputy Under Secretary William J. fore plunging ahead on a course that could
Crockett. He said Crockett had not been take the Nation to the edge of a nuclear
"one of the most enthusiastic supporters of holocaust. But few go through the agony
our policy of maintaining a free and open that MIKE MANSFIELD suffers. For the 62-
society." year-old Senate majority leader, a key figure
This explanation has been accepted by lib- In the great debate now raging over Presi-
erals who have described the Schwartz de- dent Johnson's conduct of the Vietnam war,
parture as an effort by the administration is one of those rare politicians who cares
to appease conservatives, mainly In Con- nothing for power or publicity. He is
gress, who were disenchanted with Schwartz guided only by conscience and duty, and in
and his "liberal" ideas, politics the demands of the one do not al-
Approved Fo a 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
ways coincide with the demands of the
other.
The lean, 6-foot Montanan with the
gentle manner and quiet voice, whose
tanned, lined face shows the somberness of
his mood, his misgivings about the war. Yet
duty and loyalty require that he give maxi-
mum support to Lyndon Johnson's Vietnam
policies. If - MANSFIELD allows the voice of
his conscience to speak too loudly, it might
be interpreted abroad as a dramatic division
In the top policymaking councils, thus
weakening the President in whatever action
he ultimately may be forced to take.
MANSFIELD himself, puffing slowly on the
pipe that is rarely out of his hand, explained
to Parade: "I have a responsibility as Senate
majority leader which I intend to uphold.
I have a responsibility as Senator for Mon-
tana which I Intend to uphold. I also ap-
preciate the difficulties confronting the Pres-
ident. I have probably seen the President
on Vietnam more than any other Senator.
All I can tell you is that I do the best I can
in line with my conscience."
Though they may differ in style and occa-
sionally in opinion, the President has the
highest regard for MANSFIELD's Integrity. It
was Lyndon Johnson who urged MANSFIELD
to accept the Senate leadership. "I didn't
want the job," MANSFIELD later confided to
an intimate, "but I felt I couldn't say no."
However, he did say no--quiety but firmly-
in 1964 when President Johnson began tell-
ing people that MANSFIELD was the best man
for the Vice-Presidency. The thought of be-
coming the man second in line for the White
House was too much for the modest Mon-
tanan.
After the ironfisted Senate rule of Lyndon
Johnson, many considered the choice of the
retiring MANSFIELD an error. One newspaper
went so far as to call it "a tragic mistake."
MANSFIELD retorted mildly, "If that means I
am not a circus ringmaster, the master of
ceremonies of a Senate nightclub, a tamer of
Senate lions, or a wheeler and dealer, then I
must accept the words."
Though his predecessor had been all these
things, MANSFIELD was not hitting at John-
son, whom he admires. It was merely MANS-
FIELD'S way of asserting that he intended to
be himself. He relies on persuasion, accom-
modation and understanding. He doesn't
try to run the Senate himself, as Johnson.
did, but urges committee chairmen to take
the lead. He gives them all the credit and
glory. When the flashbulbs begin to explode
and the TV cameras to whir, he steps back
and pushes others to the front.
In every poll that has been taken, MANS-
FIELD has been voted by Democratic and Re-
publican Senators alike as the colleague they
most admire. "He doesn't have a single
enemy in the place," says Senator RussELL
LoNG, the No. 2 Democrat.. And the dean of
the Republicans, Vermont Senator GEORGE
AncErr, declares: "There isn't a Republican
Senator who would raise a finger to hurt
MIKE." In short, MANSFIELD is living evi-
dence that In politics, if not in baseball,
nice guys can win.
MANSFIELD is by no means a peace-at-any-
price man. But he does believe that every
effort should be made to moderate hostilities
in Vietnam while the search for peace is pur-
sued. His views, written exclusively for
Parade, are printed here.
President Johnson asked him to head a
Senate delegation last fall to call on world
leaders about Vietnam. Though the Presi-
dent turned his personal plane over to them
and gave them a big ' sendoff, MANSFIELD
didn't report back what the President wanted
to hear. In grim language, most of it still
secret,. the report questioned the wisdom of
some of Johnson's policies.
Asian leaders who met MANSFIELD re-
sponded to his obvious honesty and fairness
with a warmth that surprised American
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA`RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
SSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 14, 1966
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
March 1.~, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 1w: 5385
The spokesman noted that Schwartz had men on the job, problems show up immedi- partment files, he found none existed. He
contributed much to the liberalized lmmi- ately. For examples, the Assistant Secretary finally obtained a photostatic copy from
gration bill adopted last fall, which had the of state for the Near East and South Asia, the White House, under a strict secrecy edict.
full support of the President, the Secretary Ray Hare, Is a Foreign Service officer who has Even more surprising, President Johnson's
of State and the Department. been looking to retirement for years, and personnel chief, John Macy (an old friend
Late yesterday, Senator KENNEDY issued a who lacks the stamina to aline other agencies of chwartz) was totally unaware of the
statement praising Schwartz as a "direct with State's view. plan.
action, liberal public servant." KENNEDY Moving up to the Under Secretary level, In contrast, Government reorganization
said he is "reserving judgment on the re- George Ball undoubtedly has the brains and plans usually are debated for weeks before
organization and how it will affect our refu- energy to run the senior interdepartmental going to Congress, where they can be vetoed
gee and immigration policies until details of group. But Mr. Ball, like most lawyers in by either House within 60 days. Why, then,
the plan are made clear." government, is not notably a team player. was this plan, abolishing Schwartz' bureau
KENNEDY is chairman of the Senate Judi- His most important contributions have been as an "economy" measure (saving $250,000
ciary Subcommittee on Refugees and was one-man operations--chiefly his role as a year), drawn up under such elaborate
floor manager of the new immigration bill. devil's advocate on Vietnam. Under the new secrecy?
He has been critical of the American and setup there is a danger that Mr. Ball will Behind the answer lies one of the official
Vietnamese handling of the refugee problems bog down in coordination, thus draining Washington's bitterest perennial wars: the
in South Vietnam. away energy from the kind of thing he does emotion-charged struggle over immigration
Robert J. McCloskey, the Department's best. Certainly, he is not now going to be policy.
spokesman, said that the reorganization was in a stronger position to hold the Presi- Schwartz, controversial ial liberal en mocrat,
in compliance with a Presidential directive dent's coattails on Vietnam. was handpicked by P to all departments to streamline. As to the Secretary, Dean Rusk has re- take control of immigration policy after 8
He said that this is the second major peatedly favored the most mediocre mem- years of restrictive immigration in the Eisen-
change since July, 1965, when the Bureau of bers of the Department against its strongest hower administration. He has operated
Administration was abolished. No further people-witness, now, his part in pushing under this open-door policy: Grant visitor
major changes are believed contemplated at for the resignation of Abba Schwartz'as Ad- visas to anyone wanting to come to the
present. ministrator of the Bureau of Security and United States to lecture, teach, or even
Both the White HoiuSe and the State De- Consular Affairs. Mr. Rusk has also seemed agitate. in 1963 Schwartz had no
partment said that Schwartz had been offered far more partial to the intense cold war view For example, a new position as Special Assistant to the of the military services, where he spent his hesitation in admitting an international
Secretary of Refugee and Migration Affairs early years in Government, than to the more law professor from Japan to lecture around
but that he had declined. moderate conviction of his own Department. the United States although he was a Com-
Three of the four offices now under Vesting overall supervision with Mr. Rusk, munuist and. a winner of the Lenin Peace
Schwartz will be moved directly under Crock- accordingly, seems to tilt the balance even Prize that. By the re admitting token, Ma Schwartz
rtz
ett's jurisdiction. They include the Pass- more strongly toward the military unsuccessfully
port Office of Special Consular Services. Lastly, there is the position of the Presi- Tshombe, then head of the split off Congo
Where the Office of Refugee and Migration dent himself. Currently, the most serious state of Katanga, although Tshombe then
The by liberals here as a far right-
Affairs will go has not been decided, the De- procedural y i afrom trouble In American foreign
of Lypol- ndon was erg
partment
e Office said. of Security, which was part of Johnson to pay attention only to Vietnam. Schwartz' open door infuriated conserva-
Schwartz' bureau until 1962, is now under The new setup will not disrupt that habit tive Democrats on Capitol Hill, notably
Crockett's direct supervision and will not be in the slightest. If anything, the Senior Representative MICHAEL FEIGHAN, of Ohio,
affected by the proposed change. Interdepartmental Group, by fostering the and members of the Senate Internal Security
The reorganization plan must be sub- illusion that it can handle all other matters, . Subcommittee.
mitted to Congress for approval. - may make it even easier for President-John- For months, these conservative Democrats
son to act as thought Vietnam was the center have plotted to have Schwartz removed. In
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, of the world, the White House, Watson was unhappy about
March 9, 1966 [ The point, of course, is that an organiza- Schwartz as a Kennedy man. The result was crecy STATE'S NEW ROLE tional arrangement Is not better than the the reorganization prevent T Schwartz al lsecrel a lies
(By Joseph Kraft) people in it. Asserting the primacy of the supposed P
State Department cannot be accomplished from starting a backfire.
The alltime world's record for smooth or- by fiat. There must be changes of attitude Watson's feeling about Schwartz was
chestration of different views was probably and of people. And if the changes are not shown late last fall when he interceded at
set by General Eisenhower in the great war forthcoming, then the coordinating function the last moment with the State Department
against the Germans. It was therefore as- will slip back to the White House. to prevent Schwartz from heading a U.S.
sumed that as President Eisenhower he -- delegation to an immigration conference
would coordinate the various agencies of [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, abroad?
American foreign policy-the more so as he Mar. 9, 1966] Why didn't the President just ask for
spoke of the need and acted to buttress the THE WATSON TOUCH Schwartz's resignation?
coordinating machinery of the National Se- (By Rowland Evans and Robert Novak) If forced out, President Johnson would
Curitt Cr. Eisenhower . have had difficulty replacing him. An As-
fig i the the Govern- Slat- sistant Secretary acceptable to FEIGHAN and
But to John Poster named Dulles. s his force Department, oust a middle-level
conviction and mind, Mr. Dulles ran his own n ment-including of ict Jnd Foster DullBy force top figures in company would be bitterly attacked by the
ding Presidential intimate W. . liberals in Congress.
show. Thus despite the President's inten- Marvin Watson, Jr.--plotted for months in
tions, foreign policy in the Eisenhower era secrecy matching, the wartime atom bomb When Schwartz first heard about his fate
last Friday, he offered to resign, if that would
was only dimly harmonized. project.
That famous mismatch of procedure and Deep White House involvement is the un- save the Bureau. Rusk turned him down flat,
citing Watson and Crockett.
personality is relevant to the foreign policy told story in the forced resignation of As- g
reorganization announced here over the sistant Secretary of State Abba Schwartz, By abolishing the Bureau outright, policy-
weekend. For while the change looks good a champion of liberal immigration policies making is handed to Crockett, who is ex-
on paper, it 1s a question whether enough and prime target of conservatives on Capitol pected to give enlarged immigration duties
of the right men are in enough of the right Hill. to Frances G. Knight, head of the Passport
spots for the new arrangement to work in Secretary of State Dean Rusk knew only Office. She and Crockett both are close to
practice. the barest outlines of what was happening. the Feighan Democrats.
The main feature of the new approach is Detailed planning was handled by William Yet the Watson touch may backfire in the
the reassertion of the primacy of the State Crockett, his deputy for administration. Schwartz affair just as it did in the White
Department in foreign affairs. The Secretary Crockett's partner in drawing up a reor- House telephone scheme. Hard opposition
of State is assigned "overall direction, coordi- ganization plan that abolished Schwartz' to the plan from the liberal-packed Senate
nation and supervision of interdepartmental Bureau of Security and Consular Affairs was Government Operations Subcommittee that
activities of the U.S. Government abroad Watson., President Johnson's appointments will consider it, is certain. The Schwartz
(less exempted military activities)." For secretary and confidential detail man. The case is not yet over.
decision just below the Cabinet level there distinctive Watson touch, which led earlier
is set up a new Senior Interdepartmental this year to monitoring White House phone [From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Group (already baptized SIG) chaired by the calls, is in evidence here. Mar. 11, 1966]
Under Secretary of State, and including rep- The Watson-Crockett team worked in total STATE EXPLAINS RESIGNATION of SCHWARTZ-
resentatives of the military, intelligence aid secrecy completing the reorganization plan PUTS BLAME ON LEAK-SAYS BALL OFFERED
and information services. Similar commit- last September 20, and obtaining Rusk's NEW Jos TO HIM
tees are set up for each geographical region, final approval. (By Richard Harwood)
with the regional Assistant Secretaries of The Department's legal officer, Leonard C.
State acting as chairmen. Meeker, learned of it by chance in January. The State Department's management yes-
When these tasks are matched against the Seeking a copy of the plan in State De- terday blamed the resignation of Abba P.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 March-44, U66
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA- 00446R000400040013-0 5387
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD A
the nature of the war and of its relation
to the Vietnamese people.
Considerations of this sort obviously are
of great military significance. That is why
men of the caliber of Lt. Gen. James M.
Gavin (retired) recently counseled the Sen-
ate Foreign Relations Committee to "Stop,
look, and listen," to "Take a look at the alter-
native realistically and in light of our total
global commitment."
Beyond military realities, President John-
son's research for an end to the war by nego-
tiations is also a response to the overwhelm-
ing desire of the American people for peace.
It is an expression of an abhorrence for mod-
ern war's inevitable and massive devastation,
especially as it is visited on a primitive coun-
try that has seen and suffered little but war
for decades. It is a reflection of the Presi-
dent's intense preference for the works of
peace.
Even as our military efforts have gone up,
therefore, our diplomatic search for peace
has also escalated. The peace drive began in
earnest with the President's Johns Hopkins
speech in Baltimore on April 7, 1965. It has
grown steadily, reaching a climax in the great
midwinter peace offensive.
THE JOHNSON MESSAGE
In his state of the Union message on Jan-
uary 12, 1966, President Johnson spelled out
in the clearest detail the lengths to which
the United States is willing to go to initiate
negotiations. He stated: "There are no ar-
bitrary limits to our search for peace. We
stand by the Geneva agreements of 1954 and
1962. We will meet at any conference table,
discuss any proposals-4 points or 14 or 40-
and consider the views of any group."
The North Vietnamese and the National
Liberation Front have shown no interest in
negotiations except on terms that mean the
total scrapping of the government of the re-
public. The Saigon Government, with our
continued support, on the other hand, is
just as determined that its authority shall
not be jeopardized by any discussions of
peace with the National Liberation Front.
That appears to be the nub of the issue of
peace in Vietnam. Until and unless it be-
gins to yield to solution, there is no reason
to alter the conclusion that four colleagues
and I' reached after an extended visit in
southeast Asia and Europe last fall:
"The situation, as it now appears, offers
only a very slim prospect of a just settlement
by negotiations or the alternative prospect
of a continuance of the conflict in the direc-
tion of a general war on the Asian main-
land."
diplomats. Even in Burma and Cambodia,
whose leaders have been hostile to the
United States, his sincerity was never ques-
tioned. Red-leaning Cambodia, for example,
described him as "a man of great justice."
If MANSFIELD had his choice, he would
prefer to go down in Senate history as a
foreign affairs expert rather than a great
leader. That he reached the Senate at all
is an accolade for the son of poor Irish immi-
grants. Born on the edge of New York's
Hell's Kitchen, MICHAEL JOSEPH MANSFIELD
didn't get his high school diploma until he
was 30. Through extra courses, he got his
college degree at the same time and became
an assistant history professor at Montana
University.
If this was a sheltered life, he had already
seen it in the raw. The least combative of
men, he has served in three of the four armed
services. During World War I, as a boy of 14,
he lied about his age and enlisted in the
Navy. By the time he was 19 he had also
served in the Army and the Marines. He
still wears the Marines' discharge button in
his lapel.
After his- military service he returned to
Montana and dug his way up from the
copper mines, where he earned $4.25 a day
as a mucker and ore sampler. It was while
he was at the bottom, literally, that he
married his wife, Maureen. They have one
daughter, Anne. -
MANSFIELD entered politics in 1940 and 2
--
he
in
-- - -
--? >
. ., -- -
.
years later gained a seat
five terms he was elected to the Senate in That more has not been achieved during
1952. He has specialized, as a professor, Con- the past years is no fault of the American
gressman, and Senator, in Far Eastern affairs. forces in South Vietnam. They have fought
HIS FRIEND AIKEN with courage, skill, and great dedication.
In a Senate full of friends, MANSFIELD's They have taken many casualties in the bit-
ter, brutal struggle in the jungles, swamps,
closest toes Senator AII{sN, and the and mountains. But the grim truth is that
contrastb betwetweenen the two men is dramatic. these forces were injected into a political
The Democrat from the West, tall, spare, and situation which, after repeated coups, was
solemn, towers over the Republican from the in an advanced stage of disintegration.
East, who is short, gnarled, and elfish. The Moreover, they have had to face a brave,
two have been eating breakfast together al- cunning, and tenacious foe who has a fight-
most every morning for 15 years. When Ing tradition going back decades and in a
MANSFIELD occasionally arrives 5 minutes setting in which he is thoroughly at home.
late, AIKEN greets him with a dry "Where Finally, it should be borne in mind that
have you been this forenoon?" our forces are in an open-ended war. In 1
Though MANSFIELD scorns the flexible year the conflict has already spread by air
morality of many politicians, he is an ex- from South Vietnam to North Vietnam. By
cellent politician himself. He considers air it has already spilled over the borders of
being a U.S. Senator "the finest job in the Laos. There is a constant threat of a further
world" and is in his office every day at 7 expansion into Cambodia and Thailand.
a.m. to catch the first mail delivery from So far the North Vietnamese have been
Montana. He sees as many of his constitu- able and willing to escalate their commit-
ents as he possibly can and, while wrestling ment of men and material sufficiently to
with the problems of the Senate leadership, neutralize our increased aid and prevent any
still finds time for the details that win votes. fundamental change in the basic situation
"If I forget Montana, then Montana will In South Vietnam. It is no wonder that
forget me," he explains. further escalation of the U.S. commitment
Some men seek power and enjoy and em- has been under consideration for some time
ploy it. Some have power thrust upon them in Saigon and Washington. The Defense
and accept it only from a sense of duty. Department has been budgeted for a $1.7
Frequently they find its exercise painful in billion increase, most of it earmarked for
the extreme. Such a man is MIKE MANS- Vietnam. More and more there is talk of
With armed forces of 600,000 half of
whom are regulars-the government of Gen.
Nguyen Cao Ky in Saigon has managed to
hold its political position somewhat more
firmly than any of its many predecessors
since Ngo Dinh Diem. But there is no blink-
ing the fact that after the assassination of
President Diem a great deal in the way of
popular support and terrain was lost by Sai-
gon. The terrain has not been recovered,
and popular support can hardly be expected
for military leaders whose names are prob-
ably better known in this country than to
the people of Vietnam. To be sure Saigon
has many plans to alter this situation. With
U.S. aid-backing, programs of political, so-
cial, and economic development are being
developed. It may be that the Honolulu
Conference in February will have spurred
these plans into practice. Certainly, Presi-
dent Johnson has laid great stress on this
aspect of the Vietnamese problem, even send-
ing the Vice President to southeast Asia.
However hopeful the plans may be, the fact
is that no significant reversal of the situa-
tion has yet been brought about in South
Vietnam. The sooner we face that fact the
better off we are going to be. General West-
moreland put it well at the end of the Presi-
dent's meeting with the Vietnamese leaders
in Honolulu recently when he stated: "I do
feel we must be prepared for a long war. The
nature of the enemy is such that we cannot
nam before the end of 1966 and of redoubling
the total in 1967.
If present trends continue, the need for
(By Senator MIKE MANSFIELD) additional military strength In Vietnam Is
On the Great Seal of the United States, the inescapable. What is uncertain, however, is
eagle holds an olive branch in one claw. In whether the increase will alter the funda-
the other there is a bunch of arrows. That mental situation or merely spread the devas-
Is as near to an expression of current U.S. tation in South Vietnam and push the
policy on Vietnam as is likely to be found. ground war beyond its borders. The fact is
If we are on an escalator in Vietnam, it is that- the Communists in Asia remain in a
one in which both sides go up. Our mili- position to raise the ante in Vietnam and
tary efforts climb rapidly. Also on the rise southeast Asia as our commitment rises. To
are the efforts to find a way to peace, date, that is precisely what they have been
Clearly in 1 year we have put to use more doing, and they still have scarcely touched
military power in Vietnam than has been General Giap's North Vietnamese main force.
brought to bear on any one place at any time The U.S. military effort is already so great
since Korea. This great strength blunted the. in Vietnam as almost to overshadow that of
thrust of the Vietcong drive for the conquest the Vietnamese forces themselves. If it
of the south. It undoubtedly saved the Viet- grows much heavier serious questions may
namege Government from collapse a year ago. well arise in Vietnam and elsewhere as to
The situation that confronts President
Johnson in Vietnam is, in fact, more com-
plex and difficult than that which faced
Woodrow Wilson - in World War I, Franklin
D. Roosevelt in World War II or Harry Tru-
man during the Korean conflict.
One thing is certain: Slim as the prospect
of reaching peace through negotiations may
be, President Johnson will continue to press
for it. That is as it should be with respect
to Vietnam. Indeed, it would be well to
remember that whilp the eagle on the great
seal of the United States holds both arrows
and olive branch, his head is inclined toward
the olive branch.
THE THREAT OF INFLATION
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, Rich-
ard M. Nixon is one of the most able and
articulate public servants of this genera-
tion. He has served his Nation and the
Republican Party in both the House of
Representatives and the Senate, and for
8 years as Vice President of the United
States.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
5388 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE March 14, 1966
Few Americans of our time are so The American. people are entitled to have The 16 million union workers will suffer
qualified to address themselves to the the answers to two questions: How did we as well. If the Johnson guidelines hold their
great issues confronting this Nation. get into this "war on prosperity?" And, how wage increases to only 3.2 percent while the
In a series of newspaper columns, dis- can we get out of it? Johnson inflation raises the prices of what
tributed throughout the united states, CLEAR ANSWER they buy by 5 percent, their real wages,
Mr. Nixon is speaking out on these is- The answer to the first question is clear, measured in purchasing power, will actually
sues. As prices and taxes rise, administration be cut by 2 percent in 1966.
