AGGRESSION IS HANOI'S GOAL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030001-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 43
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 21, 2005
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 24, 1966
• Content Type: OPEN

A1026
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX e )ruary 28, 1966
percent more per student than does
Mississippi.
if you go back to the 5-year charts and
take the total received per State per student
for each of the 5 years, Indiana under this
plan would receive $365.65, per student
whereas Mississippi would receive $383.85.
On a dollar basis Mississippi receives $18
per student more or Indiana receives $18
less when we spend $156.70 more or 40 per-
cent more than Mississippi and we receive
percentagewise 4 percent less on a dollar
basis.
This sounds like a scheme to milk the large
cities. I think I'm right.
Very truly yours,
RICHARD O. CREEDON,
State Representative, Marion County.
Aggression Is Hanoi's Goal
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 24, 1966
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, it is al-
most incredible that after 25 years of
watching Communist strategy, that any-
one can say that the North Vietnamese
are only seeking independence from
-Vietnam and that we are frustrating
that goal. Is there anyone who seriously
doubts what would happen if we allowed
the Vietcong and their Hanoi masters to
take over South Vietnam? There is no
question in my mind that the people in
south Vietnam would immediately find
themselves in the same nationwide pris-
on camp presently holding the people of
North Vietnam and China.
The following article by Seymour
Freidin from the February 19, 1966, edi-
tion of the New York Herald Tribune
tells the story of Hanoi's aggression
against the south:
AGGRESSION, NOT INDEPENDENCE, IS HANOI'S
GOAL
(By Seymour Freidin)
SAIGON.-Only a frayed street sign welcom-
ing Vice President HUMPHREY hangs limply as
a reminder of the boisterous jet-borne cara-
van that whizzed around southeast Asia to
proclaim the American intention to hang on
in Vietnam. But a new sense of urgency has
been gathered from the vapor trails.
A test of American stamina and North
Vietnamese intentions opens a fresh phase in
this ferocious war. It involves.a presidential
behest to get results fast and the Commu-
nist expansionist appetite.
It seems more tangibly apparent now that
the regime of He Chi Minh is embarked on
a vastly ambitious project. The Northern
regime sees all southeast Asia as its own real
estate in the foreseeable future.
This can be implemented only by armed
force and by withdrawal of a confused and
uneasy United States. The initiative comes
from the north without any meaningful
pushes by Red China.
It may come as a shock to many to learn
that wispybearded, benevolent-looking Ho is
by no means senile. He is the take-charge
commander of a policy long ago examined
for loopholes, plugged and now being exe-
cuted.
His political and military entourage may
differ occasionally on tactics. But there is
unanimity on the strategic goal: shotgun
amalgamation of all Vietnam and then,
southeast Asda. That explains the contemp-
tuous treatment of all peace initiatives and
anguished pleas of sympathizers with the
north.
Thus, the speculation that the Red
Chinese will intervene if we augment both
our armed strength and economic contribu-
tion appears unfounded.
Red China never had to compel North Viet-
namese to build and expand their guerrilla
infrastructure in the south. The Chinese
had little whatever to do with the buildup
of the Vietcong and it political arm. The
north, Its cadres blooded in battle and vic-
tory against the French, worked out its own
plans and timetable for chopping up the
south.
This blatant aggressiveness has been to-
tally overlooked by those, many in so-called
uncommitted countries, who hail He as an
Asian Tito. Their proclamation of Commu-
nist-supported independence runs into a
dead end on the He Chi Minh trail.
Tito, remember, made a working peace with
the West when he was pitted against Sta-
lin. He has, with ups and downs, made of it
enduring coexistence. There was never a
serious Titoist adventure in expansionism
once he decided to impose his image on
Yugoslavia.
It's a far different story with North Viet-
nain. Hanoi, flushed with the mystique of
Dien Bien Phu, is actively engaged in im-
posing its will on its neighbors. Laos and
Thailand are prima facie cases along with
the carefully contrived mass subversion in
South Vietnam.
Only the southerners and the United States
stand in the way of this vast and arrogant
ambition, which has been checked but still
far from shackled. In a present regrouping
period, He has unleashed mass terrorism
against civilians to prove to the south at
large that fearful penalties can be exacted if
acquiescence cannot be extorted.
Last week pressure mines, powerful enough
to blast our tanks, blew up a couple of buses.
The death toll was 49 civilians and children.
It happened on a dusty route never used by
the military.
This cold-blooded act of terrorism has been
duplicated in work gangs, blown to pieces
because they tried to earn a living repairing
some port facilities. A pattern of wide-
spread, calculated terror, directed by North
Vietnam, is beginning to stretch fearsome
fingers across this torn-up country.
To counteract a cynical indifference to hu-
man dignity and even survival-which critics
of our role here display no less than Ho him-
self--the process of pacification requires
time, trial, and patience. Unfortunately, po-
litical ballyhoo may prevent us from achiev-
ing our objective: security on which Viet-
namese can build hope.
If the administration -anticipates shining
results by mid-year elections, then the mas-
sive effort that will be applied to this pro-
gram may ring as hollowly as any other polit-
ilacal stunt. Too much is at stake for im-
patience and electioneering. The other side
desperately wants to husband time and so
should we.
SPEECH
OF
HON. WILLIAM H. HARSHA
of OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 23, 1966
Mr. HARSHA. Mr. Speaker, with pro-
found sorrow I join my colleagues in ex-
pressing our grief over the loss of our
Chaplain, Dr. Bernard Braskamp.
He was a great force for good in our
midst and all of us are better for having
known him. He was full of sympathetic
and generous impulses toward us, and all
mankind, and he will not be forgotten by
any of us who served here with him.
We mourn his passing as a cherished
member of our family circle, and I wish
to join my friends and colleagues in ex-
pressing my great esteem for our friend
and spiritual leader.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB CASEY
OS' TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. CASEY. Mr. Speaker, the mission
of Vice President HUMPHREY is hailed by
the Houston Post, which asserted that the
purpose of his trip was "to reassure the
leaders and people of the nations that re-
main free in that part of the world that
the United States is not going to run out
on them or renege on its promises to
help them keep their freedom and inde-
pendence."
According to the Post, the Vice Presi-
dent's trip was designed "to counter the
harm done by noisy critics of this coun-
try's Vietnam policies and actions, Com-
munist propaganda which pictures the
American people on the point of revolt
and demanding the withdrawal of this
country's military forces from Vietnam,
and possible misunderstandings over the
fact that the United States is waging a
peace offensive simultaneously with its
military operations to aid the Govern-
ment of South Vietnam."
The newspaper believes the Vice Presi-
dent Is communicating, and while it is
important and desirable that everybody
understand our views, policies, plans, and
intentions, "it is vital that they be un-
derstood by the people who are directly
involved and who stand within the
shadow of Communist aggression."
I offer this forthright comment in its
entirety for the RECORD, convinced that
others will want to study its contents.
[From the Houston Post, Feb. 15, 1966]
HUMPHREY MISSION VITAL
If there ever was any question about the
purpose of Vice President HUBERT H. HUM-
PHnEY's Asian mission, it is clear now that it
is to reassure the leaders and people of the
nations that remain free in that part of the
world that the United States is not going to
run out on them or renege on its promises to
help them keep their freedom and inde-
pendence.
He is seeking to counter the harm done by
noisy critics of this country's Vietnam
policies and actions, Communist propaganda
which pictures the American people on the
point of revolt and demanding the with-
drawal of this country's military forces from
Vietnam, and possible misunderstandings
over the fact that the United States is wag-
ing a peace offensive simultaneously with its
military operations to aid the Government of
South Vietnam.
Because of his ebullient personality and
infectious enthusiasm, the Vice President is
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February 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
)1+ ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday!, February 28, 1966
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, a re-
cent column written for the Chicago
Daily News by Mr. John M. Johnston
places into perspective the problem of the
U.S. Government purchasing products
from foreign firms which have pirated
U.S. patents or production techniques.
Mr. Johnston's fcolumn follows:
1 From the Chicago (Ill.) Daily Newsi
A NEW BID To SINK. THE DRUG PIRATES
(By.Iohn M. Johnston)
Back in 1960, when the late Senator Estes
Refauver was trying to get the drug industry
to hold still while he fitted it for a pillory, he
sternly forbade any nasty cracks about Ital-
ian pharmaceutical manufacturers at the
hearings. Lyman Duncan, general manager
of American Cvanamide's Lederle Labora-
tories, had referred to some Italian competi-
tors as "a nest of pirates."
Any such conclusions would have run
counter to Senator Kefauver's thesis, which
was that unjustified prices by American drug-
makers were robbing the people, whose friend
and protector he was and hoped ever to
remain.
The Senator's position is still shared In
other Government circles, which consider
foreign drugs a bargain. Senator HARRISON A.
WILLIAMS, Democrat, of New Jersey, is trying
to block such purchases by a law that would
prohibit the Government from buying drugs
made in violation of patents.
The total of such Government purchases
has been placed at upwards of $27 million,
although as far back as 1962, Dr. Edward
Annis, president of the American Medical
Association, was complaining of Defense De-
partment purchases of tetracycline in Italy
after it was known that the cultures from
which this antibiotic was made were stolen
In the United States.
Well, time and events grind on, and a
few days ago, a U.S. court in New York handed
out prison sentences to six men involved
In the multimillion-dollar conspiracy by
which trusted employees of Lederle sold
manufacturing secrets and "wonder drug"
cultures to Italian firms.
f.ederle asserted that it spent more than
$30 million in the development of tetra-
cycline and other antibiotics. It cost addi-
tional millions to design and perfect the pro-
duction facilities. It is not astonishing that
a manufacturer who could buy all this know-
how from thieves for $100,000 could and did
undersell American manufacturers and earn
the praise of Senator Kefauver.
'i'sle Defense Department is free of blame
for its purchases of foreign drugs. It is
bound by a 1958 ruling of the Comptroller
General that drugs for the military and
veterans hospitals must be bought for the
lowest possible price, patent pirating being
none of its business.
The "wonder drugs" involved were Aureo-
Inyc:in, Achromycin, and Declomycin-all of
the tetracycline family-and Aristocort, a
steroid used to treat arthritis. The tetra-
cyclines are used against bacterial diseases-
pneumonia, typhus, meningitis, gonorrhea,
and are said to be the most widely prescribed
drugs in the world.
The present Congress will see another at-
tempt to pass Senator WILIIAMS' bill to for
bid Government purchase of products made
from pirated Lf.s. patents or production
techniques. Representative R. L. RouDE-
BUSH, Republican, of Indiana, points out that
such thefts have caused lpsses in the tens of
millions to U.S. pharmaceutical companies,
in addition to lost wages and lost taxes to
State and Federal Governments.
