THE FUTURE OF ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400040010-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 39
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 20, 2005
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: March 17, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

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March 21, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
these different kinds of products is put in
the same size can. Naturally, the weight
between cans is going to vary because of the
way they are packed. Whole tuna in oil,
for example, will have a different weight
than chunk tuna in oil, even though they
are both in the same size can. Why do manu-
facturers do this? Well, simply so that they
can get maximum use out of their can mak-
ing and can filling machinery and still offer
variety to consumers. This makes for good
consumer values. Yet, many of the con-
sumer spokesmen cry that this causes con-
fusion and that the weight should be stand-
ardized instead. And, they make no men-
tion of the fact that this will add to costs.
Again, I question whether this kind of pro-
tection is worth the price.
The main thing here is that there has been
a sizable and regrettable misunderstanding
in the minds of these very well-meaning
people about what consumers actually want
in terms of value. Most of the consumer
movement today is involved in trying to
'push through legislative and administrative
measures to assure that consumers can al-
ways find the thing that costs them least per
ounce.
But speaking for myself-and, I believe,
most other shoppers-I can assure them that,
while price comparisons are important, they
are only part of the way in which I judge
value. Of far greater importance, it seems
to me, is the intangible, subjective question
of whether or not a product is going to sat-
isfy myself and my family.
If we want bran flakes, for example, the
fact that oatmeal may (or may not) be
less expensive per pound doesn't really make
any difference to me. The value really lies,
in that case, in the more expensive product.
And making it easier for me to make this-
to me--essentially meaningless comparison
isn't going to earn my appreciation, espe-
cially if doing so has raised the cost of both
products.
But, the consumer spokesmen say, this is
of vital importance to the poor, and should
be done for them. Yet while it is unques-
tionably true that helping the poor get more
for their money is a worthy enterprise, I
sincerely question whether the mass of con-
sumer protection ideas will really do the
job.
I question this because I believe that the
most common consumer protection measures
are designed to solve essentially imaginary
problems, ignore the real problems, and in
any case, mistakenly assume that treating
poverty's symptoms will somehow cure the
disease.
It is a fact, I believe, that supermarket
shopping today does present some problems.
But the problems are not those of simple
price comparisons. A more basic problem is
the fact that businessmen's sheer inventive-
ness and ingenuity has spawned such a great
variety of new and tempting products that
how to best use them presents some very
real shopping problems.
These are problems of abundance, not
foisted off on an unsuspecting public, but
offered us in an atmosphere of free choice.
Many consumer spokesmen say this itself
is a bad feature of the American marketplace
and that the confusion this creates should
be diminished by somehow restricting the
number of new products that come on the
market. How this would be done, I do not
know. I aril convinced that shoppers are
more grateful to the businessmen who found
they could package au gratin potatoes in
convenient packages than they are to their
spokesmen who, in the hysterical discovery
of the obvious, complain that the packaged
form is tar more expensive than the ingredi-
ents.
The real problem is not standardizing
boxes or ooslteny s.. The real problem is
educating and training people to make the
best use of the WDilldauce that is available
to them. And solving the problem begins
with an effort directed at the people, rather
than at the products.
The fact that a shopper can instantly rec-
ognize the lowest cost item available to her
in a certain ctaegory is meaningless if she
hasn't got enough money to buy the product
in the first place. The fact that a buyer of
something on credit can instantly recognize
a high rate of interest is meaningless to him
if he needs the product and can't got the
credit at a lower interest rate.
Concerning credit, the pressure is building
for passage of credit control bills.
You should know and be pleased that your
California statute regulating credit and in-
stallment sales of goods and services, which
I believe is known as the Unruh Act, is looked
up to nationally as a model law. In it, we
see reasonable legislation that has met the
needs of the consumer and industry excep-
tionally well. It has furnished to the con-
sumer adequate information upon which to
make a decision on choosing the business-
man to whom he will offer his credit.
Likewise, conformity with the law has pre-
sented no problem to the seller who wishes
to follow the precepts of good bsuiness. The
proof of the Unruh Act's sufficiency is in the
fact that it has withstood the acid test of
years. Proposals to amend it-allegedly for
greater protection of the consumer-have
been rejected when the spotlight showed up
the fuzzy thinking behind such proposals.
These, in fact, were poorly concealed efforts
to put a straitjacket on the granting of credit
to service retailing's customers and to facili-
tate merchandising.
For many Americans, poverty is a very real
and grinding truth. What can be done to
mitigate it should and must be done. But
careful listing of price comparisons or in-
terest rates are of little help to someone who
can't read or judge. And it seems to me that
if anywhere near half the effort currently
being expended in the name of consumer
protection were spent instead on educational
efforts aimed at helping make smaxt shop-
pers out of today's buyers, something far
more valuable would be accomplished.
Supermarket people tell me that the real
secret to wise buying in their stores involves
simply building a shopping list around a set
budget, and then sticking to the list when
you get to the store. Additionally, a recent
U.S. Department of Agriculture study shows
that shopping a store's specials will allow a
consumer to chop 16 percent a year off of her
food expenditures.
My point is that manufacturing and retail-
ers, competing for our patronage, offer us
values. We will be best off as we best learn
to turn these honest competitive efforts to
our own advantage, turning the attributes of
the system to our own use. Only this way
can we get the protection we really need.
I think by now you have gotten the point
that I do not believe that we should look at
today's supermarkets as a vast wasteland.
As consumers we should look with grateful
eyes on the supermarket as a bountiful,
even though often confusing and bewilder-
ing, symbol of the inventiveness and in-
genuity of the food industry and the abun-
dance of the Nation's farms. In trying to
make a ,balanced judgment of value, I ask
myself, "Am I willing to pay the price of
some confusion and doubt for the tremen-
dous variety of wonderful food that is being
brought to me and my dinner table in an
ever-increasing palatable and convenient
form?" My answer is. "Yes, sir," without
qualification. I'm glad to pay the price of
some doubtful decisions rather than have our
American farmers pay the high prices of sea-
sonal and sharply reduced markets. And, as
a working wife myself, I would be the last
to suggest to 8 million women who divide
their time between a home and a job that
they can't have the convenient food forms
that make their tasks less burdensome. And
A1611
those are only a couple of the alternatives
that would arise if some of the regulators
of the marketplace had their way.
Instead, there is a very practical and pos-
sible way to reduce the price of confusion
in choicemaking-not by turning the Na-
tion's supermarkets into a stultifying pano-
rama of bland stimularity but rather edu-
cating consumers to the point that they can
best use the variety which is offered.
There is a great challenge here to many
persons in our country-to the food editors,
to the home- economists, to our schools, and
to our consumer education services at vari-
ous levels of our government. Too few peo-
ple are trying to help our consumers buy
wisely in relation to their needs. One house-
wife's "giant economy size" can easily be
another housewife's waste. Consumer edu-
cation should be oriented more to the buying
and using of foods than to cooking. Formal-
ized education in our schools has a tre-
mendous challenge to keep pace with new
products and services and changing methods
or distributidn. In only a few schools are
they meeting this challenge. As one critic
commented the other day, "Virtually all
courses- in the field are cup-and-teaspoon
oriented while we live in a thaw-and-serve
age." Yet, just last year, half the popula-
tion of the United States became 25 years
old or younger-40 percent of our popula-
tion Is under 20. Studies show that 80 per-
cent of all teenage girls shop for their fami-
ly's food and spend one-fourth of the entire
family food budget-97 percent of them help
plan the meals and help cook them. This is
a real challenge in consumer education start-
ing at the teenage level.
And I would like to give the knuckles of
industry a gentle rap in this connection.
What are they doing in the field of con-
sumer education? As one industry spokes-
man admitted the other day. "We have,
perhaps, become so interested in engineering
change that we have neglected to tell any-
body about the significance or implications
of the changes in terms of the basics of
shopping cart and kitchen economics, rather
than dated statistics."
The whole point I am trying to make is
that an educated consumer is a protected
consumer. And a dynamic, changing, keenly
competitive food industry makes a happy
and fortunate consumer.
To quote myself from a speech made some
time ago.
"All the government officials and all the
government laws in the world are as noth-
ing compared to the impact Mrs. America has
on Mr. Manufacturer and on Mr. Storekeeper
when she makes up her mind to buy one
brand over another. And when she makes
that decision, no power on earth can save the
businessman or the producer of the product
who made the' mistake of displeasing her.
She has done and is doing a wonderful job
In needling, inspiring, and in regulating
American business enterprise.
"And, to reward her, I want to protect her.
Not with more government regulations and
laws--I want to protect her freedom of
choice."
St. Patrick's Day
SPEECH
of
HON. THOMAS P. O'NEILL, JR.
OF MASSAC11IISEI"1'S
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966
(Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts asked
and was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute.)
Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts. Mr.
Speaker, today we honor St. Patrick.
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"The General Federation of Women's Clubs
is the largest organization of women in the
world, and each and every member is grate-
ful to, the writers of the Constitution for
giving the American people the right to
amend the Constitution.
"Just as the 19th amendment gave Ameri-
can women the right to vote, the proposed
reapportionment amendment, now before the
U.S. Senate, would provide the citizens of
each State the right to decide on whether
they want both houses, or simply one house,
of their legislatures composed on a popula-
tion-only basis. Could anything be more fair
than to let the people vote on this issue? It
is difficult to understand why some people op-
pose this proposed amendment and that
fundamental right.
"We have faith in the democratic pro-
cess-that process which guarantees to the
people the right to decide. That is all this
issue is about-whether or not the people
have the right to decide for themselves."
DEAR CLUB PRESIDENT: On June 15, 1964,
the Supreme Court of the United States
handed down decisions dealing with the re-
apportionment of State legislatures. The
decisions promulgated the broad rule that
"* * * the Equal Protection Clause (of the
14th amendment) requires both houses of a
State legislature to be apportioned on a
population basis."
This action by the Supreme Court ruled
as unconstitutional the long-cherished prac-
tice that a State could apportion one house
of its legislature along geographical lines.
It upset long-established institutions of
government. It ordered an end to appor-
tionment on a basis that reflects the various
interests within a State. It restricted ap-
portionment solely to the basis of popula-
tion.
The impact was immediate in every State
and has since led to confusion in the courts,
legislative deadlocks, and general political
uncertainty as to the legal status of politi-
cal subdivisions of every kind, including the
U.S. Senate and House of Representatives.
Concerned Americans, seeking to end this
unprecedented chaos and to restore political
order and truly representative government,
are working to achieve adoption of a cor-
rective constitutional amendment, popularly
known as the Dirksen amendment.
At the General Federation of Women's
Clubs Convention last June a resolution en-
titled "Legislative Apportionment" was
unanimously adopted. The resolved of that
resolution reads: "Resolved, That the Gen-
eral Federation of Women's Clubs urges the
Members of the Congress to enact legislation
that would guarantee to the States the right
to apportion their representation in legisla-
tive bodies."
'Senator EVERETT DIRKSEN, of Illinois, has
introduced a constitutional amendment in
the U.S. Senate (S.J. Res. 103) which has
been cosponsored by members of both politi-
cal parties and which has bipartisan sup-
port. Senate Joint Resolution 103 proposes
an amendment to the Constitution of the
United States "to preserve to the people of
each State power to determine the compo-
sition of its legislature and the apportion-
ment of the membership thereof in accord-
ance with law and the provisions of the
Constitution of the United Statets."
The enclosed pamphlet entitled "Let the
People Decide" [not shown in RECORD] brief-
ly but clearly explains how you and the
.Members of your club can best make your
voices heard on this most important con-
stitutional question. I sincerely urge you to
give it your very careful consideration.
My warmest regards to you and all the
other members of your club,
Most cordially,
Mrs. WILLIAM It. HASEDROOCK,
President.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, over
500 State legislators have given new sup-
port to this legislative reapportionment,
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD a release which deals with the
support given to legislative reappor-
tionment by State legislators.
There being no objection, the release
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[A Committee for Government of the People
release, Mar. 16, 1966]
STATE LEGISLATORS GIVE HEAVY NEW SUPPORT
TO REAPPORTIONMENT AMENDMENT
Some 500 State legislators from through-
out the Nation have joined in urging passage
of Senate Joint Resolution 103, the reappor-
tionment amendment pending in the Con-
gress, and have become members of the Com-
mittee for Government of the People, the
bipartisan citizens organization conducting
the national reapportionment campaign.
"These, the men and women thoroughly
experienced in State government, are among
the strongest leaders in every State in the
campaign to let the people decide how their
State legislature is to be apportioned." Sena-
tor EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, chairman of
the Committee for Government of the Peo-
ple, announced today.
"The reapportionment campaign, "DIRKSEN
said, "is spreading like a prairie fire through-
out the States. The people of the country,"
he said, "are demanding in an ever-swelling
chorus of voices that Congress take affirma-
tive action on the reapportionment amend-
ment and let the people of each State decide
this vital question by majority vote."
Cochairmen with Senator DIRKSEN on the
Committee for Government of the People are
Senator FRANK CHURCH, Democrat of Idaho;
Senator SPESSARD L. HOLLAND, Democrat of
Florida; Senator ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Repub-
lican of Nebraska; Senator FRANK J. LAUSCRE,
Democrat of Ohio; Senator HUGH SCOTT, Re-
publican of Pennsylvania; Representative
RICHARD H. IcxoRD, Democrat of Missouri;
Representative CARLETON J. KING, Republican
of New York; Representative WILLIAM M. Mc-
CuLLocsS, Republican of Ohio; Representa-
tive B. F. SISK, Democrat of California; and
Representative WILLIAM M. Tucx, Democrat
of Virginia.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I shall
not encumber the RECORD with the names
L
THE FUTURE OF ASIA
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the Sen-
ate will consider on Monday the special
appropriation for the Vietnam war. On
that occasion I expect to speak, not
briefly, but not at great length.
In thinking about this problem, I was
interested to read in the Washington Post
of March 16 a most interesting column
by Joseph Kraft entitled "Four Pillars of
Asia." It occurs to me that the point of
view expressed by Mr. Kraft is well worth
consideration by all Members of the
Senate. I would even suggest that it
might be worth prayerful thought by the
Joint Chiefs of Staff and by the Secre-
tary of State and the Secretary of
Defense.
A witticism going around the Capitol
these days is that the Joint Chiefs of
Staff no longer do exactly what Joe Alsop
wants them to do. It occurs to me that
the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Secre-
tary of State might well do a little more:
5853
Do what Mr. Kraft would like to have
them do. He points out that the central
strategic reality in Asia is not Vietnam
at all, and that the future of Asia is not
going to be settled by that tiny, little,
and relatively little unimportant country.
I am very fearful of that, because of
our somewhat adolescent view that every
endeavor we go into must end in com-
plete victory, and because of an almost
Chinese preoccupation with face on the
part of a number of our rulers, we are
getting lost so that we cannot see the
Asian forest because we are looking all
the time at the Vietnamese trees.
Mr. Kraft points out that Communist
China is by far the most important coun-
try in Asia. He agrees, as I do, that the
containment of China is important, in-
deed, a very important objective of our
foreign policy until such time as the bel-
ligerence of the present phase of their
Communist revolution fails.
Mr..Kraft points out also that, whereas
for many generations, if not for many
centuries, China was an impotent
dragon, she has largely, since the Com-
munists took power, become a major
military, economic, and social power in
Asia, as, indeed, she was the only im-
portant civilized country in the world a
couple of thousand years ago.
Mr. Kraft suggests, and I agree, that
what the United States really ought to
be doing in Vietnam now is continuing
a holding operation which will prevent
China from spilling all over southeast
Asia, but that really, because of our geo-
graphic position and many of the other
disabilities which confront a white man
when he engages in a land war on the
ground mass of Asia, we are certainly
not an ideal people to contain China in
this regard, but rather, the countries
which should be doing this are Japan,
India, Indonesia, and Pakistan. Unfor-
tunately, with the possible exception of
Japan, none of those countries are pres-
ently geared up enough, either economi-
cally or militarily, to carry on the job of
restoring the balance of power in Asia
until such time as we can work out some
sensible method under the rule of law
and disarmament, and a less barbaric
way, of keeping the peace than-by main-
taining a balance of power.
Mr. Kraft also points out that the ma-
jor American interest should be in build-
ing up these four pillars of Asia. What
concerns me is that in view of our pre-
occupation with Vietnam, we are going
to devote so much of our wealth, so much
of our foreign aid, and so much of our
military efforts to Vietnam, and, as I say,
to the Chinese effort to save face, that
we will not adequately come into an ap-
propriate economic and social alliance
with those four pillars of Asia who, in
the long run, are essential to the mainte-
nance of the balance of power in that
country.
Mr. Kraft poses a final question which
I think we should be seriously consider-
ing here in the Senate, whether this
country, in its executive branch, partic-
ularly in the Defense Department and in
the State Department, has the brains
and the brawn to play the role of a great
power.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 17, 1966
I think that is a matter that we should
concern ourselves with as we debate the
appropriation bill on Monday next.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that a copy of Mr. Kraft's article
entitled "Four Pillars of Asia, published
in the Washington Post of March 16,
1966, be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FOUR PILLARS OF ASIA
(By Joseph Kraft)
The Indonesian upheaval, whatever its
final outcome, serves to underline the stra-
tegic realities in Asia. It puts Vietnam and
the war there in true perspective. And it
poses the question whether this country has
the wit, as well as the strength, to play the
role of a great power.
The central strategic reality in Asia, of
course, is not Vietnam. The enduring shape
of things to come is not going to be deter-
mined by that tiny, little molehill of a coun-
try. On the contrary, it is going to be deter-
mined by the vast mountain ranges of
countries that sprawl across the Asian main-
land and its island fringes.
The most important of these great coun-
tries, by far, is China. China is important
by reason of its immense population, its
great size, its central location, its ancient
traditions, and its skills and resources.
For many decades, China was in a state of
political collapse. During that period, she
lost her rightful place in the Asian sun.
But in the course of the last two or three
decades, this central political weakness has
been largely overcome.
Now the Chinese are making their come-
back. They are asserting themselves all
over the world, but particularly against their
Immediate neighbors. And they are doing
it in the spirit of revolutionary elan and
boastful self-glorification that comes natur-
ally to people long denied.
In the long run, the restraint of Chinese
self-aggrandisement will have to depend on
the neighboring great powers. Security, to
put it another way, will have to rest on the
four pillars of Asia.
Japan, because of its advanced technology,
large population, and cohesive political struc-
ture, probably has the major role to play.
As a close second, there is India, with its huge
population, its unmistakably democratic
political system, and its growing economic
power.
In third position, comes Indonesia, the
fifth most populous country in the world, and
one of the richest in natural resources. And
finally there is Pakistan, heavily populated,
with a strong military tradition, and an econ-
omy that has, as the phrase goes, taken off.
For the time being, none of these countries
Is able to play its full part in dealings with
China. All four have been afflicted by grave
internal problems in the postwar era. They
have had to concentrate on domestic matters,
to the exclusion of a larger international role.
In these circumstances, with the four non-
Chinese powers of Asia relatively prostrate, it
has fallen to the United States to maintain
the balance of power. That is why Americans
fought in Korea, and policed the Straits of
Formosa. And that is why-if there is any
reason at all-Americans are now fighting in
Vietnam.
But to say that is to say that in the strict-
est sense the Vietnam war is a holding opera-
tion. This country is holding the line against
the day when the Japanese, the Indians, the
Indonesians, and the Pakistanis are them-
selves strong enough to maintain a balance
that will afford a measure of protection to the
smaller states of Asia.
It follows, accordingly, that the major
American interest lies not in Vietnam, but in
building up the four pillars of Asia to the
point where they can. assume the burden this
country has carried for so long. The more
so as all four countries, and especially Indo-
nesia now, seem to be moving to rid them-
selves of the shackles that limited their in-
ternational role in the past.
But how well is this sense of the priorities
understood in the United States? How many
officials on how many occasions have made it
plain that the United States had no great
strategic interest directly at stake in Viet-
nam?
How many officials on how many occasions
have indicaed that this country was not
fighting an ideological war against commu-
nism, but only acting to right a dangerous
imbalance of power?
How massy officials on how many occasions
have pointed out that this country was fight-
ing a holding action, not a war aimed at
defeating the other side?
The answers that emerge when these ques-
tions are posed suggest that the national
record, notably in recent weeks and months,
is not brilliant. And that is why there re-
mains the larger question of whether this
country has the brain as well as the brawn to
play the role as a great power.
ADDRESS BY VICE PRESIDENT
HUMPHREY AT THE GODDARD
MEMORIAL DINNER
Mr. ANDERSON. Mr. President, I
have long had an interest in the annual
presentation of the Goddard Award. Dr.
Robert H. Goddard, in whose memory
the award is made, did much of his
pioneer rocket work in New Mexico. At
ceremonies at the White House yesterday,
President Johnson received the Goddard
Award. This was a fitting tribute to the
President's leadership in space which
runs back many years to his service in
the Senate.
Vice President HUMPHREY, who is
chairman of the National Aeronautics
and Space Council, addressed the God-
dard Memorial Dinner last night in con-
nection with the award ceremonies and
I ask that his remarks be printed in the
RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
REMARKS OF VICE PRESIDENT HUBERT HUM-
PHREY AT THE GODDARD MEMORIAL DIN-
NER, WASHINGTON, D.C., MARCH 16, 1966
Today we commemorate the 40th anni-
versary of Dr. Robert Goddard's launching
of the first liquid fuel rocket.
As we all know so well, Dr. Goddard's rec-
ognition came long, after it should have come.
But today there is no question of his role in
moving man into space.
On the occasion of this anniversary, Presi-
dent Johnson today received the Goddard
Award. I was privileged to take part in that
ceremony, as chairman of the National Aero-
nautics and Space Council.
Tonight I particularly wish to commend
the National Space Club-which already has
done so much to open up the space age-
on the award of its first annual Dr. Hugh
L. Dryden Fellowship.
When I addressed you a year ago I con-
fessed myself a newcomer in space, but I
promised to be a diligent student.
I have not yet been put into orbit. How-
ever, I have logged over a quarter of a million
miles in 80 missions here on earth-and
many of those missions have included visits
to NASA and Department of Defense field
installations. I have also visited a number
of private industry installations vital to our
space effort.
And, of course, I have chaired a number of
space council meetings and followed closely
all aspects of our activity in space.
Let me share with you tonight-i year
later-a few of my thoughts concerning our
space program. I will begin by saying that
I have been deeply impressed by the dedica-
tion and high performance of those, both
in Government and private sector, who par-
ticipate in our national space effort.
Our space program is a superb example of
the kind of creative partnership for progress
between Government and the private sector
which increasingly marks all areas of our
national life.
I wish tonight to stress two things that
have been very much on my mind regarding
the space program.
First. I am impressed by the vital impor-
tance of maintaining the most meticulous
standards of performance at every level of
our space effort, from the worker on the shop
floor right up to the top.
Although this tremendous enterprise in-
volves hundreds of thousands of people, it is
vital that each Individual concerned in it
fully recognize and fulfill his own Individual
responsibility for its success.
As you well know, the slightest slip-up,
the smallest oversight, in any one of millions
of processes and procedures can put critically
Important projects-and human lives-in
jeopardy.
I know that I am preaching to the con-
verted here. But I feel this cannot really be
said too often.
Second. I feel the necessity for cost con-
sciousness.
This is the need, to put it another way,
of getting the most space for the tax dollar.
These are times when we must exert high
discipline in public expenditure. And our
space program eannot be exempt from that
discipline.
In this connection, I was interested to note
the theme of the Fourth Goddard Memorial
Symposium, sponsored by the American
Astronautical Society, which many of you
have been attending for the past 2 days.
Last year I spoke of the "year 2000." But
the symposium this year chose to focus in-
stead on the theme, "The Space Age in Fiscal
Year 2001."
Certainly, Federal appropriations today
have an important bearing on where we will
be in the future.
I have examined the fiscal year 1967 space
budgets with the greatest care. I honestly
believe that much can be accomplished with-
in them although other priorities-notably
our effort in Vietnam-have required post-
ponement of some objectives.
I also believe that we can and will achieve
the goal set by Presidents Kennedy and John-
son: a manned landing on the moon before
197Q!
My own confidence in our rapidly advanc-
ing science assd technology is such that I can
visualize many more dramatic achievements
ahead, although I will fix no timetable for
them.
1. The exploration of the lunar surface,
and possibly the establishment of one or
more permanent bases there.
2. The development. of a whole family of
earth-orbiting stations, manned and supplied
by regular ferry services.
3. The building of spaceports in a number
of places in this country for the departure
and arrival of spacecraft.
4. The development of recoverable and re-
usable launching vehicles, and maneuverable
space vehicles, with a consequent drastic re-
duction in the cost of space travel.
5. The improvement of propulsion meth-
ods, with the use of nuclear as well as chem-
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 ,March 17, 1966 pproved For CONGRESSIONAL2RECORD P6SENATER000400040010-3
will work out will depend upon the practi-
cality of obtaining insurance for the venture.
But not everyone takes such an enamored
view of skiing in the border States. In a re-
cent articles in Sports Illustrated entitled
"A No-Snow Slope to Nonsport," Bill Gilbert
argues that snow machines, ski lifts and
supei-heated lodges have taken all the un-
comfortable and strenuous edges off of skiing
and has made it a nonsport. He commits
the further heresy of implying that the
modern skier cannot take the cold weather
that is found in Colorado, Michigan and New
England.
"The heart of the southern skiland is now
located in the Potomac River Basin-south-
ern Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia," he
says. "Innovation is apparently more highly
regarded than tradition in soutern ski es-
tablishments, just as it is in motels and
bowling alleys," he continues, pointing to the
recreational attractions from golf courses to
pony rides which surround the slopes.
Such insults, it should be pointed out,
would make any Nordic-blooded ski devotee
climb out of his indoor, pre-heated, Olympic-
size, ski-lodge swimming pool and bury such
writers with a blizzard of artificial, sprayed-
from-a-nozzle snowballs.
NATIONAL FUTURE HOMEMAKERS
OF AMERICA WEEK
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, next
Monday over 600,000 high school youths
will start a 1-week observance of special
importance, I feel, to all of us.
The week March 27 through April 2 is
National FHA Week, honoring the Fu-
ture Homemakers of America.
Started in 1945 as an incorporated
nonprofit organization, it is supported
by membership dues. It is sponsored by
the U.S. Office of Education and the
American Home Economics Association.
There are 11,006 chapters of the FHA in
secondary schools throughout the Unit-
ed States, Puerto Rico, the Virgin
Islands, as well as at American Army
post schools.
The FHA is a national organization of
home economics students who are seri-
ous minded, community spirited, and
concerned about the responsibilities of
the future-and more importantly are
doing something about it.
Kansas is proud to be represented on
the FHA National Executive Council by
Jim S. Solander of Garnett, Kans. This
group leads the national organization.
A 4-year national work program is
aimed at helping each young lady rec-
ognize her abilities, strive for full devel-
opment and participate actively in fam-
ily, community, and world improvement
projects. In Kansas some 8,854 young
ladies participate in 151 chapters. Just
a week ago they held their State conven-
tion in Topeka with 2,000 youngsters and
500 adults attending.
An idea of the FHA purpose and pro-
gram can be seen by chapter activities.
For example, at Frankfort, Kans., the
chapter conducted a program on men-
tal health featuring Dr. Robert Hughes,
the Marshal County health officer, who
was able to correct many misconceptions
the students had regarding mental ill-
ness.
At Cimmarron, the FHA chapter had
a work day, in which chapter members
worked with their younger sisters broad-
ening their understanding of each other.
At Glasco, the chapter invited a min-
ister to speak on morals and manners.
At Silver Lake, the FHA chapter
staged a "dad and daughter" dinner for
all the girls in the high school, which
included a tour, dinner, and recreation
afterward.
These are but a few examples of the
manner in which the FHA is helping
young girls become stable young adults.
Mr. President, at a time when we seem
to be making so little progress In prob-
lems of youth despite numerous large-
scale Government programs, it is more
than reassuring to see the Future Home-
makers of America continue to nurture
the ideals necessary for a young woman
to become a benefit to society-rather
PUBLIC OPINION AND THE W
VIETNAM
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, in the
light of the current state of national
opinion relating to the war in Vietnam,
I would like to bring to the attention of
my colleagues in the Senate the results
of a recent public opinion poll conducted
by seven social scientists at Stanford
University in cooperation with the Na-
tional Opinion Research Center at the
University of Chicago. This national
survey discloses that widespread public
support exists for a more flexible Ameri-
can bargaining position in Vietnam.
I ask unanimous consent that this re-
port be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the report
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
STANFORD Widespread public support ex-
ists for a more flexible American bargaining
position in Vietnam, even among President
Johnson's supporters, a new national sur-
vey showed today.
The privately financed, independent study
was conducted by seven social scientists at
Stanford in cooperation with the National
Opinion Research Center at the University of
Chicago.
Based on 1,474 questionnaires administered
in person from late February through early
March, the survey revealed 88 percent of the
adult population favors negotiation with
the Vietcong if they are willing to negotiate;
70 percent would support a U.N.-negotiated
truce; 64 percent would favor holding free
elections in South Vietnam, even if the
Vietcong might win; and 52 percent would
be willing to see the Vietcong participate in
a coalition government in South Vietnam.
Surprisingly, there is practically no differ-
ence between those who endorse the Presi-
dent's handling of the Vietnam situation
and the general public on these positions,
which have been advocated mainly by his
congressional critics. (The corresponding
percentages for the President's supporters on
these four questions were 88, 71, 54, and
51.)
Contrary to press speculation, the new
study shovels those adults who are critical
of the President on Vietnam are mainly
"doves," not "hawks." These critics oppose
a 500,000 troop commitment in Vietnam by
a 2 to 1 margin and are against bombing
North Vietnamese cities, 3 to 2.
Like previously published commercial
polls, the independent survey shows 61 per
5863
cent of the public favors President Johnson's
handling of Vietnam, while 29 percent are
opposed and 10 percent have no opinion.
However, more detailed questions disclose
that the majority of Americans have reser-
vations about continuing the war, when
faced with its possible costs, both in money
and manpower.
Thus, 4 out of 5 adults oppose cutting
aid to education if necessary to continue
the war. Two-thirds oppose cutting medi-
care. And two-thirds oppose raising taxes.
Majorities also oppose introducing economic
controls or reducing the war on poverty for
this purpose.
So far as manpower is concerned, a major-
ity (60 percent) would be willing to con-
tinue the war if it only required calling up
the National Guard. But more than half
would rather end the war than see full
mobilization or accept several hundred
American casualties weekly.
While Americans now are clearly opposed
to major escalation of the conflict, they also
oppose other extreme alternatives. Thus
4 out of 5 oppose unilateral American with-
drawal followed by a Communist takeover,
and a similar proportion do not want to see
the United States abandon its commitment
to other Asian countries.
A majority (56 percent) said they would
continue the war it, it meant fighting the
Chinese in Vietnam. But more than half
would rather end?the war than bomb cities
in North Vietnam (55 percent), fight a land
war in China (60 percent) or wage atomic
war with China (64 percent). In general,
the greater the escalation, the larger the
majority favoring an end to the war.
Reaction to one of the most likely steps-
a 500,000 troop commitment-is evenly di-
vided (46 percent oppose, 45 percent favor).
The "doves" who favor negotiation with
the Vietcong and a coalition government
"are not open to the charge of being soft
on communism," the authors noted. "Over-
whelmingly, these people maintain a firm
anti-Communist policy elsewhere in the
world." (More than 4 out of 5 in this group
either favor present American policies to-
ward Russia, China and Cuba or think our
stand should be tougher.)
"If the Vietnam 'dove' turns out to be a
hybrid, so does the Vietnam 'hawk,'" the
authors observed. Among those who favor
a 500,000 troop commitment, for example,
85 percent also favor negotiations with the
Vietcong, 53 percent favor free elections,
even though the Vietcong might win, and
49 percent favor a coalition government.
Only 6 percent of those interviewed took
a consistent "hawk" position of more troops,
bombing cities, and no free elections or coali-
tions with the Vietcong. This group sup-
ported the President's handling of Vietnam
by a 3-to-1 majority.
At the opposite extreme, 14 percent of the
public follows a consistent "dove" position
on these same four Items. More of this
group opposed the President than approved
his handling of Vietnam.
In conclusion, the reasearchers said:
"The American public is clearly concerned
about Vietnam. Sixty-one percent say that
they are worried about Vietnam-more than
worry about any other public issue.
"But their opinions appear to be moderate
and responsible. They do not want to pay
the domestic costs of commitment in Viet-
nam, but this is consistent with their desire
for a negotiated settlement.
"And though the settlement they prefer
involves a willingness to deal with the Viet-
cong that goes beyond present administra-
tion policy, they reject those solutions that
require irresponsible abandonment of our
commitments."
Results were analyzed by Sidney Verba,
Stanford professor of political science, in
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 17, 1966
collaboration with Gordon Black, graduate
student In political science; Richard Brody,
assistant professor of political science; Paul
Ekman, research associate in the Institute
of Political Science (and associate professor
of psychology at %an Francisco State Col-
lege); Norman Nie, Stanford graduate stu-
dent in political science; Edwin B. Parker,
Stanford associate professor of commuitica-
tion; and Nelson W. Polaby, fellow at the
Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral
Sciences (and associate professor of govern-
ment at Wesleyan University, Connecticut.)
Sampling and fieldwork were done under
the supervision of Director Peter H. Rossi
and Senior Study Director Paul Sheatsley,
both of NORC.
Costs were covered by contributions to
NORC from over 200 San Francisco Bay area
residents, mainly college faculty members,
and from NORC itself.
AMERICA'S PARADISE ,~OST
Mr. FONG. Mr. President, on many
occasions last year, in this Chamber and
elsewhere, I sought to direct attention to
the question of the future political status
of the people of Micronesia-that vast,
far-flung and largely forgotten area
known as the Trust Territory of the Pa-
cific Islands.
As trustee of some 90,000 inhabitants
of tiny islands scattered over a 3 million
square mile ocean region, the United
States is responsible for the administra-
tion of this non-self-governing territory,
by agreement with the United Nations
Security Council.
In order to stimulate a dialog and
discussion on the question of Micro-
nesia's future status, I have made nu-
merous' remarks and referred to appro-
priate literature about the trust ter-
ritory.
I now wish to call attention to a book
just off the press, "America's Paradise
Lost," authored by Willard Price, and
published by John Day Co. The book
has been reviewed by a former Hono-
lulu newsman, Robert Trumbull, who
knows Micronesia intimately. Now the
head of the New York Times Tokyo
Bureau, Mr. Trumbull is the author of
the book "Paradise in. Trust: A Report
,on Americans in Micronesia."
Because Mr. Trumbull is a most
knowledgeable observer of life in Micro-
nesia, his review of Mr. Price's book
should provide much food for thought
on the subject. He states that Mr.
Price's critical survey of U.S. admini-
stration of the trust territory is a "most
damning indictment of American mis-
rule in a paradisical part of the world."
In order that all relevant points of
view in the continuing discussion on
Micronesia's future be made available,
I ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the RECORD Mr. Trumbull's review
which appeared in the March 13, 1966
issue of the New York Times book re-
view.
There being no objection, the review
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A SHOCKING ACCOUNT
(By Robert Trumbull)
"America's Paradise Lost,'' by Willard
Price. Illustrated, 240 pages, New York, the
John Day Co., $6.95.
Americans who bleed, by tradition, for sub-
ject peoples under other flags should take a
good look at our own desperate shortcomings
in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands.
Washington's contemptuous neglect of some
90,000 brown-skinned. Micronesians ever since
their welfare became an American respon-
sibility more than 20 years ago should be a
national scandal.
The islands are scattered over the Western
Pacific, 3,000 miles west of Hawaii, 1,000 miles
south of Japan and 2,000 miles east of Viet-
nam. Most Americans heard of these islands
for the first time when our forces made
bloody landings at such exotically named
places as Kwajalein, Eniwetok, Peleliu, Sai-
pan and Tinian; bombarded the Japanese
bases at Truk, Yap, and Koror, and estab-
lished our own enormous fleet anchorage in
the vast blue Ulithi lagoon. In earlier times,
the islands had belonged to Spain by right of
discovery. When the Spaniards decided to
pullout of the Pacific after losing the Philip-
pines In the Spanish-American War, they sold
the islands to Germany, Japan seized them
at the outset of World War I, only to lose
them to the United States in the next great
war. ("We would like," said an island chief,
"to be ruled by a country that doesn't lose
wars.")
Willard Price's new book, aptly entitled
"America's Paradise Lost," puts the blame
for a disgraceful situation on Congress and
the U.S. Department of the Interior, the
agency responsible. His scathing work is the
latest addition to a growing library of abra-
sive reports on the American failure in Micro-
nesia, some of them by successive inspection
mission from the United Nations Trusteeship
Council. Mr. Price opens his shocking ac-
count of their shameful plight with the
anecdote about an anonymous Congressman
who was asked, "What are you going to do
about Micronesia?" Said the Congressman,
"Mike who?"
The author first visited Micronesia in 1935,
when the 2,000-odd islands-"2,000 bits of
heaven" of the Marshall, Carolina, and Mari-
ana groups were run by Japan under a League
of Nations mandate, the predecessor of the
present U.N. trusteeship. If his subsequent
book, "Japan's Islands of Mystery" did not
tell the U.S. Navy most of what it knew about
these highly strategic (and illegally forti-
fled) Japanese outposts, at least it was re-
quired reading at Admiral Nimitz's Pacific
Fleet Headquarters.
The latest survey, in demonstrating that
there has been scant improvement in Micro-
nesian life over the ;years, and even a sharp
deterioration in some aspects of government,
is a most damning indictment of American
misrule in a paradisical part of the world.
A long list of paying industries developed
by the Japanese-large-scale fishing, sugar
growing, trochus shell work and pearl cul-
ture, to name a few-have virtually disap-
peared. Jungle grows where the Japanese
had thriving towns with paved streets, and a
once-profitable territory has become a deficit
area. Where once the Japanese had paved
highways, roads have been permitted to be-
come all but impassable.
