TIME TO STOP OUR ALLIES FROM AIDING OUR ENEMIES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 48
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2005
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: February 17, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

3310 Approved For 801MIj9 671?RA00040003r0R7-8
149, 1
ested in bringing the matter to a quicker of Ohio, I introduce for appropriate ref- ment of wester
vote than will probably occur, the meas- qu ity ttandards. De-
De-
erence a bill to amend the Federal Water lay and confusion about the Administra-
ure could have been considered earlier. Pollution Control Act, in order to im- tion and its status can only succeed in
I see no reason that the measure cannot prove and to make more effective the frustrating the intention of Congress in
be voted on next week. operations of that act.
Th Senate debated the repeal of sec- I ask unanimous consent that the bill enacting the Water Qualty Act of 1965.
tion .14(b) for many weeks. That de- remain at the desk for 10 days, to give The Water Quality Act was not the end
bate was finally brought to a conclusion. other Senators an opportunity gi our effortA It esde tJo a o new ad
be-
If the administration had wanted to do to join ginning. As President Johnson said
so, they could have temporal?il laid the as cosponsors. when he signed that act:
see 14 (b) so, hl of could h t a r any laid the out The P tRiESIDING oFFIC ER. The i bill This bill that you have passed, that will
the pending measure up at an earlier become law
will not a result of a responsive of an-
will be received and appropriately gress, win not completely assure us oi' ab-
date. referred. solute success. Additional bolder legislation
'T'he Senate adjourned from Thursday, Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President? last will be needed In the years ahead. But we
February 10, 1.966, until Wednesday, Feb- year the Congress enacted the Water have begun. And we have begun in the
ruary 16, 1966, in order that members of Quality Act of 1965. That legislation, best American tradition-with a program of
the opposition party could return to their which resulted from several years of joint Federal, State and local action.
homes and make political speeches. I work, debate, and deliberation, marked The proposed legislation we are in-
do not deny anyone that right. How- a major change in the direction and em- troducing today is bolder legislation. It
ever, if it were urgent that this measure phasis of the water pollution control Is the product of last year's field hear-
be voted on this week, that certainly and abatement program. ings by the Subcommittee on Air and
could have been done. An opportunity Its two key provisions, dealing, with Water Pollution of the Public Works
could have been afforded to those of us the establishment of a, new Water Pol- Committee. It is designed to implement
who want to express our thoughts and l.ution Control Administration in the De- the findings published in our report,
prayers. Certainly we should not be de- partment of Health, Education, and Wel- "Steps Toward Clean Water." It will
nicd that right. fare and the program for water quality form the basis for hearings and the de--
I believe one thing that has been ac- standards on interstate streams, made velopment of legislative recommenda?.
Peomplished by the present course of possible new and more effective attacks tions which the Committee on Public
action is that this question has been fl- on the problem of providing the right Works plans to report to the Senate later
nally removed from the cloakrooms and quality of water in the right place at in the session.
the corridors of Capitol Hill, and that the right time.
some questions that many of us have The response to the Water Quality wouBriefly, Mr. , this ld provide for ash-year,, $6 billion prom
been asking are now in the minds of the Act has been particularly gratifying in gram of grants to municipalities for
American people. The American people view of the strong opposition we had to sewage treatment construction, with the
have a right to ask those questions. The overcome to obtain passage. As Sena- Federal Government paying 30 percent.
American people are now receiving some tors may recall, it originated in the Sen- of the total construction cost. It would
answers, even if the answers consist of ate as S. 649 in the 88th Congress. The remove the present limits on individual
further questions. They are entitled to Senate passed it in that Congress, but it project grants. If enacted, It would
receive this information. did not receive concurrence in the House. help us meet the estimated $20 billion
We do not live in a totalitarian society We introduced the legislation in the 89th cost of municipal sewage treatment con-
in which the voice of opposition should Congress as S. 4. As in the earlier Con- struction needed to meet our national
be stilled. I do not believe that the gress the reaction was mixed. The Sen- needs between now and 1972.
President would want this to occur. ate acted quickly, and after several In addition, the bill provides for in-
That was my reason for calling to the months the House passed a differing, ver-
a,ttention of the Senate the words of sion. Protracted negotiations and it con- the program the Stater to participate in
the President when he was a U.S. Sena- ference led to final agreement on the act bonus program by offerings a 10hei'e the
tor. which President Johnson signed Octo- ine on those the Federal cases whe
I believe that if the President were here her 2, 1965. We matches the Federal contribution.
as a Senator at the present time, he In the months since final enactment, loan We provide for a long-term, low-interest
-ununtiewould say: I have been encouraged by the growing programer to) assist funds and lmet us proceed with our business in an interest among public officials and iridus- re resources we riot funds and local
o the
orderly fashion. Let us debate the issues trial leaders in the comprehensive water local shareare not adequate
also o include cmeet the
and not personalities. Let us concern our- improvement program initiated by the local foStates r We als ata provi-
:,elves with the future of our country and Water Quality Act. I believe that a fun- Sion for help accelerate antii her their r allot-
with the, future of our young people, rather damental change has occurred In the program.
a to help the construction
than with words which will be hard to strike prfrom the minds of some people if these words national attitude toward the water pollu-
are repeated too often. tion problem. The discussion has shifted In order to assist the States in eve
from the issue of whether or net we proving their own programs, we have
Mr. MCGOVERN. Mr. President, I should improve the quality of our water provided for an increase from $5 million
suggest the absence of a quorum. to the issue of how best to accomplish to $10 million in the grants for State
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The our objectives. programs.
clerk will call ttIIie roll. The one disturbing factor in these Finally, Mr. President, we would au-
'Flee legislative clerk proceeded to call months has been. the delay in effectively thorize a $25 million a year program of
the roll. establishing the new Water Pollution grants for the demonstration of ad-
Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, I ask Control Administration in the Depart- vanced waste treatment and water
unanimous consent that the order for mint of Health, Education, and Welfare purification methods or new or improved
the quorum call be rescinded. by the appointment of a Water PoIlu- methods of compatible joint treatment
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BYRD Lion Control Administrator, as authorized systems for municipal and industrial
of Virginia in the chair). Without ob- by the Water Quality Act. Quite frank- wastes.
jcction, it is so ordered. 11', we cannot afford to lose momentum at This program is designed to enable us
?- ?-?---- this time as a result of delays occasioned to meet our primary and secondary sew-
AMENDZVTENT,? TO WATER QUALITY by administrative uncertainty. age treatment construction needs, to up-
1965 T The new Administration was author- grade State programs, and to launch us
AST OF A
ized by the Congress to upgrade the sta- into the new and highly important sys-
Mr. MUSKIE, Mr.. President, on be- tus of our water pollution control and terns approach to water pollution abate-
half of myself and Senators BAYR, BOGGS, abatement program and to broaden the ment and control and improved water
CARUENING, HARRIS, HART, INOUYE, JAVITS, emphasis of our water program to in- quality development. This approach is
IIARTKE, KENNEDY of Massachusetts, Mc- elude more than health considerations. adaptable to different conditions in all
NAMARA, MONTOYA, Moss, NELSON, RIRI- The States are now making plans to work parts of the country. It is designed to
CoFr, RANDOLPir, TYDINGS, and YOUNG, With the Administration in the develop- take advantage of technological develop-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 ? %g12f W__ E67
6R000400030007-8 3191
February 17, 1 roved F 'Mie
language describing the various statutes,
how and to whom they apply, the functions,
of the appropriate agency in the Govern-
ment which administers each law, -the
procedures for appearance and appeal with-
in the Department of Agriculture, and other
pertinent information which would be of use
to practicing attorneys who are not special-
ized in agricultural law and to interested
Members of Congress and the general public.
These two actions-codifying and stream-
lining titles 7 and 16, together with publish-
ing a concise and accurate digest of agricul-
tural laws, would go a long way toward
dispelling the feeling of many people that
Mr. Lubell described when he said: "The
writing of farm legislation has become a con-
spiracy against public understandi}Ig.;;y' k
TIME TO STOP OUR ALLIES FROM
AIDING OUR ENEMIES
(Mr. GURNEY (at the request of Mr.
GRoss) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
. Mr. GURNEY. Mr. Speaker, I am in-
troducing a bill to prohibit any vessel or
shipping line doing business with the
Communists in North Vietnam from
carrying U.S. cargoes. The shocking
fact, that in 1965 there were more free
world ships than Communist ships en-
gaging in trade with North Vietnam,
makes the legislation which I propose to-
day of vital concern to every American.
The bill I propose today amends the
Merchant Marine Act by providing that
no article shall be transported aboard
vessels of any shipping interest which
allows vessels under its control to be
used in trade with North Vietnam.
The exact figures for free world ship-
ping into Haiphong are classified infor-
mation which the State Department will
not release to the American people. Ho
Chi Minh, Mao Tse-tung, and Kosygin
all know, but it is top secret information
to be kept from the American people.
But through the fog that surrounds the
issue, it is clear that our allies are giving
invaluable aid to the Vietcong-107 of
the 119 allied ships known to have en-
tered the port of Haiphong in 1965 flew
flags of NATO countries.
The State Department claims that be-
cause much of the material traded is not
strategic, this doubledealing by our
allies is somehow all right. It seems to
me that one does not have to be a trained
diplomat to see beyond that argument.
The more nonwar goods that are carried
on free world ships, the more Communist
ships are freed for war materials. It
seems equally obvious that to a war econ-
omy such as North Vietnam's, the pro-
vision of any goods, whether they are war
supplies or domestic necessities, is giving
them aid and comfort.
Those shipping lines which pick up
cargoes in American ports would either
have to give up their Vietcong business
or ours. Great Britain, probably the
worst offender, claims that it has no con-
trol over its private shipping lines except
in wartime. They have made no move
to comply with the official requests of
our Government that they cease their
North Vietnam trade. My bill would take
the problem out of the hands of the
diplomats and the British Government
and let us deal directly with the offend-
ing shippers.
It is no wonder that Hanoi thinks it
can scare the United States out of Viet-
nam. Although we fight on land, we
make no effort to blockade or otherwise
prevent our own allies from loading and
unloading merchandise in Haiphong. If
this would not convince Ho Chi Minh
that our involvement there is a half-
hearted one, nothing would.
We already have a similar cargo ban
on those ships trading with Cuba, and
we are not at war with them. Why
,should we not operate such a blacklist
against ships aiding a regime that is daily
killing our American boys?
I call upon the Johnson administration
for immediate passage of this bill. We
are engaged in a major war. We should
take the necessary actions to conclude
this war. This action is simple, easy, and
long overdue. Let us do it.
(Mr. SCHWEIKER (at the request of
Mr. GRoss) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. SCHWEIKER'S remarks wi p-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.
THE REASON WHY THE 7NITED
STATES IS IN SOUTH VIETNAM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
a previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Illinois [Mr. PUCINSKII is
recognized for 15 minutes.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, yester-
day the President of the United States
addressed the school administrators con-
vention in Atlantic City and put into its
proper perspective the whole question of
why the United States is in Vietnam. He
also stated unequivocally that the United
States will not be driven out of Vietnam.
It is my hope that those who have been
carrying on the vendetta against Amer-
ica's participation in the struggle for
freedom in Vietnam will heed what the
President said yesterday and will study
carefully the testimony presented by
General Taylor today before the other
body.
The President quite properly pointed
out that the issue in Vietnam is not a
struggle over a piece of real estate known
as South Vietnam but, rather, a struggle
in support of a fundamental question
as to whether we will give the Commu-
nists an opportunity to develop this en-
tirely new type of warfare all over the
world.
In order to understand our involve-
ment in Vietnam we must understand
several other things. This country has
built up an awesome Defense Establish-
ment, so awesome that it has made major
war totally unthinkable for the world.
There is no question that our fleet of
Polaris submarines and our Strategic Air
Command with its B-52's and our guided
missiles; which are capable of sending
nuclear warheads across continents and
oceans, have certainly helped us finally
to reach that point in the world's cross-
road when the major powers realize that
any major military confrontation will be
too costly and too devastating for all
sides involved. We have made world
holocaust too costly for anyone to seri-
ously consider a major nuclear third
world war. There can be no question
that our vast Military Establishment is
today proving itself the very deterrent it
was designed to be against a third world
war. The fact that neither the Soviet
Union nor China have joined Hanoi on a
major scale proves conclusively that
major war would appear to be out of the
question at this time.
So the Communists have now gone the
other way. They have developed a new
technique, a technique which they call
wars of liberation but which are noth-
ing more than wars of subversion and
terrorism against the established order
in nation after nation; small, dirty wars,
but no less devastating to the institu-
tions of freedom where they are not
stopped.
Two weeks ago I described here on
this floor-and my remarks appear in
the RECORD of January 20, on page 822-
the blueprint that the Communists have
spelled out for similar wars such as they
are waging in Vietnam today to be
waged on three major continents of the
world, that is, in Asia, in Africa, and in
spelled out their blueprint for world con-
quest through terrorism and subversion
during their Tricontinental Congress
which was held in Havana, Cuba, from
January 1 through January 15.
Now, how foolish could we be to walk
away from South Vietnam today when
the Communists have publicly, an-
nounced that they intend to proliferate
this new concept of terror and subver-
sion in every single nation on three con-
tinents if they get away with such sub-
version in South Vietnam?
How can anyone fail to see what
devastating plans the Communists have
for a whole series of "Vietnams," when
they have boldly, brazenly, and arro-
gantly told us-in public-of their new
attacks on the institutions of freedom
on three continents?
Mr. HARDY. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. PUCINSKI. I am glad to yield to
the gentleman from Virginia.
Mr. HARDY. Mr. Speaker, I merely
want to compliment the gentleman on
the floor for the fine statement he is
making.
Mr. PUCINSKI. I thank the gentle-
man.
Mr. RANDALL. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. PUCINSKI. I am glad to yield to
the gentleman.
Mr. RANDALL. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to join in the commendation of the
gentleman from Illinois with just this
one additional comment. We are getting
quite a bit of mail now about pulling out
of Vietnam and saying it is a grave mis-
take that we are there, because they
want peace.
If I may contribute this much to the
gentleman's reYnarks, I would say that
I always write back and say, "Yes, we
are yearning for peace, and I do not
think that there is a Member of this
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 3192 Approved For CRI 67B(1(W 100400030PP77,Wry 17, 1966
body that does not want peace as much suffering in South America-gives all of
as you do, but we have to ask ourselves us hope that perhaps the war situation
Immediately two questions: The first is could change very suddenly.
what kind of peace? And the second So, Mr. Speaker, I would say that we
question is, for how long?" can be proud of the American people.
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I thank The .American people want to see this war
the gentleman for his comments. ended. But, I am certain, they want it
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, ended with victory for freedom.
will the gentleman yield? Earlier today we heard testimony be-
Mr. PUCINSKI. I yield to the gen- fore one of our committees by General
tleman from Louisiana. Hershey, discussing the draft and what
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, I it is doing to the young people of this
would like to congratulate the gentle- country. Of course, all of us are con-
man from Illinois for the fine statement corned about this. We all pray fervently
he is making to the House here today. that we can bring the entire Vietnam
The President is eminently correct when situation to the negotiating table, but
he brings forcibly to the attention of pulling away some from North Vietnam,
the educators, the administrators of edu- would only whet the appetite of the
cation in this country, the fact that Communists and would only open the
there is more than a piece of real estate door for more Communist aggression, as
at stake in Vietnam; that there is a prin- the President so eloquently stated yes-
ciple involved and that this issue is a. terday.
phony one with the Communists. These Retreat from South Vietnam would
so-called wars of liberation must not be represent an open invitation to Com-
allowed to succeed because they are sub- munists over all this world to engage
versive in nature and they do not serve in similar subversion, and similar ter-
the best interests of mankind either in rorism, in every country into which they
this land of freedom or anywhere else on can get.
the face of the earth. Therefore, I con, So, Mr. Speaker, I believe that stand-
gra.tulate the President and I commend ing with the President is the only way to
him for his steadfast attitude. In turn, proceed. I believe Mr. Johnson has
I congratulate the gentleman from Illi.-? charted a sound course.
nois for reminding the House again of The President has held out the olive
a position from which we cannot de twig in one hand, but has not abandoned
part. our responsibilities, from a military
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I thank standpoint, on the other hand.
my colleague. I think every single Mr. Speaker, it is my hope and honest
American and every single person in this belief that with the victories which our
world who wants peace and freedom troops are scoring in Vietnam today we
ought to offer a prayer of thanksgiving have at least more reason to hope today
that we have a President who has the than ever before that the war in Vietnam
courage and the wisdom to understand can take a very sudden turn and victory
the global aspects of Vietnam. could be ours.
Mr. Speaker, I belong to that school I should like to include at this point
which sincerely believes that the Commit _ an editorial from the Chicago Sun-Times
nists are :in more trouble in Vietnam to - which points out China's setbacks. I
(lay than we are. We are winning in believe this is an extremely important
Vietnam. Our American troops are scor- editorial and fortifies my belief that with
ing impressive victories every day. Those all of her setbacks, China might very
who have been imploring the President well stop coercing Hanoi to continue its
to pull out, to give in, to walk away a:re aggression in Vietnam. We pray to God
obviously blind completely to the fact this might be so and the conflict in Viet-
that while we have had difficulty in fight- nalrl terminated soon..
ing this very unusual war, we are still The Chicago Sun-Times editorial fol-
winning. We have never had a war like lows:
this to fight before. Here you do not PAPER DRAGON?
know who the enemy is. You cannot find Red Chinese plots for subversion and revolt
them. They work in the fields during the have recently been uncovered in the Middle
day and then engage in their terrorism East and in Africa, where a number of na-
tions
subversion at night. You Cannot tions have broken off diplomatic; relations
with Peiping. Similar plots have been un-
identify whose forces they are. So, ad- covered cr smashed in other areas.
inittedly, there are serious problems for In Indonesia, a Red Chinese attempt to
our side in meeting this enemy, but our take over that government was met with
troops and the Korean troops and the force and destroyed. In Cuba, Premier Fidel
Australian and South Vietnamese and Castro denounced Peiping as an aggressor
other troops of all our other allies--and after uncovering a Chinese Communist plot
w: do have allies in Vietnam-have fl.- to subvert his army.
wally found the winning combination. Russia is moving toward an open break
Mr. Sp(?aker, I believe it is the Corv- with Chinese communism and even Albania,
mm11sts who are in trouble in Vietnam. long Peiping stalwart in Eastirn Europe,
is now reported to be turning to Moscow.
I believe One has the right to believe, It adds up to acute embarrassment for
without arousing too much optimism, Peiping diplomats-and it raises a doubt that
that China is losing its effort to set itself Red China's dragon is as fierce as It has
up as the great spokesman of all of the been advertised.
Communists of the world. Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, will the
I believe that the psychological and the gentleman yield?
diplomatic defeats which China has suf- Mr. PUCINSKI. I yield to the gentle-
fered in Africa and in Asia-and is now man from Iowa.
Mr. GROSS. The gentleman speaks
of the help we are receiving in Vietnam,
and the draft call upon Americans.
I want to say that outside of South
Vietnam, the Australians-a token force
of Australians-and a very few New
Zealanders, as well as the South Koreans
and the United States, who else is shed-
ding any blood? Who else is getting
killed in Vietnam?
Mr. PUCINSKI. May I say to my very
distinguished colleague, the gentleman
from Iowa LMr. Gaoss], who is a mem-
ber on the Committee on Foreign Af-
fairs-and I respect him for his good
and sound judgment-I know that the
gentleman knows perhaps better than
most Members of Congress, by virtue of
the fact that he is on the Committee on
Foreign Affairs and is privy to many
things that. perhaps the rest of its do not
have-that this is a troubled world.
There are many trouble spots. Our
allies are making their contributions in
various parts of the world. Perhaps
they cannot be with us in Vietnam to the
extent we would like to have them par-
ticipate. Take the British, for instance.
They are holding Malaysia. Also there
are other places around the world in
similar situations.
Mr. GROSS. I did not know there
was a war going on in Malaysia.
Mr. PUCINSKI. There is not, but
there certainly would be war if we did
not have the forces over there to main-
tain peace. Take, for instance, the
Middle East, and take many other parts
of the world. We have a peacekeeping
force now in the Middle East. The
gentleman from Iowa knows the situa-
tion is not that simple. One cannot say
that we have a problem in Vietnam and,
therefore, that we must concentrate
every effort there on the part of our
allies, because that in itself would be an
invitation to other aggressors, other ag-
gressions, and other upheavals which
would only confront us to a greater de-
gree at other places.
Mr. Speaker, the pattern is very clear.
I certainly would like to see more of our
allies assist us in Vietnam. I join the
gentleman from Iowa in that expression,
if that is what the gentleman is sug-
gesting. I join him in that hope.
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, if the gen-
tleman will yield further, the gentleman
well knows that from 139 nations in the
world we are receiving no assistance,
no help at all with reference to the war
which is going on in North Vietnam.
This is what requires the drafting of the
youth of this country. I do not like it a
bit.
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman from
Illinois will come to my office I will show
the gentleman a complete rundown com-
piled by the Department of State in the
last few days, showing just how little the
rest of the world is helping us in North
Vietnam.