The first column, carried In the LOS spokesmen will try to blame labor for de- Losing the war against inflation will also
Angeles Times, deals with the ominous manding higher wages, they will try to blame mean another battle lost in the war against
nnot
the war higher in Vietnams, they poverty. it will the
threat of inflation, a threat to the Pay- willit ysto for blame asking
suJohnson cceed in is eating a is
ew
check of every American worker and the There is only one place to put the blame- class of poor. Among the new poor will be
budget of every American housewife. the budget-brinkmanship of the Johnson millions of retired citizens. They will see
In the tradition of the loyal oppost- administration. their life insurance, their pensions, their so-
tion, Mr. Nixon has held out an alterna- There were plenty of early warning signals. cial security, and their savings eaten up by
tive course of action for our Government There was the highest December rise in the the hidden tax of inflation.
to, avert this danger of inflation. cost of living in 15 years. Here is the ultimate tragedy: As we con-
There was the yearend report that whole- tinue to lose the war against inflation we
I ask unanimous consent that Mr. sale prices went up more in 1965 than they shall become hopelessly bogged down in the
Nixon's comments be printed in the REC- had in the last 8 years. war nobody wants-the "war on prosperity."
ORD. There were the accumulated deficits of 6 TAX RAISE POSSIBLE
There being no objection, the article years of unbalanced budgets of the admin- Because it failed to cut nonmilitary ex-
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, istration. penditures, the administration has now in-
as follows: There were the demands of the war in Viet- dicated that it may soon have to raise taxes.
JOHNSON INFLATION MAJOR ISSUE of 1966: nam. And lurking just around the corner is pros-
NIXON ACCUSES PRESIDENT OF WAGING WAR In a speech on December 3, I warned: "The perity's most deadly enemy-compulsory
ON PROS PERrsa American economy is on a collision course wage and price control. As Dr. Arthur Burns
with inflation. Unless strong corrective ac- said recently: "Such controls might sup-
(By Richard M. Nixon) tion is taken dealing with causes rather than press inflation for a time but at the cost of
(NOTE -With this article Richard M. Nixon Symptoms, the American people face higher impairing efficiency and destroying economic
begins a series of monthly columns which prices, higher taxes, and wage and price con- freedom."
will appear in the Times. The former Vice trols in the next 2 years." How can we start winning the war against
President outlined his objectives in this let- Along with many others in the loyal oppo- inflation and end this "war against pros-
ter: sition, I recommend cutting nondefense perity?"
("In the forthcoming months I will have spending and checking the expansion of It is time for the administration to adopt
the opportunity to be writing a series of col- credit. Instead of using these weapons, which as its guideline not politics as usual but eco-
umns discussing the great issues that will be could have won the war against inflation, nomic statesmanship of the highest order.
debated in the 1966 campaign. President Johnson moved in exactly the op- It is time for the President to level with
("It is the tradition of the loyal opposi- posite direction, the American people and to tell them that in
tion in this country to support the Presi- Instead of moving to check the expansion a period when we are spending billions more
dent when his policy is in the best interests of credit, he criticized William McChesney for military expenditures abroad, it is neces-
of the American people, and to oppose and Martin for raising the Federal Reserve Board sary to cut nonmilitary expenditures at
constructively criticize those administration discount rate. home.
programs or policies which we believe to be Instead of cutting nonmilitary expendi- Instead of condemning Chairman Martin
misdirected or wrong. tures, he raised them. for his courageous farsighted action, the ad-
("These columns will remain in that tradi~ , Instead of presenting an honest budget his ministration should encourage action in the
tion, administration overestimated revenues, un- public and private sector which will check
("As you are aware, I have supported the derestimated expenditures, and threw in some the rate of expansion of credit.
actions President Johnson has taken to as- one-shot accounting gimmicks to disguise a If these major weapons' are not thrown
sist the people of South Vietnam to defend $9 billion budget deficit as a cash surplus. Into the battle immediately, the war against
their national independence from Commu- Instead of using these battle-tested weap- inflation will be lost and Mr. Johnson's ili-
nist aggression. His efforts to as - - ,,,et nos to fight rho war a
ain
t i
fl t,
_
g
s
n
o
-- "--' r`....... Normally we could rely on the Congress to
freedom Of the Vietnamese people will con- to be duds--so-called "voluntary" guidelines
tinue to receive that support. for prices and wages. These weapons were restore responsibility to the budget. How-
too little, too late, and aimed at the wrong ever, the Democrats with their current 2-
("This first column, however, deals with a to-1 majority
great domestic issue where the President and target. in the House and Senate are
I do not agree. That is the issue of infia- He failed to recognize that the best way creating such a racket bickering with each
tion. for Government to set guidelines is for Gov- other and the President over Vietnam and
("I do not believe the course of action the ernment to set an example. Instead he de- shouting through approval of every new
President has chosen is a wise one; I do not manded that business slam on the price domestic spending program coming down
believe it will successfully meet this growing brakes while Government stepped on the from the White House that the voice of the
domestic responsible Republican opposition is lost in
peril. spending accelerator. the chorus.
("Therefore, I am taking this occasion to Now with the war on inflation being lost
criticize the administration's program and to and Mr. Johnson's "war on prosperity" What this country needs, what the Presi-
hold out an alternative course of action launched, the casualties are beginning to dent needs, is a Congress that will stand up
which I believe must be taken to remove mount. to him in defense of the dollar at home and
this threat to the wel-being of every Ameri- In his state of the Union message. the si4nd up with him in defense of freedom
tic issue of the 1966 congressional-campaign His question has turned out to be a deadly ENATOR SYMINGTON SPEAKS OUT
boomerang. AS the Johnson inflation begins
The President's deceptive
un-and
b
tt
g
-
u
er
budget, which just a month ago was hailed to eat into family budgets all over the Na- Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
as a political masterpiece, has turned out to tion, millions of Americans are asking, Whom President, my colleague on the Senate
be his first major political blunder. will he sacrifice? Armed Services Committee, the Honor-
His irresponsible refusal to face up to the If prices continue to rise at the December able STUART SYMINGTON, of Missouri,
rate there will be a 5-percent increase n
danger of economic escalation at home at a the cost of living in 1966. This is like im- has energetically and effectively rebutted
time when we have military escalation abroad posing a 5-percent sales tax across the board some of the assertions of critics of the
will cost his party scores of House and Senate on food, clothng, and all the necessities of administration's southeast Asia policies.
seats in November; more important, it will life. On February 23, he appeared cost those Americans who can least afford it Whom then will sacrifice' Y for broasth t in oy
billions of dollars in higher taxes and higher Not the rich, a radio State est Virginia, and e
prices. Not the who o can hedge against in- home State of West Virginia, anhe
flation, but the poor; the 20 million retired emphasized that the American people
His budget message should have been a Americans living on social security who have
declaration of war against inflation. Instead no pay raise corning; the 3 million Americans want peace but they want it with honor.
it was a declaration of Mr. Johnson's "war on in the armed services and the millions more He further pointed out that many of the
prosperity"-a war in which the casualties working in Federal, State and local govern- statements by administration critics are
will be the family budgets of millions of meats who have no clause in their contracts undoubtedly giving aid and comfort to
Americans. to compensate them for rising prices. the Communist aggressors in Asia,
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
March 4, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
Senator SYMINGTON has continued his
efforts to rebut some of the claims of
administration critics of the U.S. Asian
policies. The article, "A Rebuttal of a
Rebuttal of Vietnam Policy," published.
in the Sunday, March 13, issue of the
Washington, D.C., Post, is an eloquent
statement of his views.
I ask unanimous consent that this
article be printed in the RECORD at this
point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A RFnurTAL OF A REBUTTAL OF VIETNAM POLICY
(By STUART SYMINGTON, Democratic Senator
from Missouri, and former Air Force
Secretary)
Within the past several weeks, the Wash-
ington Post has published an address by
Under Secretary of State George Ball defend-
ing the Johnson administration's position on
Vietnam and a rebuttal article by Senator
FRANK CHURCH, Democrat, of Idaho, headed,
"The Basic Flaw in Our Asian Strategy."
The following thoughts have to do with
certain basic views presented by Senator
CHURCH; later I make some observations "of
my own concerning the relationship of his-
tory to the Vietnam problem we face today.
The Senator brings up three main points
in his disagreement with Secretary Ball: first,
that Asia and the other less-developed con-
tinents are different from Europe; second,
that there is a sizable and significant differ-
ence between "Chinese aggression" and
"Communist expansionism," and third, that
the concept of spheres of influence is still a
logical and useful way to come to grips with
From these premises, Senator CHURCH con-
cludes that our present Vietnam policy is
unwise and unworkable although with candor
he acknowledges the difficulty that lies in the
way of embarking on an alternative one.
The Senator disagrees with those who be-
lieve that the war in Vietnam is a test case
of our ability to resist the accepted Com-
munist tactic of "wars of national libera-
tion." He views this struggle as basically the
working out of anticolonialist and nationalist
resultants left over from the end of French
rule in 1954,
REVERSE DOMINO
Before examining his argument in detail,
let us note the wider implications of his
analysis. He does far more than merely
question the policy of this administration:
assisting the people of South Vietnam in
resisting the attack that has been mounted
against them. He attacks the foundations of
U.S. policy throughout the less developed
world-the so-called southern two-thirds of
the globe, wherein live four-fifths of the'
world's population.
Were it not a metaphor that has been
gravely weakened by misuse, one could de-
scribe his position as the "reverse domino"
theory; because if United States overall pol-
icy in Vietnam is as wrong as the Senator
suggests, its policy is likely to be mistaken
in other areas as well. If the "policy domino"
falls in Vietnam, it will carry down with it
a number of policy principles that are being
applied in the rest of the world.
The first contention of the Senator is that
the rest of this world is not like Europe in
the sense that Europe, after World War IT,
was composed of well-established govern-
ments able to resist either internal subversion
or Communist political takeovers. The prob-
lem facing Europe, he suggests, was the
threat of Soviet milltary aggression, and in
order to halt and contain this threat, we
cooperated in the formation of NATO.
This "stopped the westward movement of
Russian aggression," not "the spread of
communism," a phrase in the Ball speech
which he rejects because he believes it an
unsatisfactory description of Soviet ambi-
tions. But to describe the problem of Eu-
rope after World War II as being no more
than the prevention of Soviet tanks from
rolling westward is oversimplifying history
to the point of distortion.
BUILDING FROM SCRATCH
in 1945, the countries of Europe were on
their knees economically, and it took sizable
amounts of American aid to start them on
the road to recovery. The war left behind
the remnants of discredited political arrange-
ments, and not just in the defeated coun-
tries of the Axis. Political stability was an
elusive goal in some countries.
Large Communist elements existed in
France, Italy, and elsewhere. Their con-
tinued existence to this day apparently would
lead Senator CuvacH to his conclusion that
Soviet aggression, not communism expan-
sion, was what was contained by American
forces.
Surely the situation allows of another ex-
planation which to me is both more plausi-
ble and more pertinent to what is now hap-
pening in Vietnam. The vital point is not
that there were strong Communist parties
in Western Europe but rather that they did
not move to take power as they did in Po-
land, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Rumania.
The explanation may be that Communists
west of the Danube are benign, parliamen-
tarily and morally opposed to the use of force.
In that case, the Communists now fighting
to export North Vietnam's way of life into
South Vietnam are different from those in
Italy and France-but surely in ways that
entitle South Vietnam to greater, not less,
American assistance.
It would seem that a more likely explana-
tion, and one with equal or greater pertin-
ence to the current situation in Vietnam, is
that the Communist elements in Western
Europe were restrained by the presence of
Western forces both before and after the for-
mation of NATO. The Communist parties of
Western Europe protested with all their re-
sources of propaganda and disorder at what
they described as an assertion of American
hegemony in Europe.
THE GREEK AFTERMATH
The Senator's argument ends on a curious
note, for he concludes that even though we
succeeded in Europe, we are likely to fail in
Asia. The success in Europe that we now
take for granted was hardly evident during
the grim winter of 1946-47
Let us remember that in 1947, Communist
forces in Greece were just 20 miles from
Athens. That war was halted by sizable in-
jections of American assistance, including
military personnel, and later by the with-
drawal of Yugoslavia from the Soviet orbit,
leaving the Communists without that secure
base.
What happened in Greece yields clear les-
sons for today's struggle in Vietnam, and the
analogy is not destroyed by the fact that, as
Senator Church puts it, "we did not inter-
vene with troops " Neither did we intervene
with troops for the first several years of the
Communist attack against Vietnam. Only
when the infiltration of Communist military
forces from outside became obvious, and be-
yond the capabilities of the South Viet-
namese to resist adequately on their own,
did we begin to put American fighting forces
into Vietnam.
In Senator Church's opinion, the analogy
between Europe and Asia, and between
Greece and Vietnam, also breaks down on the
point that we and the Europeans share a
common culture and civilization, including
a common experience of freedom. Surely
the concept of cultural spheres of influence
depends on who is drawing the lines.
Greece has cultural links with France,
England, and the United States, but its ties
5389
to the East and South are not insignificant.
The Eastern Orthodox Church belongs as
much to Russia as to Greece. Conversely,
Vietnam, after 80 years under French domi-
nation, may have earned -some title to a
common heritage, with a cultural and way
of life that Westerners are quick to appreci-
ate and admire.
I do not mean to press the point, but in
this nuclear space age, the concept of mu-
tual cultural interests is to me a much too
narrow basis for determining where and
when we should make our presence felt in
assisting independent nations in their effort
to preserve freedom from Communist ex-
ploitation.
By his emphasis on this point, Senator
Church comes perilously close to limiting our
protective role to a "seamless web," to use his
phrase, of Western civilization. He may pro-
test this interpretation of his argument, but
it is no more incorrect than his charge that
our Government fails to see the differences
between and within Communist countries,
There is nothing in the reasoned argu-
ment of Secretary Ball, or, as far as I know,
in any statement by any administration
spokesman, to suggest that the State De-
partment does not recognize the important
differences between the Communist govern-
ments of Eastern Europe, for example, on
the one hand, and those of mainland China
or North Korea on the other. In fact, the ad-
ministration has shown itself to be clearly
conscious not only, of the differences between
the various Communist camps but, per-
haps more significantly-for this is a point
left out of the argument of my colleague-
it recognizes that communism itself changes
with the passage of time.
The Soviet Union of today is not the So-
viet Union that suffered under the night-
mare rule of Stalin in his final, paranoid
years. It is as great a mistake to fail to note
the differences between the shrewd and flex-
ible line of a Khrushchev preaching peaceful
coexistence and the strictures of a Stalin as
it is to overlook the differences between na-
tional varieties of communism.
A HOPE FOR ASIA
The changed conditions that now enable
the President to proclaim a policy of "build-
ing bridges" to Eastern Europe also point in
the direction of a future solution to the
problems posed by Communist expansionism
and Chinese aggression in Asia. For it is in
the possbility of an eventual change within
the regimes now leading the Asian Commu-
nist nations that hope lies for the future
peace, freedom and development of the coun-
tries of Asia.
In the Communist world today, China
leads the militant camp, preaching a doc-
trine of continuous and violent revolution
directed at the less developed nations of the
world. Its form of aggression has been the
export of subversion, and whether this
should be characterized as expansionism or
aggression is to mince words. Either way, it
seeks to advance the coming to power of
Communist governments.
In seeking to acknowledge the correctness
of a geopolitical claim to spheres of influence
by China, Senator CHURCH in' effect consigns
a number of neighboring countries to the
tender mercies of the commissars-not just
Vietnam, but also Laos, Cambodia, Thailand,
Indonesia the Philippines-and possibly one
should add Korea and Japan. They are lo-
cated within the Chinese range of power and
thus, by his logic, would not be entitled to
our assistance to resist Communist encroach-
ment.
The Senator feels that China does not need
to use open military methods in order to
achieve its aim. Yet in Vietnam, the Com-
munists sought for several years to achieve
their purpose by techniques of subversion
and propaganda. Only when these means
were frustrated did they move to a more
active stage of military effort.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
5390 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The United States successfully aided South
Vietnam during the earlier 1956-59 period.
Only when the Communists escalated their
attack by the introduction of large numbers
of cadres and weapons from North Vietnam
did we begin to provide military forces, first
as advisers, then in combat strength.
it is the Communists who shaped the na-
ture of that attack; we did not. I would
like to ask Senator Cssuzcsr: At what point
in the shift from what he might call "ex-
pansionism" to what is plainly today a case
of aggression would be have halted American
assistance to South Vietnam?
COMPARING SPHERES
A final point about spheres of influence:
The Senator concludes In a most curious
fashion that we and the Chinese have simi-
lar rights to "spheres of influence": we in
this hemisphere, they in the countries on
their periphery.
Such a view cannot be left unchallenged.
Surely the Senator does not mean to suggest
that the Communist Chinese policy of ex-
ported subversion is similar to the voluntary
and cooperative relationship that exists
among the countries of this hemisphere and
ourselves, as expressed in the OAS and the
Alliance for Progress.
The Senator cites Cuba. But when that
country allowed itself to become a base for
Soviet missiles, the countries of Latin Amer-
lea voted 20 to 0 to condemn this action and
support the blockade.
The Senator uses an analogy from the game
of chess. Each "piece"-pawn or king-rep-
resents large numbers of people in important
parts of the world. Surely one man's pawn
is another man's king or queen. It all de-
pends where they, and the observer, are
located.
We heard Neville Chamberlain state in the
late 1930's that Czechoslovakia was "a far-
away country of which we know little." But
to the people who wept in Prague when Ger-
man tanks rolled in, that country was not far
away but right there.
Should we not consider that today, in mili-
tary time, Red China is far closer to all of
America than Czechoslovakia was to Britain?
This telescoping of time and space, along
with the development of megaton weapons,
can only change radically the "spheres of in-
fluence" concept. From the standpoint of
national security, in effect every country is
now in the next county.
LATE H0UR INDEED
And so it would seem to me that if one
accepts the position of Senator CHUacu and
his supporters, the claim can be made that
we have lost some money and, what is more
important, some lives. If these people are
wrong, however, and if we do not recognize
our responsibility as the only Nation left
capable of resisting such aggression, tomor-
row we could be fighting for more than Jus-
tice; we could be fighting for survival.
In his "total disagreement" with the views
of the State Department as to the importance
of early deterrence of further Communist ag-
gression, Senator CHVRcH holds that the De-
partment's position "is a myopia reminiscent
of the Bourbon kings of whom it was said,
'They have learned nothing and forgotten
nothing' "
Earlier this year, it was Dean Acheson who
said: "The fate of the people of Vietnam is
of the same vital concern to the United
States as that of those whom In the past we
have helped to resist subjugation. Indeed,
the situation In Asia today is reminiscent of
the problems the United States confronted in
Europe in 1947."
The last line of Senator Crrugcn's article
reads, "And the hour is late." With that I
fully agree. It is not as late as It was for the
French after Munich, but if it is Important to
liberty that Communist world aggression be
resisted with unity In the free world, it is
becoming very late Indeed.,
Mr. RANDOLPH subsequently said:
My colleague from West Virginia (Mr.
BYRD] has performed a timely service in
bringing to the attention of the Senate
and in presenting for publication in the
RECORD the Washington Post article of
Sunday, March 13, 1966, entitled "A Re-
buttal of a Rebuttal of Vietnam Policy,"
by the distinguished senior Senator from
Missouri Mir. SYMiNGToNI.
The Senator now speaking was im-
pressed by the basic article by Under
Secretary of State George Ball, which
was published in the Washington Post
of Sunday, February 6, 1966, and which
was republished the following day in the
RECORD under my auspices.
I believe, too, that the able senior Sen-
ator from Idaho [Mr. CHURCH], in his
Washington Post article of Sunday, Feb-
ruary 20, 1966, and in his remarks the
next day in the Senate were thought-
provoking rebuttal.
Now, Mr. President, we have-in Sen-
ator SYMINGTON'S rebuttal to the Senator
Church rebuttal to Under Secretary
Ball's searching analysis of our involve-
ment and efforts in Vietnam--a pene-
trating discussion which adds both facts
and dignity to the debate.
The senior Senator from Missouri [Mr.
SYMINGTON] addresses the issue persua-
sively and from a remarkable back-
ground. He draws upon knowledge and
experience based on years of service on
both the Foreign Relations and Armed
Services Committees and upon prior dis-
tinguished service as one Of the Nation's
most capable Air Force Secretaries.
Because of Senator SYMINGTON's cre-
dentials and his qualities of statesman-
ship, I consider him to be one of the
most expert of Americans-whether in,
or outside of, the field of public affairs-
on the subject of our involvement in
southeast Asia and what should be done
as a consequence of this vexing
condition.
Mr. President, I have associated my-
self generally with the position statement
by Under Secretary of State Ball. I have
read the rebuttal by Senator CHURCH
and commend him for having forth-
rightly expressed his views. I have
studied carefully the Symington rebut-
tal to the Church rebuttal, and I am con-
vinced that Senator SYMneGTow's posi-
tion is a realistic one.
West Virginians join their fellow
Americans In being understandably con-
cerned with the problems we face in
southeast Asia. They realize that the
changing, yet ever-real, struggle against
communistic aggression must be counter-
acted as we are opposing it in South
Vietnam.
IMPACTED AREAS SCHOOL-AID
CUTS
Mr. FONG. Mr. President, I am very
much concerned about the drastic re-
duction proposed by President Johnson
in his 1967 budget for Federal financial
aid to schools in impacted areas.
Under Public Law 874, the 1967 entitle-
ments for Hawaii would be an estimated
$7,828,897.