In the "strikingly beautiful" islands of Yap,
where stone disks up to 12 feet in diameter
still serve as money and "women are ashamed
not to show their breasts," bridges have been
left broken and canals clogged. One bitter
chapter of the book is appropriately titled
"The Rust Territory," in tribute to the di-
lapidated tin towns that are the principal
monuments to American rule.
Lovely Palau, "a superb fling of islands,"
has become a spectacle of "decay at every
turn." Says Mr. Price, "agriculture was in
the doldrums. Farmers complained of the
lack of incentive. Government help was not
what it had been under the farm-minded
Japanese. * * ? Deep sea fishing * * * had
sunk to the lowest ebb in 40 years."
On many islands, Mr. Price found, educa-
tion is almost entirely lacking. Perhaps 2
percent of Micronesia's adolescent population
ever looks inside a high school, although
there are a half dozen at district centers, and
"college, except for a favored few, is 'out'"
A teacher told Mr. Price that 15 Micronesians
have now been graduated from American col-
leges, which would be fine except that "if
there were the same proportion (of college
graduates to population) as in the United
States, we would have 760."
The construction of decent hospitals on
two islands is listed as a gain; some other
so-called hospitals, with broken screens let-
ting in flies, are a disgrace. Some easily
treated endemic diseases, such as yaws, have
been almost eradicated, but the rampant tu-
berculosis is a different story.
For a place so often called a paradise,
Micronesia has produced outstandingly
macabre headlines since Americans took over.
It was from Tinian, in the, Marianas, that
the atomic bombs were delivered to Hiro-
shima and Nagasaki. Kwajalein and Eniwe-
tok, after the residents were removed, became"
the bases for grisly experiments with super-
bombs. Another atoll in the Marshalls, after
a particularly horrendous demonstration of
destructive power, gave its name to a bathing
costume-the Bikini.
The evacuation of numerous island dwell-
ers so that their ancestral land could be
blasted to irradiated powder was accom-
plished with quiet efficiency, although the
results have been unhappy from the natives'
point of view. Even less fortunate were the
innocent Marshallese who were acciden-
tally showered with the same radioactive
dust that presumably killed the Japanese
fisherman, Koboyama, of the hapless Lucky
Dragon. The survivors have remained medi-
cal curiosities. The atomic testing has been
stopped by international agreement, but the
azure waters are still a missile range.
Naturally, the picture is not all dark.
Ham-handed and ill-advised as the American
effort has been in so many aspects, there have
been successes in the fields of public health
and local self-government. "We like to
think we bring a magic touch to anything we
undertake," says Mr. Price, but he felt com-
pelled to conclude his survey with the re-
mark that "When everything favorable that
can be said has been said, the fact remains
that the trust is progressing backward."
Presumably, under the United Nations
trusteeship agreement, we are preparing the
islanders for eventual independence. Speak-
ing nine languages and scattered over 3 mil-
lion square miles of sea, an area larger than
that of the United States, the Micronesians
themselves concede that their political fu-
ture is a problem. Some would like to join
the United States, in spite of everything.
From the beginning, the trust territory
has been operated under a misconceived pro-
gram with an absurd budget and an inade-
quate staff. As must be true of any such
group, many of the Americans in charge are
competent and dedicated men and women.
For 10 years, says Mr. Price, Congress al-
lotted the trust territory a paltry $8 million.
The sum was doubled in 1962, but the author
notes that meanwhile the cost of operations
had also doubled, leaving the situation where
it was in the beginning. One of the conse-
quences is that many islanders seldom or
never see an American face, because of the
shortage of transportation.
It is far too late, Mr. Price was assured
by native leaders, for the Micronesian to
revert to the simple life of the grass shack
and outrigger canoe. "Gone too," he related,
"is the more recent paradise of plumbing,
refrigeration, the hot rod and money in the
pocket under the stimulus of the Japanese
and the opulence of the American military.
Now a disillusioned but remarkably patient
people hang in a state of suspended anima-
tion, unable to go back to the ancient sim-
plicity, unequipped to go forward."
Such is the "bitter truth," Mr. Price con-
cludes, of the "forgotten sisters of the richest
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 17, 1966
$600,000 this year to accelerate 2 natural
trends in the 13 Mountain States-the aban-
donment of marginal farming and the change
in land use on remaining farms to grazing
for cattle. In the 13 States, however, 70 per-
cent of the potential pasture land is in need
of conservation measures.
The staying power of farmers who remain
here is strong. On the rocky slopes of Pen-
dleton County, along the dark, deep-cut ra-
vines that drop almost vertically from a tim-
bered mountain skyline, the land has been
inhospitable to economic agriculture for as
long as anyone here can remember.
More than a third of West Virginia's farm
acreage has a slope of from 25 to 40 percent,
or a grade of from 25 to 40 feet of elevation
for each 100 feet of expanse.
This county was settled 200 years ago and,
starting with raids during the French and
Indian War, it has had trouble. Isolation
between the Shenandoah and Allegheny
Mountains, near the headquarters of the
Potomac River, still makes the region diffi-
cult to reach on winding roads. It has ham-
pered farm market outlets.
And now, Commissioner Douglass said, it
Is even difficult for fathers here to sell prod-
uce locally. Buyers in Appalachia, as every-
where else, prefer the packaged foods avail-
able at supermarkets.
Mr. Shrader's $1,091 in aid will pay 80
percent of his costs in reclaiming, through
aerial application of fertilizer, topdressing
with lime and reseeding in orchard grass, 50
acres of pasture and meadowland. He will
also get $150 to develop a spring, providing
pipes and troughs to water his livestock.
He already has two 5 percent loans from
the Farmers Home Administration, totaling
$5,900.
An irony of the Appalachian farm recovery
program, West Virginia officials said yes-
terday, Is that it was watered down and re-
named "land stabilization" when Congress-
men from western and southern cattle dis-
tricts objected that the original, more gener-
ous "pasture improvement" plan might sub
sidize beef competition for their ownkcpr
stituents. II
VIETNAM-ADDRESS BY VICE PRES-
IDENT HUMPHREY TO COLUMBIA
SCHOLASTIC PRESS ASSOCIATION
Mr. JACKSON. Mr. President, on
March 12, Vice President HUMPHREY
made a statement on the Vietnam situa-
tion to the Columbia Scholastic Press
Association in New York City. His re-
marks to these college students-deliv-
ered over the telephone because he was
not able to leave Washington, D.C., at
that time-will be of interest to many of
my colleagues.
I should like unanimous consent that
Vice President HUMPHREY's remarks be
inserted in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TELEPHONE REMARKS OF VICE PRESMENT HU-
BERT HUMPHREY TO COLUMRIA SCHOLASTIC
PRESS ASSOCIATION, NEw YORK CITY, MARCH
I am sorry that I am not able to be with
you in person today. The business of govern-
ment keeps me in Washington. But I am
happy to at least have the chance to visit
with you by telephone.
I have spent much of my time in public
life in the company of the press. But never
have I been exposed to so many journalists at
one time.
If it were possible, I would prefer to con-
vert this telephone message into a press con-
ference, and respond to your questions.
I know that they would be probing and
pointed. And I know that most of them
would focus on Vietnam.
I would like to address myself briefly to
some of the questions I am sure you would
ask.
I am sure you would begin by asking: Why
are we in Vietnam?
We are in South Vietnam to repel and
prevent the success of aggression against the
Government and the people of that country.
We are there to help assure the South Viet-
namese people the basic right to decide their
own futures, freely and without intimida-
tion.
We are there to help those people achieve a
better standard of living for themselves and
their children.
We are there to help establish the principle
that-in this nuclear age-aggression cannot
be an acceptable means either of settling in-
ternational disputes or of realizing national
objectives. If aggression is permitted to go
unchecked, we cannot in good faith hold out
much hope for the future of small nations or
of world peace.
This is why we are in Vietnam.
We are not there to build an empire ? ?
to exercise domination over that part of
the world * * * to establish military bases.
We are not thereto impose a government or
way of life on other peoples.
The Government of South Vietnam faces
a massive task in building a democratic
society while meeting determined force and
terror.
For many centuries, the Vietnamese peo-
ple lived under Mandarin rule. Then came
two generations of colonial domination, fol-
lowed by 25 years of almost constant war-
fare. This is stony soil for democracy to grow
in.
Moreover, illiteracy has been high, corrup-
tion all too common and public spirit all too,
rare, and the number of well-trained edu-
cated people all too small.
The peasants of Vietnam-and, indeed, of
all Asia-are rebelling against the kind of
life they have led for ages past. They want
security. But they also want dignity and
self-respect, justice, and the hope of some-
thing better in the future.
The Communists-in their drive for
power-seek to use and subvert the hopes
of these people. If they succeed, we could
win many battles and yet lose the war.
That Is why the Vietnamese Government,
with our support, is pressing the "other war"
with vigor-the war against poverty, hunger,
disease, and ignorance. This is the theme of
the "Declaration of Honolulu"-and I be-
lieve that the Honolulu Declaration could
be a milestone in the history of our policy
in Asia.
The Government of South Vietnam is be-
ginning in earnest the struggle to win and
hold the allegiance of the people who live
in rural South Vietnam, in more than 2,600
villages and approximately 11,000 hamlets.
Efforts are being made to give South Viet-
nam firm social and economic footing-and
a sound democratic political system as well.
An Advisory Council for the Building of
Democracy (including representatives of all
the nationalist political tendencies) has been
appointed. It is drafting a constitution, an
election law, and regulations concerning
political parties and the press. It will hold
broad-scale consultations in formulating
these documents and regulations.
Premier Ky has publicly committed him-
self to steps leading to free elections before
the end of next year. As I left Saigon, a few
days ago, Premier Ky told me: "We have
begun 12 years late. But it is not too late."
Are these mere words, or will they be
backed up by genuine commitment and par-
ticipation by the people in translating them
into deeds?
I think the most encouraging answer to
that question is being given by the students
of South Vietnam. They are young men and
women who, for the most part, come from
the more comfortable and privileged groups
in the country, based largely in the cities.
Last summer some 5,000 young people
voluntarily enrolled in the summer youth
program. They went out to all portions of
the country which are not under Commu-
nist control. They rolled up their sleeves
and set to work with purpose and dedication.
They helped erect schools, dug wells, built
homes for the refugees, and carried out many
other useful projects.
That program was scheduled for the 2
months of the school vacation. But it has
been widely continued since.
When I was in South Vietnam, I visited a
demonstration project staffed by teenagers
in the Eighth District of Saigon-a badly
rundown slum, the worst in the city. Under
the leadership of the students, a group of
refugees there had converted an abandoned
and water-filled graveyard into an attractive,
orderly neighborhood of new homes. A com-
munity center and a school were being built,
and local officials hwd been elected.
Some 30 Vietnamese teachers of English
have launched what they call a "new school"
movement: They are seeking to stimulate
a richer and more democratic extracurricular
life for high school students. They are help-
ing them to develop student governmem,
debating societies, sports clubs, and-this
will please you, I'm sure-student news-
papers.
A number of youth organizations-Catho-
lie, Buddhist, and others-are undertaking
work and training projects throughout South
Vietnam. Some are being assisted by the
government, some are working with the fine
group of men and women in Vietnam for
the International Voluntary Service, and
others are acting on their own initiative.
Young people like these offer the best hope
for the future of a free Vietnam. Indeed,
one of the tests of whether its government
is making progress toward its goals in the
social revolution will be the degree to which
the government can attract and hold their
allegiance and support,
Let me add a few words directed to you
young people listening today.
We know much too little about Asia, and
we need to know much more.
I hope that many of you will take the
opportunity in college to learn more about
Asia. For those of you who will continue
as journalists, this knowledge will be es-
sential. It will be important also to those
of you who elect other walks of life-per-
haps in your work, certainly as responsible
citizens. Some of you may devote your
careers to Asia-as diplomats, as business-
men, or as scholars.
We need to do our level best to stimulate
wider American interest in Asia-including
Communist China. I am delighted that
President Johnson has opened the way for
our scholars to travel there. The Chinese
leaders speak harshly of us but, as President
Johnson has said:
"We can live with anger in words as long
as it is matched by caution in deed."
I am convinced that-despite the shrill
anti-American propaganda which is carried
on by the Chinese Communists-there is
still much friendship there for us among the
Chinese people from our many previous
years of fruitful and constructive work
together.
We must be firm in resisting the expan-
sionist designs of the present rulers of China.
But we must take every opportunity to show
our friendship for the Chinese people. We
respect and value their learning, their skills,
their arts, and their many contributions to
civilization.
With the other peoples of Asia, I anticipate
steadily growing friendship and cooperation.
They are already an important part of the
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foal energy, so that faster and more powerful
rockets can make planetary trips in a week
or less which today would require many
months.
6. The launching of unmanned probes to
every part of the solar system-and perhaps
manned planetary expeditions as well.
We must not, however, become so totally
fascinated by the wonders of outer space that
we neglect the applications of space tech-
nology to a better life right here on earth.
A few days ago we orbited our first truly
operational weather satellite-Essa II. I was
pleased during my recent visit to the God-
dard Space Flight Center to see the success-
ful readout of the first weather pictures it
sent back. This is a satellite the entire world
can tune in on--not only governments but,
with a relatively small nvestment, colleges
or even individual citizens.
The time is not distant when we will be
able to predict, and predict with accuracy,
the weather everywhere on earth. We may
even be able to control it-and thus open up
many and portions of the world to cultiva-
tion.
Global communication by satellites will
become a fact in the very near future. It
Will be followed by direct broadcast of both
voice and TV to home receivers throughout
large sections of the world.
In the field of medicine alone, the benefits
are already impressive. Improvements in
medical instrumentation, resulting from
electronic innovations in the space pro-
gram, are already beginning to revolutionize
the equipment of clinics and hospitals. It
should be possible to monitor continuously
and in detail the condition of hundreds of
patients from a single location.
Other direct benefits will come in the
form of wideband transoceanic communica-
tions, improved forest fire detection, and
high-accuracy navigation.
We have already made fantastic strides in
devising-more effective, reliable, and compact
electronic equipment with a wide variety of
applications. We have developed improved
alloys, ceramics, and other materials. And
there have been other innovations, such as
the accelerated use of liquid oxygen in steel-
making, new coatings for the temperature
control of buildings, and filters for deter-
gents.
Our progress in space has already con-
tributed to our national security. The use
of communications satellites is backing up
our effort in Vietnam.
In addition to the support of our Armed
Forces by better communications, our peace-
ful application of space competence for na-
tional security' takes many other forms.
Among them are more accurate knowl-
edge of the weather, more effective mapping,
earlier warning of impending dangers, and
the detection of nuclear explosions in space
or in the atmosphere.
. There are some who claim, with all Sin-
cerity, that the terrestrial relevance of space
science and technology has been much ex-
aggerated. Concerning this, I would make
two comments:
One is to the skeptics outside this hall.
I think they have forgotten the fact that
this whole field is still only in its infancy.
The best is yet to come.
The other is to you. As you constantly
enlarge the horizons of space science and
technology, I urge that you be everlastingly
alert to recognize those discoveries and inno-
vations which can usefully be applied here
on our own planet.
Moreover, it is not only technology that
we have developed. Perhaps even more im-
portant, we have called into being rich
human and intellectual resources-methods,
capabilities, insights, and management tech-
niques which can be brought to bear upon
problems far removed from space.
In this respect, I want to commend the
initiative of private companies and of Gov-
ernor Brown of California, who have shown
the way toward focusing the talents of the
aerospace industries on matters as impor-
tant to our everyday living as traffic con-
gestion and garbage control.
I believe the technique of systems an-
alysis-developed to its highest point so far
in the aerospace industries--will be invalu-
able to us as we face up to the problems of
urban life, to the pollution of our waters
and our atmosphere, and to many other
challenges of today and tomorrow.
I believe those of you here who are in
the aerospace industry have a very real
obligation to make your capabilities more
widely known to State and local officials.
Why you? Because the technical and
intellectual capabilities you possess in
abundance were made possible by the tax
dollars which have supported the space
program.
Why you? Because your management
and your workers are citizens of many of
the communities which will directly benefit
from such efforts.
Why you? Because it will be a practical
demonstration to the world how democracy
and free enterprise function effectively for
the common good.
I shall conclude with a few observations
on the international significance of the
space effort.
I believe it is virtually impossible to over-
estimate the interest of peoples throughout
the world in the unfolding space age.
For example, a USIA-sponsored space
exhibit last month in :Rangoon, Burma-a
place most of us might :have imagined to be
remote from the space age-drew over
250,000 visitors. Astronaut John Glenn was
there, and Astronauts Walter Schirra and
Frank Borman are currently winding up a
successful swing around the free Asian
capitals, Australia, and New Zealand.
Many countries with little or no space:
experience are showing their interest in a
very concrete and practical way. They have
realized the need to engage in space pro-
grams to develop their own scientific compe-
tence, and we are helping them to do so.
Already we are cooperating with about 70
countries, and the State Department and
NASA are pressing forward with new Initia-
tives in international cooperation.
For what I now say I may be accused of
being something of a visionary-but I am
encouraged to do so by being in the good
company of other visionaries.
I believe that the exploration of space will
have a profound effect upon how we look at
our life here on earth. It will put all our
affairs in a wider and more wholesome
perspective.
Ever since Copernicus, we have known that
our earth is a small planet in an immense
universe. , But while we have known this
intellectually and theoretically, most of us
have not really taken it to heart, not really
felt it in the marrow of our bones.
As the full significance of that fact is
brought home to us by the actual explora-
tion of space, it will seem increasingly absurd
that we have not better organized our life
here on earth.
Our experience in space can be a powerful
stimulus to all of us, wherever we live, to
move toward the establishment of a world
of law, where freedom and justice are
assured to all-and where, in the words of
the Prophet Isaiah:
"Nation shall not lift up sword against
nation, neither shall they learn war any
more."
APPALACHIAN REGIONAL DEVELOP-
MENT ACT IN OPERATION
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Pres-
ident, the Appalachian Regional Devel-
opment Act was highly publicized during
the congressional debate on the enact-
ment of the authorizing legislation and
in determining the amounts of money to
be allocated by the Federal Government
to carry out the programs authorized.
The New York Times on Sunday,
March 13, carried a report on one small
project which has been initiated under
this act to benefit a West Virginia farmer.
I ask unanimous consent that this
article be printed in the RECORD at this
point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
UNITED STATES RISKS $1,091.85 ON MAKING
A WEST VIRGINIA FARMER A LITTLE LESS POOR
(By Ben A. Franklin)
FRANKLIN, W. VA., March 12.-Six miles on
the twisting blacktop from this mountain
hamlet of 760 persons and a mile and a half
off the hard road, the Federal Government
is reaching out to give W. Walton Shrader
a chance to change four generations of hard-
earned poverty on a nearly spent Appal-
achian family farm.
It seems both a modest and a risky out-
reach. It is a gamble that a poor rural
family, living in what would seem frontier
conditions if the land were not already over-
grassed and leached of life, can be a little
less poor by enriching the sloping pasture
with Government fertilizer.
It may mean an addition of four head
to Mr. Shrader's herd of 17 Hereford beef
cows and 100 sheep, which brought him a
net income of $1,300 last year.
In a ceremony here yesterday afternoon,
made awkward by a gathering of country
men unused, to their roles at such an oc-
casion, Mr. Shrader received $1,091.85 under
the Appalachian Regional Development Act
of 1965 to improve 50 acres of his 304-acre
farm, the maximum area allowed each appli-
cant.
According to Gus R. Douglass, the West
Virginia Commissioner of Agriculture who
came here from Charleston to officiate, the
ceremonial writing of signatures, committing
the Federal money, made the hefty, crew-cut
Mr. Shrader the first farmer in the 13-State
Appalachian region to receive such a re-
covery grant.
Few here, least of all Mr. Shrader, who
looks older than his 31 years, expect to get
rich. But against the topographic and eco-
nomic forces that have cut farm employ-
ment in West Virginia in half since 1950,
Mr. Shrader is staying.
"My great-great-granddaddy built the
house," he said.
He has neither a telephone nor an auto-
mobile. The Appalachian development con-
tract he signed will give him income over
the next 5 years, earmarked for specific land
stabilization projects, that is not quite equal
to the net total he cleared last year to sup-
port his wife, his two children, his sister
and a nearly blind uncle who shares owner-
ship of the farm and lives with him.
Even more than in other, richer agricul-
tural regions, farming in Appalachia, Com-
missioner Douglass said; must be "profes-
sional," scratching out the best possible eco-
nomic use of the poor land.
The 6-year, $1.2 billion Appalachian Re-
gional Development Act gives West Virginia
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world of my generation. They are certain
to be an even more significant part of yours.
Finally, may I say this: The next few years
of human history will be dangerous ones.
But they will also be years of opportunity.
For never has mankind ever possessed
such power for good and for making the
world safer and happier for hundreds of
millions of people who have never had their
share of anything but hunger, ignorance,
and misery.
Your generation will have a large part
to play in determining whether man destroys
himself or whether he moves forward into
a new age of peace and understanding.
The future is in your hands. I hope you
will make the most of it.
MILWAUKEE SENTINAL COMMENTS
ON SCHOOIr MILK CUTBACK
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I
would like to draw my colleagues' atten-
tion to an excellent article commenting
on the administration's plans to cripple
the special milk program for schoolchil-
dren. This article appeared in one of
the Nation's finest newspapers, the Mil-
waukee Sentinal, under the byline of the
paper's new Washington correspondent,
James Wieghart.
In my estimation this article sums up
the issues at stake as well as any I have
read since the school milk controversy
got underway. First the story points
out that the issue is "a Federal program
which this year will make available more
than 3 billion half pints of milk for mil-
lions of children in 94,000 schools, child
care centers, settlement houses, summer
camps and other nonprofit institutions
that aid children."
The article then goes on to say:
Under the program the Federal Govern-
ment pays 3 cents a half pint for school milk.
The remaining 2 to 4 cents is paid locally.
The milk program is not compulsory, but is
made available to all children In participat-
ing schools.
As my colleagues so well know the pro-
posed 80-percent cut means that the chil-
dren would have to pay the 3 cents now
provided by the Federal Government un-
less they passed a means test or attended
a school without a school lunch program.
This does not sound like much money.
But let us take a family with four chil-
dren in school. Each child probably has
milk in midmorning and midafternoon
under the school milk program. This
means 40 half pints a week. Without
Federal help the parents of those chil-
dren would have to pay an additional
$1.20 a week or as much as $42 more a
year. For a family with four children
and moderate means this is a great bur-
den.
The Wieghart article then goes on to
quote many members of the Wisconsin
delegation. For example he quotes Con-
gressman RACE as agreeing with Presi-
dent Johnson that lower priority domes-
tic programs will have to be cut to fi-
nance the war in Vietnam but saying
that the school milk program should not
be considered "lower priority."
Representative STALBAUM is quoted as
saying:
I feel this program is perhaps the lowest
price investment all of us could make to
greatly improve the overall health of this
country.
I ask unanimous consent that this ex-
cellent article be Inserted in the RECORD
at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PROXMIRE GAINS AID AGAINST MILK CUTBACK
(By James G. Wieghart)
WASHINGTON, D.C.-A congressional re-
volt-less dramatic than the great debate
on Vietnam policy-is being led by Senator
PROXMIRE, Democrat, of Wisconsin, over the
administration's proposed cutback of the
highly successful school milk program.
Unlike the revolt against Mr. Johnson's
Vietnam policy, PROXMIRE's rebellion appears
to be gaining enough Senate and House sup-
port to be successful.
At issue is the fate of a Federal program
which this year will make availble more than
3 billion half pints of milk for millions of
children in 94,000 schools, child care centers,
settlement houses, summer camps, and other
nonprofit institutions that aid children.
Under the program, the Federal Govern-
ment pays 3 cents a half pint for school milk.
The remaining 2 to 4 cents is paid locally.
The milk program is not compulsory, but it
is made available to all children in partici-
pating schools.
The administration announced last month
that the Federal Government would cut
spending on the program this year from the
$103 million appropriated by Congress, to
$100 million. For fiscal 1967, beginning
July 1, the administration plans to cut
spending on school milk from $103 million to
$21 million.
PROXMIRE has attacked the administra-
tion's proposal as "phony economy" in a
series of daily Senate speeches over the last
several weeks.
He also has introduced a bill to enlarge
the school milk program and make it perma-
nent. Under the Proxmire bill, $110 million
would be appropriated for the program in
fiscal 1967, $115 million in 1968, and $120
million in 1969 and succeeding years.
Senator NELSON, Democrat, of Wisconsin,
and 42 other Senators have cosponsored the
Proxmire bill. Identical bills have been in-
troduced in the House by Representatives
RACE and STALBAUM, both Wisconsin - Demo-
crats. and five other House Members.
"The administration's proposed cutback
is a phony, fake, paper economy," PROXMIRE
said Sunday. "Federal funds not spent on
school milk will be spent under price sup-
port laws to buy and sell the same milk.
"Less milk will be used under the pro-
gram because local school districts will have
to assume an increased share of the cost of
the program or pass it on to the children.
"This means that less milk will be con-
sumed and more milk will have to be pur-
chased by the Government under the dairy
support program. In other words, instead
of going into the children's stomachs, the
milk will be powdered and stored in ware-
houses at Government expense," PROXMIRE
said.
NELSON said Congress "is unlikely" to allow
the budget out to stand. He said the re-
duction would mean the end of the milk pro-
gram which provides milk for 650,000 chil-
dren, including those in Wisconsin schools.
"If this milk isn't purchased for the
schools, it goes into butter, cheese, and dry
milk and ends up in surplus under the price
support program," NELsoN said. "Then the
Government has to buy it anyway, at almost
the same cost."
RACE said he agreed with President John-
son that "lower priority" domestic programs
will have to be cut to finance the war in
Vietnam, but he said the school milk pro-
gram should not be considered "lower
priority."
"The health and nutrition of our Nation's
youngsters cannot be a matter of 'lower pri-
ority' in the wide ranging concerns of our
National Government," RACE said.
STALBAUM, a member of the House Agricul-
tural Committee, said that there is strong
support for the bill to preserve the program
among committee members.
"I feel this program is perhaps the lowest
price investment all of us could make to
greatly improve the overall health of this
country," STALBAUM said.
Representative THoMsoN, Republican, of
Wisconsin, who also supports the bill, said:
"It is absurd for President Johnson to ask
for billions of dollars for vast, worldwide
programs for social progress, while he denies
milk for the schoolchildren of America."
Mr. Johnson, stung over the wave of criti-
cism on the proposal, reportedly has directed
his staff to prepare new legislation restoring
some Federal support for the school milk and
school lunch programs.
The President reportedly told representa-
tives of the National Milk Producers Federa-
tion that his greatest volume of mail con-
cerned the war in Vietnam and the cutback
in the school program.
The administration's new proposal, how-
ever, reportedly will have a means test at-
tached to it, limiting milk only to children
of poverty stricken families.
PROXMIRE has indicated he would oppose
such a measure.
"Nothing is more abhorrent in my mind
than requiring first and second graders to
give evidence that dad is too poor to pay for
a half pint of milk, but this is exactly what
a means test would require," PROXMIRE said.
TRIBUTE TO FORMER SENATOR
HARRY FLOOD BYRD
Mr. FONG. Mr. President, today I
rise to pay tribute to one of the finest
gentlemen and finest Senators it has
been my privilege to know, former Sena-
tor Harry Flood Byrd, who retired last
November.
Long before I came to the Senate in
1959, I knew of Harry Flood Byrd; for
over a period of many years he had been
a symbol of fiscal soundness and finan-
cial responsibility in government. He
earned this reputation as a successful
farmer, as Governor of the Common-
wealth of Virginia from 1926 to 1930, and
as U.S. Senator since 1933.
His unflinching dedication to sound
finance, his steadfastness against the
fluctuating popular fiscal and economic
breezes, and his refusal to be intimidated
though outnumbered earned him fitting
and enviable praise as a man of "abso-
lute integrity, absolute honesty, and ab-
solute courage."
We who served with Senator Byrd
attest to the accuracy of this descrip-
tion by the eminent writer, William S.
White.
Senator Byrd was never a faddist. He
was a fundamentalist. And although
majority sentiment might differ from
his views, he never harbored rancor nor
bitterness. He possessed the courage
that is born of conviction.
When Senator Byrd announced his
retirement, there were comments that
an era in American history had ended.
Perhaps in a sense this is so.
But the example that he set during
his long public tenure will shine on and
on for us and for generations of Amer-
icans to come: unselfish devotion to
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CONGRESSIONAI. RECORD -SENATE March 17, 1966
duty, unwavering allegiance to public
office as a public trust, and tireless safe-
guarding of the people's money.
A poor boy who worked hard and be-
came a prosperous apple grower and a
successful public leader, Senator Byrd
has earned a high place in history's roll-
call of American statesmen and patriots.
The Commonwealth of Virginia can
be very proud of one of its most illus-
trious sons. Virginia has lost a great
champion in Congress and the U.S. Sen-
ate has lost one of its most notable
Members.
I want to wish Senator Byrd good
health and long life in his well-deserved
retirement. Aloha, my friend.
WEST VIRGINIA'S SUMMERSVILLE
DAM AND RESERVOIR
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, the pace of activities attend-
ant upon the development of the Sum-
mersville Dam and Reservoir project in
Nicholas County, W. Va., including the
recreational complex and airport facili-
ties, is accelerating. On Wednesday,
March 23, the tunnel releasing the water
over the dam will be tested and bidding
opened for contractors' services in seed-
ing the 425 acres of uncovered earth left
exposed following construction of the
dam.
Meanwhile, West Virginians are ea-
gerly watching the progress of this
multi-million-dollar project, which com-
bines flood control, increased water
supply, pollution abatement, recreation,
and fish propagation and is ultimately
expected to attract thousands of tour-
ists annually to West Virginia.
The March 13 article by Mr. Harold C.
Godd in the Sunday, Charleston, W. Va.,
Gazette-Mail State magazine, entitled
"The Water That Isn't Going Over the
Dam," describes this eagerness.
I ask unanimous consent that this
newspaper article be printed in the REC-
ORD at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE WATER THAT ISN'T GOING OVER THE DAw
(By Harold C. Gadd)
About the first week of February, Sum-
mersville residents and motorists who had
come from miles to see the new reservoir be-
hind the Summersville Dam, gasped at the
sight of the rapidly rising water level.
Since work on the three, valve-controlled
outlets was not completed-and would not be
completed until sometime in April-was
there danger that the unusually heavy snows
of January would soon have the. water pour-
ing over the top of the dam? Wouldn't that
be dangerous?
No, said a spokesman from the Huntington
District, U.S. Corps of Engineers, in answer
to the first question. Long before the water
level could reach the top of the dam, the
excess water would pour out over a spillway
designed and built for just that purpose.
After that was published, the sightseers
started looking for the "spillway." A lot of
them couldn't find it.
As one motorist, who had driven up from
Charleston to see the dam and reservoir,
said:
"I looked all over and I couldn't find any
spillway. But I'll tell them this: if that
water comes up two more feet it is going to
be over the highway."
Actually, the stretch of highway to which lunches. The total average Cost of 50
he was referring is the beginning of the spill- cents per meal has been divided among
way. It is a half-mile--or less-from the the Federal Government, the individual
dam itself and YOU have to drive over it If
and the States and localities.
you go to see the dam from the direction
Kessler's Cross Lanes.
On Thursday, March 3, the Gazette pub-
lished a photo of water pouring over the
spillway, but the caption writer-thinking,
perhaps, that everyone was as familiar with
the subject as he was--wrote:
"Over the top of Surnmersville Dam go
millions of gallons of Gauley River water"
The caption writer was wrong. The Army
engineers were right. The water was going
over the spillway, not the dam.
Actually, once the outlets in the dam it-
self are completed? the spillway will prob-
ably never be needed as such again-despite
a Summersville wag who was heard to re-
mark :
"Them engineers just think that water will
never go over the spillway again. They don't
know the Old Gauley River."
Maybe they don't, but we know the Old
Corps of Engineers and if those outlets aren't
big enough to handle the old Gauley River
once they are put in operation, we're going
to be mighty surprised.
But, if they don't, it won't hurt anything
for the spillway to be a spillway any time it
is needed.
SCHOOL LUNCH AND SPECIAL MILK
PROGRAMS
Mr..SIMPSON.. Mr. President, I am
shocked by the ]President's proposal to
seriously curtail the school lunch and
special school milk programs that have
benefited America's children to such a
great extent.
It does not seem right that the admin-
istration which proposes so much welfare
legislation would reduce drastically or
perhaps even cripple such beneficial pro-
grams as these to provide milk and school
lunches for our schoolchildren. Recent-
ly the administration suggested a food-
for-freedom program to feed the hun-
gry of the world. While the idea's objec-
tive is laudable, I think that first we
ought to be concerned with meeting the
nutritional requirements of our own
children.
For this reason, I have sponsored S.
2888, which would provide that milk and
dairy products controlled by the Com-
modity Credit Corporation be used in
nonprofit school lunch programs without
regard to priorities set up In other laws.
I have also sponsored S. 2921, which
would establish a permanent school
milk program.
This latter bill directs the Secretary of
Agriculture to encourage the consump-
tion of milk by U.S. children in schools
and other nonprofit Institutions. In ad-
dition, it furnishes guidelines for expan-
sion of the program. beginning with the
1967 fiscal year, and authorizes the ex-
penditure of the necessary funds for the
program. Another feature would require
the Department of Agriculture to reallo .
sate funds which the Secretary deter-
mines will not be fully utilized by the
State to which they were initially
allotted.
Since 1936, the school lunch program
has enabled millions of children to ob-
tain hot, well-balanced meals they might
not have enjoyed otherwise. In 1965,
some 18 million children in 71,000 public
and nonprofit private schools received
heartedly approves the school lunch pro-
gram. This past fiscal year, an esti-
mated 31,906 of our children and 273 of
our schools participated.
From the beginning, the program has
been managed at the local level. The
decision to participate, the responsibility
for facilities, and the conduct of the
program as set out by Federal guidelines
are under local authority. Federal con-
tributions are twofold: cash and food-
either procured specifically for the pro-
gram or through surpluses from the De-
partment of Agriculture's price support
or surplus removal programs.
The special school milk program was
instituted in 1954 as a means of diverting
surplus milk production from the ever-
growing dairy products stockpile of the
Commodity Credit Corporation, for the
use of children. Originally limited to
schools, the program was extended in
1956 to cover nonprofit camps, homes,
and other children's institutions.
Under the program, each child pays
3 to 4 cents on the average for a half
pint of milk costing a total of.6 to 8 cents.
Wyoming had 314 schools taking part in
the milk program this past fiscal year.
Both the school lunch and the special
milk programs have been far more suc-
cessful than anticipated. Not only have
the health and well-being of our children
been ,improved, but also a good market
for our farmers, good Industries, and
local businesses has been developed.
Vast amounts of surplus foods acquired
by the Federal Government in price-
support efforts have been utilized.
Despite the overwhelming benefits of
the school lunch and special milk pro-
grams, the President now asks that they
be reduced by $19 million-12 percent-
and $82 million-82 percent-respec-
tively, although school population con-
tinues to expand.
If the demonstrated advantages of
these programs are to be maintained,
there must be affirmative legislative ac-
tion. Otherwise, our children, farmers
and businessmen, including those in
Wyoming, will suffer. I urge immediate
consideration and approval of S. 2888,
permitting the needs of the school lunch
program to be met from CCC stocks,
and S. 2921, establishing a permanent
school milk prorgam. In support of my
recommendation, I quote from the Sen-
ate Report No. 1218,'on the Economic
Opportunity Act of 1964:
No better investment can be made than to
increase funds so that wholesome lunches
and %milk will be available to all children
VIETNAM IN PERSPECTIVE
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the
American people are today like the man
who is asked to pick up a book and begin
reading on page 179. They have diffi-
culty identifying the characters, the set-
ting, and the sequence. They must rely
on others to tell them what transpired in
the previous pages.
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The book to which I refer is, of course,
about Vietnam, and a man well qualified
to explain what has gone before is John
J. Fairbank, director of the East Asian
Research Center at Harvard and author
of numerous books and articles about
U.S. relations with China.
As I have said on several occasions, it
is immensely important for us to under-
stand the Chinese cultural influence in
southeast Asia, for, as Dr. Fairbank
observes:
Cultural differences lay the powder train
for international, conflict.
From his understanding of historical
and cultural forces, Dr. Fairbank is
qualified to discuss our present predica-
ment in southeast Asia and how we
should deal with China in the future.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that an article by John J. Fairbank
appearing in the February 27 Washing-
ton Post, as excerpted from the New
York Review of Books, be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Feb. 27, 1966]
UNITED STATES FIGHTING AN IDEA
IN VIETNAM
(By John J. Fairbank)
(NOrs. Fairbank is director of the East
Asian Research Center at Harvard and author
of "The United States and China" and
"Chinese Thought and InstltiAions." His
article is excerpted with permission from the
New York Review of Books, 1966, the New
York Review.)
The Vietnam debate reflects our intellec-
tual unpreparedness. Crisis has arisen on
the furthest frontier of public knowledge,
and viewpoints diverge widely because we all
lack background information.
"Vietnam" was not even a label on our
hoIizon 20 years ago. It' was still "Annarall
(the old Chinese term), burled within the
French creation "Indochina."
Our ignorance widens the spectrum of de-
bate: Everyone seeks peace but some would
get it by fighting more broadly, some by not
fighting at all and some by continuing a
strictly limited war. Everyone wants nego-
tiations. But to get them, some would bomb
North Vietnam and others would pause or
stop.
Behind the cacophony of argument, some
hold the Europocentric view that Vietnam
is far away and in the Chinese realm, not in
our realm. Others argue for a more. global
view that the balance of power and inter-
national order can be preserved only by con-
taining the Chinese revolution as we are
already doing in Korea and the Taiwan
Straits.
Yet here the problem arises that it is not
the Chinese whom we face in'South Vietnam,
but rather their model of revolution, Chair-
.man Mao's idea. And how does one stop
a revolutionary Idea?