Mr. PUCINSKI. I agree with the
gentleman from Iowa, and the gentle-
man knows that I have taken the floor
many times urging that our allies give
us greater support. But, having said
this, I am sure the gentleman is not
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 y y Approved FV, ftg&W g/2RE -BDPf B 6R000400030007-8
APPLAUDING RECENT ACTIONS BY
BUREAU OF THE BUDGET
(Mr. HENDERSON (at the request of
Mr. DE LA GARZA) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. HENDERSON. Mr. Speaker, it is
indeed timely and fitting that the Direc-
tor of the Bureau of the Budget, Hon.
Charles Schultze, and his Deputy, Hon.
Elmer Staats, be complimented on recent
manpower management improvement
actions by these able administrators.
I have been advised by Mr. Staats that
the Budget for the Department of De-
fense provides for 58,000 additional ci-
vilian spaces for the military services to
replace able-bodied military men now in
such support jobs as: chauffeurs, car-
penters, painters, office equipment oper-
ators, and budget analysts with civil
service personnel. These military-
trained men, by returning to their com-
bat units, will not only bolster our de-
fense posture but also in time this pro-
gram will save the Government several
million dollars annually. This action by
Bureau of the Budget officials is in ac-
cord with a request of the Manpower
Subcommittee last August to the Secre-
tary of Defense and to the Director of
the Bureau of the Budget.
Mr. Staats also indicated that the Bu-
reau's personnel ceiling control policy
has been revised so that temporary, part-
time, and intermittent employment are
no longer under a specific numerical
ceiling. This change will give the Gov-
ernment's managers some greater flexi-
bility in handling their personnel prob-
lems. In a request to the Director of
the Budget last April, I indicated that
a change in personnel ceiling controls
would also save the Government money.
Several departments and agencies have
so indicated this to the Manpower Sub-
committee.
The Deputy Director of the Budget
stated that action has also been taken in
Defense, Post Office, and the General
Services Administration to use Federal
employees in lieu of contracting out for
personal services. The subcommittee
,has determined from the experience of
several Government activities that the
use of contractors to perform work nor-
mally handled by civil service workers is
often more costly than in-house opera-
tions, but also the Government loses a
definite control over the work. Fre-
quently the subcommittee has been told
by management officials of departments
and agencies that limited civilian per-
sonnel ceilings have in the past been a
Mr. WHITE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
today, the organization popularly known
as LULAC, the League of United Latin
American Citizens, observes its 37th an-
niversary. Organized in Corpus Christi,
Tex., February 17, 1929, the league has
become one of the outstanding groups of
our Nation for the fostering of good citi-
zenship.
. Because the national headquarters of
the League of United Latin American
Citizens is located in my city, El Paso,
Tex.; because five of its past national
presidents have been residents of my
district; and because I have personally
seen the results of this organization's
many contributions toward good citizen-
ship, I would like to call the attention of
the House to LULAC's outstanding
record.
The league carries on a constant pro-
gram of citizenship classes, to aid pros-
pective citizens of Latin American birth
to become well grounded in fundamental
principles of our Government before be-
coming naturalized. It conducts annual
campaigns of voter registration and
voter qualification.
In the field of education, the League
of United Latin American Citizens did
some important pioneering from which
the whole Nation is today reaping re-
wards. In 1956, the LULACS initiated
what was called "The Little School of the
internationally noted news commenta-
tor, reporter, and author, substituted for
ABC Commentator Edward P. Morgan on
February 11, 1966, and gave one of the
finest interpretations I have yet to read
in cogent form of the role of our country
in Vietnam-why we are there, and why
we must be there for our own good and
that of the free world. It is truly a su-
perb presentation, and I am pleased to
offer it to my colleagues.
Mr. Smith, a native of my State of
Louisiana and a fellow student at Tulane
University 30 years ago, takes up the of t-
quoted cliches of the opponent's of our
policy and actions in Vietnam, and re-
futes them with logical clear analysis-
-analysis based on the experience of his-
tory.
Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I am pleased
to insert into the RECORD this fine news
commentary by my good friend, Howard
K. Smith. The commentary, broadcast
on February 11, 1966, follows:
EDWARD P. MORGAN AND THE NEWS,
FEBRUARY 11, 1966
(Howard K. Smith substituting for
Edward P. Morgan) . .
The chief event in Washington this week
has been the hearings on Vietnam in the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee. The
committee, and the public, have heard two
witnesses fairly critical of what we are ac-
tually doing in Vietnam. Next week, Secre-
tary of State Rusk and Gen. Maxwell Taylor
will appear before the committee and refute
some of the points made this week by Gavin
and Kennan. But a long weekend will have
passed. The North Vietnamese will have
time to nourish a little more the only be-
lief sustaining them-that America is ser-
iously split; and the administration has no
answers to critics' points. As many of the
points made by critics are extremely doubt-
ful, I beg to suggest the case against them.
One statement, made so often in the hear-
ings, that it is becoming an accepted cliche
is-America is trying to police the whole
world, and we can't do it. The truth is,
America's actions have been highly selec-
tive. There was for some years a war in
the Congo. We took no part. There was a
severe crisis in Cyprus that nearly sent our
allies Greece and Turkey, to war. We took
no leading part in it. The Rhodesian crisis
is being left to Britain, though as a loyal
ally we give moral support. There is a
threatened crisis between Israel and Jordan
over use of Jordan river waters. We have
said no word and are in no way planning to
intercede. The list could be lengthened.
There is simply no evidence whatever for
the cliche that we are being the universal
policeman.
Another proposition stated so often that
people are tired questioning it is-It was
a tragic blunder to get committed in South
Vietnam in the first place. Well, take your
mind back to when we did, 1954, and think
about it. A war by a minority of Communist
guerrillas was raging in Malaya, south of
Vietnam. Nearby in Burma guerrilla raids
from China were being made. Had we re-
fused to intercede and give South Vietnam
help, Malaya might might well have gone
Communist, Burma as well-and the small,
weaker countries in Asia. India would be
In much greater peril and the world situa-
tion much more unstable and dangerous
than it is. And, incidentally, an American
administration that refused to face up to
a responsibility that important would have
had a hard time from the American voters.
Both General Gavin and Mr. Kennan ques-
tioned that South Vietnam is an important
commitment at all. They are certainly right
400"-to teach a basic 400 English words
to 5-year-old children whose native lan-
guage was other than English. The
Texas State Legislature made the pro-
gram statewide and appropriated funds
for its financing. Today, a similar pro-
gram, nationwide in its scope, is known
as Project Head Start.
In the 1950's, the LULACS also
launched their nationwide campaign
against the high school dropout problem.
Coupled with this, they initiated an im-
pressive program of college scholarships
for promising youth of Latin American
ancestry. The roll of young men and
women who have completed college
under this program is long and growing.
The LULACS, through their many cul-
tural events, fiestas, concerts, and folk
dances, have taught all of us the graceful
charm of Spanish America; and in doing
so, have enriched our own culture to the
benefit of all.
Mr. Speaker, the League of United
Latin American Citizens, through its
actions, has proved that racial prejudice
disappears as education and good citizen-
ship advance. For 37 years of solid
progress in promoting these worthy
aims, the League of Untied Latin Ameri-
can Citizens deserves the gratitude and
major reason for contracting for wor
normally done by Government em
ployees.
I applaud these progressive and real-
istic manpower moves by the Director of
the Bureau of the Budget.
THE 37TH ANNIVERSARY OF LULAC
(Mr. WHITE of Texas (at the request
of Mr. DE LA GARZA) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
HOWARD K. SMITH'S COMMENTARY
ON THE WAR IN VITENAM
(Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr. DE
LA GARZA) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, I would like
to call to the attention of my colleagues
an excellent commentary on the war
in Vietnam and the role of the United
States in this war. Howard K. Smith.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
3202 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE February 17, 1966
that it does not rank with, say, Japan, or
with Berlin. The loss of either of those
would truly carry the cold war to dangerous
new dimensions. But South Vietnam re-
mains very important indeed. The struggle
going on Is actually for all the southeast
Asian peninsula, which is of great im-
portance.
Next to South Vietnam, Laos and Cam-
bodia are both riddled with guerrilla bands,
passive, waiting for victory in South Viet.
nam before they take over those countries.
In Thailand, south of them, the Vietcong are
not hiding their preparation. Peiping radio
announces once a week its plans to secure the
takeover of 'T'hailand. If we were not resist..
Ing in Vietnam, we would certainly soon have
to fight in those other places, deep inland,
with long supply routes, and at every disad-
vantage. By resisting where we are we have
the 7th U.S. Fleet, the world's strongest, able
to give constant artillery and air support to
troops-which it could not do inland-and
we have short and well-protected supply
routes from the coast. There is no doubt
that we have chosen the, for us, most ad-
vantageous, least costly, place to make the
stand. So, Vietnam is a very important com-
mitment indeed.
Botk witnesses have vigorously disagreed
with the domino theory-the idea that if one
nation falls, the others topple in a long line.
But nobody has refuted the facts of political
life: Success at conquest is infectious among
greedy dictators. They need foreign success
to divert attention from the fact that they
do very badly at home. There is no doubt
that a triumph in one place stimulates the
urge to try it elsewhere, and if we leave
Vietnam to them, it can lead to setbacks
nearly as great as China turning Communist
In the first place.
One of the strongest myths of the time is-
let South Vietnam go to the Communists.
It will not be China's puppet. It will be as
independent of China as Russia's satellites
are of Russia. The answer to that is-do not
overestimate the independence of Russia's
satellites. Hardly one of them can fire 10
rounds without ammunition from Russia, or
fix a tank or plane without parts from Rus-
sia. What independence they have is very
modest and very limited.
In the one important case where a satellite
flouted Russia outright-Tito-the prime
condition for success was-America was near-
by, dominating the Mediterranean and would
equip Tito fur a mountain war of infinite
duration. Those who assure us if we let
Vietnam go it will be independent, also in-
sist that we eliminate the one condition that
makes a degree of independence possible-
American resistance.
Senator FUi.narcxr's office anonunced today
he had received 5,000 letters due to last
week's hearings. He interpreted that to mean
a vote of confidence in him. In a nation of
195 mililon, there is a different way of in-
terpreting that. It may mean there are 194
million plus votes that he isn't getting.
This is Howard K. Smith in Washington.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legisla-
tive program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. PATMAN, for i hour, on February
23; and to revise and extend his re-
elude extraneous matter, immediately
following Mr. PATMAN.
Mr. VANrx (at the request of Mr. PAT-
MAN), for 1 hour, on February 24; and
to revise and extend his remarks and
include extraneous matter immediately
following Mr. PATMAN.
Mr. WAGGONNER, for 20 minutes, today,
and to revise and extend his remarks.
Mr. GRoss, for 30 minutes, on Monday,
February 21.
Mr. FEIGHAN, for 10 minutes, today;
and to revise and extend his remarks.
Mr. PucINSxI, for 15 minutes, today.
Mr. QuIE (at the request of Mr. GRoss)
for 5 minutes, February 21; and to re-
vise and extend his remarks and in-
clude extraneous material.
Mr. FOGARTY (at the request of Mr. DE
LA GARZA), for 15 minutes, today : and to
revise and extend his remarks and in-
clude extraneous matter.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks
was granted to:
Mr. DORN.
Mr. O'NETLL of Massachusetts in two
instances and to include newspaper
articles.
Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. DE LA
GARZA) to revise and extend his remarks
and include extraneous matter, notwith-
standing the cost is estimated by the
Public Printer not to exceed $260.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. GRoss) and to include ex-
traneous matter:)
Mr. MIZE.
Mr. RUMSFELD in two instances.
Mr. MINSHALL.
Mr. FiNO.
Mr. BOB WILSON in two Instances.
Mr. HOSMER in two instances.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. DE LA GARZA) and to include
extraneous matter:)
Mr. RACE in two instances.
Mr. TODD in two instances.
Mr. COOLEY in four instances.
Mr. GIBBONS in two instances.
Mr. MOORHEAD in six instances.
Mr. MULTER in three instances.
Mr. MURPHY of New York.
Mrs. KELLY.
Mr. WOLFF.
Mr. WHITENER in two instances.
Mr. GONZALEZ in two instances.
Mrs. HANSEN of Washington.
Mr. CASEY in three instances.
Mr. HANSEN of Iowa.
Mr. RYAN.
Mr. RANDALI, in two instances.
Mr. MILLER in five instances.
Mr. MORRISON in two instances.
EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS,
ETC.
Under clause 2 of rule XXIV, executive
communications were taken from the
Speaker's table and referred as follows:
2053. A letter from the Acting Secretary
of Agriculture, transmitting the annual re-
port showing quantities of commodities on
hand, sales and disposition methods used.
and quantities of CCC commodities moved
into consumption channels, pursuant to sec-
tion 201(b), Public Law 540, 84th Congress;
to the Committee on Agriculture.
2054. A letter from the Assistant Chief of
Navy Material (Procurement), transmitting
the semiannual report of research and de-
velopment procurement actions of $50,000
and over, for the period July 1 through De-
cember 31, 1965, pursuant to the provisions
of 10 U.S.C. 2357; to the Committee an Armed
Services.
2055. A letter from the Assistant Secretary
of the Interior, transmitting copies of pro-
posed amendments extending the concession
contracts of several applicants, pursuant to
section 5, Public Law 89-249; to the Commit-
tee on Interior and Insular Affairs.
2056. A letter from the Commissioner, Im-
migration and Naturalization Service, U.S.
Department of Justice, transmitting reports
concerning visa petitions approved, accord-
ing certain beneficiaries of such petitions
third preference and sixth preference classi-
fication, pursuant to the provisions of sec-
tion 204(d) of the Immigration and Na-
tionality Act, as amended; to the Commit-
tee on the Judiciary.
2057. A letter from the Secretary of the
Treasury, transmitting a draft of proposed
legislation to amend the Internal :Revenue
Code of 1954 to remove the restrictions on
charges for certain narcotic order forms; to
the Committee on Ways and Means.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON PUB-
LIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS
Under clause 2 of rule XIII, reports of
committees were delivered to the Clerk
for printing and reference to the proper
calendar, as follows:
Mr. MILLER: Committee on Science and
Astronautics. S. 774. An act to authorize
the Secretary of Commerce to make a study
to determine the advantages and disadvan-
tages of increased use of the metric system
in the United States; with an amendment
(Rept. No. 1291). Referred to the Committee
of the Whole House on the State of the
Union.
Mr. COLMER: Committee on Rules.
House Resolution 736. Resolution providing
for the consideration of H.R. 12752, it bill to
provide for graduated withholding of income
tax from wages, to require declarations of
estimated tax with respect to self-employ-
ment income, to accelerate current payments
of estimated income tax by corporations, to
postpone certain excise tax rate reductions,
and for other purposes; without amendment
(Rept. No. 1292). Referred to the House
Calendar.
marks and include extraneous matter. Mr. DE LA GARZA. Mr. Speaker, I
Mr. PATMAN, for 1 hour, on February move that the House do now adjourn.
24; and to revise and extend his re- The motion was agreed to; accord-
marks and include extraneous matter. ingly (at 12 o'clock and 51 minutes p.m.),
Mr. VANIE (at the request of Mr. PAT- under its previous order, the House
MAN), for 1 hour, on February 23; and to adjourned until Monday, February 21,
revise and extend his remarks and in- 1966, at 12 o'clock noon.
PUBLIC BILLS AND RESOLUTIONS
Under clause 4 of rule XXII, public
bills and resolutions were introduced and
severally referred as follows:
By Mr. FEIGHAN:
H.R. 12888. A bill to assist city demon-
stration programs for rebuilding slum and
blighted areas and for providing the public
facilities and services necessary to improve
the general welfare of the people who live in
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
February 17, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
the ground that the sentence, although
lawful, is excessive. On review, the court
of appeals would be empowered to reduce,
increase or otherwise modify the sen-
tence imposed by the district court. The
bill would also allow the court of appeals
to make rules providing for the avail-
ability on appeal of any presentence re-
ports or other evaluations made of the
defendant prior to the imposition of the
sentence.
Any person who wishes to testify on
March 1 and 2, or who desires to submit
a statement for inclusion in the record,
should communicate as soon as possible
with the Subcommittee on Improvements
in Judicial Machinery, room 6308, New
Senate Office Building.
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE
APPENDIX
On request, and by unanimous consent,
addresses, editorials, articles, etc., were
ordered to be, printed in the Appendix,
as follows:
By Mr. MONRONEY:
Excerpts from address delivered by former
Representative Brooks Hays at the National
Interfraternity Conference,
Article entitled "TV and America's Con-
science," written by Jerkin Lloyd Jones and
published in the Washington Star of Feb-
ruary 12, 1966.
By Mr. JAVITS:
Address delivered by Irving H. Dale to the
National Association of Small Business In-
vestment Companies, New York City, Novem-
ber 30, 1965.
Citation to Operation Crossroads Africa,
Inc.
Editorial entitled "To Fight Alcoholism,"
published in the Washington Post, February
14, 1966.
By Mr. COTTON:
Article entitled "Title I School Program
Causes Dover Confusion," published in the
Manchester (N.H.) Union Leader of Tuesday,
February 16, 1966, and an article entitled
"Swaney Woman Who Quit OEO Blasts
Setup," published in the New Hampshire
Sunday News of February 13, 1966.
By Mr. YARBOROUGH:
An article entitled "He Weds Americans to
Latin Development," in tribute to Jim Boren,
Director of the Partners of the Alliance, pub-
lished in the Miami Herald of February 6,
1966.
Newspaper editorials and articles paying
tribute to the late Will Clayton.
By Mr. HARTKE:
Article entitled "It's Uncle Who Pays,"
written by Richard Starnes, dealing with the
war in Vietnam, and published in the Wash-
ington Daily News of February 14, 1966.
Editorial entitled "Our Senator Becomes a
Statesman," dealing with U.S. policy in Viet-
nam, published in the Bloomington, Ind.,
SUPPOSE-OUR RESPONSIBILITIES
IN VIETNAM
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, there
has come to me from Mr. Tedis Zferins,
of Chicago, Ill., a copy of a poem written
by Pfc. Robert E. Blankenship 3 days be-
fore he was killed in action in Vietnam.
The poem was sent to the Chicago
American by someone in the 1st Marine
Aircraft Wing in Da Nang in Vietnam.
It will certainly give anyone who will
take time to read it pause to think about
our responsibilities.
I ask unanimous consent, therefore,
that the poem be printed in the RECORD
at this point.
There being no objection, the poem
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SUPPOSE
(By Pfc. Robert E. Blankenship)
Suppose this Sunday morning
The church bell didn't ring,
And as you paused upon the step,
The choir didn't sing.
Suppose the door was padlocked
Or maybe nailed up tight.
Suppose a guard was standing
There to stop you day or night.
Suppose you saw Old Glory,
A dirty, tattered rag.
And floating high above your town
Another country's flag.
Suppose the only sound you heard
Was soldiers' marching feet
Suppose the army near your home
Was of some foreign power
Sent to march along your streets
Instead of boys of ours.
Suppose your friends were carried
Off to prisons or their deaths
And all their pleading for a trial
Was just a waste of breath;
You say this couldn't happen here,
We'll pray to God it can't
For if everyone prays earnestly,
We must believe it shan't.
SCHOOL MILK PROGRAM COMBATS
MALNUTRITION IN THE YOUNG
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the
administration's recent decision to cut
the school milk program by 80 percent
is going to have a serious effect on teen-
age America. The morning and after-
noon milk breaks which are so common
in schools across the Nation will largely
be a thing of the past.
Many of my colleagues may say that
malnutrition among teenagers is not a
serious problem in this, the most pros-
perous Nation in the world. Yet an
article published in 1960 in the New York
Times indicated that "6 of every 10 teen-
age daughters suffer serious diet deficien-
cies." Research showed at that time
that more than 5 million girls between
the ages of 13 and 19 exist mainly on
snacks, soft drinks, French fries, pizza,
candy, hamburgers, and waffles. I seri-
ously doubt that this problem has solved
itself in the interim.
This is- the principal reason for the
existence of the school milk program.
The Federal Government encourages
young men and women to drink milk--
nature's perfect food-by helping them
to pay the costs of morning and after-
tration has decided that this school milk
program is not necessary for young peo-
ple unless they are selected by the school
administrator as charity cases.
The Times article goes on to point out:
Starving teenagers come from rich, poor,
and middle-class homes. At a junior high
school here [Washington], morning hunger
headaches are common and valuable class
time is lost when youngsters are sent to the
nurse. At a senior high school, when break-
fastless boys fainted at early-morning cadet
drill, authorities began a better breakfast
campaign.
Mr. President, that morning milk
break under the school milk program is a
3215
way to combat this malnutrition. How-
ever, unless Congress decides to reject the
80-percent cut proposal put forth by the
administration, morning milk breaks will
be the exception, not the rule.
I ask unanimous consent that the New
York Times article be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
YOUTHS SUFFERING FROM POOR DIETS-SCIEN-
lusTs FIND MOST ARE MALNOURISHED AND
NEED ADVICE IN EATING HABITS
WASHINGTON, March 26.-While Mom and
Dad are setting the world's best table and
running up a $78 billion annual food bill,
6 of every 10 teenage daughters suffer seri-
ous diet deficiencies.
Most of the future wives and mothers in
the United States are so poorly fed that
scientists call them malnourished.
Teenage boys are close behind in this
deficiency. But nutritionists worry mostly
about 9 million girls between the ages of 13
and 19. More than 5 million exist mainly
on snacks, soft drinks, french fries, pizza,
candy, hamburgers, and waffles, research
shows.