Efforts have been made, particularly since
formation of the Common Market, to per-
suade the Italians to join In the patent pro-
tfection generally afforded for such discov-
eries. Self-interest has kept them aloof,
although some Italian concerns, having some
developments of their own, have indicated
that they might like protection.
Until there is international respect, for
such property rights, it is clear that U.S.
self-interest lies in the direction of the Har-
rison-Roudebush bill.
investment in Federal Reclamation Is
Sound
EXTENSION OF :REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN E. MOSS
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE: HOLfSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 23, 1966
Mr. MOSS. Mr. Speaker, a recent
editorial in the Sacramento Bee cites the
progress of Federal reclamation projects
in the Western States and rightfully calls
them sound investments.
The editorial points out that nearly
I90 percent of the total Federal invest-
ment in reclamation projects in 17 West-
ern States will eventually be returned to
the Federal Treasury from revenues
received for electric power and water.
I commend this editorial to the atten-
tion of my colleagues:
[From the Sacramento (Calif.) Bee,
F'eb. 21, 19661
INVESTMENT IN FEDERAL RECLAMATION
Is SOUND
The significant role large multipurpose
Federal water projects have played in build-
ing the West was illustrated by a recent an-
nouncement by Secretary of the Interior
Stewart L. Udall. He pointed out the con-
tracts under which water and power users
repay the Government for their share of
construction costs have passed the $1.5 bil-
lion mark.
The good faith of the beneficiaries of these
projects has been demonstrated clearly be-
cr.use the delinquency rate under the con-
tracts is less than one-half of 1 percent. The
contracts are with water user districts, in-
dtividual farmers, cities and industries; and
they number more than 2,000.
The range from the largest single water
contract with the Westlands Water District
in California--where the $157 million cost
of building an entire irrigation system will
bo repaid--to a small farmer in Oregon who
is paying off $428 as his share of the bu;lciing
c.:f the Klamath project.
Federal investment In reclamation proj-
ects in 17 Western States has reached $5.1
billion. Nearly 90 percent of the total even.-
tually will be returned to the Federal Treas-
ury from revenues received for electric power
and water. The facilities for municipal and
Industrial water will be repaid in full with
interest.
Electric power, mostly distributed by pub-
lie power systems, has been a paying part-
ner of irrigation (luring the 60-year history
of the Federal reclamation program. Alex
Radin of the American Public Power Asso-
ciation in, a recent speech in Kansas City,
A1025
Mo., reminded listeners that Federal reclama-
tion investment represents a two-way street
with benefits traveling both ways.
Another observer, Reclamation Commis-
sioner Floyd E. Dominy, commenting on the
fact that 90 cents out of every dollar in-
vested is returned, had this to say: "No other
resource development agency can show such
a cash-on-the-barrelhead return."
These facts must be kept in mind as debate
continues over proposals to build more Fed-
eral water projects. The economic well-being
which westerners enjoy can be attributed
directly to the existence of the great water
and power developments pioneered by the
Federal Reclamation Bureau.
As the West continues to expand, future
projects will play an equally important part
in maintaining a vigorous and stable eco-
nomic growth.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ANDREW JACOBS, JR.
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. JACOBS. Mr. Speaker, one of
my constituents, the Honorable Richard
0. Creedon, member of the Indiana
House of Representatives, has taken ex-
ception to a recent tax distribution plan
for education.
Mr. Creedon, in a letter to me, notes
quite properly that the plan is a scheme
to milk the large cities.
Because of the light which Mr. Cree-
don's letter sheds on the real effect of
this tax distribution plan, I insert it in
the CONGRESSIONAL RzcORD:
Hon. ANDREW JACOBS, Jr.,
Representative, 11th District, Indiana,
Cannon Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: On the 29th of January I asked
you for a copy of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
of January 24, 1966, containing the tax dis-
tribution plan for education as propoed by
Representative HALL, Republican, of Missouri.
My comment at that time is on the bottom
of the photocopy of the article that I sent
to you where I said I was sure that this was
a scheme to milk the large cities. It :is.
His whole plan is set out on page 853 of the
January 24, 1966, issue of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD and I decided to do some arithmetic.
In the first year table, page 853, column 1,
the State figures are divided by 12.07 to arrive
at the number of students.
On page 856 chart No. 2 shows gross per-
sonal income and estimated expenditures for
public elementary and secondary education
as well as per capita personal income for the
particular States.
Using the table for the first year on page
853, I compared Indiana and Mississippi and
arrived at the number of students for the
respective States. My arithmetic: is that
Indiana has 1.9 times as many students or
190 percent the number of students that
Mississippi has.
Mississippi (chart 2) spends 5.34 percent
of personal income for elementary and sec-
ondary education as prepared to Indiana
figure of 4.87, which means that Indiana on
a percentage of income basis spends 8.5
percent less.
However, our per capita income is 1.8 times
as much as the per capita income of
Mississippi.
On a dollar basis, Indiana spends $540.40
per student as compared to $383.70 or 40
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
unusually well qualified for this assignment.
It remains to be seen how effective he will be
as reassurer and morale reinforcer, but it is
doubtful if President Johnson. could have
dispatched a better man for this particular
job. Because the Vice President speaks with
the authority of the President, it is hoped
that his words will be convincing.
His assignment is most interesting, how-
ever, in that it shows the extent to which
the office of Vice President has undergone
a radical change within a very few years.
Within the memory of most people, the Vice
President of the United States was simply
the man who presided over the Senate and
succeeded to the presidency when and if a
vacancy should occur.
The trend toward making him an active
member of the administration in office by
expanding his duties and responsibilities was
started by President Dwight D. Eisenhower.
President John F. Kennedy continued the
policy. In neither case were the special as-
signments given the Vice President limited
to the area of domestic affairs. Vice Presi-
dent Richard M. Nixon was sent on missions
abroad, acting as special emissary and repre-
sentative of the President, and so was Presi-
dent Johnson when he was Vice President.
In fact, President Johnson made a trip to
southeast Asia comparable to that of Vice
President HUMPHREY, in 1961, and when the
spirits of West Berliners showed signs of sag-
ging following construction of the wall by
the Communists through the heart of their
city, he was sent there to reassure the free
German people.
Even if these foreign missions served no
other purpose, they would be desirable as
part of the educational process for Vice
Presidents, to prepare them better for the
duties of the Presidency if they should ever
be called upon to assume them and to assure
continuity of policies.
The Humphrey mission therefore would be
desirable and worthwhile, even if there was
no problem of morale and confidence.
From all acounts the Vice President is doing
an able job. At least he is communicating,
and in view of all the clouds of confusion
swirling over the world at this time, this is
of great importance. It is important and
desirable that everybody understand the
views, policies, plans and intentions of the
Government in Washington, with respect
to Asia and to southeast Asia in particular,
but it is vital that they be understood by the
people who are directly involved and who
stand within the shadow. of Communist
aggression.
The One-Man, One-Vote Principle
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN D. DINGELL
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, pursuant
to permission granted, I insert in the
RECORD a resolution adopted by the dy-
namic and forward-looking 16th District
Democratic Organization of Michigan
urging full implementation of the one-
man, one-vote principle:
RESOLUTION MADE AT THE 16TH CONGRES-
SIONAL DISTRICT DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATION
Whereas there are unwise attempts being
made to alter the principle of one man, one
vote,.as stated by the U.S. Supreme Court;
and
Whereas the one-man, one-vote principle
is basic to the American concept of democ-
racy; and
Whereas the vote of one person should be
equal to the vote of any citizen; and
Whereas any constitutional amendment
diluting the equality of the vote of some
citizens is an attack upon the principle that
"all men are created equal," as stated in the
Declaration of Independence: Now, therefore,
be it
Resolved, That the Michigan 16th Congres-
sional District Democratic Organization go
on record in favor of the full implementation
of the one-man, one-vote concept, and op-
posed to any action which might alter this
fundamental democratic principle.
MICHAEL BERRY,
Chairman, 16th Congressional District
Democratic Organization.
Your Opinion, Please
HON. WILLIAM G. BRAY
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker, for several
years it has been my custom to take
samplings of public opinion in my con-
gressional district.
For each Member of this body, the job
of keeping. aware of the thoughts and
beliefs of his constituents is one of his
foremost duties. Yet it is not easy to
keep in touch with the opinions of 400,-
000 people in the average congressional
district.
In addition to the thousands of letters,
telegrams, and telephone calls I receive,
I appreciate the opportunity for personal
contact with the voters. Obviously, we
cannot contact them all as frequently as
we would like, and the opinion poll is a
useful supplement.
I have found such questionnaires to
be helpful to me in measuring public
interest and attitudes on important mat-
ters before the Congress. This practice
has also stimulated discussion and
thought among my constituents on the
major problems we face as a nation.
This year I am again asking for "Your
Opinion, Please." The list of questions
is necessarily brief, but I believe they
touch upon the most important Issues
before us.
The war in Vietnam is obviously of
paramount interest to us all. Of grow-
ing significance are the various domestic
programs of the Great Society, and the
level at which they should be pursued.
An imminent threat is also posed by in-
creasing inflationary pressures which
may be felt in every segment of the econ-
omy in the coming months.
It is always difficult to select just the
right questions and to phrase them in a
way which is easily understandable and
yet will elicit a meaningful answer. I
have reviewed the questions asked by a
score of my colleagues in an attempt to
get the best possible.
Each of the replies to these questions
will be tabulated and the results will be
placed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
Here are the questions I am putting to
my constituents:
What course should the United
States follow in Vietnam?
Maintain present level of in-
volvement _______.__________
Suspend bombing of North
Vietnam _________._______--_
Withdraw our Armed Forces
Intensify military action_____
Do you favor changing the term
of the House of Representatives
from 2 to 4 years? ________
Should the Federal Government
pay a portion of the home
rentals for some families, as
proposed by the administra-
tion?-------------------------
Should additional tax credits or
deductions be allowed parents
of college students?_________
The administration has asked
$1.6 billion for the war on pov-
erty-an increase of $400 mil-
lion over the first year. Do you
approve? ---------------------
Do you believe there currently is
a threat of serious inflation?-
A1027
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
my position on the House Committee on
Science and Astronautics has brought
me in close touch with many learned
scientists and experts in the field of
rocketry. I know of no man whom I en-
joy as much, nor for whom I have gained
as much respect for than Kurt Debus,
director of the Kennedy Space Center in
Florida.
I was pleased to see that the Sunday
Star honored Dr. Debus this past
weekend as their headline personality,
and under leave to extend my remarks
in the RECORD, I include this article:
[From the Washington, (D.C.) Sunday Star,
Feb.27,1966]
HEADLINE PERSONALTY-DEBUS CUT HIS
TEETH AT GERMAN V-2 BASE
CAPE KENNEDY, FLA.-The man who saved
the day for Project Apollo yesterday is a
saber-scarred engineer who has fired more
big rockets than most people have seen.