Under the President's proposed amend-
ments, Hawaii's estimated entitlements
March j4, 1966
would be only $4,609,128, a reduction of
$3,219,769.
This is a cut of approximately 41 per-
cent-a very severe cut to impose, espe-
cially since the cut occurs in one year.
This means that the people of Hawaii
will somehow have to make up this $3.2
million loss.
Yet the people of Hawaii already are
making strenuous efforts to provide more
and more funds for our schools. Im-
proving school buildings, facilities, op-
portunities for teacher improvement,
special services, greater opportunities for
students-in short, a better school sys-
tem is one of the highest priority pro-
grams in Hawaii.
Although ours is an Island State, we
have a single education district organ-
ized under the Hawal State Department
of Education. It is a fine school system
and we are proud of it. But there are
many needed improvements and changes
to keep our school system abreast of the
knowledge explosion.
The people of Hawaii want good
schools. They fully realize how impor-
tant a good education is to their chil-
dren, to their own future, and to the fu-
ture of our State. This is why the people
of Hawaii, through their State legisla-
ture, have agreed to substantially higher
school budgets in recent years.
The loss of $3.2 million in Federal
school assistance would put a very heavy
unexpected burden on the people of
Hawaii.
Since 1950, Hawaii has received Fed-
eral school aid under Public Law 874 to
help cover operating costs involved in
education of federally connected chil-
dren. Congress enacted this law, and
Public Law 815 for construction assist-
ance, in recognition of that fact that
Federal installations, agencies, and ac-
tivities have many times caused a mush-
rooming of school enrollments. To help
offset the financial burden this imposes
on local school districts, Congress has
provided by formula for Federal finan-
cial assistance.
Where these Federal agencies and ac-
tivities continue, the local school districts
had every reason to expect that Federal
financial aid would continue to be forth-
coming.
In Hawaii, there are many Federal ac-
tivities, of which the military establish-
ment is the largest. The entire Nation
knows how important Hawaii is to our
Pacific defenses and to our effort in Viet-
nam. School plans have been made in
anticipation of continued Federal assist-
ance on the same basis as heretofore for
federally connected children in Hawaii's
school system.
A reduction such as the President pro-
posed in his 1967 budget would really
upset the school applecart.
I know a great many other school dis-
tricts in America will also be adversely
affected if these budget cuts remain.
Mr. President, the Third Legislature of
the State of Hawaii recently adopted a
concurrent resolution protesting the
President's proposed cut In impacted
areas aid and requesting the President to
withdraw these cuts. I ask unanimous
consent that at the conclusion of my
remarks the text of the resolution be
printed in full.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
March' 14 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
At 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the Ameri-
cans and the highland tribesmen clinging
to the northern rim of the camp were ready
to stage a counterattack against the enemy
trench line along the southern barbed-wire
perimeter. But the attack was postponed,
and then canceled, when the weather turned
bad and the planes could not strike.
One group of 19 survivors climbed out of
helicopters in Da Nang, and others went in
bases in the northern sector of the country.
The group that arrived at Da Nang, in a
gloomy drizzle, included three Americans.
They were carried to ambulances.
A Marine spokesman said that two of 18
helicopters involved in the evacuation had
been shot down. The crew of one was picked
up, but the four men aboard the second were
missing.
Four times during the day, as enemy
troops massed along the broken south wall
of the camp and then near the airstrip to the
east, C-123 transport planes parachuted sup-
plies and ammunition to the troops Inside.
Some packages landed Inside the enemy
lines.
REDUCTION IN SCHOOL
MILK FUNDS
Mr. FANNIN. Mr. President, by rec-
ommending a drastic cut in funds for the
school milk program In the same budget
that calls for grandiose new spending
schemes, this administration has exposed
the insincerity of its alleged commit-
ment to economy In government.
We have been asked to cut the school
milk fund from $103 million down to $21
million-a reduction of some 80 percent.
Yet in the same budget we are asked
to appropriate billions to expand Great
Society programs, such as the war on
poverty, where the weapons are mostly
rapid-fire mimeograph machines for
publicity releases.
This is only one of many areas where
prudent budget cuts can and should be
made.
To my knowledge the administration
has never voiced any concern about the
$115 billion in foreign _aid we have
showered upon the world during the last
20 years.
Instead, we are told this should be con-
tinued but our own school children
should be made victims of a phony
economy move.
I am gratified that a majority of the
Members of the Senate have expressed
opposition to this unjustified proposal by
supporting S. 2921. I strongly support
the aim of this legislation to establish
funding for the school milk program at
a reasonable level.
RETIREMENT OF SENATOR HARRY
F. BYRD OF VIRGINIA
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
? regret that because of the necessity of
presiding at a meeting of the Committee
on Foreign Relations, I was unable to be
in the Chamber last Tuesday when my
Finance Committee colleagues paid trib-
ute to Harry, Byrd.
. As a junior member of that committee
I hope I will be allowed to second every-
thing they said at that time about our
good friend. He served his people, his
State, and his Nation well for nearly 33
years in this body. No man in Virginia's
,history served in higher office longer
than Harry Byrd. He was a credit to
this body and I join my colleagues in
wishing him many happy, peaceful years
of observing the public scene from the
sidelines. The peace and rest he is now
enjoying have been well deserved.
Mr. SALTONSTALL. Mr. President,
Senator Harry Flood Byrd has retired
from the U.S. Senate after a lifetime of
public service. He stands as a unique
figure in our country's public life. As
Governor of his home State at an early
age, he built an administration based on
integrity, efficiency, and service to the
people of Virgina. His term of service
endeared him to the people of his State
so that when he became a candidate for
the Senate he received an overwhelming
endorsement, and this endorsement car-
ried through five terms. In fact, when
in 1960 he announced his intention to
retire from this body, the Legislature
of the Commonwealth of Virginia unani-
mously requested him to serve again. He
and Mrs. Byrd were so moved by this ex-
pression of confidence that they agreed
that he should carry forward the man-
date.
It has been my honor to serve with
Senator Byrd for 22 years, and like all
other Members of our body, I recognize
and respect his steadfastness, his cour-
age, and his forthrightness in speaking
and voting for what he believed to be in
the best interest of the United States.
Throughout the period of our service he
was one of the most influential Mem-
bers of the Senate, not because of the
important positions he held, but also be-
cause of his strength of character. As
chairman of the Finance Committee and
as a colleague on the Armed Services
Committee, he was always fair, always
thoughtful, always concerned about the
welfare of our Nation. Everyone recog-
nized that and respected him for it. At
times-sometimes when when it was diffi-
cult to do so-he put our country ahead
of his State. Certainly to his colleaguep
he exemplified the real essence of a leg-
islator in the best sense of that word.
I know him as a friend. My four
grandchildren are his great-nephews,
and I have always enjoyed showing him
their pictures and telling him that they,
like him, stand firmly for what they
believe in.
We always knew where Senator Harry
Flood Byrd stood. All the positions he
took in this body were based on his ob-
jective analysis of the situation and were
never personal. In that way he retained
as friends and admirers those with whom
he did not agree.
We have always enjoyed our visits to
Senator Byrd's home in Berryville, espe-
cially in the spring when his well-kept
apple trees are in full bloom, and we look
forward to visiting him there in the fu-
ture. We shall all miss him in the Sen-
ate, and we wish him: many years of
happy life.
ALF M. LANDON SPEAKS ON
VIETNAM
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, once
again the Honorable Alf M. Landon has
made a substantial and enlightening
contribution to the dialog concerning
one of the great issues which face our
Nation and this generation.
His speech delivered on March 7 in
Topeka, Kans., concerning the Vietnam
war represents, I think, an understand-
ing of an incredibly complex problem
and a clarity of thought which has long
been absent in the Vietnam debate.
Mr. Whitley Austin of the Salina
Journal commented upon this address in
an editorial in the Salina Journal on
March 10, 1966, entitled, "Containment
Now May Stop World War Later." As
Mr. Austin observes :
No one puts the pieces of the Vietnam
puzzle together more clearly than Alf Lan-
don, the former Governor, who has become
as much of a fox at international relation-
ships as he once was at Kansas politics.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the address by Governor Lan-
don - and the editorial herein noted be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
and editorial were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
VIETNAM
(Address by Alf M. Landon, Kiwanis Clubs
meeting, Topeka, Kans., Mar. 7, 1966)
As the Vietnam war pressure mounts on
our manpower and our economy-two ques-
tions are being asked by Americans.
First, how did we get into this war-and,
second, how do we get out?
The first leads to the second, and that has
long range Impact on the entire world's gov-
ernments' domestic and foreign policies.
The genesis of our being in South Vietnam
is the Truman containment policy and the
failure of the Marx-Lenin theories to work
in practice in any of the Communist coun-
tries. The Communists have found it nec-
essary to steadily water down their theories
by increasing individual incentive motives.
That: varies from country to country. Red
China has just barely started on that capi-
talistic principle-while Yugoslavia has gone
farther than probably any other Communist
country in departing from the Marx-Lenin
dogmas.
It is evident from this record that the
only chance any form of communism has
to conquer and dominate the world is by
military force. They never will bury us eco-
nomically, as Khrushchev once boasted.
Therefore, Mao is probably brutally right-
as far as Communist domination is con-
cerned-when he told Nehru that he was
planning a nuclear war because-with the
size of their population-there would be
more Chinese left than any other peoples
in the world.
However, that does not suit the Russian
heirarchy in the Kremlin. Therefore, the
pulling_In opposite directions by China and
Russia that is splitting the Communist
parties in every country in the world. That
split may reach a climax in the coming late
March meeting of the Communist countries.
Right in the midst of these contradictions is
Vietnam that is spurring a hard line by the
Soviet military.
The Truman containment policy-as Sec-
retary Rusk said in his honest, clear, de-
tailed, and sound testimony before the Sen-
ate Foreign Relations Committee-is also at
stake in the Communist attack on South
Vietnam.
The Secretary said simply and clearly that
we are fighting a big was there to maintain
the Truman containment policy in the inter-
est and security of the United States of
America and the free world, and to keep our
oomm'timent under the SEATO Treaty.
Here is the truth at last from our national
administration's spokesmen.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 5394
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March ' 14, 1966
It's a continuation of 20 years of world-
wide nibbling here and fighting there by
Communist countries on the Truman con-
tainment policy that was first adopted to
protect Greece and Turkey from Communist
subversion when President Truman was in-
formed by England that it was no longer
able to.
When Secretary of State Dean Atcheson
practically invited China into Korea by pub-
licly saying it was "beyond the periphery of
our defenses," the Chinese-taking him at
his word-invaded Korea. Mr. Truman then
promptly acted courageously and correctly
between night and morning-opposing with
our Armed Forces their invasion.
There was the bombardment of Taiwan
by China-which Mr. Eisenhower answered
with the concentration of our 7th Fleet
in the strait between Taiwan and China.
There was the threat by Russia on Tu-
nisia-which Mr. Eisenhower answered with
the concentration of the 6th Fleet there.
There were Laos and Cuba.
Then there was Guatemala--and now
Santo Domingo.
So little Vietnam-practically unheard of
and unnoticed until 5 years ago-is today the
center of the nervous attention of the world
governments. It can well become the great
test of the Truman doctrine. I do not mean
that is Immutable. I do say it has not served
Its useful purpose until and unless Russia
and China change their proclaimed inten-
tion of conquering the world.
Little South Vietnam-a country of only
15 or so million population-with absolutely
no strategic military or economic value-no
transportation to speak of outside of water--
no natural resources outside of agriculture,
principally in the rice-rich Mekong Delta--
no popular interest in theircountry or Gov-
ernment-was probably chosen by China as
the most likely place to weaken the Truman
doctrine.
The Vietcong has been organized and
trained by North Vietnam in starting libera-
tion fronts in the traditional Communist un-
derground way of creating terror by murder
and kidnaping. Secretary of State Dean
Rusk recently called the Vietcong "an inven-
tion of the Communist Party of North Viet-
nam to serve as a political cloak for its activi-
ties in the south."
Our national administration is no longer
describing it as a brush war-no longer de-
scribing our soldiers as advisers. However, it
is still incorrectly describing it as a limited
war, because it Is not a limited was. As the
North Vietnamese feed In more troops-
America feeds in more troops.
Our President said, on Saturday, February
26, that there were no requests for additional
troops on his desk. On the following Mon-
day, the top U.S. marine in South Vietnam
told President Johnson, "We need more ma-
rines there to drive out Communist forces
and make sure they stay out."
All that clatter and chatter has weakened
the confidence of the American public in the
credibility of our national administration-
destroyed by a long record of unrealistic opti-
mism as to the size-the length--of a war
that we were first told was to be won by
American bombers and Vietnamese ground
troops.
This loss of confidence in what we have
been--and are being-told by our national
administration is bad for our country. The
grim factual report by Senator MANSFIELD of
actual conditions in south Vietnam shocked
Americans.
Roving Ambassador Averell Harriman said
that Vice President HuarsHREY's swing
around the Asiatic circle to line up stronger
allied force to meet the threat of China was
timely, in that he was able to offset mis-
understandings of Vietnam policy debates
in the Senate and public hearings by the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee, cou-
pled with editorials and commentaries that
"might have caused some real concern as to
whether we will stick in South Vietnam."
That is questionable.
However, that real concern is very defi-
nitely encouraged by our President's charac-
teristic involved, circuitous, steering line of
action. That is the way he operates from
beginning to end. It permeates his whole
political career-his Great Society program
here at home--and all his foreign policy. I
must say, that is true of most foreign offices
in the world. And, by the same token, that
same policy has resulted in bringing about
many of the Wars humanity has suffered.
Mr. Johnson got away with his long prac-
ticed put-and-take procedure masterfully
last year in his domestic program. Whether
he can get away with it i n foreign policy on
Vietnam is the big question.
It is a stupendous calculated risk. Don't
ever delude yourself that Mr. Johnson does
not know what he is doing. The risk is that
other peoples and their governments may
delude themselves as to what our President
is up to and what is the real policy that
motivates him and that he is pursuing. In
the history of mankind, many wars-that
were to be short range and turned into long
range ones--were stumbled and fumbled into
this way.
I quote John S. Knight in Editor's Note-
book: "Only now and far too late are we
hearing any debate on Vietnam. The hand-
ful of U.S. Senators who dare to question
Government policies are treated with studied
contempt.
"So at least it is clear that the President
has assumed all responsibility for the con-
duct of the war."
Senator John STENNIS, chairman of the
Senate Preparedness Investigating Subcom-
mittee, has said, "this is no longer peacetime,
and disaster may lie around the corner if we
continue to conduct a war under peacetime
policies and funding."
That brings me to the second question-
how do we get out of South Vietnam? There
are two ways.
One is to go all out and fight to the bitter
end with everything we have got until China
is no longer able to support the Communist
Vietcong and they are driven out of South
Vietnam.
We are failing to do that. We are still try-
ing to scare the North Vietnamese with
threats and they don't scare-alternating
with offers of economic assistance. We were
still not bombing military strategic places in
North Vietnam until last Friday when, for
the first time, we destroyed 100 miles of a
railroad military supply line.
The other way to get out of South Vietnam
is to phase out-as Senator ROBERT KENNEDY
advocates-by negotiations based on the
Vietcong being in a coalition government.
Two days later, Mr. Johnson's press secre-
tary announced there was no conflict with
the Senator's position and the President's.
They both agreed such an "accommoda-
tion"-that is a weasel-word for coalition-
with the Vietcong would have to be agreed to
first by the South Vietnamese in a free elec-
tion.
All right, what are we waiting for and
what are we continuing to fight for? Let's
hold the general election right away-If
that's neocolonialism, as far as the so-called
Government of South Vietnam is con-
cerned-it is realistic--even though Marshal
Ky stood up to President Johnson before the
ink was dry on the pact of Honolulu on the
section relating to the Vietcong participat-
ing in sny negotiations.
The point is that there never has been a
free election in South Vietnam. There is not
any possibility of holding one now or for a
long time. The world governments know
there will not be any Communist representa-
tion in the South Vietnamese Government
except by America's advice and consent.
Therefore, why all this weasel-worded talk
about a free election In South Vietnam to
ratify a Communist coalition government?
Any government in position at the time of
that election Is going to control it. That is
why the North Vietnamese will not accept
it as a peace solution unless the makeup of
the South Vietnamese Government is iirst
determined ahead of time. I quote from an
AP story dated February 24 from Saigon:
"Washington talk of free elections in Viet-
nam 'with all of us abiding by the con-
sequences of those elections, whatever they
may be' (quoting the President here) is an-
other area that gets increasingly complex
closer to the scene.
"The Ky government is talking of elec-
tions. There are plans to name an advisory
council for the building of democracy that
would work out a draft constitution. It has
been said that such a constitution would be
submitted to a referendum late this year and
that general elections would be held next
year.
"With the amount of land and the num-
ber of people the Communists control, it
hardly seems likely that voting booths are
about to spring up.
"The outlook is that there is a lot of war
to be fought first."
There is the sound statement of our Vice
President on the matter of accommodating
the Vietcong-who likened that to admitting
a fox to the chicken coop-after a while,
there would be no chickens left-or an arson-
ist to a fire department. That is the
100 percent record of Communist par-
ticipation to an extent in any govern-
ment anywhere in the world. I quote from
the February 25 "Research Institute Recom-
mendations":
"ROBERT KENNEDY'S 'Coalition With the
Vietcong' recommendation is a Rubicon in
the U.S. policy debate that can't be
recrossed. Despite his 'explanations' and
..backtracking since he proposed it, the 'coali-
tion' idea has found its inevitable place in
the debate."
-
"There's a faint chance that a coalition
with Reds would work, that the Communists
wouldn't turn it into an eventual takeover.
A detailed RIA study of past coalitions with
Reds shows that they have not been able
to seize power in every situation.
"1. For example, the Reds had posts In
the 'popular front' government In France
in the mid-1930'x, also under De Gaulle in
1946. They've been in the Parliaments of
Britain, Luxembourg, and Italy, even were
elected to a few places in U.S. localities in
the thirties.
"These were situations where they had no
chance of taking over. They settled for what
influence they could exert on foreign policy.
usually in furtherance of Soviet world
objectives of the moment. When Moscow's
aims changed, the popular fronts were all
junked, as when Stalin decided to woo Hitler,
rather than fight him.
"2. Where Reds had power positions, the
story was different. They turned every coali-
tion in Eastern Europe into a takeover after
World War II, ruthlessly disregarded solemn
wartime promises not to. They controlled
the key ministries, had Soviet power behind
them.
"3. There's a third category of Red 'col-
laboration': Paralysis. Where they could
neither rule nor ruin, they went in for block-
ing. The classic case is Laos. From 1954 on,
their Pathet Lao troops have kept every gov-
ernment hog tied through active military
terrorism.
"In 1962, they reaffirmed the 'coalition'
principle in Laos, but the Pathet Lao has yet
to enter the central government peacefully.
Only the diversion of Hanoi's aid to the war
in South Vietnam, plus U.S. force in Thai-
land, has kept them from taking over,
"Conclusion: There's small hope they'd re-
gard a coalition in South Vietnam as any-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Mardi 14,-,1966
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 5395
thing but another invitation to seizure of
power.
"Their model, in fact, is already set and
waiting-in Hanoi. For years before he took
over, Ho Chi Minh insisted his Vietminh
wasn't Communist dominated. He made the
same claims at the time that Liberation
Front backers are making in today's con-
iict-that it included non-Reds, national-
ists, Socialists, Trotskyites.
"But once Ho came to Hanoi as 'coalition'
chief in 1954, he turned on the non-Commu-
nists, exterminated them ruthlessly. France's
expert Bernard Fall, a stanch critic of U.S.
policy, estimates that Ho killed 10,000 to
100,000 opponents after 1954. Ho's defense
chief, General Giap, has boasted openly how
he did it."
There is no prospect of the short and easy
victory for America and her allies that we
were first assured would be the case. To
those who object to the term "victory," my
answer is that if President Eisenhower had
not made the Korean truce when he did 13
years ago-with 50,000 American soldiers still
stationed in Korea to maintain it-Mr. Ken-
nedy probably would not have been con-
fronted with Russia in Laos. If we had not
helped to establish Castro in the face of
warnings by three American ambassadors to
Cuba that he is a Communist-Mr. Kennedy
would not have been confronted with the
Russians in Cuba. We probably would not
be fighting today in South Vietnam, and, if
we were not fighting today in South Viet-
nam-China's devastating political defeats
in Asia and Africa probably would not have
occurred.
How we settle the Vietnamese war is of in-
ternational interest and concern. There is
not any question anywhere of America's win-
ning our South Vietnamese war. The only
question in the foreign offices is whether the
United States is willing to pay the cost of
ultimately obtaining its objective-that is, to
make the Truman doctrine for containment
of communism stick in South Vietnam, a bit-
ter and unwelcome task that may threaten
the distintegration of the world-or whether
we are going to phase out by abandoning
South Vietnam ultimately to the Commu-
nists, at a cost also that really threatens the
distintegration of world resistance to Chinese
or Russian Communist encroachment.
Either way, it will affect our relations with
every government in the world.
There is no war psychology in the United
States now. Assa matter of fact, the Viet-
namese war is not popular.
Therefore, let us look with unemotional
foresight where either settlement leaves us.
The first-that is, clearing the Commu-
nists out of South Vietnam and clearing out
ourselves, aiding that little underdeveloped
country to a higher standard of living, in-
cluding education-leaves free America in a
strong balance of power position militarily-
and what's of great importance in this mod-
ern world-politically.
That means an increasing economic loss
and-what is of infinitely more importance-
loss of American blood.
The second-admitting Communists to a
coalition South Vietnamese Government-
over the strongly expressed position of the
South Vietnamese Government-even though
it is in name only-means the weakening of
our balance-of-power position and the
strengthening of the Communist position in
every government in the world.
We become somewhat isolated. President
de Gaulle-who believes we haven't the pa-
tience and the determination to win in
South Vietnam-is already anticipating that
in his French policy of establishing better
relations between China and France. It's
the old principle-if you, can't lick them,
join them.