HISTORICAL GRAB BAG
How to deal with the Chinese revolution
depends on how we understand it- specifl-
cally, what is the Chinese revolutionary in-
fluence in Vietnam? And behind that, what
is the nature of the Chinese revolution itself?
Can we ultimately deal with it in any way
short of was? But where would war get us?
A long view is needed, a historical frame-
work within which to see all the actors, in-
cluding ourselves. (What are we doing so
far from home?) Yet our knowledge of east
Asian history is so meager it can mislead us.
History is used as a grab bag from which
each advocate pulls out a lesson to prove his
point.
Some recall Manchuria in 1931: We failed-
to stop Japan's aggression and it led on to
Pearl Harbor. Others recall our drive to the
Yalu in 1950: We Ignored China's vital inter-
est in her frontier and got ourselves into a
bigger war. Again, what was the lesson of
Dienblenphu in 1954-were the French
strategically overextended or merely tactically
deficient in airpower?
History never repeats itself, means that
one can never find a perfect 1 to 1 corre-
spondence between two situations. Each
must be viewed within the long flow of
events, not as an isolated lesson. Brief
articles (like this one) can offer only limited
wisdom. .
Nevertheless, certain main outlines emerge
from a historical survey. The Vietnamese
and Chinese have had their own specific
ways and interests, traditions and attitudes,
and their own east Asian pattern of con-
tact, not in the Western style.
ANCIENT COMMON BOND
China's revolutionary influence on Vietnam
comes from a long past. In the first place,
Vietnam grew up as part of Chinese culture-
the east Asian realm which included not
only China in the center but also the pe-
ripheral states of Korea and Vietnam and
Japan as well.
All these countries took over the Chinese
writing system in ancient times and with it
the Chinese classical teachings, the bureau-
cratic system of government, and the family
based social order so eloquently advocated
in the Confucian classics. These countries
have an ancient common bond in philosophy,
government, and cultural values.
In Vietnam's case, this Chinese heritage
was imposed by a thousand years of Chinese
rule in North Vietnam, the ancient home-
land of the Vietnamese before they expanded
southward into the Mekong Delta. Inde-
pendence from Chinese rule was gained by
fighting in the 10th century A.D., but Viet-
nam then continued for another thousand
years to be independent only within the
Chinese realm and tribute system.
Down to the 1880's, Vietnamese tribute
missions, going over the long post route to
Peiping, acknowledged the superior size and
power, the superior culture and wisdom of
the Chinese Empire and its rulers. This
filial or younger brother relationship was
broken only a few times when Chinese
armies again invaded Hanoi (for example, in
1406 and 1789) only to be thrown out by the
Vietnamese resistance, whereupon tributary
relations were resumed.
There were only these alternatives: to be
ruled by China or to be tributary, in the Chi-
nese cultural-political-psychological sense,
taking China as a model. This went to the
point of using the same structure of govern-
ment and copying the Chinese law codes ver-
batim, with the same terminology, in Chinese
characters, which were the official writing
system.
Vietnam's growth in the shadow of China
was eventually balanced by the arrival of sea
invaders from the West. The early Portu-
guese adventurers and the later Dutch and
British East India companies landed their
ships at Danang (Tourane), where our Ma-
rines are today. This sea contact with the
expanding West climaxed in the French take-
over of the 1860's and seventies. French
colonialism during its 80 years brought both
exploitation and modernization in a mixture
that is hotly debated and can hardly be un-
scrambled.
We Americans have thus had predecessors
(even the Japanese in 1940-45) on the long
thin coast of Vietnam. We are sleeping in
the same bed the French slept , in, even
though we,dream very different dreams.
5859
VIETNAM IN MIDDLE
Western seapower in southeast Asia goes
back 450 years. Europeans expanded west-
ward into the empty Americas very slowly.
They went east into populous Asia more
quickly and easily. The resulting colonial-
ism in southeast Asia has now been super-
seded by the new relationships we are trying
to work out in the name of national self-
determination.
We are on an old cultural. frontier between
the international trading world and Asia's
land-based empires. Vietnam, like Korea,
has been caught in the middle and pulled
in two.
Vietnamese patriots reacted against the
French by learning modern nationalism from
them. In so doing, they continued to be
influenced by the Chinese example to the
north. The Chinese reformers of 1898 had
their counterparts in Hanoi. Sun Yat-sen
operated from there in 1907-08. When his
Chinese Kuomintang reorganized itself on
Soviet lines in the 1920's, a Vietnamese Kuo-
mintang followed suit.
In the same era, the Chinese Communist
Party set a model for the growth of a Viet-
namese Communist movement in the 1930's.
The rise of Ho Chi-minh illustrates this
trend. Both the French and Soviet Com-
munist movements and Chiang Kai-shek's
Whampoa Military Academy were in his
background.
By the time the Chinese Communists came
to power in 1949, they were in an even better
position to give the Vietnamese the en-
couragement of example. Vietminh pa-
triots of the united front were trained to .
fight against the French in the sanctuary
of South China. When the People's Repub-
lic of North Vietnam eventually emerged in
1954 after the defeat of France, it was in-
debted to Chinese help but, most of all, to
the Chinese Communist example.
Today in South Vietnam, the "people's war
of liberation" has developed from the Maoist
model that took shape in China during the
struggle against the Nationalists and the
Japanese. Mao's formula is to take power
through a centralized Leninist party that
claims to represent the people.
This begins with establishing a territorial
base or "liberated area," inaccessible and de-
fensible. From this base, the party orga-
nizers can recruit idealists and patriots in
the villages and create an indoctrinated
secret organization. Once under way, this
organization can begin to use sabotage and
terrorism to destroy the government's posi-
tion in the villages and mobilize the popula-
tion for guerrilla warfare.
Shooting down unpopular landlords or
government administrators has a wide "dem-
onstration effect." When guerrilla warfare
has reached a certain level, it can escalate
to fielding regular armies, strangling the
cities.and completing the takeover.
One appeal of this Maoist model is its do-
it-yourself quality. The organizing pro-
cedure is carried out by local people with
only a minimum influx of trained returnees
and esential arms. The whole technique
cannot be understood apart from the local
revolutionary ardor that inspires the move-
ment.
PRINCIPLE OF STRUGGLE
In China today, we confront a revolution
still at full tide, an effort to remake the
society by remaking its people., Chairman
Mao spreads a mystique that man can over-
come any obstacle, that the human spirit
can triumph over material situations.
For 15 years with unremitting intensity,
the people have been exhorted to have
faith in the Chinese Communist Party' and
the Ideas of Mao Tse-tung. With this has
gone a doctrinaire righteousness that has
beaten down all dissent and claimed with
utmost self-confidence to know the "laws
of history."
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CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD -SENATE March 17, 1966
Mao's revolution puts great stress on the
principal of struggle. The class struggle
has made history. Each individual must
struggle against his own bourgeois nature.
China must struggle against Khrushchevian
revisionism. The whole world must strug-
gle against imperialism led by the United
States.
Out of all this struggle among the 700
million Chinese has come a totalitarian
state manipulated largely by suasion. In-
dividuals work upon themselves in the proc-
ess of thought reform, criticizing their own
attitudes. Residential groups maintain sur-
veillance on one another, as children do on
their parents, as part of their national duty.
Terror is kept in the background. Con-
formity through a manipulated "voluntar-
ism" fills the foreground. No such enor-
mous mass of people has ever been so
organized. The spirit of the organization
continues to be highly militant.
The sources of China's revolutionary
militancy are plain enough in Chinese
history. The Chinese Communist regime
is only the latest phase in a process of de-
cline and fall followed by rebirth and re-
assertion of national power.
China's humiliation under the "unequal
treaties" of the 19th century lasted for 100
years. An empire that had traditionally
been superior to all others in its world was
not only humbled but threatened with ex-
tinction. Inevitably, China's great tradi-
tion of unity, as the world's greatest state
in size and continuity, was reasserted.
In this revival, many elements from
the past have been given new life: the
tradition of leadership by an elite who are
guardians of a true teaching, the idea of
China as a model for others to emulate.
Because the Chinese Empire had kept Its
foreign relations in the guise of tribute
down to the late 19th century, China has
had little experience in dealing with equal
allies or with a concert of equal powers and
plural sovereignties. Chairman Mao could
look up to Comrade Stalin. He could only
look down on Comrade Khrushchev. An
equal relationship has little precedent in
Chinese experience.
EARLY SOPHISTICATION
Because China has been a separate and
distinctive area of civilization, Isolated in
east Asia, the Chinese people today have a
very different political heritage from the rest
of the world. The most remarkable thing
about China's political history is the early
maturity of the sociopolitical order.
The ancient Chinese Government became
more sophisticated, at an earlier date, than
any regime in the West. Principles and
methods worked out before the time of
Christ held the Chinese empire together
down to the 20th century. The fact that
this imperial system eventually grew out of
date in comparison with the modern West
should not obscure its earlier maturity.
As in her scientific discoveries and tech-
nology, China's inventions in government
put her well ahead of Europe by the time
Marco Polo saw the Chinese scene in the
13th century. Perhaps this early Chinese
advancement Dame from the continuity of
the Chinese effort at government, carried on
In the same area century after century and
dealing with the same problems until they
were mastered.
In contrast, Western civilization grew up
with a broader base geographically and cul-
turally, but this very diversity of origins and
the geographical shift from the Mediter-
ranean to Western Europe may have delayed
the maturing of Western institutions.
Thus the ancient Chinese had a chance to
concentrate on the problem of social order,
staying in the same place and working it out
over the centuries. Their solution began
with the observation that the order of nature
is not egalitarian but hierarchic.
Adults are stronger than children, hus-
bands than wives. Age is wiser than youth.
Men are not equally endowed: "Some labor
with their minds and govern others; some
labor with their muscles and are governed
by others." This commonsense, antiegali-
tartan approach tried to fit everyone in his
place in a graded pyramid of social roles.
At the top of everything was the Chinese
ruler, whose virtuous example commanded
the respect and obedience of all beholders.
The Chinese monarchy institutionalized the
idea of universal kingship atop the human
pyramid. The emperor functioned as mili-
tary leader, power holder, and ethical pre-
ceptor at the apex of every social activity.
An able emperor would recruit the best
talent, use men in the right jobs, render the
legal decisions and even set the style of con-
noisseurship in art while carrying out the
sacrifices to heaven and superintending all
aspects of official conduct. The monarchy
became omnicompetent, not equaled by any
other human institution.
Even before the Chinese unification of 221
B.C., ancient administrators had worked out
the basic principles of bureaucratic govern-
ment. They selected for their ability a pro-
fessional group of paid officials who were
given overall responsibility in fixed areas,
instructed and supervised through official
correspondence and rotated in office. The
Chinese Empire thus very early embodied the
essentials of bureaucracy which the Euro-
peans arrived at only in modern times.
One of the great inventions of Chinese
Government was the examination system
based on the Confucian classics. It produced
an indoctrinated elite who could either pro-
vide local leadership as holders of imperial
degrees or else could be appointed to official
posts and carry on administration anywhere
at a distance from the capital. In either case,
the products of the examination system,
versed in the classical principles of govern-
ment, were supporters of orthodoxy and au-
thority on established lines.
Other innovations, like the censors who
functioned as a separate supervisory echelon,
added to the devices of Chinese "statecraft."
Chinese Government also used the family
system, confirming the special status of par-
ents and elders over the young and of men
over women.
ANOTHER INVENTION
As the Chinese sociopolitical order matured
and grew, its influence radiated outward over
the "Chinese culture area." Because China
was the center of civilization in east Asia, it
served as the model for smaller states like
Korea and Vietnam, whose rulers naturally
became subordinate to the Chinese Emperor.
The hierarchic relationship was expressed in
the tribute system already noted.
But the rise of nomadic warriors like the
Mongols on the grasslands of inner Asia posed
a new problem, for they were non-Chinese in
culture and yet their military capacity en-
abled them to invade north China and even-
tually conquer the whole empire. The result
was another Chinese political invention un-
der which it became possible for powerful
non-Chinese peoples to participate in Chi-
nese political life.
This they did either as allies and subordi-
nates of strong Chinese rulers or, in case of
Chinese weakness, as the actual rulers
of China itself. Thus the ancient Chinese
empire again showed its political sophistica-
tion. Invaders who could not be defeated
were admitted to the power structure. The
Mongols in the 13th to 19th centuries could
even seize the imperial power, but they had
no alternative to ruling China in the old
Chinese fashion.
When Westerners arrived on China's bor-
ders in early modern times, they also began
to participate in the Chinese power structure.
They were generally given status as tribu-
taries and until 1840 were kept under control
on the frontier.
Thereafter, under the so-called unequal
treaty system, the Westerners had to be
allowed to participate in the Government of
China. This they did with special privileges
in treaty ports protected by their gunboats
and under their own consuls' extraterritorial
jurisdiction. In its beginning, this 19th cen-
tury treaty system followed Chinese tradition.
PICKED AND CHOSE
Eventually, of course, Western contact
brought in new ideas which undermined the
old-Chinese order, but not all the new ideas
of modern times were wholly accepted.
Christianity found only a limited following.
Ideas of the sacred rights of the individual
and the supremacy of law were not taken
over. China picked and chose what it wanted
to accept from the West.
Scientific technology and nationalism were
in time taken as foundations of economic
and political change. But Western-style re-
publicanism and the election process did not
take hold. As a political device to take the
place of dynastic rule, the Chinese eventually
accepted Leninist party dictatorship. On
this basis, the Kuomintang rose to power in
the 1920's.
Later, the Communist success established
the doctrines of Marxism-Leninism and tech-
niques of Soviet totalitarianism and indus-
trialization. The Sino-Soviet split now rep-
resents a triumph for hypernationalism
geared to a revolutionary faith.
Even a brief sketch of the historical ex-
periences of the Chinese people indicates
their cultural differences from the West.
Some of these inherited differences have been
selected and reinforced by the new totali-
tarian rulers.
Chinese tradition is, of course, very broad.
It affords examples of a Confucian type of
individualism and defiance of state 'control.
Some day these examples may be invoked
for democratic purposes, but that time has
not yet come.
Today we see these cultural differences
affecting the status of the Chinese Individual.
The old idea of hierarchic order persists.
"Enemies" of the new order, as defined by
it, are classed as not belonging to "the peo-
ple" and so are of lowest status. On the
other hand, party members form a new elite,
and one man is still at the top of the pyra-
mid.. The tradition of government suprem-
acy and domination by the official class still
keeps ordinary people in their place.
The law, for example, is still an adminis-
trative tool used in the interest of the state;
It does not protect the individual. This re-
flects the commonsense argument that the
interest of the whole outweighs that of any
part or person, and so the individual still has
no established doctrine of rights to fall back
upon.
As in the old days, the letter of the law
remains uncertain and its application arbi-
trary. The defense of the accused is not
assured, the judiciary is not independent,
confession is expected and litigation is
frowned upon as a way of resolving conflicts.
Compared with American society, the law
plays a very minor role.
The difference between Chinese and Ameri-
can values and institutions stand out most
sharply in the standards for personal con-
duct. The term for individualism in Chinese
(ko-jen-chu-i) is a modern phrase invented
for a foreign idea, using characters that sug-
gest each-for-himself, a chaotic selfishness
rather than a high ideal. Individualism is
thus held in as little esteem as It was under
the Confucian order.
The difference is that where young people
were formerly dominated by their families,
who for example arranged their marriages,
now they have largely given up a primary
loyalty to family and substituted a loyalty
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to the Party or "the people." In both cases,
the highest ideal is sacrifice for the collective
good.
Similarly, the modern term for freedom
(tzu-yu) is a modern combination of char-
acters suggesting a spontaneous or willful
lack of discipline, very close to license and
quite contrary to the Chinese ideal of disci-
plined cooperation.
The cultural gap is shown also by the Chi-
nese attitude toward philanthropy. Giving
things to others is of course highly valued
where specific relations call for it, as when
the individual contributes to the collective
welfare of family, clan or community. But
the Christian virtue of philanthropy in the
abstract, giving to others as a general duty,
quite impersonally, runs into a different
complex of ideas.
Between individuals, there should be reci-
procity In a balanced relationship. To re-
ceive without giving.in return puts one at
a serious disadvantage: one is unable to hold
up one's side of the relatioship and there
fore loses self-respect.
American philanthropy thus hurts Chinese
pride.. It has strings of conscience attached
to it, The Communist spurning of foreign
aid and touting of self-sufficiency fits the
traditional sense of values. American aid
does not.
CRITICS ARE ENEMIES
Cultural differences emerge equally in the
area of politics. In the Chinese tradition,
government is by persons who command obe-
dience by the example they set of right con-
duct. When in power, an emperor or a rul-
ing party has a monopoly of leadership which
is justified by its performance, particularly
by the wisdom of its policies. No abstract
distinction is made between the person in
power and his policies.
Dissent which attacks policies Is felt to be
an attack on the policymaker. On this
basis, no "loyal opposition" is possible. The
Western concept of disputing a powerhold-
er's policies while remaining loyal to his in-
stitutional status is not intelligible to the
Chinese. Critics are seen as enemies, for they
discredit those in power and tear down the
prestige by which their power is partially
maintained. (This idea also crops up in
Taiwan.)
Another difference emerges over the idea
of self-determination. This commonplace of
Western political thinking sanctions the de-
mand of a definable group in a certain area,
providing they can work it out, to achieve an
independent state by common consent among
themselves. This idea runs quite counter to
the traditional idea of the Chinese realm that
embraces all who are culturally Chinese
within a single entity.
Thus the rival Chinese regimes today are
as one in regarding Taiwan as part of the
mainland. Both want to control both areas.
Similarly, they are agreed that. Tibet is part
of the Chinese realm without regard for self-
determination. A supervised plebiscite
would seem so humiliating that no Chinese
regime would permit it.
Both the Chinese party dictatorships of
modern times are also believers in elitism and
opponents of the election process, except as
a minor device for confirming local popular
acquiescence in the regime.
Elections on the mainland are manipulated
by the party. Taiwan has developed a gen-
uine election process at the local level, but
the old idea of party "tutelage" is far from
dead at the top. Here again, a case can be
made for the Chinese practice. Our point
is merely its difference from that of the
West.
AN ANCIENT DEVICE
Perhaps the most strikingly different politi-
cal device is that of mutual responsibility,
the arrangement whereby a designated group
is held responsible in all its members for
the conduct of each. This Idea goes far back
in Chinese history as a device for controlling
populous villages.
At first, 5-household groups, and later,
10-household groups, were designated by the
officials, 10 such lower groups forming a unit
at a higher level with the process repeated
until 1,000 households formed a single group.
In operation this system means that one
member of a household is held accountable
for the acts of all other members, one house-
hold for the acts of its neighbors and so on
up the line.
This motivates mutual surveillance and
reciprocal control, with neighbor spying on
neighbor and children informing on parents.
Communist China uses this ancient device
today In its street committees and other
groups. It directly denies the Western idea
of judging a man by his intentions and
condemning him only for his own acts.
Cultural differences lay the powder train
for international conflict. China and Amer-
ica can see each other as "backward" and
"evil," deserving destruction. We need to
objectify such differences, see our own values
in perspective and understand If not accept
the values of others.
Understanding an opponent's values also
helps us deal with him. The old Chinese
saying is, "If you know yourself and know
your enemy, in a hundred battles you will win
a hundred times."
All this applies to our present dilemma in
Vietnam, where our military helicopter tech-
nology is attempting to smash the Maoist
model of "peoples' war." We face a dilemma:
Appeasement may only encourage the mili-
tancy of our opponents, yet vigorous resist-
ance may pose a challenge that increases
their militancy. Fighting tends to escalate.
One line of approach, quite aside from
military effort, should seek to undermine the
militancy of our opponents. Why not pay
more attention to their motivation and try
to manpiulate it? Having seen how Mao-
Tse-tung has manipulated Khrushchev and
Chiang Kai-shek has manipulated us, can we
not do some manipulating ourselves?
There are several elements to use. One Is
.China's enormous national pride, the feeling
in Peiping that this largest and oldest of
countries naturally deserves a top position
in the world. In the background lies the
fact that China was indeed at the top of the
known world for more than 3,000 years of
its recorded history. The Chinese attitude
of cultural superiority is deeprooted and
still plays a part in foreign contact.
A second element is the need of any
Chinese regime for prestige. Peiping rules
an incredibly vast mass of people by means
of an enormous and farfiung bureaucracy.
The prestige of the leadership and the morale
of the populace and bureaucracy are inter-
twined. The rulers must seek by all, means
to bolster their public image, show them-
selves successful and make good their claims
to wisdom and influence.
For 16 years Peiping has buttressed its
prestige by attacking "American imperial-
ism," but its need for prestige is more basic
than any particular target of attack. Are
there other ways to strengthen itself than by
denouncing and "struggling against" the
biggest overseas power?
Another element is the converse of the
above-the accumulated fatigue of revolu-
tion. Chairman Mao's exhortations to con-
tinued struggle and austerity betray his
lively fear lest the new generation grow
tired of "permanent revolution." His even-
tual successors may respond differently to
opportunities abroad.
Finally, there are the concrete problems
of the Chinese state, it needs for foreign
capital goods and food supplies, needs that
may grow-
A program to take advantage of these ele-
ments, recognizing the realities of cultural
difference, would seek to enlarge Peiping's
5861
international contact and work out a greater
role and responsibility for China's rulers in
the world outside. Many express this in
wishful terms-"If only China would join
the international world." Realists point out
Peiping's reiterated refusal to do so on any
feasible terms.
What I am advocating here is not a single
gesture but a continuing program, not an
alternative to present policies but an addi-
tion to them. It is too simple to say that
one cannot oppose an avowed enemy on one
front while also making an accommodation
with him on other fronts. On the contrary,
this is what diplomacy is all about.
The whole idea of manipulation is to use
both pressure and persuasion, both tough-
ness and reasonableness, stick and carrot,
with an objective calculation of the op-
ponent's motives and needs. This is not for-
eign to President Johnson's thinking.
A MOUSETRAP POLICY
What conclusion emerges from a survey of
China's revolutionary history and the cul-
tural differences that separate us?
First, we are up against a dynamic op-
ponent whose strident anti-Americanism will
not soon die away. It comes from China's
long background of feeling superior to all
outsiders and expecting a supreme position
in the world, which we seem to thwart.
Second, we have little alternative but to
stand up to Peiping's grandiose demands.
Yet a containment policy which is only mili-
tary, and nothing more, can mousetrap us
Into war with China. Our present fighting
to frustrate the Maoist model in Vietnam Is
a stopgap, not a long-term policy.
We should add to this policy, and if pos-
sible substitute for it a more sophisticated
diplomatic program to undermine China's
militancy by getting her more involved in
formal international contact of all kinds and
on every level.
The point of this is psychological: Peiping
is, to say the least, maladjusted, rebellious
against the whole outer world, Russia as well
as America. We are Peiping's principal
enemy because we happen now to be the big-
gest outside power trying to foster world
stability.
But do we have to play Mao's game? Must
we carry the whole burden of resisting Pei-
ping's pretensions? Why not let others in on
the jobs?
A Communist China seated in the U.N.
could no longer pose as a martyr excluded by
"American imperialism." She would have
to deal with U.N. members on concrete issues,
playing politics in addition to attempting
subversion (which sometimes backfires).
She would have to face the self-interest of
other countries and learn to act as a full
member of international society for the first
time in history. This is the only way for
China to grow up and eventually accept re-
straints on her revolutionary ardor.
SLIPPERY ECONOMIC ANALYSIS
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. President, on
Tuesday night the Columbia Broadcast-
ing Co. in its "CBS Reports" program
carried an hour-long show entitled
"IOU $315 Billion."
Throughout this analysis of the in-
dividual debt that Americans owe I felt
that there were several economic sta-
tistical and philosophical omissions in
the CBS report. However, in Wednes-
day morning's New York Times, H. Erich
Heinemann, writing a review of the
show, very succinctly touched on the
major points that should have been at
least mentioned.
I think the New York Times review of
"CBS Reports: IOU $315 Billion" should
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have wider dissemination. I. therefore,
ask unanimous consent that the review
be inserted at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REpOSD,
as follows:
(From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Max. 16,
1966]
TV: "CBS REPORTS" EYES OUR 10 U's AND IS
SHOCKED--NETWORK'S CONCLUSION: "IT
COSTS Too MUCH"-SOME STATISTICS REST
ON A DUBIOUS BASIS
"CBS Reports" took an hour-long look at
the role of individual debt in the American
economy last night, and came to the not-too-
surprising conclusion that the consumer
needs to be protected from, his own improvi-
dence.
"Interest rates are higher than they need
to be;
"The people who need credit the most find
it hardest to get on terms they can afford;
The patchwork of State and Federal reg-
ulations tends to favor the lender over the
borrower;
"We would be on a sounder basis if people
had a more accurate idea of the cost of
credit."
All these conclusions, stated at the end of
"IOU $315 billion" by Alexander Kendrick,
ate surely estimable. "CBS Reports" should
be pleased with its firm stand against sin.
Less. estimable, however, is some of the
slippery economic analysis the Columbia
Broadcasting System uses to reach this con-
clusion. Mr. Kendrick lays much stress upon
the "mountain of debt" under which the
American consumer is laboring. But he
does not mention the value of the assets that
the consumer owns, which far exceeds the
$315 billion that he awes.
Mr. Kendrick puts much emphasis upon
the heavy interest cost of total consumer
debt. But be does not mention that in the
fourth quarter of 1965 Americans were
earning interest at the annual rate of $38.2
billion, while they were paying interest at
the annual rate of only $11.6 billion.
Indeed, this latter point cuts to the core
of the central criticism of "I 0 U $315 bil-
lion." Mr. Kendrick, and his editors at CBS
have chosen to focus upon the aggregate of
$315 billion, of which more than two-thirds is
accounted for by mortgages on real estate-
including more than $20 billion of debt on
farm properties, which is essentially com-
mercial.
Mr. Kendrick did not bother to ten us that
well over half of total mortgage debt is held
by nonprofit mutual financial institutions,
which are owned by those who have entrusted
their savings to them.
Thrift, Mr. Kendrick to the contrary not-
withstanding, has not gone out of style.
Nor has the credit card brought us to the
verge of a cashless society. Mr. Kendrick
might be interested. to know that an im-
portant preoccupation of the Nation's mone-
tary authorities has been to try to explain
why currency in circulation has been increas-
ing more rapidly in recent years than has
personal income.
So far, no simple answer has been found.
It is perfectly true, as "CBS Reports" main-
tains that the improvident and the feckless
in American society are preyed upon by the
demimonde of the credit world.
There is good reason to be alarmed at the
sharply rising rate of personal bankruptcies,
and at the steady climb in"the rate of fore-
closures on home mortgages.
But there is no easy economic transition
from the steady and necessary growth in
consumer debt to the inflationary problems
that are confronting the economy, though
Mr. Kendrick seemed to have little trouble
in making that step.
Undoubtedly, Some remedial legislation
would be helpful in the consumer credit field.
But there is serious question whether Sen-
ator PAUL DouGwi' "truth-in-lending" bill
which obviously has delighted CBS, despite
its many legal, administrative, and indeed
constitutional problems, would prove a pan-
acea.
We should not lose sight of the fact that
debt, however onerous, 1s the other face of
credit, which is the reward of thrift.
H. ERICH HEINEMANN.
WEST VIRGINIA SKI INDUSTRY
UNDER STUDY
Mr., BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, the Economic Development
Administration has recently approved
$72,300 for a technical assistance study
to determine the ski industry potential
In West Virginia. This study, requested
by the West Virginia Department of
Commerce, offers hope that a new
source of recreation and pleasure may
be developed for winter sports enthus-
iasts. The ski industry in the Moun-
tain State is still in a fledgling state,
with a number of problems needing
resolving.
Because of interest on the part of
West Virginia sports lovers, and that of
surrounding urbanites in neighboring
States, that the ski industry be devel-
oped, this grant is being enthusiastically
welcomed.
A. recent newspaper article by Roger
Morris, carried by the Sunday Gazette-
Mail State magazine, Charleston, W.
Va., relates the interest which is in-
creasingly being manifested in this
sport. Its title its "Little Switzerland-
Without the Snow."
I ask unanimous consent that this
March 13 newspaper article be printed
in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
LITTLE SWITZERLAND--WITHOUT THE SNOW
(By Roger Morris)
Skiers ask, "What good is a mountain in
a winter that forgets to include snow?"
"It is an ill wind turns none to good,"
wrote Thomas Tusser back in the 16th cen-
tury. If we may substitute the word "foul"
for "Ill," then we have an accurate descrip-
tion of the state of affairs in Charleston and
this section of the Kanawha Valley.
While none can doubt that the wind over
Charleston would turn the stomach of the
stanchest fishmonger and by comparison
make Liggett & Myers a clean air research
group, the chemical industries which pro-
duce this enriched assortment of smokes and
stenches as a public byproduct have blown a
little fresh air into the city's insularity by
way of their cosmopolitan personnel.
This has resulted in their contribution in
the arts, government, and social concerns as
patrons, performers, and planners. Often
when persons of a different background ca.n -
Ski Club to see what might be done to keep
their interests in slopes from declining. Ten
years later and after some initial flounder-
ing, the Kanawha Ski Club has close to 100
members whose main concern during the
winter months is to get out of the offices and
birch-paneled kitchens as soon as possible on
Friday afternoon and head for the nearest
ski slope.
As a matter of fact, about 38 of them are
at this moment out on the slope or engaged
in some ski lodge chatter at the Seven
Springs skiing area in Pennsylvania.
"We haven't had too much luck with West
Virginia ski slopes," says one club official,
"although we have used Bald Knob near
Beckley and Weiss Knob near Davis in the
past.,,
The trouble with the three State facilities
centers around an absence of snow-making
machines, adequate lodge facilities, chal-
lenging slopes for advanced skiers and ski
lifts.
As a result, the ski club has had to look
to weekend trips to Virginia and Pennsyl-
vania, although the State's new recreational
complex in the Canaan Valley promises to
have good facilities in the next few years.
Quite naturally these excursions furnish
the main part of the club's activities, and
during the past season-a bad one as such
things go-three such trips were made, two
to Seven Springs and one to the Homestead
in Virginia.
"Actually there isn't much of a ski atmos-
phere at the Homestead," says club vice pres-
ident, Jae Ryder, "but we go there once a
year, because they have different slopes for
the different classifications of skiers."
While the outing to Virginia was by car,
the two to Seven Springs were by chartered
bus, a method which allows the older mem-
bers to become acquainted with the novices.
Although in some circles and in some resorts,
skiing is very much a rich man's sport, the
Kanawha club tries to keep expenses at a
minimum so that everyone can join in the
fun-skiingfor the masses, so to speak. On
Pennsylvania trips, for example, roundtrip
bus fare, two nights' lodging, three meals, a
dance, and the skiing facilities were provided
for about $40. Rental equipment is another
$6.
Most of the rest of the club's activities are
conducted during the regular meetings at a
member's home, which includes ski movies
and slides of previous trips. In addition, an
annual cocktail party is held in April or May,
a sneaky way to get everyone together to pay
dues.
Club members range in age from pre-teens
to over 60 and in ability from non-skiers to
advanced skiers. As the Kanawha Ski Club
is a member of the Blue Ridge Ski Council,
members have the opportunity to go skiing
in Europe at reduced travel rates, a proposi-
tion that some have already accepted.
Ryder says that several plans are being
made for next year, plus a request to the
weatherman to have enough fall snow to in-
sure a couple of trips before New Year's Day.
Among these will be at least one each to
the Homestead and Seven Springs and-cross
your ski poles-possibly one to Michigan.
Another idea that is being considered is
to enlarge the meaning of "ski" (in the club
their avocational interests, they are either skiing. Under this proposal, the group would
forced to quit the area (as was the case with have year-round continuity and activity, as
scientists at the radio observatory at Green members could shed their sweaters for swim
Bank) or else bring the mountain to Mo- suits and ski on liquid rather than frozen
hammed. water. In addition, water skiing facilities on
This was the dilemma of some ski enthusi- both rivers and lakes are more readily avail-
asts of recent European extraction whose able in the Charleston area than are their
jobs were relocated here and who quickly mountainous counterparts.
found out that the State's nickname of But the big-daddy project is to get a small
"Little Switzerland of America" was a mis- practice slope in operation in the Charleston
nomer as far as winter sports facilities were area. The club already has a rope tow and
concerned. is looking into the possibility of obtaining or
Together with some native residents, the using some land north of Charleston near the
ski buffs joined in 1956 to form the Kanawha old Guthrie Air Force Base. Whether this
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March .17, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
has an annual payroll of some $15 million,
and is well along with an expansion program
that creates an even brighter picture for the
future.
We extend our congratulations to Chas.
Pfizer & Co., Inc., upon being named the re-
cipient of this year's Charter Award. On the
basis of its high degree of business success,
its accomplishments in its various fields of
endeavor and its service to the public, it is
not difficult to understand why the firm has
been selected for the honor bestowed on it
by St. Francis College. Southeastern Con-
necticut is indeed fortunate to be the site
of a plant that is making a sizable contribu-
tion to the overall progress of this thriving
industrial complex.
THE ATLANTIC CONCEPT UNDER
TEST
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, next
week the Subcommittee on International
Organization Affairs of the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee will be hold-
ing hearings on the concept of Atlantic
unity. Two recent moves by the Presi-
dent of France, Gen. Charles de Gaulle,
openly challenge this concept. John Al-
lan May, European economic correspond-
ent of the Christian Science Monitor, has
recently reported on some of the Impli-
cations of these developments.
I ask unanimous consent that this ar-
ticle be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ATLANTIC CONCEPT UNDER TEST
(By John Allan May)
LONDON.-The Atlantic idea is rapidly ap-
proaching a crucial test. Fresh French moves
to torpedo it are expected here.
The British have drafted a communique
which they hope will be signed by the 14
other partners condemning France's with-
drawal from the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization.
Britain, through diplomatic channels, also
is repeating its intention never to join
Europe except on terms that preserve the
Atlantic concept. This is to be stressed par-
ticularly strongly in Bonn.
The Atlantic idea, of course, is of an inte-
grated alliance between the United States,
Canada, Britain, and Western Europe, stand-
ing as a single bastion against international
communism.
It now is openly challenged by President
de Gaulle on two fronts-in NATO and in
the world of the International Monetary
Fund.
Some strategic analysis here say that Pres-
ident de Gaulle's -aim is to create a third
force that would be independent of the
United States and capable of reaching an
understanding with the Soviet Union. That
understanding can contain-"hold within
fixed limits: restrain"-the two Germanys,
East and West.
VISIT TO MOSCOW
Due to visit Moscow in June, the French
President alms to sell this idea to the Soviet
chiefs, according to this analysis. The So-
viets, too, might be prepared to cooperate.
[The.French viewpoint, on the other hand
is somewhat different. It is that France will
remain the "ally of her allies" and a member
of the Western alliance. But General de
Gaulle insists that the NATO integrated
command is outdated because of changed de-
fense needs. Therefore, he has said, France
and Europe must be free of this integration
in order to be more flexible in establishing
contacts with the Communist nations of
Europe.
[French Foreign Minister Maurice Couve
de Murville told the United Nations General
Assembly last fall: "Since the division of
Germany is born of the division of Europe,
the prerequisite condition for the elimina-
This means a profound and necessarily grad
ual transformation of the present situa
tion."]
The "third force" theory here is that reor-
ganization of NATO, and of the standing
group in Washington, is going to spotlight
the special position of West Germany. Ger-
many will become the strongest European
'member of NATO. It stands in NATO's
frontline.
Qan this Germany be denied an equal share
in the planning of NATO strategy? Can it be
denied an equal share in nuclear arms?
Surely not.
But, on the other hand, will the Soviet
Union allow such an upgrading of West
Germany's status to go without a challenge?
Surely not either.
A fresh Soviet-American confrontation
would then be expected if West Germany
were upgraded.
Nor is Britain prepared to allow a German
"finger on the nuclear button." Thus the
effect of President de Gaulle's squeeze play
could spread, according to this theory. He
intends, if he can, to accentuate the one
important area of division between the views
of the American and the British adminis-
trations.
At the same time, as the world has seen
but perhaps not much noticed, President
de Gaulle has vetoed an Atlantic solution to
the international monetary problem. His in-
sistence on gold as the essential basis of
the world's payments system seems to be a
tactic in a battle to "get the American dol-
lar out of Europe."
PAWTUCKET, R.I., CONFERENCE of
WATER SHORTAGE AND POLLU-
TION CONTROL
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, at 10:30
this morning, Mayor Robert Burns, of
the city of Pawtucket, R.I., called to or-
der a conference held in that city, to
discuss the various aspects of water
shortages and water pollution control.
A subject which has vital importance to
Rhode Island as well as the whole North-
eastern section of our country, as we en-
ter what could be a fifth year of drought.
The conference, which will include
officials from many Rhode Island cities
and towns, met with my enthusiastic ap-
proval, when the subject was first
broached by Mayor Burns. I am pleased
to have been able to arrange attendance
at the meeting by Mr. Edward V. Geis-
mar, Chief of the Water Quality Section
of the Federal Water Pollution Control
Administration of the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare. Mr.
Geismar, a highly regarded expert in the
field of water pollution, will discuss both
the causes of this problem, and the means
of clearing it up.
Conferences such as this, are valuable
both on the local and national levels.
One city, or one area, working alone, can-
not meet the problem of pollution con-
trol. Concerted effort is needed by all
the communities affected. In this spe-
cific case, those cities and towns in the
Blackstone River Valley, are working and
studying together. It is hoped that the
example of Pawtucket will be followed
by many other areas with the same type
of problem.
I therefore salute the city of Paw-
tucket, and Mayor Burns, for having the
foresight and Initiative to call such a
meeting, and wish the conferees success.