Americans are taller, live longer and eat
15 percent more than they did a half a
century ago. But unless the younger gen-
eration learns about nutrition and fills dan-
gerous diet gaps with milk, meat, fruits,
and vegetables the pendulum could swing
backward.
BENSON CITES NEEDS
"Never have young people been more in
need of wise advice and guidance on food,"
Agriculture Secretary Ezra Taft Benson said
this week.
"Replacing their present faulty food hab-
its with good ones will take the full cooper-
ation of parents, teachers, and teenagers
themselves."
Schoolwork and alertness suffer when the
teenage body is lacking in vital food elements.
It shows up in bad temper, acne or loss of
stamina. Too often pimples are borne pa-
tiently as "part of growing up," when they
are a sign of poor diet.
A teenage girl, obsessed by beauty, may
out her intake so drastically that her au-
thentic long-range glamour is undercut.
"in her concern for a slim figure," a nu-
tritionist said, "a girl may gamble with her
health by making total war on calories.
She plunges into a hippo-to-slimmo routine,
inventing her own reducing diet.
"Too often she skips valuable potatoes,
bread, and milk, bypassing entire meals,
then cancels it out with gooey sweets. A
low-calorie diet, if properly planned can in-
clude every nutrient. If it doesn't, it's dan-
gerous."
CRITICAL YEARS
The long-term results are impaired health
and a weakening of future generations.
Malnutrition is sometimes connected with
juvenile delinquency.
At about 11, a girl's growth spurts, and for
the next 9 years her body burns a life-
time high in food energy. By 16, she should
reach her maximum height. By 18, her
weight probaby will level off as nature turns
to firming muscle, bones, and tissues-in
short, building an adult body.
The food she eats must fuel this growth,
at the same time providing teenage energy
for jitterbugging, softball, hockey, and a
hectic school calendar.
But at the time her body demands a peak
intake of calories, vitamins and minerals,
her parents relax discipline over her food
habits. Even if they did not, the young
lady, proudly wearing her first pair of 2-
inch heels, would issue her declaration of
diet independence.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE February 17, 1966
.,No time." she shouts sprinting past the
breakfast table, or "not hungry."
The starving teenagers come from rich-,
poor-, and middle-class homes. At a junior
high school here, morning hunger headaches
are common and valuable classtime is lost
when youngsters are sent to the nurse.
At a senior high school, when breakfast-
less boys, fainted at early morning cadet
drill, authorities began a "better breakfast"
campaign.
The food habits of these youngsters mirror
a nationwide teenage famine amid plenty.
For lunch a girl selects a luscious wedge of
pie from the cafeteria line. Watching the
trays go by, dietitians who plan balanced
hot meals see many nutritious, energy-
packed dishes ignored.
"They'd eat three desserts if we didn't
have a rule against it," one commented.
Arresting this trend which is rooted in
ignorance, indifference, or poverty, will take
a shift in food habits. In the average home
a nutritious diet may be had for much less
than the family spends, but it takes know-
how.
FEDERAL ON-THE-JOB TRAINING
PROGRAM EXCELLENT TAXPAYER,
INVESTMENT
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I
have been. one of those Members of the
Senate who has criticized wasteful Gov-
ernment spending. I have introduced
amendments to reduce proposed spend-
ing programs in the past. I intend to do
so in the future.
But when the Government can show
that its programs not only achieve
social results in improving human wel-
fare, but also save money for the tax-
payer, they deserve our audible and en-
thusiastic support,
Yesterday, the Secretary of Labor Wil-
lard Wirtz appeared before a subcom-
mittee of the Senate Education and
Labor Committee.
Mr. Wirtz proved that the Govern-
ment's on-the-job manpower develop-
ment training program has helped do a
superb job of putting unemployed, un-
skilled workers back to work. By itself
this is a worthy goal; but the program
has also succeeded in paying back to the
Government and the taxpayer its total
cost in full within 2 years-simply based
on the Federal income taxes paid by the
newly employed workers.
Of course free enterprises which em-
ploys these workers in partnership with
the Government program deserves great
credit too.
Here is an example of Government and
business working together through train-
ing unskilled workers to achieve three
mighty important goals: First, to put
unemployed unskilled men and women
to work in skilled jobs that pay well;
second, to reduce the inflation threat by
bitting the toughest inflationary prob-
lem-our shortage of skilled workers;
and, third, to return to the Government
the full cost of the program within 2
years with the taxpayer reaping rich
dividends in subsequent years.
I ask unanimous consent that a brief
excerpt from Secretary Wirtz' testimony
be printed in the RFCOan.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NATIONAL TEACHER CORPS WOULD
ELIMINATE TEACHER SHORTAGE
IN LOW-INCOME AREAS
Mr. HART. Mr. President, few ap-
propriation requests will come before us?
during this session, of greater importance
than the President's recent request for
funds to support the National Teacher
Corps.
Today, our national shortage of ele-
]mentary and high school teachers is
estimated at 100,000 a year, and there
are about 80,000 teachers in the Nation's
school systems with substandard cre-
dentials.
In the Nation's poverty pockets, where
there are 5 million schoolchildren whose
families earn under $2,000 a year, the
teacher situation is even more grave.
School budgets in these poverty areas
cannot be stretched to attract or hold
,enough talented, or even qualified, leach-
AMERICAN ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION
SUPPORTS LIBERALIZATION AND
EXPANSION OF INTERNATIONAL
TRADE
Mr. HART. Mr. President, a distin-
guished member of the economics de-
partment of Michigan State University
and a noted scholar in the field of anti-
trust and monopoly, Dr. Walter Adams,
has called to my attention a petition
signed by 100 members of the American
Economic Association.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
In my considered judgment now, however,
the controlling consideration is that the on-
the-job training program has supplied us-
as a lesson. of proven experience-with the
answer we were looking for.
It puts the training almost entirely in the
employer's hands.
It has become an effective ineerument for
implementing national policies which em-
ployers share with the entire community.
And it is proving to be an almost histori-
cally economic program.
Let us look at thi program in hard-
headed, dollars, and cents terms--in terms of
who the trainees are, what it costs to train
therm, what their earning power becomes,
and what the Government (which is the
country) gets back on its investment.
Here are some of the key facts
Most of the OJT trainees (about two-
thirds) were unemployed before they joined
the program.
We estimate that the average Manpower
Development and Training Act on-the-job
tarinee earns $59 a week during 19 weeks of
training, and $80 a week as a full-time work-
er after his training. Thus the average
trainee earns $3,761 the first year.
The cost to the Government of on-the-
job training averaged a'reout $405 a trainee
in 1965. Some cost more, some less.
According to the Internal Revenue Service
the average Federal income tax for married
workers with one child who earn $3,761 a
year is $211.
Thus, in the first year, a typie d on-the-
job trainee repays the Federal Government
about 43 percent of its total investment in
him. Before the second year is over, the
Government has been repaid in full.
It is difficult, of course, to and the "aver-
age" illustration. Programs vary from the
most expensive, during which 52 weeks of
training is provided, to those lasting only 3
weeks.
Those trainees already approved will earn
almost $392 million during their first year
of training and work. Their training will
cost the Federal Government $51 million, of
which about $20 million will be repaid in
taxes during the first year, and the remain-
der the second year.
On-the-job training programs are a sound
investment.
These programs have been warmly received
by American employers, who, in the long
run, must provide the jobs for American
workers. The business community, along
with American labor, has cooperated in mak-
ing manpower Development and Training
Act on-the-job training an exciting and suc-
cessful program.
ers. Competing with the wealthier
school districts for the limited number
of new and replacement teachers avail-
able each year, the poverty schools in-
evitably lose out. Each fall, slum schools
open with too few good teachers, too
many substitute teachers, too many
temporary teachers, and too many teach-
ers whose qualifications are far below
minimum standards.
The very youngsters who are culturally
handicapped to begin with-those who
come from families where parents,
brothers, and sisters make up the one-
fifth of America that has not finished
elementary school-are being educated
today by some of our least gifted teach-
ers. No wonder that, after 6 or 8 years
of listless schooling, these boys and girls
join the ranks of the undereducated un-
employables-the underprivileged of our
Nation-who contribute little to our so-
ciety or our economy.
Teaching children of the poor takes
dedication? talent, and training. To
reach a child whose concept of books is
limited to the comic strips, whose ear is
attuned only to the simplest verbal ex-
change, requires a very different ap-
proach from that used in our schools to-
day, where every child, regardless of his
background and abilities, is taught ac-
cording to standards suitable only for
the middle-class child whose :home is
comfortably furnished with books and
art and conversation. The need, then, is
not simply one of numbers, but also of
kind.
To break out of the tradition of pov-
erty, disadvantaged youngsters must re-
ceive the best-not the least-in educa-
tion. The Elementary and Secondary
Education Act of 1965 is a giant stride.
But although it provided over a billion
dollars in aid to low-income areas, it does
not provide the means to attract the
thousands of men and women with the
enthusiasm, the dedication, the under-
standing, and the talent that are essen-
tial to make effective use of the newly
available Federal funds.
The National Teacher Corps will do
this.
If we had to single out the most im-
portant available tool in combating pov-
erty, it would have to be education.
This program is perhaps not nearly
as dramatic as Vietnam, but it is equally
essential to the well being of the country.
Our survival in this world depends
heavily on how well our citizenry flour-
ishes. And this, clearly, is one of the
most effective devices we can employ
toward the conservation of this Nation's
human resources.
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
February 17, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
A native of Wisconsin Rapids, Wis., Alex-
ander Francis Jones attended the University
of Wisconsin from 1911 to 1914, and began
his newspaper career as a reporter on the
Madison State Journal. One of his early
assignments was to travel with Senator
Robert (Fighting Bob) La Follette, the elder.
He joined the staff of the Minneapolis Jour-
nal in 1916.
Casey volunteered for service in World
War I and was an Army stretcher bearer in
France.
STAR UP REPORTER
After the war, he was a star reporter for
the "night side" of the old United Press. He
covered the Black Sox scandal that shook
organized baseball in 1919, and he used to
recall writing about the little boy who ap-
proached Shoeless Joe Jackson, the great
outfielder, and pleaded "Say it ain't so, Joe."
In 1923 Casey returned to the Minneap-
olis Journal, where he served as sales and
promotion manager and city editor.
The late Eugene Meyer, who bought the
Washington Post at auction in 1933, hired
Casey as managing editor in 1936. The
paper, although bearing a famous name in
journalism, had gone into a serious decline.
Jones pitched in to help publisher Meyer
rescue and rehabilitate it.
"UPHILL YEARS"
When Jones left to go to Syracuse in 1950
after 15 years with the Washington Post-
12 as managing editor and three as assistant
to the publisher-the paper said in an
editorial :
"It is hard for us to lose the services of a
man who has endured the heart and burden
associated with the creation of an institution
out of 'a bankrupt property. Most of his 15
years were uphill years. His devotion to his
responsibilities was catching, his interest in
his work unflagging."
When Casey first came to Washington in
1935, he was introduced to the late Sir Will-
Mott Lewis, distinguished correspondent of
the London Times. Lewis, on being told that
Casey was the new managing editor of the
Post, shook his head and said; "Don't you
know, old boy, that Pennsylvania Avenue is
paved with the bones of former managing
editors of the Post?"
"JUST A GYPSY"
But Casey stayed around a long time. His
brown hair turned gray, and then white, as
he guided the news department in the Wash-
ington Post's great comeback period. When
he left, after 15 years, he said he guessed he
was "just a gypsy."
He was managing editor throughout World
War II, and many stories were told about
him in that tumultuous period. On the day
the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, Sunday,
he rushed from his Wesley Heights home to
his office, and began rounding up reporters,
desk men, printers, and pressmen so that the
Washington Post could get out an extra.
The extra was about to go to press when
Robert Tate Allen, then the paper's church
editor and known to the staff as "Bishop,"
burst into Casey's office.
"Hold it, hold it, Mr. Jones," Allen cried,
"The Reverend * * *, pastor of the George-
town * * * Church has resigned."
MURROW "SCOOP"
Later that night Casey dropped in on a
party at the home of Harry Butcher, who
was to become an aid to Gen. Dwight D.
Eisenhower in. the war. Among others at the
party was Edward R. Murrow, the radio com-
mentator for the Columbia Broadcasting
System.
Murrow had been a dinner guest of the
Roosevelts at the White House earlier in the
evening. He had herd of the terrible dam-
age done at Pearl Harbor-the sinking of the
Arizona and the Oklahoma and all the rest-
but he couldn't use it in a broadcast. He
had been a guest, and therefore he felt that
he was "sewed up."
Casey Jones was under no such inhibition,
and he saw to it that what Murrow picked
up at the dinner table got into the Post's
news columns next morning. Murrow used
to carry the clipping of the. story in his
wallet. It was a sad reminder of how he got
the biggest story of his career and could do
nothing about it.
FLAG-WAVING PATRIOT
Fortune. magazine once described Casey
as "cyclonic, convivial, incurably romantic
about his profession."
He was all these, and also an unabashed
patroit-the flag-waving kind. In 1942 he
became impatient with what was being called
the "war effort," especially with what the
Government was doing or not doing.
In 1943 Casey was elected to membership
in the Gridiron Club, made up of 50 Wash-
ington newspapermen. He became one of
the club's most accomplished performers,
being possessed of the necessary ham quality.
Some of his reporters who never saw him
in a Gridiron skit agreed that he had great
ability as an actor. He used to put on his
most dramatic performance when a reporter
hit him up for a pay raise. He would slump
in his chair and a look of pain would appear
on his face, causing the reporter to feel that
he had landed a foul blow.
Jones is survided by his wife, the former
Edna Schultz, a daughter, Mary Will of West
Palm Beach, and two sons-Richard, of Or-
lando, Fla., and Compton, of Bethesda, Md.
RITES IN SYRACUSE
A funeral service will be held in the Park
Central Presbyterian Church of Syracuse at
11 a.m. Saturday, after which the body will
come to Arlington Cemetery.
Katharine Graham, president of the Wash-
ington Post Co., said yesterday that Jones
was "a valued friend and colleague," and
added:
"For 15 years he shaped the news policies
of the Washington Post under my father
and, later, my husband In an original, ag-
gressive and exciting manner. He was the
model of the tough reporter with a heart
of gold."
Senator ROBERT F. KENNEDY, Democrat of
New York, said that Jones represented "the
quest for excellence in American journalism,"
and added that his "imprint will long sur-
vive."
J. R. Wiggins, editor of the Washington
Post and president of the Gridiron Club,
asked the club members to form a commit-
tee to be at the chapel in ArlingtonNeme-
VIETNAM REPOR
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, in a Feb-
ruary 9, 1966, column published in the
New York Times, C. L. Sulzberger sup-
ports a point which I made in my Viet-
nam report. He argues that American
liberals have been much more inclined to
make concessions to the Communists in
Europe than in Asia, without realizing
that the main thrust of the Communist
threat today is in Asia and that this
threat must be met where it is posed.
I ask unanimous consent to have Mr.
Sulzberger's article printed in the
RECORD,
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Feb. 9, 19661
FOREIGN AFFAIRS: ROOTS or BEFUDDLEMENT
(By C. L. Sulzberger)
PARIS.-International opinion is quite as
bewildered as American opinion concerning
U.S. policy in Vietnam. This Is as true for
adversaries of the United States as for
friends. Senator FULBRIGHT was referring
only to Americans when he said he had never
seen "such dissent, reservation, groping and
concern." But he might just as well have
been referring to the outer world, choosing
Russia and China for a start.
The Chinese proclaim our Vietnamese
policy is part of a Russo-American global
conspiracy to encircle China. Moscow's friend
Castro throws the ball back into China's
court, likening Peiping's actions to those of
"Yankee imperialism." No wonder the
average American gets mixed; Uncle Sam
can't win.
NUCLEAR ESCALATION
The southeast Asian conflict is the first
since 1945 that contains an implicit danger
of nuclear escalation-which was never a
serious threat in Korea. This implicit dan-
ger adds a muddled element to political
thinking on Vietnam.
Since Hiroshima many U.S. liberals and
intellectuals have been increasingly reluc-
tant to endorse Washington's diplomatic ac-
tions, especially if they are tough. Such
groups have unconsciously developed a mood
of appeasement especially in Asia, that con-
trasts with the attitude of liberals and in-
telectuals toward Europe before World War
IL
This pattern is confused by the tradi-
tional U.S. policy conflict between "Asia
first" and "Europe first" schools. Broadly
speaking, American liberals have always
tended to belong to the latter group. Fol-
lowing World War II, U.S. foreign policy
focused primarily on European matters;
Korea being an exception.
The "Europe first" school has never been
happy about accepting risks in the East. It
took dramatic aggressions like Pearl Harbor
or the invasion of South Korea to produce a
consensus on our foreign policy between
liberal "Europe first" and conservative "Asia
first" groupings. The gradual intensifying
of the Vietnam crisis by disguised aggression
never achieved the same result.
Foreign opinion is bewildered for different
reasons by American involvement in Viet-
nam. When the United States was firmly
wedded to a "Europe first" policy it spurned
General de Gaulle's request for a three-
power committee, the United States, Britain,
and France, to coordinate global strategy.
This request, made in 1958, was never seri-
ously pondered in Washington although De
Gaulle made it clear that if no such arrange-
ment were devised he would reduce French
participation in NATO.
We have come full circle. The United
States now urges its allies to help us in Viet-
nam but Europe, stripped of its Asian colo-
nial possessions, is content to pursue its own
version of a "Europe first" policy. Europeans
want to avoid taking sides in communism's
intramural dispute between Peiping and
Moscow. They are more concerned with the
problems of German unification than that
of Vietnam; the present emotional atmos-
phere of the United States is not felt here.
DOUBLE SWITCH
Many Europeans, led by the French, were
once extremely eager to attract Washington
into Far Eastern. commitments and an "Asia
first" policy, a prospect then welcomed by
American conservatives and opposed by lib-
erals, But now that Washington- has moved
in the direction formerly desired by such
Europeans, they in turn have shifted to our
own previous position.
The "dissent, reservations, groping, and
concern" noted by FULBRIGHT can thus be
detected abroad also-but for entirely dif-
ferent reasons. The odd thing is that when
American policy shifted from "Europe first"
to "Asia first," those Europeans who origi-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE February 17,-1966
Wally wished to bring us into the East ob-
jected most.
Both Americans and Europeans who now
criticize us have been on the same side of
the policy fence-in fact on both sides--but
of different times. Each has managed the
strange feat of simultaneously reversing its
position.
AMERICAN LIBERALS
For a third of a century American liberals
and intellectuals have been more inclined to
endorse ,appeasement in Asia than in Europe.
The nuclear danger in Asia has only rein-
forced this traditional position. But the U.S.
Government has shifted the emphasis of its
policy interests from West to East.
Some 20 years of hegemony in world power
politics have apparently persuaded Washing-
ton that its views always represent the gen-
eral Interest--even when such views are
switched. Trouble comes when some Amer-
icans can't get used to the switch and some
foreigners can't get used to its timing.
THE PEOPLE'S WAR LAND REFORM
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I invite
the attention of Senators to a series of
four articles which were published in the
Washington Star, written by Richard
Critchfield, explaining the war for land
reform and the problems of pacification.
Critchfeld details the Saigon land re-
form program, its failures, and most
importantly its importance for the
masses for Vietnamese peasants. Critch-
field also argues convincingly that the
key to future reelections in Vietnam and
the success of democratic institutions
hinges upon land reform and the need
for a pacification program that educates
and cares for the people and gives their
a sense of participation as well as pro-
tects them. Mr. Critchfield's analyses in
these respects confirms my own observa-
Lions from my recent trip to Vietnam.
I ask unanimous consent to have Mr.
Critchfield's articles printed in the
RECORD.
'T'here being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the REcoac,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Starl
TNI'. Psoii,E's WAR: PEASANTS Tom von THE
EEART FT, NOT FOR A GOVERNMENT
(7iy Richard Critchfield)
(NoTE.--This is the first of four articles on
the Mekong Delta, South Vietnam's rice bowl.
Critchfield recently completed an extensive
tour there.)
TAN AN, SOUTH VIETNAM.--"This earth
which formed their home and fed their bodies
and made their gods * ? ? "
The Asian peasant's deep attachment to
the soil he tills and in which his ancestors
arc buried, described in Pearl Buck's "The
Good Earth," is strongly evident here in the
Mekong Delta rice bowl of South Vietnam.
It is harvest time now. The golden fields
of the great fertile plain between the Me-
kong. Bassac, and Saigon rivers are dotted
with men and women winnowing the pre-
cious rice against tall, curved shelters of
plaited bamboo so as not to lose a grain.
In black pajama and pointed strawhats,
barefoot, bronzed by the January sun, the
peasants have the sturdy look of men and
women who can endure disease, natural
disaster, and war so long as they have some
land to farm.
But very few have land of their own. In
Long An, one of Vietnam's most fertile prov-
inces, more than 85 percent of the peasant
population are tenants.
This landownership pattern may help ex-
plain why, despite a tremendous cost in lives
and material, the war in Long An is no
closer to being won than It was several years
ago.
Last year, the heaviest fighting raged in
the jungles and rubber plantations north of
Saigon, the rain forests and grasslands of
the high plateau and in the swamps and
rice paddies of the narrow central coastal
plain.