In England, the leftwing of the British
Labor Party favors the same policy. If we
weaken, we cut the ground out from under
a stanch supporter of the United States of
America, Prime Minister Wilson.
West Germany, Italy, Turkey, and Japan
will be forced to establish new relations with
all the Communist bloc.
Will the failure of the Marx-Lenin theories
to work economically force the Communist
bloc to attempt to conquer the world by
armed force or subversion?
We must be prepared in our thinking for
all those possibilities. Those who advocate
a settlement in South Vietnam with "ac-
commodation" to the Vietcong Communists
have not come up with any answers to what
then should be our policy.
I am no Johnny-come-lately, at least, in
discussing some of these key questions.
Where were they when I was urging ad-
mission in 1944 of Red China to the United
Nations-trade with Communist countries-
criticized John Foster Dulles' brinkman-
ship-promptly urged accepting Chou en
lai's proposal for a world conference to
abolish nuclear weapons-which U Thant as
Secretary General of the United Nations un-
precedentedly endorsed the next day-for
discussion, and France and Russia subse-
quently accepted.
Those could have led to hard-headed dis-
cussions and negotiations between Commu-
nist countries and the free world. "Accom-
modation" in Vietnam is not negotiation for
peace-but surrender to terror.
If we settle in South Vietnam for a Com-
munist victory through a coalition -govern-
ment-that means the fragmentation of our
Truman containment policy-that has been
a massive force in protecting the interests
of free countries in Europe, Asia, and Africa
from the neocolonialism of China and Rus-
sia. Therefore, our foreign policy and other
nations' International relations will be forced
into a new pattern.
China will recover some of the political
ground it has recently lost.
That may launch Russia into a hard line
in its relations with our country, as Premier
Kosygin's recent tirades against America seem
to mean. Although it is possible that the
increased threat of China may turn Russia
toward better relations with the West. That
coming March 29 Communist caucus in Mos-
cow may throw some light on the Soviets'
intentions.
Elsewhere in the world, and on this hemi-
sphere in particular, more Communist self-
styled liberation fronts will explode.
In other words-it is not only that world
war III might come from the escalation of
the war in Vietnam. It is more likely a
world war might come from the escalation of
appeasement by Americans.
Be that as it may-for better or for worse-
we must back our President's decisions in
this critical state of world affairs. His
strength is in an informed people.
I am confident that I speak for many
Americans in asking him to keep us better
informed.
[From the Salina (Kans.) Journal,
Max. 10, 19661
CONTAINMENT Now MAY STOP WORLD WAR
LATER
No one puts the pieces of the Vietnam
puzzle together more clearly than Alf Lan-
don, the former Governor, who has become as
much of a fox at international relationships
as he once was at Kansas politics.
When Landon speaks today he is heard.
Here is a quick synopsis of what he said
this week:
Communist failure is at the root of the
trouble. Marxian theories of economics
don't work. Russian and western Reds are
edging into profit capitalism. The only
chance for communism to dominate the
world is by military for". This is Red
China's objective, in Vietnam and elsewhere.
To contain Communist expansion has been
our purpose since Harry Truman first put
forth that doctrine. Containment has
worked wherever vigorously pursued. Now
the doctrine is being tested again in Asia.
This hasn't been made clear to Americans
until now. The Government has made con-
tradictory statements. We have tried to
scare the Reds with threats. We have con-
fused ourselves. Johnson's technique of tak-
ing one step backward for every two forward
hasn't been understood.
Now we are in the war, how do we get out?
A free election under South Vietnam aus-
pices is unacceptable to the north. To ac-
commodate the Vietcong and North Viet-
namese by a coalition government,-as the
brothers KENNEDY suggest, can result only
in a Communist seizure of power. This is
what has happened when Communists have
been accommodated in the past.
If we abandon the doctrine of contain-
ment in this fashion, China will recover
some of the political ground it has lost. Rus-
sia may be expected to take a harder line to-
ward us. Elsewhere in the world, more Com-
munist self-styled liberation fronts will ex-
plode. The Reds will be on the march.
While it is possible World War III might
come from escalation of fighting in Vietnam,
it is more likely a world war might come from
the escalation of appeasement by Americans.
It would invite Communist imperialism to
expand.
Our other choice is to clear the Commu-
nists out of South Vietnam and then clear
out ourselves, after giving that little country
a higher standard of living. To do so would
put America in the position of strong balance
of power, militarily and politically. Com-
munism would be contained again.
But such a choice means an increasing
economic loss-and what is more impor-
tant-a greater loss of American blood.
Yet containment now may prevent a much
heavier loss of blood later on.
It is a hard choice. For better of worse,
Landon concludes, we must back our Presi-
dent's decisions in this critical state of world
affairs. But if we are to back him, we must
be better informed.
We must understand what containment is
about and how it operates. Landon has con-
tributed to this understanding.
THE ROLE OF THE DISTRICT AS THE
NATION'S CAPITAL
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
ident, I ask unanimous consent that I
may include in the RECORD at this point
a speech which I delivered on the evening
of Saturday, March 12, before the 56th
anniversary dinner of the Federation of
Citizens Associations of the District of
Columbia. The dinner was held at the
Mayflower Hotel.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE ROLE OF THE DISTRICT AS THE NATION'S
CAPrrAL
Washington belongs to the Nation.
When the Congress was sitting in Phila-
delphia near the end of the Revolutionary
War, a mob of disgruntled soldiers marched
upon the Congress, surrounded the meeting
hall, and threatened and interrupted the
business of the National Legislature. Ap-
peals by the Congress to the officials of the
city of Philadelphia and to the officials of the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania brought no
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
5396 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Mare 1.: 1966
assistance to the Congress. backing the
power of control, the Congress removed to
Princeton, N.J., to reconvene and get on with
the execution of the Revolutionary War.
The genius of the framers of the Constitu-
tion found a solution to such a problem by
providing for the establishment of the seat
of the National Government at some loca-
tion which was not a part of a city nor a
part of a State, but an area ceded to the
Federal Government and completely under
the control of the Federal Government to
serve for the sole purpose of becoming the
seat of the National Government.
This concept was put into language by the
framers of the Constitution, which provision
was part of the Constitution ratified by the
people of the States, in article I, section 8,
clause 17, of the Constitution, which provid-
ed, among other powers of the Congress, that
It "exercise exclusive legislation in all cases
whatsoever, over such District (not exceed-
ing 10 miles square) as may, by cession of
particular States, and the acceptance of Con-
gress, become the seat of the Government of
the United States."
The Founding Fathers gave the District
a unique role in that they did not ordain
it as a seat of the Government, but, rather,
as the seat of the Government-the one
and only seat of the Government of the
United States.
Clause 17, section 8, article I is, there-
fore, the source of Congress' power to gov-
ern the District of Columbia. Congress, it-
self, however, is not required to exercise
this power, but may at any time create a
government for the District and vest in It
the same range of lawmaking power as it
has always customarily vested in territories
of the United States. In 1871, it did, in fact,
do so; and while this Government was later
(1878) abolished and the present system
Institute, certain of its legislative acts
are still in force.
The District of Columbia was established
solely, therefore, for the purpose of being
the seat of Government of the United States,
and it is first and foremost the Federal
City. It belongs to every American citi-
zen no matter where he lives. This is a city
sul generis, and we want the District of
Columbia to remain the unique city that it
is.
Granted that there are many features of
the present running of the District of Co-
lumbia which can and ought to be im-
proved, there is no ground for assuming
that the governmental purposes and func-
tions would be better served or as well
served if the United States abrogated to the
residents its duty of providing a safe cen-
ter of government. They should, however,
have their own duly elected representation
in Congress.
As the home of the Federal Government,
the District stands in a profoundly and mag-
nificiently unique role. As the Federal City,
of course, the District commands a prestig-
ious position unequalled by any other Amer-
lean city and, in many respects, by any other
city in the world.
Here it is that the three great coordinate
branches of government of this Republic
have their seats. The Congress meets an-
nually here; the President and the Execu-
tive family live and function here; and the
judiciary, represented by the highest court
of the land, holds its sessions here. The
eyes of the Nation and the world look toward
Washington so named for the first President
of our country.
No other American city is so richly en-
dowed by history, so favored with Federal
largesse and payroll, so courted by student
and diplomat, so blessed with museums and
memorials-in truth it is the Athens, the
Rome, and the Constantinople of the modern
world-a city like him for which it was
named: first in war, first in peace, and first
In the hearts of his countrymen.
Homer, of old, wrote of Mount Olympus, in
northern Thessaly, where Zeus, king of the
gods, and arbiter of human destiny, sat upon
its topmost ridges, and made or marred the
fortunes of human beings. Washington,
like Mount Olympus, often decides the in-
terests of the state and determines the desti-
nies of men. It marks their futures, for war
or for peace, deciding whether they shall
lift or lay down the sword, and its influence
upon the fortunes of old and young, rich
and poor, rustic and urbane, is felt from the
cradle to the shroud.
'President, Shah, and King; Senator and
Governor; scientists, inventor, and astronaut;
lawyer, merchant, and priest; artist and
singer of joy--the paths of all cross here--
the Capital of the Nation, the hub of the
world, the heart of the universe.
What Is the District's role of responsibil-
ity? The city which is the home of the Fed-
eral Government should, first of all, be rep-
resentative of the country and of the people
served by that Government. But the city is
not truly representative of the country. Per-
haps the greatest underlying problem of this
city is the problem of population distribu-
tion, which is not representative of the popu-
lation throughout the country. Rooted in
this problem is a kind of inherent weakness
foredooming, I fear, any effort toward making
this a representative seat of Government. In
reality, if we are to have a good National
Capital, the Federal Government itself ought
to do something about studying population
mobility and its causes, and this city might
become a laboratory for such a study.
It is a pathetic thing to see Negro fam-
ilies crowded five and six in a room, coming
from Mississippi, Ohio, or anywhere, where
at least they had open space and a shack to
live in. The place to get at their problem
is right there.. Notwithstanding this terrible
problem of population imbalance, we should
all bend every effort, as best we can, toward
making this a model city, one which will
attract not only the eyes but also the ad-
miration of the rest of the Nation and of
the world.
In asserting that it should be a model
city, one readily assigns to the Nation's
Capital many roles-the role of leadership in
art, music, and culture; the role of leadership
in cleanliness and beauty; the role of leader-
ship in recreation; the role of leadership in
learning; the role of leadership in health and
medical programs and facilities. Add to
these the :role of leadership in peace, pros-
perity, and safety for its citizens, for boy-
cotts and money collections by agitators and
extremists can hardly be representative of
the Nation's Capital.
As a matter of fact, they are not repre-
sentative and do irreparable harm to the
legitimate objectives, of the responsible peo-
ple of the community, for better living con-
ditions and better schools. -
The city as the Nation's Capital should
be a place where family life is emphasized as
against highly sophisticated social activities.
But, like all national capitals, the city is
presently one of social activity with em-
phasis on cocktail parties and society affairs
which draw not only the rich and those who
are well to do, but also those who do well
to make ends meet. In this regard, the
city is not really American in the traditional
sense of moderation and modesty. But this
is something that will never be changed and
one might seriously question whether or not
the average American citizen would expect
or want it to be otherwise.
But in other respects there is much to be
desired if the city is to fulfill its proper role.
PUBLIC WORKS
For example, there is no question but that
we should build freeways in the District of
Columbia. There are strong opponents to
this. Not only should we build them, but
we should go to great lengths to make sure
that they represent the very best. We should
set the pattern.
In urban communities, the basic prob-
lem of construction of a freeway system
is in making long-range benefits outweigh
ishort-range adversities. Everything must
be done to minimize the impact upon the
community with respect to breaking up
neighborhoods and displacing people.
With regard to the construction of public
works-whether it be a freeway, a library
or a school building-there are probably
more objections raised in this community
than in any other because of problems of re-
location, particularly when overcrowding of
families is involved, and because of the de-
struction of historic landmarks. The basic
principle that must be kept in mind here,
particularly here, is that the facility is con-
structed to serve the people and, once a de-
cision is made in the affirmative that the
facility is required, then all efforts should
be placed toward minimizing any of the
normal adversities of construction.
In the next 6 years of construction in the
District of Columbia, the number of families
displaced by freeways, I am advised, will be
roughly two-thirds of the displacements oc-
casioned by other District of Columbia con-
struction. In other words, although most
people associate the adversities of public
works construction with the freeway pro-
gram, the future construction plans of the
District indicate that the construction of
schools, libraries and other similar District
facilities, will displace 50 percent more fam-
ilies than the planned freeway program.
The subway system which Congress has
recently authorized is under design at the
moment. The latest plans indicate that the
first construction of this system will prob-
ably come about in the early fall of 1967.
This is another and very good example of a
major public works project which undoubt-
edly will cause extreme problems both to Dis-
trict inhabitants and to District business
during construction. But its construction is
so urgently needed by the entire metropoli-
tan area that these adversities must be ac-
commodated and accepted by all concerned,
and extraordinary measures should be taken
to minimize the impact during construction.
EDUCATION
Washington should be a city in which edu-
cation is geared to the maximum level at-
tainable, so that every youngster has a
chance to fulfill the utmost of his poten-
tial. The school system should be one to
which the Nation could point with pride--a
school system where no one is left -out; a
system with the finest buildings, the best
equipped classrooms, and well-paid and high-
ly competent teachers.
It must also be a system which will pre-
pare its outgoing students to take their place
in society, to go on to college or to make a
living. Every child must be prepared to
later support himself so that he will con-
tribute to society and not be a drain upon it.
We often hear it said that this school fa-
cility or that school facility in the District
of Columbia is a disgrace. Members of Con-
gress annually take tours through the city
and splash into print by pointing to this
or that building as outmoded, antiquated,
and disgraceful. And in the context of the
'Nation's Capital, there is much validity
in the adjectives used.
Nevertheless, the citizens of the District of
Columbia have a responsibility to themselves
even if they disregard their responsibilities
to their neighbors and to the Nation. They
should take pride in whatever facilities are
present and strive to protect and improve
these. They, themselves, for example, should
take strong action against vandalism and
wanton destruction of school properties.
Community responsibility must start at
the precinct level, and the nearby residents
should share responsibility for their schools.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 March 14, 1966 Approved / RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
CO SENATE 5401
than $3,000. At the other end of the dis- work force when their children are young,
tribution, annual income of $7,000 or more it seems unlikely that this low income could
was reported by 24.5 percent of Anglo men, be increased to any meaningful degree with-
but only 6.9 percent of Spanish-American out increasing substantially the earning ca-
men, and 2.8 percent of Negro men earned pacity and opportunity of the men.
$7,000 or above. With a substantial proportion of incomes
NATIVITY, PARENTAGE, COUNTRY OF ORIGIN below the poverty line figure, the problems
Of all Spanish-Americans in the Southwest, of Spanish-Americans are further com-
according to the 1960 census, 84.6 percent pounded by the fact that their education is
were born in the United States. Only 15.4 limited. At the same time, it is not a simple
percent were born elsewhere: the majority matter to extend necessary services to this
13.5 percent, in Mexico, and only 1.9 per- group since they tend to live apart from the
cent in other countries (table 7). Of the mainstream of American life.
total Spanish-American population, 54.8 per- Whatever programs may be suggested to
cent were native born of native parentage, help meet the needs of this largely under-
and 29.8 percent, of Mexican parentage. privileged group will depend on the outcome
of continued analysis of relevant inforsia-
TABLE 7. Nativity ant pare t e. rM^_: , .,___
Total----------
Native born_______________________
84.6
Native parentage--------------
1,894,402
64.8
Foreign or mixed parentage---
1,030,783
29.8
Mexican parentage ---.----
917,614
26.6
Other---------------------
113,167
3.3
Foreign born________________
15.4
In Mexico---------------------
468, 684
13.5
Elsewhere---------------------
66,130
1.9
Source: U.S. Census, 1960, Subject Rept. PC(2) 113
table 1.
Data from the most recent census, from
earlier census tabulations, end from migra-
tion records support the conclusion that a
high proportion of the Spanish-American
group under study migrated from Mexico or
are descendants of such migrants.
URBAN-RURAL RESIDENCE
Much the same as other Americans
throughout the Nation, Spanish-Americans
are tending to concentrate in urban areas in
the Southwest. This is also true of the
Negroes of this area. (table 8).
TABLE 8
Spanish-American---
Do ---------------
Negro ----------------
Do ---------------
1060
1950
1980
1950
79.1
66.4
83,5
72.4
20.9
33.6
18.6
27.6
100.0
100.0
100.0
100.0
SOUTH VIETNAMESE MORALE IS
HIGH
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, in a let-
ter dated March 7 from a friend of mine
serving with the military in Vietnam, I
read with such gratification a personal
report on the attitudes and the deter-
mination of our men in Vietnam that I
desire to share those inspiring senti-
ments with the Congress and with the
country.
The young man reporting to me is a
typical South Dakotan and I dare to be-
lieve he is also a typical American. His
brave words and his inspiring report
should give greater confidence and more
realism to those in our country who pro-
claim that our cause in Vietnam is hope-
less and perhaps induce them to refrain
from expressing sentiments of disunity
and dissent.
I offer this letter for the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD in the hope others may
receive from it the same inspiration that
it has provided me. I ask unanimous
consent that it be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DA NANG Ala BASE,
REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM,
March 7, 1966.
While I have only been here in this coun-
try
Source: "U.S. Census of the Population: 1900." say I have been most impressed with what
Vol. 1, PC(1)-113, U.S. Summary, table 47: Age by I've seen here. This is a most unusual yet
color and sex for the United States. Subject reports: interesting country, and by custom, it is so
Age(2ofl wLito pers"Persons
ons of of Spanish Spanish Surname rname, ," tab PC(2) -ler much different from our way of life in the
persons su C
nonwhite population by race, table 60: Social charac,
- United States. Yet it is quite easy to learn
teristics of the Negro population. to a f
r
t
measured by years of school completed, f uTo scans' have a like devotion to country and
be explored further in the literature is the duty, so it is a real challenge for Amer-
extent to which members of this group con- scans to offer as much assistance as we
tinue to hold to Spanish as the language of can,
home and community and how this prac- Living conditions here for the American
tice limits learning in a land where English military ry man is not up to stateside condi-
is so vitally important. tions, ions naturally-however in a war situation
The fact that Spanish-Americans have to every man realizes that we have it as best by the a considerable degree found their way into can coming pin has improved vihasUnited greatly, tly, f. Mail
technical, clerical, and skilled occupations very fine, food is
are how-
offers promise for their further escalation, better daily, living conditions are s being
and our commanders are show-
as opportunities are afforded them. The rel- ing greater concern toward their men than
ative cohesiveness of Spanish-American was shown in World War II or in Korea,
families would also seem to be reassuring This is most gratifying. I see men from
for the future progress of this group, all branches of service daily, eat with them,
But many Spanish-Americans have far to live with them, and spirits are high, morale
go. This is conclusively demonstrated by is good, and naturally both of these are most
the fact that 53 percent of Spanish-American important.
men had incomes of less than $3,000 in 1959. Before closing my letter to you, sir, I
Given the preponderance of large, young should like to share an experience with you,
families and the apparent tendency of Span- which I feel will clearly show what type of
ish-American mothers to stay out of the men are here in Vietnam today. We have
pp
ec a
e the Vietnam old and ancient
NEXT STEPS way of life. ? * ^ I am an intelligence ad-
a port of embarkation at McGuire Air Force
Base on the east coast and one at Travis Air
Force Base in California. In 1960 I left from
McGuire Air Force Base for a tour to Ger-
many. While waiting for my flight there
I'll simply say the air was filled with much
happiness. Fellow military men were anx-
ious for their departure and looking forward
to seeing a lovely old country, of young for-
eign girls, the taste of a new and different
life for the duration of each man's tour in
Europe. All of us were dressed in class A
uniforms, spotlessly clean and all thoughts
were gay and happy. Naturally there was a
note of sadness, leaving loved ones, family,
wives, but a situation of war did not then
exist and fear was not a consideration. Turn
now t4 February 1966, to Travis Air Force
Base, and we find a different situation, a
different condition in general. There I saw
men in green shaded fatigues, field packs on
some, men carrying weapons, uniforms not so
neatly pressed, and faces were not smiling,
voices were not gay. Here was an air of an-
ticipation, of concern, what lies ahead for
us, and on that day, many questions still
remained unanswered. After a time of lis-
tening and watching, talking with other
fellows I found that though this feeling was
present, never were ill words spoken, no one
said, "Why are we going over to fight their
war," these men were military men, with a
true devotion for duty, a high ideal toward
honor and men seemed to gather around the
older soldiers, or men who were returning to
Vietnam for a second tour, asking questions.
The answers were serious ones, not of foreign
girls this time, of gay places to visit, only
answers to how best avoid dangers of war, to
avoid the enemy, and most of all, how to stay
alive, keep from getting injured, and placing
strong emphasis on learning about the people
and the country. It was a true experience
for me, one I'll not soon forget.
One fact I have learned over here is that
the United States does not hope to win this
war; we hope only to win the hearts of the
people, and in doing this, the proud people of
this country will surely win the war for
themselves. It is obvious that the United
States is highly respected by the people of
Vietnam, the military man is an ambassador
of goodwill, one to advise and direct these
people, not to shove and push them into any
situation. I say the United States can well
be proud of the men serving in Vietnam, and
each man can be proud of the part he is
playing here to bring a quick peace to this,
land and its determined people.
Well
here much too much, but I feel in my rambled
heart
that what I've said to be true, and I know
that the United States is just as proud of its
military might as are the men who serve her
with h
onor and dignity.
? ? w
THE STATE OF THE ARTS IN
MONTANA
Mr. METCALF. Mr. President, a few
weeks ago it was my privilege to view
the Foote collection of Montana historic
artifacts on display at the Department
of Commerce. The Foote collection has
now moved on to the Galeries Lafayette
in Paris. I know that Members of this
body, of the President's Cabinet and
many others enjoyed the privilege of
viewing this fine collection.