UTAH PILOT HERO OF A SHAU
EVACUATION
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. President, 1 week
ago today, Maj. Bernard Fisher, an Air
Force pilot, who was born and raised in
Clearfield, Utah, distinguished himself
as one of the real heroes of the Vietnam
war. Major Fisher was piloting an AlE
aircraft on a fighter-bomber mission dur-
ing the crucial battle of U.S. Army Spe-
cial Forces camp at A Shau, 50 miles west
of Danang, South Vietnam, when he
spotted a fellow pilot shot down by enemy
ground fire. Without thinking of his own
safety, Major Fisher landed his Sky-
raider aircraft on a bomb-scarred run-
way which was under heavy enemy fire,
and literally plucked his fellow officer up
by the seat of his pants and flew him to
safety.
The rescued officer, Air Force Maj.
Stafford M. Myers, had nothing but
praise for the heroic efforts of Major
Fisher.
Myers said:
In my fondest dreams, I didn't believe any-
body would land there to pull me out, not
even a chopper.
Another Air Force officer was later
quoted as saying:
This is the most daring rescue I have heard
of since World War II. I can't think of any-
thing we did in Korea to match it.
.Mr. President, I applaud the valiant
efforts of Major Fisher and those of hun-
dreds of other U.S. servicemen who daily
are distinguishing themselves in battle
in Vietnam. We should all the grateful
for this courage and devotion to duty. I
am confident that Major Fisher's heroic
deed will not go unnoticed, either by his
fellow servicemen, or by his Government.
I ask unanimous consent to insert at
this point in the RECORD a UPI news story
which appeared in the March 11, 1966,
Salt Lake Deseret News, and an editorial
from the Standard Examiner, Ogden,
Utah, dated March 12, 1966.
There being no objection, the article
and editorial were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Salt Lake Deseret News, Mar. 11,
1966]
DYNAMIC RESCUE: "NOTHING LIKE IT"
SAIGON.-"I'11 bet nobody's ever seen an
old man like me run like that," said U.S.
Air Force Maj. Stafford M. Myers, as he re-
called Friday how a fellow pilot rescued him
under fire when he was shot down Thursday.
Maj. Bernard F. Fisher, 39, a native of
Utah and whose wife and family reside at
Kuna, Idaho, flew his AlE fighter-bomber
through a hail of Communist ground fire
and landed behind Myers during the battle
at the U.S. Army Special Forces camp at A
Shan, 50 miles west of Da Nang.
Myers, also 39, had crashlanded his own
plane on the short dirt runway near the
camp after being hit by enemy fire.
Myers' Skyraider was enveloped in flames
as he hit the runway. The cockpit filled
with smoke. He dived into the nearest
ditch, only yards away from Communist
gunners firing at other U.S. aircraft that
were strafing the area around the beseiged
camp.
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"In nay fondest dreams I didn't believe
anybody would land there to pull me out,
not even a chopper," Myers said.
He said his eyes smarted from the smoke
as he looked for cover, but then he saw
Fisher's Skyraider roaring down the runway.
The downed pilot waved, and Fisher
spotted him. It took him another 100 feet
to stop his plane.
"He's crazy," Myers said he thought.
"He shouldn't have done it. We'll never
get out of here."
Myers leaped from the ditch and ran for
his life. He reached the. Skyraider, but
"had a hard time getting up on the wing"
because of the blast from the propeller.
Finally Fisher "pulled me up by the seat
of the pants," he said. There was no time
to talk, but Myers patted Fisher on the back
a couple of times as the major gunned the
plane. And hugged him as they taxied down
the bomb-scarred runway.
Myers noticed that the plane's wing was
full of holes, but somehow the Korean war-
vintage plane held together as Fisher flew
out of danger.
One Air Force officer later said "This is the
most daring rescue r have heard of since
World War II. I can't think of anything we
did in Korea to match it."
Fisher gave a lot of credit for the dare-
devil rescue to the other three All pilots
who were strafing the area all around Myers'
downed Skyraider.
One Vietcong closed to within 20 feet of
Myers as the Air Force major sprinted for the
rescue aircraft. He was cut down by a
burst from one of the Skyraiders swooping
across the field at tree-top level.
[From the Ogden Standard-Examiner,
Mar. 12, 1966]
UTAHAN BECOMES TOP VIET WAR HERO
The war in Vietnam, grim from the start,
has produced few headlines about individual
acts of heroism.
All men fighting and dying there are
heroes in their own right. It's that kind of a
war.
What we mean, however, is the type of
exploit that fires the imagination and makes
an American say: "That took a lot of guts."
That's what they're saying today about
Utah-born Maj. Bernard Fisher.
He deliverately landed his old Skyraider
propeller-driven fighter on the battered air-
strip of the Shau Special Forces Camp, picked
up a fellow pilot who had survived a crash
and took off again while Vietcong troops
fired at him.
Other Air Force fighter pilots helped the
rescue by coming in low machinegunning
enemy soldiers who were trying to stop
Fisher and his passenger, Maj. Stafford M.
Myers.
Fisher and Myers got away.
It's that type of bravery that inspires other
fighting men to go all-out in service to their
country.
It should be equally inspirational to we
civilians at home.
If a pilot like Bernard Fisher is willing to
brave the Communist guns to save the life of
another U.S. aviator, the least we can do is
to show appreciation for the risk he took.
Contrast this with the burning of a draft
card or the ranting of Cassius Clay.
The Air Force should be mighty proud of
Major Fisher.
So should the high school in Kaysville
where he was graduated before he joined the
Navy in World War II.
We know that his mother, Mrs. Levina
Fisher of Ogden, is mighty proud of her
flier son. So is his wife, now living in Kuna,
Idaho, and his brothers and sisters in Ogden,
Clearfield, South Weber and Boise.
Next time he's home on leave, we should
proclaim a Maj. Bernard Fisher Day in Utah.
He deserves to know, in person, how his fel-
low Utahans feel about his bravery.
RENDEZVOUS IN SPACE-ASTRO- THE ROLE OF THE FEDERAL GOV-
NAUTS NEIL ARMSTRONG AND ERNMENT IN EDUCATION
DAVID SCOTT Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the
Mr. CANNON. Mr. President, the Na- American people have taxed themselves
tion and the space effort experienced one heavily at the local level to provide high-
of its most anxious and exciting days on quality education, but still additional
Wednesday, which culminated in the safe revenues are needed. During the past
landing of Astronauts Neil Armstrong decade Federal programs affecting public
and David Scott. ' schools have increased in number and
They achieved a historic link-up in scope. This trend reflects a changed na-
space, which was amazingly accurate tional posture toward the importance of
with regard to rendezvous and docking education at the national level. "The
maneuvers. Role of the Federal Government in Edu-
Unfortunately, the trip was only par-
tially successful, and Astronauts Arm-
strong and Scott were put through some
dangerously trying moments while they
and the world held their breaths in fear
of their safety. We rejoice with their
families that, thankfully, they are in good
health.
Their efforts under the direction of
Flight Commander Armstrong demon-
strated the importance of the extensive
training and simulation. which is so es-
sential a part of our space program.
Their courage and performance under
stress also is a tribute to the design of the
spacecraft and the training they have
received, which involves the checking and
rechecking and simulation of every detail
of their prospective voyage into space.
Yesterday America proved the value of
building redundancy into our space ve-
hicles because of our paramount regard
for life.
Among the marvels of Wednesday's
excitement was their unscheduled re-
entry, which was in every respect perfect
and perhaps the best reentry the United
States ever has accomplished.
While the rendezvous was only par-
tially successful, it may prove that we
will learn more from failure than from
success in this instance as the voyage is
studied and the data separated and an-
alyzed and used to strengthen our future
space ventures.
The Soviets were also busy in space on
Wednesday. They completed a 22-day
flight of two dogs, and this accomplish-
ment indicates that we cannot slacken
our efforts in space if we are to maintain
leadership and progress in this field.
Mr. President, I also must observe that
while these exciting events were taking
place in different parts of this solar sys-
tem, another milestone was reached in a
remote section of the desert in my State
of Nevada. I refer to the highly success=
ful test of a nuclear engine at the Nevada
Test Site of the Atomic Energy Commis-
sion. The engine was operated at sig-
nificant power for 18 minutes, 13 minutes
of which was conducted at full power.
This achievement added to our national
capability of one day being ready to send
vehicles and man beyond the moon, and
perhaps even beyond our own solar sys-
tem. For it is commonly recognized now
that nuclear power will be the only
energy to take man to targets beyond our
immediate planning.
In summary, Wednesday was a lucky
day for two courageous American astro-
nauts; it was a day not without signifi-
cance for the Soviets in their space ef- Not everyone comprehends this trading
forts; and it was a day fraught with out of interests in the political marketplace.
meaning for our nuclear space effort That is one reason why some political deci-
which is certain to become more impor- sions may not in fact reflect accurately the
tant as our program moves ahead. most widely held public values, but do often
cation" was the subject of an address by
James A. Turman, Associate Commis-
sioner for Field Services, U.S. Office of
Education, before a joint meeting of the
Idaho School Trustees Association and
State legislators on February 26, 1966.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent
to have Mr. Turman's fine address
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE ROLE OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
IN EDUCATION
(An address by James A. Turman, Associate
Commissioner of Education for Field Serv-
ices, Office of Education, U.S. Department
of Health, Education, and Welfare, Wash-
ington, D.C.)
Unfortunately, neither our new U.S. Com-
missioner of Education Harold Howe nor our
Associate Commissioner for Federal-State
Relations Wayne Reed could accept this
engagement this morning because of prior
commitments. Therefore, Mr. John Snider
invited me to represent the U.S. Office of
Education here in today's conference on the
subject, "What Are the Proper Roles of-
Fed-eral, State, and Local Educational Agencies?"
It is a pleasure for me, however, to have
this opportunity to participate with you in
discussing this all-encompassing topic. My
assignment, mainly, is to discuss the role of
the Federal Government in education.
I am especially pleased to see that this is
a joint meeting of the Idaho School Trustees
Association and the State legislators. Hav-
ing been a member and speaker of the Texas
House of Representatives, I realize the im-
portance of involving legislators in our dis-
cussions on education.
There are some perfectly decent words
that nice Americans seldom use together in
the same phrase. "Education" and "poli-
tics" are two of them. While each word
is quite alright on its own, the two in com-
bination seem to conjure unhealthy, unre-
fined, even "propagandizing" images to many
people.
Actually, the notion that politics and edu-
catiQn should not have anything to do with
each other is based on a misunderstanding
both of politics and of the role of educa-
tion in a democracy and how that role is
determined. And the idea that they do not
have anything to do with each other flies up
in the face of the facts.
Public education is paid for by public
funds, and public funds are raised, and al-
located, through the political process.
Through this process, the community-as
small as the township, as large as the Na-
tion-decides both the total amount it is
prepared to spend for a host of public bene-
fits, and how the total amount will be split
up among all of them. In short, the po-
litical forum is where the citizenry fights
about the things it cares about; it is where
the public assigns priorities and establishes
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5874 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 17, 1966
as leader in opposition to it this year,
although I am still opposed to the
amendment, provided the administra-
tion will provide for an adequate amount
of aid to students who I think ought to
go to college, I think it is possible to
supply that aid to them on a more uni-
form and, I happen to believe, a fairer
basis than the procedure provided for in
the Ribicoff -Dominick amendment. But
I could not, in good faith, speak against
the amendment until at least there can
be a clarification of where this admin-
istration actually stands on Federal aid
to education. I say that because, as I
said the other day, I stood in that man-
agerial position over there in the ma-
jority leader's place, and have taken
through the Senate, as the manager of
education bills, one bill after another.
I made the representations that the ad-
ministration authorized me to make. I
wish to say those representations can-
not be reconciled with the President's
budget message this year.
Mr. DOMINICK. That is the point I
wished to bring out at this time, and I
am glad that the Senator from Oregon
has brought it up. Because, as a matter
of fact, in a very great number of cases,
to my knowledge-the impacted area bill,
the National Defense Education Act
loans, the cuts in the vocational educa-
tion programs, and a few others which I
added up last night-the difference be-
tween the proposals in the President's
budget and the authorizations passed, by
Congress is more than $547 million.
I would suggest for the record, and
to the distinguished Senator from Ore-
gon, who has worked so hard in the edu-
cational field and done such a fine Job,
that it is not the function of the White
House or of Congress to try to balance
the budget by depriving people of the
opportunity for a good education.
That is exactly the effect these cuts
will have, unless we can find some mech-
anism by which we can retain the ability
of our universities to provide quality
education, and of our elementary and
secondary schools to continue with the
fine standard of education that they
have been giving our young people.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield at that point?
Mr. DOMINICK, I am happy to
yield.
Mr. MORSE. I could not agree with
the Senator more. The Senator is a
member of my subcommittee and of
-the full committee. I simply want the
RECORD to show that in my judgment,
this administration has pulled the rug
out from under us in connection with
the representations we have made in
the past, in speaking for the adminis-
tration in support of education legisla-
tion. Until the administration re-
stores those funds.--and I shall fight
hard to have them restored-and until
the administration keeps faith with
those of us who, have put the past
legislation through, I shall oppose the
administration at. every step on educa-
tion legislation this year.
'I preferred the approach we were
making. I think the administration
was sound in that approach, but it has
left that approach, and that is why I
ment embodies that uniform principle of
taxation which I think is fair and avoids
the charge of being class legislation.
Nevertheless I have no hesitancy in
saying that if we cannot have the. other
type of Federal aid for which I thought
this administration stood until I read
the budget message this year, then it is
better to have this form of aid of the
Ribicoff -Dominick amendment than
none. At least the aid that will be pro-
vided under the Ribicoff -Dominick
amendment will be of some assistance to
some students, and that is better than
no assistance at all.
Therefore, as chairman of the Educa-
tion Subcommittee of the Senate, I raise
my voice again in plea and warning to
the President of the United States, that
unless there is a return to the implemen-
tation of the aid program for which we
have been fighting in past sessions of
Congress, I shall fight in the Subcom-
mittee on Education and in the full com-
mittee for necessary' legislative amend-
ments, and let the Members of Congress
stand up and be counted, as to whether
they will support the President in what
I consider to be an inexcusable. blow
against the young people of this coun-
try by way of his budget recommenda-
tions on education. That will be my
position in this session of Congress. If
we get into a position where the only
aid we can get-although I do not be-
lieve it would be the most preferable
aid-for the benefit of the youth of this
country is the kind of aid which the Sen-
ator from Connecticut, and the Senator
from Colorado-in good faith, complete
sincerity, and out of deep conviction-
have been presenting for several years
to the Senate, then, for the first time,
I will vote to support it. I would rather
have that than no aid at all.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Oregon yield?
Mr. MORSE. I yield.
Mr. DOMINICK. I thank the Senator
from Oregon for arguing that position.
I do not wish to go into any debate on
the merits of the particular proposal at
this time, but I would say to the Senator,
as he knows, that I have supported the
higher education bill, led by the Senator
from Oregon; and it seems to me that
our proposal would be another leg on
this same table. I am gratified to hear
the Senator from Oregon state that if
we are unable to get the other proposal
put back, which he and I and other Sen-
ators have worked so hard for, he will
be for this kind of proposal.
administration in its opposition to the
Senator's amendment, until the admin-
istration is willing to come back and
support the program we had underway.
Look at the cuts the administration
is making in the land-grant colleges of
this country, and the effect that those
cuts will have on the educational op-
portunities of many of our young men
and women. I want the American
people to know that notwithstanding
what the President says, there is a
great difference between his words and
the proposed actions encompassed in
his Bureau of the Budget report to
Congress.
I pay no attention to a politician's
words unless his words compare and
square with his actions.
Mr. DOMINICK. I know what a val-
iant fighter the Senator from Oregon is,
and I think this is due warning to the
administration.
It still seems strange to me as a Sen-
ator to find, that the administration will
send to the Capitol two White House aids
and the Postmaster General to defeat
one bill on which Congress is supposed to
be establishing policy. That is exactly
what was done in the case of the tax
credit proposal that we had before us
in March.
I, for one, am still a believer that Con-
gress is supposed to establish policy, that
this is not, supposedly, either a one-party
government or a one-man government,
and until such time as we can establish
this proposition and this principle, we
are going to find more and more trouble
in Congress being able to take its his-
toric role as a policymaker, and to deter-
mine what legislation should be passed as
desired by the people of this country, and
not just as desired by the one man in the
White House.
I yield the floor.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, before I
turn to another matter, I wish to make
a few additional comments about' the
Ribicoff-Dominick amendment.
I want the record to be perfectly clear
that I would much prefer not to have
the type of aid that is provided in the
Dominick-Ribicoff amendment, if this
administration will go forward and sup-
port adequate funds for,the type of Fed-
eral education aid to, students in this
country which has been encompassed in
the programs for which we have been
working so hard for so many years in
the Senate.
Of course, my view is well known. I
think what we need to do is to provide
the aid to those students who need it,
who otherwise could not go to college.
I think children from the families cov-
ered in the program that the Senator
from Connecticut and the Senator from
Colorado have in mind can best be helped
by a general aid bill, with loan provisions,
scholarship provisions, and work-study
provisions. Furthermore, as I pointed
out last year, I think that the aid that is
sought to be offered in the Ribicoff-
Dominick amendment is a form of class
legislation, ,in that it provides tax bene-
fits for a special class of parents in this
country, namely those who happen to
have children who may wish to go to co1-
. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I was
very much interested in the comments of
the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
CLARK] a few moments ago as he dis-
cussed the Kraft article entitled "The
Four Pillars of Asia"-the four pillars
involving our Asian policy.
I associate myself. with the remarks of
the Senator from Pennsylvania. Of
course, I go much further than he does.
I am glad that, at least, as the appropri-
ation bill for the shocking war we are
THE WAR IN VIETNAM
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March 17, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
snick amendment to the tax bill which
was an effort on our part to provide a
tax credit for the cost of higher educa-
tion.
I have stated publicly that, even
though we were defeated on that par-
ticular amendment, I liave no intention
of giving up the fight for an education
tax credit.
I wish to state for the record, that I
am considering presenting the amend-
ment again this year, in either the same
or a different form, in an effort to ob-
tain a more accurate test of strength
for the amendment on its merits.
It was curious to me that, although
several other amendments were added to
the bill, by the Senate this particular
amendment, which would not have af-
fected the revenues of the Federal Gov-
ernment until 1968, was defeated.
I know that I personally received
several calls from downtown asking if I
was going to support the tax bill. How-
ever, no particular mention was made
of the Ribicoff-Dominick amendment. I
had suspected that a great number of
other calls and personal contacts had
been made from downtown to other Sen-
ators.
I was interested to see, following the
vote on that particular amendment, that
several people publicly, in the various
newspapers and columns, remarked on
the extreme pressure placed on Senators
by the White House in an effort to defeat
that proposal.
I have before me the Evans-Novak
column which was published in the
Washington Post of Sunday, March 13,
1966.
I ask unanimous consent that that
portion of the article entitled "To the
Rescue" be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, a portion
of the article was ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
TO THE RESCUE
Postmaster General Lawrence F. O'Brien,
former top White House congressional lobby-
ist, was rushed into the breach in the Sen-
ate last week. He was called on to help
defeat the amendment of Senator ABRAHAM
RrricorF, Democrat, of Connecticut, to give
parents a tax credit to offset the cost of col-
lege education.
Without O'Brien, the Ribicoff amendment
was slated to pass by a 46-to-44 vote. When
O'Brien and White House aids got through
twisting arms, nine Senators who had
planned to support the amendment were
peeled away.
Through no fault of O'Brien's, the victory
was pyrrhic. Angered by the high-pressure
lobbying, the Senate went on an independ-
ence binge and approved two reductions in
the President's $6 billion Vietnam war tax
increase. Both amendments were ignored
in the White House concentration against
the Ribicoff amendment.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, the
very distinguished writer, Mr. Lee M.
Cohn, of the Washington Star, wrote
an article entitled "Senate-Altered Tax
Bill Goes to Conference," which also
discusses the pressures applied by the
White House in its successful effort to
defeat the proposed tax credit amend-
ment.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the portion of the article deal-
ing with the efforts of the White House
to defeat the amendment be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the excerpt
from the article was ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
SENATE-ALTERED TAX BILL GOES TO CONFER-
ENCE-AMENDMENTS CUT NET REVENUE
GAIN BY $1.1 BILLION
(By Lee M. Cohn)
The administration's battered tax bill was
rushed to a Senate-House conference today
in a drive to meet President Johnson's March
15 deadline for final action.
Two major amendments cut the bill's esti-
mated net revenue gain. from $5.9 to
$4.8 billion over the next 15 months before
the Senate passed it yesterday, 79 to 9.
One of the amendments would exempt
local residential phone calls from the admin-
istration's proposed excise tax increase from
3 to 10 percent.
This amendment, approved 46 to 42-yester-
day, reduced the revenue gain in the Senate
bill by $315 million.
SOCIAL SECURITY AMENDMENT
The other major amendment, adopted
Tuesday, would give minimum social security
benefits to persons 70 and older who are not
now eligible. It would cost the Treasury
$790 million a year, starting next July 1.
Since the phone excise is very unpopular
on both sides of the Capitol., there is a good
chance that the conferees will go along with
the Senate.
The social security amendment is more
vulnerable to dumping in conference be-
cause it is so sweeping and extraneous to
the tax bill.
Despite the Senate's mutinous temper,
hard lobbying by the administration beat a
proposal to give tax credits to parents or
others sending children to college at a cost
of $1 billion a year to the Treasury.
SPONSORED BY RII{ICOFF
The amendment, sponsored by Senator
ABRAHAM A. RlsxcoFF, Democrat, of Connecti-
cut, would have allowed parents and others
paying expenses of college tuition, fees,
books, and supplies to subtract up to $325
a year from income taxpayments. It also
was rejected in 1964, by a vote of 48 to 45.
This amendment was rejected yesterday,
47 to 37, after what one Senator called fierce
pressure by the White House.
A supporter of the amendment said the
White House "snapped the whip" and
"lashed" Senators into line against the pro-
posal.
White House pressure persuaded even some
of the amendment's cosponsors to vote
against it. This was the case with Demo-
cratic Senators WARREN G. MAGNUSON, Of
Washington; EDwARD V. LONG of Missouri,
and JosEPH M. MONTOYA, of New Mexico.
Supporters of the amendment figured that
White House pressure switched seven votes
in all.
Marvin Watson, President Johnson's ap-
pointments secretary, reportedly led the
drive against the amendment, assisted by
Postmaster General Lawrence P. O'Brien,
who formerly was in charge of congressional
liaison, and Mike Manatos, legislative liai-
son man for the Senate.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, in-
terestingly enough, the New York Herald
Tribune published an article on March
10, 1966, written by Mr. Andrew J. Glass
under the headline "Senate Cuts Tax
Bill From 6 to 5 Billion-No Local Phone
Rise," which also refers to the Ribicoff-
Dominick amendment.
5873
There being no objection, the excerpt
from the article was ordered to be printed
In the RECORD, as follows:
SENATE CUTS TAX BILL FROM 6 TO 5 BILLION-
No LOCAL PHONE RISE
The White House had mounted a hard-
nosed lobbying effort against a ,plan by Sen-
ator ABRAHAM RIBICOFF, Democrat, of Con-
necticut, to offset in part the cost of a col-
lege education with up to $325 in tax credits.
As a result, this $1 billion proposal was de-
feated, 47 to 37-even though its revenue-
losing impact would not be felt until 1968.
Senate sources reported that Presidential
appointments Secretary W. Marvin Watson
had called key legislators on the eve of the
showdown and told them that "they were
through" at the White House if they backed
the Ribicoff plan.
Mr. Watson, these sources said, emphasized
that he was speaking for the President who,
they said, was prepared to deal them out of
all Federal patronage and projects if "you
cross him on this vote."
The anti-Ribicoff campaign apparently
left the White House exposed and napping on
the social security and phone tax proposals.
"Lyndon Johnson outsmarted himself,"
an influential Senate Democrat said.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, I
have deliberately, placed these in the
RECORD to show the extreme pressure
applied by the White House to defeat the
Ribicoff-Dominick amendment. I be-
lieve it is ironic that the White House
should oppose this measure so strenu-
ously when I was trying, in concert with
Senator RIBICOFF and other Senators, to
provide a mechanism whereby people
could increase the opportunities for
young people to go to college and, at the
same time, increase the opportunities for
colleges to receive more funds.
CONCLUSION OF MOENING BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the
Senator from Colorado suspend for a
moment?
The hour of 1 o'clock having arrived,
morning business is now concluded.
The Senator from Colorado may pro-
ceed.
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, I
think it was an important amendment,
and I think it is a proposal which sooner
or later will pass the Senate.
I was happy to note that the distin-
guished Senator from Oregon [Mr.
MORSE], who is on the floor at the
moment, while opposing the bill last year
and voting against it again this time, did
not take an active part in the debate
against the amendment, and I very much
appreciate his courtesy in this regard.
It is a measure which, to me, is of
extreme importance in that it supports
diversity in education and provides an
opportunity for, private funds to enter
the educational field, without involving
ourselves in the church-state relation-
ship.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. DOMINICK. I am happy to yield
to the Senator from Oregon.
Mr. MORSE. I thank my friend, the
Senator from Colorado. As he observed,
I did not participate in the debate this
year in opposition to his amendment,
although I voted against it.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- I represented the administration last
sent that that portion of the article be time as leader in opposition to the Sena-
printed at this point in the RECORD. tor's amendment. I refused to function
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conducting in southeast Asia comes up
for consideration next Monday, the
Senator from Pennsylvania, as he indi-
cated today, will have some reserva-
tions in respect thereto.
Mr. President, I am hoping that the
appropriation bill may be the vehicle, at
long last, which those in this body who
have expressed great reservation to the
administration's policy of conducting this
war may use for the imposition of long
past due and much-needed checks upon
the administration in respect to the
slaughter of American boys now taking
place in southeast Asia. It is a slaughter
which, in my judgment, cannot be. justi-
fled, a slaughter which is involving us in
a war in which we should never have
been involved in the firgt place.
I was glad to hear the Senator from
Pennsylvania point out that we should
not be interested in saving face. I would
add that we should be introduced in sav-
ing lives.
I was also glad to hear the Senator
from Pennsylvania point out that it was
desirable we take a position which I
would call a position of legitimate de-
fense, a holding position-which will pro-
tect our boys, and also stop the killing
of a large number of South Vietnamese
which will take place if we continue to
escalate the war-through such a hold-
ing action as General Gavin recommends
it would be possible for other forces to
come into the picture and seek to bring
the war to an end by the imposition of a
needed cease-fire order to be enforced by
nations not involved in the war as com-
batants.
Mr. President, I wish to make these
comments today because it needs to be
constantly drilled into the thinking of
the American people as to what the ma-
jor premise of those of us opposing the
war rests upon.
What is needed is to have a cease-fire
order enforced against the United States,
against the South Vietnamese, against
the North Vietnamese, and against the
Vietcong. In my judgment, if we leave
this war to the United States, with its
predominantly unilateral military action
in southeast Asia, our country will lead
the world into a massive war in Asia, and
what may come out of that war is awful
to even think about.
Therefore, I plead again that my coun-
try proceed to exercise its influence, its
prestige, and its obligations as a member
of the United Nations. In my judg-
ment, there is not a good faith attempt
being made in New York City to bring
this issue out into the open with full
Security Council debate.
In my judgment, the administration
and our Ambassador to the United Na-
tions, Mr. Arthur Goldberg, are not mak-
ing the record that this country should
make in seeking to bring this matter
out into the open and find out exactly
what the Security Council will or will
not do.
I have some views as to why we are
not doing it. Of course, I believe that
our approach to the Security Council was
a belated one. I pleaded 21/2 years ago,
and day after day during all that in-
tervening period, that we should take
this issue to the Security Council. Fi-
nally, there started developing across the
country a wave of public opinion support
for the senior Senator from Oregon.
I happen to know something about that
support, Mr. President, and I happen to
know something about the intensity with
which it was represented to the White
House. In my judgment, the adminis-
tration could not stand up any-longer
against a failure to take a resolution to
the Security Council of the United Na-
tions, for millions of American people
were asking the question: "Why don't
they take it to the United Nations?"
The sad thing is that our President
sent the problem to the United Nations
with an olive branch in one hand and
bombs in the other. Behind the scenes
in the United Nations, and in the cloak-
rooms there, most of the discussion since
that time has been about the bombs and
not about the olive branch.
Of course, if it is brought out into the
full glare of world opinion for Security
Council debate and discussion, as it
should be, the United States will get
taken to the international woodshed.
We had better get that spanking or that
whipping behind us now. Some others
also will have to go to that woodshed;
namely, all the combatants, South Viet-
nam, North Vietnam, and the Vietcong-
because those are the nations along
with us which happened to be threaten-
ing the peace of the world.
We Americans do not like to face the
fact that we are a threat to the peace
of the world. But we are. We are act-
ing, for the most part,.on a unilateral
basis. We should be insisting upon a
multilateral approach to peacekeeping
in southeast Asia.
Accordingly, Mr. President, I urge
once more that my Government give
evidence-clear, convincing evidence-
that we are insisting that this matter
come on out into the open for world
debate. Let all criticism be put behind
us, for in that Security Council debate
the violations by the United States of
the Geneva accords, section after section,
will undoubtedly be made a matter of
world record, for all the world to see.
The interesting thing is that most lead-
ers of most governments in the world al-
ready recognize it.
Travel with me, as I did last fall as a
Senate delegate appointed by the ad-
ministration, through Asia, We soon
found that the leaders of the great Asian
powers hold no brief for America's uni-
lateral course of action in southeast Asia.
Let us get that record made and do
our part in seeing to it that the viola-
tions of the Vietcong and North Viet-
nam are clearly made a part of the world
record. Then, let us get on with the job
of enforcing a peAce in southeast Asia,
and ending this (laughter. That is why
I was so interested in the comments of
the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
CLARK], which I interpret to mean recog-
nition on his part that we need to take
a holding position, a defensive position,
which will protect our forces and protect
our allies and bring an end to an esca-
lating of the war.
The United States is following an ex-
panding military policy which, as we ex-
pand it, endangers our becoming involved
5875
in a war with China which, in my judg-
ment; will move into a war with Russia
that will mean a third world war.
I think these are times when we ought
to stop running these risks. I think
these are times when the Pentagon Build-
ing should be put on a leash and have it
made perfectly clear that to carry out its
duty to defend the security of this Re-
public it is not entitled to follow a course
of action that threatens to involve us in
a massive war in Asia. Such a war will
bog down hundreds of thousands of
Americans for years and years, until, at
long last, we will be put out of Asia.
Let us face it, no white nation, including
the United States, will be permitted to
stay in Asia and exercise a role of domi-
nation in any part of Asia. That era is
gone.
It is interesting that the other Western
nations have learned that lesson, but not
the United States.
We should follow the course of action
which is clearly implied in the remarks
of the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
CLARK], but if not, I assert it as my own.
We should give the United Nations an
opportunity to undertake the-primary-
and I underline the word "primary"-ob-
ligation and responsibility of the mem-
bers of the United Nations, and that is to
enforce the peace when a threat of war
exists. That is the primary purpose of
the Security Council.
It may very well be that the Security
Council will fall down on that obligation,
but I want to find out. I should think
my Government would want to find out,
instead of saying, as many have been
heard to say, "Well, we are sure that
France or Russia will veto such a pro-
posal." We do not know until we find
out. As I have said in the past, if either
one of them does, then that country is on
the spot, and the United States would be
taken off the spot.
. We would then be off the spot. We
would then show the world that we seek
a cease-fire order to be enforced by the
United Nations.
Oh, I know that when we make state-
ments of this kind, somehow, in some
way, we are said to be aiding the enemy.
We are supposed to be, somehow, in some
way, letting down our boys in southeast
Asia. I get lost in that jungle of fallacy.
The truth is that those who want to
follow the United States course of action
now being followed in southeast Asia are
the ones who are letting down our boys.
Those of us who are seeking to try to
stop the killing there are the ones who
think it is our clear duty to insist on every
possible procedure and avenue available
to bring about the enforcibility of peace
and the stopping of the making of war
in southeast Asia.
I repeat again, and I want it in the
RECORD, before we start the debate next
Monday, that if France or Russia or any
nonpermanent member of the Security
Council vetoed the proposal for Security
Council intervention in southeast Asia,
we should then proceed to the next pro-
cedure provided for by the charter.
As I have been heard to say before, and
as I said as recently as last night in St.
Louis, I want my President to go to New
York City-it is much more important
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to go there than to go to Honolulu. I
want him to plead our desires for peace
before an extraordinary session of the
General Assembly of the United Nations.
I want him to make a plea to the world,
in which plea he will announce that the
United States will cooperate in the en-
forcement of a ceasefire order by the
noncombatant members of the General
Assembly of the United Nations on con-
dition that they will agree to carry out
their obligations clearly called for by the
charter to send to southeast Asia what-
ever divisions of troops are necessary to
separate the combatants and enforce the
peace. The United Nations should make
clear to both sides in the war that the
shooting must stop and the war must
stop. It must make clear that if either
side fires upon the United Nations forces
then and only then will United Nations
forces Are back for further enforcement
of the peace sought through a ceasefire
order.
This will require, of course, the divid-
ing of Vietnam probably into a number
of buffer zones to be occupied by United
Nations peacekeeping forces.
I happen to think that if there were a
large number of nations that would get
behind such a peacekeeping movement,
all parties, including Red China, would
think a long time before they would aline
themselves against the overwhelming
majority of the nations of the world.
Mr. President, it takes big statesman-
ship to carry out such an ideal. The
world is entitled to look to our Presi-
dent for that statesmanship. That is
why, Mr. President, you find me sup-
porting the so-called enclave approach
as the best approach for a desolution of
the war. This administration is trying
to misrepresent the enclave approach.
The enclave approach is not a plan for
us to run and get out. Nobody has sug-
gested that. I have said we could not do
that. I opposed our going into the war.
But once in there, we have created a sit-
uation under which we cannot pull out.
If we did we would probably start the
bloodiest massacre and biggest human
blood bath in the history of mankind.
Whichever one of the two Vietnamese
forces were predominant would kill the
other and we would have to assume at
least some moral responsibility for that
occurrence.
So I am not asking that we pull out,
but I am asking that we hold, as General
Gavin has advocated, as Mr. Kennan has
advocated. I intepret General Ridge-
way's letter to the chairman of the For-
eign Relations Committee [Mr. FUL-
BRIGHT], as being opposed to our escalat-
ing the war. We need a lull in hostili-
ties until the other nations of the world
become involved, not in war, but in
bringing about a constructive peace. It
is at least an avenue toward peace we
have not traveled yet. It is one the
President has the responsibility to travel
before he proceeds to carry out the ar-
bitrary, discretionary power which this
Congress voted him last week-and in my
judgment mistakenly and ill-advisedly-
in the authorization bill to send 425,000-
plus American boys to fight, and thous-
ands of them to the in a war in southeast
Asia.
As I have said before, he cannot justify
sending thousands of boys into battle
without a declaration of war.
I will not repeat today the many rea-
sons I have given why I think this ad-
ministration does not want to declare
war, except to mention the main one. A
declaration of war on our part would put
us in great difficulty with many of our
allies if we tried to enforce the declara-
tion. We would find countries that we
now consider to be allies would not re-
spect our blockades, would not respect
our mining of ports, and would not lower
their flags to such war policies of ours.
The first one of their ships that we sank,
we would find ourselves in great inter-
national trouble with them. If one of
those ships happened to be a Communist
ship of the Soviet Union, we would then
be at war with Russia, and also, in my
judgment, with China if China sent her
minesweepers into the Haiphong Harbor,
as she undoubtedly would do, to sweep
out any mines we might lay.
The trouble is, in these hours of war
hysteria that are spreading across this
country, and in which this administra-
tion, by its misinformation and propa-
ganda pouring into American public
opinion, the American public does not
know the facts in respect to what the
course of action of this administration
is going to lead then into if the people
do not stop this administration.
I am afraid that the only check that
really is left is the American people, un-
less Congress wants to stop abdicating
its constitutional responsibilities. We
are headed for an enlarged war unless
Congress wants to carry out the trust the
Constitution bestows on its Members to
check its President, in an executive war,
an illegal war, and in an undeclared war.
Unless Congress is willing to carry out its
responsibilities, I say to the American
people again, "You are going to have to
do it, you are going to have to do it with
your ballots, and you are going to have
to start in the primaries just ahead, in
the election next fall, in the primaries in
1968, and in the election in 1968."
Let me say, as a Democrat, that this
issue is so far above partisanship that
this Senator will never put his party first,
because what I am pleading for is, in my
judgment, the only course of action that
will truly put my country first.
I am interested in my country follow-
ing a course of action that will at least
cause it to retrace its steps from the
shocking course of action of immorality
and illegality that we have been following
since 1954 when we started violating the
Geneva, accords section by section.
Mr. President, there is growing interest
in this country as to what the adminis-
tration is leading us to domestically. We
just had a colloquy between the Senator
from Colorado and the Senator from
Oregon in regard to what the adminis-
tration is doing on the domestic level in
the field of education.
That is only one segment of our econ-
omy in which this administration is going
to cut, cut, and cut in the name of sup-
plying more, more, and more funds for
its illegal and immoral war in southeast
Asia.
But it is not willing to cut in connec-
tion with other foreign programs. We
had a little taste of that the other day
when we had a supplemental budget of
$415 million for more foreign aid into
southeast Asia and the Dominican Re-
public, and other areas listed in that bill.
The senior Senator from Oregon asked
for a saving of at least that amount out
of foreign aid elsewhere in the world.
This administration not only would not
go along with that proposal of the Sena-
tor from Oregon, but this administration
has already sent up a budget message
that increases its foreign aid in other
parts of the world.
I wish to say to the American people:
"Only you can stop it. Only you, by the
exercise of your rights as free men and
women, through the ballot box can stop
this administration from that course of
action."
I want to say that any aid that we have
to give to this war torn area of the world
in southeast Asia must be saved out of
aid going into other parts of the world.
It must not be saved in the cost of ade-
quate support of what is known as the
Great Society program, which I enthu-
siastically support.