As a result of his long experience with
these temperamental "birds," Kurt H. Debus
has long since learned never to flap, even
when things appear most unpromising.
Yesterday while others here and at Hous-
ton, Tex., were making a decision to
"scrub" the launching of a big Apollo-Saturn
superrocket because of a cranky gas-pres-
sure system, Debus was communing with
himself at his desk in launch control here.
Even after the decision was made-and an-
nounced-the mild-mannered rocket engi-
neer did not give up.
WORKED WITII VON BRAUN
As a result of his thoughtful persistence,
the unthinkable happened: A scrub was "de-
scrubbed," and Apollo-Saturn 201 went on
to a resoundingly successful flight that al-
ready has secured a place in the space record
books.
Debus out his teeth, astronautically
speaking, on V-2 rockets at the Nazi missile
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 28, 19,116
testing base of Peenenmende, where he
worked closely with another German engi
neer. Dr. Vernher von Braun.
Debus and Von Braun came to the United.
States under the same postwar sponsored-
immigration program and have since won
high places in the U.S. space effort.
Debus is Director of the Kennedy Space
Ceonter here, a job parallel to Von Braun's
position at the Marshall Space Flight
C enter, Huntsville, Ala. When men go to
the moon about 1970, the last bit of earth
their feet will touch before liftoff currently
"belongs" to Debus.
IN EFFICIENCY
Graying and scholarly, Debus runs a cen..
to here, worth roughly a billion dollars,
which is Spartan in its efficiency. He is one
of the few space officials who has taken on a.
major project and carried out on time and
within cost elements.
Debus and his principal associates are
quick to dii;olaim the role of wonderwork-
crs. They explain that their job has been
construction of ground facilities, not rock-
ets, modestly leaving unmentioned the fact
that their works border on the fantastic.
On an average sunny Florida day, Debus
can sit in his top-floor office in the KSC
headquarters building on nearby Merritt Is..
Land. and look a few miles north to the
world's largest structure-a 525-foot vertical
assembly building in which the first copy of
the world's largest rocket, Saturn V, is be--
ginning to take shape.
Y'D WITHIN GAVE
Shifting his gaze a few miles to the east,
he can make out the low-lying pad where
the first flight-model of Saturn V will blast
off sometime early next year. And like as
not as he watches, a structure tall as a 40-
story building will lumber slowly across the
scene--a mobile launcher on a test run
from the vertical assembly building to the
pad.
Debus has been directly responsible for
every manned launching that has taken
place here, and for most of the big unmanned
ones conducted by the space agency.
Rocket firings are his life--a far cry from
the quiet academic days at Darmstadt Unt-?
versity in Germany, or even from Peene--
niunde.
No one could have foreseen 55 years ago in
Frankfurt, G;.erma.ny, that the infant son of
Heinrich and Melly Debus would be where
and. who he is today. The "where" transi-
tion sometimes surprises even Debus him-
self,
This drastic change of circumstances from
pre-World War I Germany to space-age
America has given Debus an accent that can
only be described as "German cracker." He
learned English as a second conversational
language while working for the Army at
Huntsville, in northern Alabama, and his
way of speech reveals this.
"It's lucky anyone can understand me,"
be sometimes comments. Actually, Debus'
English is fluent, idiomatic and not severely
affected by mingling the tones of Darmstadt;
and Huntsville.
Every inch the suave, continental gentle-
man, Debus bears on the lower left side of
his face "marks of honor" received in duel-
ing encounters in his undergraduate days
a la "The Student Prince." Many people
assume the scars are sabrewounds but then
unbelievingly shrug off the idea. No mistake,
however: They are the real thing, right out
of pre-Hitler Rhineland college capers.
A self-effacing man among extroverts, De-?
bus Is nowhere near so well known as Von.
Braun, the astronauts or such scintillating
liy;ures as Gemini Mission Director "Chris"
Kraft. Friendly enough, he is not notably
gregarious and finds his most enjoyable
moments at, home with the elaborate stereo
hi-fl that he built. Classical music trans-,
ports bin), as a friend said, "to another
world."
KURT II. DEDUS
Claim to fame: Director, Kennedy Space
Center, Fla.
Home: Cocoa Beach, Fla.
Date of birth: November 29, 1908.
Education: Master's degree in electrical
and high-voltage engineering from Darm-
stadt University, Germany; doctor of en-
gineering.
Jobs: Assistant professor at Darmstadt;
rocket engineer, Peenemuende missile base,
Germany, member of "Von Braun group" at
Fort Bliss, Tex., and Huntsville, Ala.: at Cape
Canaveral (now Kennedy) since 1962; direc-
tor of Kennedy Space Center since Decem-
ber 1963.
Feunily: Wife, Gay; daughters, Ilt.e (Mrs.
Adam Metheny) and Sigrid.
Hobbies: Classical hi-ft stereo muw ic,
Gerald Yee Writes Winning Hawaii Entry
in National VFW Essay Contest
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 24, 1966
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, one
of the many worthwhile projects of the
Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United
States is their annual Voice of Democracy
Essay Contest for high school students.
The contest not only stimulates discus-
sions in classrooms on the meaning of
democracy, but it also provides an oppor-
tunity for the students to compete for
educational scholarships ranging from
$1,000 to $5,000. More than 300.000 stu-
dents participated in the contest this
year, and the winner from each State
has been invited to our Nation's Capital
for the final judging on March 8, 1966.
Representing the State of Hawaii is
Gerald Yee of Honolulu, Hawaii.
Gerald's winning essay, entitled ' Democ-
racy--What It Means to Me," reflects
mature understanding and appreciation
of his role in the democratic processes by
which our country is governed. His essay
is a tribute to the democratic environ-
ment that Hawaii has always provided to
nurture its young citizens.
It is with great pride, therefore, that
I submit for inclusion in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD, Gerald Yee's outstanding
essay:
.DEMOCRACY: WHAT IT MEANS Til ME
(By Gerald Yee)
I'i ene : 18:35.
Place: The United States, with dhe great
French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville
making his historic visit to study the work-
ings of democracy.
On a restful night, De Tocqueville sat down
and began writing. He captured the essence
of democracy when he scribbled: "Whenever
the political laws of the United States are to
be discussed, it is with the supreme author-
ity of the people that we must begin."
Forty-six years before, in 1789, the fathers
of our country hopefully made plans for the
American ship of state, a new vessel to sail
on treacherous uncharted seas amidst the
darkest storms of autocracy and tradition.
These men. hoping fora land where they
could be free, carefully laid out the blue-
prints for this masterful undertaking,
George Washington was elected captain, and
the ship was run by a rare element--democ-
racy. Kings and parliaments laughed,
sneered, and literally spit upon this ship of
state. Never before had they heard of a gov-
ernment where a man without property
could elect his leaders, or where the most
ragged pauper was being guaranteed the
same rights as the gold-studded noble. How-
ever, in time these kings vanished from the
face of the earth while the U.S. ship of state
sailed on.
We are all part of the crew of this ship of
state, which sails by the exercise of democ-
racy on board. We students are delegated as
many responsibilities as the rich man, poor
man, and the worker, who each has his share
in maintaining operation of democracy.
Now let us have a closer examination of
democracy. We define democracy as (I I
faith of the people to govern themselves, and
(2) the belief that common men alone have
the ability to unite the ship of state, bound
by common interest and common goals to
protect the freedoms and welfare of all. As
a democratic: nation, we believe that God
himself gave us the natural right and en-
couragement to decide for ourselves what is
proper. This is proven when the founders
of this great country wrote the laws of the
land with the highest regard for the rights
which God so earnestly gave us.
Accordingly, the common man alone has
the ability to band together with his fellow
beings to form a democratic state, whereby
each man is entitled to his share of freedom.
This state, formed by wealth, workmen, and
teenagers, must possess sufficient energy and
kinship to weather the onslaught of external
forces and the changing of times.
As high school students in America, we
must not be led to believe that our role in
preserving our democratic way of he is lim-
ited to just voting and watching television
forums. On the contrary, preserving our
democratic Way of life consumes all the
energy we can supply. Our role is to keep our
ears, our eyes, and our minds open for several
sides of an issue, including those of extremist
groups, and to constantly safeguard our
sacred rights.
For instance, the other day my friends
were discussing the pros and cons of the Viet-
nam war. Several fellows decided, with
great spirit, that they must show their feel-
ings toward the war on a larger scale. They
brushed several slogans on cardboard signs
and demonstrated in full view of the public.
Certainly, their privilege to protest or to pro-
mote a cause is an inherent and vital organ
of democratic society.
As high school students, attending school
is obviously one of the major methods in
which our democratic way of life is already
being preserved. A close examination of to-
day's high schools show that students are
being prepared to become active citizens.
High school students are doing their part; to
keep democracy alive and working by taking
advantage of citizenship courses, while
classes in U.S. Government and American
history open doors to the rich meaning of
democracy. Other school activities allow the
student to exercise his leadership skills,
which are vital to the preservation of
democracy.
By exercising the fundamentals in school,
we students practice democracy by listening,
watching, and doing. For example, we can
follow the course of an election campaign
and wind up with a student mock election
concerning identical issues.
As students, we must always be on the
guard for infringements on democracy and
strive for a more democratic society. We
can start first at home and in the community
by informing other citizens of their rights
and obligations in a democracy. Apathy in
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ro?
Alaska's National Guardsmen
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH J. RIVERS
OF ALASKA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. RIVERS of Alaska. Mr. Speaker,
I would like to call the attention of the
Members of the House of Representatives
to a recent article by Mr. Bill Fox, a staff
writer for the Anchorage Times, Anchor-
age, Alaska, entitled "Famed Alaska
Scouts Protect 49th State Full Time on
Part-Time Pay." In the concluding par-
agraph of his story, Mr. Fox states:
The scouts are in a class of their own and
none of the regular guardsmen or servicemen
in other branches of the Armed Forces will
dispute it.
I am sure that anyone who reads the
following article will agree with his con-
elusion:
FAMED ALASKA SCOUTS PROTECT 49TH STATE
FULL TIME ON PART-TIME PAY
(By Bill Fox)
About 1,200 of Alaska's proudest National
Guardsmen are currently attending their an-
nual 2-week field training session at Camp
Denali at Fort Richardson.
The 1st and 2d Scout Battalions of the
National Guard, composed almost entirely of
Indians and Eskimos from remote areas of
the State, arrived at Fort Richardson Sunday
and will remain there for 15 days of rigorous
training exercises.
Members of the scout battalions are unique
in that they perform nearly a full-time
job on part-time pay. This, however, is not
the only characteristic which sets this group
aside from all other National Guard units
across the lower 49 States.