Last November, thousands of Wash-
ingtonians, and visitors from around the
Nation and overseas, viewed the exhibi-
tion of Montana arts and crafts in the
caucus room of the Old Senate Office
Building. The works of some 55 Mon-
tana artists were exhibited there in a
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B0044 0400040013Parchi 1,~, 1966
5402 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
display arranged by one of Montana's view and New York Times articles to And, as If that weren't enough, there was
in
quite a clearing of the culture air out In
artists now residing in Washington, Mr. which I referred earlier. Chicago learin the month, when the N
Raymond Dockstader, legislative assist- There being no objection, the material tional Conference of Governors' Representa-
ant to the majority leader. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, tives of State Art Agencies met to consider,
These two displays of Montana art as follows: among other things, how to spend the Fed-
before approving national and interna- [From the Arlene Francis radio program eral Government's $50,000 per State match-
tional audiences are but the latest ex- "Emphasis," Nov. 12, 1964] ing grants. Two speakers, for example, Gov-
amples of distinguished art among resi- This is Arlene Francis, emphasis, women. ernors' representatives from Montana and
dents of a State which chose, as its rep- What does one do with an old, leftover Wyoming, said that their States were so
resentative in Statuary Hall, the great county ]ail? Now, admittedly, that isn't a sparsely populated that there wasn't "one
western painter and illustrator, Charles question that confronts many people. But city with the talent and facilities to pro-
if it did, I'll bet the standard answer would vide art leadership."
Russell. be something like, "tear it down, and maybe What they needed, it seemed, wasn't kind
Recently articles appearing in the we can sell the real estate." Well, not so of art-lift--to depopulate, say Greenwich
New York Times and Saturday Review with the townspeople of Billings, Mont. Village and uppopulate, say Butte.
indicated that Montana and its sister The good people of Billings have set us all a On the other hand, the art representative
State, Wyoming, are so bereft of artistic proud example of community spirit that I from New Jersey declared that his State was
want to tell you about. "a keg being tapped at other ends-New York
field provide needed Several years ago the Yellowstone County The reason, he felt iladelphi In ostthe south."
leade hip they cannot
leadershp in the field. The articles , jail was abandoned for more modern ac- ason, he the arts gravitated toward
which I shall insert in the RECORD at the commodations. For a long while it sat empty with wi for their gratifications." -conclusion of these remarks, quote Gov- and deteriorating, a situation that would the
Next cities for
came the representative
ourd benefit
States as saying that they had no cities towns. But 2 years ago, when a Billings rgdy from access to artists and inenefit
with the talent and facilities to provide architect found the building to be still g eat in such bordering ess to Lists n institu-
vigorous leadership in artistic affairs. structurally sound, he and some fellow- vania, Ohio, and Kentucky."
Montana has in fact extraordinary townspeople hit upon what may seem to be That certainly was more like it. Never
a far-fetched idea: they wanted to turn the mind the measly $50,000. Go all out-build
local leadership in artistic affairs, not old ]ail into a fine arts center. They en- ughways, Culture Expressways, Free
only in several cities but in small countered the same old problems: stirring Art Art Th ThroroFreeways.
towns which regular produce historical up enthusiasm among the County Commis- Thought But the really good news came from the
dramas, and on Indian reservations such sinners and the community at large; facing Governors' art representatives from Massa-
as the Crow, whose annual enactment of the fact that there were no tax moneys avail- Gower ts. He remarked quietly that "the
able for renovation or maintenance. Sounds resources of Boston" were so varied and satis-
the Custer battle attracts national atten- familar, doesn't it? Well, they set out to
tion. The University of Montana at MIS- raise the necessary $25,000 and not only suc- Eying that the State "seemed hardly aware,"
as he put it, that "other communities," were
&OUla and Montana State University at seeded, but also received offers of volunteer Bozeman, the Montana Arts Council, the labor, equipment, and materials which even- .. It gravely y neglected."
eu a tingle--a statement like
Montana Institute of the Arts, and the tually were just as important as the money. that. But perhaps twriter shoule not be
Community Concert Association provide Even with all that behind them, their the one to comets this Perhaps o ld no be
one of
leadership and incentive for both ama- problems were far from solved. They were better if the compliment came from
teur and professional artists in the faced with the prospect of removing from out-of -townie.
the jail 150 tons of steel cell blocks. And you
Northwest. The State capital, Helena, they removed them-and sold the steel.
is the home of the Archie Bray Founda- Much of it was brought by Montana ranchers From NEW the BREED IN New THE York k TTSimeses, , Feb. . 1, OF 1966]
661
OP-
tion whose creative potters-Peter Voul- to use as cattle guards. Where there's a PBREED ARE URGED TO BRING REWARDS
kus, Rudy Autio, Ken Ferguson, and now will, there's a way. PORTUNITY
TALENT TO PUBLIC
Dave Shaner are well-known ceramic From there on in, everybody helped. Men
and women from all walks of life-profes- (By Howard Taubman)
artists. a
The a Montana Charles Russell Gal- Museum sional people, housewives, oflceworkers- In his keynote address to last week's Na-
Helena and the Charles spl y t everybody pitched in and built, repaired, tional Conference of Governors' Representa-
le
lery in Great Falls house displays not cleaned, and painted the building Into the tives of State Arts Agencies in Chicago, John
only of regional significance but are also fine arts center they wanted for their town. M. MacFadyen had some stirring words of
host to many well-installed displays Of And here is the result. advice to all those about to plunge into the
contemporary artists. Most recently the On October 18 a two-story brick building burgeoning field of State support of the arts.
Montana Historical Museum was the re- in downtown Billings-still looking rather "Remember," the former executive director
cipient of a large gift of contemporary like a jail-opened its doors for an exhibi- of the New York State Council on the Arts
tion of paintings by American artists from told about 200 representatives from all the
art from the Poindexter collection the year 1875--a year when Billings was States, "it is not incumbent on you to estab-
NEW York. pretty much the wild and woolly West. The lish or represent an official taste. Look for
Billings is one example of a city that collection was on loan from the Walker Art and explore all possible avenues of oppor-
has shown magnificent leadership in Institute and the national collection of fine tunity."
artistic affairs. Several years ago a arts of the Smithsonian Institute and from Speaking of the members and executive
small group of public spirited individuals private collections and neighboring historical directors of arts councils and commissions
societies. now spreading from the States, Mr. Mac-
decided that Billings needed an art gal- In the Billings Fine Arts Center, there are Fayden described them as a new breed-
lery. A fund-raising campaign was sue- smaller galleries devoted to exhibits of pot- "managers of opportunity," not artists or
cessful and they took over the old city tery, weaving, graphic arts, sculpture, managers of the arts.
jail, renovated it into a modern gallery architecture, photography, and industrial On these managers of opportunity, Mr.
with excellent display space and facil- design. And they haven't stopped there. MacFadyen went on, "as with no other group,
ities for instruction and storage. This The second floor of their center is reserved rests the responsibility to improve and ex-
Yellowstone Arts Center has been open for children's art classes, musical ensembles, pand the opportunity for our creative artists
to the public since October 1964. It has little theater productions, lectures, and films. to work and to have their work heard and
Billings, a town of 75,000 people, has seen; the responsibility to. provide our
had a number of fine exhibitions from shown us democracy in action. Has shown talented interpreters of the arts with more
throughout the country and more are us what the American people, with their and better opportunities to be properly
scheduled. The gallery promotes local unquenchable thirst for culture, can do with trained and to bring the rewards of that
talent, has a full-time director. This just their heads, their hands, and their talent and training to the public and the re-
local effort has been a great success; the hearts. I hereby invite everybody else in the sponsibility to provide improved and in-
dream of a, few has become a source of country to join me in taking off my hat to creased opportunities for a growing audience
pleasure to thousands. the people of Billings, Mont. to receive and respond to the communica-
This is Arlene Francis, NBC, "Emphasis." tion of the arts."
Arlene Francis of the National Broad- THE HAVE-NOT STATES
casting Co. featured the Yellowstone [From the Saturday Review, Mar, 5, 1966] To most of the States' representatives gath-
Arts Center on her radio program, "gym- FIRST OF THE MONTH ered in Chicago, the overriding question was
phasic." I ask unanimous consent, Mr. (Bye Cleveland Amory) how to go about organizing these opportuni-
President, to insert in the RECORD imme- On a happier note, our favorite sign of the ties with the limited means at their disposal.
diately following these remarks the text month was one on New York's 57th Street, For the truth is that In the arts there are
of her program, and the Saturday Re- "Culture Clearance," it said, "80 percent off." many more have-not than have States.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 March 1.4, 1966
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP6 B00446R000400040013-0
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX - A1403
Iles are really needed If they are to ful
fill roles as wives, mothers, and wage earn
v
not impose on the South Vietnamese a gov-
ernment not of their choice."
The President did not get into the ques-
tion whether the representatives of the Viet-
cong might be included in any conference
or preconference respecting negotiations on
peace in Vietnam, if such negotiations were
possible.
One more question which President John-
son did not answer was how long the war
might last, or the question of what limit can
be put on the military commitment there.
The answer to the first part lies with Hanoi.
The President said only that "if the aggres-
sor persists * * " the struggle may be long."
The answer to the second part is probably
not something that can or should be an-
swered publicly and officially. To do so
would not only telegraph U.S. intentions to
the enemy, it could very well result in Hanoi
miscalculating the future.
President Johnson restated the case for
Vietnam and the U.S. commitment to the
cause of freedom. He was eloquent In re-
stating this country's longer commitment to
the principles of free debate, saying that the
strength of America will never be sapped by
discussion.
There are still perplexities about the war
In Vietnam and questions which perhaps
have no immediate answers. But the events
and discussions of the past couple of weeks;
and the President's speech Wednesday night,
have helped clear the air.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RICHARD FULTON
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 21, 1966
Mr. FULTON of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, in his hard-hitting Freedom
House dinner address, President John-
son "restated the case for Vietnam and
the U.S. commitment to the cause of
freedom. He was eloquent in restating
this country's longer commitment to the
principles of free debate, saying `that
the strength of America will never be
sapped by discussion,' "
I have quoted from a recent editorial
in the Nashville Tennessean, which be-
lieves that events and discussions of the
past couple of weeks and the President's
New York speech "have helped clear the
air."
Because others will. find the editorial
illuminating, I have the permission of my
colleagues to have it inserted in the
RECORD :
PRESIDENT HAS ANSWERED SOME OF VIETNAM
QUESTIONS
Whatever else may have been accom-
plished by the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee hearings and by Senator ROBERT
KENNEDY'S recent statement on Vietnam, they
most certainly have brought President John-
son forward with some answers.
In a hard-hitting Freedom House dinner
address the President asserted that the
United States is not caught in a blind escala-
tion of force that is pulling it into a wider
war; that it is using only necessary force
and he assured his critics that never by any
act of ours would there be a wildening of the
war.
The President denied that it is a war of
unlimited objectives, saying that the U.S.
goal is to prevent the success of aggression,
and that this Nation seeks no bases or
'domination.
In what could be construed as an answer
to Senator KENNEDY'S proposal that the Viet-
cong be admitted to a "share of power and
responsibility" in any postwar government,
President Johnson said:
"Men ask who has a right to rule in
Vietnam. Our answer there is what it has
been here for 200 years: The people must
have this right-the South Vietnamese peo-
ple-and no one else.
"We stand," the President said, "for self-
determination-for free elections-and we
will honor their result." At the same time
the President did not say whether-and if
so, how-the South Vietnamese who support
the Vietcong would participate in self-
determination.
The Senate hearings nibbled at the edges
of the question whether this country is
fighting to secure and maintain a non-Red
government in South Vietnam, or whether
the end objective is to give the Vietnamese
people the right to decide their own destiny,
Mr. Johnson said the administration is
willing to accept the decision of the South
Vietnamese. "Washington will not impose
upon the people of South Vietnam a govern-
ment not of their own choice. Hanoi shall
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON: JOHN A. RACE
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker, for a decade
and a half the keystone of free world
security has been the NATO alliance.
It is a bulwark that has weathered
threats from without and doubts from
within.
Today that great alliance is under
assault from an old ally who appears to
have lost his sense of direction. We
regret the shortsightedness of General
de Gaulle. But we can be sure that the
common purpose of free nations will pre-
vail over the obstinateness of one man.
The struggle for NATO unity requires
the patience and cooperation. Some-
times it also requires blunt talk.
Last week was a time for blunt talk.
And all Americans can be proud that our
President responded without mincing
words.
I am sure that all Americans will ap-
preciate the New York Journal-Ameri-
can's praise of our President's plain talk
to the general, and under unanimous re-
quest consent, I insert the editorial, "No
to De Gaulle," in the RECORD:
[From the New York (N.Y.) Journal-Ameri-
can, Mar. 10, 19661
NO TO DE GAULLE
Diplomatic niceties often dictate a polite
pause in the exchange of messages between
chiefs of state. We are glad to note, how-
ever, that no such protocol was observed in
the latest exchange between President John-
son and President Charles de Gaulle of
France.
De Gaulle sent L,B.J. a letter regarding his
views on reorganization of NATO. It re-
portedly requested talks between the United
States and France to accomplish that end.
Four hours later President Johnson's reply
was.in Paris. Nothing doing, it said. There
will be no bilateral deals on NATO made by
the United States with any one member of
the Organization. Discussions on NATO re-
quire consultation among all its members,
L.B.J. pointed out, and De Gaulle had better
ponder that fact.
De Gaulle had made it clear that he con-
siders NATO washed up and that he wants
France out of it by 1969, at which time any
foreign troops remaining on French soil
would have to submit to French command.
Fine. This is his right. But it is also char-
acteristic of the great Frenchman that he
would, in a manner that disdainfully disre-
gards the rights and sensitivities of his allies,
seek to place himself above them on an issue
that directly affects their security.
President. Johnson has correctly put the
French President in his place.
Hartford Times Endorses Transportation
Department
HON. BERNARD F. GRABOWSKI
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, March 2, 1966
Mr. GRABOWSKI. Mr. Speaker, to
those of us who live in New England the
question of how we create a unified, effi-
cient, low-fare, swift, and safe system of
transportation is of prime importance. It
pleases me to see that one of Connecti-
cut's most distinguished newspapers has
endorsed the President's plan for a Cabi-
net-level Department of Transportation.
Their lucid appraisal will, I think, be of
interest to all Members of the House:
MODERN TRANSPORTATION
The President's proposal to establish a
Federal Department of Transportation intro-
duces hope of efficiency for a field in which,
through lack of consistent policies and coor-
dination, great national abilities and large
sums of money are dissipated without sound
result.
One thinks of the plight of the region's
railroads and of the merchant marine par-
ticularly. But all of our systems of transport
that should be closely allied and integrated
can be brought into better conditions of pub-
lic service by sounder administration.
Ideas of the relative values and importance
of the various systems need to be assessed
for the good of the Federal Treasury, which
must provide huge subsidizations, and for
the factor of usefulness on which the travel-
ing and trading public depends.
The plan to bring transportation into a
single agency does not itself set up the poli-
cies through which our facilities can be made
more useful and more stable. Such policies
will be the later developments of study.
But a large step will have been taken with
the consolidation of authority and responsi-
bility into one department. Few doubt that
the new Department will have a troubled
birth. A tremendous range of interests,
competition, and priorities must be recon-
ciled.
Yet it has been apparent for some time
that indecision- and conflicting policies, or
lack of any policy, have hampered adequate
and economical transportation. And such
important side considerations as highway
safety and the provision of modern, efficient
mass transit have been neglected.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400046013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
A1404 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Like the Department of Commerce, the
Department of Transportation would be a
business-oriented agency. However, it
should be expected that the public would be
very strongly represented because it is so di-
rectly affected. In this aspect, transporta-
tion administration becomgs a function as
close to the people as those of the Depart-
ment of Health, Education, and Welfare.
It would be a mere bureaucratic misadven-
ture were all the activities enumerated ley
the President only to be dumped togeth r
and left at that. The job is to bring or r
out of what has become in many respects a
costly mess. rj
North Vietnamese Control of the Vietcong
HON. JIM WRIGHT
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, in view
of some of the naive and misleading
statements that have been made con-
cerning the nature of the so-called Na-
tional Liberation Front, the political arm
of the Vietcong, it is revealing to read the
report of an experienced foreign news-
paperman on this subject.
In an article published in the February
3 edition of the Manchester Guardian
Weekly, one of Britain's oldest and most
respected journals, Michael Wall clearly
documents the fact that the so-called
NLF and the Vietcong are, in reality,
the creation of the North Vietnamese
Communists who control their military
and political activities.
I insert Mr. Wall's article to be printed
in the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD.
VIETCONG CHANGES ITS METHODS
(By Michael Wall)
In Saigon there is a whole language of
initials, and out of initials have come new,
strange words. The American military setup
is Macvee, Military Advisory Command, Viet-
nam. Arvin, one soon learns, covers the
Vietnamese Government forces, the Army of
the Republic of Vietnam. USOM, U.S. oper-
ations mission, is the American civil aid pro-
gram. The enemy in this war for the
control of South Vietnam has but two let-
ters, VC, standing for Vietcong, which in
turn means simply Vietnamese Communists.
What follows is a view of the war as pre-
sented to me by people in authority here
in Saigon.
The Vietcong is a faceless enemy. It has
Its tentacles stretching out and touching
every village and town in the country. Its
Agents have infiltrated the Government and
the administration, the Vietnamese Govern-
ment forces, the universities and. schools, the
professions and the unions. Yet relatively
little is known about It and it has not thrown
up a Grivas, a Castro, or a Ho Chi Minh of
its own.
One reason for the fact that no South Viet-
namese Communist leader has emerged is
because the Vietcong is under the direct and
close control of the Hanoi government. Ho
Chi Minh and General Giap are the real
leaders of this war as they were of the war
by the Vietminh against the French.
The war in South Vietnam is represented
by the Communists as being a war of na-
tional, liberation such as was fought by the
Vietminh against the French. The differ-
ence today is that it is now a battle to. throw
out the American aggressors and overthrow
their South Vietnamese puppets. This is
the line that is drummed into the villagers
by the Communist agents. This is what
motivates the majority of the Vietcong forces
who believe passionately that they are fight-
ing to liberate their country from foreign
domination.
However, the fundamental differences be-
tween the Vietminh and the Vietcong cam-
paigns are clearly understood by the edu-
cated classes in South Vietnam. This war,
which the Communists anticipated after the
signing of the Geneva agreements in 1954
and actively prepared for from 1956, is clearly
seen as the Communist revolutionary war
being waged in the guise of the continuation
of the nationalist struggle for liberation.
One of the most astounding aspects of the
South Vietnamese situation in the estima-
tion of observers here is that the Commu-
nists have not already achieved their aim in
taking over the whole of South Vietnam. If
Indeed the struggle is for liberation why has
there been no uprising on a national scale
by a proud and highly intelligent people?
Why have all attempts to paralyze Saigon
by strike action dismally failed? Why has
the Vietnamese Army continued the strug-
gle after appalling losses and moreover still
managed to attract volunteers?
These are among the questions that drum
through the minds of newcomers to the Viet-
nam scene. The answers certainly do not
Ile in any devotion to the successive Saigon
governments, in any wish to defend what
has been a corrupt, inefficient administra-
tion, nor in any desire to adhere to the so- -
call.ed 'Western way of life. The answer
commonly given is that the war is under-
stood to be What it is-a Communist attempt
to unify Vietnam under Communist adminis-
tration-and the majority of the people here
are ready to fight to prevent its success.
Those people who understand what com-
munism is are not attracted by its ideology
and are repelled by its methods. They do
not believe the lot of those in North Vietnam
is better than. their own.
The groundwork of building up the Com-
munist infrastructure in the countryside
has been long, and arduous. Although under
the Geneva agreements the Vietminh was
to withdraw its forces north of the 17th par-
allel, and indeed 80,000 who lived In what is
now South Vietnam went north, there was
left behind a skeleton organization which
continued to exist in the 5 Vietminh "war
zones" from which the Vietminh had
operated against the French.
Over the next 4 years the Vietnamese who
had moved to the north were organized and
trained as military and political cadres
which would become the hard core of the
Vietcong battle for the south. The hard-
core Vietcong units, formed and trained in
the north, consist of highly professional sol-
diers, many of whom have 15 years' experi-
ence of war.
The political cadres are equally highly or-
ganized, training with great thoroughness
in the methods of winning over the alle-
giance of the villagers and in organizing the
infrastructure of the Communist society.
The infiltration south of the military units
and. the political cadres began in earnest in
1959. Estimates of the actual number of
infiltrators vary greatly, but the most con-
servative puts it between 19,000 and 25,000
since 1959.
There is evidence to suggest that in fact
the number may be considerably higher and
that while the official estimate of the total
hard-core, full-time, Vietcong forces now in
South Vietnam is 33,000, one American
source said that it was certainly no less than
45,000. At the end of last year units of the
People's Army of. North Vietnam were iden-
tified in battle and it is possible that 10,000
of the North Vietnamese Army are in the
country.
March 14, 1966
One of the prime tasks of the political and
military cadres is to recruit, organize, and
train local guerrilla forces. Over the last
6 years this has continued and there are at
least 80,000, and probably many more, who
are farmers and fishermen by day and guer-
rillas by night. At a still lower level is the
unknown, anonymous mass of village people
who are used as carriers of information and
supplies, and who in totally committed vil-
lages can be relied on to use arms to prevent
the incursion of government forces.
The Vietcong organization is its greatest
strength, not its mystique, ideology, or its
spirit. The infiltration into the villages has
been a long process. The pattern of the
operation is laid down in every detail from
the first arrival of the political cadre of per-
haps two or three men to the final arm of
a fully committed combat village.
After the initial contacts the first stage
is to sow seeds of discontent and to discredit
the Saigon government and the village and
hamlet chiefs. It is fertile ground, for the
villagers know about the corruption of local
officials, resent paying fees to absent land-
lords, and can easily be influenced by the
promise of land of their own. The removal
of the discredited chiefs by assassination is
the next step. Last year alone 6,000 district
officials and village headmen were murdered,
many after ghastly torture.