I urge it for another reason. If this
administration thinks there is domestic
tranquillity at the grassroots of America,
it could not be more wrong. The main-
tenance of tranquility and security here
at home is going to be dependent on our
meeting the domestic needs here at
home. We have made great progress in
the field of civil rights but it is only
the beginning. There is trouble brewing
in America in the field of civil rights.
Part of that trouble is brewing because
to date there has not been carried out
to the degree that, in my judgment, the
people of this country have had a right
to expect of this administration, the pro-
visions of civil rights legislation already
passed.
In my opinion this administration had
better take a long, hard look at the grass
roots of America and the evidences of
growing dissension and trouble within
our own country in respect to the failure
of this administration to proceed as it
should proceed in solving our domestic
ills.
There is a much greater need for a
domestic aid program than a foreign
aid program at the present time.
I mentioned the other day, and I wish
to make it a part of this speech, that cer-
tainly I am for milk for little boys and
girls in impoverished areas and the back-
ward areas of the world. It has been
labeled for a long time, "Milk for Hot-
tentots." I support it. We should con-
tinue it. But we should not discontinue
the milk for thousands upon thousands
of impoverished little boys and girls in
this country. And yet, this budget mes-
sage contains a cut in the school milk
program. I do not understand it.
I do not know what is happening to us
in regard to our obligations to a social
conscience. I do not understand these
cuts in the President's budget message in
light of his proposal or proposals for
expanding foreign aid.
As the Senate knows, I have tried for
several years, and I shall never give up,
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March '17,.1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 5877
to eliminate the corruption, the inef l- facts as of then. But I did not have the omy which will protect she dollar of the
elency, and the shocking waste of mil- slightest idea when I campaigned for American taxpayer? No one dislikes
lions of dollars which have characterized him that In a short time after he was more than I do legislation that involves
the U.S foreign aid program since 1946 elected, he would out-Goldwater Gold- price controls, wage controls, rent con-
when the American taxpayers have had water. With Goldwater In the White trols, and the other necessary economic
more than $116 billion of their money House, there would at least have been a controls that it has been found must be
spent in foreign aid. We know what the check and control by Congress through Imposed when the economy really be-
record shows. a Democratic Congress. In my opinion, comes disrupted by war and ceases to be
As I pointed out the other day, we have Congress would not have approved for a peacetime economy. But we cannot
a committee report from the Foreign Re- Goldwater an escalation of this Immoral, continue to escalate the war without fac-
lations Committee that sets forth all the illegal war that this Democratic Con- ing up to the fact that such controls will
reservations along the lines I am point- gress is approving out of partisan con- have to come.
ing out in regard to the corruption in- sideration for a Democratic President. Of course, if one makes even a sugges-
volved in foreign aid, the waste involved Mr. President, we are going to have tion of a tax that would seek to take
in foreign aid. Yet it brought forth a this out at the ballot boxes. We are some of the already excessive profits out
committee report that had all of the lan- going to have it out on the political front of the manufacture of war goods, his
guage modification hat, in judgment, supported my this
colleagues know, who has Senator,
always that loyalty we tried otlimit ithe profits made
modiof the bill, but ended up
recommending passage of the bill. served in the Senate on the basis of the from the manufacture of war materiel.
It is the old story of giving the Ameri- philosophy that I should consider each Already fat profits are being made from
can people the words but denying them term my last, for I think that is the only the war effort in providing our boys with
the votes their protection calls for. way to serve in the Senate. But I shall the war goods that they need in order
I say again to the American people in always be perfectly willing to submit my to carry out the orders that the Com-
regard to foreign aid, you better make record to the voters of my State, and I mander in Chief has imposed upon them
your views known. You better make would be willing to submit it to them in this undeclared war. We had better
clear to these politicians you send here tomorrow, because the voters of my State take the blood money out of war profits.
to protect your interests and not to yield know that I do not put partisanship first. I wonder, however, if anyone wants to,
topolitical pressure of an administration I do not believe that I have any right, suggest that we pass a bill to provide
that follows a course of pressure action under my oath of office, to put partisan- capital punishment upon a finding of
such as the Senator from Colorado just ship first. I sit in the Senate represent- war profiteering. As the Senate well
described a few minutes ago on the floor Ing everyone in my State, including those knows, for religious reasons as well as
of the Senate. who voted against me as well as those for social reasons and legal reasons, I
That is why I have been heard to say, who voted for me. I represent each of have always opposed capital punishment
and I say it again on the floor of the them to the same degree of responsibility- during my years as a Member of the Sen-
Senate, I think the American people I am sorry to say so, but I think the ate and prior to my coming here. So I
would have been much better off in re- war crisis has reached the point where would be opposed to capital punishment
gard to the problems I am raising, if now the American people will have to for war profiteers. But I have a little
Barry Goldwater had been elected answer for themselves. I believe that difficulty understanding a Vice President
President. long since, their politicians have failed of the United States who seeks to justify
Do you know why I say that? He them. The American people will now the assassination of a profiteer in Saigon
would not have had a Republican Can- have to exercise that precious check that by rationalizing himself into believing or
gress; he would have had a Democratic the Constitution gives them-the check saying that the assassination was neces-
Congress. Many Senators now are ex- of the ballot box. sary in order to check profiteering in
pressing many reservations about the I hope that the American voters will South Vietnam.
President's program. They are saying, watch the Senate very carefully next How absurd can we become? That
In regard to the war in Vietnam, that Monday, for they are entitled to be pro- killing was inhumane. It was uncalled
they had not given. the President the tected by the check of the purse strings. for. But it was to be expected from the
blanket authority that some seem to As I pointed out in a speech the other kind of military junta tyranny that this
think they had given. They are now day, and as I quoted from the great administration is supporting with mil-
saying that they did not give him a blank constitutional debates that gave birth to lions of American taxpayers' dollars in
check. In my judgment they have been this Republic, our constitutional fathers South Vietnam. I have been warning
voting for President Johnson's requests made perfectly clear that the Members the Senate for a long time that we are
primarily out of partisan consideration. of Congress were given the check of the supporting a group of military corrup-
They would not have been in that whip- purse strings so as to deny funds to a tionists in South Vietnam. We already
lash partisan position had there been President who was following a policy that see that not too far beneath the surface
a Republican President elected In 1964. was not In the public interest. in South Vietnam there is great trouble
President Johnson was elected during With respect to the war in Vietnam, we brewing. But such tyranny would not
that campaign-and I believe the Amer- would not let the boys down if we exer- last 30 days if it were not being propped
ican people, elected him during that cised the check of the purse strings. up by the United States, financed by the
campaign-primarily because of the posi- Rather, we would say to the President, United States, and supported by the
tion he took on foreign policy. His posi- "We are going to stop your killing so United States.
tion on foreign policy during that cam- many; we are going to deny you the I am sorry that there seems to be a
paign was supposed to be directly funds you are asking for." Thus, willingness on the part of the leaders of
opposite to the position of Barry Gold- through that constitutional check, we our Government to accept this example
water. X have cited in some of my would force the President, who has not of man's inhumanity to man which is
speeches during the last 21/2 years on yet even recommended a declaration of characterized by this public square as-
the floor of the Senate direct quotations war, to fall back to a line of defense that sassination-for that Is the proper de-
from the President during the. 1964 cam- would protect those boys and stop killing scription of it-of this shockingly
paign-his" New Hampshire speech, his them in increasing numbers as a result of crooked South Vietnamese profiteer.
Texas speech, and other speeches and sending them into further aggressive ex- Are we going to take the position that
references he made to the Goldwater pansive action in southeast Asia. cruelty is a substitute for justice?
position on the war in southeast Asia. I made brief mention of some of the I join with the Senator from Ohio [Mr.
They were completely contrary to the economic problems that confront us at YOUNG] who, in my absence from the
position he takes today. It was that posi- home. It is interesting, is it not, that floor of the Senate, protested this shock-
tion on foreign policy, in my judgment, there are those who apparently have de- ing assassination. Of course, he should
that was the primary reason why Presi- luded themselves into thinking that we have been tried; and, of course, he
dent Johnson was elected by so over- can expand the war in southeast Asia should have been incarcerated, and for
whelming a majority vote over Gold- into an ever-increasing, massive war, but a good long period. But what has hap-
water. not be confronted with the legislative pened to us? We, in the midst of this
I campaigned for him In 14 States, and necessity of enacting a series of legisla- blood splurge of killing countenance this
I would do so again on the basis of the tive, restrictive measures upon our econ- kind of conduct on the part of a mili-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 17, 1966
lation to give to exceptional children the
special education they require.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the editorial to which I.have
alluded be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
EXCEPTIONAL CHrLpnxN: THE NEGLECTED
,LEGION
(By WINSTON L. PRouTy, U.S. Senator from
Vermont)
The mission of education ought to be to
give each child the chance to work at his
own level and to progress as far and as fast
as his ability to learn permits. It follows
that it should be the mission of this Nation
to give the exceptional child at least the
ordinary opportunities to learn even if this
requires extraordinary measures. To the
extent that America departs from this mis-
sion, our society can be neither great nor
good.
In this country there are 6 million excep-
tional children-6 million boys and girls who
differ from the so-called average enough to
warrant some type of special school adjust-
ment. Some are blind, some deaf; some have
emotional disorders, some brain injuries; still
others have multiple learning disabilities.
No picket signs proclaim their cause. No
headlines herald their anguish. Yet many
cannot communicate, even to their parents,
their sense of hopelessness, frustration, and
confusion, because they have not learned to
speak or write.
Although some type of educational pro-
gram for the deaf and blind appeared early
in this country, only within relatively recent
years have we recognized the special educa-
tional needs of the mentally retarded alid the
emotionally disturbed..
During the 19th century our attitude to-
ward these children was benevolent and
paternalistic. Various parent, church, and
charitable groups tried to provide some type
of care, usually in residential institutions
away from the community.
The early 1900's. saw the beginning of a
trend which recognized that the similarities
between handicapped children and those we
label as normal were perhaps as important
as the differences. Special schools and special
classes began to emerge. A real effort was
made to provide exceptional children with
enough education to enable them to become
productive members of society, rather than
having them spend their lives in far-off
institutions forgotten by the rest of the com-
munity.
It has only been within the past 25 years
or so, however, that the public schools have
really begun to assume responsibility forts
educating these children, and it was not until
1956 that Congress earmarked any aid for
the education of the handicapped. As a
result, States vary greatly as to the percent-
age of exceptional children enrolled in special
education classes in the public schools.
In 11 States fewer than 10 percent are
enrolled; in 14 States, between 10 and 20 per-
cent; 14 have between 20 and 30 percent;
5 between 30 and 40 percent; and in only 6
States are as many as 40 to 50 percent en-
rolled.
In addition, barely one exceptional child
in four has a properly trained teacher. These
are only about 60,000 public day school
teachers available in the field of special edu-
cation, and some of them are only partially
trained. To provide special education for all
children who currently need it, we will re-
quire approximately 300,000 special educa-
tion teachers.
We have, then, a national problem. Does
it not seem to you, as it does to me, that
exceptional children have become a neg-
lected and lonesome legion in American
education? Is it too much to ask that these
6 million boys and girls be given an educa-
tional bill of rights?
As the ranking Republican on the Senate
Education Subcommittee, i solicit your ad-
vice and counsel on how this should be done.
I also urge you to make your voices heard
in Congress on behalf of those who cannot
speak for themselves.
tary junta government that some of our
leaders praise.
Mr. President, I am at a loss to under-
stand why this administration is follow-
tag the course of action that it is follow-
ing in southeast Asia.
I think the administration is going to
discover that, as the American people
come to reflect upon our course of action,
they are going to repudiate this admin-
istration and its course of action in
southeast Asia. And they should. If we
do not stop this administration from
continuing the course of action that it is
following, in my judgment, we will write
a shocking, sordid chapter of American
history that American boys and girls 100
years from now will read and be so com-
pletely perplexed and astounded and
dumbfounded by as to ask the question:
"What happened in the period of Amer-
ican history in 1966?"
Mr. President, again I say that I never
ask for agreement, but for thought on
these matters, and I am satisfied that in-
creasing thought is taking place across
this country. I think that, in the not too
distant future, this administration is go-
ing to either change its warmaking
course of action or it is going to find it-
self without the sympathy of the over-
whelming majority of the American
people.
EXCEPTIONAL CHILDREN, THE NE-
GLECTED LEGION-EDITORIAL BY
SENATOR PROUTY
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, the rank-
ing minority member of the Education
Subcommittee of the Senate Committee
on Labor and Public Welfare is our very
distinguished colleague, the junior Sen-
ator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY], who
in our deliberations has been particularly
sglicitous in drawing to our attention the
need for special education financial
support.
I was most pleased recently to learn
that he has become an editorialist in
this area, since I found on my desk in
the NEA Journal of March 1966 over his
byline a guest editorial entitled, "Excep-
tional Children-The Neglected Legion."
I commend him for this editorial and
I wish to repledge to him my own com-
mitment to do what I can through legis-
ADJOURNMENT UNTIL MONDAY
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, pursu-
ant to the order previously entered, I
move that the Senate adjourn until 12
o'clock noon on Monday next.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 1
o'clock and 56 minutes p.m.) the Senate
adjourned under the previous order,
until Monday, March 21, 1966, at 12
o'clock meridian.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations received by the
Senate March 17, 1966:
DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Dixon Donnelley, of the District of Colum-
bia, to be an Assistant Secretary of State.
CANADIAN UNIVERSAL AND INTERNATIONAL
EXHIBITION
Stanley R. Tupper, of Maine, to be Com-
missioner General for U.S. participation in
the Canadian Universal and international
Exhibition.
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 If young men of 18, 19, or 20 years of age
are considered old enough to fight in de-
fense of their country, for the preservation
of its ideals, they should also be considered
old enough to help select the leaders of
their country who control their destiny.
The President's Commission on Regis-
tration and Voting Participation also
recommends lowering the voting age. In
a report discusssing voter apathy, this
Commission made an important point.
It noted that high school represents the
last formal education that many Ameri-
cans will ever receive. Between the time
they graduate from high school and the
time they can cast their first vote is a
period of about 3 years. During this
time, a kind of political vacuum develops,
and through stagnation, frustration and
apathy, the Nation is denied a substan-
tial number of potential lifetime voters.
This fact is shown in statistics which
indicate that the 21- to-30-age group
ranks among the lowest in voting par-
ticipation.
By granting the right to vote to. those
18, 19, and 20 years old, we would help
correct this trend by permitting citizens
to begin voting at the peak of their po-
litical interest-an interest stimulated
in the civics and government classes of
high school.
Twenty-one was established as the
minimum voting age more than 150
years ago by our Founding Fathers. It
was an arbitrary decision based on
archaic ideas with roots in the Middle
Ages. Even at that time, many promi-
nent Americans attained to great
heights while still in their teens.
George Washington was a major in the
Virginia Militia at 19; Alexander Ham-
ilton was writing widely read political
booklets before he was 15.
And as I have pointed out, today's
youth certainly has more opportunities
of 1946. I am proud to join him in co-
sponsoring that proposal.
The bill is the product of long, careful
work by a group of our colleagues who
share a concern for the limited employ-
ment prospects of lower income groups,
particularly the youngsters. This meas-
ure would give special assistance to de-
veloping career positions in the subpro-
fessional category of jobs. It would also
stimulate social services which would not
otherwise be available.
I commend my colleague from New
York and those who participated in this
study under his chairmanship. If en-
acted, this proposal could do much to al-
leviate grinding poverty and, at the same
time, bring hundreds of thousands of
people off the, demeaning public assist-
ance rolls and permit them to achieve the
dignity of self-support.
THE HERITAGE OF ST. PATRICK
(Mr. RODINO (at the request of Mr.
EDMONDSON) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter)
3M UVUV
adversity was greatest, let all freedom-
loving people remain uncompromising to
the principles that stem from the social
justice of natural law.
And let us here, where freedom and
justice abound, stand firm in our con-
demnation of tyrannical aggression,
without regard for geographical bound-
aries. Let us keep the faith and spread
the faith and fight for the faith as the
bishop of Armagh did-the faith that all
men are created free and equal and are
to live as they are created.
It is a proud and glorious day, Mr.
Speaker, for you and all our fortunate
colleagues who can trace your history
back to Erin. But those of us who may
not share your blood will always share
your heritage. For though he may once
have been Ireland's, St. Patrick is now
PRESS VERSUS ,THE MILITARY
IN VIETNAM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Un-
der previous order of the House, the
gentleman from Missouri [Mr. ICHORD]
is recognized for 60 minutes.
(Mr. ICHORD asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks, and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Speaker and Mem-
bers of the House, I join in the accolades
of the majority floor leader and the mi-
nority floor leader paid to Bill Arbogast
earlier today. I hope that what I have
to say now does not detract from the
tributes which have been paid to him.
But, Mr. Speaker, what I have' to say
to you vitally affects the security of our
country and I believe-although I hope
my remarks are not miscontrued-they
should be made in the inteerst of the
security of our Nation.
Mr. Speaker, a recent article in the
highly respected Columbia Journalism
Review points up a problem which has
been of great concern to me as a mem-
ber of the House Committee on Armed
Services; namely, the adequacy and ob-
jectivity of the coverage of the Vietnam
war by the American press.
Mr. Speaker, the article which I shall
request permission to include in the
RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks
is entitled "Press ' Versus Military in
Vietnam: A Further View My Martin
Gershen," feature writer for the Newark
Star-Ledger.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Gershen, who cov-
vered the Vietnam conflict for his paper
last year, suggests that the controversy
Mr. RODINO. Mr. Speaker, today is
one of the few days this year, as it is
every year, when all the Members of
this great body, no matter their home
State or party, stand in agreement on
the principal subject of the day: the com-
memoration of the death of a man of
God whose influence has spread from a
small section of a small island to the far
reaches of the earth in the 1,505 years
since he passed to his eternal reward.
The beloved bishop of Armagh is indeed
the apostle and patron saint of the Irish
people, no matter where they may live.
But more than that, St. Patrick remains
a living symbol of hope amid despair, of
humaneness amid barbarism, of freedom
amid tyranny.
parts of 150 years ago. It is sometimes easy to forget the con-
I think it is time, Mr. Speaker, that dition.s of living that St. Patrick found
we demonstrate to the youth of this when he came to the Emerald Isle. Cut
Nation that we are not bound by tradi- off from the Roman heart of civilization
tion, that we do appreciate their con- by invasions of the western coast of Eu-
tributions to our country, and that we rope and the island to the west of the
do recognize their ability to think and channel between, the Irish light of Chris-
act as adults. I urge each of my col- tian culture burned only dimly, but it
leagues to join me in supporting this burned. And tended by the divinely in-
resolution to give the right to vote to spired bishop of Armagh, it remained
every citizen over the age of 18, in local, the vigil light for all of western Europe.
State, and Federal elections. Perhaps it is a little less easy to forget
the later invasion of Ireland by the al-
legedly civilized neighbors to the east-
(Mr. CULVER ward. In all the chronicles of human
EDMONDSON) was granted permission to history, no persecution, no pogrom, no
extend his remarks at this point in the inquisition, no genocide surpasses that
RECORD and to include extraneous visited upon Ireland by her English
matter.)
Mr. CULVER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
FULL EMPLOYMENT ACT OF 190
(Mr. BINGHAM (at the request of Mr.
EDMONDSON) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, re-
cently, by colleague from New York, Rep-
resentative JAMES H. SCHEUER, introduced
a bill to amend the Full Employment Act
rulers. thorities in Vietnam is a result not of
Yet, through all the centuries of her
tortured turmoil, Ireland and her people arbitrary news management by the
kept faith with the principles of free- authorities, but rather of irresponsible
dom and justice until, at last, today free- reporting by a group of young, inexpe-
dom and justice themselves prevail in rienced, and emotionally committed
the land of St. Patrick. correspondents.
Let St. Patrick and his people serve as These correspondents seem to take the
an example to those everywhere in the view that the American war in southeast
world who suffer today as they have suf- Asia is not only against communism, but
fered in the past. As they were a mil- against the entire U.S. Military Estab-
lenium and a half ago, Christian prin- lishment.
ciples and cultures are again under attack Mr. Speaker, the Gershen article, and
by atheistic barbarians. And even as the others similar to it, point out some as-
Irish people fought the harder when pects of a problem which has vexed our
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aational effort in Vietnam since its in- So long as this war Is to be a subject
oeption Vietnam are subject to one of the great-
. of extensive public debate and soul est public debates ever to accompany an
The problem, bluntly stated, is that searching, it is vital that the informa- American military conflict. If the public
neither in terms of adequacy of journal- tion, the input upon which this process Is to come to a rational and sound con-
Istic coverage nor objectivity are the operates, be as extensive and as accurate elusion on what the American role
American people being given a complete as possible. should be in southeast Asia, it is more
and fair picture of the Vietnam situation The extensive role of television, Mr. important than ever that they be pro-
by the communications industry, and ac- Speaker, in the coverage of the Vietnam- vided with the most complete and ac-
cording to Mr. Gershen much of the ex- ese war has created some new and dif- curate news reporting.
planation for this regrettable state of ferent problems for the news media. Mr. Speaker, I am a fervent believer
affairs lies in the fact that it is very This is the first armed conflict in our in freedom of the press. But freedom of
expensive to send an experienced corre- history in which. television has had a the press has never meant license for the
spondent to Saigon to cover the Viet- substantial role to play in reporting news. press to follow irresponsibly a path that
namese war. For to many newspapers, As a communication medium, there is no is detrimental to the national interests.
the solution has been to hire the budget- question that television has an impact It has been traditional and justifiable
priced, ambitious, young "stringers" who far stronger and more Immediate than that in times or in areas where our na-
have paid their own way to Saigon and anything that has been ever used before. tional security has been endangered
who, in Mr. Gershen's words, will "work This provides an opportunity for vivid some limitation has been placed on the
for peanuts." In many cases these and hard-hitting reporting from battle operation of the news media,
young correspondents are foreign na- zones, reporting which is unprecedented In wartime there have always been
tionals who are emotionally opposed to in wartime news coverage. limiting procedures which the press have
the American presence in southeast Asia. Unfortunately, however, careless use been required to follow in its coverage.
This provocative article, Mr. Speaker, of this medium has the capacity to shock But there has been no permanent damage
dealing with a matter so vital to the and appall rather than to inform. There to the rights of the press as a result of
security of our Nation, has prompted have been more instances when it has these procedures, and I believe that it is
me to make inquiry into its validity, seemed to me that television reporting undeniable that the higher interests of
Mr. Speaker, I have concluded that has featured the sensational and the our country and the American people
there is great cause for concern. It is shocking to the detriment of presenting have been well served by such limita-
revealing to note that, according to the an accurate and balanced report. It is a tions on press coverage.
Department of Defense sources, of the medium of such great impact that it must At the present time restrictions on the
360 American correspondents acredited be used prudently and with factual bal- press in Vietnam are relatively minimal.
by the U.S. Military Assistance Com- ante. No true type of wartime censorship has
mand, Vietnam, only 141-only 141-are Yet another disturbing aspect of the been put in force, despite the fact that
U.S. citizens, news coverage of this war is that so many we are involved in immense military
One hundred and forty-five of these of those who are responsible for keeping operations there. I for one hope that it
correspondents are neither U.S. citizens the American people informed have en- does not become necessary to impose
nor Vietnamese. gaged in destructive criticism of our ef- total censorship on Vietnam news. I
Mr. Gershen in his article speaks of one forts, both military and civilian, in Viet- believe that the American press can act
experience with one of these foreign nam. Criticism, Mr. Speaker, by the responsibly and report the news accu-
correspondents, and I quote from the press is indeed most valuable when it rately without endangering national se-
article: clarifies and enlightens or presents curity.
I remember meeting one of these non- thoughtful alternatives. It is very easy, But if the news media do not demon-
American U.S. correspondents the day after however, for observers to slip into a pat- strate the responsibility and voluntary
the Cam Ne incident. We both were leaving tern of negativism in which every action self-restraint of which I know they are
Da Nang. He was carrying a pouch of tele- is criticized without consideration of capable, then we must be prepared to
vision film, which he was bringing to Saigon. positive alternatives.
I was returning to Pleiku.
consider some form of wartime news
This,
We were picked up at the press camp by I am afraid, is what has hap- censorship, which would include a more
two U.S. enlisted men who were ordered to pened with respect to some coverage of stringent policy toward accreditation of
drive us to the airfield where we were to catch the Vietnam conflict. correspondents, a limitation In access to
a military flight south. The choices which we must make In battle zones, and a scrutiny of the copy
On the way to the airfield my colleague these efforts are not easy. Any relatively ? filed.
began berating the two enlisted men over the close decision will have its proponents
Cam Ne operation, and opponents. The issue, therefore, Bake 200,000 young Americans, M -
He implied that the marines were no beter may be closely balanced. This is the mitted rtoa :00m struggle. COas
than the Gestapo. mitted to the he Vietnam m strugggl le. Vast
"Imagine you Yanks burning a village. I way it always is with difficult problems.
never saw anything like that in my life," said Therefore, criticism of decisions cannot amounts of our wealth and resources
this correspondent, who obviously was too be constructive unless balanced against bating will and protectin to r in-
young
young ever to have covered a war before. alternate decisions which might have ing nd those nd the free our in-
reached. southeast and hsof the free world in
That is the article from the Columbia southeast Asia.
Journalism Review. Too many of the press critics in Saigon
Mr. Speakee, the Pentagonpublic in ?- and in Washington., too, for that matter, We cannot' fool ourselves about the
formation der, th were is so concerned have been content solely to attack the fact that the prestige, the honor, and
about the problem, that is about the lack ultimate decisions taken without either the security of the United States are
of experienced correspondents covering measuring them against the proposed involved in every decision made, in every
of Vietnam war that they ffered to alternatives or proposing new alterna- word written or spoken word regarding
the
tives. This kind of criticism contributes American policies in Vietnam. The
all 10-day expenses for a hat th y or of the pay area
for newsmen. nothing to rational debate. country simply cannot afford distorted,
Eighty-four correspondents went to I should emphasize at this point that biased, innaccurate, incomplete or irre-
ViEighm under this I recognize fully the difficulties the press sponsible war news coverage.
V Department officials, this grog dthe Acccocotrding has has in covering Vietnam, with fronts and If a responsible press operating in a
been some upgrading in the caliber of the define. Presenting a totally balanced news coverage that meets these basic
newsmen being sent to Saigon. picture of what Is happening out there standards, then it can truly be said that
As we all' realize, Mr. Speaker, the is an immense and, I am sure, often a our society and our free traditions are
American people do have questions about frustrating job. But it is precisely be- in jeojardy.
our participation in the Vietnam conflict. cause this war is so complex and per- Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous con-
Therefore, It seems to me to be especially plexing that the press owes to the sent to include the article written by
Important that the American people be American people a higher degree of re- Mr. Martin Gershen, entitled "Press
provided with the best possible informa- sponsibility than ever before. versus Military in Vietnam: a further
tion on the situation in Vietnam. As I suggested earlier, our efforts In view," from the Columbia Journalism
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 March 17, 1966 - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE
Review, in the RECORD immediately fol-
lowing my remarks.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
There was no objection.
PRESS VERSUS MILITARY IN VIETNAM: A FUR-
THER VIEW
(NoTE.-Martin Gershen, who wrote the
following observations, is a feature writer-
photographer for the Newark Star-Ledger,
on leave to study in Columbia's advanced
international reporting program. He cov-
ered the war in Vietnam last summer,)
There is a basic law of journalism which
says that every story should have at least
two sides.
Yet, in too many reports involving censor-
ship in Vietnam, the press seems to have the
last word.
And that word leaves the reader--or view-
er-at home no alternatlic but to assume
that the American war in southeast Asia
not only is against communism, but against
the entire U.S. Military Establishment.
In an article, "Censorship and Cam Ne," by
Richard Rustiri, which appeared in the fall
1965, issue of the Columbia Journalism
Review, the writer made some attempt at
giving both sides of the controversy that
continues between the press and the brass.
But one had to read carefully and dig
deeply to learn that the possibility exists
that the press may be partly to blame for its
troubles with the censors.
Edward P. Morgan suggested this possibil-
ity when he was quoted as saying there was
a "passel" of young stringers in Vietnam who
are trying to become the Ernie Pyles of, this
war by baiting military officials at press
briefings.
But generally the article seemed to con-
sist of quotations from one famous byliner
after another who self-righteously attacked
censorship in Vietnam and blamed the mili-
tary for shackling the free press.
One of the more disturbing quotations
was reported to have been made by UPI for-
eign news analyst Phil Newsom, who said:
"It is doubtful * * * If the story of U.S.
Marines burning a village near Da Nang
ever would have come out. if newsmen had
not seen it."
Newsom, of course, was referring to a CBS
television report of the burning of Cam Ne-
a report which aroused much controversy at
home because it suggested that marines
arbitrarily burn Vietnamese villages. He im-
plied that a hard-digging U.S. press corps
took on a hard-to-get-along-with U.S. Marine
Corps and uncovered a terrible secret.
If this were true, then bully for the news-
men.
But it wasn't true. The fact is that it is
doubtful if newsmen ever would have seen
the village razed if It weren't for the U.S.
Marines inviting them to the burning.
I was at the Da Nang press camp when the
Marine invitation was extended. I turned it
down because I had a previous commitment
to go on an air raid aboard a B-57 fighter
bomber. The squadron took newsmen on
flights one day a week.
The real reason for burning Cam We, of
course, was that it was a Vietcong stronghold
and William F. Buckley, Jr., who also was
quoted In the Rustin aritcle, made this point
clear.
To report properly the story of the Marine
operation at Cam Ne would have meant ex-
plaining that villages and their civilian
populations playa key role In guerrilla war-
fare.
This is the why of the story, which of
course is too complicated to make a good
lead.
One of the major problems facing U.S.
forces in Vietnam is being able to distinguish
friend from foe,
The Marines, like all the services there,
are aware too that they must win the people
if they are to win the war and they lean over
backward to avoid antagonizing local popu-
lations.
It must have taken Marine Intelligence a
long time to determine for certain that Cam
We was a Vietcong stronghold.
Then, when they decided to destroy the
village, they invited the press to come along.
Is it any wonder that they becam$ annoyed
when stories of their operation depicted ma-
rines as no better than SS troops who burned
villages and pushed around women, children,
and old men?
But, even more annoying to military men
in Vietnam is the caliber of many of the
correspondents out there.
A ranking Pentagon officer observed re-
cently that editors told him they were having
difficulty getting good newsmen to cover
Vietnam.
The problem. he said, was money. It costs
about $1,300 round trip to fly a newsman to
the other end of the world and for that
amount of cash you would expect him to stay
for a while.
But if he Is an experienced newsman he
has a wife and family so the news service
would have to bring them along and settle
them in Hong Kong or Bangkok.
Add periodic trips for the newsman to his
family, additional life and accident insur-
ance, education expenses for the kids and war
becomes an unprofitable news story.
As a result, the Pentagon officer said,
"American news services are hiring people
out there they would never touch at home."
It's obviously cheaper to pick up a passel
of young stringers who have already paid
-their way to Vietnam and who will work for
peanuts.
In an effort to encourage the U.S. press to
cover the war in Vietnam, the Defense De-
partment last year flew 84 newsmen to south-
east Asia.
"We did it, frankly, to prime the pump,"
the Pentagon officer said.
The military believed that by encouraging
more newsmen to come to Vietnam, compe-
tition would become keener, resulting in less
sensational stories and in more straight re-
porting.
The project was discontinued last summer
as escalation of the war began in earnest be-
cause "we reasoned the American press was
interested enough to pay its own way to
Vietnam."
It didn't work out that way.
Of the 106 civilian news organizations from
around the world who were represented In
Vietnam last August, about 40 were Ameri-
can. Of the 260 newsmen present, approxi-
mately 175 were American.
Three months later, in November, the num-
ber of news organizations in Vietnam had
Increased to 136 but the proportion of U.S.
services to the total rose less than 10 percent
while U.S. troop strength had increased by
the tens of thousands.
Of the 296 accredited newsmen covering
the war, fewer than half were Americans.
Foreign newsmen were hired by nearly all the
American media. In some of the larger or-
ganizations 20 to 60 percent of the staff was
foreign.
In the last 2 weeks of 1965, the number of
U.S. services and staffers had begun to in-
crease slightly, according to a Pentagon
official.
Obviously, a certain number of foreign
newsmen are needed on American staffs to
overcome language barriers. The rest prob-
ably are hired to overcome budgetary prob-
lems.
I remember meeting one of these non-
American U.S. correspondents the day after
the Cam No incident. We both were leaving
Da Nang. He was carrying a pouch of tele-
5911
vision film, which he was bringing to Saigon.
I was returning to Pleiku.
We were picked up at the press camp by
two U.S. enlisted men who were ordered to
drive us to the airfield where we were to
catch a military flight south.
On the way to the airfield my colleague
began berating the two enlisted men over the
Cam Ne operation.
He implied that the Marines were no bet-
ter than the Gestapo.
"Imagine you Yanks burning a village.
'I never saw anything like that in my life,"
said this correspondent, who obviously was
too young ever to have covered a war before.
Enlisted men are taught to treat civilians
with respect, especially if they are from the
press. The two GI's looked at each other
but said nothing.
I tried, at first, to keep from getting in-
volved, because we newspapermen have to
stick together even if we're wrong.
But his criticism continued and finally I
said, "For Christ's sake, shut up."
He looked at me in surprise. Then he
said, partly as an explanation, partly as an
appeal to my journalistic loyalties and partly
to get the last word in:
"But I actually saw a Marine push an old
man around."
I thought of the night I had spent with a
Marine company surrounded in a jungle out-
post by 300 Vietcong. I remembered the next
morning walking down a road with a Marine
sergeant who smiled at all the villagers he
met because he couldn't tell the good guys
from the bad guys and he didn't want to an-
tagonize friendly Vietnamese.
I thought what a crazy, mixed-up war this
is, where you can't tell the front from the
rear, Vietcong from Vietnamese, civilians
from soldiers. I turned to this young cor-
respondent and very gently said:
"Look, it was a Vietcong village. How did
you expect the Marines to handle that situ-
ation?"
He hesitated for a moment, then said,
"Why don't you Yanks get out of Vietnam?"
And If he is typical of U.S. press repre-
sentation in Vietnam, then the military
people there have been very kind to us.
THE POVERTY PROGRAM IN SANTA
CLARA COUNTY, CALIF.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from California [Mr. GUSSER] is
recognized for 30 minutes.
(Mr. GUBSER asked and was given
permission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, as I
pointed out to the House yesterday in
a special order, the poverty program in
Santa Clara County, part of which I
am privileged to represent, is in danger
of ending in dismal failure, due to the
fact that it has been infiltrated by left-
wing extremist groups.
As a result of this infiltration, re-
sponsible, substantial, and capable citi-
zens, without whom the poverty pro-
gram cannot possibly succeed, are leav-
ing the program. in frustration and in
disgust.
In an effort to do something to as-
sure that the worthwhile objectives of
the poverty program can be achieved
and save it from failure in Santa Clara
County, I asked the Director of the Office
of Economic Opportunity, Mr. Sargent
Shriver, on last Wednesday, to
thoroughly investigate the program in
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE March 17, 1966
Santa Clara County. As yet I have not
received a reply from Mr. Shriver.
I would point out that the criticism
leveled at the poverty program in Santa
Clara County has not diminished, while
Mr. Shriver has been considering my re-
quest for a thorough, complete, im-
partial, and unbiased investigation of
the program.
Yesterday .I read into the RECORD all
article by Mr. Harry Farrell, the distin-
guished political reporter for the San
Jose Mercury and News, which was the
first of a four-part series. Today, as
further evidence in the continuing expose
of a left-wing and right-wing infiltration
into the poverty program in Santa Clara
County, I would like to read the second of
that series into the RECORD. I quote
from the article which appeared in this
morning's San Jose Mercury in San Jose,
Calif.:
The doorbell rang on February 23 at the
Sigma P1 house, in the "fraternity row" dis-
trict east of San Jose State College, and was
answered by one of the brothers, 19-year-old
Garth Steen.
Thereupon began one of the wackiest epi-
sodes in the whole Alice-in-Wonderland ex-
istence of the Santa Clara County Economic
Opportunity Commission.
The caller was a war-on-poverty canvasser,
assigned to go door to door, turning out the
poor for a meeting that night at EOC head-
quarters.
Fraternity man Steen estimates that the
annual income of his family, in the Central
Valley, is probably in the five-figure range.
But since he himself is a college kid not reg-
ularly employed, his personal income last
year was only around $800. That made him
poor in the eyes of the EOC.
It is one thing for San Jose State College
students to receive poverty war work study
jobs, to help them work their way through
college. It is quite another thing for these
youngsters-including undergraduates not
yet old enough to vote-to be voted onto the
boards which actually call the shots for the
EOC.
Yet that is what is happening and the rad-
ical fringes of the San Jose State College
student body are moving into the program
like gangbusters.
Because Steen had heard a lot about the
war on poverty and had some questions
about it, he decided to attend the meeting to
which the canvasser invited him.
When he showed up that evening, it
turned out that the business at hand was
to elect the representatives, delegates and
alternates for the EOC in two subareas in
East San Jose's area 4. These people would
help run the area 4 service center, with a
budget of about $122,000 and the stated
purpose of coordinating all services for the
poor within its territory. They would also
elect the area 4 poverty representatives on
the countywide EOC board.
Steen learned that his fraternity house
residence was in subarea 13, bounded by
East Santa Clara, 10th, William and 17th
Streets, which had an estimated population
of 3,975.
According to EOC philosophy, the spokes-
men for the poor in this subarea, embracing
35 city, blocks, should have been chosen by
the town meeting techniques of pure democ-
racy. The policy was to have the broadest
possible participation.
Well then, what teeming masses turned
out for the subarea 13 election?
They consisted of exactly three men:
Steen; Donald Kantor, a San Jose State
College freshman from Atherton; and
William T. Fitzhugh of 485 South 12th
Street.
Since there were three EOC jobs to be
filled-representative, delegate, and alter-
nate-it was just a matter of dividing the
spoils.