Unlike other States, the guardsmen in
Alaska convene for their annual tour of ac-
tive duty in midwinter. The scout battal-
ions are trained for combat In arctic and
subarctic temperatures and thus their train-
ing is conducted in a period which properly
prepares them for emergencies which might
arise in their own villages.
The 1st Battalion, commanded by Maj. Bill
Caldwell, has headquarters in Nome and
covers an area stretching from Barter Island
in the northeast to Stebbins and St. Michael
along Norton Sound. In addition, the 1st
Battalion maintains outposts on Little Dio-
mede and St. Lawrence Island.
The 2d Battalion has its headquarters at
Bethel and is commanded by Maj. Joe Pike,
an American Cree Indian. This battalion
maintains 29 units in towns and villages from
Kotlik on Norton Sound to Dillingham on
the shores of Bristol Bay. The 2d Battalion,
mostly made up of Athabascan Indians, has
a unit at Mekoryuk on Nunivak Island, as
well.
Although men in both battalions are re-
quired to meet in their own units just 48
times in a year, many convene as many as 90
or more times. Being a member of a scout
battalion carries as much status as being a
member of the village council in some Eski-
mo communities. The scouts are extremely
proud of their uniforms and the money
which they receive for attending training
sessions is an important factor in the eco-
nomic growth of their home villages.
The scout battalions are trained to main-
tain a constant surveillance over an assigned
geographical area, its adjacent waters, and
offshore islands. The battalions can report
any information which they obtain by way of
radio and in most cases a native Eskimo
J" 400030( pe'6 uary 28, 1966
dialect is much more effective for transmit-
ting secret information than any standard
type of voice code.
Each battalion contains slightly over 600
men, but is broken down by units within a
village. The heaviest concentration of scouts
exist in Point Barrow where there are about
90.
Although many of the scouts can under-
stand and speak English, they are often re-
luctant to discuss their roles as scouts. One
platoon sergeant from a small village on the
northern coast of Alaska said most of his
winters were spent hunting and most of his
summers devoted to fishing. He said he
maintained a dog team and added that it
took about 800 pounds of fish to feed his
dogs each year.
Most of the scout officers have attended
training school outside of Alaska.
Many of the scouts prefer to wear their
own mukluks while they are snowshoeing,
rather than the regular Army-issued boots.
One Eskimo said the Army boots were too
stiff and made his feet sore.
The enthusiasm and pride of these scouts
is so great that they carry their work far
beyond the call of duty in many instances.
Some of the units in the far Northwest have
been responsible for recovering Soviet
weather balloons which have enabled U.S.
officials to determine just how advanced
the Russians have become in their weather-
probing operations.
Other units have made heroic rescues and
still others have successfully guided un-
familiar units through the arctic wilds of
northern Alaska.
The cost of conducting an annual encamp-
ment to bring battalions together is expen-
sive, but worth while. Operation of Camp
Denali for the 15-day period runs in the
vicinity of $3,500. Rations for the more than
1,200 men are about $25,000. Transportation
is $95,000 and payrolls amount to $165,000.
In addition, $1,500 worth of petroleum, oil
and lubricants is consumed and clothing and
field supplies for each scout amounts to
about $350.
Often, the process of bringing a scout from
his home village to Camp Denali is a major
operation and in some cases it is never com-
pleted. Last year 80 men were left waiting
in their villages for 9 days before they were
finally notified that the weather was too
poor to permit air flights into their territory.
Their active tour of duty was canceled.
This year about 40 men, who became rest-
less and tired of waiting for a bush plane to
fly them out to one of the key pickup points,
boarded five snow vehicles and a dozen dog
teams and traveled into Bethel from Kweth-
luk and Akiachiak.
One colonel suggested that perhaps the
extra enthusiasm displayed by Eskimo Scouts
was a symbol of their gratitude for being
given the opportunity to learn their work
as guardsmen and to travel around the State
and into the southern 49 States.
In any case, the Scouts are truly in a class
of their and none of the regular guardsmen
or servicemen In other branches of the Armed
Forces will dispute it.
Tony Plattner ant tl{e W4r in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. ODIN LANGEN
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. LANGEN. Mr. Speaker, I am
happy to report that one of my constitu-
ents Is throwing welcome light on what
is happening in Vietnam by writing a
series of in-depth articles for Aviation
Week and Space Technology, the aero-
space journal. He is C. M. "Tony"
Plattner, of Walker, Minn., son of Mr.
and Mrs. Clemens A. Plattner, the hus-
band and wife team who edit and pub-
lish three newspapers in our State-
the Walker Pilot, the Cass County In-
dependent, and the Crow Wing County
Review.
Tony flew fighter planes while a pilot
in the Marine Corps from 1952 to 1956
after graduating as a mathematics major
from Carleton College in Northfield,
Minn. He attended the University of
Minnesota School of Journalism after
serving in the Marines, and then worked
as an associate engineer for the Mar-
quardt Corp.
Combining his practical flying experi-
ence with his technical training, Tony
joined Aviation Week as a reporter spe-
cializing in aircraft engineering stories.
He recently went to Vietnam for 2
months to report the air war there first-
hand, flying missions ranging from B-52
bombing raids to light-plane spotter mis-
sions in a Bird Dog aircraft. His series
on U.S. air tactics in Vietnam set a new
high watermark in the reporting on that
confusing war.
If there is no objection, I would like to
insert an editorial from the January 3,
issue of Aviation Week about how Tony
is covering the Vietnam war.
THE LONG WAR
The Vietnam war is now in another pause
that hopefully might lead to meaningful
negotiations but more likely is simply a
prelude to a greater escalation of that con-
flict. In addition to increasing in intensity
and fury in Vietnam, the next phase of the
struggle for a favorable balance of power in
Asia is likely to spread into other areas of
the southeastern peninsula, such as Laos
and Thailand.
Main reason that the current pause Is un-
likely to produce significant negotiations is
that the United States has not yet changed
the basic strategic balance in Vietnam, de-
spite an air bombing campaign against North
Vietnam and a major increase in ground and
air strength in South Vietnam. Notwith-
standing the major increases in land, air,
and sea forces in southeast Asia during the
past 6 months, the strategy with which they
have been employed has failed to achieve the
desired U.S. goals. In the air, the limited
and sporadic campaign of interdiction against
Communist supply lines feeding the Viet-
cong in South Vietnam has proved ineffective
because of the nature of the terrain involved
and the limited scale of the air effort em-
ployed. On the ground the "sweep and
clear" tactics" have produced some bloody
battles, but the Vietcong usually reoccupy
the areas after the fighting ends.
The Communist forces in South Vietnam
are now more numerous, aggressive, and
better supplied than they were last spring
before the U.S. ground force buildup and air
interdiction campaigns accelerated. It is
clear that not only will additional military
forces be required in southeast Asia, but also
that a radically different strategy for their
use will be necessary to achieve a relatively
swift and enduring decision.
The scale of the war in southeast Asia has
been escalating steadily since President
Johnson's inaugural 1 year ago this month.
It is now reaching the stage where it will re-
quire major changes in American life if it
continues much longer on a further escalated
scale. The American people and the aero-
space industry could be faced with the pros-
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P{"ebruary 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A10I
light :for liberty and freedom for all peo-
pie rather than permit Communist
;lggression to spread throughout the
world.
The following concurrent resolution
was adopted by the South Carolina Gen-
eral Assembly on February 22, 1966.
This resolution reveals the dedication of
the people of South Carolina to the cause
of worldwide freedom. I have respect-
Fully requested that it be printed in the
RECORD:
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION DECLARING FEBRU-
ARY 22, 1'366, ALLEGIANCE DAY
Whereas in recent months we have seen
throughout our Nation very unpleasant
sights such as draft card burning, peace
marches and other demonstrations generated
by a small and determined minority against
the position taken by our country's leaders
in defending the principles upon which this
Nation was founded; and
Whereas while we all recognize the right
which freedom guarantees each of us to dis-
agree with the principles of our Govern-
ment, we do not believe that public demon-
s trations in the streets against our policy
in Vietnam while American lives are being
lost to defend our Nation and to preserve
freedom throughout the world should be
held and are detested and unsupported by
an overwhelming majority of patriotic citi-
acns; and
Whereas the Greenville Jaycees, the South
Carolina Jaycees, and the Municipal Asso-
( iation of South Carolina are promoting
February 22. 1966, ,is Allegiance Day and
encouraging the observation of Allegiance
Day throughout the State of South Caro-
lina and the entire Nation with brief cere-
monies on February 22, which is the birth-
day of the Father of our Country, George
Washington. during which ceremonies we
-:hall all rededicate ourselves and our com-
munities to the principles upon which this
Nation was founded and for which it stands
today: Now. therefore, be it
Resolved by the house of representatives
tthe senate concurring), That February 22,
1966, is hereby declared to be Allegiance
Dn.y.
I hereby certify that the foregoing is a
true and correct, copy of a resolution
adopted by the South Carolina House of
Representatives and concurred in by the
senate.
INEZ WATSON,
Cleric of the House.
IXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
110N. WILLIAM T. MURPHY
(11? Il?f.INOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. MURPHY of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,
it, was a profound shock to learn of the
oudden death at Tashkent of India's
Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri.
All. the world joins the people of India
in mourning the passing of this great
statesman.
Because of its relevance, I include in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an editorial
that appeared in the Gazette of India
nP xtraordinary on January 14, 1966. The
editorial follows :
The sudden demise at Tashkent of Lai
Bahadur Shastri In the early hours of Tues-
day, January 11, 1966, has plunged the nation
into deep distress and grief. Lal Bahadur
Shastri went to Tashkent in the cause of
peace and it is a great tragedy that just
when his persistent efforts towards settle-
ment for an honorable and enduring peace in
this subcontinent achieved fruition, fate de-
livered a cruel blow and removed him from
our midst.
Born in 1904 at Mugha]sarai in Uttar
Pradesh, Lal. Bahadur Shastri lost his father
while he was still an infant. How this in-
fant, born in a modest environment, rose to
the highest political office in this country,
is an inspiring saga of noble endeavor, un-
wavering sincerity of purpose and a high
sense of patriotism and integrity in public
life.
Lal Bahadur Shastri was only 17 years old
when the call came from Mahatma Gandhi
and without hesitation he plunged himself
in the freedom struggle. He was imprisoned.
On release, he entered Kashi Vidyapeeth at
Varanasi and came under the influence of
the savant, Dr. Bhagwan Dass. He took the
Shastri degree from the Vidyapeeth (Uni-
versity) and reentered active politics.
At the age of 23, Shastri was married. to
Shrimati Lalita Devi, who has always stood
by him as a steadfast companion, to the
very end of his life of sacrifice and devotion
to the nation.
Lai Bahadur Shastri had participated in
all mass movements launched during India's
fight for freedom and was imprisoned as
many as seven times. In 1946, he was elected
to the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly
and was appointed Parliamentary Secretary
to the Chief Minister. Subsequently, he was
appointed Minister for Police and Transport.