With uncooperative village leaders out of
the way the work of forming the various
liberation associations in the village begins.
The farmers, the women, the youths, the
schoolboys are persuaded to join their re-
spective movement; the farmers are given
land, the women have their social status
raised, new wells are sunk, a schoolhouse and
teacher are provided and political indoc-
trination gets underway.
Captured documents have shown that it
seldom works according to plan and there
are many reports of self-criticism from polit-
ical cadres which indicate that often, having
received the material advantages, the villag-
ers reveal a bourgeois frame of mind which
has no interest in political ideology and no
wish to take part In combative action.
The American and Vietnamese air strikes,
the use of napalm and defoliation agents are
used by the Vietcong to prove to the vil-
lagers that the real battle is against the
foreign invader. In well-infiltrated villages
the determination to resist the American
and government forces is increased, but in
others the Vietcong finds that fear of
counteraction makes the villagers unwilling
to have Vietcong forces in the vicinity.
In the past, the Vietcong has worn kid
gloves in its work in the countryside. The
political cadres have shown infinite patience,
the military units have behaved with de-
corum, and food and supplies were paid for
and not taken. In marked contrast has been
the ruthless behavior of government troops.
But over the past 6 months the pattern
has been changing. In the densely popu-
lated Mekong Delta, south of Saigon, there is
increasing evidence that the Vietcong is now
using harsh, brutal methods against the
villagers to get their money, supplies, and
recruits. The American military authorities
put this down to their own actions in harry-
ing the enemy, who no longer can feel quite
safe in any area.
Other observers suspect that owing to
severe losses among both political and mili-
tary cadres the replacements are of poorer
quality, less thoroughly trained, and in con-
sequence hamhanded in their work. At the
same time the behavior of government troops
has improved and great efforts are being
made to impress on them the importance of
not alienating the 'villagers. The inevitable
development within the Vietcong is that the
North Vietnamese will play an increasingly
Important role both by having to provide
more of the military and political leaders
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 March Y4, 1966
Approved For Release 2005/?A/29: CIAA VRO4468000400040013-OA1405
CONTG ESSIONAL RE(RD -
and the troops to make up the hard-core
units.
Students .of past guerrilla campaigns have
estimated that the defenders require 10 men
for every one of the guerrillas to achieve
victory on the ground. On this reckoning
the Vietcong is still vastly superior in num-
bers to the government and Americans. But
the helicopter has brought a new mobility
to war and the classic guerrilla tactics may.
prove no longer viable.
The National Liberation Front, the politi-
cal arm of the Vietcong, is completely domi-
nated by the recently formed People's Revo-
lutionary Party which in turn is controlled
by the Vietnam Workers' Party in North
Vietnam. Thus, politically and militarily
the Vietcong is controlled from the north
and has small right to its claim that it repre-
sents the people of South Vietnam alone.
The chairman of the NLF, Nguyen Huu
Tho, a Saigon lawyer, and the secretary-
general of the party, Huynh Tan Phat, an
architect, had no standing in Saigon before
they disappeared to form their headquarters
in the highlands near the Cambodian border.
Some American observers believe that cap-
tured documents reveal a certain degree of
tension within the NLF ranks between those
who see victory coming only through mili-
tary action and those who would like to see
negotiations leading to a coalition govern-
ment in the south and through that a com-
plete takeover. But other observers discount
this theory on the grounds that negotiations
now would carry the smell of defeat.
The War on Poverty Examined
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES H. (JIMMY) QUILLEN
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. QUILLEN. Mr. Speaker, it has
become increasingly evident that. the
lofty goals of the war on poverty are
finding the road to reality a very rocky
one.
I feel that now is definitely the time to
examine this program and to catch the
snags, before more harm than good is
done.
An editorial, which recently appeared
in the Knoxville News-Sentinel, com-
ments favorably on this reappraisal of
the war on poverty, and I include it at
this point in the RECORD and call it to the
attention of my colleagues.
LOOK AT THE POVERTY WAR
been done before. The Office of Economic
Opportunity admittedly is moving across an
uncharted field.
But if, as the Republican Party says, tax
payers are "being cheated by poor planning
and inefficiency, we have a right to know
about it. And to demand correction.
If a new bureaucracy has sprung up, con-
trolled by political bosses, while the poor are
still hungry and lacking in opportunities,
we have a right to demand reforms.
Only a halfhearted study, authorized by
Representative ADAM CLAYTON POWELL, has
been made of the OEO. This report is still
suspiciously locked up.
A broad new investigation should give the
taxpayers an unvarnished look. Successes
should be acknowledged as well as failures.
The inquiry should be supported honestly
by Democrats as well as Republicans. OEO
Director Sargent Shriver should cooperate,
and not camouflage.
Let us really see how we are doing.
Purity of Motive in Washington
Mr. Sylvester first announced that news is
part of the "arsenal of weaponry" available
to a President and that it was the inherent
right of a government, "if. necessary, to lie
to save itself. He qualified the right to lie
by saying that prevarication was appropriate
"in an international crisis when nuclear war
threatens."
But the record demonstrates that officials
and agents of Government have not confined
their lying to such circumstances, but do it
automatically in any context. The suspi-
cion arises that these spokesmen are not
lying to save the Government from the Com-
munists but to save the administration from
the displeasure of the public.
The respected Arthur Krock, Washington
commentator of the New York Times, an old
friend of the late Mr. Kennedy, said the ad-
ministration sought to envelop the people
in a massive propaganda "in behalf of .the
establishment, to inflate success or gloss over
error." This, he said, it was dong "more
cynically and boldly" than any other ad-
ministration had ever done.
It was pointed out by Hanson Baldwin,
military editor of the Times, that the admin-
istration launched this campaign because of
its "sensitivity to criticism, its readiness to
resent it, and a willingness to use unortho-
dox methods to meet it." That is still the
motive under the Johnson administration.
Mr. 'Moyers, when asked if he believes in
honest journalism, replied, "I think there are
honest journalists like there are honest poli-
ticians. When bought, they stay bought."
Speak for yourself, Bill.
EXTENSION OF REMARKSOF HON. DONALD RUMSFELD OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 14, 1966 Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, a re-
cent speech by Presidential Aid Bill D.
Moyers admonished the Nation's news-
men to appreciate that only the "purest
motives" govern the actions and state-
ments of the executive branch of the
Federal Government. Such advice, if
heeded, would be heeded by the naive
and nondiscriminating. Citizens and
the press will continue to question, to
investigate, to doubt, and to seek the
truth: They will not simply swallow all
Government pronouncements as facts.
The following editorial from the Chi-
cago Tribune of Sunday, March 6, 1966,
comments aptly on Mr. Moyers' admoni-
tion to journalists:
PURITY OF MOTIVE IN WASHINGTON
Bill D. Moyers, who gave up the ministry
years ago to bring some light into the life
of Lyndon Johnson, reverted to type the
other day. Unloading a sermon on Wash-
ington alumni of Columbia University's
Graduate School of Journalism, the White
House press secretary adjured the sinners of
the press to have faith.
"You are unable," he said, "to accept moti-
vation in quite the same way we in the Gov-
ernment believe are motivated. We so often
do things out of the purest motives. The
heart of the tension is that it is difficult for
you to understand our motives have been as
pure as they are."
We are afraid that the Tribune will have
to plead guilty to the soft impeachment.
Yes, to be frank, it sometimes has been diffi-
cult for us to appreciate that only the
"purest motives" govern the actions and
statements of an administration so wholly
political as this one is.
For have we not been warned out of its
own mouth so often that the buyer must be-
ware its pronouncements? For instance,
there are the cautionary remarks of Arthur
Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense for
Public Information, who introduced the con-
cept of "news management" during the Ken-
nedy administration. The news became
managed under a man whose theme in the
1960 campaign was "the people's right to
know."
State Department Declares War on
Rhodesians in United States
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JACK EDWARDS
OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, the State Department's ap-
proach to recent events in Rhodesia
would be laughable if the results were not
so unfortunate. The weird thinking
which evidently is going on within the
L.B.J. administration over Rhodesia is
described in the following article taken
from "Human Events" for March 19,
1966:
STATE DEPARTMENT DECLARES WAR ON
RHODESIANS IN UNITED STATES
By Ralph de Toledano)
With sanctimoniousness not seen since
the days of Uriah Heep, the State Depart-
ment has argued that it joined Great Brit-
ain in its sanctions against the legitimateley
elected and constitutional Government of
Rhodesia on the legal ground that it had
declared its independence unilaterlly. For
a nation that did the same-and by force
of arms-this is a rather disingenous posi-
tion to take.
But since legality is the State Depart-
ment's gage these days, there is more than
slight interest in its present careening
course against Rhodesia. For what the De-
partment is now preparing to do is not only
illegal but also morally reprehensible and
downright vindictive. These are strong
words, but they are justified by the facts.
Since the United States hastily and obse-
quiously bowed low to the British by order-
ing sanctions against Rhodesia, a tiny mis-
sion of diplomatic representatives of that
country-now without official status-has
Recent headlines from our war on pov-
erty have not been hopeful.
Poverty elections flop in nine cities: 700
poor housed at the Hotel Astor on antipov-
erty funds, Job Corps youths In riot, anti-
poverty aid indicted in payroll embezzle-
ment, and so on.
Small wonder that congressional Republi-
cants want an investigation. Significantly,
they do not condemn the idea of a poverty
program; they just do not think the pres-
ent one is being run right.
The investigation is a good idea. More
than $1,400 million has been appropriated
for the economic-opportunity program and
another $1,600 million is sought for the
next. fiscal year. That is big money.
Republicans charge there is a lack of ef-
fective guidelines; "The approach contin-
ues to be hit and miss and let us try any-
thing once.". Rebuttal could be that there
can be no guidelines for a job that has never
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0 ~, , -.
A1406 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX March. 14, 1966
attempted to carry on their duties here. At
the same time, a U.S. consul, similarly bereft
of diplomatic prerogatives, has remained in
Rhodesia. Recently, the Rhodesian Govern-
ment set up an information office in Wash-
ington to service those interested in more
than the statements dispensed by British
propagandists.
(Among the lies being spread by British
officials here is the singularly effective one
that Americans-newspapermen included-
cannot travel to Rhodesia without a British
visa, which they refuse to issue. This is
patently false, as I know from firsthand ex-
perience.)
Now, the State Department has moved to
silence the Rhodesian Information Office,
presumably fearful that the American peo-
ple may discover that the official adminis-
tration line is based on nothing but sub-
servience to. Britain and ideological pique.
This is indirect censorship of the worst order.
In a letter to Henry J. C. Hooper, director
of the Information Office, Under Secretary
of State Thomas C. Mann states that Mr.
Hooper, in properly registering under the
Foreign Agents Registration Act, had noted
as his principal "the Department of External
Affairs, Ministry of Information, Govern-
ment of Rhodesia." He then states that
since the United States does not recognize
the authority of Rhodesia, Mr. Hooper has
"no official capacity in this country." The
United States, therefore, is "not prepared
to accord to you a continuing residence. in
this country."
In short, having learned that Mr. Hooper
registered as a foreign agent for Rhodesia,
the State Department is planning to deport
him. Though he has been here in an un-
official diplomatic status for some months,
the department did not move against him
until it discovered that he was legally at-
tempting to present his ,country's views to
Americans.
This is plain vindictiveness, as witness
the report to Congress of the U.S. Attorney
General in 1964: "Registration under the
[Foreign Agents Registration] Act does not
imply recognition by the U.S. Government
either of de Jure existence or legality of the
foreign principal, nor does it Indicate ap-
proval by the U.S. Government of the prop-
aganda material disseminated by the regis-
tered agent."
Mr. Mann, who seems to be trying to atone
for his firmness and good sense in the Domin-
leancrisis, chooses to overlook this statement
in attempting to oust Rhodesia's informa-
tion officer and suppress views contrary to
those of the State Department. He also
sweeps under the carpet the fact that on the
list of acceptable foreign agents are repre-
sentatives of an Angolan government-in-
exile, a handful of terrorists outside that
Portuguese possession, and an Azad Kashmiri
government, existing only on a letterhead.
The 'United States recognizes Portugal's
full and complete control over Angola, yet
As further comment in this issue I rec-
ommend the following editorial from the
Mobile, Ala., Press for March 8, 1966:
ONE MAN, ONE VOTE FOR RHODESIA
In slightly more than three lines of type,
the Register recently carried the significant
announcement that the United States is mov-
ing toward the closure of an "information
office opened in Washington by the white-
minority government of Rhodesia."
At the same time our Government is deny-
ing white Rhodesians the right to tell their
story to Americans, it allows Communists,
Socialists, and African dictators to flood our
Nation with their propaganda.
This is part of the implementation of the
one-world philosophy, one objective of which
is the one-man, one-vote system to which
our national leaders subscribe.
It is all part of the drive that includes
action by the U.N. Ambassador- Arthur Gold-
berg to set up a congressional investigation
of the question of whether the United States
should Interfere with the Government of
South Africa and tell it how it should run
its affairs.
Members of the one-man, one-vote cru-
sade talk of "broadening the power base," and
of making "leaders responsible to the people's
needs."
If they sincerely support governments
which have the "broadest possible participa-
tion by citizens," they should be supporting
Rhodesia instead of suppressing it.
hunting and cannibalistic tribes-men
who fought well and fiercely for years
with the weird, curved Malay and Philip-
pine bolo knives. It was a type of war
that our American soldiers were not used
to, just as today's soldiers are finding
Vietnam a new kind of war.
Our Philippine veterans fought a tough
enemy who believed he was fighting for
independence. It was a hard fight, and
in the end it was not so much won with
weapons as with policies of respect for
the people. Our soldiers in the Philip-
pines suffered fiercely from tropical dis-
eases we had not yet learned how to deal
with.
Today, with our minds so much on the
war in southeast Asia, I think we should
take time out to think of the men who
fought and died for America's toehold in
the Pacific in the days of the Great White
Fleet and the "big stick." I urge this
bonus as a tribute to the first American
southeast Asian veterans, now forgotten.
There are under 500 of these veterans,
perhaps far fewer. This bonus program
will cost very little. We should act
immediately.
They cannot deny today the number of Save the Children Federation: Helping
Rhodesians actively narticina.tine In thai,.
Government as voters is greater than the
number of voting citizens in all 30 black
African nations combined.
That is because all these tribal states have
succumbed either to one party, one leader
rule or to military strong man dictatorship.
While they prattle and fume over alleged
censorship of inflamatory reporting, and of
the detention of Moscow trained revolution-
aries as denials of freedom in Rhodesia, these
one man, one vote partisans have no criticism
for the atrocities committed in the black
African nations.
All this is creating in Africa and elsewhere
the kind of turmoil in which Communist
subversion thrives.
Fino Introduces Bonus Bill for America's
First Asian Veterans
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL A. FINO
OF NEW YORK _
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
the Poor To Fight Poverty-Part II
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JOHN J. DUNCAN
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, today I want to continue the
story of the Save the Children Federa-
tion, a unique program to help the less
fortunate which started more than a
quarter of a century ago.
Young people engaged in self-help
projects are their own best champions in
the fight against poverty. Save the
Children Federation activities for Ameri-
can Indians make this point
For the past 5 years, summer camp
programs for Indian youth have offered
self-help training in building skills,
ranch improvement, herd operations and
craft work; classes in health and groom-
ing; recreation; and field trips. One
hundred federation-sponsored Indian
young people were placed as volunteers
in hospitals, clinics, and in-the-field
health groups where they learned good
health habits, supported medical tech-
niques and practiced simple nursing
skills. Sixty-three of the participants
who represent the potential leadership of
four reservations now expect to train for
a career in public health.
From its early efforts in Appalachia,
SCF has grown into a worldwide organi-
zation advocating the principles of self-
help. In times of emergency or disaster,
the federation carries on special pro-
grams of relief, as it did during the war
years to help refugee children. Since
that time, the overseas sponsorship plan
providing cash and needed commodities
to relieve hunger and shortage, gradually
changed to emphasize payments which
it has allowed members of its so-called gov- Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, today I in-
ernment-in-exile to remain in this country troduced legislation to provide for a
and to propagandize for its extreme-left bonus to veterans of the early 20th cen-
activism. The United States recognizes India
and Pakistan as having domain over a split tury campaigns in the Philippine Islands,
Kashmir, but it allows a Kashmiri "govern- who received. the Philippine campaign
ment" to have its say without harassment, medal.
In the case of Rhodesia, the State De- I have received a number of letters
partment, in declaring war on Rhodesia, is from aging veterans of the Philippines
'acting against a government which is admit- campaigns of the early 1900's. These
tediy in complete control and whose status veterans, few and far between, are for
would be de jure except for the weird think- the most part in their eighties and
ing of this administration. nineties. They badly need this money
In another day, the Senate would have because of rising and other expenses.
been up in arms about this. But with the These men are veterans of a war Amer-
Fuibright-Kennedy axis in possession of
the headlines, U.S. policy is increasingly or- ica has long forgotten, a war in which
tented to a leftward course. And Rhodesia, America pacified the Philippine Islands
unfortunately, both believes in and practices after taking them from Spain in the
a free enterprise economy-and has no truck Spanish-American War. Throughout
with Communists. Q.E.D. the islands, our soldiers fought head-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 March 14, 1966
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67BQ446R000400040013-0 A1407
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDI
would allow children whose parents
could not afford the cost to receive basic
education, or sponsorships which ena-
bled the purchase of seed, tools, or equip-
ment to raise the family's food produc-
tion or increase its regular cash income.
To help parents realize their dreams of
a' better life for their children, SCF has
long encouraged families to plan and
carry out their own solutions for raising
annual income. Wherever possible, this
encouragement comes in the form of in-
est-free loans instead of grants. The
t
er
federation's loans, supplemented by
sound counseling, stimulate greater fam-
ily self-reliance, influence more practical
goals, and strengthen the chances of
success. With such loans fishermen in
Brittany bought nets and a boat to catch
build supports to hold water tanks pro-
vided by the U.S. Public Service, so that
each household ' will have safe water.
Sponsorships like these are a major
breakthrough toward a more wholesome
An Irrelevant Opposition
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
to get China to agree on a "neutralized"
southeast Asia. Militarily, such a strategy
would allow the enemy to concentrate
against each base in turn, and would present
tempting targets as China develops its nu-
clear potential. Politically, we cannot see
where the Senator finds the faintest indi-
cation China would agree to neutralization
any time in the foreseeable future.
It is equally difficult to understand Mr.
FULBRIGHT'S blithe confidence about en-
forcing any neutralization with the threat
of "reintroduction" of U.S. power. The
threat alone would not prevent China from
overrunning its neighbors and presenting us
with a fait accompli. It also could not effec-
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER Lively deter China's proven talent at con-
And we can cite few
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ducting war by proxy.
if any, precedents offering much hope for
enforcement by "major powers.';
Monday, March 14, 1966 Senator FULBRIGHT and his followers might
make a more lucid contribution to the de-
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, the
following editorial from the Wall Street
Journal of March 8 brings to focus some
of the irrelevant activities of the Con-
gress in regard to Vietnam :
AN IRRELEVANT OPPOSITION
The Senate haggled for about 2 weeks
over the $4.8 billion authorization for the
Vietnamese war, then passed it with only two
dissenting votes. The performance is not
without its lessons.
The lengthy debate measures the misgiv-
ings the course of war stirs in an onlooker.
The overwhelming vote largely measures how
little the administration's critics have of-
fered as alternatives which appeal when the
moment arrives to assume responsibility.
It would seem to follow that the critics have
been talking mostly beside the point.
There was an abortive movement by 17
Democratic Senators, for instance, for an
amendment saying the authorization did
not imply approval of a wider war. Some 78
Democratic Representatives made similar
declarations as the bill passed the House,
392 to 4. Obviously, these were less attempts
to make policy than to avoid responsibility.
There was WAYNE MORSE, made of sterner
stuff at least, relentlessly following his op-
position to the war to the logical conclusion
of voting against the authorization. Senator
builds his case against our involve-
and sell more fish. Korean farmers pur-
chased improved rice seed and fertilizers
for more abundant crops. A Lebanese
shoemaker purchased leather and tools
to double his business. A Greek widow
bought a sewing machine to make clothes
for her children and to add a little cash
by sewing for others.
Helping families to develop their earn-
ing potentials so they themselves can
more quickly assume the responsibilities
for their children is another strong fea-
ture of the federation's self-help pro-
gram.
Recognizing that the community as
well as the family can take a more re-
sponsible share in child development, the
Federation takes a positive interest in
upgrading neighborhoods and improv-
ing community services for the health,
education, and welfare of all children.
Child-family-community sponsorships
overseas and for American Indians
reach beyond the child to give the family
a greater security and the communities
a new strength.
This dynamic program offers a three-
fold way of accelerating child growth to-
ward self-sufficiency, for the welfare of
a child and his family is inextricably
woven into the welfare of the commu-
nity. This direction of federation effort
provides people with an opportunity to
shape a better future for themselves and
their children within the framework of
a healthy community of interdependent
and forward-looking citizens.
These self-help sponsorships, recently
introduced in the American Indian pro-
support long-range goals worked
gram
,
out by the federation with Hopi tribal has scant right to force coalition on the
officials to encourage more participation unwilling South Vietnamese.
by parents and neighbors in community Then there was the most prestigious critic
improvements. Many American Indian of all, J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, chairman of
boys and girls today attend schools away the Senate's august Foreign Relations Com-
from the reservation where they may en- mittee. Senator FULBRIGHT seems, to profess
large their circle of friends, find courses that Red China is naughty mainly because
it "is profoundly fearful of American bases" voca- to prepare them for contemporary on its periphery. He says "history suggests"
Lions, and effect an adjustment to o the the that military power cannot enforce peace,
non-Indian world. The SCF sponsor- and that "accommodation * * * is the only
ships which provide funds for school sup- course with demonstrated promise of being
plies, personal books and spending money able to bring about a lasting and honorable
help children in their new relation- peace."
ships and encourage wider social par- As we recall history, accommodation at
ticipation and a greater fluency with the Munich and Yalta didn't automatically bring
English language. "lasting and honorable peace." Nor do we
remember the total failure of intelligent
For the families of these children, the military measures in Greece, the Philippines,
new sponsorships provide small grants Lebanon, or the Cuban missile crisis.
to improve sanitary conditions of each We are hardly serene, either, about the
home-to repair, screen and paint win- "impregnable" bases the Senator would es-
dows and doors to keep out flies, and to tablish in South Vietnam, then bargain away
bate if they met administration policy head
on, dropping their dogged refusal do acknowl-
edge precisely what that policy is. The Sen-
ator and some others insist on labeling that
policy one of "unconditional surrender."