But if the main theater of war lay else-
where, the rice-rich heartland of the Saigon
region and the upper Mekong Delta, linked
together by Long An, remains the prize for
which the war is being fought.
Here, in less than 14 provinces, live almost
two-thirds of the 15 million South Vietna-
mese.
In June 1964, the summer before the Viet-
cong began massing multibattadion forces
for pitched battles, Long An was held up as
the showplace of how a combined Vietna-
mese-American military and economic pa-
cification effort could defeat a Communist
insurrection.
Visitors went to Long An if they wanted to
see how the protracted, guerrilla war was
going on in the countryside.
But now, 18 months later, little
has
changed.
There
has been no dramatic turn in
the
guerrilla
fighting; the government has
won
some villages and lost some.
There arc no signs of any serious; deteriora-'
tion. But there has been no real improve-
ment either; since it is primarily a war of
subversion in Long An, the creeping Com-
munist initiative simply has crept further.
Other peasants have replaced the hundreds
of Vietcong killed in battle, and American
military and civilian advisers agree there
are many more Vietcong than a year ago.
OPPOSING SIDES
Most Important in Long An, hr,wever, the
government and the mass of peasantry still
seem to be on the opposing sides of the fight.
None of the successive Saigon governments
has succeeded in analyzing the peasants'
grievances and then tried to right these
wrongs, though there are sign:; Premier
Nguyen Cao Ky's regime is moving in this
direc Lion.
Land is of such paramount importance
here that the Vietcong allow only the land-
less or very poor farmers in the delta to com-
mand guerrilla units or qualify as party
members.
The provincial government's social order
is the exact reverse. Most of the military
officers, civil servants and community leaders
come from the landowning gentry.
The same is true in Saigon, here only 1
of the 10 generals now sharing power has
any rapport with the masses. He is Central
Vietnam's erratic Maj. Gen. Nguyen Chanh
Thi, who also is the only one of peasant
origin.
The traditional Mandarin ruling class fell
from power with Ngo Dinh Diem, ''aut their
political heirs are the nonpeasaut urban
middle clasties and their relatives.
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge and his
top aids have made it clear that the United
States regards major land redistrihkstion as
essential in successfully prosecuting the war.
Ky recently announced a land reform pro-
gram that will initially convey 700,000 acres
to 180,000 peasants.
Eventually, the program will be expanded
to encompass over 500,000 acres of land
formerly owned by the French, 660,000 acres
now farmed by "squatters" and 300,000 acres
where :free titles will be awarded in resettle-
ment areas.
The crux of the problem, however, has yet
to be tackled. This is the redistribution
from big to small owners of more than 2
million acres in the Mekong Delta.
Good delta land is worth about $50 an acre;
it is roughly estimated by the South Viet-
namese generals that it would cost between
$150 and $200 million to carry out equitable
reform programs here.
Land reform under Diem left a bitter after-
math, since 2,279 dispossessed landlords were
paid only 10 percent in cash as compensa-
tion and given low-interest, nontransferable,
12-year bonds for the rest. The bonds since
have plummeted in value.
U.S. GENERATING MONEY
The United States could solve this problem
by generating $150 million in local currencies
so that an outright compensation could be
made.
It already is generating plasters to pay for
the Vietnamese share in the war- to the tune
of $350 million this year--by giving the
Saigon Government imported commodities to
sell to local merchants.
Both North Vietnam's Gen. Vo Nguyen
Giap and the U.S. commander Gen. William
C. Westmoreland describe the Vietnam con-
flict as "a people's war," and not "a war of
attrition."
Since the emphasis, first, Is on converting
and, second, on killing, the investment of
$150 million in land reform to undermine the
Vietcong's peasant support would seem like a
bargain in a war that is costing $16.5 million
a week.
During the early days of the Diem regime,
the United States spent $4 million on land
reform. From 1961 through 1965 nothing
was spent. And $1.1 million is budgeted for
the current fiscal year.
PROBLEM NOT UNIFORM
The problem is not uniform throughout
the country. With the exception of the
Saigon area, the upper Mekong Delta and a
thin, populated strip along the coastline,
South Vietnam is mostly empty terrain.
More than 85 percent of the land total is
covered with jungle, swampland, or dense
foliage.
Along the overpopulated coastal fringe,
now heavily burdened with refugees, roost
farms are small and owner operated and there
is real land hunger.
In the, highlands, the problem could be
solved siply by giving the Montegnard
tribes clear title to land they have farmed
for centuries.
The real problem is in the delta.
Out of 1.2 million farms, only 260,000 are
owner Operated; 520,000 are rented and 330,-
000 more are partly rented.
There are '71 farms of more than 250 acres
and 85,000 more over 12 acres (though all
one peasant family can reasonably handle is
5 to 7 acres).
Some 3,000 rich Saigon families still are
the big landlords.
In Long An, the pattern is even more lop-
sided. According to one official U.S. survey
made last July, 65 rich landlords, 3,000 farm-
er-owners and 28,000 tenant families com-
prise the population.
COULD INFLUENCE ELECTION
The landownership pattern probably
would significantly influence the outcome of
a free election, such as envisaged in the 1954
Geneva agreements.
Lodge has observed the Communist prom-
ises of land to the tiller is "perhaps the great-
est appeal the Vietcong have."
Why there is so much opposition to sweep-
ing land reform among some Saigonese is
suggested by the tremendous wealth of a
delta Province like Long An.
In a good year, such as 1963-64, Long An
produced 320,000 tons of rice (Saigon's an-
nual requirement is only 600,000 tons.) It
also sold that year 10,000 tons of pineapple,
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
February 17, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
70,000 tons of sugarcane, plus chickens,
ducks, pigs, and other cash earners.
The legal land ceiling is 220 acres. Even
so, a Saigon landlord who charges double the
legal rental rate of 25 percent, as he can do
if the land is fertile enough, stands to profit
as much as $40,000 in a single-year on 220
acres.
This compares with a Vietnamese police-
man's monthly wage of $25, or the monthly
cash allotment of a Vietcong guerrilla, which
is 40 cents.
POLITICAL ATTITUDES AFFECTED
More important, perhaps, is how this un-
equal distribution of land affects these po-
litical attitudes of the Vietnamese.
What seems to be absent here is the kind
of political code that Theodore H. White has
described as President Johnson's "grassroots
liberalism" :
"You get yours and he gets his and we
all share what there Is to share."
In Long An, this gets no further than
you get yours" and he, the peasant, can
either lump it or try to get his by joining the
Vietcong.
But most of the peasants have learned by
now that under the Vietcong nobody keeps
his.
This has created the kind of political
vacuum where many Vietnamese peasants re-
gard the war as a pointless slaughter. They
still feel they stand to be the losers no
matter who wins,
CAUGHT IN VISE
Caught between. bloodsucking landlords,
many of whom charge double the legal rents,
and pitiless Vietcong tax collectors, who
shoot first and talk later, the peasants appear
ready to call a plague on both sides of this
indecisive struggle.
Yet there is an appeal to the Vietcong's
three main propaganda themes: "Land to the
tiller," "The soldier helps the peasant," and
"The government exists for the people,"
These are novel and explosive ideas to a
man who works knee deep in mud 14 hours a
day, growing half his rice for somebody else,
whose idea of government may be a venal
local tax collector, and whose chickens and
ducks may have disappeared when the last
militia patrol passed through his village,
If his home has been destroyed or rela-
tives killed by ill-directed bombs and shells,
he might make a ready Vietcong convert
without knowing what for.
V.H. MILITARY FRUSTRATED
Within the American military command in
Saigon, there is widespread frustration over
the failure of pacification efforts in the delta
provinces like Long An.
One hears talk that the only way the Viet-
cong fish can be deprived of the, water in
which they swim is to make things so hot in
Communist-held zones that the peasants will
come over to the government side as refugees.
Others argue there is no substitute for
thoroughgoing land reform.
One veteran American adviser in Long An
said :
"These people have country that doesn't
need a government. They could go back 2,000
years and they'd be happy, fish in every pond,
crabs in every paddy, bananas, coconut, and
ducks. All they need is a little land of their
own to be happy. Five percent of the Viet-
namese in this province are honestly pro-
government by their own personal beliefs and
ideology, 5 percent are with the Vietcong for
the same reason and the other 90 percent are
right."
[From the Washington (D.C.) Star,
Jan. 25, 19661
THE PEOPLE'S WAR: MILITARY ACTION VERSUS
LAND REFORM
(No'E-This is the second of four articles
on the Mekong Delta, South Vietnam's rice
bowl. Critchfleld recently completed an ex-
tensive tour there.)
(By Richard Critchfleld)
TANAN, SOUTH VIETNAM.-A respected Viet-
namese journalist, when asked why Saigon's
generals temporized on enacting the kind
of land reform that most people' agree is
needed to win the war, replied:
"They're still convinced it's winnable their
way, and if not, it's not worth winning."
This harsh judgment may have more than
a grain of truth in it.
Here in Long An Province, in the rice-rich
heavily populated upper Mekong Delta, the
Vietnamese officials and Army officers seem
as fiercely determined as ever to defect the
Vietcong eventually.
The Vietnamese still are fighting their own
war here.
But local leaders become curt and evasive
when questioned about land reform or other
innovations to improve the peasant's lot.
"All the land we can distribute in secure
areas, we have distributed already," said one
senior Vietnamese official.
Most of these local leaders are reserved,
sensitive, French-educated men, generally
respected by their American advisers as
"very competent" and "fine people." All
have lived amidst war and violence since
1939.
Yet most of the higher ranking ones see
South Vietnam's salvation in terms of mili-
tary action rather than political remedies,
A typical response on how to win the war
came from a civilian administrator in his
midthirties:
"We don't have enough toops. If the free
world would go to war with China, then
OK. The unique way to win is to attack
North Vietnam and China. If not, the war
of subversion will last another 5 years."
Asked about the fate of the 3,000 Viet-
cong of South Vietnamese origin in Long
An in the event of a cease-fire, the official
said, "They all must go back to Hanoi."
His opinion was seconded by a Vietnamese
officer, "Once the fighting stops, it will take
us another 2 years to pacify. Long An. We
must throw the Vietcong forces out and de-
stroy the Communist infrastructure."
A year ago, the U.S. mission in Saigon
agreed to finance grievance committees in
each of Long An's six districts in an attempt
to analyze and then to right the wrongs that
turn the peasants into Communist guerrillas.
One Vietnamese officer explained how the
committees were working out:
"Each cadre has a small room. Everybody
must come in for 5 minutes so as to keep
security for the man who seeks to tell some-
thing. The cadre asks, 'How is your family?
How is your life?' In this way, we get infor-
mation on the Vietcong political organiza-
tion and make our intelligence net. The
grievance committees are the eyes of the
Province chief,"
Other officials praised the committees as a
good way of learning the peasantry's edu-
cation needs, getting military intelligence,
controlling the population's movements and
detecting secret Vietcong cells,
No one mentioned the genuine grievances
that the peasants presumably voiced.
3223
ATTITUDES DIFFERENT
Going down the ladder one rung to the
district officials, however, there seems to be a
distinct difference in attitudes,
While most senior Provincial officials are
from Saigon and make no secret of their per-
sonal ambition to be transferred back there
some day, the district officials seem to identify
themselves much more closely with the local
peasantry.
Typical of this group is Nguyen Van Dhien,
in Long An's most pacified district, Thu
Thua. A goateed former Vietnamese ranger
with a reputation as a tough fighter, Dhien
writes poetry and has let his fingernails grow
half-an-inch long to show he has risen above
manual labor.
Dhien does not think that an invasion of
North Vietnam would solve anything-and
he Is a strong advocate of land reform.
Asked what might happen if there were a
free election contested by the Communists
and the Saigon regime in Thu Thua, he said
that if the Communists promised land re-
form, they might get the votes of 85 percent
of the 45,000 who are landless peasants. In
contrast, he said, the 8,000 refugees who have
poured into Thu Thua in recent weeks from
Vietcong-held territory probably would vote
for Saigon since most are bitterly anti-Viet-
cong after experiencing Communist rule.
Twenty percent of Thu Thua's land, he
said, is owned by rich absentee landlords
who live in Saigon and Tan An.
Unlike the provincial leaders, Thien does
not think the protracted guerrilla war will
last long. "There is a big flame in the
lamp just before it goes out," he said.
A third distinct Vietnamese attitude is
moral indifference to the war, typically ex-
pressed by the bonze superior of Tan An's
towering Nguyen Thuy Pagoda.
During a conversation marked by long
silences, distant gongs, and burning incense,
the bonze, a shaven-haired intelligent-look-
ing man in his midthirties, had no opinion on
land or any other concrete reform to help
the peasantry.
"The Buddhist doctrine is tolerance, not
violence," he said. "People move to town
because they are afraid of bombing and ar-
tillery. I hope it is possible you can cease
the bombing and shelling. Even where
there is no engagement made with the Com-
munist forces, the Americas still bomb, caus-
ing much harm to the people."
Most of the refugees, however, do not as-
sociate airstrikes with the Americans since
they have seen few foreigners.
One refugee, Mau, a 49-year-old tenant
farmer who fled to Tan An with his wife
and five children a month ago, said his
hamlet, An Nhut Tan, had long been un-
der Vietcong control,
"At home I rented a hectare of rice land
from a landlord who lived In Lac Tan vil-
lage. The VC promised to give us land;
they called the village chiefs together last
year to make a land reform plan, but they
didn't do anything."
Asked what he thought of the Vietcong,
Mua stuck his tongue out and made a face
as if he had bitten into a sour pickle.
"They usually shoot artillery around my
house 30 I must move. Too much bomb-
ing also since November."
Since he had no identity papers, he said,
he could not qualify for refugee relief and
instead was earning 50 cents a day as a
construction laborer in Tan An. "It's easy
to get work now; many rich men building
houses."
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
Asked what; he thought of Americans, be
had to ask the Interpreter what Americans
were.
After a pause, he shrugged, "The Govern-
ment used to help more with rice and money.
Why doesn't Mr. Diern. come back? When he
was there we got bank loans."
A 25-year-old Vietcong defector, who used
to lead a 37-man guerrilla platoon, explained
why peasants like Mua were turning against
the Vietcont>.
In his area,, he said, the Vietcong initially
redistributed land. But now they have
raised taxes 300 percent.
"Tile more air strikes, the more people
moved away and the heavier taxes became,
he said. "The National Liberation Front
(the Vietcong's political arm) failed to solve
anything. ']'here was no security to work in
your field. An F-105 jet got there too fast,
there was no time to run for cover. Those
and 250-pound bombs were most feared."
He said it he were directing the war in
Saigon he would intensify air and artillery
attacks on the Vietcong villages, and then
would offer the peasants amnesty and safe
harbor elsewhere.
Ile suggested the offers be broadcast via.
heliborne loudspeakers by people who previ-
ously had left the Vietcong held villages.
He said he had joined the Communist
Party 2 years ago.
"Everyone wants to join because it is an
honor, You are known everywhere."
the platoon, he said, was assigned the
military mission of "destroying strategic
hamlets, building roadblocks, and encircling
and inflicting casualties on the enemy" and
the political task of "visiting farmers to in-
quire about their poverty and ask about
their sufferings."
He said the Vietcong's motto was "Eat
together, live together, and work together,"
meaning the soldiers and peasantry.
"The people liked us until our presence
began to attract bombs and artillery to their
villages," he said.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
.iu.n. 26, 19661
Tim PEOPLE'S WAR: THE BATTLE To WIN
i'EASANT'S LOYALTY
(NOTE.-This is the third of four articles
on the Mekong Delta, South Vietnam's rice
bowl. Critchlield recently completed an ex-
tensive tour there.)
(By Ctichard Critchfleid)
'VAN AN, IiOTTTTI VIETNAM.-"Vietcong?"
said the teenage American corporal, shov-
ing a magazine into his carbine. "Hell, half
the people walking by could be Vietcong.
flow you gonna tell Charlie from the friend-
lies?"
here in Long An Province in the densely
populated Mekong Delta, as most everywhere
else in Vietnam, it is Impossible to tell "our
side" from "their side." A grin Or a wave
means nothing it all.
The corporal is one of about 60 Americans
who are spending a year in the province, ad-
vising its military officers and civil servants
on how to destroy Vietcong units, counter
political subversion, and win over the loyalty
of the peasantry..
it is no easy task, since an unrecognizable
minority of the people the advisers are try-
ing to befriend are trying to kill them.
And unless they befriend and convert more
people than they kill, the fighting accom-
plishes nothing.
This is the basic difference between the
"people's war" in Vietnam and more familiar
"wars of attrition" elsewhere.
AWAERNED BY MORTARS
That night the Americans at Tan An were
awakened at 1.,30 a.m. by incoming mortar
bursts. Fnr some minutes the night was full
of whirring, shrieking explosions.
RECORD -- SENATE February 17, 1.966
Then the Vietcong firing stopped as
abruptly as it had begun.
Out along a fence where men Sn pajamas
and underwear and others in full combat
fatigues had taken their positions, everyone
listened.
When the night stayed quiet, someone
muttered, "Well, I'll live to see another day."
A garrison radio crackled to life and a voice
reported two 30-man Vietnamese militia
posts had been attacked, one less than 2
miles away.
Flareships and "razorbeck" arm'?at helicop-
ters were soon circling the northern horizon;
the tracer bullets looked like a man on a
rooftop sprinkling firewater from .,, hose.
The commanding officer sent word from
the province command post, tellin;;: everyone
to go back to bed and gel; some sleep. They
would need it in the days and we ?ks ahead.
SUSPECT BIG ASSAULT
The night mortar barrages have become a
routine in Long An Province. Either Tan
An or one of the six district capita is gets hit
at least once a week.
And many of the American advisers, air-
men, and technicians suspect a b,g assault
on one of the district towns sometime this
winter. Most are convinced such an assault
can be turned back with Saigon's armed
hueys, jets. flareships, and Long An's artil-
lery.
It is rough for the five-man American ad-
visory teams stationed in the si: district
towns..
One major said that eveiytime hi:: garrison
has been mortared, he has gone out and
found the outside gate open, unlatched from
inside the compound.
"If the Vietcong ever get inside hat gate
there's no place to go but down. At that
point, I take off my flak vest, 'cause if they're
going to get me, I don't want it to the alive."
A captain in Tan Tru, Long An':: hottest
district since it straddles the main Vietcong
supply route between the South China Sea
and base camps along the Cambodian border,
says the morale of the Vietnamese militia
he advises is "the damndest thing I've ever
seen. I don't see how they can continue to
smile and joke all the time; but they do."
He said his 2 months at Tan Tru has
felt "like a lifetime; something happens
every night."
He added, "We also have to keep the 12-
mnile road to Tan An open three times a
week and it seems like every time v e go to
clear it we lose one man, either killed or
wounded."
One major described a recent daylight
operation to clear a Vietcong roadblock off
Highway 4. He said his driver, while wait-
ing in the jeep, was shot between the eyes
by a sniper.
I-IARASSMENQT RISING
After nearly a year of ccmparativ:? peace
and quiet in Long An, the Vietcong moved
a second mainforce battalion into the pro-
vince in November and the pace of am hushes,
attacks, and mortar harassment has; risen
steadily ever since.
This climaxed at 1:30 a.m. on December
26 when the Vietcong chose to break the
United States-South Vietnamese Christmas
truce by firing 40 mortar shells ini o Tan
An, while simultaneousy laying down mortar
barrages on all six district towns.
They inflicted heavy casualties and even-
tually overran two company-sized outposts
and beheaded one Vietnamese soldier's wife.
Twenty-five militiamen were missing after
the attack; an American captain speculated
they "either bugged out, were carried off or
directly hit by a mortar shell and blown to
bits."
Many of the ill-equipped militia, or pop-
ular forces, as they are officially called, fight
with only carbines and shotguns while
wearing floppy hats, swimming trunks, pa-
jamas or a scrounged uniform.
Recently a four-man outpost held off a
company-sized Vietcong attack for 6 hours;
when morning came two militiamen were
dead and two were wounded, but the post
had not fallen and they had managed to
capture six Vietcong weapons.
One hamlet of 300 people, deep withi r
Vietcong territory, recently pacified itself by
erecting fortifications and passing the hat
to buy a 60-mm, mortar to scare off the
Vietcong. So far the Communist guerrillas
have let the village alone.
Many of the American advisers believe the
pattern of Vietcong attacks on isolated
outposts and newly fortified hamlets along
Saigon's defensive perimeter and Long An's
northern boundary suggests that the Coin-
munists may be trying to sever Highway No.
4, and cut off Saigon from the rice-rich
Mekong Delta.
COUNTER STRATEGY
To counter this strategy, Long An's Gov-
ernment forces, composed of two South Viet-
namese regular army regiments and several
thousand more locally recruited militiamen
and police, have tried to fix the two Vietcong
battalions with ground action. and destroy
them with heavy artillery and airstrikes.
Long An is so short of troops, however,
that most operations must be stopped at
sunset so the militia and police can return
to guard their homes and families.
Despite this troop shortage, both the
American advisers and Vietnam.eee com-
manders oppose bringing American combat
units into the delta where the war is still
almost entirely a Vietnamese fight, except
for U.S. air support.
The Americans seem to feel that moving
more U.S. troops into the delta would lead
to a put-down-tools attitude among the
Vietnamese forces. Vietnamese officers em-
phasize that the local economy would be
disrupted and that the Vietcong could ex-
ploit a foreign invasion propaganda earn-
paign among the local peasantry.