This portfolio he held for nearly 5 years.
In. 1952, when the first general elections
were held in India after attainment of in-
dependence, Lal Bahadur Shastri was en-
trusted by the Congress Party with the task
of organizing the election campaign; the
great success which the party secured at the
polls in those elections was in no small
measure due to his organizing capacity.
Lal Bahadur Shastri became a member
of the Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Parlia-
melnt) in the first, session of Parliament. He
was appointed the Union Minister for Trans-
port and Railways in 1952. Four years later,
lie resigned his ministership because he felt
he was constitutionally responsible for a rail-
way accident in which many lives had been
lost. This was symbolic of his stanch faith
in and sincere endeavor to live up to the
highest traditions of parliamentary democ-
racy. Expressing his deep appreciation of
ibis step in Parliament, late Prime Mini,_aer
Nehru described Lal Bahadur Shastri as a
man, of the highest integrity with devotion
to high ideals.
The call to assume responsibility of high
public office came to Lal Bahadur Shastri
again in 1957 when he was elected to the
Lok Sabha (Lower House of Parliament) and
was assigned the portfolio of Transport and
Communications in the Union Cabinet. In
March 1958, he became Minister for Com-
merce and industry. Later, on the death of
Gobind Ballabh Pant in April 1961. the im-
portant portfolio of Home Affairs was en-
trusted to him.
A: Minister for Home Affairs, Lai Bahadur
Shastri brought into play his gifts as an
able administrator and he handled a num-
ber of complex and intricate political and
administrative problems with sagacity and
skill. He had a great capacity for resolving
differences and brought to bear, on dis-
putes and discords, the healing tough of his
great personal charm, gentle persuasion and
deep understanding. One of the difficult
problems which he solved soon after his as-
surnption of the office of Home Minister was
the language issue in Assam. Amongst im-
portant matters which received his special
attention during his tenure as Home Minister
was a promotion of emotional integration
amongst the people of India, a matter which
always remained uppermost in his mind.
In August 1963, Lal Bahadur Shastri re-
signed from the office of Home Minister to
devote himself to the task of revitalization
of the Congress Organization. Soon after,
he was called upon to join the Union Cabinet
as Minister without portfolio. In that capac-
ity, he lightened the burden of the heavy
responsibilities of the late Prime Minis er
and on passing away of Jawaharlal Nehru,
the mantle of the great leader fell on Lal
Bahadur Shastri.
. The smoothness with which the change-
over took place was a measure of the nation's
confidence In Lal :Bahadur Shastri's capac-
ity to direct the affairs of the country. And
the nation was soon to find that its trust in
him was fully justified. Onerous responsi-
bilities of the high office unfolded his great
qualities of leadership. In terms of time,
the tenure of Lal Bahadur Shastri was a
short one.
However, during the span of the 19 months
that Lal Bahadur Shastri was Prime Minis-
ter, the country passed through a period of
such severe stress and strain as would test
the mettle of the highest leadership. Dur-
ing a crucial phase of our history, bristling
with serious internal as well as external
problems, he guided the destinies of the na-
tion with strength, determination, wisdom
and farsighted statesmanship. A man of
genuine humbleness of spirit and of unfail-
ing courtesy, Lal Bahadur Shastri was essen-
tially a man of peace. He sought peace in
the country, peace with her neighbors and
peace throughout the world. His concept
of peace, however, was one of peace with
honor and, behind his modesty and gentle
exterior, lay a firmness of purpose and a reso-
lute will.
When, therefore, challenge came a few
months ago, it found Lal Bahadur Shastri
the firm sentinel of the country's honor,
freedom and territorial integrity. In this
hour of crisis, he provided the nation with
determined and inspiring leadership under
which the entire nation rose as one man to
meet effectively the threat of aggression.
These hostilities, which were not of India's
seeking, however, did not deflect Lal Bahadur
Shastri from his quest for peace and good
neighborliness: The Tashkent agreement was
his finest hour and. a measure of his sincere
effort in the direction of peace.
Lal Bahadur Shastri was a man of the peo-
ple. Both as an individual and as a leader,
he endeared himself to the people. His life
was one of complete dedication to the service
of the nation. Even in frail health, lie did
not permit himself rest or respite. His tragic
end, which came in the wake of his vigorous
pursuit of the Tashkent talks in complete
disregard of mental and physical strain, was
characteristic of his devotion to service of
the country and to the cause of peace.
The country has lost Lal Bahadur Shastri
when it had great need for his services and
the people had discovered, in true measure,
his great qualities of character and leader-
ship. It is for the people of this country to
prove worthy of the legacy which Lal Baha-
dur Shastri has left behind and to strive
wholeheartedly and unitedly for fulfillment
of the great tasks to which he addressed him-
self and for which he lived and died.
On the eve of his death, he said to the De-
fense Minister: We have now to fight for
peace with the same courage and determina-
tion as we fought against aggression." The
nation can never forget these words which
sum tip his message to India and to the
world.
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pact of a long, bloody, and fruitless war that
would make Korea fade into a minor skir-
mish by comparison.
Against this background Aviation Week &
Space Technology again brings its readers a
series (the third since 1964) of special re-
ports from the combat zones of southeast
Asia, written by a specially qualified staff
member. The series that begins in this issue
on page 16 is the result of 2 months of
travel in southeast Asia by C. M. "Tony"
Plattner, a member of this magazine's Los
Angeles bureau who has an unusual set of
qualifications for this task.
"Tony" Plattner served 4 years' active
duty as a Marine Corps fighter pilot flying
Vought F4U Corsairs and Grumman F9F-5's
and is now a captain in the Marine Air Re-
serve flying Douglas A-4E jet attack aircraft.
His 2,000 hours of flying time also include
many pilot report assignments for A.W. & S.T.
in a wide variety of aircraft. His latest be-
fore leaving for Vietnam last fall was a
chock-to-chock exercise in the lefthand seat
of the Douglas DC-9 (A.W. & S.T. Nov. 1, p.
37). He was educated as a mathematician
and worked as an engineer in the aerospace
industry and as a newspaper reporter before
joining the staff of this magazine 3 years
ago.
During his 2 months in southeast Asia he
covered every form of air operations from
the Strategic Air Command Boeing B-52
strikes based on Guam to the Cessna O-1E
light plane spotter missions. He traveled
over 1,600 miles in the combat theater visit-
ing USAF, Army, and Marine air squadrons
and flew combat missions as an observer in
three types of McDonnell Phantom 2 strike
fighters, a Bell UH-1D helicopter, a North
Amerioan F-100F, and a Grumman OV-1A
Mohawk Army reconnaissance aircraft. He
also went on board Navy carriers operating
off the Vietnam coast to report on their
operations.
His series will provide A.W. & S.T. readers
the same type of accurate detailed technical
information on the aerospace equipment de-
ployed in southeast Asia, its operational ef-
fectiveness and its future requirements, as
did the 17-part series written by National
Editor Cecil Brownlow after a similar assign-
ment in Vietnam last spring.
The urgent need for this type of informa-
tion was amply demonstrated by over 8,000
requests for reprints of the Brownlow Viet-
nam series received from industry and mili-
tary organizations all over the world.
Editorial- coverage from combat zones is
both dangerous and costly. But the aero-
space industry has pome to -depend on
Aviation Week & Space Technology to pro=
vide it with this type of information that it
so vitally needs. We will not shirk this
responsibility in Vietnam or any other por-
tion of this troubled globe.-ROBERT HoTZ.
Mrs. Robert McNamara: Wife of a Man
Under Fire
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the
RECORD, I include the following:
MRS. ROBERT MCNAMARA: WIFE OF A MAN
UNDER FIRE
(By Lloyd Shearer)
Ladies of America. How would you like
to pick up your newspaper.each morning
and read that your husband was cold, aloof,
distant, unfeeling, and withdrawn * * *
arrogant, austere, and strict * * * prudish,
precise, and straitlaced * * * stiff, stern,
rigid, and humorless * * * a walking en-
cyclopedia * * * a man whose bloodgtream
consists of computers instead of cells * * *
an inflexible automaton, stubborn and un-
yielding in the face of error * * * the second
most powerful man in the Nation responsible
for the war in Vietnam, the confusion in U.S.
foreign policy, the Selective Service Act, the
black market in Saigon, and the fate of this
country? Also a lot of other downright
distortions.
How would you like each day to have your
husband sniped at by the press, the public,
and the prima donnas of Congress?
How would you like to have him criticized,
insulted, accused, condemned, disparaged,
vilified, and lampooned? Especially when
you knew from 25 years of marriage with this
able, brilliant, dedicated, versatile man that
practically all the criticism was incorrect.
This, in large measure, is the position
Margaret McNamara, wife of Defense Secre-
tary Robert McNamara, has found herself
in these past 5 years.
A lovely, gracious, blue-eyed, shapely,
petite brunette (5 feet 3, 116 pounds), a one-
time California high school teacher (biology
and physical education at Alameda and
Sausalito), intelligent, well read, au courant
with the latest events, Margaret McNamara
comes well equipped to refute the criticism
leveled at her husband. But she has never
succumbed to the temptation.
I HAVE TO STRIKE BACK
"The only time I really get angry," she
admits, "is when they accuse Robert of being
dishonest. He may commit an occasional
error in judgment-which one of us does
not?-but dishonesty is so foreign to his
character that I just have to strike back.
Usually I write a nasty letter, get rid of my
resentment that way, then tear the letter up.
"When someone you love has become the
national sitting duck," she explains, "the
constant target of criticim, it's only natural
for his wife to become defensive. But over
the years I've learned not to let it affect me
too much. The antidote to falsehood, fre-
quently born of jealousy, power struggles,
superficial first impressions but rarely of
knowledge, is truth. When you know what
the truth 1s about your husband, the deep,
verified-by-living-with-him truth, then when
something isn't true, you don't let it bother
you.
"'I'm sure the wives of Senators and Con-
gressmen and other in Government service-
someone like the President's wife, Mrs. John-
son, who's an old Washington hand-have
learned the art of living with criticism-but
it does take time, patience, and frequently
great understanding.
"You see," Margaret McNamara adds, the
voice soft, sincere, and friendly feminine,
"there's always the problem of children. Our
three are young, sensitive, easily hurt, and
when their hard-working father gets 'blasted'
as they put it, they wonder why. It seems
so unfair to them.
"Take Margy, our eldest, 24 (a graduate
student in anthropology at Washington Uni-
versity in St. Louis). Some of the boys she's
dated have been classified IA, and I'm sure
they've let her know that they think her
dad responsible, which of course, he's not.