Yet it does not seek, as that phrase has his-
torically implied, the destruction of any gov-
ernment with international standing.
All the United States wants of Hanoi is for
it to stop fomenting and supporting insur-
rection in the south. For that matter, all
the United States wants of the Vietcong is
that they stop trying to take over the nation
by force. Sticking to these minimum goals,
according to the critics' curious contention,
is demanding surrender because we will not
meet the enemy halfway-presumably letting
them support a small insurrection or use
terror to take part of South Vietnam.
The administration has made it plain, we
think, that it is not crusading to stamp out
communism. Rather, it is trying to contain
communism in Asia much as it was con-
tained in Europe. American policymakers
are attempting to deny Asian communism
small initial conquests; this denial is in-
tended to curb militant appetites before they
provoke war in truth waged for uncondi-
tional surrender.
That may be a slender hope; certainly it
is a tricky and taxing policy that raises ques-
tions in many minds, ours included. Yet its
critics have said little relevant to decisions
Rogers, Ark., DeMolay
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES W. TRIMBLE
OF ARKANSAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. TRIMBLE. Mr. Speaker, Hugh
Grimm, whom I have known since our
boyliood, has been one of the leaders in
DeMolay since his early years. His
lodge, 460, which sponsors the DeMolays
of Rogers, Ark., and the DeMolays of
Rogers are celebrating International De-
Molay Week March 13 through 20.
I know no one who has done more to
help the boys of the area than Hugh
Grimm. He is a leader not only in lead-
ing boys to a better understanding of
their responsibilities in life but in all
other fields of community activities.
To him and to the DeMolays, my
heartiest greetings.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
moms
RSE
menu from the legalisms of international which must be made here and now. It's easy
law. Unfortunately, any such case will re- to understand why, whatever its difficulties,
main at best marginally relevant until some containment remains the refuge of those who
court can enforce that law against China and must not only speculate but decide.
North Vietnam.
There was ROBERT KENNEDY, for reasons
which presumably seemed good to him at
the time, first offering the Vietcong "a share
of responsibility" in the South Vietnamese
Government, then backing and filling till no
one really knew what he did mean. He
served mostly to clarify that the United
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
A1408 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX March 14, 1966
President's E Award to Mr. Curt G. Joa schooling that youth could have. Always tor Howe made their illustrious comments
in the back of my mind I wanted to be about Curt G. Joa, Inc. Nothing could have
EXTENSION OF REMARKS prepared to at least know the language of the made me feel more honored, and it could
country where: I was going to make my not have struck me more deeply, than when
Of home. Therefore, instead of studying in Congressman RACE compared me and the
HUN. JOHN A. RACE what we call in Germany the humanistic likes of me With George Washington, the
gymnasium, i preferred the equivalent, the Founder and Father of our great country.
OF WISCONSIN oberreal school. The difference between He, too, had to struggle and surround him-
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES these two institutions is solely that one is self with people when in direst need. They
a preparatory school for the medical and had faith in his leadership, and only as a
Monday, March 14, 1966 legal profession., where greater emphasis was community of faithful and honest
Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker, on February put on the Greek and Latin. languages, in can success be attained. people
22 of this year, on tS Speaker, on Fe of February contrast to the school of my choice, where When I had to talk, I could only say, "With
birth of our firth President, Gent a emphasis was placed on modern languages- deep humility and sincere respect, on behalf
g e and French-chemistry, physics, and of my family and all of our employees, I ac-
Washington, I had the happy privilege mathematics, which I felt would serve me cept this award," and this is the moment
of presenting the President's E Award to better in foreign lands. when I had to combat the tears-not tears
Mr. Curt G. Joa, of Sheboygan Falls, Wis. My mother's brothers and sisters had mi- of sadness, but tears as a result of shock
Mr. Joa founded and heads a firm that grated to the United States in the 1860's through joy.
presently has its machinery in 17 world and 1870's and settled in Philadelphia and As to the celebration and the party proper,
markets ais in negotiations in world Terre Haute, and I can remember the holi- I was extremely pleased that this was all
othe. He marr is and
e and his firm truly day when the letters came from my uncles done by men that had grown with me, and
and cousins describing their lot and free- it was truly a remarkable piece of work
deserved recognition by the President of dom and their reward for hard work in glow- when I saw the countries in which we had
this country and presentation of the E ing letters about the United States that sold machines represented by the girls in
Award. they, too, had chosen as their home. our offices and wives of our employees and
An even more amazing story, Mr. I remembered all this quite well, and upon others, because with each costume I had a
Speaker, is Mr. Joa's own reflections on graduation from the university, Frankfurt mental picture of the task that had to be
his life, occasioned by the presentation and W'urzburg, with intense technical as well done, not only to sell the machines, in
of this E Award. These reflections are as economic training, I solicited the help of Greece, Nicaragua, Germany, Belgium,
told this Mw Joa in a letter to his the cousins for a visa and ticket to the France, and many other countries, but to
United States. After receipt of my diploma instill bathe people that bought the equip-
daughter, Mrs. Ruth Kiela. and doctor's degree, within 3 days, on August ment the faith they had to have to make
I feel privileged to have obtained a 11, 1924, I sailed on the SS Arabic of the them a success. Only because I had faith
copy of this letter and under unanimous Cunard. White Star Line. in the capabilities of our workers at Sheboy-
consent insert it in the RECORD. It has a My cousins had seen to it that I traveled gan Falls, and in the United States of Amer-
beautiful lesson and story to tell to the first class, which was an unusual treat and ica, could we transmit a spirit of enthusiasm
world. The letter follows; created even more the desire to show myself and help our customers with their difficulties
worthy of such accommodations, and when in the beginning, because all beginnings are
BOYNTON BEACH, Fla., I went aboard the ship in He.mburg, I felt difficult.
March 7, 1966. my goal was nearly achieved, but nothing in As we all know, life begins with a cry,
DEAR RUTH: Time has passed since we had this life comes easy. Off the coast of Nova and life ends that way. I could go on for-
the presentation of the E Award in Sheboy- Scotia, near Halifax, we were caught in one ever and tell you about the details of the
gan Falls, and I have had a lot of opportu- of the worst hurricanes of the century. experiences we have had in each and every
nity to think about the day, the evening, and Our ship was badly damaged, a hundred one of our travels that always meant an_
to reminisce about the talk I meant to give people were killed or injured, the water was other block for the house we were build-
and the ideas I thought I wanted to get running into the staterooms from the top, ing. There are the days of Gustasfors in
across to the people present. the lifeboats were smashed, the smokestacks Sweden, the weeks of suspicion In Denmark,
I meant to write to you before this, but were gone, and the engines drowned. I will the examination of our baggage by the cus-
when I arrived in Florida after those very never forget the violence of that storm that toms officers when our samples were scat-
strenuous weeks in Wisconsin, I took quite began at 7 in the morning and reached tered on the tables and we had to explain
sick. I have been on antibiotics for 10 days; its height about 4 in the afternoon.
I had a final examination today and got a the product the machines were imake.
clean bill of health from m doctor, al- W were spun around, oun and since it was an Now, since we are making baby diapers, if
my old-time steamsl'ni that used coal as fuel, is is a a bit easier. There were problems of
though I have to continue with the anti- the fuel shifted and we had a 40? list-a financing, problems of taxes, difference in
biotics until they are gone, since my infec- rather marginal situation-and the sinking taxes in each and every country, the train-
tion was real severe, of the ship was imminent. Those that were
As ,I said during the presentation when I ing of the supervisors in the factories where
alive prayed and prayed hard, and finally the a different language was being spoken, and
was called upon to give a talk, maybe for the winds abated at 8 in the evening and we thanks to my early training, I could handle
first time in my life I was nearly speechless, were a drifting wreck on the ocean. Even- a few.
since my mind was so occupied with the ex- tually we were removed and taken to New I am thankful that in my early youth I
periences and the history of the past 52 years York, where we landed with much humility, had a goal and that the attaining of this
of my life. I felt that the E Award given and when we stepped on land, we felt that goal made me waste few moments. Even
by the President of the United States to our life from that day on would be a bonus.
company, and the presentation of the plaque And so the years went by, and always hav- the I continue y study, be it languages,
by the mayor of Sheboygan Falls, was the the weather for flying, new motors time and
climax of acceptance and the height of m ing nothing that I have everything gain gines, because it is a fast moving time and
desire to be a good citizen of the United and nothing to lose and being so utterly ap- m
oments are precious. One gets only these
States. preciative of the opportunities that offered moments
much out of life as one has used these
Before I was 11 years old, on August 2, themselves, work became a pleasure. My moments well.
acquisitions were sufficient to send my chil- I will never forget the parting words
1914, the guns were booming along the east dren to the best of schools, and I surrounded my father gave me. He was not enthusias-
coast of Germany, where I had been sent as myself with capable, honest, hardworking tic about America, and he tied a strap around
a last attempt to cure me of a bronchial dis- people. Our roots were firmly grounded in my neck with a leather bag containing $200,
ease, which was the aftermath of whooping Sheboygan Falls.
cough and diphtheria that I had since I was which will a fortune for him, with the words,
When disaster 6 years old. The last resort the doctors sec- killed, I walked clown kthand e street and Mayor strange "You will land d with lonesome, friends, will and ih a
ommended in those days was sea air and out- Houwers u m his is, our mourn
door living. From the first day of World I know how you fe I want because talk son also fare." Six You you want to come home, this is your return
War I, I had been dreaming and thinking was killed in an airplane accident. We have States, I wrote himafter I was in , "Dear father, it is truly
about the United States of America. Dur- to make the best of it, and we have to be a strange land, but its strangeness is en-
ing my illness I read a great deal of Cooper's thankful for having had our sons, and life ticing, its greatness is encouraging, and my
"Leatherstocking Tales," and I dreamed about must go on." These were the words that qne aim is to become part of this land," and
the largess and the greatness of the country gave me new inspiration, and all self-pity I returned his leather bag.
beyond the sea, and I had made up my mind left me. I went to the office and the young i believe the E Award meant to be a rec-
that some day I was going to cross the sea men that Curt had engaged were called in; ognition in my mind of 52 years of striving
and explore the open spaces of America. . I asked them if they would stay with me and first to go to the United States, and then to
With the beginning of World War I, my carry on. Their strong affirmative reply in- be adopted by that country as a citizen as
health apparently was regained. The out- spired me to do more work than ever and to I have adopted her. My pride as a father was
door and ocean living had done the work it overcome my grief in my occupation. crowned by being able to award a pin to
was intended to, and with ardor and enthu- These were the thoughts that went through both of my daughters, as well as my wife,
siasm I went through some of the finest my mind when Congressman RAcs and Direc- who have been so active and so enthusiastic
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 A1410
Approved CFor ONGRESSIONAL6/cRDPfifTWff00040004
In addition the shelter provides the Uni-
versity of Tennessee with 4,300 dogs, Ken-
nedy Hospital 319.
Caldwell said 4,800 dogs, those which were
badly injured or diseased were gassed. He
said the center handled 18,000 dogs last
year.
PERSIAN CAT
One dealer told me he had a "nice Persian
cat" in the truck and would try to find it
for me. He told me this while he was prod-
ding and stuffing a pregnant boxer dog, ob-
viously a former pet, into the already bulg-
ing jam.
The wire-haired terrier I rescued is a well-
trained male dog. I took him home with me.
He was starved for food and water and would ?
wince every time you touched him for fear of
being hit.
One of the sellers in Ripley said they didn't
get enough money for the dogs to "waste
money on food" for them. Sometimes they
carry the animals they have picked up
around in trucks and cages for 2 or 3 days
until they sell them to dealers.
SICK PET
My terrier may be your dog. If you can
identify him, he's yours. I took him to
Foote Animal Clinic where Dr. W. B. Miesse
is trying to restore him to health. Dr.
Miesse said the dog has suffered. He's ill
and needs attention. He's been needing it.
The terrier had obviously been a pet. He
obeys orders and responds to commands. I
almost cried as the dejected dog I call
"Scottie," ate an egg fixed for his breakfast.
When he finished, he weakly raised his head,
licked my hand and feebly wagged his tail,
his first show of animation or affection in
24 hours.
SASSY
sands of unwanted cats and dogs are put to
death annually in municipal pounds. If this
is true, both labs and pounds have been over-
looking a beneficial arrangement. We were
glad to report yesterday that the Memphis
Pound seems to be operating humanely and
sensibly in this respect.
Anyway, don't be surprised if some law
gets passed in the field. Pet owners are
voters as well and all Congressmen know
the adage, "He who loves me, loves my dog."
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. AL ULLMAN
O)--Ph 14, 1966
with 215,000 men on hand and another 20,000
on the way, it is not possible to tell how many
men we will need. Our strength for this year
is expected to rise to 350,000 or 400,000, but
it may have to go higher.
No one can tell for sure how far the Com-
rnunists will be willing to go or what new as-
sistance Hanoi may receive from Peiping or
Moscow. We will simply have to be ready for
anything, including an unreasonable re-
sponse from the other side. Despite his meas-
ured optimism at this stage, we're sure that
is what the Secretary intends.
The War on Poverty: Boon or
Boondoggle?-No. 5
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LUCIEN N. NEDZI
OF OREGON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. ULLMAN. Mr. Speaker, Secre-
tary McNamara's report that our Armed
Forces can meet the Vietnam demands
without weakening our position in other
areas is "welcome assurance," the Den-
ver Post says editorially.
The paper believes the Secretary de-
serves much credit for "the tremendous
feat of deploying within a matter of
months a combat ready force of 300,000
men some 10,000 miles away and sup-
porting them in combat."
The editorial is concise, and in the be-
lief that others will want to see it, I am
off ering it for the RECORD:
WELCOME ASSURANCE FROM MCNAMARA
Secretary of Defense McNamara has given
the Nation powerful assurance that our
Armed Forces can meet the demands of the
war in Vietnam without weakening our mili-
tary position in other areas of the world.
McNamara himself has played the major
role in building up those forces since 1961,
and the statistics he released this week on
the buildup of our military forces during the
last 5 years are impressive.
He deserves a good deal of the credit for
"the tremendous feat of deploying within a
matter of months a combat ready force of
Almost as much as a child, the domestic
dog is part of the human heart and the
human home for reasons no one need ex-
plain.
I know because I have a 2-year-old "cocker-
poo" (half cocker, half poodle) dog named
Sassy. She is my 7-year-old daughter's fa-
vorite playmate and almost another child
to me.
I saw Sassy's face in the face of every dog
at Ripley.
I was sorry that I didn't have enough
money to buy all of the dogs.
And I was thankful that Sassy, a happy
pet who sleeps on the foot of the bed and
demands her morning coffee like a dictator,
does not have to wake up such horror.
I hope she never strays.
THE MARKET IN DOGS
It's one thing to use in medical research
a homeless dog from a public pound. It's
another thing-and a vicious one-to use
somebody's beloved pet which has been stolen
from a front lawn.
A dramatic revelation of the latter type
of operations here in the Midsouth was
given in a story by staff writer Kay Pittman
in yesterday's Press-Scimitar. Because so
much of this has been going on over the
country, both houses of Congress are con-
cerning themselves with legislation to reg-
ulate the sale of such animals in interstate
commerce. The lawmakers don't have in
a Federal crime
in
d
,
g
ognapp
mind making
although many pet owners would like it to We feel less certain, however, about Mc-
i
t
s
be. Some of them suggest hanging as an Namara's analysis of what the Commun
s battle against poverty, is to arouse their in-
appropriate penalty. will try to do or be able to do. Too many battles gai t poverty, is to demonstrating
We all know that medical schools and some faulty predictions along that line still echo that thernare ways of onbreaking by the estrating
research laboratories need dogs and other throughout southeast Asia and haunt the hold.
animals. for experiments that may benefit men who made them.
man. It can also be conceded that these We hope McNamara is right when he says Pastard is community-actions program di-
scientists are not out to hurt the animals. the Communist buildup of manpower will - rector for Westminster Neighborhood Asso-
But they have apparently not been careful have to will e to ba e possible for tHanoi to his year
sup- poverty grant.
financed by a $982,000 anti-not enough about their suppliers, port any more men in South Vietnam. It is on such programs that the Office of
Scares a House e subcommittee groups appeared before a Hbccomme ommitteee e this week to if that is so, it will be possible for the Economic Opportunity (OEO) is spending to Its
on of the
$o8ermillior programs this year. set aside for
billion protest that pet theft for research is wide- Unwited buildup. sera limit
etont conditions-
spread. Yet it was also testified that thou- p p?
300,000 men some 10,000 miles away and sup-
porting them in combat-without calling up
the Reserve forces, without a general exten-
sion of tours on an Involuntary basis and
,without invoking the usual economic con-
trols."
This force of 300,000-215,000 on land-
represents about 10 percent of our "total ac-
tive duty military strength," McNamara said.
There is obviously a good deal left to meet
problems in other areas and a good deal more
that could be mobilized.
In describing our strength, its mobility, its
capability and Its adequacy to meet the chal-
lenges ahead, McNamara is on sound ground.
As long as our policy to provide whatever
it takes to protect South Vietnam, we have
confidence that policy will not fail for any
lack of men OF supplies from McNamara's
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. NEDZI. Mr. Speaker, under leave
to extend my remarks, the fifth article
of a series written by Washington re-
porter of the Detroit News, Tom Joyce,
discussing war on poverty follows:
COMMUNITY ACTION AND THE WAR ON
POVERTY: MAKE THESE PEOPLE ASHAMED
To STAND IN A WELFARE LINE
(By Tom Joyce)
WASHINGTON, March 3.-A Los Angeles
Negro who softens his militancy with a smile
was asked what he was trying to accomplish
through a war on poverty community-action
program.
The scene was a sparsely furnished office
on the second floor of an old frame building
precisely in the geographical center of Watts,
the ghetto scorched and bloodied last
August.
Ocie Pastard, the 28-year-old Negro, leaned
over his desk and replied in a firm voice to
the question:
"To make these people ashamed to stand
in a welfare line."
The answer came like a splash of cold
water in the face of this reporter, who had
been asking the same question from the
Nation's Capital to San Francisco and re-
ceiving answers couched in the poverty war's
new jargon.
The most frequently heard explanations:
"To organize the poor," "to get them think-
ing about their problems," "to inspire them
to action," "to promote self-help."
Many poverty experts disagree with Pas-
tard's cold, frank way of putting it. They
would phrase it differently, saying the goal
is to motivate the poor to do something
about their own poverty.
But it always seems to come out much the
same way.
And the overriding question is always the
same: how do you inspire the poor, people
frozen in poverty, inured to its misery and
without means of escape?
STIR INTEREST
The philosophy of community-action pro-
grams, viewed by many as the heart of the
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0004000400"13-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
March 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
in the business we are in, and had attained
a right and the privilege to be on the board
of directors of Curt G. Joa, Inc.
May you never forget that you, too, must
have a goal, and your goal must be to carry
on. You have a wonderful family, and in
this pall-mall life, with its millions of temp-
tations, it is your great responsibility to
navigate a course so that 52 years hence, your
sons and daughters can speak of an attain-
ment of citizenship, which is the most valu-
able thing for us all.
A1409
ter for $50. The collie was on his way to pos- officials that game and fish commission ofii-
sible lingering torture and certain death. cers, who were evidently on the fairgrounds
FAIRGROUNDS complex, would run off any newspaper re-
I saw the collie, formerly someone's cher- porters or photographer. State troopers were
fished pet, at the fairgrounds in Ripley, Miss. there too.
Accompanied by a Press-Scimitar photog- Just by ambling around and saying I was
rapher, I went to Ripley for trade and auc-
tion "looking for a good hunting dog and a house
day. which is held once a month. pet," I was able to observe the trades first-
Although everything from fishing tackle to hand.
grandfather clocks is auctioned or traded, HUNTING DOGS
the biggest single commodity is dogs. There There were a number of
ood h
ti
g
un
ng dogs
CURT G. JOA. were about 1,000 dogs there this month. and house pets there. Men who had as many
Many of them erha i h if a 20
s
s d
h
p
Packed in Cages : No Water, No Food-
Dogs for Sale in Ripley, Miss., Shock
Animal-Loving Reporter
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE W. GRIDER
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. GRIDER. Mr. Speaker, I spent
the weekend in my district, and rarely
have I seen the people so aroused.
On Thursday afternoon in a front-page,
copyrighted story, the Memphis Press-
Scimitar reported in story and picture
the activities of a dog auction in nearby
Ripley, Miss,
The newspaper's switchboard was
Jammed throughout the day; my Mem-
phis office telephone rang constantly. I
was stopped on the street by all sorts of
people and asked, "Why can't something
be done about it?"
Our colleague the gentleman from
Texas [Mr. POAGE] has made an excellent
beginning with hearings on bills designed
to end this traffic in stolen pets and the
inhumane treatment rendered by many
dealers. The Congress can do something
about this problem.
As evidence that Federal legislation is
needed, I call to the attention of my col-
leagues the newspaper article and an edi-
torial which appeared the following day:
[From the Memphis (Tenn.) Press-Scimitar;
Mar. 10, 1966)
PACKED IN CAGES: No WATER, No FooD-Does
FOR SALE IN RIPLEY, MISS., SHOCK ANIMAL-
LOVING REPORTER
(By Kay Pittman)
The magnificent looking black collie with
a shiny coat and thoroughbred lines wagged
his tail as a child patted his head.