American combat soldiers in Vietnam are
always amazed to hear the U.S. advisory
teams live in scattered groups of four and
five, wholly defended by Vietnamese troops.
The advisers themselves often wouldn't
have it any other way.
Says Capt. Maurice H. Krause, 31, of Wah-
peton, N. Dak., Long An's pacification ad-
viser:
"This is an extremely nice country. What
happens if you get assigned to a big unit is
that you're close to a conventional war en-
vironment, moving with the troops. Down
here in Long An we see people getting schools
and medicine, see the spontaneous expres-
sions of loyalty to this side and dissatisfac-
tion with the Vietcong."
Two enlisted. men in Long An. have ex-
tended their tours for a second year and one
will marry a local Vietnamese girl next
month.
The biggest problem for the advisory tram,
as the fighting intensifies in Long An, is how
to avoid inflicting casualties on the civilian
population.
"HAVE TO GET CALLOUS"
Half of the patients at Tan An's new 155-
bed hospital are civilians wounded in the
fighting.
"Usually you can count on receiving at
least a couple a day," says an Americana doc-
tor on the hospital staff. "They mostly step
on grenades or mines or get shot by stray
bullets. But we do get some bombing and
napalm victims. You have to get callous or
you'd drive yourself crazy worrying about it."
A U.S. Air Force forward air observer, one
of a team who flys reconnaissance and com-
bat support missions over Long An every day
and knows it terrain by heart, says, "If I go
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 February 17, A roved Fo~ON lgs
S 98 /,ff2 RIE CORD P6SENATE 000400030007-8
over a village and see women and kids, I
flatly refuse to call in an airstrike."
Another American, after many months in
Long An, says, "No one who goes to indemni-
fication meetings where they pay war victims
can be morally callous. No one can say a 2-
year-old child or a 90-year-old grandmother
is a Vietcong. But I think we should and
must continue the bombing.
"It's effective. It kills Vietcong and inter-
dicts their nypvements. I think care is taken.
There are instances where American forward
air controllers have refused to call in strikes
or when the province chief has ordered heli-
copters back home that were ordered out.
"What you've always got to remember,
though, is that the people are the key to win-
ning the war. There's no reason to go out in
the woods and kill lots of people unless it
helps in pacifications."
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
Jan. 27, 19661
THE PEOPLE'S WAR: AND Now ANOTHER Tay
AT PACIFYING LONG AN
(NOTE.-This is the last of four articles on
the Mekong Delta, South Vietnam's rice bowl.
Critchfield recently completed an extensive
tour there.)
(By Richard Critchfield)
TAN AN, SOUTH VIETNAM.-After months
of reappraisal and careful preparation, South
Vietnam has launched its fourth pacification
plan since 1961 to win back the loyalty of
the Vietnamese peasantry.
It differs hardly at all from the old plans
on the two key issubs involved-land reform
and military against civilian rule in the
countryside.
As a result, many observers fear it will
be no more successful than former President
Ngo Dinh Diem's Operation Sunrise, Gen.
Nguyen Khanh's Chien Thang plan or Gen.
Maxwell D. Taylor's Hop Tac plan.
Nor is anybody predicting spectacular suc-
cess.
After a brief tour. of Vietnam recently,
David Bell, Director of the Agency for In-
ternational Development, said, "We don't
except large areas to be cleared, but they
will be significant."
It has never been so much a question of
devising a successful pacification program
as applying it and redressing the genuine
political grievances of the peasantry.
In essence, all the programs have been de-
rived from the tache d'huile or "oil slick" or
"ink blot" theory, first developed by the
French Foreign Legion in Morocco in the
1920's. It was a method of securing some
solidly held, key centers from which "pacifi-
cation" forces could spread out in an ever-
widening perimeter against rebellious na-
tives.
PHILIPPINE SUCCESS
After being humanized and refined with
civic action, most notably land reform, the
method worked against Communist insur-
gents in the Philippines. And by added em-
phasis on promises of independence, police
methods, strict population control, and for-
tified villages, the British made it work in
Malaya.
Land reform or the promise of independ-
ence, however, provided the psychological
impetus in both of these successful efforts.
As U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge
puts it, the people "must adhere to the gov-
ernment because they like it before it can
win."
It was not until March 1962 that Diem,
with the help of Malayan-experienced Brit-
ish advisers, launched the first attempt at
Vietnamese pacification, Operation Sunrise.
Diem misused the program by making it
an instrument of his personal rule. But even
so, it was far more successful than any of the
efforts that followed it.
For instance, here in Long An Province,
Diem succeeded-in just a little over 1
year-in regrouping 1,000 hamlets into 220
strategic hamlets and isolating the Vietcong
into the remaining 35.
Diem had three things his successors lack-
ed-a functioning countrywide rural admin-
istrative system, an efficient, tightly con-
trolled political apparatus, and a civilian
chief in each Province whose authority was
absoluete and who superimposed a political
judgment over military actions in his
Province.
DIEM AIDS PURGED
The wholesale purge of public servants
and other Diem appointees, whatever their
personal record or reputation, and the de-
struction of his Can Lao Party left the Viet-
namese Army as the only countrywide orga-
nization.
Colonels and captains took over the job of
running South Vietnam's 43 Provinces and
240 districts.
It soon become apparent, however, that
these men were not subject to Saigon's direct
administrative control, rather they were re-
sponsible to the commander of the nearest
Vietnamese Army division and through him
to the local corps commander.
Seen in retrospect, the three successive
military coups of Minh, Khanh and the
Young Turks were in large part supported
by the officer corps to enable them to con-
solidate the administration in the country-
side.
Thus, beginning with Diem's fall, govern-
ment was made incidental to waging the war.
On the Provincial level, meanwhile, the
army, jealous of its powers, exempted Viet-
namese soldiers from the civilian penal code,
even in crimes involving civilians.
Since the army lacked the judicial appara-
tus and military police to control its troops,
the net effect was to turn loose in the coun-
tryside 550,000 young soldiers who had little
reason to fear being arrested or prosecuted
for crimes such as rape or petty theft.
The Vietcong leaders, meanwhile, were
concentrating on getting their men to "eat,
live and work" with the peasants. The Viet-
cong helped the peasants till their riceflelds
and sweep their houses, while through terror-
ism, they were eroding law and order in gov-
ernment-controlled areas.
Two months after Diem's overthrow, an
American-Vietnamese factfinding team, was
sent to Long An Province.
The team uncovered an alarming Com-
munist advance. By then the Vietcong had
overrun and burnt down all but 6 of Diem's
220 strategic hamlets.
After interviewing 1,500 peasant families,
the team concluded the war against the
Vietcong "cannot ever be won" unless Saigon
carried out drastic reforms at the village
level.
Its conclusions were:
Land must be distributed. The local
militia must be paid regularly. The use of
artillery and bombs against villages must be
limited.
Forced labor had to be stopped. Army ex-
tortion and food thefts must be prevented.
Corruption and bribery must be elimi-
nated among local officials. District and
provincial forces must send reinforcements
when they were sought by village outposts
under attack.
These conclusions were pretty basic, yet
today most of the troubles remain largely
unremedied.
Local militia are a little better paid and
housed, but still not adequately. Forced
labor has been eliminated in most of the
country. The introduction of more armed
helicopters, flareships, high-speed jets and
more artillery has reduced the need for
ground reinforcements.
But there has been no serious land reform.
Bombing and shelling of villages has multi-
plied tenfold or twelvefold. Army extortion
and food thefts as common as ever and cor-
ruption is still endemic.
LODGE SHOCKED
When the report on Long An was origi-
nally published in early 1964, it had the im-
pact of a bombshell in Saigon. Lodge,
shocked at the seriousness of the situation,
urged General Khanh to launch a crash pilot
pacification program in the province. If the
Communists could be turned back in Long
An, Lodge argued, it would be shown they
could be turned back everywhere.
Khanh agreed. Economic aid was stepped
up, U.S. heliborne flights deployed for stop
attacks, the military advisory team was ex-
panded and more men were assigned to dis-
trict and mobile units operating in the
Province.
A Vietnamese airborne brigade was flown
in to start operations to clear lost territory.
Maj. Gen. Richard Stilwell, now U.S. Com-
mander in Thailand, told newsmen Long An
would be "pacified" and cleared of Commu-
nists within 6 months.
But the following July, 6 months later, the
government held only 25 hamlets, mostly
clustered around Tan An and the six district
towns. Khanh's "Chien Thang" plan had
been a fiasco.
Partly, this was because Khanh's heart was
never in pacification. He weakened pacifica-
tion efforts from the start by leaving it up to
his province chiefs to proceed as best they
saw fit in their own bailiwicks.
After Maxwell Taylor arrived in Saigon
that summer as Ambassador and surveyed
the wreckage of years of costly trial and error,
he developed a pacification philosophy call-
ing for giving the peasants military security
while demonstrating to them the revolu-
tionary idea in Vietnam, that Government
exists for the people.
By then, one of the main Vietcong slogans
had already become: "The government exists
for the people."
URGES CONCENTRATION
Taylor pushed for concentrating the gov-
ernment's resources on a small area, the
seven provinces encircling Saigon, hoping for
visible results. This was the "Hop Tac" plan
(which roughly means "togetherness.")
Taylor also urged a return to civilian gov-
ernment. This was not simply to have Viet-
nam's leader a man in mufti instead of uni-
form, but because Taylor saw it was the way
to restore a workable administration and law
and order in the countryside.
Lodge's strong advocacy for a return to
civilian rule, no matter who the man on top
is, is based on the same reasoning.
Yet now, almost 18 months since Hop Tac
got underway, Long An still has only 76 of
its 252 hamlets anywhere near pacified.
The cost of men and material has been
heavy; four of the young American officers
who pointed out shortcomings in the paci-
fication effort to me an previous visits since
have been killed in action.
Since June 1964, there have been four dif-
ferent American province advisers and eight
different American pacification advisers in
Long An, although the Vietnamese provincial
officials have stayed the same.
TRIBUTE TO MRS. MAY CRAIG
Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, at the
time of her retirement last December 31,
May Craig was one of the most widely
known women in America.
As a journalist for more than 30 years,
Mrs. Craig gained the confidence of five
Presidents.
As a panelist on more than 250 tele-
vised broadcasts of "Meet the Press"
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --SENATE February .17, 1966
and other public affairs programs, she
became a national personality.
As a columnist for the Guy Gannett
Publishing Co., she gave Maine news-
papers a refreshing and perceptive view
of Washington and the world.
As a correspondent, she circled the
world in war and peace. She witnessed
the most exciting and trying events of
our times. She spoke with the wisdom
of experience and the optimism of youth.
Throughout her unparalleled career,
she was a voice of decency.
To the Maine congressional delegation
and to two generations of official Wash-
ington spokesmen, May Craig was a tire-
less and impartial reporter. She also
was a lady whose charm and character
won our hearts. We will carry our re-
spect and affection for her always.
Earlier this week, President Johnson
and 400 other friends honored her at a
reception at the National Press Club.
When May Craig's retirement was an-
nounced, her newspapers in Maine out-
lined the highlights of her career and
reported the many tributes she received.
I ask unanimous consent that the
Washington. Post story on her National
Press Club reception, and the Guy Gan-
nett Publishing Co. stories on her retire-
ment be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
]From the Portland (Maine) Press-Herald,
Dec. 4, 1965]
NEWSWOMAN MAY CRAIG SLATED To RETIRE
DECEMBER 31
WASHINGTON.--May Craig, one of America's
most famous newspaperwomen and for more
than 30 years the capital correspondent for
the Guy Garnett Newspapers of Maine, will
retire at the end of the year.
Mrs. Craig, who combined penetrating
questions with pert hats, for more than 3
decades has been the most widely read col-
umnist in Maine. She covered Washington
and the world for Guy Gannett newspapers in
Portland, Augusta, and Waterville.
Por thousands of Maine families her daily
column "Inside in Washington" was must
morning breakfast table reading. Although
little read outside Maine, Mrs. Craig became
nationally famous as a, panelist on the radio
and television program "Meet the Press."
Millions o1 Americans came to know her
as the Washington reporter who could be
counted upon to enliven Presidential press
conferences with the pointed question, the
incisive query.
Yet, though her questions occasionally
rankled the famous, she was a close friend
of every President from Franklin D. Roose-
velt to Lyndon Baines Johnson.
And, though she asked literally thousands
of questions, "I never asked a question I
later regretted," she noted as her retirement
neared.
Her column reflected the same penetrating
quality that punctuated her questions. One
column in 1964, "Decline of the United
States--And Fall" attracted nationwide at-
tention, was reprinted in U.S. News & World
Iteport as well as newspapers throughout.
America.
Her travels in search of the news took
Elisabeth May Craig around the world, as a
war correspondent in World War II, as the
that woman to fly the Berlin airlift, as a.
correspondent during the Korean war, and.
to Africa as the continent merged during
the early 1960's.
Maine readers followed her byline around
the world as she reported the great events of
more than 3 decades.
Yet May Craig also kept a close finger on
the pulse of the Maine delegation in Wash-
ington as she furnished readers with the
news that most closely affected then.
Mrs. Craig said that, when she retires at
the end of the year, "I'm going to take a
little time off to do nothing," but few readers
will believe that she'll remain inactive long.
She's been under contract for some time to
write a book, so there's the strong likelihood
that the typewriter, which for a third of a
century had recorded the events thot shaped
the world, will not long be stilled.
Millions of Americans who have seen Mrs.
Craig On "Meet the Press" and at Pr' sidential
press conferences, have come to think of her
as a Maine native. It comes as a shock to
learn that she's a native of Coosaw, N.C.,
who moved to Washington as a young girl.
No matter. She remains Maine in Wash-
ington to many. She knows Maine intimate-
ly and news of a postmaster's appointment
in Waterville received the same close at-
tention as a Washington national ,story.
Now in her seventies (although she main-
tains that she'll be 50 until she dies), Mrs.
Craig :never slowed down. Her columns from
the beginning reflected her intense interest
in almost everything and anything, from
renovations of the White House to the war
in Vietnam.
For years she was up and on the go at
6 a.m., and Maine Senators and Congress-
men quickly learned to become accustomed
to a telephone call from May Craig long be-
fore they had risen from bed.
She became in time almost as famous as
some of the officials she covered; more fa-
mous than most.
Married to a newspaperman, the late Don-
ald Alexander Craig, the Washington bureau
chief for the New York Herald, as well as
for the Guy Gannett newspapers, Mrs. Craig
became the Washington correspondent for
these newspapers In the early 1930's after the
death of her husband. She has two children,
a son and a daughter, and several grand-
children.
She maintains a home in Washington close
to the Capitol.
During her career Mrs. Craig covered the
V-bomb raids in London during World War
II, the Normandy campaign, the liberation
of Paris, and the Korean war. Her travels
for these newspapers have taken her to al-
most every point on the globe.
She was made a doctor of human letters
by the University of Maine in 1946. She is
a member of the Women's National Press
Club, the Overseas Press of America, and
Theta Sigma Phi.
PRAISE FRoM L.B.J.
President Johnson, learning in Texas of
May Craig's retirement, sent her the follow-
ing telegram Friday:
"It's a long time from May to September,
but May will always be May to me."
[From the Portland (Maine) E,.?cning
Express, Dec. 3, 1965]
TRIBUTE FROM PUBLISHER
Mrs. Jean Gannett Arnzen, president and
publisher of the Guy Gannett Publishing
Co., issued this statement of tribute to May
Craig:
"May Craig has for many years been as in-
separable from our papers as their name-
plates. She has made them known, not
only in Maine but in the Nation. Competing
in an environment of top talent and strong
personalities, she has had the vigor and the
ability to be outstanding.
"Obviously her retirement, so richly de-
served cannot be treated casually It will
leave a lonesome place in our columns. Her
departure is too close to me, personally, to
be dismissed in the course of business.
"She was employed by our papers by my
father, the late Guy P. Gannett, when he
was-establishing them and laying the found-
ations for their success. He always believed
that one of his most important contributions
was employing May Craig to represent his
papers in Washington.
"I shall always remember my :father's great
pride in his Washington correspondent and
the delight he had in her success."
[From the Portland, Maine, Sunday
Telegram, Dec. 19, 1965]
"NATION Is 13ETTER FOR THIS OUTSTANDING
WOMAN"-FROM PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S
TRIBUTE TO MAY CRAIG
(By Donald E. Hanson)
To imagine a presidential press conference
without May Craig is like imagining the Cap-
ital without the Washington Monument.
For May Craig, to thousands of Maine
newspaper readers, is Washington. For more
than three decades she's been an indelible
fixture on the Washington scene.
Presidents came and went. Elections
changed the faces in the city and altered
the complexion of the Nation. May Craig
remained.
Now that too changes, for May Craig, who
with pert hat and pointed question became
one of America's most famous newspaper-
women, retires at the end of the year.
Presidents from Franklin Delano Roose-
velt to Lyndon Baines Johnson came to know
and respect--and occasionally chafe at one
of her barbed questions-the little and un-
questionable First Lady of the 'Washington
press corps.
Although for thousands of Maine readers
her column "inside in Washington" has been
daily must reading for years at the breakfast
table, Elizabeth May Craig was comparatively
unread outside the State, except on occa-
sions when her comments were reprinted in
other newspapers and magazines.
Her face, however, became almost as fa-
mous as those of the personages she covered.
Visitors to Washington have, after view-
ing the landmarks of the city, often inquired
of their host: "All this is fine, but where's
May Craig?" And a Sunday Telegram re-
porter, traveling in California, had only to
mention that he worked for the Portland
papers to receive the reply, "Oh, you mean
May Craig's papers."
To millions of Americans she became fa-
mous as a fixture on the radio and television
program "Meet the Press." She once made
President Jim Carey, of the Electrical Work-
ers Union, gulp visibly by asking: "Don't you
think it un-American for a man to have to
belong to a union to earn a living?"
STO ONE IMMUNE
No President was immune from the sharp
May Craig question. President Roosevelt,
after fielding a sharp one on. three hops,
asked May if she stayed awake all night
thinking it up. "As a matter of fact," shot
back May, "I did."
Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy,
and Johnson all came to expect the unex-
pected from May. President Kennedy was
wise enough to realize that when a press
conference began to take a dull turn that
it was probably time to recognize Mrs. Craig.
Yet, if Presidents occasionally rankled at
a May Craig question, none was ever able to
harbor a grudge.
She was often a visitor at the Hyde Park
home of President and Mrs. Roosevelt. Presi-
dent Johnson, perhaps better than most,
came to realize the many facets of May
Craig. In 1956, when the then Senator John-
son suffered a severe heart attack, each day
to his hospital room was delivered a private
letter from May, cheering him and Informing
him of the activities in the Senate.
If the pointed questions, the unusual hats
or the familiar features made May Craig a
celebrity, they may also to some extent have
obscured her real ability as a member of the
Washington press corps.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 R.
February 17,
ved For R?1 R 6 00400030007-8
ful of the fact that the percentage of the
Negro population in' these surrounding po-
litical subdivisions is so small as to fore-
stall prompt passage of such, legislation.
The legislative remedy must be applied in
the areas where the social sickness is most
apparent. This means, of course, that Bal-
timore City must take the leadership in
providing metropolitan-wide open occupancy
legislation. If each political subdivision
were to await the action of the other, the
mounting tensions brought about by
crowded conditions may possibly explode be-
fore a common consensus is arrived at. Ac-
cordingly, I call upon this body to enact into
law the Fair Housing Ordinance before you.
I am mindful of the pressures under which
you find yourselves. I know that there
exists within your body a desire for states-
manlike leadership.
I pledge you my support and the support
of the Archdiocese of Baltimore in assisting
and encouraging the passage of similar leg-
islation in the political subdivisions sur-
rounding our beloved city. I am aware of
the arguments that are made about the pos-
sibilities of a population which may desert
our city, and I am equally aware of the
inequity that may be visited upon some of
those developers who have made their com-
mitment to build within Baltimore City and
who may find themselves placed at a great
economic disadvantage in the event that
some of the dire predictions about urban
flight to the suburbs should come to pass.
The heart of the race problem is a moral
issue. Even if the percentage of the Negro
population in Baltimore City were extremely
small, rather than in excess of the one-
third figure, the justice of the proposal be-
fore you would be unaffected. The argu-
ment for justice, however, coupled with the
practical consideration of tensions, uneasi-
ness, and potential massive resort to law-
breaking, give added impetus to the critical
nature of the proposal before you.
I pledge you that this fight for social jus-
tice will not be placed upon your shoulders
alone, but that the teaching and pastoral ca-
pacities of the Catholic Church will support
you in what I ask you to do.
I call upon you, then, to make this a mat-
ter of civic and social responsibility so as to
render to the minorities their rights, and to
assist Baltimore in the growth which we
mutually desire to see.
ALASKA THANKS MR. SHRIVER
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President,
about 5 years ago, the American foreign
relations took on a new image. Begin-
ning in the West African Republic of
Ghana, then spreading to East Africa
in Tanzania, and outward to Latin
America, Asia and the Far East, the
finest concept of the New Frontier has
taken American educational and tech-
nological know-how to 46 countries of
the world.
I am speaking, of course, about the
Peace Corps, now more than 10,000
strong-the grassroots diplomats per-
haps closest to American hearts.