Steen, who had scarcely given the local
antipoverty war any serious thought before
he went to the meeting, returned to the
Sigma Pi house that night as the EOC's sub-
area 13 representative, duly elected for a 3-
year term. By the time it ends, he will be
old enough to vote.
Kantor became Steen's alternate, and
Fitzhugh became the elected delegate to
help choose the area 4 spokesman on the
countywide EOC board.
The real irony lies in the past political
affiliations of Steen and Fitzhugh.
Steen is a stalwart of the Young Ameri-
cans for Freedom (YAP). He says he is
essentially an average Republican (or will
be, when he's old enough), but at YAF
headquarters, where the prevailing attitude
is somewhere to the right of Goldwater,
they're chuckling about how they got "their
man" Into the EOC without even trying.
Fitzhugh, by contrast, last year offered
the use of his home and 'telephone to the
"Individuals for Non-Violent Revolution."
INVR put out an "end the draft" dodger
about the time of the Vietnam Day demon-
strations in Berkeley, assailing the Selective
Service Act as a violation of the constitu-
tional ban on slavery and involuntary servi-
tude. The dodger bore the same address
and telephone number now listed for Fitz-
hugh in EOC records: 485 South 12th Street,
295-3407.
"Bill Fitzhugh" also appears as a signer
of the "Support Stanton on Vietnam" ad
that ran last year when Assemblyman Wil-
liam F. Stanton's opposition to the war was
a flaming issue. The advertisement, as men-
tioned Wednesday, was sponsored by At-
torney John Thorne, who was active in con-
cert with Fred Hirsch in the maneuvering
that ousted former EOC Director Arthur
Potts. Hirsch's wife, Virginia, works in the
Thorne-Stanton law office, incidentally.
If the EOC election in subarea 13 was a
farce, the one for subarea 9, just to the
west, appears to have been-in the famous
phrase of Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty-
"stacked, rigged, wired, and packed."
About a dozen persons showed up for the
subarea 9 meeting, held concurrently with
the subarea 13 election. Most of them were
recognized as the inner circle of campus
radicals at San Jose State: the "friends of.
SNICK," the antidraft "Students for a
Democratic Society (SDS)," the bearded
beatnik types.
Steen asked some of these SNICK peo-
ple if they knew Hirsch, who by this time
was popping up everywhere in EOC affairs,
and they said, "Sure, he's working with us
all the time."
One of those who turned out for the
subarea 9 election was John Hansen, men-
tioned Wednesday as the literary editor of
the leftwing "New Student," and admitted
destroyer of civil defense shelter signs.
The outcome of the subarea 9 election
was predictable: The college leftists took
over.
Elected to the 3-year term as representa-
tive was goateed Raymond Ashley, who was
one of the recent antinapalm demonstra-
tors against United. Technology Corp. The
chosen delegate was Tom Linebarger, well
known campus leftist.
Ashley's alternate for subarea 9 is Irene
Clark, a graduate student at San Jose State
College.
Thus Ashley, Miss Clark, and Linebarger
constitute the EOC representation of the
poor for an area of about 50 city blocks, with
a population of 4,916.
Since these Spartan students were elected
to represent the poor in the poverty war, the
students, as such, were theoretically without
representation. So it was decided that the
area 4 board should have a student at largo
too. He is Armando Velez.
But there was still another opening for a
representative at large on the board, and this
also was snagged off by a student, Billy Bates
Cole. Last year he was treasurer of SNICK.
in which Hirsch is so active, and he took part
in the antinapalm demonstration at UTC.
Cole pops up all over in the war on poverty,
both as board member and beneficiary. In
his role as a student, he has been assigned
under the work-study program to assist the
Mexican-American project of the community
council at $2 an hour.
Another San Jose State College student
with more than one poverty war capacity is
Lee Garrett, who served on the EO'C's area 4
planning and work committee. He is also
on a work-study assignment to the Uni-
versity of California Institute of Govern-
mental Studies. He was another signer of
the "Support Stanton on Vietnam" ad.
If the far-left establishment has scored
some notable successes in capturing sensitive
outposts of the antipovery war, the right-
wing-conservative establishment has demon-
strated the same capability.
Last year when the EOC set about orga-
nizing its area 6 committee to fight poverty
in Saratoga, Monte Serene, Los Gatos,
Cupertino, Campbell and way points, the
conservative element so active in that part
of the county got busy with a telephone
campaign.
Insiders insist that no formal or delib-
erate action was taken, within any orga-
nized Republican or conservative group re-
garding intervention in the EOC. But as
one source said, "it is true that friends will
call friends," and there was at least one
caucus among conservatives where a plan
of action was worked opt."
The end result of this action was that
when the first area6 KOC council was elected
last November 22 its 18 members included at
least 16 Republicans of varying degrees of
conservatism.
Among them were five members of the
Cupertino Republican Assembly (who state-
wide parent organization is currently run
by the rightwing), including three of the
group's board members: Charles Hinton,
Fumio Toya and Wally Phelps.
The conservative United Republicans of
California (UROC) was also represented with
at least three delegates: Vera Ladd, Bill Ellis,
and Wendell Hammon.
One delegate elected from the Saratoga
area was Mrs. Diane Ravlzza, whose husband
Eugene, was Santa Clara County cochair-
man of the Goldwater-for-President cam-
paign.
Accordingly to knowledgeable sources, pos-
sibly 2 of the 18 EOC board members chosen
in the November 22 area 6 election were
members of the John Birch Society. The one
known member is Max Kernaghan, a Birch
chapter leader.
One other delegate, Mrs. Mary Rice, is the wife of a former Bircher, Houston Rice,
though she is not a member of the society
herself. There is also one delegate who has
attended some Birch meetings but has not
joined the society.
For a number of reasons, the EOC refused
to recognize the controversial board which
included these people. A new area 6 ad hoc
committee was formed to get the West Valley
program back on the track. It is still trying.
That concludes the second installment
on the poverty program in Santa Clara
County as written by columnist Harry
Farrell for the San Jose Mercury and
San Jose News. I read it into the RECORD
to emphasize again the point I have been
trying to make repeatedly in past weeks,
namely, that this program in my con-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD = HOUSE March 17, 1966
als. There is no national reading service
they could use except for the embossed
and recorded books provided through the
Library of Congress, but unless they are
blind they are not at present eligible.
There is practically no library service
available.to the 600,000 individuals whose
eyesight is so poor that they cannot read
newsprint, even with glasses. About
4,700 persons have lost both arms or the
use of them. Some 8,000 persons have
lost 411 their fingers, and 1,600 persons
are in iron lungs or other respiratory de-
vices which make ordinary reading diffi-
cult or impossible. There are also about
750,000 victims of multiple sclerosis,
muscular dystrophy, cerebral palsy,
Parkinson's disease, and other crippling
ailments who are so disabled that han-
dling books, magazines, and newspapers
is. impossible or extremely difficult.
It is shocking-a case of sad neglect-
that, as the law stands now, only the
400,000 blind out of those 2 million han-
dicapped persons are eligible to be served
through the national books-for-the-blind
,program.
Several bills to extend that service to
the near-blind,. to quadriplegics, and to
various other handicapped groups have
been introduced during the 89th Con-
gress and are now before us. The
amendment I propose today would ac-
complish, I believe, the major aims of
these bills. It would permit the Library
of Congress to procure reading materials
in appropriate forms, and the necessary
machines for their use, and to distribute
them to nonprofit agencies and organi-
zations in the States for loan to any per-
son so physically handicapped that he
cannot read or use the kind of printed
materials you and I can borrow from our
local public library. To prevent any
possible abuse of the program, the
amendment provides that this disability
be certified by competent medical au-
thority, just as blindness must now be
certified.
The amendment would also permit the
Library of Congress to contract with
agencies or organizations iri the States
when services could not otherwise be
provided. Such contracting would prob-
ably not be necessary; however, if the
same kind of incentives are. given the
States to, provide library services to the
handicapped as have been given them
under the Library Services and Construc-
tion Act to improve regular public library
services, first in rural areas and then
throughout the States.
The bill to, extend and amend the Li-
brary Services and Construction Act that
has been introduced in the House of Rep-
resentatives by Representative FoGARTY
(H.R. 13697) contains provision for
"State plans for library services to the
handicapped." Senator LISTER HILL'S
bill (S. 3076), introduced in the other
body, contains the same provision. Un-
der such plans, States would receive
Federal grants to help them inaugurate
or expand such services to meet the
needs of then million unfortunate.han-
dicapped I have described. Although the
blind have had service through the co-
operating State and local libraries, those
libraries have had to bear the entire
cost of staff, equipment, and buildings,
even though the books for the blind are
free. As a result, the service, with the
best will in the world, has often been of
uneven quality because there have been
many unfilled needs for library service
and the blind have had to compete for
their share. Only about 100,000 of the
400,000 blind in'the country now benefit
from the program. In Texas, for exam-
ple, the number of blind using the pro-
gram increased 30 percent last year, but,
even so, this represents use by only 16
percent of the estimated 30,500 blind in
my State. More of the blind through-
out the country would like to have this
library service and those who now have
it need more reading materials and bet-
ter service. Passage of Representative
FOGARTY'S and Senator HILL'S bills
would, upon approval of State plans,
obligate the States to step up their li-
brary services to the handicapped in
general and would earmark for this cer-
tain supporting Federal funds.
This provision in Representative Fo-
GARTY'S and Senator HILL'S bills make
introduction of my amendment particu-
larly timely, and even necessary, because
the reading materials for the handi-
capped would largely be furnished
through the Library of Congress. But,
whether or not this provision becomes a
part of the Library Services and Con-
struction Act, and I hope it does, I believe
that the act governing the Library's
books-for-the-blind program should be
amended to make it possible for the Li-
brary to furnish reading materials and
machines to the States for the use of the
physically handicapped who cannot use
conventional books, magazines, and
newspapers.
In'our concern for improving the wel-
fare and education of all our citizens, we
must not neglect the needs of these
handicapped to whom the information,
the solace, and the inspiration from read-
OF THREE POSSIBLE ENDINGS TO
PRESENT WAR IN SOUTHEAST
ASIA ONLY ONE WILL BRING PER-
MANENT PEACE
(Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr.
EDMONDSON) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, one of the
distinguished citizens of Florida who has
been a long time and eminent leader of
the United Nations Association and a
strong supporter of the United Nations
Is Col. Frank M. Dunbaugh. Colonel
Dunbaugh is a man of broad knowledge
of and deep interest in international af-
fairs. He is a student of the world and
has traveled extensively abroad, recently
in Asia. Colonel' Dunbaugh on January
31 delivered an able address to the Mi-
ami-Coral Gables United Nations Asso-
ciation. I believe that address deserves
the thoughtful consideration of my col-
leagues and of all those who read this
RECORD. I, therefore, place Colonel Dun- .
baugh's address immediately after 'my
remarks :
Or THREE POSSIBLE ENDINGS TO PRESENT,WAR
IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ONLY ONE WILL BRING
PERMANENT PEACE
(Speech to Miami-Coral Gables United Na-
tions Association by Frank Dunbaugh,
Jan. 31, 1966)
Now that immediate peace through ne-
gotiation appears to be eluding us, the war
in Vietnam offers three possible endings.
Of these only one will bring permanent
peace to southeast Asia.
The total population of this turbulent
area exceeds those of the United States and
Canada combined.
On a recent trip I found Filipinos ready
to fight Malaysia and Indonesia over Borneo
but fearing an attack from Red China be-
cause of our using bases in the Philippines
to bomb North Vietnam. Cambodia is on
the brink of war with South Vietnam and
the United States because of border infrac-
tions by both sides. Despite impressive
U.S. military support Thailand is plagued
by infiltrations and revolutions in its north-
ern provinces. Laos is already a battle-
ground. Riot and revolution drove our
party out of Indonesia. We found the air-
port,in Rangoon jammed with Indians being
driven out of Burma by the pro-Communist
government. Many Burmese and Indonesian
families are quitting southeast Asia in fear
of turmoil and terror.
With disorder and unrest spreading from
Bali to Burma a U.S. military victory in
South Vietnam may prove to be only a
pause.
What shall we in the United States do
in this situation?
Roughly stated, we have three choices :
SOLUTION NO. 1
We can decide that southeast Asia is not
our affair. Its problems are too complex,
too far away. Orientals do not think as
we do. Pull out of Vietnam. Pull out of
southeast Asia. Leave them to handle their
own affairs.
Suppose we follow solution No. 1 which
has great appeal for many of us," what will
happen? Our President's advisers believe
that Red China will get . its clutches on
all of Indochina. Then Mao will grab India
to. the west, the Philippines, Indonesia and
even Australia to the southeast. Thus Com-
munist China will blow itself up into an
unbeatable empire, the most gigantic in
all history, an octopus holding more than
half the world's population in its tentacles.
I am not in accord.
Communism will gain ground throughout
Asia of course, but I do not believe that
the peoples of southeast Asia, after throw-
ing out the Japs, then the French, then
the Americans will submit slavishly to domi-
nation by the Chinese, whom most of them
loathe. One Vietcong leader said to an
American war correspondent, "If the Chinese
try to take us over we shall fight them just as
we are fighting you now."
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March 17, 1966 CONGRTSSIONAL RI;GOR,D - HOUSE 5941
pr..Sadusk also said that Wyeth Labora-
tories had received a report of the eye diffi-
culties from one of its physician investiga
tore I A December 1964, but didn't submit this
ormatior to the FDA until a Governrinent
meeting with industry representataives in
November 19.65.
Dr Sadusk also offered some self-criti-
cism; he said. his bureau's medical officers in
the late spring of 1:965 were aware that DMSO
was. being widely distributed for unauthor-
ized uses, but immediate action to bring
the situation under control was not taken."
Dr. Sadusk added that there were sufficient
legal grounds at that time to halt DMSO
testing.
[From the Baltimore (Md.) News American,
Mar. 9, 1966]
HOUSE PROBERS CITE RISKS-DRve TEST GAPS
CHARGED TO FDA
,(By Leslie H. Whitten)
WASHINGTON, March 9.-House investi-
gators called on the Food and Drug Admin-
istration today to explain why two contro-
versial drugs-one an oral contraceptive-
were tested on humans before animal tests
were completed.
In both cases, serious side effects on the
animals were reported: Breast cancer with
the contraceptive MK-665 and eye damage
with the much bally-hooed drug DMSO. No
human cancer has turned ug; but three
humans reportedly died after DMSO was ad-
ministered to them.
The hearings today were before the In-
tergovernmental Relations Subcommittee,
headed by Representative L. H. FOUNTAIN,
Democrat, of North Carolina.
On the carpet were FDA Commissioner Dr.
James L. Goddard; FDA Medical Director
Joseph F. Sadusk; and Dr. Frances O. Kelsey,
investigational drug chief who kept the baby
deforming drug thalidomide off the American
market.
Dr. Goddard, who succeeded the much-
criticized George P. Larrick only a month
ago, had new proposals ready for the commit-
tee today to protect humans from potentially
dangerous experimental drugs.
They would tighten up FDA regulations to
make sure thorough animal testing was com-
pleted before humans were used as guin:
-pigs for new and experimental drugs.
The committee, in preliminary probes,
showed little or no basis for the general pub-
lic belief that dogs, rabbits, pigs, and other
animals are always studied for new drug
reactions before humans get the drugs.
The committee probers developed for the
2 days of current hearings these facts, many
of them already made public by the FDA.
The MK-665 contraceptive was given to 30
dogs in ddses 26 to 40 times bigger than
human dosages by weight. After 27 weeks,
six dogs were examined and there was evi-
dence of abnormal cell growth, but no cancer.
After 52 weeks, six more dogs were ? exam-
ined; two had breast cancer, a third a benign
tumor and a fourth abnormal cell growth.
But 340 women already had been given the
pill in four different cities-some as long as
6 months before the drug was withdrawn.
The pharmaceutical firm which made MK-
665 plans a followup study on the women.
Chemical makeup of the pill Is different from
pills now on the market.
DMSO was hailed only 3 years ago as a
miracle drug for arthritis, skin diseases.
headaches, and as a piggyback drug for get-
ting other medicine into the system.
More than 1,000 medical investigators were,
using It experimentally on 54,600 or more
people when an langlish laboratory discov-
ered rabbits, dogs, and pdgs got serious eye
disorders after taking DMSO.
WORLD FOOD SHORTAGE .
-(Mr. OLSEN of Montana (at the re-
quest of Mr. EDMONDSON) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this,
point in the RECORD and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. OLSEN of Montana. Mr. Speaker,
in the years before World War II, Asia,
Africa, and Latin America supplied the
Industrial countries of the Northern
Hemisphere with about 11 million tons
of food products a year. Today, the in-
dustrial north supplies the underde-
veloped southern part of the world with
more than 25 million tons of grains
annually.
This complete reversal of Interna-
tional trade in food products underlines
a fundamental fact in the world today.
That fact is, that the poor nations of the
world are getting poorer in their ability
to feed themselves.
Today, the only significant exporter
of grains other than the United States
and Canada, are Australia andNew Zea-
land, and these two countries are farm-
ing at near capacity. The conclusion is
that the North American farms have
become the world's last granary.
This has ominous forbodings for the
undeveloped countries of the world, and
the leaders of these areas are painfully
aware of the impending food shortage
which they face.
But even for America, the world's food
shortage has a great meaning, for the
test of a nation's power in the years to
come may be determined as much by its
capacity to produce food, as by its abil-
ity to manufacture arms. The United
States has been called a great power be-
cause of its vast industrial strength.
Yet, in many ways, the power to pro-
duce food is just as important.
But, Mr. Speaker, while there is a
growing responsibility upon the North
American farmer; there is a great dan-
ger that our great capabilities will be not
enough to meet the need of the future.
The food output per capita in the last
5 years has dropped 3 percent in Asia,
and 7 percent in Latin America. If this
trend continues, our farm surplus will
be wiped out, and our productive capa-
bilities will be severely challenged.
In light of these facts, Mr. Speaker, I
believe it is time to take a long, hard
look at the restrictions we have imposed
upon our farmers. Perhaps the time has
come for production incentives, rather
than production restraints. The stand-
ard of living of the American farmer is
our first loyalty. But America cannot
and will not, stand aside while the rest
of the?world suffers In mass starvation.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS BOOKS-
FOR-THE-BLIND PROGRAM
(Mr. BURLESON (at the request of
Mr. EDMONDSON) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. BURLESON. Mr. Speaker, I am
introducing today a bill to amend title 2,
section 135,. of the United States Code,
which authorizes a program to provide
reading materials for the blind of the
United States, its territories, and posses-
sions. -
This program, which is administered
by the Library of Congress, has been in
existence since 1931. It reaches into and
renders a fine service to every one of our
States, as I know from my longtime
experience as chairman or vice chairman
of the Joint Committee on the Library.
It is a highly appreciated program,
through which books in raised charac-
ters-chiefly in braille-and "talking
books"-books recorded on disks or on
magnetic tape-and the machines on
which to play the records are procured by
the Division for the Blind of the Library
of Congress.
The books are distributed through 32
cooperating libraries designated as re-
gional libraries. The Texas State library
serves the blind of my State. The ma-
chines are lent to the blind by State
agencies for the blind. In Texas this is
done by the State commission for the
blind. The materials and the machines
are lent without charge and the books
may be sent free through the mails, be-
cause this is a service to the blind which
Congress decided many years ago should
be made possible by the Federal Govern-
ment.
Over the years, the act has been
amended to cover blind children as well
as adults and to provide additional types
of materials, such as talking books-as
well as books in braille, which older peo-
ple have difficulty in learning to read-
musical scores, and instructional texts.
There is nothing wrong with this serv-
ice as far as it goes-quite the contrary-
but Members of Congress have been hear-
ing from many sources that it does not
go far enough. Under the present act,
not even the near blind are eligible to use
materials produced for the books-for-
the-blind program; and other handi-
capped persons who, for a variety of rea-
sons, cannot read or use conventional
printed materials unfortunately are also
excluded.
According to figures obtained from the
National Center for Health Statistics
and various national foundations con-
cerned, there are about 2 million per-
sons in this country who cannot read
ordinary printed books, magazines, and
newspapers because of impaired eyesight
or other physical factors which make
them unable to manipulate such materi-
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 What our quitting southeast Asia will Solution No. 3, does not contemplate turn-
bring about is fantastic confusion, plus sev- ing any part of southeast Asia over to the
eral curious varieties of local communism in communists, nor even letting upon the pro-
Burma, Cambodia, Laos, both Vietnams, In- secution of the war in South Vietnam. It
donesia, probably Thailand and the Philip- does involve using Christian and Buddhist
pines. It will breed continued strife between ethics to bring about lasting peace through-
petty dictators, internecine slaughter, spas- out the entire region. "Love Thy
medic rebellions and finally chaos. Our Neighbor Jesus taught his followers,
Thyself." Buddha taught, "For-
whole world will worsen as a result. give your enemies. Be friendly toward all.
soiox NO. 2 Instead of relying wholly on annihiliating
Fight the war in Vietnam through to vic- the Vietcong armies in battle, this solution
tory, whatever it costs. Then under the suggests that we urge the United Nations
guise of advisers we can station U.S. troops to start now helping souheastern Asians Or-
in North and South Vietnam, Laos, Cam- ganize teams of Christians and Buddhists
bodia, Burma, Thailand, possibly Indonesia who will confer with officials, priests, teach-
until these states are ready to function as ers, farmers in Laos, Thailand, Burma, Ma-
democracies in the western sense of the word. laysia, Cambodia, both Vietnams explaining
Some spokesmen in our State and Defense how peaceful cooperation can bring about
Departments are already talking of our oc- a better life for every man, woman and child
cupying southeast Asia for 20 years. in southeast Asia.
What does history tell us about such op- While laying this groundwork among those
erations? who can obstruct or aid us, and who have
The Romans distinguished themselves as the most to gain from genuine peace, let
i istrators of conquered uietl urge that the United Nations
n
d
Y
5943
million people for at least a generation; (3)
while continuing to prosecute the war in
South Vietnam to the fullest, we can spark
the United Nations into laying the ground-
work for peaceful cooperation in rehabilita-
ing southeast Asia with the people of that
area working together, aided by the United
Nations.
In this way we shall undermine the hold
of the Vietcong on the people of southeast
Asia by convincing farmers and villagers that
the defeat of North Vietnam and Vietcong
forces will not lead to a U.S. military dicta-
torship, but to a southeast Asia for south-
east Asians living in peaceful independent
freedom.
In judo you use your opponent's strength
to overthrow him. This program uses the
emotions which started the war to end it.
(Mr.. PEPPER (at the request of Mr.
EDMONDSON) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. PEPPER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
m
us Cl
Wise and able a
territories and yet the Bible reveals how assemble a group of nonpolitical leaders of
fervently they were hated. The same may be southeast Asia, including North Vietnam,
said of the British and the French. They plus observers from other nations, inviting
transformed India and Indochina from a Communist China to send representatives.
hassle of barbaric tribes into a group of rea- Even though North Vietnam and Red China
sonably well governed states. Yet the hatred may refuse to cooperate, the impetus to-
they generated more than half a century ago ward forging a genuine and permanent peace
is a burning force in Asia today. will have a telling effect because this effort
We stationed V.S. Marines in Haiti from will be spearheaded by people from south-
1915. to 1936; in Nicaragua from 1912 to 1925; east Asia not other parts of the world. These
in Santo Domingo from 1916 to 1924. What leaders will start at once making prepara-
have been the results? Haiti has dropped tions for creating one of the world's great
-back into' government by voodooism. The agricultural centers out of nature's bounty
.other two became military dictatorships soon on the peninsula and islands of southeast
after we left. We all know what has been Asia. First of course, will be the Mekong
happening recently in Santo Domingo. Valley project which will bind Laos, Cam-
Meanwhile our actions engendered fear and bodia, Thailand, and Vietnam together in
dislike throughout Latin America. one enormously productive rice bowl.
As Christians and truly patriotic Amer- Native Indochinese speaking local dialects
icans, let us make sure that we do not drift will use slides, radio, movies, pamphlets,
into solution No. 2 just because we have not from Punch planes -and shows, most the all their own telecasts-
Planned ahead.
Before, discussing solution No. 3, let us re- sonalities-to spark the imaginations of the
view briefly the background of the present ordinary people of southeast Asia with what
situation in southeast Asia. - they can create themselves with help from
Southeast Asia's history has always been their neighbors through the United Nations.
one of wars, conquerors, slaves in rebellion To woo the Vietnamese away from the
against emperors and priests. During the Vietcong leaders _we must make it plain to
early 19th century new invaders, lordly white them that this will not be a U.S. aid pro
Europeans, sailed into southeast Asia with gram. It will be an international missionary
powerful weapons and advanced techniques. effort in the highest tradition of Christian-
The native populations accepted the shackles ity and Buddhism a truly Godly undertaking.
of these overbearing white masters as the will Any help we give will be through the
of the gods. Then during World War II the United Nations and its affiliates. The U.N.'s
Japanese drove the white men out of south- Economic Commission for Asia and the Far
east Asia in one swift, brutal sweep. has already the planning stage. Mekong Meet
That ended Asian awe of the whites. When project beyond
Japan was finally defeated, Indochina re- ings are also already being held to further
fused to put its neck back into the yoke of the establishment of an Asian Development
French colonialism. Meanwhile India ob- Bank similar to the Inter-American Develop-
tained its independence from Britain. We ment Bank in the Western Hemisphere.
gave independence to-the Philippines. The By showing what the Mekong River project
United States and the United Nations per- can accomplish in boosting rice produc-
suaded the Dutch to turn political control tion and other aids to the economy it may
of Indonesia over to the Indonesians. even be possible to convince the rulers of
Frankly none of these areas was ready for Communist China that they can obtain more
Independence. Today jingoism, communism, food for their people through peaceful co-
even beatnikism are breezing across south- operation with the independent nations of
east Asia ferreting out pockets of discon- southeast Asia than they can by spreading
tent. The whole area gives ugly indications war and pestilence throughout the area
of increasing turmoil in the years ahead, fighting to gain political control.
Walter Lippmann maintains that we are con- To summarize: Our involvement in south-
fronted by one of the greatest upheavals east Asia can be resolved in three ways:.(1)
in the history of mankind. Back of it is We can pull out leaving the entire area open
the undisciplined determination of the peo- to internecine slaughter or domination by
ple of southeast Asia to rid themselves of Ri China; (2) wet can figh through
tight then police total 230
outside control.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legisla-
tive program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted'to:
Mr. CURTIS, for 30 minutes, today.
Mr. BOLAND, for 30 minutes, on March
21; and to revise and extend his remarks.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee) and
to revise and extend their remarks and
include extraneous matter:)
Mr. QUIE, for 5 minutes, today.
Mr. GOODELL, for 60 minutes, today.
Mr. GUBSER, for 60 minutes, on Mon-
day, March 21.
Mr. ROONEY of New York (at the re-
quest of Mr. EDMONDSON), for 15 minutes,
today; to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks
was granted to:
Mr. O'NEILL of Massachusetts to revise
and extend remarks and include extra-
neous matter in remarks made today.
Mr. WRIGHT and to include extraneous
matter.
Mr. MILLER in five instances and to
include extraneous matter.
Mr. BROOKS.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee) and
to include extraneous matter:)
Mr. GUBSER.
Mr. QUILLEN.
Mr. MATHIAS in three instances.
Mr. HOSMER in three instances.
Mr. BOB WILSON.
Mr. MCCLORY.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE 41 March
the,. accounting furnished the committee by
the Department of State a list of the individ-
ual Members and staff members who traveled
overseas, the cost of overseas transportation
furnished by public carrier, and the identifi-
cation of the agency of the U.S. Government
furnishing transportation while overseas:
Mr, DUNCAN,of Tennessee.
Mr, MooRE in four instances.
Mr. WYATT,
Mr. WIDNALL in two instances.
Mr. Bow in five instances.
,(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. EDMONDSON) and to include
extraneous matter:)
Mr, FOGARTY.
Mr. Moss in six instances.
Mr. CASEY in two instances.
Mr. ADDABBO.
Mr. MCFALL.
Mr. WILLIAM D. FORD in two instances.
Mr. MORRISON.
Mr. OLSEN of Montana.
Mr. MOORHEAD in five instances.
Mr. RYAN in four instances.
Mr. DANIELS in two instances.
Mrs. SULLIVAN in three instances.
Mr. BINGHAM ilt two instances.
Mr. MCCLORY (at the request of Mr.
HALL) and to include extraneous mat-
ter.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest Of Mr. EDMONDSON) and to include
extraneous matter:)
Mr. RHODES of Pennsylvania in two
instances.
Mr. FLYNT in two instances.
Mr. Ii,ANDALL.in three instances.
Mr. ROGERS of Florida.
Mr. GoNzALEZ in two instances.
Mr. NEDZI in two instances.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr. EDMONDSON. Mr. Speaker, I
move that the House do now adjourn.
The motion was agreed to; accord-
ingly (at 2 o'clock and 31 minutes p.m.),
under its previous order, the House ad-
journed until Monday, March 21, 1966,
at 12 o'clock noon,
REPORT OF EXPENDITURES OF
FOREIGN CURRENCIES AND AP-
PROPRIATED FUNDS INCURRED IN
TRAVEL OUTSIDE THE UNITED
STATES DURING 1965 AS RE-
QUIRED BY THE MUTUAL SE-
CURITY ACT OF 1954, AS AMENDED
BY PUBLIC LAW 86-472 AND BY
PUBLIC LAW 86-628
Mr. BURLESON. Mr. Speaker, sec-
tion 502(b) of the Mutual Security Act
of 1954, as amended by section 401 (a) of
Public Law 86-472, approved May 14,
1960, and section'105 of Public Law 86-
628, approved July 12, 1960, require the
reporting of expenses incurred in con-
nection with travel, including both for-
eign currencies expended and dollar ex-
penditures made from ' appropriated
funds.
The required reports for travel during
1965 are submitted herewith:
In further compliance with the provisions
of House Resolution 605, there follows from
MR. POAGE
1. From the United States to
Europe and return to the
United States (commercial
airline, paid in Dutch guilders
by U.S. State Department) -- $1, 374. 91
2. From Athens, Greece,, to Turkey
and return to Athens, U.S.
Navy aircraft_______________ ---------
3. From Cairo, Egypt, to Aswan
and return to Alexandria,
Egypt, U.S. Navy aircraft____ ---------
4. From Alexandria, Egypt, to
Malta and Rome, Italy, U.S.
Air Force aircraft___________ ---------
5. Local transportation at the
London England, Airport
($4.07), Hungary ($11.28),
and Greece ($17.27) was paid
by the U.S. Embassy in
each nation ---------------- ---------
Please note that Mr. PoAGE returned his
commercial air ticket with a total of $94.90
unused, and he incurred an unreimbursed
personal expense of $20 for railroad transpor-
tation from Budapest to Bucharest.
MR. PURCELL
1. From the United States to
Europe and return to the
United States (commercial
airline, paid in Dutch guild-
ers by U.S. State Department) $1,356.G6
2. From Athens, Greece, to Turkey
and return to Athens, U.S.
Navy aircraft __._____________
3. From Cairo, Egypt, to Aswan
and return to Alexandria,
Egypt, U.S. Navy aircraft____ ----------
4. From Alexandria, Egypt, to
Malta and Rome, Italy, U.S.
Air Force aircraft ------------ ---------
6. Local , transportation at the
London, England, airport
($3.35) and Hungary ($11.28)
was paid for by the U.S. Em-
bassy in each nation-------- ----------
Please note that Mr. PURCELL did not use
all of his commercial air ticket and is now
undertaking to return the unused portion.
He also incurred an unreimbursed personal
expense of $20 for railroad transportation
from Budapest to Bucharest.
MR. DOLE
1. From the United State to Rome,
Italy, and return to the Unit-
ed States (commercial airline,
paid in Dutch guilders by
U.S. State Department) $1,306.75
2. From Rome to Athens, Greece,
and return to Rome (com-
mercial airline, paid in Ital-
ian lire by U.S. Embassy in
Rome ----------- 4----------- 1165.90.
3. From Athens to Skopje, Yugo-
slavia, and return to Athens,
U.S. Navy aircraft---------- ---------
4. From Rome to Florence and
Anzio and return to Rome
(automobile transportation)
paid in Italian lire by U.S.
Embassy in Roome__________ 1.130.04
J7, ;1966
MR. OLSON
1. From the United States to
Rome, Italy, and return to
the United States (commer-
'cial airline, paid in Dutch
guilders by U.S. State Depart-
ment) ---------------------- $641.97
MR. TEAGUE
From the United States to Ma-
drid, Spain, and return to the
United States (commercial
airline, paid in Dutch guilders
by U.S. State Department) __ $1, 034, 10
MR. MATSUNAGA
Overseas transportation provided
by U.S. Air Force______________ ---------
GEORGE MISSLBECK
(COMMITTEE STAFF
MEMBER)
1. From the United States to
Cairo, Egypt, and return from
Rome. Italy, to the United
States (commercial airline,
paid in West German
deutschmarks by U.S. State
Department) ---------------- $1,185.50
2. From Cairo, Egypt, to Aswan
and return to Alexandria,
Egypt, U.S. Navy aircraft-- _________-
3. From Alexandria, Egypt, to
Malta and Rome, Italy, U.S.
Air Force aircraft---------- ---------
4. From Rome to Athens, Greece,
and return to Rome (com-
mercial airline, paid in Ital-
ian lire by U.S. Embassy in
Rome) ----------?----------- 1165.90
5. From Athens to Skopje, Yugo-
slavia, and return to Athens,
U.S. Navy aircraft---------- ---------
6. From Rome to Florence and
Anzio and return to Rome
(automobile transportation,
paid in Italian lire by U.S.
Embassy In Rome) --------- 1130.04
HYDE MURRAY (COMMIT-
TEE STAFF MEMBER)
1. From U.S.A. to Cairo, Egypt,
and return from Rome, Italy,
to U.S.A., (commercial air-
line, paid in West German
deutschmarks by U.S. State
Department) ---------------- $1,185.50
2. From Cairo, Egypt, to Aswan
and return to Alexandria,
Egypt, U.S. Navy aircraft____ ---------
3. From Alexandria, Egypt, to
.Malta and Rome, Italy, U.S.
Air Force aircraft----------- ---------
4. From Rome to Athens, Greece,
and return to Rome (com-
mercial airline, paid in Ital-
ian lire by U.S. Embassy in
5. From Athens, to Skopje, Yugo-
slavia, and return to Athens,
U.S..Navy aircraft -______-__
6. From Rome to Florence and
Anizo and return to Rome
(automobile transportation,
paid in Italian lire by U.S.
Embassy in Rome) --------- 1130.04
"One-third of total transportation for Mr.
Dole and committee staff members George
Misslbeck and Hyde Murray.
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March 17, 1966 CONORESSIONA ~t]ECOIt PPEN~J
With the onslaught of the great depres-'
sion in the thirties, a few States resumed
minimum wage legislation. In 1937, the Su-
preme Court-recognizing urgent needs
voiced mostly by organized labor-upheld
the constitutionality of such laws for mil-
lions of women who had begun to join their
husbands in the depression drudgery of win-
ning bread.
The crowning achievement, promoted by a
dedicated labor movement, was the estab-
lishment of a Federal minimum wage in the
Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. By the
time of the Korean war, nearly all States that
lacked them had enacted minimum wage
laws to supplement the Federal standard.
love of home and of God and a pride in
their Celtic heritage.
An indomitable race, the. Irish have.
always exhibited a patriotism and pride
in their adopted lands which Is second
to none. Indeed, in every one of our
wars, the presence of the Celt has always
been more than evident.
Mr. Speaker, this Nation on this day,
owes much to its citizens of Irish extrac-
tion. I join with Irishmen everywhere
in a fervent, Erin go bragh.
A1557
provided to balance the diets of up to
1 billion people for 300 days. This diet
supplement could be accomplished at a
cost of approximately one-half cent per
person per day.
And if the FDA approved fish con-
centrate the U.S. fishing industry could
sell over five times more fish than it is
selling today.
Certainly a seafood producing State
such as Florida would feel the imme-
Or, as in the example of Arkansas $1.50 daily
minimum, to undermine the Federal stand- United States Must Expand Domestic Project Vietnam
ard.
Today there are those who would erase
this painful progress with a split minimum
wage-one for adults and a subminimum for
youngsters.
Aside from discriminating against youth,
which already has enough handicap in the
labor market, subminimum pay for teen-
agers eventually would destroy the concept
of a minimum wage for all workers. It also
would revive a new national scandal of
child labor exploitation.
Employers who now cry that youngsters
aren't worth $1.25 an hour yould-with the
enactment of a subminimum for teenagers
in public service programs-suddenly dis-
cover that youth had all kinds of attractive
work qualities.
Splitting the minimum wage, as unfeeling
eggheads recommend, is a medieval solu-
tion. Advocates of such a plan would be
more faithful to their consci'ences if they
recommended the policy which kings de-
creed after the black death ravaged Europe
600 years ago: Fix a maximum pay stand-
ard to prevent rise of wages above a level
set by the employers who toadied to the
kings.
For whatever reason, can a Great Society
afford to countenance subminimum wages
for anyone?
Erin Go Bragh
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DOMINICK V. DANIELS
Or NEW JERSEY ,
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966.
Mr. DANIELS. Mr. Speaker, today we
celebrate the feast day of St. Patrick,
the patron saint of the Emerald Isle,
truly as the old song says, "It's a great
day for the Irish.", But it is typical of
the Irish that they share their great day
with people of all nationalities and as
I look around the Chamber, it is easy
to see that on this wonderful day when
we commemorate the memory of the
apostle to the Irish, everyone is an Irish-
Ireland is a small country as coun-
tries go but Ireland is not merely the
4 provinces and the 32 counties that
lie between Cobh on the south and Bel-
fast on the north. Rather Ireland is the
millions of persons of Irish descent whose
ancestors left Hibernia-a name which
is of Latin extraction, I might point out-
during one of the times of "throuble"
and settled in the United States, the
Dominions of Canada, Australia, New
Zealand and other places throughout the
world. With them the Irish took their
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
F
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr.