Before we left Ann Arbor for Washington,
before Bob accepted President Kennedy's
offer to join his Cabinet we'd all read Ken-
nedy's book, 'Profiles in Courage: We
learned that the experiences of many people
in Government aren't particularly easy. If
a man believes he's right, if he's running
against the tide, if he's breaking down old
and established customs, Government service
is no bed of roses. And when someone like
Robert, for what he considers the benefit
of the entire country, cancels contracts and
shuts down unneeded installations after the
most careful and thorough research, well, the
hue and cry from the local level can become
a deafening roar.
"But like us, the children have learned to
roll with the punches, to understand what
personal participation in Government entails.
As President Truman said, 'If you can't stand
the heat, get out of the kitchen.' I guess
we've learned to take It."
Before Robert Strange McNamara moved
his family to Washington in early 1961, he
worked his way up in less than 15 years at
the Ford Motor Co. from administrative
executive to controller (1949) to vice presi-
dent in charge of all cars and trucks (1957)
to president (1960). In 1959 his salary and
bonuses came to $410,833. Had he remained
as president in 1961 instead of resigning to
accept the Defense position in Kennedy's
Cabinet at $25,000 per year, his annual com-
pensation would have topped the $500,000
mark. In addition he would have been able
to exercise options on 60,000 shares of Ford
stock, half at $23.71, half at $33 in a bull
market which zoomed the stock to $117 a
share.
When Henry Ford was asked recently what
it cost Bob McNamara to leave Ford for
Washington, he said, "We figure about $500,-
000 a year in salary and supplemental com-
pensation plus about $31/2 million in stock."
When McNamara worked for Ford he lived
a peaceful life with free weekends in the
college town of Ann Arbor, Mich. He at-
tended the First Presbyterian Church, took
a leading role with his wife in civic enter-
prises-they were among the first residents
to sign a covenant designed to end racial dis-
crimination in the sale of local real estate-
and contributed independently to candidates
of both political parties. He rose early,
about 6, worked long and hard, frequently
putting in 12-hour days, but he went skiing
with his family in winter, climbed mountains
with them in summer, lived the good and
modest life devoid of status symbols. (The
McNamaras still own and drive a 1960 Ford,
a 19$1 Falcon, buy their clothes off the rack.)
In a materialistic society where money is
equated with power and success, it seems in-
credible, but the truth is-and this is funda-
mental to any true understanding of their
philosophy-the McNamaras give scant
though to the financial sacrifice or prestige
involved in Government service.
"When Sargent Shriver came out to see my
husband in 1960;" Mrs. McNamara explains,
"and told him that President Kennedy
wanted him to serve in his Cabinet either
as Secretary of Defense or Secretary of the
Treasury, Bob was truly surprised. He'd only
just been promoted to president at Ford the
previous. month, and his first reaction was
to question his own qualifications for such
high Government office. He quickly turned
down the Treasury job because he said he
hadn't had enough banking and fiscal ex-
perience.
"Later when he spoke to President Ken-
nedy directly, he told him that his experi-
ence in defense was very limited. Bob had
served as an officer in the Air Force during
World War rl but that was a good 15 years
back. He recommended several other men
and told the President in all honesty that
he wasn't the man for the job. He just
didn't have enough experience.
"The President said he wasn't aware that
.any training school existed either for Presi-
dents or Cabinet members. And I think it
was after that remark, perhaps a little later,
that Bob asked President Kennedy if he
himself had really written "Profiles in
Courage." The President said yes, and Bob
was most pleased, but he kept insisting that
Kennedy was making a mistake in offering
him a Cabinet membership.
"I can honestly say," Margaret McNamara
declares, "that we never really thought about
or discussed the difference in salary levels
between Government and private employ-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 2r~,4AO66
went. We had always thought---Bob had al-
ways thought, that at some time he'd like
to give his time and effort to the Govern-
merit when asked, never realizing that he
would be asked as soon as he was. But when
you're asked, you don't say no, not at least
when you feel as strongly as he does, I guess
as we all do in our family, about making
some contribution to good government."
MIDDLE CLASS AMERICANS
Where and how the McNamaras developed
their dedication to public service and their
high quotient of idealism is difficult to deter-
mine. Neither comes from a family with
any considerable history of government serv-
ice. Both spring from the heart of the white
collar American middle class.
Margaret McKinstry Craig (Mrs. Mc-
Namara's maiden name) was born in the
1 tate of Washington in 1915. Her family
moved to California when she was a child,
and she was raised in Alameda across the bay
from San Francisco where her dad sold
insurance.
Robert Strange McNamara (Strange is his
mother's family name) was also raised with
a sister, Peggy, in the San Francisco Bay
area, They were children of a wholesale shoe
company executive. The elder McNamara
was 25 years older than his wife, and people
who knew him describe the gentleman as
a still', dignified, businesslike man." It is
entirely possible Robert: McNamara inherited
his devotion to hard work, his power of great
concentration, his proven organizational
genius, and his reserved manner from his
lather.
SWEET NOT SACCHARINE
Margaret Craig of Alameda High School
and Robert McNamara of Piedmont High
both attended the University of California
at Berkeley, class of 1937. She was in Alpha
Phi, pretty, vivacious, bright, naturally at
case with people. "If you ask me for one ad-
jective to describe Margy," says a friend of
long standing, "I would use the word
'sweet'--not in the cloying, saccharine sense,
but in the sense of her being thoughtful and
unselfish, the very feminine qualities you
find in a well-bred young girl. She is still the
sweetest, most considerate woman I know."
McNamara was a Phi Gamma Delta, popu-
lar, serious, brilliant, industrious. He made
Phi Beta Kappa in his junior year, was a big
reran on campus. Both attended many of the
same classes, but they never dated. In those
years McNamara saw a great deal of Annie
Lee Whitmore, an attractive coed at Stan-
ford.
It was only after he'd returned from 2
years at Harvard Business School and worked
as an accountant for Price Waterhouse & Co.
that he and Margy began dating. Their
courtship was relatively short and to the
point. "We started going around together,"
Mrs. McNamara recalls, "in May 1940. About
4 months later we were married in the
Episcopal Church in Alameda. It was on
August 13. ':['hat same day we held our
wedding reception on the docks. Then we
caught a boat which took us through the
Fanama Canal to New York. That boat trip
was our honeymoon."
When she examines her marriage, now in
its 26th year. Margaret McNamara finds it
full, exciting, constantly growing. "I'm so
glad I married Bob," she confessed to a col-
lege classmate not long ago. "If I'd mar-
ried someone else I'd probably be a happy
bay area housewife today, living in a typical
suburban world. But being the kind of man
he is, interested in everything--art, music,
literature, science, nature--Bob has made a
wonderful life for his family. He's taught
us all so much."
Subsequently a reporter asked Mrs. McNa-
mara If living with a former college profes-
sor and corporation president, an expert on
budgets, statistical controls, and quantita-
tive analyses, hadn't given her an inferiority
complex. "Your husband," he declared,
"supervises a budget of more than $50 billion
in the Defense Department. Who makes the
budget; in your household? Who makes the
family decisions?"
Margaret McNamara quickly laughed. She
likes to laugh, likes to smile. "I don't suf-
fer from any inferiority complex," she said.
"At least I don't think I do. Family de-
cisions with us have always been a ;joint ef-
fort. Over the years I've become a little bet-
ter organized, but I've also learned that some-
times :Bob enjoys a little family disorganiza-
tion. Then he straightens things out.
"As for the budget, we set that out to-
gether. Then I try to keep it. But it
doesn't always work. I have a sliding rule
I call accrual. That's my expansion pro-
gram beyond the set budget."
What she has learned most from her hus-
band, she believes, is the important tech-
nique of decisionmaking, of first realizing
what is most important, then setting a goal,
then implementing the method of achieving
that goal. "Decisiveness," she admits, "was
not one of my outstanding qualities when I
first got married. But I've learned over the
long pull to ,make decisions after giving
them the best possible thought, the best pos-
sible care, and then not to worry about them
but to go on to the next goal."
If admittedly her husband has taught
her much, what has Margaret McNamara
contributed to the marriage? In addition to
three bright, well-raised children, Margy 24,
Kathleen 21, a student at Chatham College
in Pittsburgh, and Craig 15, at St. Paul's
School in New Hampshire---she has contrib-
uted a well-run household, and atmosphere
of love, loyalty, and livability, an always
available companionship, a calm, friendly,
supporting disposition, and what a doctor
friend aptly terms "the contagion of con-
sideration." She makes relatively few de-
mands of her husband.
Secretary of Defense is a mankilling job.
It drove James Forrestal to suicide years
ago, and it is amazing that Robert McNa-
mara can maintain the pace he does, 12- to
18-hour days, 6 days per week, flights to
Europe, Texas, Vietnam, periodic appearances
before congressional committees, constantly
spouting impressive quantities of knowledge,
constantly replenishing the source of energy
which drives him inexhaustibly on.
One reason he's able to continue this furi-
ous regimen, and still maintain good humor,
unharried manner, excellent physical condi-
tion, and admirable emotional balance is that
his wife is cheerfully willing to go along
with the almost superhuman goals he sets
for himself.
KEEPS BOB AT EASE
In her scheme of marriage, she is primarily
a wife and mother, in that order, "What I
try to do," she says, "is keep Bob at ease.
He generally gets up at 6. and so do I. I
make him his breakfast about 6:30, and he
leaves for the Pentagon about 6:50. This
gives me a chance to read two newspapers
(the Washington Post and the New York
Times). Since the children have all gone
off to school I've taken on some local com-
munity action projects in Washington, be-
cause I feel very strongly about home rule.
Citizen participation at the local level is
terribly needed in the city of Washington.
I also spend time on the poverty program,
visiting, Women's Job Corps, and I'm also
interested in the nationwide beautification
program. That's why when the President's
wife asked me recently to represent; her at
the Governor's conference on beautification
in California, which I consider my home
State, I couldn't turn her clown."
Another reason the McNamaras accomplish
a great deal is that they are not particularly
social creatures. They seem too inner-di-
rected for that-she less than he- so that
very rarely do they ride the Washington, D.C.,
cocktail circuit. A certain amount of social-
izing especially with other Cabinet members
is necessary, but their idea of an evening
well spent is to retire after dinner and read
in bed. A few weeks ago the following read-
ing matter lay beside their bed: "Report to
Greco" by Nikos Kazantzakis, the Kennedy
books by Schlesinger and Sorensen, "History
of the Sierra Nevada" by Francis Farquhar
(the McNamaras and their children have
climbed the Sierras for years), issues of the
New Yorker magazine containing the seriali-
zation of Truman Capote's "In Cold Blood."