I say they are the diplomats closest
to American hearts because there's an
inherent remoteness about the fellow
who wears a frock-tailed coat and striped
pants. But the Peace Corps volunteer
in Ecuador, in his jeans and sweatshirt,
is a fellow with whom we all can identify.
Last year, he may have gassed your car
at the corner service station.
Now, all of this may sound like apple
pie, and the Peace Corps may have some
of that too, but the U.S. Senate has to
be concerned with hard-nosed results.
Well, the Peace Corps, in my estimation,
.has delivered those results. And my
State of Alaska also is getting a return
from the Peace Corps budget.
Alaska is getting a direct dividend from
the Peace Corps because three returned
volunteers, two young men who served in
Ecuador and one who was a beekeeper
in Guatemala, are key people in the
Alaska poverty program. Mr. President,
I rise today to salute these young people,
Mike Valentine of Ogden, Utah, and Ger-
ald Miller of Ceresco, Nebr., who did rural
community action work in Ecuador; and
Don Johnson, also of Ceresco, who served
the Peace Corps in Guatemala.
Alaska Gov. William A. Egan recently
paid tribute to the trio when he said:
These Peace Corps returnees have made the
most constructive impact upon poverty in
Alaska in its 100 years under the American
flag.
Gerald, Mike, and Don are working
out of Fairbanks, Anchorage, and Bethel.
Ninety percent of their time is spent liv-
ing with Eskimos, Aleuts, and Indians in
remote villages. These men are using
Peace Corps skills and the Peace Corps
concept of self-help to give Alaska's na-
tive People a new sense of personal dig-
nity and value as human beings.
For instance, Gerald Miller, who was a
horse trader in Nebraska before he en-
tered the Peace Corps, is working with
VISTA volunteers to establish a pre-
school program in the Eskimo village of
Hooper Bay, whose population of 560 in-
cludes only 5 persons with salaried jobs.
Gerald also has organized adult educa-
tion classes at Hooper Bay, community
action programs at Barrow, Fort Yukon,
and Arctic Village.
Don Johnson, working with the Eski-
mos of Emmonak, has developed a saw-
mill industry there which will provide
paying jobs for people who historically
have eked out a subsistence living by
hunting and fishing and trapping.
Mike Valentine is working on a pro-
gram to electrify the Kodiak Island vil-
lage of Old Harbor. Electrification of
the village may help attract a canning
plant.
Alaska's 48,200 native people want to
pull their share of the load in develop-
ing our abundant resources. But in or-
der to fulfill this responsibility, the Eski-
mos, the Aleuts and the Indians need
technical know-how, not how-to lectures
from a remote podium. They need dem-
onstrations and examples from people
such as our returned Peace Corps vol-
unteers who live in the villages with the
people.
That is what Alaska is reaping from
the Peace Corps. Now, the real fruits
of Sargent Shriver's inspired overseas
organization are being harvested in my
State, although the seeds were planted
in Guatemala and Ecuador.
I want to take this opportunity to
thank Sargent Shriver for developing
the U.S. Peace Corps into one of Amer-
ica's most effective agencies for inter-
national aid, and wish him well in his
new full-time assignment as head of the
Office of Economic Opportunity.
3235
To Jack Vaughn, the Peace Corps di-
rector-designate, I say, I hope that more
of your returned volunteers will journey
to Alaska, where there is great opportu-
nity for those who want to serve their
fellow man.
DEATH OF ALEXANDER F. "CASEY"
JONES
Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr.
President, the death of Alexander F.
"Casey" Jones in Florida on February
15 was a great loss not only to American
newspapers but also to his many friends
and admirers. "Casey" Jones repre-
sented the quest for excellence in Amer-
ican journalism. Both the newspapers
he managed-the Washington Post and
the Syracuse Herald Journal-and their
readers benefited from his forthright and
fearless direction. He was properly in-
sistent on the people's right to know
about the operation of their government
whether Federal, State, or local. His
sure and distinctive touch will be missed.
His imprint, however, will long survive.
For may years I was pleased to be
coul2tcd among his friends and there-
THE BASE FOR VIETNAM'S GREAT
SOCIETY
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, the
declaration of Honolulu has placed the
economic resources of this Nation behind
what may well be called a great society
program for South Vietnam.
Public attention has been almost ex-
clusively focused in the past year or more
on the military situation we face in
South Vietnam, and continues to pay
little attention to developments within
the economy of that country and its in-
ternal government structure and opera-
tions. The truth is that even though
there have been no recent coups it is
reported the local nonmilitary situation
has continually deteriorated.
Two articles appeared in this morn-
ing's Washington Post, written by two of
that paper's skilled and experienced for-
eign service reporters, on the spot in
Saigon, under a joint headline: "Vietna-
mese Skeptical of Pledges; Economic Sit-
uation Is Worsening." They deserve
universal and careful reading. Some
may say these analyses are frightening,
and they are. But they are also realis-
tic, and we must be realists in the
approach we make to our Vietnam in-
volvement.
Our own Great Society is starting to
build upon a stable, steady base of grow-
ing prosperity over the past 5 years,
prosperity which is unprecedented. We
are not trying to overlay it on a society
shot through and through with ineffi-
ciency, corruption, and apathy toward
the central government. We are doing
it by our own efforts, from the inside, not
by a largess stultifying to initiative and
involvement imposed from the outside.
But here are some of the conditions
reported by the Post reporters.
First, they say that South Vietnam has
not as yet established any effective poli-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 Approved For l* ~ ~(9 ~~P67 20004000 9ry 17, .7966
ties of its own to fight the war on the
homefront. Writes Ward Just:
't'here is no incomes policy, no price policy,
only the bare beginnings of import policy,
very little control over hoarding.
Yet we, who are talking of taking on
what amounts to the major responsibility
for South Vietnam's domestic economy
as well as for its war, are beginning to
think in terms of the rearranging of our
own domestic policies, in order that we
may shoulder this tremendous and dubi-
ous burden. We are told that we are
threatened with inflation, and we are
rightly concerned by the possibility that
the economy of the United States may
creep upward in that direction by as
much as 2 or 3 percent. But there, where
the Government is not controlling infla-
tion, and where we are feeding it daily
with our massive injections of funds,
prices rose 10 percent last month alone,
and nearly 50 percent in the last year.
The prediction is that the rise will be an-
other 35 or 40 percent in the next year.
This means that by 1967 it will cost us $2
for each dollar it was costing us a year
ago
Think of it-10 percent in 1 month.
Do we have any assurance at all, any
commitment. from the Government of
General Ky that measures will be taken
to halt such terrible economic erosion?
And even if we get such assurances, will
there be any possibility that they can be
carried out?
Second, it is very dubious whether
controls will be accepted in South Viet-
nam. It is quite possible that attempts
to achieve them will merely result in
bringing down the Government. Far too
many people in South Vietnam are
caught up in making a good thing of
this war. Here is Mr. Just's account:
But there is no enthusiasm for the war
in this dazed and weary country, and the
population is in no mood to accept stiff con-
trols. While ARVN privates die In the
swamps of Haunghia Province, well-off Viet-
namese sun themselves at the swimming pool
at the Cercle Sportif.
While Americans struggle through the rice
fields of Binhdinh, landlords refuse to sell
land to the ITS. Government on which to
build tent cities to relieve the acute housing
shortage in Saigon.
"There is no patriotism here," said one offi-
cial. "I am not being negative. I am being
realistic."
Third, they report that the black mar-
ket is running away, and a major in-
gredient in that occurrence is the vast
atmount of cash, of U.S. dollars, with
which we are now flooding the country.
Black markets mean corruption, and I
raise the question, what assurance have
we that we will not spread and com-
pound the corruption now existing as we
pour into South Vietnam not only the
27 percent of the fiscal 1967 AID budget
earmarked for Vietnam, but further
sums--much as they may be needed-
for education, health, schools, farm de-
velopment? Says Mr. Just:
It Is understood that the United States
itself will undertake to increase imports of
consumer goods like radios, bikes, and tele-
vision sets. But complicating that problem
is an antique import licensing law.
The report by Mr. Just's colleague,
Stanley Karnow, elaborates and points
up more clearly what this means:
Economic disruption is naturally accom-
panied by corruption, which is regarded here
as almost as great an enemy to the country
as the Communists. Nearly everything, from
construction contracts to the delivery of
motor scooters, which are rationed by the
Government, is said to require a payoff.
Import licenses are being bought and sold,
and it is feared that when the U.:. com-
mercial import program is accelerated-in
order to absorb the surplus currency in cir-
culation-the traffic in licenses will b: om.
We are not without guilt in this situa-
tion. It is obvious that we have not re-
quired rigorous preconditions cif eco-
nomic controls and reforms from the
Saigon government before committing
our own funds, without which that gov-
ernment could not exist.
Further, the impact of the "massive
infusion of U.S. funds, estimated to total
$600 million in 1966" has aggravated the
black market in money and contributed
to the runaway inflation. We have evi-
dently not put restrictions on ourselves,
have not used the kind of self-restraint
which the situation demands. Mr.
Karnow, for example, cites the case of
the landlady wife of a prominent Viet-
namese general who is turning out a
Vietnamese civil servant in order to rent
her property to an American who is will-
ing to pay $600 per month. A barmaid,
it is reported, can earn more in a day
than a, longshore worker in a month,
more in a year than a Cabinet official
on American money tossed her way. Our
employment of 100,000 Vietnamese at
high rates has further thrown the local
economy into dire straits.
A construction program at $400 million
a year is making an impact of $100 mil-
lion on. the Vietnamese economy. With
a total population of 15 million at a gen-
erous outside figure, this is equivalent
to an impact about equal to that of our
own poverty program-$1.3 billion. :Even
10-year-old boys are getting into the act
as construction workers.
Finally, there is the very serious matter
which Mr. Karnow raises of skepticism in
Vietnam over our Great Society program
for them:
By and large, the promise of new social
and economic programs has not aroused dis-
cernible enthusiasm, largely because the his-
tory of recent years is crowded witlL-. unful-
filled plans.
"We"ve heard it all before," said a
prominent trade union leader yesterday.
"We are weary of words."
This skepticism seems to permeate the
local view of the Honolulu meeting of
President Johnson and Premier Ky,
which is seen "as primarily an American
exercise in bulwarking the local govern-
ment. And it is believed that another
Honolulu meeting this summer, as an-
nounced by the President, will repeat
that exercise.
"It's like doping horses," commented
an irreverent young Vietnamese Army
officer the other day. "They run for
awhile, and then you've got to give them
another shot."
In what I have said, I am not decrying
our aims and. our good intentions. But
if it is essential that we move into a
Great Society program in Vietnam, it is
essential also that we secure the active
cooperation and participation of the
Saigon Government. It is futile and self-
destructive if we go through the pangs
of wrenching our own economy into line
for these great efforts, at the expense of
serious wounds to our own Great Society
program, only to have it fail. Failure
is inevitable, however, if we do not take
into account the total situation and look
realistically at the shaky structure and
the limited possibilities of the South
Vietnam Government to command the
wholehearted cooperative support of
those now fattening from the situation.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the two articles to which I have
referred may appear in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SAIGON BOOM CAUSES PROBLEMS: VIETNAMESE
SKEPTICAL OF PLEDGES; ECONOMIC SITUATION
IS WORSENING
(By Stanley Karnow)
SAIGON, February 16.-President Johnson's
meeting with South Vietnam's leaders in
Honolulu last week, followed by visits to
Saigon by Vice President HuMPIIREY, Secre-
tary of Agriculture Orville Freemnan, and as-
sorted other American dignitaries drama-
tized the U.S. commitment to South Viet-
nam.
Now that the fanfare has faded away,
however, Vietnamese are feeling somewhat
bewildered and more than a little dubious
about the administration's dazzling perform-
ance. Their opinions vary, of course, accord-
ing to their social backgrounds.
Predictably, the educated, articulate civil
servants, lawyers, schoolteachers, and oth-
er "intellectuals" here in the capital seem
to take a skeptical view toward Washing-
ton's hopes of helping to build a Great So-
ciety in Vietnam.
Some of them were comforted to hear
HUMPHREY speak of satisfying popular as-
pirations and rising expectations-a. refresh-
ing antidote to much of the military jargon
heard here. Many others were pleased to
hear, through the local grapevine, that Free-
man had intervened to save one of the coun-
try's leading agronomists from being drafted
into the army.
By and large, however, the promise of new
social and economic programs has not
aroused discernible enthusiasm, largely be-
cause the history of recent years is crowded
with unfulfilled plans.
"We've heard it all before," said a prom-
inent trade union leader yesterday. "We are
weary of words."
Doubts about the future are reinforced,
moreover, by a, fairly pervasive lack of faith
in the ability of the South Vietnamese Gov-
ernment headed by Premier Nguyen Cao Ky.
In his speeches and statements, Ky pro-
jects an image of himself as an honest, sim-
ple soldier dedicated to promoting "social
revolution." That image has reportedly cap-
tivated the White House, where Ky's state-
ments are said to be on the required read-
ing list.
But to Vietnamese here in Saigon--and to
many American officials, too-Ky is far from
the hero he is made out to be by his publi-
cists.
The Ky government is stable largely be-
cause it is immobile, explain Vietnamese.
In fact, they add, it is not really Ky's govern-
ment but a junta of generals who, for the
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 February -17,AppRved For i 9 A%: ikWUB"foM00400030007-8
sake of their own survival, have tacitly agreed.
not to disagree-at least for the present.
In the view of Vietnamese here, moreover,
the Saigon government hangs together be-
cause it is supported by the United. States,
which would not tolerate another succession
of coup d'etats and uprisings such as fol-
lowed the downfall of the Ngo Dinh Diem
regime in November 1963.
ANOTHER MEETING
Thus President Johnson's personal iden-
tification with the Saigon leaders in Hono-
lulu last week has been seen here as pri-
marily an American exercise in bulwarking
the local government. And it is believed
that another Honolulu meeting this sum-
mer, as announced by the President, will
repeat that exercise.
"It's like doping horses," commented an
irreveren, young Vietnamese army officer the
other day. `Tbey run for awhile and then
you've got to give them another shot."
Much of this criticism reflects uneasiness
with the degen,-,rating economic situation
here. Tremendows infusions of American
money have simpl} unhinged and disrupted
the local society tv the point at which a
bargirl can earn in a, day what a longshore-
inan makes in a month.
Soaring prices ham especially affected
fixed-income groups-civil servants, army
ofin.^ers, schoolteachers and other profes-
siouals-who are the intelligentsia of any
underdeveloped country.
TENANT BEING EVICTED
A middle-level civil servant is being evicted
from his house this week, for example, be-
cause his landlady can find an American
tenant willing to pay $600 per month rent.
The landlady, incidentally, is the wife of a
prominent Vietnamese general.
Economic disruption is naturally accom-
panied by corruption, which is regarded here
as almost as great an enemy to the country
as the Communists. Nearly everything, from
construction contracts to the delivery of
motor scooters, which are rationed by the
government, is said to require a payoff.
Import licenses are being bought and sold,
and it is feared that when the U.S. com-
mercail import program is accelerated-in
order to absorb the surplus currency in cir-
culation-the traffic in licenses will boom.
Characteristically, most of the critics of
conditions here can offer. little in the way
of constructive suggestions for handling the
situation more effectively. It can be re-
called that several of those in positions of
authority today were themselves last year's
critics, fulminating against the regime then
in office and vowing to perform honestly
and efficiently if they took power.
FEAR OF ABANDONMENT
Underlying this every-man-for-himself ap-
proach, however, is perhaps the one feeling
that touches nearly every Vietnamese. it is
a fear of being abandoned, forgotten, sold
out.
Over the past generation, Vietnamese
hopes were buoyed up and then betrayed by
the French, the Japanese, the Communists
and by successive Saigon leaders.
Despite the gallant words uttered at
Honolulu, the Vietnamese are not at all
sure how much trust they can place in the
United States-which in turn prompts some
Americans here to wonder how much trust
can be placed in the Vietnamese.
(By Ward Just)
SAIGON, February 16.-Saigon's economic
situation, serious for the past year, is becom-
ing critical, and diplomatic sources late it
as second only to the Vietcong as "the most
important political problem we have."
According to government figures released
yesterday, prices rose 10 percent last month
over December and nearly 50 pereirt aver
the year 1965. There is an acute shortage of
skilled labor, imports, and consumer goods.
A flourishing black market and official cor-
ruption add to the difficulties.
Overhanging all is the massive infusion
of U.S. funds, estimated to total $600 million
in 1960.
The problem is shot through with para-
dox. Vietnam, a country at war, has a boom-
ing economy-but, informed economists say,
it is an almost classic example of a sellers'
market run riot.
U.S. officials have made it clear to the
government that they regard the situation
with the utmost seriousness, and President
Johnson himself reportedly told Premier
Nguyen Cao Ky at the Honolulu conference
last week that even if the military struggle
is won, the gain would go up in smoke if the
economic situation deteriorates further.
The government, preoccupied with the war
and lacking the competence to deal with
economic complexities, has not been quick
to confront the crisis.
The black market, in money and in goods,
has swollen. There is no incomes policy, no
price policy, only the bare beginnings of an
import policy, very little control over hoard-
ing.
One key suggestion has been to increase
taxes on "the winners" here-bar owners,
landlords, hotel keepers.
What the boom has done is throw the
economy out of proportion, creating an eco-
nomic problem first, but bringing social and
political problems along with it.
This is a country where a bar girl can
make more than a Cabinet minister, where a
cyclo driver in Saigon can make a killing a
day if he caters to the Americans, where the
labor shortage is so acute that the gigantic
U.S. construction company, RMK, recently
pirated a Vietnamese driver employed by the
U.S. Embassy.
Not all these effects are bad. The boom
has tended to get money into the hands of
the urban poor, where it is most needed (as
well as into the hands of the Chinese busi-
nessmen, where it is not). Farm income
rose by an estimated 25 percent last year.
But the pressure has been on prices: Milk,
rice, and cloth have all gone up dramatically.
Pork has risen, by one estimate, 200 percent
in a year.
Many of the goods people want can be pro-
duced locally, but because of the war effort
it is practically impossible to increase pro-
duction. The United States employs 100,000
Vietnamese, for example.
MORE CONSUMER GOODS
It is understood that the United States
itself will undertake to increase imports of
consumer goods like radios, bikes, and tele-
vision sets. But complicating that problem
is an antic import licensing law and the
difficulty of moving goods into Vietnamese
ports.
Officials here are frantically trying to open
up the port of Saigon (where turn-around
time for a vessel is frequently 2 to 3 weeks)
to imports, to turn the sellers' market into a
buyers' market. But the heavy importation
of military hardware makes it a difficult task,
despite the improvements to the harbors of
Danang and Quinhon and the Brobding-
nagian effort at Camranh Bay.
Rippling beneath the surface is the gov-
ernment's refusal-or inability-to do any,-
which many prices are tied. The official rate
is 73 piastres to the dollar. The black mar-
ket rate was 135 piastres to the dollar in
August and 170 last week.
Sources here say that the gigantic U.S.
construction effort must also be cut back.
The U.S. Investment in construction is now
estimated at $400 million a year, $100 million
of which has a direct effect on the economy.
AIRPORTS BEING BUILT
The United States is. building everything
from airports to billets, with a resulting
pressure on iron, steel, and cement. As one
example of the social and political implica-
tions, 10-year-old boys are becoming con-
struction workers.
The best that can be hoped for this year,
economists say, is that the inflation rate will
be held to 35 or 40 percent.
Experts say that by the adroit use of a
fiscal and monetary policy, a savings-bond
campaign, for example, and a conscious effort
at belt-tightening, the crisis might be
averted.
But there is no enthusiasm for the war in
this dazed and weary country, and the popu-
lation is in no mood to accept stiff controls.
While ARVN privates die in the swamps of
Haunghia Province, well-off Vietnamese sun
themselves at the swimming pool at the Cer-
cle Sportif.
While Americans struggle through the rice
fields of Binhdinh, landlords refuse to sell
land to the U.S. Government on which to
build tent cities to relieve the acute housing
shortage in Saigon.
"There is no patriotism here," said one offi-
cial. "I am not being negative. I am being
realistic."
LITHUANIAN INDEPENDENCE DAY
Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr.
President, yesterday was a day of re-
membrance for Lithuanians around the
world. On February 16, 1918, this small
but heroic country located on the rim of
the Baltic Sea declared its independence
from the great Russian State. But the
taste of freedom was short-lived for dur-
ing the chaotic turmoil of World War II,
this Baltic nation was absorbed into the
vast Soviet empire. Since that time the
Lithuanians have experienced the cold,
driving demands of Communist control.
Independent Lithuanian organizations
around the world, however, have tried to
keep alive the fire of freedom and inde-
pendence which burned so brightly dur-
ing the 1920's and 1930's.
And the spirit of the Lithuanian peo-
ple has not been dominated. For several
years. following World War II, a coura-
geous Lithuanian freedom freedom army
actively resisted Soviet authorities. To-
day, Lithuanians everywhere look to a
time when their people will be once more
able to follow their daily pursuits in free-
dom. Thus Lithuanian Independence
Day has become an occasion not only for
anguished rememberance but also for
renewed hope. The people of this coun-
try share the ideals of the people of
Lithuania. It is only appropriate that
now and throughout the year we recall
and record our admiration for the in-
domitable spirit of the Lithuanian
people.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not, morn-
SUPPLEMENTAL MILITARY AND
PROCUREMENT AUTHORIZATION,
FISCAL 1966
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Chair lays before the Sen-
ate the unfinished business, which is
S. 2791.
The Senate resumed consideration of
the bill (S. 2791) to authorize appro-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 3238 Approved Fr ig ?fk(fL/2A-E&FP6~ 4ff R000400 ,3e%~~ any 171
1966
procurement of aircraft, missiles, naval
vessels, and tracked combat vehicles
and research, development, test, and
evaluation for the Armed Forces, and
for other purposes.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I sug-
gest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the order for
the quorum call be dispensed with.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
In accordance with the previous order,
the Chair recognizes the Senator from
Mississippi [Mr. STENNIS].