Speaker, I urge that the Food and Drug
Administration approve the use of fish
protein concentrate for human con-
sumption. Approval of this concen-
trate would give many benefits, a major
one being the expansion of the U.S.
fishing industry.
The United States has now slipped to
fifth place among fishing nations of the
world. It is ridiculous that this Nation
should rank behind Peru, Japan, Red
China, and Russia as a producer of sea-
foods. Even more absurd is the fact
that nearly 62 percent of the seafood
eaten by Americans is imported from
foreign nations.
Each year Americans spend up to
$600 million for imported seafood, and
the State Department has allowed
Soviet sales of seafoods in this country.
In view of the increase in Cuba-based
Russian fishing trawlers operating in
the South Atlantic and Gulf areas near
Florida, I just wonder whether these
Soviet seafoods sold in the United
States will be taken from grounds once
dominated by Florida fishermen?
American fishermen now take only
5.1 percent of the total fish caught
throughout the world. Russia's catch
is almost double that of this Nation.
In addition, the U.S.S.R. is placing a
greater national priority on its fisheries,
while U.S. fishing is declining.
Thus, Mr. Speaker, as a first step
toward revitalization of the American
fishing industry I urge the Food and
Drug Administration to approve the
production of fish protein concentrate,
or fish flour. This concentrate, which
is produced by pulverizing the entire
fish, sanitizing it, further reducing it to
fine white powder, would then be used
as an additive to human foods. It has
been suggested that the cereal and
grain `industries use the additive to
fortify their products. Also, markets
for such product in undeveloped na-
tions could be quite large.
Studies show that if only the unhar-
vested fish caught from U.S. coastal
waters were used for fish concentrate,
sufficient high quality protein would be
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966
Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, Project
Vietnam, sponsored by the Agency for
International Development, has received
very little publicity but, in my opinion, is
doing a fantastic job in spreading good-
will in the villages of Vietnam. Under
this program American physicians leave
their lucrative private, practices to give
freely of their time for 8 weeks' service in
th I hospitals of Vietnam. They receive
only transportation and a very small per
diem. In my opinion, this program is
one of the most successful which is spon-
sored by AID.
Dr. M. T. Merrill, who formerly prac-
ticed in my hometown of Gilroy, Calif.,
and who was well known for his leader-
ship in civic activities, is now in Vietnam
and has been writing a series of most
interesting letters to the Gilroy Dispatch
which it has printed. Dr. Merrill's ex-
periences are typical of the unselfish
service rendered by participating doctors
in Project Vietnam, and I believe they
will be of interest to Members of the
entire House. His letters, as reprinted
in the Gilroy Dispatch, are presented
herewith:
DR. MERRILL WRITES FROM VIETNAM HOSPITAL
Dr. Lowe left yesterday, leaving the surgery
in this place to me. Dr. Kett, 60-year-old
Vietnamese surgeon, has a private practice
in town and uses the hospital for that only.
I'm expecting a lot of business tomorrow,
because there's a big operation going on
about 10 to 12 miles away tonight, wherein
it is said that ARVN (the "friendlies"-Army
of the Republic of Vietnam) are getting
badly clobbered by the Vietcong. The -105
millimeter artillery at the far end of the
bridge entering the town (about a quarter
mile away) have been banging away tonight,
as they do periodically, either firing at a spe-
cific target or in H. & I. (Harassment and
Interdiction) -also known as "just stirring
up a rice paddy" some 10 or 15 miles away.
I've slowed down on picture taking-didn't
take any around the hospital until the last
couple of days, not wanting to act like pri-
marily a tourist-but will be hitting another
spasm of using film now in trying to preserve
and immortalize this dear, improbable place.
The only really disturbing thing about the
whole situation here is seeing the death and
injuries, in soldiers and babies, women and
old men, and knowing that it is deliberate,
man-caused destruction of pulsating people.
At least I'm thankful that so far I've seen
no casualties caused by my countrymen. But
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -.APPENDIX March, 17, 1966
rest assured that I am well, and happy and
challenged and stimulated and safe and been
"in country" (as they say here) a week al-
ready.
FEBRUARY 12, 1966.
Today is Saturday, and hospital goes onto
night status (three or four nurses on duty
for the whole place) at noon. However, I
had to call the surgery crew back this after-
noon, and have spent most of the day ex-
tracting grenade or mortar fragments--a
bullet from a woman's back and grenade
fragments from another woman's forearm
this morning; a %-inch grenade fragment
from a girl's ankle joint this afternoon (she
has others in leg knee, and thigh, which are
still there) ; and then an old gentleman who
was hit with a bit of some sort of metal
fragment which went up through his but-
tock, rectum, bladder, and some loops of
small bowel; I resected a piece of bowel,
closed the bladder, did colostomy, and
amused the surgery crew by taping a ure-
thral catheter (a type of catheter) in-they
seem not to be familiar with this and don't
have a Foley in the place. There is a great
problem of obtaining supplies and equip-
ment here-this has to be done through
Vietnamese channels and then (maybe)
USAID channels, and hopeless delays are
encountered.
FEBRUARY 16, 1966.
Today's was a neat experience-going to
a "Med CAP" (Medical Civil Action Pro-
gram) trip to Tu-Thau, about 6 kilometers
from here, in an area just outside of the
main village in a largely refugee area. We
saw 260 people in a period of 2 hours in the
morning and 2 hours after lunch-most were
seen by the medics and I saw the ones they
referred to me. The trouble is, of course,
that one can rarely make a diagnosis, and
can give little morethan placebo treatment.
Our concepts of medical treatment are so
foreign to these people that after they leave
the treatment line they will often exchange
pills for prettier colored ones, or give some
to a friend-and if you give more than 2
days' supply, either they give it to the child
all at once or the Vietcong will come in after
we leave and confiscate it. Our No. 2 cook
here at the house, the week before I arrived,
found the big bottle of chloroquine tablets,
took them home, and gave an unknown
amount to her children; two died, and three
became very ill indeed.
But anyway, it was a delightful and frus-
trating, hot, sweaty, discouraging, heart-
warming, and intriguing experience. I
wasn't carrying any grenades, but there were
plenty of other people around (the Popular
Forces troops) who were, and they hurried
us away from the place about 4:15 because
"too many Vietcong." The Vietcong seem
to be a nocturnal breed.
One can drive many of the roads (selec-
tively) around here in the daytime, but after
5:30 p.m. it has to be a real emergency to
put anybody on the road outside of a mili-
tary operation. The town here, itself, is
well protected, but here too we are advised
not to wander in the outskirts alone, nor
to go out on the streets at night. Needless to
say. I heed all warnings In my customary
cautious fashion.)
We have admitted 6 cases of cholera to the
hospital (one death) in the past 2 days, and
have obtained 2 tents and'50 cots for an out-
side cholera ward.
Yesterday, as an example, my activities
Included:
1. Removed bullet and bits of tibia from
8-year-old boy (local anesthetic).
2. Removed bullet from compound frac-
ture of femur in 10-year-old boy and inserted
Steinman pin for traction (general anes-
thetic).
3. Inserted Steinman pin for traction, in
man injured in bus accident.
4. Repaired perforated jejunum in man
who fell out of Lambrebta (a funny little
three-wheeled bus).
5. Perineaa urethrotomy for removal of
stone in an old man with urinary obstruc-
tion..
6. Removed inclusion cyst of palm of hand.
7. Checked a girl with a gunshot (or gre-
nade fragment) through the neck-no
heroics required-doing well.
Plus making rounds, checking some X-rays,
and trying (with mediocre success to resus-
citate a baby delivered by Bac Si Keit by
Caesarian. Not all days are quite like that,
but just about. Only here 1 week and already
brimming over with experience, enthusiasm,
etc.
FEBRUARY 21, 1966.
The USOM people in Saigon have suggested
an R. & R. (Recreation and Rehabilitation)
trip to Vung Tau for me for next weekend.
Vung Tau is-a beach resort town not far from
Saigon, and is now a GI town largely, with
bars, girls, swimming, girls, bikinis, girls,
bars, and marines.
I have countersuggested a trip to Kontum,
to visit one of the other Project Vietnam
doctors and see some of the mountain coun-
try. If transportation can be arranged, I
think it will work out. (The sad thing, of
course, is that there are no bars, girls, swim-
ming, girls, bikinis, girls, nor bars-only
marines.) Also, and especially, I want to get
a glimpse of the Montagnard way of life.
The past 2 days have been a welcome
respite. Things slowed down Saturday, and
Bac Si Keit was emergency surgery call, so
yesterday (Sunday) I made rounds, and
goofed off the rest of. the day--slept, ate,
whittled, slept, played an hour of badminton
with Romeo Gloriani, showered, rehydrated,
napped, ate, whittled, then wrote some more
in the book.
Today for the first time I had time to
see every patient and find some who had
been lying about since long before I came,
and needed attention--casts with decubitus
ulcer, draining horrid wounds inside, etc., a
couple of colostomies whose original prob-
lems I can't find out except that they were
wounded many weeks ago, operated on in
Saigon, then sent here. Still can't take care
of things promptly as they should be, but
if the Vietcong just stay slack on our prov-
ince a few more days, we can clear house
pretty well. There have been a couple of
operations within a, few kilometers of town
last week which loaded us up with cus-
tomers.
We're expecting another Project Vietnam
doctor (surgeon) about March 7, which is
largely why I'll be able to get away for a
few days. It's such fun having the whole
surgical show to myself that I'll probably
be almost jealous when a surgeon comes.
Today I took on a new advisory capacity,
and I think U.S. Agency for International
Development will likely open a new agency
just to develop it further. I saw a small boy
flying a kite and the kite had just dipped
down far below a tree top, so the string was
getting caught.
The little tad was making that age-old
mistake of winding in, but I pointed out to
him that he should break the string and let
it go, allowing the kite to fall to the ground
on the other side of the tree. (I dare say
this is one area of social action in which
we are now ahead Of the Vietcong.)
(Referring to a language class). My
teacher-students have reached an average
number of about 1,4 per session. This time
they were Ong Hong and Co Nga; he is
North Vietnamese and she is south (as to
the confusions resolved as we go). I'm mak-
ing a bit of progress in Vietnamese-just
enough to keep my interpreters, surgery
crew, and one of the policemen behind the
house interested in teaching me.
And many patients and folk in the town
get a good laugh out of it, too. I'm getting
to the point where I sometimes now can tell
when the interpreter hasn't asked the pa-
tient the question that I wanted. One of
the intepreters keeps trying to tell me how
to practice medicine, and I'm trying to
slough her off on somebody else.
The doctor at the hospital in Can Tho said
they had a mortality rate of about 40 per-
cent. We are a much higher class though we
have had up to three patients in one bed at
times.
Of course, we do send out all the wounded
soldiers and some of the more critically ill or
wounded; but I believe we have only had
three deaths in the hospital since I've been
here-one baby with congenital heart disease
(probably), one child with cholera who died
in the emergency room, and a boy 15 years
old who came in with three perforations of
his ileum and temperature of 105, due to
typhoid fever with necrosis of Peyer's patches.
I did a bowel resection but he was too sick
and died about 24 hours later.
(Have done a colostomy, two bowel resec-
tions, repaired a perforated jejunum, treated
a knife wound of the chest with pneumo-
thorax, a gunshot wound through the lung,
done a perineal lithotomy, and treated many
compound fractures and bullet and grenade
and mortar wounds, closed a lacerated
trachea in one Vietcong and circumcised an-
other, opened some very large abscesses in
some very small children, saw a woman with
cholera receive 13 liters of saline intravenous-
ly in the first 232 hours and go home on the
fourth day under her own power, treated a
gunshot wound of the brain and another
that nicked or contused the cervical spinal
cord in a little girl, opened an abscess of the
tongue, and caught three butterflies, and no
diarrhea.)
This hospital is really becoming more acti-
vated since the Project Vietnam doctors have
been coming, and especially since about mid-
January when people began to learn that
there was a surgeon here.
If time permitted, and the hostilities in
the areastayed down to a dull roar, we could
get some bits of classes and informal train-
ing going more than at present, and make
quite an impact on the quality of medicine,
because we have a generally good crew of
competent nurses, without whom the place
would be nothing but a flock of barns.
State Loses Another $900,000 in U.S. Aid
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ARCH A. MOORE, JR.
OF WEST VIRGINIA _
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966
Mr. MOORE. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent to include together
with my remarks of preface the editorial
which appeared in the Wheeling, W. Va.,
News-Register, of Tuesday, March 15,
1966, commenting on the war on poverty
program in the State of West Virginia:
STATE LOSES ANOTHER $900,000 IN U.S. AID
All through the structure of local and
State government in West Virginia there
runs indecision, ineptness and plain petty
politics which manifests itself at almost
every turn today.
West Virginia's pitiful showing in the
much-heralded war on poverty program is
just another example of how the State and
local communities have failed to show initia-
tive, imagination, and aggressiveness in seek-
ing to implement the new processes intro-
duced at the Federal level.
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A1570 &L A R - qyfRdli1X arch 17) 196
Thee rural areas development program has but also self-explanatory of our position amples of how a real democracy wor
:rested, and continues to rest, on two strue- in South Vietnam; such as the enclosed Right now, there is about as much ulld-
tures. The first of these is the committee editorial by Fowler. standing in Vietnam of democratic processe.,
made 4 'of local headers interested in eco- as there would be in explaining the Einstein
nomio development and improvement of Mr. Fowler was the first Texas news- theory to an elementary school dropout.
human resources in rural areas. The second paper correspondent in two wars. IIur-~ Our American boys in Vietnam are doing
is the technical action panel made up of the ing World War II, in Italy, Fowler was a 'magnificent job. But they need all-out
_State or local representatives of the agricul- one of four American correspondents in- support, unified support to win the objec-
Federal,agencies and from the State agen-
cies. Beginning in 1961, rural areas develop-
ment committees on a county and State basis
were formed rapidly. For some months, we
have had something more than 2,100 of these
committees in operation. This is more than
two-thirds of the number of counties in the
United States.
In his February 4, 1965, message to the
Congress, the President called for strength-
ening the rural areas development program
through the provision of an outreach service
wherein the field agencies of the Department
of Agriculture would assume responsibility
for rural people having full access to all of
the services of the Federal Government for
which they were eligible.
Thd President said:
"It is not easy to equitably distribute
Federal assistance to a scattered rural popu-
lation. Rural communities often lack the
specialized organizations found in major
cities which keep informed of development
prografiis and initiate action to make use of
them. Special measures must be taken both
.by the States, and by Federal agencies to
reach rural , people, particularly in remote
areas.
"Since it is clear that an administrative
office for each Federal agency or program
jured when bombs hit a house on the
Anzio beachhead. Among the others was
the famed Ernie Pyle, later killed in the
war in the Pacific.
I am also enclosing an article by Nat
Henderson, staff writer for the Austin
tives in this war. It is a war, not a police
action.
The Reds understand strength, and power,
and authority. They are anxious to sit down
at a peace table when they are whipped.-
WICK FOWLER.
Statesman, Thursday, March 3, 1966? f01- [From the Austin (Tex.) Statesman,
lowing an interview with Mr. Fowler: Mar. 3, 1966]
TIME FOR COHESION REPORTER SCORES HOMEFRONT
Vietnam is everybody's war. It is not an
ordinary police action.
Whatever decisions are made in Washing-
ton as to how the situation is to be handled,
Americans owe an obligation to the Armed
Forces fighting for survival in this foreign
land almost halfway around the world.
It is not a war limited to those who are
involved directly. Many thousands more
Americans will be in Vietnam before the con-
flict is ended. Many billions more in Amer-
ican dollars will be spent.
Many votes will be changed because of ac-
tions by men in public office. But these are
small costs compared with sacrifices made by
our men in Vietnam and by their loved ones
back home.
Vietnam was a long time in coming, a
gradual process of our foreign policies of
many. years' standing, to feed and secure
nations of the world. It is a result of our
every county, a method must be developed - stand, whether weak or strong, against Com-
to extend the reach of those Federal agencies munist conquests of nations that wanted to
and programs which should, but do not now, have no part of them.
effectively serve rural areas." There is an ironic undertone to testimony
This afternoon we have seen real evidence at Washington hearings from military and
that local people were working together- political experts who now offer criticisms and
and working together effectively to solve solutions. The irony lies in the fact that
their problems. many of them were in positions of power
As someone said this afternoon, once you when the original policies were laid down
start you can't let up, and later pursued.
As someone else pointed out, once you get They now scream their criticisms, long
one thing rolling, it is easier to get some- after their horses broke out of the stable.
thing else done. Isn't. this about the right time for co-
I might add another success truism. If hesion all over America and in many foreign
you find that you are started after some- lands? If we determine that the Commu-
thing that won't work, don't be afraid to kill nists will not listen to anything but guns,
it and start over. then we had better talk to them in an explo-
This job you are doing is different from sive language they understand. You do not
anything a farm-oriented person has ever have to be a seer to see that the longtime
done before., This calls for working with Communist doctrine is one of conquest of
bankers; with engineers; with chemists; with free nations, including the United States.
Madison Avenue salespeople. It Involves In the meantime, while Government ofli-
working with other agencies. It involves cials are determining the route of the Viet-
long trips to see strange people. nam war, Americans have many opportuni-
But it can be done.
You Will do it.
You are doing it.
(By Nat Henderson)
One of the top newsmen in Texas has re-
turned to Austin from Vietnam with a call
for escalation of the war on the homefront
in tactical support of the troops on the bat-
tlefront.
"We're simply not measuring up here to
the guys that are fighting over there," Wick
Fowler says after spending 2V2 months as a
war correspondent in Vietnam.
"It burns me up to see the difference-a
serious war there and a political war here.
"We think about losing votes-they about
losing lives," Fowler says in a reference to
elected officials.
"We must concentrate more on supplies
and equipment instead of debating on who
started the war."
Fowler takes a dim View of the diplomats
and private groups within the United States
which worry more about what France and
certain other nations think than about the
actual American sacrifices in Vietnam.
"All Americans must get behind our fight-
ers both morally and physically.
"Why waste away Americans to try to
please some country across the world and out
of the war?"
He adds, "As long as they're killing Ameri-
cans, we've got to be more serious than pleas-
ing another nation whose men are not being
lost."
Fowler predicts a long war that will affect
more and more homes as the casualty lists
come out week upon week.
"When these strike closer to more families
and their neighbors, then more people will
.realize that every American is involved in
this thing. The tragedy unfortunately will
wake them up," he says.
"But now, we've got; a great bunch over
there, and we're not giving them enough
help and support by a long shot. We can't
quite realize this is a serious war-not a
political action or a, litho
th
t
u
o
a??e s
pport
e me 1 over there. Fowler is critical of the misguided hu-
lYi They need supplies and they need moral manitarians who want to continue supplying
support from home. North Vietnam with food and medical sup-
They need more supplies of a nature to plies but who in reality "kill more Ameri-
win over the population, for. this is a major cans" by doing so.
side of the war. We must help in obtaining "The British claim they only. send non-
h
l
sc
ool faci
ities for the villages and hamlets, strategic supplies to North Vietnam, but
Vietnam, by Wick Fowler, correspondent for education is one of the big answers to the when will people learn that all supplies are
'
for the Denton Record Chronicle
riddle of denying communism
s expansion. strategic in war? When will they realize that
Something of a practical nature needs to each bowl of rice only makes someone
be done for the hundreds of thousands of stronger and gives them the energy to make
refugees who have flooded Saigon and other arms that shoot Americans or build roads
or areas. That is, they are to be returned to that take enemy troops into conflict with our
HON. OLIN E. TEAUUE their home areas with higher ideals and own men?"
ambitions to live under self-rule and free- Fowler also is critical of those who want to
of TEXAS . dom from terrorism, whatever its source. continue the war at a snail's pace in order to
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES It is apparent that the South Vietnamese appease Red China.
need to become more aggressive in this war, "Nobody over there is afraid of the Red
Tuesday, March. 15, 1966 for it is primaril their war f 14f it Chi
y or
n
lf
d
'
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
I wish to submit a series of articles by Mr.
Wick Fowler, correspondent for the Den-
ton Record Chronicle, Denton, Tex. Mr.
Fowler has just recently returned from
an extensive tour ,of Vietnam, and I feel
that his articles are not only very timely,
ese, an
a se
.
even if they were, they
d rather
The government we are advising needs to 'fight them now and there while they don't
learn the rudiments of democracy, real de- have nuclear capability," Fowler says.
. mocracy. It needs to close that big gap be- While a controversy continues over supply-
tween the hierarchy and the peasant. Ing North Vietnam with nonstrategic goods,
Democracy and free elections are not some- American soldiers in South Vietnam cannot
thing you can hand, to a culture that is 4,000 get such nonstrategic items as lighter fluid
years old and expect it to be understood. and other goods needed not for war-but for
This will take years of education and ex- comfort.
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March 17, 1966
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
he was commissioned an ensign. From
d19 until September 1941 Mr. Lebherz
served as a reservist in Buffalo. He retired
:.as a lieutenant commander in 1943.
When he returned from his first naval
tour of duty in 1920, it was as a copyreader
for the Express.
In 1926 Mr. Lebherz became the city editor
of the Express, but a year later moved over
for a brief time as night editor of the old
Buffalo Times.
That same year he returned to the Buffalo
Co, vier-Express as city editor, a post he held
for 12 years until he became the Washington
correspondent of the Courier-Express.
Between 1939 and 1941 Mr. Lebherz cov-
ered the hectic Washington beat of the pre-
World War II days, during President Franklin
D. Roosevelt's third term.
On February 26, 1945, Mr. Lebherz came to
the Buffalo Evening News as an assistant city
editor and in 1957 shifted to the metropoli-
tan area desk. He directed reporters and cor-
respondents covering western New York out-
side Buffalo and nearby areas of Canada and
Pennsylvania.
A Kenmore resident for years, Mr. Lebherz
now resides at 192 Linden Avenue, Buffalo.
"I've got so many things to do that I al-
most don't know which one to tackle first,"
he said recently.
Almost is right. Mr. Lebherz made his
first-things-first decision and currently is
enjoying the late winter climate of Florida.
To : All Americans
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. CHARLES E. CHAMBERLAIN
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 8, 1966
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker,
recently an essay written by Rene G.
Pichard and addressed "To: All Amer-
icans" came to my attention. Reading
it I was immediately struck by the spe-
cial appropriateness of its message for
Americans of all generations but perhaps
especially for the young. It is too easily
passed off as a truism that Americans
take their freedom for granted. Mr.
Pichard's essay gives renewed testimony
to the very real extent to which we are
dependent upon and indebted to those
who were not born Americans for an
understanding and appreciation for what
it means to be an American.
So it is we continue to profit from the
observations made by Alexis de Tocque-
ville of "Democracy in America" in the
1830's. So too, can each of us benefit,
I believe, from the personal testament
of Mr. Pichard which won him a George
Washington Honor Medal Award from
the Freedoms Foundation at Valley Forge
and, under leave to extend my remarks
in the RECORD, I am pleased to make
available this prize-winning composition
to the wider audience it deserves:
To: ALL AMERICANS
(By S/A Rene G. Pichard,
U.S. Air Force)
As a naturalized American, I have some-
thing to say to many native Americans: You
have no idea how lucky you are to be an
American. I say this because I have known
a different way of life.
When the Nazis occupied my native coun-
try, I had the choice of working at the Ford
Motor Co. near Paris or of being deported to
Germany as a slave laborer. I chose Ford
and there heard about America's plenty and
freedom. I resolved that if I survived the
war, I would go to America myself. My wish
was granted; in 1945, after many difficulties,
I arrived in New York with my country's
delegation to the United Nations.
What impressed me in America? The
warmth with which Americans of all social
classes received me, an unknown foreigner.
The many churches of all creeds so crowded
on Sundays. Complete freedom in the news-
paper and in speech. American law, by
which a man is considered innocent until
proved guilty. Factory parking lots crowded
with workers' cars, and the comfort in which
the workers lived. The civic consciousness
of so many ordinary Americans as reflected
in charity drives, youth ogranizations, voters'
leagues. The encouragement given educa-
tion-scholarships, part-time jobs for stu-
dents, night school classes for adults. (In
my country, if one did not have the family
backing to attend college in youth, a college
education was forever ruled out.)
After 6 months in America I felt this way:
The real greatness of America was not in the
multitude of cars and refrigerators that
American technical skill turned out, but in
the ideals of liberty and justice that spon-
sored the wide distribution of these goods,
and the free enjoyment of life with equal
opportunity for all. Certainly these ideals
had not been achieved irr full, but Americans
were striving hard to achieve them; they
were living ideals.
Wanting to be a part of America, I found
a way to apply for citizenship. When the
Korean war began, I joined the Air Force, in
order to serve my new country in uniform. I
am still in uniform. The Air Force has made
it possible for me to get an education and to
develop myself in a way I: could never have
done in my native land. I can never do one-
tenth as much for America as America has
done for me. I have never for one moment
regretted becoming an American. My only
regret is that I am not eloquent enough to
make some native Americans realize how
precious are the freedoms they enjoy so ef-
fortlessly. Our freedoms are not something
we can take for granted. If we are to keep
them-and to extend them to every last one
of our citizens, as we must in order to keep
them-we will have to work and to make
sacrifices. As one of the newer citizens of
the world's oldest democracy, I think our
freedoms are well worth the sacrifice,
Rural Areas Development
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 8, 1966
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, I submit
herewith for reprinting in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD a speech entitled, "Rural
Areas Development," delivered by A. T.
Mace, Deputy Administrator, Rural Com-
munity Development Service, U.S. De-
partment of Agriculture, at DeFuniak
Springs, Fla., on March 4, 1966.
The speech follows:
RURAL AREAS DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Koerber, on the part of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture, I congratulate you.
And I want to congratulate all of you for
creating this opportunity to publicly recog-
nize the initiative and drive of one of your
citizens.
A1560
Whole communities that should be mov-
ing forward, keeping .up with the national
economic growth, often feel frustrated and
do not know where to turn. Through this
public recognition of Mr. Koerber, com-
munity leaders throughout rural America
should recognize a little more clearly that
answers can be found, that economic growth,
and progress and the improvement of human
resources can take place.
I had the opportunity to come to Florida
today with Congressman SIRES. During the
trip he expressed in many ways his pride
in the progress the counties in this area
were making.
Mr. Congressman, I have visited with some
of the people in your district and have seen
some of these accomplishments. You have
a 'right to be proud of what is taking place.
The purposes of rural areas development
have been, and are today:
1. To Increase the income of people liv-
ing in rural America-per person and per
family-and to eliminate the causes of un-
deremployment.
2. To expand more rapidly the job op-
portunities by stimulating investments in
rural America in all the enterprises and
services that make up a modern economy-
factories, stores, recreational enterprises,
crafts and services of all kinds, and techni-
cally trained and other professional people.
3. To develop rapidly but in an orderly
way a wide range of outdoor recreational
opportunities on privately owned and public
lands-recreational opportunities to serve
the needs of a growing population in the
cities and towns and rural areas.
4. To readjust land use, nationwide, to
achieve a balance so that each acre and
resource are used for purposes to which they
are adapted, and to meet national needs.
5. To preserve and improve the family
farm pattern of American agriculture.
6. To provide appropriate services and ade-
quate financial support for the protection,
development, and management of our soil,
water, forest, fish and wildlife, and open
spaces.
7. To improve existing rural community
facilities and institutions and where needed
to build new ones so that people in our rural
areas are assured pure water supplies, first-
rate schools and hospitals, adequate streets
and roads and other services that are stand-
ard in a modern community.
8. To make continuous and systematic ef-
forts to eliminate the many complex causes
of rural poverty.
Despite the productive triumph of the
agricultural segment of the rural economy,
the rural areas have not shared equally with
the rest of the Nation in income, in job
opportunities, and in resources for human
development.
The 1960 census showed median rural in-
come at $4,381 compared with urban income
of $6,166.
Almost half (46 percent) of the families
with money incomes under $3,000 live in
rural areas-although fewer than one-third
of America's households are rural.
Rural America has almost three times the
proportion of dilapidated and substandard
houses as urban America.
Educational preparation of schoolteachers
is lower in the rural areas. A recent National
Education Association study shows 39.2 per-
cent of the rural teachers with no degree.
The comparable urban figure is 10,9.
Emergency services, including ambulances,
are often inadequate or nonexistent in rural
areas.
Unsafe waste disposal and water supplies
present health hazards in many rural com-
munities.
The ratio of physicians and surgeons per
100,000 population was 178 in central cities
of metropolitan areas and 52 in rural areas
In 1960.
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March .17, 1966 01
"The PX in Saigon has anything, but those
In the north-fighting zone-have nothing.
It's not a problem of shipment but lack of
distribution," Fowler says.
"The Government could straighten out this
if it would," he adds.
Fowler, who traveled in Vietnam as a corre-
spondent for the Denton Record-Chronicle,
went into the field looking for Texans while
carrying a German camera, Japanese film,
and Italian typewriter.
"Texans were everywhere, and there were
more aggies than at a muster. At Da Nang
alone I found five aggies and one teasipper,"
Fowler said in a humorous vein that has
made his reporting popular wherever he goes.
But the smile faded as he returned to the
serious side of his trip to Vietnam.
"Why do we play politics with lives? We
haven't lost anybody in a political campaign."
Macon, Ga., Telegraph Selected To Re-
ceive Georgia Education Association
Award
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON: JOHN J. FLYNT, JR.
Or GEORGIA.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966
Mr. FLYNT. Mr. Speaker, on Wednes-
day, March 16, 1966, the Macon, Ga.,
Telegraph received the School Bell
Award presented to the outstanding daily
paper of the year by the Georgia Edu-
cation Association for outstanding school
news coverage. Specifically, the award
was made for excellence in reporting
and/or interpreting the objectives and
goals of education.
It is significant that this award takes
place when, today, almost 1,000 corre-
spondents representing over 500 news-
gathering' agencies are reporting from
the House and Senate Press Galleries of
this Capitol. These journalists are dedi-
cated people who perform a valuable
service to the public, to their employers,
and to the Nation. These are the peo-
ple who record the events of today which
become our country's history.
Equally important, however, are the
unmentioned chroniclers who constitute
the administrative staffs of the news
media, for it is these people who are
responsible for putting the news into
its proper perspective. It is therefore
of special significance that the Macon
Telegraph is recognized in such a man-
ner.
Many man-hours and extensive per-
sonal cooperations are involved in pro-
ducing a newspaper. The efforts of those
involved are usually taken for granted
by the average American citizen who
purchases the finished product for 10
cents.
Being chosen the recipient of this
award illustrates the fine job that the
Telegraph are doing in keeping the pub-
lic informed of school activities, which
are a vital part of the life of any com-
munity.
Mr. Speaker, I congratulate the owner-
ship and staff of the Macon Telegraph,
and Include In the RECORD an article
which appeared in the daily press of
Georgia on March 16, 1966:
THE TELEGRAPH SELECTED TO RECEIVE GEA
AWARD
ATLANTA.-The Macon Telegraph has been
selected to receive one of four School Bell
Awards presented annually by the Georgia
Education Association for outstanding school
news coverage.
Editor William A. Ott will accept the honor
at the School Bell Awards dinner, which will
open the 99th GEA convention in Atlanta
Wednesday night.
Other winners are The Swainsboro Forest
Blade in the weekly newspaper category,
WSB-TV of Atlanta in the television cate-
gory, and WLFA of LaFayette in the radio
category.
The awards are made for excellence in rep-
porting and/or interpreting the objectives
and goals of education. Nominations are
made by members of the teaching profession.
The Telegraph was nominated by the Bibb
County GEA unit, which is headed by Otho
Pirkle, principal of Jessie Rice Elementary
School.
The basis for the judging was a scrapbook
prepared by Mrs. Juanita Krysalka of the
Bibb unit's public, relations committee.
Other committee members who worked on
the project are Chairman Mrs. Valree Flan-
agan, Mrs. Florence Sanders, Mrs. Jacquelin
Harrison, and Don Edwards.
The.GEA judges said of the scrapbook,
"The content reflected good community sup-
port of education, good editorializing, I and
interest of newspaper in wide coverage. In-
formation about activities of individuals and
groups as well as the total school program
was covered."
Receiving honorable mention will be the
Brunswick News, Mrs. Constance Johnson of
the Columbus Ledger, the Cordele Dispatch,
the Warrenton Clipper, the Elberton Star,
the DeKalb New Era, and North DeKalb
Record. The Fitzgerald Herald, the Hart-
well Sun, WAIL-TV in Atlanta, WGST radio
in Atlanta, and WSB radio in Atlanta.
The awards will be presented by Julian A.
Pafford of Statesboro, chairman of the GEA
school public relations committee.
Featured speaker for the dinner will be
J. C. Bostain of the Foreign Service Institute,
Department of State, Washington, D.C.
Slovak Independence Day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 15, 1966
Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, March
14 is an important day for Americans
of Slovak origin. It is the anniversary
day of Slovak national independence.
Public ceremonies marking this day will
be held in many communities through-
out the United States.
Great credit must go to the people of
Slovakia for their unbreakable attach-
ment to liberty and their struggles for
the right of self-government. This spirit
prevails In Slovakia today despite for-
eign occupation, the denial of elemen-
tary human rights and organized pro-
grams to destroy the ancient culture of
her people.
There is increasing evidence that the
new chains of imperialism on the Slovak
people are weakening under the popular
pressure exerted by the people for free-
dom of expression and self-government.
This is a tribute to their determination
to reject foreign occupation and to fight
on for a restoration of their national
independence.
Mr. Speaker, anything we can do to en-
courage the Slovak people in this cause
serves the cause of peace and world free-
dom. Over many years responsible na-
tional organizations have urged the
Voice of America to establish a Slovak
desk as a part of our international in-
formation program. I have supported
that proposal because I am convinced the
best way to demonstrate our friendship
for the people of any foreign country is
to speak to them in their own language,
to recognize their cultural values, to en-
courage them in their just aspirations
for self-government.
The Slovak people have always main-
tained a warm friendship for the people
of our country and a keen admiration
for our free institutions. It is time that
we responded more fully to evidence our
support for their struggles to regain their
national independence. A Slovak desk
in the Voice of America would provide
comfort and encouragement to our
friends in that unhappy land.
I salue the Slovak people on their
Independence Day and join with their
many friends in our country in the hope
that they will soon regain their rightful
place in the community of free nations.
What Inflation?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. AL ULLMAN
OF OREGON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. ULLMAN. Mr. Speaker, amid
the clamor to boost interest rates and
taxes to ward off inflation, the voices of
reason are beginning to be heard. A sub-
stantial segment of the Nation's busi-
ness leaders see the dangers and the pos-
sible consequences of underestimating
the continuing need for capital to sustain
our economic growth.
The ingredients for classic inflation
are not present in our economy today.
Administered price hikes, profiteering,
and speculation can exact a tremendous
toll from the American people, and they
must be brought under control; how-
ever, it should not be done in a way that
slows the legitimate productive require-
ments of our economy. These malfunc-
tions in the economy must not be per-
mitted to push us into deflationary poli-
cies that are sure to bring on a recession.
Columnists Evans and Novak have ex-
pressed some of the concern that is felt
in the business community over these
proposed policies. I recommend to my
colleagues their column, "What Infla-
tion?" from the Washington Post of
March 16, 1966:
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A1572 G I N L .RECORD - APPENDIX March i . ? 10 36
WHAT INFLATION? This emerging dissent on the basic clues- gram makes a lot of sense, both economically
(By Rowland Evans and Robert Novak) tion of inflation and taxation leaves the door and ethically. We urge you to assist in its
Just as the Washington consensus has barely open for the President to ignore his passage in any way that you reasonably can.
:Come to regard an income tax increase as top advisers, all of whom favor a tax boost. Two arguments on the dope issue fail to
nearly inevitable this summer, a strong dial A tax increase, followed by even a small eco- Impress us. The first is a wierd bleat from
be m hemd er a aminois- nomic slump just before the election. may the weird bleaters that the civil liberties of
sent is nevtag to
both in industry and on Capitol Hill. give Mr. Johnson pause. addicts will be menaced somehow by com-
That dissent boils down to this: Infla- pulsory commitment for treatment, These
tion today is more phantom than reality. same people have argued for years that the
The increase in the cost of living results addict was not primarily a criminal, but
more from arbitrary decisions of business Our Dope Problem-And Yours rather a sick man. Now, when it is proposed
executives trying to widen profit margins -^_ to treat him like a sick man, like a danger-
than from classical overheating of the econ- EXTENSION OF REMARKS ous schizophenic, henic, let us say, the cry of civil
omy. Under such conditions, a tax increase liberties ies is suddenly heard in the land. This
will no good. OF is nonsense. The commitment proceedings
Consider the big tax package in embryonic HON. THEODORE R. KUPFERMAN under the Rockefeller program are asocess
form at the Treasury for possible submission fully controlled and as subject to due process
to Congress this summer along with new OF New YORK as commitment proceedings for mental ill-
Vietnam war appropriations. This package IN THE HOUSE OF' REPRESENTATIVES ness.
almost surely would boost income taxes The other argument, which comes from the
across the board, for both individuals and 'Tuesday, March 15, 1966 weirdest bleaters, is (if we may summarize)
on corporations would climb to 50 percent. y Ginsberg has expressed it best with his picket
But, nor the dissenters, what good would have today introduced. a series of legisla- signs reading, "Smoke pot. It's cheaper and
this do? Their answer: Corporation execu- five proposals on the subject of narcotics, healthier than liquor." This is more non-
tives probably would pass on the higher taxes which is not only a problem in New York, sense. It stems from pseudophilosophers in
to the consumer by raising prices to main- but also in the Nation and throughout the East Village and elsewhere who maintain
tain profit margins. But if they cut back the world. that we are moving into an era of expanded
expansion and production because of higher In my 17th Congressional District consciousness achieved by marijuana, heroin
taxes, the inevitable result would be the very there is an outstanding weekly publics- and the very newest mind-benders such as
shortages that lead to higher prices. tion called Town and Village which teenagers no impres
LSD. will sionable
kind of been, and wo r-
gle to Influence President Johnson's decision. problem and is conducting Dope this kind of intellectual p Badly
Never at home in the field of economics, he a campaign ing. Dope is not good for you; it is deadly
has been understandably preoccupied with to ameliorate it. dangerous. And there is no record of any
the problem of Vietnam and has given little In their issue of Thursday, March 10, musician, artist or writer improving his per-
time to economics. But the time is near 1966, there is an editorial describing the formance while being "high." Our congratu-
When he must decide whether to boost taxes, situation as they see it. lations to such community institutions as St.