Except for an occasional high-level meet-
ing and weekend interruptions Secretary
McNamara does no work at home. "He
leaves everything packaged right on his office
desk," Mrs. McNamara reveals. "He doesn't
want to rehash or re-do it or go through it
all again. Home to him is a place where
he can relax and recharge his batteries. And
I try to keep it that way. We have a cook
and a woman who comes in to clean a few
days per week. And that's about all. Bob
returns home: from work anywhere from 7
p.m. to 9, earlier on Saturdays, and I always
wait to eat with him. He's a man. who enjoys
overworking himself, and I don't mind the
long hours he puts in. It's just that the
pressures keep mounting. That's what
brings on fatigue, and that's what worries
me."
By nature, however, Margy McNamara is
no worrywart. She is one of those delight-
fully optimistic women who soar through
life giving strength by giving love and un-
derstanding. Of the oftrepeated charge
leveled against her husband that he is "a
human I.B.M. machine," she says: "Ask the
people who've met and talked with him.
They'll tell you he's got a marvelous sense
of humor. It's true that he suffers fools
badly especially if they impede his work,
but he's a friendly, polite, decent human be-
ing, a marvelous father who smiles with and
at his children, who helps them with their
homework, especially math-really he's a
good man.
"I think this image of his being distant
and interested only in computerized judg-
ments springs from many factors. To be-
gin with he's easy to caricature especially
by cartoonists. He wears glasses. He's tall.
He parts his hair neatly and cleanly a little
to the left of center: There is very little
that's humorous about the problems he faces
or the decisions he must make. They don't
lend themselves to the emotional approach
but their effect on people is very emotional
and very serious. So those who don't know
him regard him as forbidding. But ask the
people who've hiked and skiied with him.
He's a man who enjoys much more than
work."
In discussing his life with the man she
calls "Kip," Margaret McNamara makes her
marriage sound like a carefree, memorable
picnic from its very inception. She glosses
over the early years of World War II when
her husband, rejected for service by the Navy
because of his eyes, went to England, was
there commissioned a captain in the Air
Force. She says relatively little of her duty
tour as a GI bride, of moving 13 times with
an infant during the course of the war, of
living in a basement in Salina, Kans., of con-
tracting infantile paralysis along with her
husband and of being hospitalized for 9
months. She says nothing about the months
of waiting when McNamara was shipped
overseas to Calcutta and she found herself
traveling from Boston to Alameda to Kansas
City to Washington.
LTCKIER THAN MOST
"Compared to most young brides with hus-
bands in the service," she declares, "I was
lucky."
Reporters who've covered McNamara since
he arrived in Washington more than 5 years
ago, say he's much more diplomatic now in
handling people, particularly low I.Q. Con-
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 February 28, Y 9 proved CFoOrNG Re RESSIONAL R2ECORD RDP QQ4 000400030001-4 A1013
of independence in Lithuania. The fol-
lowing resolution was unanimously
adopted, which was duly signed by Albert
G. Vinick, president, 4227 Euclid Avenue,
East Chicago, Ind., and Peter Indreika,
secretary, 3946 Parrish Avenue, East
Chicago, Ind.:
Whereas the United States of America has
been in the forefront of the United Nations'
activities ending foreign colonialism in nu-
merous Asiatic, African, and European coun-
try's; and
Whereas the Soviet Union has been and
still is striving in many devious ways to
win official recognition by the free world of
its rapacious and illegal occupation of Lith-
uania, and the other two Baltic States of
Latvia and Estonia; and
Whereas despite the fact that many former
colonial territories have been liberated and
admitted into the United Nations as sover-
eign states in the last 20 ears, the Soviiet
Union, while speaking out strongly for the
abolition of all colonialism, has in actuality
made Lithuania, Latvia, a d Estonia into
the newest colonies in the Soviet Russian
empire: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That we again express our grati-
tude to our Government for the firm and
unwavering policy of nonrecognition o?f. the
illegal Soviet occupation of Lithuania and
the other two Baltic States, and request our
Government to use every opportunity to
raise the question of the liberation of these
nations; and
That our Government refuse to ratify the
Counsular Convention with the U.S.S.R.,
which would only be the means for the So-
viet Communists to establish more espionage
centers for subversive activities in our coun-
try; and
That this resolution be esnt to the Presi-
dent of the United States, to the Secretary
of State, to the Senators, and Members of
Congress from our States, and to the press.
These are familiar points. To them Mr.
Johnson added another. In answer to those
who debate whether the Communists should
have a share of the Government of South
Vietnam he said, "We stand for self-deter-
mination-for free elections-and we will
honor their results."
No free elections can be held in South Viet-
nam so long as the Communist terror tactics
of brutal torture and wholesale assassina-
tion of village leaders hold much of the
countryside in thrall. Safety, enforced by
military means, and hope, in the form of
agricultural and industrial aid and educa-
tion, must be brought to those who have
suffered through more than 20 years of war.
That is the reason for and the objective of
the U.S. course in Vietnam, and the reitera-
tion of those aims should be sufficient to end
serve the kind of world we want to live in-
a world in which each nation is free to de-
velop in its own way, unmolested by its
neighbors, free of armed attack from the
more powerful nations."
Today, the Communist-controlled govern-
ment in North Vietnam doesn't want to talk
peace. When negotiations are mentioned, it
is insisted that the Vietcong-the Commu-
nist faction in South Vietnam-must be
recognized as the sole representative of the
South Vietnamese people.
President Johnson's role has been exceed-
ingly difficult as well as delicate. It would
be safer for his planning tactics if he didn't
have to make any public statements about
the future course of the war. The enemy
should be left guessing. But the President
understandably finds it necessary, in order
that
ublicl
d
t
y
eny p
o
to quiet fears at home,
V means deliberately to "escalate" the war
or to engage in hostilities with Communist
Chi th chief backer of the North Viet-
na
e
The Greatest Danger on Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, it is
most fitting at this time that Columnist
David Lawrence should point out to the
American people his views on "The
Greatest Danger on Vietnam." His col-
umn was published in the Washington
Star on February 25, and follows:
THE GREATEST DANGER ON VIETNAM
(By David Lawrence)
"This is it"-few people are making such
a comment out loud about Vietnam, but
many are thinking it to themselves. For
more and more it is beginning to be realized
that the United States is passing through
its biggest crisis since World War H. The
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN A. RACE
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker, there is an
apparent, and I might add, unfortunate,
lack of understanding of U.S. objectives
in Vietnam.
Once again, our President enunciated
these objectives in clear, unmistakable
language last week in New York. In
commenting on this speech, the Chicago
Sun-Times said the President's reitera-
tion of our aims "should be sufficient to
end the current debate" over U.S. policy
in Vietnam.
I commend this editorial and insert it
in the RECORD:
THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER
President Johnson has answered the criti-
cism raised against the administration's
Vietnam policy in the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Committee hearings.
The President explained, again, that the
U.S. course of conflict in Vietnam is limited
in its objective to stopping Communist ag-
gression. The U.S. purpose, he said, is "not
conquest; it is not empire; it is not foreign
bases; it is not domination." He said that
the United States does not threaten Red
Chi"
conflict in Vietnam is no small or isolated
affair. It has become worldwide in its signif-
icance, and it could turn into a larger war
if the American people are misled into think-
ing that "peace at any price" is worth-
while.
The greatest danger is not in Vietnam but
in this country, where well-meaning but con-
fused and uninformed persons are unwit-
tingly engaged in helping to bring on the very
calamity they profess to be against-a major
war.
The fallacies being spread are numerous.
It is being assumed, for instance, that the
President alone is making the policies. Ac-
tually, he is surrounded by advisers of the
highest rank in civilian and military posi-
tions. They are not partisan in their think-
ing-they are conscientious and patriotic
Americans anxious to assure the safety of
this country. Republican leaders, too, are
openly supporting the policies of the Gov-
ernment.
Nobody, of course, wishes to see a large
war precipitated, but this is certain to hap-
pen if the enemy begins to take seriously
the demonstrations and speeches inside the
United States which give an impression of
cravenness and weakness. Secretary of De-
fense Robert S. McNamara, in his report to
Congress this week, said:
"If we and our free world allies fail to meet
the Chinese Communists' challenge in south-
east Asia, we will inevitably have to confront
it later under even more disadvantageous
conditions. The road ahead will be difficult
and sacrifices will be required of our people,
both in money and in lives. But we have no
other reasonable alternative if we are to pre-
,
namese Armies. The President said in a
speech this week:
"If. the aggressor persists in Vietnam, the
struggle may be long. Our men in battle
know and accept this hard fact. We who are
at home can do as much. There's no com-
puter that can tell the hour and day of
peace, but we do know that it will come only
to the steadfast-never to the weak in heart."
Johnson was first accused of not wanting
to negotiate peace, but he has sent many
ambassadors and recently Vice President
HUBERT HUMPHREY around the world to make
it clear to all countries that America wishes
peace. This, hdwever, has been construed
abroad as a sign of weakness, and Johnson is
finding it desirable to repeat frequently that
American policy is not weakening.
Actually, as the President has just said,
the tide of battle has turned. There is evi-
dence of a desire throughout the world to
reinforce the American military effort in
Vietnam. South Korea, Australia, and New
Zealand have already sent forces there.
Other nations are giving more and more
indications of their support.
The Vietnam war, indeed, has taken on a
worldwide meaning and is clearly being de-
fined as a struggle between the free world
and the Communist revolutionaries who seek
to impose their will on helpless peoples.
There's really only one way to shorten the
war, and that is to bring about a united
America and to put in proper perspective
the utterances of the misguided persons in
public and private life who don't seem to
understand the kind of enemy the United
States is figlit4ng in Vietnam.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN W. BYRNES
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. BYRNES of Wisconsin. Mr.
Speaker, under leave to extend my re-
marks, I include the partial text of a
speech I delivered at the Lincoln Day
dinner of the Republican . Party of
Brown County, Wis., in Green Bay on
February 22, 1966:
Lincoln has many messages for modern-day
Americans. He spoke eternal truths which
will long serve to guide us in our affairs.
There is one message he addressed par-
ticularly to Republicans. He said:
"It is exceedingly desirable that all parts
of this great Confederacy shall be at peace,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 28, 1966
and in hartnony one with another. Let us
Itepubllcans do our part to have it so. Even
though much provoked, let us do nothing
through passion and ill temper."
I think this is wise party policy for Repub-
licans at any time but particularly now when
our Nation faces such critical problems, both
at home and abroad.
We must reserve our ourselves the right to
dissent; no tree nation can long remain free
without it. But we know that the right of
dissent, like every other right, carriers with
it a responsibility. That responsibility is to
make sure that our dissent is not frivolous,
self--serving, or, at worst, harmful to the na-
tional security. It should not spring, as
Lincoln advised, from "passion or ill temper."
It ought to be considered and constructive.
Tire Republican Party has met this test
with flying colors during the continuing
crisis in Vic'nam.