WE MUST START FROM WHERE WE ARE
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, on yes-
terday, following the remarks by the
distinguished Senator from Georgia [Mr.
RUSSELLI, I made a few remarks on the
pending bill, with reference to the money
figures in it.
This is an authorization bill, but it
is certainly a money bill, and almost the
same as an appropriation bill. In a few
days after this bill passes, we shall have
an appropriation bill before us.
I point out, in addition to the points
I made about the money yesterday, that
a substantial part-at least 30 percent,
perhaps--of the funds provided in this
bill has actually already been spent be-
cause of the war in Vietnam. At least
that much will be used, after we appro-
priate it, to replace the funds that have
been used during the first, second, and
third quarters of the current fiscal year,
expenditures that have been made as
part of the expenses of that war. The
money provided by this bill will replace
those funds for the fourth quarter.
There is nothing illegal about that. It
was authorized by the bill. However, the
fact that it was necessary is one of the
main reasons why I called attention last
year, when we were considering the bill,
and I was handling it at that time, to
the fact that the Defense Department
should have requested more money than
was being requested at that time.
At that time only $1,700 million was
expressly earmarked for southeast Asia.
It was generally known that it would
require much more money than that. It
has taken money out of the "hide" of
the military budget. As I have said, we
are spending fourth quarter money be-
cause we are running out of items for the
first, second, and third quarter. This
money will be used to replace the money
that has been used for that purpose.
February 28 is about the critical date
when these funds should be available to
keep the accounts in the Defense Depart-
ment from being embarrassed.
Mr. President, I wish to give a special
tale to the remarks I shall make today
on the bill as a whole and the questions
involved. That title is that we must
start from where Nye are with reference
to the war in Vietnam. This question is
not one of how we got there. That
question has long since passed. We
have been in Vietnam since 1954. The
question is not why we went over there.
We can argue that question endlessly.
It may be relevant, but it :is not in issue
now, because we have been there all this
time. So the title of my remarks is,
"We Must Start From Where We Are."
I said yesterday, and I repeat today,
that I shall not vote for any amend-
rnent to the bill, unless error should be
shown in the figures, even though such
amendment may sustain my policy views
on the question of the war and what
should be done about it. I would cer-
tainly vote against any that was drawn
to endorse an apposing policy. Such a
proposal or argument can be made to ter,
in a proper manner. The real point is
that our men are fighting, bleeding, and
(lying. The war goes on. The !ships,
planes, carriers, and everything else
must move. The money must be appro-
priated for those purposes. Our men
must have more than they need; nut the
minimum of what they may need.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Mississippi yield"
Mr. STENNIS. I am glad to yield to
the distinguished Senator from Virginia,
a member of our subcommittee.
Mr. ROBERTSON. I wish to be asso-
ciated with the fine patriotic sentiments
which have been expressed so well by the
distinguished Senator from Mississippi,
who has for years handled the military
construction authorization bill, and for
It or 2 years handled the total appropri-
ation bill.
This bill provides an authorization for
war material, where needed, by those who
are committed to the war. As the Sen-
ator has said, this is not the time for an
argument about how we got there or why
we got there, or to put in this particular
bill policy statements. I assure him that
if share those sentiments, and I shall so
vote.
Mr. STENNIS. I thank the Senator
;Prom Virginia for his remarks and for his
solid support, which is always forthcom-
ing. He is a member of our appropria-
Lions subcommittee, and is unusually
well informed. I repeat, we must; start
from where we are.
Mr. President, I wholehea.rtedl, sup-
port S. 2791 and the $4.8 billion of sup-
plemental military authorizations for
southeast Asia which it provides. Sen-
ators may recall that during considera-
Lion of the southeast Asia $1.7 billion
addendum to the fiscal year 1966 mili-
tary budget last August, I predicted that
a much greater amount would be re-
quested of the Congress in January. It
was clear to me then that the appropria-
tions requested were entirely inadequate
to fund our expanding operations in
Vietnam.
No one has a greater or more sincere
desire than I for halting the war in Viet-
uam and ending the sacrifice of vauable
American lives. I have supported and
will continue to support every construc-
tive effort seeking an honorable solution
to this tragic problem and an honorable
end to our involvement. Bringing this
tragic war to an honorable conclusion is
the first order of business with me and
should be the first order of business with
all patriotic and thoughtful Americans.
That means to me that this takes a
high and top priority over any domestic
program; both the old ones and the new
ones, call theme Great Society or what-
ever they may be called.
The first order of business of Congress
is to try to bring this war to an honor-
able conclusion with the least possible
loss of life and expenditure of funds.
The American people, both in and out
of the Congress, are rightfully concerned
about our involvement in South Vietnam
and about its implications for the fu-
ture. They want to know and are en-
titled to know just what our policy is
and where we are headed.
This is as it should be.
That is why I believe these bills should
be considered now on a first priority
basis.
However, devisive criticism which
gives to the world and our troops in
the field the impression the United
States is a divided Nation working at
cross purposes and lacking in unity is
an entirely different question. This
serves to reenforce the belief of the
Asiatic Communists that we are lacking
in national purpose, determination, and
moral strength, and lowers the morale
of our troops in the field.
There are those who insist that we
should undertake meaningful negotia-
tions at the conference table to bring
this war to an end. They overlook the
very clear fact that we have made every
effort to achieve this result and that the
recent unprecedented diplomatic effort
to open the door to negotiations was un-
productive.
There are those who say that the en-
tire matter should be turned over to the
United Nations to work out a just settle-
ment. We have now gone to the United
Nations with this problem and there ap-
pears to be no evidence that the United
Nations is capable of achieving any sig-
nificant or dramatic results.
There are those who insist that we
limit the war as much as possible and
make every effort to avoid a wider war.
This has been our policy and purpose.
No right thinking person in America
desires an escalation of this war or the
loss of American lives. However, we
have been compelled to meet aggressive
force with the force which is necessary
to contain and repel it. To do otherwise
would put victory in doubt and raise the
possibility that we might be driven into
the sea. At best, it would mean a long
and bloody stalemate of 10 to 15 years or
more, which, in the long run, would be
the most costly in blood and money.
Mr. President, that is a very substan-
tial point in my mind. I hope that we
are not at the point where we must en-
gage in a long and bloody stalemate year
after year. This has been the policy of
other nations in Asia in decades past but
it certainly must not become our policy.
I do not believe the American people
wish to approach it in that way. I do
not believe that they would endorse such
a policy.
Debate, of course, is useful and should
not be curtailed. I do believe, however,
that in this difficult time debate should
be helpful, constructive, and positive,
rather than negative and divisive. We
had a very good debate here yesterday
afternoon. However, in all of the recent
debate and criticism, so far as I can see,
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 k6 Q0400030007-8
February 17Q ed For F~eI j fRR 7B f
there has not been presented any sug- that air strikes alone cannot and will not I believe that this will make a tremen-
gestion or recommendation which offers completely stop the flow of supplies from dons difference.
a feasible, desirable, and effective alter- the north to the south. However, they In short, we must be ready, willing,
native to the course that we have fo1- will unquestionably slow down and ham- and able to hit the Vietcong and the
lowed recently and propose to follow in per the movement of men and material North Vietnamese as hard, and as often,
the future. and, therefore, the resumption and con- and wherever necessary from a military
Although I opposed our original in- tinuance of the bombing in North Viet- standpoint to make them realize that our
volvement in South Vietnam, one rea- nam is essential to give maximum sup- purpose is to win if we are compelled to
son being that I believed it to be unwise port and assistance to our fighting men continue to fight, and that we will not
for us to undertake this commitment in South Vietnam and thereby to reduce be content only to defend our positions in
alone, I believe it is now too late for dis- the number of American casualties. the south.
agreement as to whether we should be I reiterate my desire for a just and We should face up to the hard realities
in South Vietnam, The time has come honorable peace through diplomatic of the situation. The present indica-
for Americans everywhere to close ranks channels. However, if this is impossible, tions give no cause for optimism that the
and give both the President and our as it appears to be at this time, it is im- way ahead will be easy or that there will
flghtingmen in the field the support and perative that ,we be prepared with all be a quick and easy solution to the prob-
backing they need and deserve. necessary military equipment, supplies, lem. The war and demands associated
When I say that I opposed our orig- ammunition, material, and manpower with it will directly affect the lives of
inal commitment in South Vietnam, I which are necessary to enable our fight- the American people in many ways and
mean that I opposed it on the floor of the ing men in the field to perform their will demand many and increasing sacri-
Senate in three Senate debates. I am missions with maximum efficiency. It is fices.
not bringing that up to say, "I told you vital and essential that there be no short- I have slept with this problem, par-
so." I do not feel that way about it. I ages of the tools and sinews of war. ticularly for the past 2 years. While the
mention that only to show that I am not As I said when the battle started, the Subcommittee on Preparedness was
a fanatic on this subject. I am not war- only way to insure having enough is to looking into the question of the readi-
minded. My position is based on the have too much. ness of the Armed Forces and making
fact that we are already there. We have To insure that there will be no such many kindred and related inquiries,
to make the best of it and have honor- shortages is the purpose of the bill which many members of the committee and
able terms before we leave. we are now considering and the supple- of our staff visited Vietnam, although I
Just as I supported the recent peace mental appropriation bill which is now myself have not been there. However,
offensive and the efforts to open a door in committee. The passage of these bills I have heard the sworn testimony of a
to the conference table, so do I support is indispensable to our military posture great number of men who have been
the decision to stand firm in the face of and preparedness. Their passage by a there, on the actual field of battle, at the
aggression and to meet aggressive miii= unanimous or near unanimous vote will time when we were led to believe, more or
tary force with the necessary military give needed assurance to the troops in less, that our men were not taking any
might of our own, the field that we are standing solidly and part in the fighting, unless they hap-
I think that the pause or lull in the four-square behind them. pened to be shot at.
air war against North Vietnam lasted Bringing an end to the war and stop- Many of the young men in the service
too long, but I am sure that those who ping the bloodshed is the first order of who returned told us, under oath, the
made the decisions were doing their best business with me, and it should be the extent to which they had been engaged
under the circumstances, first order of business with Congress and in battle. We received briefings about
The world should know that we are all loyal Americans. If this cannot be the various development there, although
not the aggressors. We are not there accomplished through diplomatic chan- most of it was classified.
for business reasons, territorial reasons, nels, then we must be prepared to face So these - are not conclusions that I
colonialism, or any other reason except up to the situation and take other neces- jumped to as a result of reading articles
our originally announced purpose. sary steps. First and foremost, we must in the newspapers. I have lived with
The entire history of the Communist make a national decision that it is our this subject to that extent, and even
movement should teach us that we are purpose to win. before that I was interested in it. I
more likely to achieve a just and honor- I have never talked about a so-called visited the wounded men as they returned
able peace in South Vietnam through no-win policy. I did not suggest that to hospitals in the United States. I vis-
strength rather than weakness. The such a policy existed during the Korean ited many of them at Walter Reed Hos-
Communists have drawn the line in war, and I do not suggest it now. I do pitai, where many of the more difficult
South Vietnam and have determined to not accuse anyone of having a no-win cases were sent. I have visited them in
make this war a test of our power and policy. But I know that we have already Honolulu and at other places as they
our strength of national purpose and drifted dangerou$ly near to a situation arrived from the battlefields.
determination. which could be so interpreted. If we With the increase in military forces
That is a distinct and major fact. I cannot do this, we must either turn tail there will come a further and added in-
believe that it has been going on so and withdraw or resign ourselves to the crease in draft calls.
long-and they have been successful in prospect of a long and unhappy stalemate
comparative terms-that they have de- which will be costly both in blood, At least a partial Gallup of National
cided now to make this a test to see how money, and national resources. Guardsmen and Reservists is probable,
long they can bleed us and how much it This means-assuming that an honor- particularly of units with specialized
can cost us in manpower, money, delay, able negotiated peace is impossible- skills.
and everything else. that we must be prepared, if necessary, We will be required to appropriate in-
I doubt very seriously that they will be to increase our combat troops so as to be creasing amounts of money to support
convinced of the folly of their course and able to take the war effectively to the our military operations in Vietnam and
be impelled to the conference table un- Vietcong and their allies and to beat to maintain our other forces around the
less and until they come face to face with them on the field of battle. We must world at a high level of combat readiness.
either the prospect or the actuality of and should be prepared to fight to win If the war continues, increased taxes in
military defeat. and not just to keep from losing. We large proportions are certain.
We know what they are going to do if cannot achieve our objectives if we are We may ultimately be forced to a
we weaken and if we pull out. We know content to fight only what amounts to a choice between guns and butter. This
what they are going to do. They will holding action in South Vietnam. might entail economic controls and ra-
move in. My real surprise is that they As everyone knows, I am not a military tioning of goods and materials and at
have not already moved into other areas man and have no expert military judg- least a partial disruption of normal busi-
of Asia. ment; but I cannot help believing that ness operations.
For the same reasons I support what when we are really ready to strike and I am not predicting that these events
I know was a painful and agonizing de- carry out a policy of action in the field, are just around the corner, or 30, 90, or
cision to resume the air war against tremendous results will be achieved, and 60 days or 6 months away; but if we
North Vietnam. I recognize,, of course, fairly rapidly. I could be mistaken, but have to continue our action and go deep-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 3240 Approved, For I261s$M -4G4b0040003b'6TWry 17, 1966
er and deeper, we shall certainly be con-
fronted with the problem of controls.
Tragically, the toll of American casual-
ties will go even higher, and additional
thousands of American fighting men may
be called upon to lay down their lives in
defense of their country and the cause
of freedom.
After soul-searching and conscientious
analysis of the entire situation and its
implications for our future, I have come
to the conclusion that the one course that
we should and must follow is that of
bringing sufficient military might to bear
to force our Communist enemies, to the
conference table or, failing that, to de-
feat them on the field of battle. Only
this alternative, in my judgment, offers
us a chance to peace with honor. I be-
lieve that the sooner we undertake this
and get about doing the job, the less
will be the cost in lives, time, and money.
Where I have use the term "war" in
this speech, I have done so advisedly.
We all known that we have been carrying
a major part of fighting the bloody war
in South Vietnam for many months.
That does not discredit in the least the
South Vietnamese soldier. Under our
training and with our, equipment-and
they themselves have many good of-
ficers-they have developed into excel-
lent soldiers. But the push, the aggres-
siveness, and the offensive part of the
battle, and much of the manpower, of
course, is provided by the United States.
We are having to carry a great part of the
We have put our men and our flag on
the field of battle and both have been
fired upon. We now have more than
200,000 fightingmen actually deployed in
South Vietnam and many thousands
more directly support them in south-
east Asia. When I say "many thousands
more," I mean perhaps 40,000 or 50,000
more, at the very least; including our
naval forces and carriers and more mem-
bers of the Air Force, in addition to the
200,000 who are on the mainland of Viet-
nam itself. More than 2,000 young
Americans have already been called upon
to make the final and greatest sacrifice
for their country.
I am making this enumeration to place
before the people what I believe will be
the cost of this policy; but I believe it is
necessary, and the quicker we face it, the
better.
Our commitment in South Vietnam is
constantly growing in terms of men,
material and money. Barring a com-
pletely unexpected and unforeseen de-
velopment, it will grow even more before
we reach the end of the road.
Informed sources tell me-and they
are speculating-that we may very well
have 350,000 to 400,000 troops in the field
before the end of this year. Those are
not my figures. I do not know; those
who- tell me do not know either. But
informed sources give this as their
:speculative judgment.
Let me give one further word of warn-
ing before conclude. Today, we very
properly concentrate our attention on
southeast Asia. However, in so doing we
must not overlook the very real pos-
sibility that our Communist enemies may
undertake additional' adventure andI ag-
gressions at other, places around the
world where our vital interests are in-
volved. Therefore, we must be certain
that we do not let the drain which Viet-
nam imposes u n our manpower,
material and resources impair the readi-
ness of our remaini g forces to meet ag-
gression at other potential hotspots
around the world. We must spend the
necessary money to supply the shortages
which the requirements of Vietnam have
created.
We must face the fact that until re-
cently we have been trying to operate on
a peacetime budget, in fighting what was
a very expensive an growing war exactly
halfway around the world.
Some of the funds involved in the
pending bill will be used to replenish the
materiel, the military hardware, and like
supplies which have been burned up and
used up from the regular resources of
our armed services. We must procure
the necessary arms and equipment sup-
plies, and ammunition. We must re-
cruit and train the necessary man-
power.
Our manpower has been drained from
other units in order to meet the demands
of the situation in Vietnam.
We must not be found wanting or be
unready to respond to aggression in
other areas in which our vital interests
are involved, if it should occur.
I do not believe I am an alarmist, but
if we should let this war drag on, on just
a holding basis, and fight it as a kind
of diplomatic war, I believe we would be
inviting smaller wars to break out by
this or another aggressor, in one,form or
another, in other places.
The only reason why they have not
broken out in other places, such as in
Central and South America, is that there
is our growing power.
I close this statement by paying a
special tribute to our brave men who
fight and sometimes die in Vietnam.
They are doing a tremendous job under
very difficult circumstances. They fight
for the cause of freedom with the same
high morale, courage, valor, and skill
which have distinguished the American
soldier, sailor, airman, and marine in all
past battles and wars of our history.
.I believe it has already been demon-
strated that we have sent much of the
cream of the manpower crop to Vietnam.
That is not to speak disparagingly of any
man who has not been sent there. How-
ever, the corporals, sergeants, and spe-
cialists in certain fields are among the
best men in our military forces. We have
also sent our best lieutenants, captains,
and majors, and right up the line in rank.
That is true of our Army, our Naval
Forces, of the Marine Corps, and of the
Air Force.
These men prove again that a properly
motivated American is the finest fighting
man the world has ever known. They
deserve the gratitude and unstinting sup-
port of all Americans and freedom-loving
peoplesw everywhere.
Let us pass this `bill with dispatch.
Debate and discussion are a part of, our
system of government. But with men
fighting, bleeding, and even dying on the
battlefields, it is time to act in voting
funds to insure the .equipment, the sup-
plies, the military hardware, and other
tools of war necessary to enable them to
carry out their missions, protect them-
selves, and insure a positive victory.
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. Mr. Presi-
dent, will the Senator yield?
Mr.. STENNIS. I yield.
The PRESIDING_ OFFICER (Mr. BYRD
of Virginia in the chair) . The Senator
from Georgia is recognized.
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. Mr. Pres-
ident, I congratulate the distinguished
Senator from Mississippi upon the very
able address he has just delivered.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I thank
the Senator.
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. The Sena-
tor from Mississippi is familiar with
every aspect of this matter, particularly
the military one, in view of the fact that
he presides over the very important Pre-
paredness Investigating Subcommittee
of the Senate Armed Services Committee.
I well remember that when the ques-
tion first arose of sending men to Viet-
nam, it was proposed that we send some
200 men to assist the French to prepare
and maintain and keep in the air the
planes that the French had in Vietnam.
Most of the planes there were American
planes. I believe we gave the French
approximately $3 billion to support them
in their abortive effort to hold on in
Vietnam.
The distinguished Senator from Mis-
sissippi is entitled to great praise as a
prophet. I remember that the Senator
from Mississippi made one or more
speeches at that time in opposition to
sending men into Vietnam, because of the
lack of congressional approval and also
because of the geographic disadvantages.
I discussed this subject with the Sen-
ator from Mississippi on many occasions
in 1954. On one occasion when we had
a conference at the highest echelons of
the executive branch we were informed
of a proposal to send 200 men to Vietnam.
I made a serious understatement by pre-
dicting, "If we send 200 men there now,
it will not be long until we will have
20,000 men there." Today we find that
we have closer to 300,000 men in Viet-
nam, and the waters and lands adjacent
thereto. We hardly could have let the
Communists euchre us into a more diffi-
cult position. It is one of the most dif-
ficult and unlikely spots in the world in
which to fight a war.
I have had many reasons to think
about that position.
In Vietnam there are the valleys of the
Mekong and the highlands of the north.
As a rule, we associate malaria with the
lowlands, but it so happens that in Viet-
nam malaria is found in the highlands.
The malaria found there is of a type for
which we now have no completely satis-
factory medications.
I have almost concluded that perhaps
the only other area of the world in which
it would be more difficult to engage in a
war would be Afghanistan or in the
mountains of Tibet. It would be more
difficult to get to those areas; and there
would also be the matter of logistics.
I am particularly impressed by the
cogent reasoning of the Senator from
Mississippi that, if this war were not
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 February 17, moved Fortg1019ft9RP~7QQ?4000400030007-8
going on in Vietnam, we might have a
military confrontation somewhere else.