Strongly in favor of raising income taxes I include at this point in the RECORDcenserGeorge's Episcopal
eminently ntly Church worthwhile which have dis-
are the Treasury, most of the official and un- this editorial, and :[ hope that all of my programs s-
official presidential economic advisers, and colleagues will have the to cussing these plain faces.
Wall Street. Big finance in New York, ob-
sessed by the threat of inflation, is in a read it: facts about dope, and we will keep you posted
panic demanding a tax boost. OUR Dorf PROELEM-AND YOURS on the status of Governor Rockefeller's com-
Added to this powerful roster supporting To our way of thinking, the most import- prehensive program.
a tax increase is the Federal Reserve Board ant point in the dope story on today's page
headed by William McChesney Martin. This 1 is the spillover of addicts from south of
independent central bank has left no doubt 14th Street into the town and village area.
that if the President does not boost taxes, looking for the easy victim who will provide Statehood Legislation for Hawaii
it will fight inflation is own way. That property or cash to purchase the next "fix."
means continuation of the high-interest rate, As our anonymous reporter concludes: "We
tight money policy that has restricted credit are, indeed, one city +' * '" and the problems SPEECH
more than at any time since Eisenhower of each of us have a nasty way of becoming of
days. the problems of ail." Since many news- HON. ROBERT B. DUNCAN
But against this formidable array, there is papers (including this one) have previously
now a dissent that asks: What inflation? run exposes on dope, it seems to us that the of OREGON
Some leaders in the automotive, steel, and distinction. of this piece is its emphasis on IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
.electrical manufacturing industries believe the spillover phenomenon from slum neigh-
the danger of inflation is greatly overblown. borhoods into respectable ones. Monday, March 14, 1966
They worry about soft spots in the boom In spite of good police work, the number of Mr. DUNCAN of Oregon. Mr. Speak-
economy and a slackening off of demand, addicts continues to grow. As fast as the er, I am ha
Col
particularly in the auto industry. kids are picked up, other kids arrive to "turn PPb ig the with anniversary ary o f
To these industrialists, the real danger is on" in their place. We know from having today in celebra ati nng of
the spiraling of interest rates induced by the talked with the officers involved just how the date that statehood legislation for
Federal Reserve Board and its fellpw-travel- discouraging a task it is to keep our streets Hawaii was passed by the U.S. House of
lers in the banking industry-money being safe and clean. The odds have been stacked Representatives.
the one commodity on which the White against the police, until now, until the pre- The overwhelming vote of March 12,
House is unable to impose price guidelines. sentation by Governor Rockefeller of a corn- 1959, climaxed years of effort by the peo-
The fact that the Fed in continuing to prehensive, coordinated program of compul- pie of territorial
squeeze the lending power of banks is viewed sory treatment of addicts and more severe Hawaii to obtain full
by one industrial leader as a "crude and punishment for peddlers. More than 2 years citizenship status. It cleared the way
cruel" method of controlling inflation that ago Assemblyman Paul J. Curran and town for the Presidential proclamation which
can lead to a slump and unemployment. and village staffer Pete Young anticipated finally declared Hawaii to be our 50th
In fact, the dissenters are coming to feel the Rockefeller program with a proposal for State.
that explosive combination of a big income compulsory civil commitment of addicts. It Beautiful Hawaii, often referred to as
tax increase and tight money could trigger is refreshing to see their work (and the work "'the loveliest fleet of islands that lies
the first recession of the Kennedy-Johnson of many others) now bearing fruit.
ocean,". will celebrate
era-a slump actually coinciding with rising But keep in mind that what the Governor anchored in any
costs in the Vietnam war. proposes is going to cost the taxpayers at lot her seventh anni niversary as a State this
But how can Mr. Johnson ask for higher of money. Many millions of dollars will be August. And, it is an unusual testimony
spending on Vietnam without an accompany- involved, especially for the bond issue that to the maturity of the democratic spirit
ing tax increase? The dissenters' answer is will be necessary to finance the construction of our youngest sovereignty that she,
to keep a full economy rolling, satisfying de- of new treatment and detention facilities. more than any other State, has recog-
mand, and keeping prices down. From the most hard-headed accounting point nized in both legal and living terms the
This would require much more credit than of view, this is (in our opinion) a good essence of equality and tolerance.
is available today. It would require a new investment. Various surveys have disclosed Discrimination on the basis of race,
monetary policy. One suggestion that may that dope addicts are responsible for about
soon come privately to the President is to ask one-half the crimes committed in New York religion, sex, or ancestry is not only for-
bankers to adopt a more selective lending City. 'Addicts steal approximately $1 billion bidden in Hawaii by law, but is a strang-
policy-easy credit- for increased production worth of property and cask: in this city alone, er to the harmonious spirit of one of
but tight credit for speculative, purposes, each and every year. So the Governor's pro- the most friendly and polyglot spots on
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the maximum feasible participation of the
groups served."
Everyone agrees that means the poor must
be involved, but what is "maximum" and
what is "feasible" and-in what way shall
they "participate"? As other articles in
this series have shown, these questions are
the source of bitter controversy in commu-
nities across the Nation.
Mayor Daley and his supporters say the
poor are involved in Chicago's program, and
there appears to be a good basis for the
claim. But his critics don't agree.
The major opposition comes from a group
called the Woodlawn Organization located
in the heart of the South Side slums. The
Woodlawn Organization, or TWO as it is
called, was established by Saul Alinsky,
whose community action groups have worked
to achieve progress through such tactics as
demonstrations, rent strikes, and political
pressure.
CRITICS ASSAIL POLITICAL CONTROL
TWO wants a share of the Federal poverty
money to be used to operate programs free
of city control. In a recent issue of its own
publication, for instance, TWO defines "the
great issue before this Nation now" as:
Can public funds finance basic, root re-
form of the social structure and values of
America, by going to independent groups
organizing the poor? Or will the billions
coming from Washington simply continue,
with much more expensive advertising cam-
paigns, the present state among poor Ne-
groes of alienation and degradation?"
To the Woodlawn leaders, the present war
on poverty is "actually a war against the
poor. * * * It is a war against us when
money is used to buy off our rage against
being confined to the ghetto. It is a war
when public money is used to distract black
people from building enough power to break
out of the ghetto."
Stripped of its rhetoric, the complaint Is
that the poverty program is controlled by
the ruling political power. In Chicago that
means the Daley Democratic organization,
the last of the big city machines.
Daley unquestionably does control the
overall poverty structure. He heads the com-
mittee that runs the poverty program. He
appoints the committee director who in
turn appoints the program center directors.
They in turn appoint the advisory commit-
tee members who are the representatives of
the local communities. They pass on all
poverty program proposals.
Arrayed against Daley have been militant
local groups like TWO and, at least in the
early days, an important segment of the
Office of Economic Opportunity in Wash-
ington. -
"They had a group in OEO that saw the
program as an opportunity to reform the
world, and they were going to start with Chi-
cago," said a city official.
Washington wanted members of the ad-
visory committees, who were the so-called
representatives of the poor, to be elected
rather than appointed. Such an election
will be held in Los Angeles on March 1.
Daley countered along these lines: in vola-
tile Chicagosuch an election would tear the
city apart and create animosities that would
never heal. In addition, an election of that
kind in Chicago, would mean only that every
ward leader would make sure that his own
ive system "guarantees," as one official
said, "minority representation." Debatable
though that may be, that issue of representa-
tion appears to have been settled months
ago, in private confrontations between Mayor
Daley and Sargent Shriver, the head of the
OEO (and the former president of Chicago's
school board as well as the manager of the
Chicago Merchandise Mart). -
Today Shriver himself is as much a target
of the militant groups here as Daley. When
Shriver spoke in Chicago last December, the
Woodlawn Organization picketed his appear-
ance. Its members marched and waved such
signs as "The War on Poverty Is Pure Brutal-
ity," "Your American Dream Is My Night-
mare," and "End the War on the Poor."
The demonstration was not without its
cynical aspects. One might conclude that
TWO is not so much against the war on
poverty as it is against not getting more
money.
(At present TWO operates in part on a
$70,000 poverty grant, funded through the
Chicago, or Daley, program, and has pending
a $700,000 leadership proposal.)
CITY'S PROGRAM MOVING AHEAD
While the struggle between the ins and the
outs continues, Chicago is proceeding with
its multimillion-dollar program.
When they set out to plan an antipoverty
campaign, Chicago officials began with the
general viewpoint that poverty stems from
many factors, not merely lack of money or
jobs. Education, health, housing, environ-
ment, recreation, cultural opportunities-all
these are a part of the problem.
In addition, there are special problems in
slum areas. As Dr. Deton J. Brooks, the
executive director of the city's antipoverty
organization, said in an interview:
"Long before I took this job I was writing
the social philosophy that people had to be
involved in their own destinies. You don't
have to go far in Chicago to see that people
are isolated.
"One of the basic problems had been an
erosion of social and leadership services in
their comInunities. When 5 o'clock comes
in those areas, the social welfare forces leave
and all that you have left are the forces of
control-the police and firemen.
"Before people can help themselves, they
have to have a chance to get the services,
and I mean around-the-clock services, be-
cause a city like this never sleeps. The prob-
lems don't wait for a time when it's con-
venient for us to be there."
The solution, for Chicago, was the estab-
lishment of urban progress' centers. These
are outposts in the heart of the worst pov-
erty areas of the city which bring services to
the people.
CENTERS OPEN EVERY DAY
There are seven such centers. They range
in size from a three-story building complete
with a gymnasium to smaller structures with
less elaborate facilities. Each center houses
a number of public and private agencies.
Among them are the county public aid de-
partment, the city housing authority, the
youth welfare commission, the board of
health, the State employment service and
legal aid lawyers.
The centers are open 7 days a week,
from 8 a.m. to 10 p.m. Soon they will be
open on a 24-hour basis. They provide more
than the basic social welfare services. Some,
depending on needs in the specific area, are
staffing mental health or retardation pro-
grams. In other, preschool and home eco-
nomics classes are operating. Still others
have programs for "senior citizens."
Each also has an office for making avail-
able small business loans to local firms.
What is most impressive about the cen-
ters is the sense of action and drive. You
can visit any center, at any time of the day,
and find people hard at work dealing with
people in that community.
The response in the areas has been grati-
fying, if not overwhelming. People are com-
ing, voluntarily, off the streets to find out
about jobs, or housing, or educational pro-
grams, or with complaints about landlords
or garbage collections.
In one center, for example, 43,000 persons
came through its.doors in exactly 1 year.
WORKERS LIVE IN AREAS THEY SERVE
But the most important part of the -cen-
ter concept lies outside its physical struc-
ture.
Each center employs a group of commu-
nity representatives. Like most of the other
employees of the center, they live in that
area and they themselves were either unem-
ployed or "underemployed."
The community representatives spend
their time away from the center. Their job
is to go from house to house finding out
what the specific problems are. Then they
attempt to bring those people to the center
where they can be served.
These representatives are available on a
24-hour basis. Since they live in the neigh-
borhoods, they have a better chance to gain
the confidence of the residents. The cen-
ters now are publishing their own commu-
nity newspapers of 4 pages with photographs
and stories about the programs and people
in their area. -
As only one of the programs, teams of rep-
resentatives are collecting urine samples
from children in homes in an attempt to de-
tect and treat cases of lead poisoning. Oth-
er groups are surveying buildings as part of
a rat control program. Holes and cracks are
marked, and then covered.
PRO AND CON ON ELECTION
An intensive effort is thus being made to
reach the people in most need.- A house-to-
house survey is now underway to identify the
people who live in poverty, and to pinpoint
their problems.
To some critics, such activity is only skim-
ming the surface of the needs. The Reverend
Lynward Stevenson, president of the-Wood-
lawn Organization, has said:
"The northern power structures running
the so-called war on poverty have dressed
up-the system a bit, but the idea is funda-
mentally the same: the Negroes must stay in
the ghetto, because they are not human
beings * * *- They are like animals in a zoo
(and now) * * * it has been decided to dress
up the zoo a bit with poverty funds."
Stevenson then sounds again a call for
elected representatives of the poor.
Deton Brooks' answer is:
"I say you don't need a convention to kill
rats. You may need an army, but not a con-
vention. As long as we stick to bread and
butter issues that people understand, these
critics have no impact."
Support for U.S. Policies in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN R. HANSEN
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 14, 1966
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa. Mr. Speaker, -
the charge is frequently heard that Presi-
dent Johnson is losing the support of
American citizens in our fight for free-
dom in Vietnam. This is entirely con-
trary to the facts. But since the charge
is often repeated and much publicized,
it is in the national interest for such ir-
responsible accusations to be frequently
and firmly refuted.
I have seen no finer expression of the
true feelings of most Americans about
the -situation in Vietnam than an edi-
torial which appeared in a recent issue of
the Virginia Gazette.
The Gazette is one of the oldest news-
papers in the Nation, having been
founded in 1736. It is published in Wil-
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earth. Hawaii's citizens come from every istration's efforts to control crime, and It is most significant to me that so
corner of the globe, and they have wel- it adds that further delay in passage of distinguished a reporter as Mr. Johnson
comed and returned in kind the gracious a bill to control firearms sales is "inimi- with no particular ax to grind nor any
spirit of aloha. cal to the public welfare." reason to embellish any of his facts has
It is interesting that Hawaii is not The paper hails the calling for more prepared an impartial and factual report
only a young State, but her citizens, also, effective action against crime, for more on the situation in Chicago.
are young and energetic. The average efficient cou.its, improved corrective ma- ' I congratulate Mr. Johnson for his
age of the island resident is 24 years chinery, and comprehensive planning thoroughly impartial reporting. He has
old, younger than our national average. for major reforms. performed a most significant public serv-
And they are educated young people. Because the article sheds light on such ice by putting the antipoverty program in
Hawaii's fine educational system can a vital subject, I offer the editorial for Chicago in its proper perspective.
boast of having the highest university inclusion in the REcoRID: Mr. Johnson's article follows:
enrollment in proportion to population, [From the Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution, No ROOM FOR "Goo-Goos" IN CHICAGO
of an
oth
-- '- -----
Stat
y
er
e
bridge between East and West. Her var- CHICAGO.-Near the door was a huge smil-
bridge Johnson's message to Congress ing photograph of Richard J. Daley, the
ied ethnic composition gives her a on control of crime is significant from sev- mayor of Chicago. Inside there were bands
unique advantage in promoting interna- eral standpoints. In calling for more effec- and bunting, posters and placards, potted
tional relations and understanding. In tive action, more efficient courts, improved palms and plants, red-white-and-blue cur-
the summer of statehood, 1959, the Uni- corrective machinery and comprehensive tains, a Negro boys' choir singing "Our.Unity
versity of Hawaii sponsored the third planning for major reforms, he was react- Enjoy" and "The American Dream," and a
decennial East-West Philosophers' Con- in.g to the rapid increase in the Nation's banner spread across the stage saying:
ference, Over 40 leading philosophers crime bill. A YEAR OF COMMUNITY PROGRESS
If this crime toll, running into billions an-
from 11 nations came to the island Para- nually, can be lowered, the additional in- It was reminiscent of a thousand block
dise. Today Honolulu's newly construct- vestment will be worthwhile. The President rallies, ward meetings, and political conven-
ed International Center can seat more asked for increased appropriations for the tions, but this was different. In typical lusty
than 11,000 persons in a theater-concert 1965 Law Enforcement Act from $7.2 million fashion, Chicago was saluting its awn efforts
hall to $13.7 million-a modest in the war on poverty.
and arena complex. price to pay in The alderman, the Cook County Hawaii's natural advantages are abun- relation to the crime bill. judge, the
The President does not propose to take city commissioner, the county board member
dant. Her warm equable climate offers over responsibility of local law enforcement and the people listened while the speakers,
year-round appeal to the vacationer. agencies. He does quoting Lincoln, Roosevelt and Kennedy,
Her location in the mid-Pacific is ideally throu h Federal propose to improve them described what progress Chicago has made
g programs in education and in that fight against poverty.
suited to international trade with the research into techniques. If carried out, When the speeches were over, all the pho-
nations of Asia and the Pacific rim. Her these would result in a more uniform system tographs had been taken and the crowd was
strategic military value is unquestioned. Of justice, administered by more capable of- milling about, a Negro standing So, also, is her value for the expanding ficers. a off to the
Stressing rehabilitation programs, the side said quietly:
research and development activities in President asked for consolidation within the "It has a chance to work o tf ch let iif
the fields of oceanography, volcanology, Justice Department of Federal prison, a- You know everybody's in favor of chance have
and astronomy as well as in space vehi- role and probation functions. And the Sec- it doesn't hurt them-but you can't have
cle and missile tracking and in the stud- retary of Labor was directed to develop "ef- change without hurting someone."
les of solar radiation and other astro- festive ways to provide correction institu- Change and conflict are the dominant
nomical phenomena. tions with job information for good-risk notes in Chicago's poverty program. Out of
Hawaii, our most western and most paroleess." this ferment comes a strong sense of action
southern extension of the As for the indiscriminate sale of , the and genuine, if limited, accomplishment.
United States, guns President cited There's no doubt that Chicago's has been a beautiful and proud addition ding regulate an the urgent flow need firearms legisla-
into nto program poverty
roo p in -
tas our 50th State. The translation Of dangerous hands. Here he e should d know doesn't misean posited enolitics, has s politics.
sullied But the pmthat
her official State motto gives an inspira- whereof he speaks. gram, or that Chicago is the classic example
tional reminder of her ideals: "The life "There is no need to curtail the right of of the noble poor engaged in a virtuous
of the land is perpetuated in righteous- citizens to keep arms for such traditional struggle against the venal politicians.
ness," pastimes as hunting and , marksmanship," This is not the old-style blatant pork-
Already the home of a civilized and the President declared. "But there is a barrel politics of the past. It is more subtle,
graceful people when first discovered by pressing need to halt blind, unquestioned, and probably more successful.
mail-order sales of guns and the over-the- One can look far and wide in the Chicago
Capt. James Cook in 1778, Hawaii has counter sales to buyers from out of State poverty program for evidence of outright
bloomed through the dynasty of Kame- whose credentials cannot be known." patronage appointments or political hiring
hameha into the 20th century and state- Control of firearms sales is already before and firing. If it exists, it is not apparent.
hood with enviable success. She has Congress. Further delay of its passage is Instead, Mayor Daley seems bent on running
been able to derive the benefits of mod- inimical to the public welfare. a good program-perhaps on the correct as-
Polynesian softness.
The brotherhood of man is a meaning-
ful concept in our outlying State, a rath-
er strange Paradox since she, not the
mainland, felt the bombs of World War
II. Let us hope that mankind can learn
from her example. _
Action Urged
No Room for "Goo-Gans" in Chicago
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON., ROMAN C. PUCINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 1, 1966
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, recently
SPEECH the Evening Star carried an excellent
of report on the war on poverty in Chicago.
This penetrating article on Chicago's
HON. CHARLES L. WELTNER effort to effectively eliminate poverty was
OF GEORGIA ' prepared by Mr. Haynes Johnson, a staff
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES writer for the Evening Star.
Wednesday, March 16, 1966 I would like to call this article to the
attention of my colleagues and in par-
Mr. WELTNER. Mr. Speaker, the ticular to those who have been so.quick
Atlanta Constitution praises the adman- to criticize Chicago's program.
political fruit.
In a poverty campaign as in all its public
acts, Chicago is pragmatic and tough-
minded. It does not have time for "goo-
goes," Chicagoese for do-gooders. Yet of all
the local wars on poverty this reporter has
seen, Chicago's is the most dynamic. It is
also the most controversial, for this is the
scene of a national philosophical and polit-
ical struggle.
Essentially, the fight in Chicago is over
the interpretation of the Economic Oppor-
tunity Act, the law under which the Federal
war on poverty operates.
Chicago-and that means Mayor Daley-
takes the position that the act stresses local,
not Federal, initiative. The city wants to
run its own program its own way. Washing-
ton says that even if it is not spelled out in
the law, the Government must set the stand-
ards and program criteria.
The central issue is control of the program
and that vexatious clause in the act which
states that poverty programs must be "de-
veloped, conducted and administered with
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liamsburg-a community with traditions
extending back to before the founding of
our "Republic.
In t4ls editorial the editor, and publish-
erMr." John O. W, Gravely III, tells of a
xecent community declaration in support
of our men in Vietnam. The declara-
tion-which was signed by 4,000 citizens
of the Williamsburg area-also expresses
their "dismay, shock, and shame at the
small groups of misguided and frightened
people who criticize U.S. actions in
Vietnam."
The Virginia Gazette sets forth these
facts to illustrate its'conviction that the
people of Williamsburg are not losing
sympathy with the cause of the valiant
Americans fighting in Vietnam, and that
thousands of other communities in this
great Nation of ours feel the same way.
That is also my conviction, and in sup-
port of this conviction, I insert this
splendid and patriotic editorial in the
RECORD'
Ilon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We write to you not
as a constituent but as an American,
You have been quoted in the press quite
frequently of late as saying that President
Johnson is rapidly losing the support of mil-
lions of American citizens with regard to our
fight for freedom in Vietnam. We have a
growing conviction that this simply is not so,
Here are a few local facts that feed that
conviction.
Some weeks ago two Williamsburg citizens,
an Insurance agent and a barber, came into
this office and said they were worried about
all of the publicity being given to the draft
card burners and bearded protestors criticiz-
ing U.S. involvement in Vietnam. As indi-
vidual citizens they wanted to voice their
wholehearted support for the American fight-
ing man over there. They were convinced a
lot of other people wanted to do the same
thing, if there were only a way. We hatched
the idea of a petition, a community declara-
tion of, support for our men in Vietnam,
which would be available for anyone and
everyone to sign. No big rally, no fireworks-
just a simple declaration. The three. of us
composed the following:
"A DECLARATION
"We citizens of the cradle of democracy-
the historic Williamsburg-Jamestown-York-
town area-feel a special duty and privilege
to proclam publicly our support of present
U.S. policy in Vietnam.
"Caring for the torch of freedom never
has been an easy job. Americans first lit the
flame with determination and great personal
sacrifices at Jamestown, added more fuel at
Williamsburg, and made it permanently
bright at Yorktown. Since then despots and
dictators frequently have threatened to
extinguish this symbol of man's God-given
right to liberty. Each time Americans have
been among the very first to go and help
keep free'dom's flame burning. They have
answered this calling gown through history,
whenever and wherever it took them-to
such places as New Market and Gettysburg,
San Juan and Santo Domingo, Belleau
Wood and the Argonne, Okinawa and Bas-
togne, Berlin, and Lebanon, Inchon and
Saigon.
"Today we look with dismay, shock, and
shame at the small groups of misguided and
fightened people who critize U.S. actions in
Vietnam. Our fighting men over there are
-doing what has become a sacred obligation
for all straight-thinking Americans, what so
many forefathers did before, then-protect-
ing the torch of freedom from those who
would snuff it out. '
"We, the citizens of this community, want
the President, the Congress and the Nation
to know that we support 100 percent our sons,
relatives, and friends who are fighting and
dying in Vietnam. They are acting in the
finest American tradition, defending that
precious torch so that those at home may live
in the secure warmth of its flame. Their
actions will not go unremembered."
The Williamsburg declaration was pub-
lished in this newspaper. Copies were
printed up and displayed at various public
places around the community. Signers were
welcomed. The response was immediate.
The mayor of the city of Williamsburg and
the chairman of the board of supervisors of
James City County became the first signers.
Virtually every civic, social, and church or-
ganization in town lent their endorsement.
In an amazingly short time, the declaration
collected more than 4,000 signatures. A copy
of the declaration, together with all of the
signatures, is now being sent to our Virginia
representatives in Washington.
Last November this community received
word that Glenn Dill Mann, a Williamsburg
resident and graduate of the College of Wil-
liam and Mary here, was killed while serving
as a Marine helicopter pilot in Vietnam.
There was an immediate upsurge of senti-
ment to do something in his memory. In a
single day students at the college donated 501
pints of blood to the Red Cross in a brief sa-
lute to this departed alumnus. The urge for
a more lasting tribute continued. Last month
the idea for a Glenn D. Mann Scholarship
Fund was born, and already students at Wil-
liam and Mary have raised $2,300 for this
cause. The community at large is now rally-
ing behind the fund, and it is certain to be-
come a permanent memorial to Captain
Mann.
Last fall newspaper publicized the fact
that many American servicemen in Vietnam
missed getting enough mail from home.
Students at the public schools in Williams-
burg and James City County, acting more or
less on their own, responded with a letter-
writing campaign. Youngsters In all grades
began writing hundreds of letters (no one
can know the exact count) to servicemen
they did not know.
One Army sergeant wrote back to an ele-
mentary school child in December and men-
tioned that he knew a lot of South Viet-
namese children, tragic victims of the war,
were not going to have a very happy Christ-
mas. The letter was published in this news-
paper. Again the response was immediate.
Williamsburg school children donated sev-
eral truckloads of toys, clothes, etc., which
were sent to Vietnamese orphans.
We mention these local facts, Senator not,
to bring undue credit to our community, but
merely to illustrate that there are citizens
here who are not losing sympathy with the
cause of valiant Americans fighting in Viet-
nam. We are personally convinced that
thousands of other communities in this great
Nation of ours feel the same way.
But you, apparently, think otherwise. As
a U.S. Senator you must travel to a lot of
places to get your information. One thing
is for sure. You haven't come to Williams-
burg lately. Maybe you should.
Very sincerely yours,
JOHN O. W. GRAVELY III.
The Economic Development of Puerto Rico
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM F. RYAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 17, 1966
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, the story of
economic development. in Puerto Rico is
one of the great success stories of this
decade. It is a tale of which' that island
can well be proud; and the citizens of
the United States, who have helped to
make that progress passible, can share in
her pride.
In a speech in Washington on February
24, 1965, the Honorable SANTIAGO Po-
LANCO-ABREU, Resident Commissioner of
Puerto Rico, compresses the island's his-
tory into a very few, eloquent para-
graphs. Our colleague notes in his con-
clusion:
In the 5 years since Castro has ruled rich
Cuba, its per, capita income has declined by
15 percent. During these same 5 years,
Puerto Rico's per capita income has risen by
more than 50 percent. I can think of few
statistics which are more sobering.
The progress of Puerto Rico is indeed
sobering. It is also heartening. Our
distinguished colleague, Mr. POLANCO-
ABREU, has told it well. The text of his
speech follows:
THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF PUERTO RICO
(By SANTIAGO POLANCO-ABREU)
There is probably no group in the world
which is more dedicated to the,goal of eco-
nomic development of less wealthy nations
than the membership of this society. .I feel
very much at home with men who are per-
sonally and professionally wrapped up in
the vast problems of. the two-thirds of the
world who still live In great poverty.
Certainly all of us are perturbed by the
enormous gulf which separates the "have"
from the "have nots" nations, and even more
perturbed by the fact that this gulf seems
to be growing, rather than diminishing.
Happily, there have been some noteworthy
exceptions to this trend of the rich getting
richer, while the poor get poorer or barely
hold their own. The rates of economic
growth in Japan, Israel, and Puerto Rico,
for example, are now much higher than the
,growth rates of more highly developed coun-
tries. In contrast with most underdeveloped
countries, moreover, their growth has been
nothing short of spectacular. Today, Japan,
Israel, and Puerto Rico are on the other side
of the fence, sending their technicians and
providing technical assistance to their less
fortunate neighbors.
Recognizing that Puerto Rico is no more
a typical case than Japan or Israel, It is
nevertheless worthwhile. I believe, to under-
stand something of its economic development
history in order to see more clearly some
of the problems characteristic of underdevel-
oped countries and some of the solutions that
have proved workable in Puerto Rico.
In 1898, when Puerto Rico was ceded by
Spain to the United States, the island was
indeed underdeveloped. Most people lived
in poverty on small subsistence farms. Fam-
ilies were large and few children could be
educated. Coffee was the only important
export, and the total volume of overseas
trade was small, indeed. The beginning of
a modernized Puerto Rican economy was the
development of sugar as a major export
industry.
Growth of the sugar industry provided a
necessary base for the more diversified eco-
nomic development that was to come much
later. The method of its development, how-
ever, was most damaging to the people of
Puerto Rico. The sugar industry, largely
owned by U.S. interests, took out from Puerto
Rico far more In profits than the amount
it invested or reinvested.
The depression of the 1930's hit Puerto
Rico with great severity. Sugar and coffee
prices tumbled to ruinous levels. Many
coffee plantations, which had been severely
damaged by hurricanes in 1928 and 1932,
were not replanted. Everywhere there was
deep social and political unrest. Puerto Rico
was on the brink of revolution. Federal relief
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A1576 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --APPENDIX March 17, 1960
,programs, although substantial in size, were found to enlist private capital on a large climate, its golden beaches, and its beautiful
not sufficient to offset the collapse in the scale in the industrial program. A sound scenery provided the natural resources on
economy, program of tax exemption, which was legis- which a major tourist industry could be
When it did come in 1940, the revolution lated in 1948, has proved to be the key incen- built. Nevertheless, tourism was a relatively
was a peaceful one. A newly-formed politi- tive necessary for the development of private slow starter.
cal party, led by Luis Mufioz Marin, won a industrial enterprise in Puerto Rico. But in the past 7 years the growth of
slim victory at the polls. Mufioz had cam- Puerto Rico's program of tax incentives Puerto Rican tourism has been spectacular.
paigned, not on the traditional' basis of and assistance to private industry rests on We have about 7,000 hotel rooms, two-thirds
Puerto Rico's political status, but on im- two basic elements In Puerto Rican-United of which have been built within this 7-year
mediate and pressing economic and social States relations. In accordance with its as- period.
issues. He promised bread for the hungry; sociation with the United States, Federal Primarily because of the swift expansion
land for the landless peasant; and freedom taxes (with minor exceptions) do not apply of manufacturing and tourism, the growth of
from political domination by the absentee in Puerto Rico and there are no tariffs or the Puerto Rican economy as a whole has
sugar companies. His victory brought hope other restrictions on the flow of trade and been among the most rapid anywhere in the
to a people that had for many years been money between the two areas. Since most world. Discounting price increases, the in-
mired in hopelessness. Federal taxes, including the Federal corporate crease in real Commonwealth gross product
During the war years, Mufioz and his new income tax do not apply in Puerto Rico, the during the past 5 years was 58 percent, an
Popular Party administration laid the Puerto Rican Government, by exempting a average of 9.5 percent, compounded annually.
groundwork for the economic and social de- corporation from its own taxes, is able to The largest gains in real gross product or
velopment programs which were later to be grant complete tax freedom. Under present real national income recorded elsewhere by
put into high gear. They also had a revenue legislation, it does so for manufacturing and the United Nations were 9.6 percent for Israel
windfall of $160 million from countervailing hotel enterprises for a period which ranges between 1952 and 1960, and 9.5 percent for
excise taxes on rum, which sold in large from ten years of tax exemption in the San Japan between 1954 and 1960.
quantities in the United States during the Juan metropolitan area to 17 years in less- It is, of course, a great flow of capital in-
war. And although this was badly needed developed parts of the island. vestment that accounts for Puerto Rico's
for public assistance and a score of urgent, Free trade with the United States, the record, or near-record rate of_ economic ex-
immediate problems, the Government made other key element in United States-Puerto pansion. For 7 years, gross investment in
the decision to invest this revenue in a num- Rican relations, meant that a manufacturing fixed capital has been 20 percent or more of
her of public corporations intended to operation in postwar Puerto Rico was not Commonwealth gross product. Last year it
spearhead Puerto Rico's economic develop- limited to what was then a very small local was 24.6 percent. Such a high rate of in-
ment. market. A plant efficient enough to compete vestment is characteristic of highly developed
Included among these publicly-owned with U.S. producers and also able to pay countries like Holland, Sweden, Canada and
corporations were utility companies in the ocean freight costs, was in a position to sell the United States but not of underdeveloped
fields of power, water supply, transporta- without any other restrictions in what was, countries where capital is ordinarily very
tion, and communications. There were five and is, the world's largest common market. scarce.
others that had specific economic develop- Our promotion efforts were at first slow in Recognizing the high productivity of new
ment objectives-the Government Develop- yielding results. By 1950 only about 80 new, investment in our economy, Puerto Rico has
ment Bank, the Industrial Development privately operated plants has been promoted, not only welcomed but actively promoted
Company, the Land Authority, and the Agri- and most of them were relatively small. By the investment of outside capital. As a re-
cultural Company. Today, there are 22 pub- 1955, 300 new privately owned factories had suit, about half of the funds invested in
lie corporations, in operation. Most of the been established. Today, 10 years later, Puerto Rico have come from external sources,
larger one are self-financing and today their there are more than a thousand new, pri- mainly the United States. There are three
assets total well over a billion dollars. Their vately owned factories operating In Puerto principal channels through which these
establishment early in the program and their Rico. Most of therm are affiliates of U.S. funds flow in: first, direct investment, mainly
continued record of sound and constructive manufacturing concerns. in factories, hotels, and commercial establish-
management have been major factors in the These factories produce over 300 different ments; second, the sale of bonds and other
success of the development program as a products. Apparel, textiles, electronics, ma- obligations of the Commonwealth and mu-
whole. chinery, and petrochemicals are among the nicipal governments and the public corpo-
To appreciate the strategy of the develop- largest and fastest growing of the new Puerto rations; and third, the purchase of Federal
ment program that was being planned and Rican Industries. About three-quarters of Housing Administration guaranteed mort-
started in the 1940's, one needs to know their output is exported, mostly to the gages by the Federal National Mortgage As-
something about Puerto Rico and its re- United States. Last year (1963-64), exports sociation (called Fanny May) and other in-
sources. The island is only about 100 miles of the new industries totaled $556 million, vestors outside Puerto Rico.
long and 36 miles wide. We have sunshine, more than three times the value of our ship- Direct investment of externally owned
beaches and the sea, mountain, and a tropi- ments of sugar and other agricultural prod- funds in Puerto Rican factories already ex-
cal rain forest. ucts. Manufacturing industries now employ ceeds half a billion dollars. Outstanding
Coffee ar_ ! tobacco, and fruits and vegeta- 105,000 workers at, an average wage of $1.15 obligations of the Commonwealth and rou-
bles are grown in the mountains; and we have an hour. nicipal governments and of Puerto Rico's
a rapidly-expanding livestock and poultry in- Puerto Rico is no longer a one-crop agri-.. public corporations total nearly a billion.
dustry, which produces about as much farm cultural economy, moreover. Agricultural Nearly two-thirds of this is accounted for by
income as sugar cane, our traditional crop. production has continued to expand and di- the public corporations, of which the Water
It began to be clear even in the 1940's that versify. The value of livestock and poultry Resources Authority is the largest.
Puerto Rican economy could not depend products, for example, is now about equal to I have been speaking in economic abstrac-
primarily on agriculture. The entire surface sugar. But even with it growing total of ag- tions. Now let me translate this into human
of the island has less than an acre of land ricultural production, manufacturing is terms. In 1940, Puerto Rico's per capita in-
per person and only about a third of its is today more than twice as important as agri- come was $121. By 1950 it had inched up to
suitable for crops of any kind. Even for- culture as a source of income and as a stim- $279. In 1964 it reached $832, almost triple
estry is limited by the rugged terrain and by ulus to the general economy. the figure of 14 years earlier. Even allowing
the great vatiety of trges and undergrowth To develop manufacturing to the point it for price increases, this meant that real per
typical of forests in the tropics. Prospecting has already reached has taken considerably capita income had more than doubled in
for minerals started years ago and continues more than tax exemption, free trade, and the past 14 years. In 1950, per capita in-
actively, but none has yet proved exploitable, promotion. The Puerto Rico Economic De- come in Puerto Rico was barely 18 percent
With limited land and no commercial re- velopment Administration and our voca- of the U.S. average, but by 1960, it had risen
sources of fuel or minerals, industrial de- tional educational system have had to train to 30 percent. So even in comparison with
velopment has had to be the key element in thousands of workers and supervisors. Many the United States, the gap has been closing
Puerto Rico's economic development program. manufacturers have needed and have re- rapidly. These per capita figures have, of
But there were many people in the 1940's, ceived marketing, engineering, and other course, deep human meaning. They meat
including some of the experts, who believed forms of technical assistance, as well as lab- that a man who was worried about being
that an Industrial program was doomed to oratory and testing services. For nearly a able to afford a pair of shoes 25 years ago,
failure in a small agricultural country with decade, the Industrial Development Co. now worries about finding a parking space
such limited physical resources. In any case, has maintained a stock of about 50 new for his Chevrolet; and that the woman who
it seemed quite clear that private investors factory buildings throughout the island then wondered if she could feed her chil-
would not initially undertake so rash a ven- ready for immediate occupancy. The oom- dren, now is concerned with providing them
ture unless 'the government functioned as a pany and the Government Development with high school or college education.
very active catalyst. Bank stand ready to participate In almost Let me cite some revealing indexes of this
At first the government constructed and any kind of financing arrangement that new, relative prosperity. In only 6 years, the
operated five factories, but it soon became seems mutually beneficial to the prospective people of Puerto Ricoraised their per capita
evident that it would be impossible for the manufacturer and to the people of Puerto consumption of animal proteins from 54 per-
Industrial Development Company to create Rico. cent of the U.S. average to 82 percent. In
jobs for Puerto Rico's rapidly rising popula- Tourism development Was another logical these same 6 years, the registration of motor
tion by this method. Some way had to be target for Puerto Rico. The island's kind vehicles Increased twofold, while,the num-
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