Nice doggie," the little boy said. Then
his mother tugged at his hand and the boy
walked away. The collie leaped to run after
the child.
That's when a rope attached to a long steel
prodding bar was tightened to the strangu-
lation point around his neck, jerking the
dog upwards. His tongue hung out and the
dog made gagging noises.
SPIRIT BROKEN
Then the steel bar came down hard on his
nose. Blood spurted from the wound. The
dog whimpered and cowered to the ground,
his spirit broken.
Moments later, the collie was loaded onto
a four-tiered truck with no ventilation, no
water
no foodpackd iit
,-en wh about 200
other dogs and numerous cats.
The truck belonged to a dog dealer, who
bought the expensive collie for $3. He would
sell the dog to a big hospital or research cen-
'
a ,
ad apparently
ogs in a chicken wire cage would come
been pets. '
to me and say, "I've got a nice dog here. He
Dognaping has become a serious business belonged to my grandson. I'll sell him to
in the United States, and bills are now be- you for $3."
fore Congress to make it an Interstate offense One nice dog that belonged to a grandson
to steal a pet and sell it for research. was a fine looking Airedale. Another was a
DEALERS
Dog dealers are taking advantage of the
growing demand for dogs that are used in
vital medical research. Laboratories now
need almost 2 million dogs a year.
To cash in on this need, dealers rove the
country, paying a buck or two to anyone who
comes forward with a dog, and no questions
are asked. Family pets, trained to obedience
and easy to handle, are especially prized, and
the Humane Society of the United States
estimates that 50 percent of all missing pets
have been stolen by dognapers, who in turn
sell them to dealers.
Dealers sell to laboratories. There are
many Ripleys dotted across the Midsouth
and the Nation.
Some of the men at Ripley freely admitted
to me that they scoured the countryside
picking up dogs.. Pets.
One dognaper, with an Alabama license,
asked me what kind of pet I wanted. "Just
tell me, and I can have it for you next
month." Humane Society people say Ten-
nessee and Virginia are happy pet-hunting
grounds for Pennsylvania and New York
dealers.
WIRE CAGES
The Ripley trade day opens at 8:30 a.m.
Panel trucks start arriving with chicken wire
rare and expensive white German shepherd.
He was sold to Roy Hargrove of Medina and
loaded on the Hargrove truck, which bears
a Cicero, Ill., sign on its three-tiered side.
The truck was so crammed with animals
by noon that you couldn't have squeezed a
squirrel Into it.
DOG FARM
Yet more dogs were thrown into It. Har-
grove and his son, William Hargrove, 40, of
Cicero, Ill., operate a dog farm in Medina.
The Hargroves, like other dealers, collect
dogs and sell them to laboratories and medi-
cal schools, some in the Chicago and St.
Louis area. They were indicted by the Gib-
son County Grand Jury in December on a
charge of cruelty to animals.
Circuit Judge Dick Jerman of Alamo will
hear the case on May 4, a case which has
attracted national attention to practices in-
volved in the handling and sales of dogs and
cats.
RESCUE
I rescued a wirehaired terrier, usually an
expensive dog, from one seller with a Tipton
County, Tenn., tag on his car. He had no
license plate on the back of the car. He
pulled the dog out of the trunk and sold it
to me for $5.
I also bought an emaciated, but still proud
looking, English setter from
n
-
a
othe
dogs. Others start arriving with car trunks ya,d "" a`ouor was nocmng
but a bone
filled with animals of all description. Out of TOTE BAGS
such a cage Caine the big collie. There wasn't I noticed that the dealers with the largest
room enough :for him to stand. There were trucks bought few small dogs. They pur-
six other big clogs in the cage with him. chased mostly large dogs-shepherds, collies,
Putting on my best accent, I asked one hounds, and the like.
dealer who was buying, hundreds of dogs People also brought tote bags crammed
what would happen to the animals. He had with cats, some selling for 10 cents a pound,
started loading dogs on his truck at 9 a.m. to them. Puppies were also bought by the
He said, "Well, little lady, I'll leave here to- pound.
night and get to my farm about midnight,
then start out for a long drive up north in retrievers, bought large dogs because beagles,
the morning."
, and German shepherds are ranked
And what would happen to the dogs on the high on the labs "most wanted" list. These
dogs $2 or $3 to
truck, many of which were the pets of some the are purchased for $50. Cats and sold labs
heartbroken, still searching owners? labs for $ to $60. Cats sell to labs
The dealer said the dogs would stay on the anywhere from $1 to $4.50.
truck during the whole process, from Ripley MEDIC CENTER
onward, without food or water or exercise. The Memphis Medical Center buys no dogs
SELLERS from dealers. It purchases dogs, under con-
Many, under such crowded conditions, tract, from the city dog shelter. Director
would probably die dri cr the d
24- to 36- o di o s, Otis Caldwell said a shelter board, many of
whom are memberrr of the
imprisonment before arriving at their desti- sets the policy fo
Humane Society,
nation. operated u d operation of the city-
The dog dealers were buying animals from operated pound.
various men, most of whom were clad in Caldwell said any dog that is picked up
overalls. Most of the men carried shotguns, and not wearing a license is held for 3 days.
I saw collars and license tags removed from If he is not claimed he is put up for adoption.
some of the dogs' necks before they were sold. Dogs that are sick are gassed.
I caught a glimpse of one dog bearing a Dogs that are never claimed or that no
Kentucky license tag, another wearing the one seems to want are sold, under contract,
name "Sonny Boy" around his neck. to the Memphis Medical Center,
I saw dogs beaten, kicked, and tied out No dogs in the Memphis hospital operation
behind cars and along fences for hours with- are bought from dog dealers.
out food or water. I saw a nightmare of
INCOGNITO Dogs sold to the medical center are pur-
I went to the trade day incognito having c Lasd for the regular $2 pound fee. t been warned by Memphis Humane Society adopted year 7,634 dogs were redeemed or
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 A1416
Approved For Release 2005/06/29: CIA-RDP67B0p446R0004000~,~~ 1
SSIO TAT " iR E OR D - APPENDIX
R
E
1966
Communists, as they were frustrated in
their indirect attempts to seize the country,
went on to more forceful, more direct and
more obvious stages.
In such circumstances, people in this
country and elsewhere couldn't easily reoog-
nize that the seemingly disorganized, bewil-
dering turmoil in a far-off Asian country
was, indeed, a frightful case of Communist
aggression.
The Communists had failed, In Korea and
elsewhere, to achieve their ends by sudden,
explosive attack. So in Vietnam they tried
more subtle means. But the purpose Was
the same, to conquer an independent nation
for their own domination.
Senators in Washington should know all
tis. That is their responsibility. Instead,
many of them have bene indulging in a
rambling, endless and belated dispute over
And HaryOU, the biggest single antipoverty
project in America, with hundreds Of Jobs machinery
be filled, offers an inviting piece
with which to reward political supporters.
Nobody has to point this out to ADAM
CLAYTON POWELL Who installed his own lieu-
tenant as Haryoii Director even though the
consensus seemed to indicate there were
more qualified condidates.
In the beginning, POWELL was a fiery critic
of city hall control of the war. But not too
long ago he moderated his position, saying
that probably there should be some sort of
middle ground between "unfortunate ex-
tremes."
He cited Chicago to illustrate what he
called "minimum feasible participation of
the poor" and characterized Newark as being
"so politically pure that it has antagonized
all the city councilmen and ignored the
mayor."
NEWARK ISSUE
He alluded to the fact that In Newark poli-
ticians and appointed city officials, not the
poor, have been denied anything approach-
ing what might be called "maximum feasible
articipation."
l
iti
ca
p
pol
. With few exceptions, city officials were vir-
tually excluded from the umbrella agency.
C
orp.
called the United Community
And `while OEO officials in Washington
were busy praising Newark as an outstand-
Ing example of "maximum feasible partici-
pation," sulking city officials were thinking
about ways to get in on the action. support,
A solution that has gained wide supp
however, is expansion of the board to seat 26
officials of city agencies, including the 9
members of the city council. ver
ne
channeled most of the money Into Watts be-
cause of pressures from civil rights groups.
Many Mexicans say they feel they are being
punished for not rioting.
A COMPLAINT
One to register such a complaint is Mrs.
Rosita Moreno, a representative of the poor
on the central board. She and her husband
live on a retirement income of $3,300 a year.
"All the attention," she says, "is on Watts.
They tell us to wait. But we are tired of
waiting-tired of hearing manana. It is no
longer good enough."
Shriver himself has not escaped political
barbs. There have been charges that he has
dealt too easily with Daley because he has
political ambitions in his home State of 1111-
nois, where the Chicago mayor wields power-
ful influence.
New power struggles are certain to develop.
But the direction of the war now seems away
from any notion that maximum participa-
tion of the poor means control of community
action programs by the poor. Experience is
not on the side of those who would have it
that way.
OF REMARKS
P
ELMER J. HOLLAND
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Newark's $9 million program was
really in control of the poor anyway. While Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. Speaker, the
city officials largely were excluded, real con= Pittsburgh Press, last week had an ex-
trol rested in the hands of established leaders cellent editorial on the "Confusion Over
of social agencies, civil rights groups, and Vietnam."
community organizations. It explains very clearly, I think, the
LIVES IN NEW YORK need for our active participation in
thin that irks city officials is the fact South Vietnam. It states President
policies-the result, if any, being simply
more confusion.
Samuel Lubell, the eminent pollster, re-
ported after 3 weeks of interviewing people
around the country that the Senate debate
had changed the minds of almost nobody.
But about two-thirds of the people he inter-
viewed, he said, simply want to step up the
fighting and force the Communists to quit.
What is hard for people to understand,
obviously, is President Johnson's effort to
keep the war contained. But his purpose is
to avoid, if possible, a much wider war, in-
volving Red China in force, which would cost
us much more dearly in lives. This purpose
amply justifies his effort, gamble that it may
be.
So, altogether, the nature of the war and
the bewildering manner in which it devel-
oped were bound to produce confusion which
the Johnson administration simply will have
to tolerate.
In turn, the President, in this most deli-
cate and difficult task, deserves the most
determined support we can muster for him,
even if at times we are perplexed.
One g
. that the $23;000-a-year director of the um- Johnson is deserving of "the most deter-
brella agency, 37-year-old Cyril D. Tyson, is a mined support we can muster for him"
former New YorAct, worker who continues to while performing this most difficult task
live Many in New York.
Mof the headaches over participation of accomplishing the containment of
of -the poor have developed by the very way Communism in North Vietnam.
the city boards had to be set up in the Mr. Speaker, I insert this in the CON-
beginning. GRESSIONAL RECORD as I feel it will help
Generally there were no ready-built orga- some who may be confused.
nizations to take on the work of the war CONFUSION OVER VIETNAM
against poverty. And they just grew, in a It is quite evident to anyone with ears
m wax
rather logical way.
In many cases city officials and repre- is that public disarr y. And hth t1econfusion
sentatives of welfare agencies and established d than anything else.
community services got together with buss- about this struggle, more
nessmen and others and set up shop. Then cost ib all to tonaiff differences of opinion and
they picked delegates to represent the poor. This a need t not uncertainty.
since the
And as was, and still is the case, these rep- Vietnam conflict is not like any other war in
supp edlys then lveds were not poor but which this country has engaged, not even
in the ghborhoo peoplee like Korea which also generated some con-
supposedly either lif interest the neighborhoods
or had some kind of in people and split opinions.
who did. In orea, there was a frontal attack by
One of San Francisco's representatives of Comunist armies. We can understand that
the poor, for instance, is a Catholic priest in as war. World War II, once it started, clearly
Chinatown. united the country-because we were di-
POLITICAL BEAT roc?tly attacked without provocation.
Now, more and more, spokesmen for the But Vietnam is something else. It began
poor are being named in neighborhood with the Communist attempt to take over
elections. South Vietnam by subversion.
But the elections themselves generate a lot By skillful trickery, the Communists were
of political heat. In Los Angeles, for in- able to make their grab for power appear as
stance, there are charges that people responsi- an insurrection from within the country.
ble to Mayor Samuel Yorty have gerryman- When that didn't fully work, they went on
dered the election districts. to terrorism. (In 1960, Secretary McNamara
Because of political fighting, Los Angeles has said, more than 2,000 Vietnamese Officials
County so far has made little real progress and civilians were murdered or kidnaped.)
in its antipoverty programs even though it Later the Communists began pouring
has received about $40 million: trained guerrillas and organized military
There is constant `bickering between Units into South Vietnam.
minority groups.- Residents of the Spanish- So the war has grown, not. because the
speaking comthuliity complain loudly that, South Vietnamese or the United States
since last summer's riot, OEO officials have sought to "escalate" It, but because the
Los Angeles Antipoverty Election
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or -
HON. AUGUSTUS F. HAWKINS
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. HAWKINS. Mr. Speaker, the re-
cently held election in Los Angeles de-
signed to elect representatives of the
poor to the local antipoverty board has
raised a number of questions about the
failure of the vast number of eligible
voters to participate.
In the following article from the Chris-
tian Science Monitor some of the answers
are given. This is not the whole story,
but the article does accurately indicate
some of the basic underlying causes of
the election's failure in the city of Los
Angeles.
The article follows:
DISCONTENT TRACED IN POVERTY WAR VOTING
(By Curtis J. Sitomer)
Los ANGELES. In terms of cast ballots, Los
Angeles's antipoverty election was something
of a fizzle.
It seems to indicate widespread disen-
chantment among affected citizens with the
local administration of the War on Poverty
program. Minority leaders confirm this dis-
enchantment.
Only 1 percent of the county's 300,000
eligible voters from poverty pockets turned
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29,: CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0
March 14, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A1415
of a series written by Washington re- DETROIT PRAISED
OEO have retreated on the question of maxi-
porter of the Detroit News, Tom Joyce, But they say they are willing to take the mum feasible participation,
discussing war on poverty, follows: responsibility. The consensus now seems to be that if the
OUR CITY HALLS ARE TAKING A BEATING: THE In Detroit, Mayor Cavanagh has handled war on poverty has a chance of succeeding,
POLITICS OF POVERTY the issue so skillfully that some antipoverty the local programs must be in the hands of
(By Tom Joyce) experts wonder if the Detroit programs really established forces-city governments, busi-
WASHINGTON, March 4-The city halls of deserve the constant. praise they get from ness, labor, and proven welfare and service
AmeASH have b rch battered bastions of Washington. Could it be, they ask, a case agencies-with the poor represented but not
the war against poverty. where defects in the program have been cov- in control.
They have been assaulted b the ered over by avoiding an open conflict on the One who disagrees is Alinsky, who is mak-
y poor- representation Issue? Ing a career of organizing the
and their newly emerging leaders-from Bos- But there is no evidence to support the saulting power structures. poor and as-
ton to Los Angeles. Few have been spared, question, and the consensus in
and a lot of political blood already has been circles Is that Detroit's poverty ut- tr across sthhe Nate Natiion, n, in cities like organizations De etr t work
spilled. operation is an outroit, Chi-
For ane thing, the standing one. cago, and Syracuse.
bei driven into poor themselves are Detroit's total action against poverty Cavanagh has had to run hard and fast to
bovert politics by the assault on (TAP) policy advisory committee is made keep ahead of one such outfit in Detroit-
For another, fast-growing cadres of civil up of 26 members appointed by the mayor the West Central Organization.
rights larguing that they rsand 16 elected from the city's 4 designated Alinsky is one of the chief critics of the
rig poor leaders, e whose name the war represent
being areas. But there are plans to in- war on poverty, describing it as a big "hoax"
the po adiscovering that ehe being crease the poor representation to 24 when aimed at stifling the voices of the poor.
fought, are has created convenient machinery new poverty districts, termed target areas, He is convinced that the poor can get the
campaign
them. are funded. things they need-like better housing and
City hall establishments, on the other The mayor's appointees had numbered better jobs and more services-only through
hand, have a natural political interest in the only 23 until he recently named 3 new ones- organized power.
hrowing vntipoverra war chests, hen big ore to satisfy a requirement that the committee Alinsky's home-base operation is The
growl g an pov are being built and the rich includspokesmen for city departments of Woodlawn Organization (TWO), probably
new crop s t voters the program n the r expected housing, welfare, and health. sharpest thorn in Daley's side.
n engender. There have been no public charges that Woodlawn is a sprawling ghetto, one that
Cavanagh was acting to block a majority of presents a somber panorama of squalor and
PROGRAM HURT the poor from gaining control when dele- despair as it is viewed from the elevated
The political skirmishes are working gates from the new poverty areas are seated. trains that rumble over it.
against the war. In some cities and towns There is reason to believe that he feels The man who runs TWO is the Reverend
the fight against poverty has given wa
cam
t
y
- s
rongly that If the programs are to work, Lynward Stevenson, pastor of the Beth,
pletely to the battle of political forces, the poor must be substantially represented. lehem Covenant Presbyterian Church. His
At the heart of the controversy is the first philosophy:
general order of the poverty OTHER PROBLEMS
feasible ar-the one He think it would be absurd, however, "The only way you get things is through
that dictates maximum feasiparticipation the
us
f
Other phases of the wax-like-the--Job
Corps-have been spared the political in-
fighting, because they are not covered by
edict.
e o
power. And power comes from
for the poor to have control of the machin-
two sources-money and people. And we
cry--as in San Francisco. don't have any money in this neighborhood."
Neither does he think that only the poor How is such power employed?
can best determine their needs and cures.
"This," he- says. "'is like savine thnt if T CRITICIZES DALEY
Complicating things is the fact that no had a malady, only I would know the cure."
one really knows how much participation of There are some other problems.
the poor is really possible in programs where Cavanaugh, for instance, feels that the
they are supposed to propose and help de- poverty war is,spawning new leaders who
velop their own devices to break the cycle think city hall is some kind of monolith to
of poverty. be torpedoed.
What it boils down to is how many repre- And he has told. OEO Director Sargent
sentatives of the poor should be included on Shriver that big cities are having trouble
the boards that run the citywide or urn- because the poverty war has helped create
brella community-action programs. a sociology that city hall has to be torn
In the South there is an additional prob- down.
lem, since participation of the poor also In Chicago, a bitter political battle is going
means participation of Negroes. on between Mayor Richard Daley, frequently
POOR IN CONTROL described even by fellow Democrats ' as the
arch-type political Francisco is the only major city where Alinsky, self-appointed boss, and followers of Saul
spokesmen for the poor have actually won poor everywherePointed spokesman for the
control of antipoverty machinery from city The fuss has seriously impeded, but not
hall. That was 6 months ago, and despite halted, Chicago's antipoverty projects.
.grants totaling $1.8 million in community-
action funds, not a single significant program ONE APPROACH
Is in motion. Daley sees city hall as the rightful source
Mayor John Francis Shelley, a big, affable of leadership in the war on poverty.
Irishman, seems to be enjoying the struggle A Daley spokesman does not deny that
that the victors are having in trying to put there are political advantages to be derived
the program into effect. from running the show. "But what Is
Asked how his city's antipoverty program wrong," he asks, "with political control of
was going, he chortled and replied: a program if it Is a good program?"
"What program?" The Daley approach is aimed at jobs and
Under pressure from representatives of the job training. There is no strong objection
poor, some of them self-styled, Shelley agreed. to projects fostering an understanding of art
to an open meeting and election to settle and culture, but they are regarded only as
the issue. The poor representatives ended up subsidiaries.
i
W
th a 51 percent majority on the board of
the umbrella agency.
"I have just sat back since then," Shelley
said. "They haven't contacted- me, and I
haven't contacted them. Let's see what they
do now.
"I hear a storm is blowing up inside the
council about leadership. What will come of
it I don't know. We have given them their
reins, and the wagon hasn't moved.,,
'Ghetto leaders, who led the battle against
Shelley, concede that San Francisco now
represents a supreme test in the controversy
over whether the poor are equipped to devise
and develop their own means of escaping
poverty.
A central theme is that the poor must or-
ganize to develop leaders, talents, and incen-
tives.
"Organize for what?" Daley's top lieu-
tenants ask. "So they can develop commu-
nity leaders who are only out to break the
power structure?"
The question articulates a fear that many
big city administrations have about the anti-
poverty fight. They ask if the Federal Gov-
ernment should be financing attempts to
batter down city hall.
A CRITIC
It is because of such concern, and pres-
sures generated by it, that Shrives and the
As an example, Stevenson says TWO forced
slumlords to make $1,475,000 in building im-
provements. TWO members staged surprise
marches in well-to-do neighborhoods of
slumlords passing out handbills like this:
"Did you know one of your neighbors runs
a slum building? He Is -. He owns and
operates one of the filthiest buildings in
Woodlawn at -. This dump is not fit for
human beings to live in."
There also have been marches on city hall
and boycotts of merchants.
Like Alinsky, Stevenson is a critic of the
poverty war, saying: "It Is making the same
mistake welfare always has, creating a de-
pendency. We are still just putting ban-
dages on people to cover up the wounds.
The only thing that will solve the problems
is social change and the war refuses to deal
with people who can bring it about."
CALLS FOR FACTS
Stevenson charges that Daley blocks any
meaningful participation by TWO in the
city's antipoverty fight. And he says that
Daley Is forcing projects down the throats
of people, using party precinct captains to
"intimidate poor representatives on the ad-
visory council."
He especially attacked a slum-beautifica-
tion plan, arguing that "a slum cannot be
beautified."
Daley vehemently denies the charges, say-
ing Stevenson has been unable to offer a
single name or a single solid case to support
his accusations.
In New York, the central political rub is
with Haryou-Act, the big antipoverty proj-
etc in Harlem. Officials of the citywide um-
brella agency complain bitterly that "there
is a wall around Haryou." They say they
cannot penetrate the wall for a real look at
what is going on.
POWELL WINS
There was a bitter fight for control of the
program and few people were really surprised
when it was won by Representative ADAM
CLAYTON POWELL, who has a sharp eye for
situations that offer political advantage.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040013-0