The Communist- world' has never
deviated from its purpose, its drive, and
its determination to achieve world dom-
ination, It will.,be probing everywhere
on earth for weak spots. If the Commu-
nists are unable to find weak spots in
Asia or in Europe, they will then come
to this hemisphere, and we shall have
rash of wars of national liberation or
wars of some other nomenclature, and
we shall have some slogan other than
the one now being used in Vietnam.
I am glad that from his knowledge of
military affairs the Senator has pointed
out' that we are spread rather thin all
over the world today.
We have highly trained and well-
equipped forces in Germany and Korea.
A part of the force we had held in re-
serve in the continental United States
has had to be moved to Vietnam and to
the Dominican Republic.
Ours is a rather farfiung battleline,
Mr. President, when we consider the
widely separated areas where our troops
are stationed. It certainly behooves us
to be more insistent than ever before
that our allies, for whom we have done
so much, make a larger contribution to
the defense of freedom throughout-the
world.
There is no parallel in all human his-
tory to what this country did at the end
of World War II. We not only bound up
the wounds and rebuilt the edifices and
the homes of our allies; we went to those
with whom we had been only recently
engaged in mortal combat, the Germans
and the Japanese, and expended billions
of dollars to revive their economies and
enable them to stand on their own feet
again.
Countries like these, which have re-
ceived benefits that are without parallel
in all of history, should be willing to
make a larger military contribution to
preserving the cause of peace.
We shall not have complete peace in
this troubled world any time soon, but
we. can at least contain this Communist
problem. Would that 'we had cleaned
up Cuba of Castro and the Communists
there at the time we discovered that
missiles had been placed in Cuba. As
Senators will recall, we had passed a
joint resolution, approved by the Presi-
dent of the United States, which said in
essence that any offensive weapon in
Cuba would be considered an act of ag-
gression against the United States.
We had the means to destroy the ene-
my in Cuba, and to eliminate Castro and
communism. We had marines at sea,
just out of sight of land. We had the
necessary air support at bases in Florida.
We had moved an armored division from
Port Hood, Tex., to Camp Stewart, Ga.,
ready to load on ships so that it could
follow the marines in.
But we settled for something less than
that; and it may well develop in the fu-
ture that we settled for a great deal less.
The Russians did not complyt with the
original assurances they gave President
Kennedy when he wrote them that fa-
mous message demanding that they pull
out of Cuba and give us the right to in-
spect, to see that they had removed those
weapons. That was a right that was
promised us; but was later denied and
refused.
We shall continue to be troubled, as
the Senator from Mississippi has so well
indicated, by the threat of communism.
I think we can handle it better than it
has been handled, in many instances.
We can achieve more of our objectives
by methods other than engagement of
armed forces and the loss of blood that
is occurring this very moment in Viet-
nam. But there will be no time, I fear,
in my life, or even in the life of my
friend from Mississippi-who is, much
younger and stronger than I-when the
threat of Comumnist aggression will be
absolutely allayed and destroyed all over
the world. We shall be compelled to
bear a heavy burden to maintain a force
for freedom-which is an insurance pol-
icy. The huge amount that we spend is
the premium on the insurance policy
which insures the most valuable thing
on earth: the American way of life, and
the individual rights, liberties, and dig-
nities of the citizen in this land of ours.
I feel better when men who are as
dedicated as the Senator from Missis-
sippi are willing to apply themselves to
this .very onerous task.
Senators who have not served on the
Preparednes Subcommittee can hardly
imagine the extent of the efforts by that
subcommittee on the Senate Armed
Services Committee, in our attempts to
keep America strong. Despite the very
best we can do, and despite the most ef-
ficient administration of the Depart-
ment of Defense, there will be some over-
sights; there will be something lacking.
The Senator from Mississippi, as chair-
man of that subcommitee, has done a
fine job in pointing out such deficiencies
and correcting them. He stands here to-
day making his statement in the great
tradition of American freedom and
American statesmanship, and I com-
mend him for his remarks.
Mr. STENNIS. I thank the Senator
from Georgia very much for his most
generous remarks. In all the years I
have been in the Senate, the wise counsel
of the Senator from Georgia and his ad-
vice on military matters and other mat-
ters has been of great value. He has
always been up at the front where the
decisions were made. I think he has
given as little consideration to himself
personally, in his advice and counsel, as
any person I have ever known.
I remember the occasion in 1954 when
the Senator from Georgia helped turn
the balance against a proposal that
would have gone a great deal further
than the involvement of 200 Air Force
mechanics in Vietnam. I remember well
how President Eisenhower sent for him
time and again. He and the present
President of the United States were both
opposed to our involvement in the situa-
tion as it stood then.
I am delighted to have been associated
with, the Senator from Georgia in the
matters to which he has referred. He
taught me all I know on the subject;
and I thank him for that.
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. Mr. Presi-
dent, to the Senator's very generous ob-
servations, I wish only to add that when
someone brings forward some alternative
to the present program, some proposal of
a method for our disengaging ourselves
in Vietnam in an honorable fashion,
without turning' tail and running like a
whipped puppy, I shall be happy to sup-
port such aproposal, because I deplore
what is going on in Vietnam today, with
the loss of human lives, as much as any-
one possibly can. In the absence of such
an honorable solution, I have no alter-
native to supporting the President.
Mr. STE1 NIS. I am glad that the
Senator from Georgia referred to our
stretched-out position. He is as quali-
fied to speak as any living person on the
subject of our extended efforts all around
the world, and how the time of peril and
trouble in which we are living will con-
tinue for awhile.
I am sure that in his references to our
allies, the Senator does not wish to dis-
credit any of them. I know he is not
quick to "pop off," if I may use that term,
on such matters. But what he says is
very timely and very true. Our allies
have, in effect, turned their backs upon
us in this distressing situation. Many of
them, for whom we have done so much,
could help with manpower; and even
those who could not help us with man-
power could stand up for us in the diplo-
matic circles of the world, take our side,
and let it be known that this is a matter
of first priority with them. Instead of
that, some of them are actively opposed
to our position.
I yield to the Senator from Montana.
Mr. METCALF. I thank the Sena-
tor from Mississippi for clarifying many
of the issues involved in this bill.
I marched with the 1st Army, in the
9th Infantry Division. I served under
General Westmoreland, who was then a
lieutenant colonel, my regimental com-
mander. I have great confidence in him.
I have watched his career since that time
as an artilleryman, as an infantryman,
as the superintendent of West Point, and
as a paratroop officer. In my judgment
he is the finest commander in the Ameri-
can Army. He has one of the hardest
jobs that any American general ever
faced. I feel that, even as I had confi-
dence in him when I marched with the
9th Division, the men who are fighting
under him in Vietnam today have confi-
dence in him.
The point that the Senator from
Mississippi has made is that we must give
to him, his staff, his junior officers, his
noncommissioned officers, and every man
who is serving in Vietnam, as well as
every one of the Vietnamese and every
one of our allies, all the materials of war
that they need. If they need a missile, if
they need a helicopter, if they need addi-
tional artillery, if they need more ammu-
nition, we must give it to them; and that
is what the pending bill would do.
As was pointed out yesterday by the
Senator from Georgia [Mr. RUSSELL],
this bill does not determine foreign
policy. It does not ratify decisions made
in the past. It does not endorse new
commitments. It merely provides that
whatever we do, we are going to give our
boys who have volunteered out of a sense
of patriotism, as well as boys who went
into the Army as a result of the Selective
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 3242
Approved For
F004000PMA ,
S4 9iZF&KIBP67%
"&W Y
Service System and were compelled to go
over there, the fullest kind of support,
the kind of weapons, the kind of anks,
and the kind of materiel wluch they need.
Mr. President, I Intend to vote for the
bill wholeheartedly because I feel that we
are committed to _a war that is one of the
most difficult ever to be fought, as has
been pointed out by the Senator from
Georgia. We must wholeheartedly sup-
port every one of the soldiers whom we
have sent over there. That is what this
bill would do. If -we are to debate policy
on Vietnam, if we are to debate what we
are to do in Vietnam, let us debate it on
the kind of issue which does not mean
denying our troops over there, or General
Westmoreland, and his fine staff, the kind
of support which they need.
Mr. STENNIS. I thank the ' Senator
from Montana very much for his fine
remarks.
I yield now to the Senator from Ten-
nessee [Mr. GORE].
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, I join in
the sentiments expressed with respect to
the character 'of service and leadership
provided, and the wisdom exemplified by
the able Senator from Georgia [Mr.
RUSSELL].
I recall that as a junior Senator I,
along with the Senator from Mississippi
[Mr, STENNIS], and other Senators,
awaited the return of the Senator from
Georgia and the then Democratic leader,
Senator Lyndon Johnson, from a confer-
ence which was called at the White House
prior to the tragedy of Dienbienphu for
the French,
I believe that I correctly recall the re-
port we received from the late Secretary
of State John Poster Dulles, and Admiral
Radford, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, and perhaps others, urging
President Eisenhower to send American
troops to Vietnam to assist the French.
I recall that upon the return of the
Senator from Georgia and the Senator
from Texas, we were advised that they
had strongly advised against it. I do not
believe that we got the report from them
as to what President Eisenhower's de-
cislon was, but later the President fol-
lowed that advice.
I recall one.further point, that when
the question of the 200 men to whom the
Senator from Mississippi had made re-
ferenee-the first American military men
sent there-was under consideration, the
Senator from Georgia advised that if 'we
sent 200 men, they would be followed by
200,000. Let me ask the Senator from
Georgia whether that statement is cor-
rect.
Mr. RUSSELL of Georgia. The Sen-
ator gives me too much credit. I believe
I said that if we sent 200 troops over
there, 20,000 would have to follow in the
very near future. I believe that was my
prediction at that time.
Mr. GORE. Perhaps, that is typical
of the creeping escalation we have ex-
perienced on this issue, but 20,000 still
makes the ,point. The case of the mili-
tary forces was the event from which
have flowed many other problems. I in-
vite the attention of the Senate to this
point, because of the pertinent remarks
which the junior Senator from Missis-
sippi has made.
I wish to say to him that I am grate-
ful for the candor which he has displayed
on this bill. Not from his lips have come
denunciation of Senators who have ques-
tions in their minds, who are troubled
by the, vexatious predicament in which
we find purselyes, Instead, the Sena-
tor. from Mississippi has invited debate.
It seems to me that our aim must be to
contribute to the formulation of policy
for the enlightenment of the people with
respect to that policy in a manner which
will bring unity to the people, which is
so badly needed.
As the war has been widened, the gap
between the President and Congress
seems also to have widened. Unrest
among the people has increased.
This morning, I thought that General
Taylor did an excellent job in presenting
to the Committee on Foreign Relations
the administration's policy in this re-
gard.
There Are many questions left to be
asked, of course. But, if, out of all this
debate and an examination of policy can
come enlightenment of the people and
Congress, and perhaps a modification of
policy on the part of the administration
and some limitations of objectives which
the people can understand and support,
then perhaps we shall have achieved a
degree of unity which I believe is badly
from Tennessee very much for his very
fine comments.
I am now glad to yield to the Senator
from Alaska [Mr. GRUENING].
Mr. GRUENING. First, let me con-
gratulate both the chairman of the Pre-
paredness Subcommittee and the chair-
man of the Armed Services Committee
for their great wisdom-when the issue
of first invading Vietnam militarily by
our forces came up--in opposing it, and
for saying that it would be unwise policy,
that it would lead to a much deeper in-
volvement than appeared to be contem-
plated at that time, and that they joined
in their counsels to the President and
others in, opposing this involvement.
I believe that their wisdom was pro-
phetic and very great. It is to be regret-
ted that their wisdom at that time did
not prevail, because I believe we might
have put across the thought which would
have prevented many things which have
happened since that time and which are
leading us down a tragic path, the end
of which no one can foresee.
I find myself in thorough agreement
with some of the very fine sentiments
which the Senator from Mississippi has
expressed, and which the chairman of
the full committee, the Senator from
Georgia [Mr. RUSSELL] has also ex-
pressed, when he said a few moments
ago that he would join in supporting any
solution which would give us an honor-
able way out and stop the needless
slaughter, not only of our own boys but
also of all others. I know of no Member
of Congress who would not share that
view. Although there may be differ-
ences of opinion as to how that way
should be found, no one in Congress and
no one in the United States would dis-
sent from that statement, and I applaud
it most heartily.
17, 1966
The Senator from Mississippi says:
No one has a greater or more sincere desire
than I for halting the war in Vietnam and
ending the sacrifices of American lives.
I applaud that sentiment, and I share
it. I believe that we must all work to-
gether to that end, although some of us
may differ in details, and some of us will
differ on the future.
It is extremely important and fortu-
nate that this debate has at last come to
pass. Out of the discussions more wis-
dom may emerge, and we may be able
to arrive at a better solution than that
which we are now embarked upon.
We do not know where this debate is
going to lead, but certainly we shall find
agreement on the desire to find an hon-
orable way out of the situation at the
earliest possible moment. I support that
view 100 percent.
Mr. STENNIS. I thank the Senator
from Alaska very much.
Now I am glad to yield to the Senator
from Wyoming [Mr. McGEE].
Mr. McGEE. Let me add my voice to
those of my colleagues in commending
the Senator from Mississippi, as well as
the Senator from Georgia for the hard,
bedrock stand which they have taken on
this difficult question. What we tend to
do, sometimes, is to reduce the question
to overly simple terms, as though we had
decided we were going to risk a war or
live in peace, when that really is not the
alternative which faces this country.
We are living in a troubled world in
which almost every day the risk of war
is imminent. When the Senator titles
his comments the way he did, he puts his
finger on the nub of the question;
namely, that we have to begin where we
are at present.
It is water over the dam. We cannot
do it over. History does not afford us
the luxury of waiting 5 years before we
make up our minds. We have to decide
these issues now. When the Senator re-
minds us that here is a beginning, here
is where we must start, he is rendering a
great service to the dialog.
I should like to refer to the suggestions
that have repeatedly occurred here on
the part of my colleagues about our hav-
ing to carry a disproportionate share of
the burden in South Vietnam. I think
occasionally we forget that a great pow-
er is not usually loved, and we sometimes
tend to think, in affairs around the
world, that we can put love on a prior-
ity. We have to put necessity, our own
needs, the need to rise to our commit-
ments and the demands of those com-
mitments, on a priority. If someone will
love us in the process, that is merely a
fringe benefit.
Nobody loved the British when they
kept the peace of the world for almost
100 years. In fact, the perfidious Albion
was the object of much attack. So we
must not judge of our actions an whether
or not we shall be loved for them. We
may hope that those we help will be
grateful, but we may also be kicked In
the face for our efforts.
We must keep the situation in per-
spective as to what is happening in var-
ious parts of the world.
The French and the British are com-
mitted in other areas of the world. Ger-
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 February 17, 1g6pproved FerU e gda /ft/ -vRDPg ~, 6R000400030007-8 3243'
many is committed in other areas of the brought up the point land stated his view the action of the Bureau of the Budget,
world. The presence of the British, for on it. He has made a very fine contribu- would not have brought that power into
example,' around Singapore has had a tion by so doing. use until 1970.
stabilizing effect in the local disturbances Mr. President, I yield the floor. But recently, and before the dam was
that have taken place there. Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I planned to meet the immediate needs, a
The presence of French, German, and suggest the absence of a quorum. vast tract of timber was sold to the St.
British troops in Western Europe means The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Regis Paper Co. of New York, to be used
that this country can have a smaller clerk will call the roll. in the manufacture of wood pulp. It is
complement of American troops there. The legislative clerk proceeded to call the largest timber sale in the history of
The fact that hundreds of thousands. of the roll. the Forest Service, a great economic
Korean troops are in Korea below the Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I ask event utilizing a great natural resource
38th parallel means that we have a much unanimous consent that the order for which has long been unutilized. It is
smaller commitment in that part of the the quorum call be rescinded. - timber going to waste because it is dying'
world. We must also remember the fact The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without on the stump from old age. It would be
that there are some 25,000 Korean troops objection, it is so ordered. exhibiting the most basic principle of
in South Vietnam. It was announced Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, one conservation by cutting this overripe
the other day that Korea is sending of the concomitants of our military en- timber and allowing a regrowth of a
20,000 additional troops, gagement in southeast Asia is the far- much larger quantity of prime forest
People tend to focus their eyes where reaching effect it is already having and resources, Sitka spruce and hemlock.
our country is committed, and block out will continue to have on our domestic sale O One of that terms St. Regis of the Pcontract of
of view the fact that there are parts of programs.
the world where the French and the Brit- We have already seen the far-reaching New York, would construct a huge pulp-
ish are involved in commitments which cuts in education, in resource develop- mill; and one of the prime inducements
have not involved a single member of ment, in housing, in aviation, and in vir- for the sale of that tract of timber was
our military forces. tually every other field. That is one of that power would be provided by the
The world being round and being the consequences of our involvement that Snettisham Dam, which was pro-
smaller as a result of the modern genius those of us who opposed this involvement gramed for construction at the be-
of science, it behooves us to take cog- from the start foresaw and forecast. ginning of this spring. Yet the Snet-
nizance of this kind of help. So we It is to be hoped that the President's tisham project was not included in this
should recognize that there are numbers indication that we could have both year's budget, although preliminary
of Koreans and some Australians and things, that we could both develop the planning. had been completed at a cost
New Zealanders in South Vietnam. The domestic programs, the programs at of $1,205,000. In other words, this dam
hard fact remains that we are there not home, many of them overdue, and con- was ready to go; and the Corps of Engi-
in a club of friendship or in order to tinue to conduct the war, may be ful- neers had informed me that if the exci-
have group companionship. We are filled. sion of this project stands, not only will
there because we have to be there. The But the actions taken to date indicate there be great economic damage to this
times demand that we be there. We must that the actions are not always in accord section and loss of payrolls in an area
assess our presence and its costs in those with the hopeful words. that needs them, but also that some of
terms. When we do that, we should not It seems to me that for economy rea- the experts, engineers, and planners who
go off on a tangent or an irrelevant issue sons, if none other, if we are to be strong, have been ,working there will be lost by
as to whether we are getting sufficient if we are to meet our alleged commit- being sent to other parts of the world,
help from our allies, and whether our ments in southeast Asia and other parts and their abilities will no longer be
allies are doing as much as they should. of the world-and it was brought out available.
I do not believe that should be the crite- only a few minutes ago by the distin- What does the Snettisham project
rion in determining what we should do. guished senior Senator from Georgia mean to southeastern Alaska? In quan-
The Senator from Mississippi was cor- [Mr. RUSSELL] and the Senator from titative terms, it means that the con-
rect when he said that our commitment Mississippi [Mr. STENNis] in discussing struction of the dam and pulpmill would
is there; we have to take it from there. the war, that we are stretched very provide upward of 1,100 new jobs. The
We should not penalize ourselves, no thin-it is important that we maintain size of the city of Juneau, the State cap-
matter what our feelings may be about our economy at home and not allow it to ital, would approximately double. New
other countries or what they are doing be eroded by what is taking place over- State and Federal taxes would amount
in other parts of the world. seas. to $4,500,000. These estimates do not
I did not want the dialog to close with- An example of one of the many of include increases in employment and
out the reminder that there are commit- these cuts came to me this morning in a revenues by related industries that
ments of other troops in the world. The communication from the capital of my would be attracted by this new industry.
bulk of the commitments are ours, as a State, Juneau, where the decision of the Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
result of trying to restore stability in the administration, which Alaskans fervent- sent that the resolution of the Greater
wake of World War II. And so while we ly hope will be reversed, to eliminate Juneau Borough be printed in the REC-
risk a great deal, in what we hope will substantial funds for public works in the ORD at this point.
eventually be successful, we must try to 1967 budget, has demonstrated another There being no objection, the resolu-
achieve it. example of the bitter fruits resulting tion was ordered to be printed in the
I conclude by commending the Sen- from what I, for one, consider the inex- RECORD, as follows:
ator from Mississippi for his wonderful cusable folly we have exhibited in choos- "RESOLUTION 55
statement this afternoon. ing to fight an undeclared land war in "Whereas funds for the Snettisham hydro-
Mr. STENNIS. I thank the Senator. southeast Asia. electric project were eliminated from the
He has made a forceful statement. The This view has been shared by many Federal budget for fiscal year 1967; and
Whereas the decision to eliminate these
point he discusses has merit. I certainly eminent military leaders-views now funds was apparently made before the
did not mean to ignore the help we have, coming into public knowledge-by Juneau timber sale of 8.75 billion board feet
for example, from the very fine Korean such leaders as the late and great Gen- of timber by the Forest Service which re-
troops. They mean exactly what they eral MacArthur, General Ridgway, in- quires that a pulp mill be established in the
say in what they are doing. We have our deed, President Eisenhower, as well as sale area to process the timber; and
own divisions on their battleline, as the the late President Kennedy. "Whereas the demand for power in the
Senator knows.. But outside of the Ko- In my State of Alaska one of the prof- Greater Juneau Borough is presently at the
reans, there are very few other troops in ects that was eliminated from the peak which can be generated by local power
sources without the development of addi-
tional with rifles, and we want more. I budget was the so-called Snettisham generation capability; and
feel that we deserve more, but I do not Dam in southeastern Alaska, to supply "Whereas very substantial normal growth
wish to pursue the argument further at power badly needed right now. How- in the demand for power in the Greater
this point. I am glad the Senator ever, this dam, even if not eliminated by Juneau Borough is projected; and
No. 27-10
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030007-8
 3244
- _ _ - ~c11~(L