We are nut- as are some members of his
own party, stabbing the Commander in Chief
in the back with criticisms which impugn.
the motives of our country and give aid and
comfort to the enemy. We have criticized,
certainly. But I think the record is clear
that our criticism, because it is aimed at the
support of the American effort, has given no
ammunition to the Communist propaganda
machines.
Republican criticism stems from a deep
concern. It is a concern for the future of
this Republic.
We are concerned that the sacrifices being
made in Vietnam shall not be made in vain--
that we do not lose what our troops are
fighting so valiantly to preserve. We fear
that, if we make the wrong choices, freedom
throughout the world will be gravely
endangered.
It so happens that I strongly agree with the
bipartisan policy which finds us fighting on
the side of the Vietnamese in order to pre-
vent their enslavement by communism
through the use of force and terrorism.
Freedom in this world is a lost cause, it
seems to mc, unless someone is willing to
stand up and light to prevent its permanent
disappearance. if we deny freedom its
chance in Vietnam, freedom is in danger
throughout the world. If successful in Viet-
nam, the so-called Communist wars of lib-
eration-the modern method of aggression--
will continue. Eventually and inevitably
this Nation will be forced to take a stand
at another place. The costs then-in lives
and treasure---could make the Vietnam war
look like a minor skirmish.
I fervently hope this Nation has not for-
gotten the essons of two world wars. The
iirst lesson we learned is that the aggressor--
whether he be Kaiser Wilhelm or Adolph
flitter, or Mao Tse-tung-will continue his
aggression ;just as long as it remains profit--
able. The second lesson is that the United
States, if it wants to save itself, must act to
stop the aggression sooner or later. And the
third lesson is that the longer we wait, and
the more courage and power we allow the
aggressor to achieve, the bloodier and more
costly is the final struggle, with the outcome
more and more in doubt.
Ti Communist aggression in the Far East
continues to be profitable, if it is allowed to
succeed at little cost, that aggression will
continue. ']'hose who want its to get out of
Vietnam owe it to us, I believe, to tell us
where they believe we should make the next
stand. If they say that the success of Com-
munist aggression in Vietnam means the end
of Communist aggression in south Asia, then
I must say that every logic and every lesson
of history is dead against them.
I do not believe Americans will accept that
kind of advice. On the contrary, I believe
Americans generally are in strong agreement
with the policy which finds us in Vietnam--
the policy that says the United States, in its
own self-interest, cannot allow piecemeal
Communist aggression to succeed and be-
come profitable.
Yet, one can feel across the land an un-
easiness among our people over our position
in Vietnam. I submit, however, it is not the
basic policy which concerns Americans. It
is the conduct of that policy.
This uneasiness over the conduct of our
policy in Vietnam strengthens the position
of those who advocate, either directly or in-
directly, abandonment of south Asia to the
tender mercies of the Communists. It would
be a great tragedy if they prevail. It is for
that reason that Republicans feel a deep
obligation to point out the errors of omis-
sion and commission which are threatening
a policy essential to the preservation of free-
dom and our own security.
I suggest that we greatly need two things
from the President and his administration.
The first is candor and facts. The second is
a clear-cut decision. The President is re-
puted to be a great politician, but I think he
underestimates the capacity of the American
people to support difficult decisions once they
are given possession of the critical facts. It
is high time that we started getting the
unvarnished truth about Vietnam. The ads
ministration's record of playing square with
the American people on Vietnam is an ex-
tremely poor one.
The President misled the people in the
1964 campaign. He gave the country, as we
Republicans well remember, the impression
that there would be no enlargement of our
military activities there. The American peo-
ple were not told, in 1964, the seriousness
of the situation in Vietnam. We now know
that the Communists were close to winning
the war in the 1964 and early 1965 period.
We have been consistently misled by ad-
ministration officials. Secretary of State
Rusk told us in April 1963, that the corner
had been turned. In October of that year,
Secretary of Defense McNamara predicted
that, by the end of 1965, the major part of
the American military aid program could
be ended. Yet only a short time ago, he
would only go so far as to say "we have
stopped losing the war."
Very often, in addition, the President's
actions in regard to Vietnam seem more to
confuse than to enlighten; they give the
impression of an administration either thor-
oughly uncertain about its objective or
more interested in creating some kind of
effect upon public opinion than in actual
results.
Thus, we have the hastily arranged Hon-
olulu conference with its emphasis upon
economic progress in Vietnam; we have the
hastily arranged Humphrey visit promising
new programs and more American gold at
every stop; we have the sudden presenta-
tion of the Vietnam issue to the U.N. Secu-
rity Council, a matter in which we have
apparently since lost interest.
It is no wonder that Washington is talk-
ing about, and Americans are feeling, a
"crisis of credibility." That is what Ambas-
sador Goldberg calls it, and really. it's just
a fancy way of saying that people are getting
in the habit of not believing their Govern-
ment is telling the whole truth.
The first thing we need, then, is some old-
fashioned candor from the administration.
We ought not to have to guess the factual
situation in Vietnam and the Far East; we
ought to be kept fully advised. We ought
not be kept in the dark ,as to what our real
objective is in Vietnam: we ought to be
told. and Hanoi should be told. We ought
not be flimflammed as to the kind of sacri-
fices that will be required to reach our ob-
jective; we ought to be informed. Above all,
recognizing that for security's sake, we can-
not be told everything, we ought not to be
misled by either false optimism or pessimism
as to the true situation.
When the people have been given the
facts, this administration needs to make
a national decision. It has to decide wheth-
er it is fighting a war in Vietnam or whether
it is not. I do not say this facetiously; I
say it in all seriousness, and I say it again,
and underline my words.
We are engaged in a war In Vietnam but
this nation has not yet made a decision that
it will fight a war in Vietnam. On the
contrary, the administration has avoided
that decision. Instead it has been trying
to find a consensus rather than to create a
consensus.
War is a serious business which ought not.
be undertaken without having success as a
goal. Successful war requires knowing what.
one is fighting for in specific terms, in mili-
tary terms, if you will. It requires a will-
ingness to commit power to achieve those
objectives. it requires sacrifices and it re-
quires, if public support is to be kept as it
must be kept, that those sacrifices be shared
as equally as possible. War requires re-
sources and, unless it is a very small war in-
deed, it requires a nation to pass up tem-
porarily its less urgent needs in order to fill
the immediate critical ones. War requires
dedication and concentration of effort.
We are committing hundreds of thousands
of men and billions of dollars to armed con-
flict in Vietnam without fulfilling any of
these requirements. The people do not know
what our military objectives are in Vietnam..
We have not been willing to commit the
power needed to achieve whatever those ob-
jectives are; we are instead holding back
power. We are not cutting back domestic
programs to pay for the war; we are, in fact,
adding new ones and enlarging others. We
are not concentrating our efforts on the war;
we are simultaneously engaged in every kind
of activity under the sun, including the
greatest roadbuilding program, the most,
costly exploration program and the most ex-
pensive foreign aid program in the history of
the world.
We are, in short, engaged in war in Vlet-
narn with all that means in terms of death
and privation for our fighting men, without
having decided to fight a war, with all that
means in terms of hardship, sacrifice and
risk for the people back home.
I, for one, do not believe this situation
can long prevail. The first kind of war can-
not be successful without the second. The
American people will, I believe, either be
summoned to join in a national decision that
we mean business in Vietnam, or the Amer-
ican people will one day reject the mounting
costs and casualties of a half-hearted war
being fought by a nation that can't make
up its mind what it's fighting for. If that
happens, if this Nation sneaks out of Viet-
nam in abandonment of both principle and
the friendship and trust of a free people,
then I fear indeed that we will have set the
stage for an eventual vast world conflict we
are all trying so desperately to avoid.
How can we as a people, how can our
fightingmen, how can Hanoi or Peiping be
convinced we have really determined to fight
this war when they see some of the things
going on here at home-on the domestic
front?
Look at the budget-the financial plan of
this Nation--which has been presented to
us by the President.
In a time of war, particularly one which
comes when the economy is booming, when
shortages are appearing, when the demand
for manpower is intensifying, a nation needs
to adopt a budget of restraint. It needs to
adopt a budget which says, "Let's proceed
with caution; there is possible trouble
ahead." It should shun like the plague an
expansionary budget in an already greatly
expanded economy, lest it supply those last
few breaths of air which cause the balloon
finally to burst.
Yet, how would you characterize a budget
which proposes that this Nation not only
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undertake all its normal expenditures while
paying the heavy costs of the war, but pro-
poses to increase domestic spending for new
programs just enacted and, on top of every-
thing else, proposes new programs which will
cost still more money?
This is not a war budget: it is the kind of
budget you would propose if you wanted to
stimulate a depressed economy in peacetime.
It is potentially a very dangerous budget: it
can bring on economic dislocations, miser-
able in themselves, but exceedingly harmful
to any war effort.
This is a budget which proposes to spend
the fantastic amount of $112.8 billion in 1
year-more than this Nation has ever spent
in any other year, including the World War
II years. But that amount understates
actual spending; $6 billion from the sale
of assets has been used to reduce the spend-
ing estimate; actual expenditures will be
almost $119 billion and will be kept that
low if, and it's a big if, Congress is able and
willing to go along with a great number of
phony cuts in the budget.
There has been a $37 billion a year increase
in the level of spending since 1961 and don't
think this has been all because of the war.
Only a third of that increase can be attrib-
uted to Vietnam.
While the administration was trying last
year to convince Hanoi of our seriousness in
Vietnam, the administration was prodding
the last session of Congress to turn out the
largest program of domestic spending this
Nation has ever seen. It is difficult to blame
anyone for thinking that this Nation was
more concerned with its domestic affairs than
with fighting a serious war.
As a result of that program enacted last
year, as the result of continuing large-scale
appropriations for new programs, look at
what our people, our fighting men, and our
enemy can read in the newspapers. Here are
three items I came across within the last few
days.
Remember we are a nation at war-an ex-
tremely costly war.
Item No. 1. From the Washington Evening
Star. "Washington is receiving a Federal
beautification grant of $483,000 for land-
scaping around buildings. Other cities who
are receiving grants are Pittsburgh which
will get about $465,000 and New Haven, about
$325,000."
Item No. 2. From the newsletter of the
National Education Association. "The U.S.
Office of Education is concerned lest some of
the nearly $1 billion Congress made available
under title I of the (education) act go down
the drain because local school districts
haven't yet figured out how to use it prop-
erly."
Item No. 3. From the Washington Daily
News. "The Baltimore Health Department
has requested a Federal grant of $300,000 to
conduct an antismoking campaign-in the
fifth grade of the city's public schools."
Does this sound like an administration
which has decided to make the hard decisions
required by the kind of war in which the
Nation is engaged?
We did not act like a nation at war in
1964, nor in 1965, nor are we doing so today
and as a consequence, the war drags on. We
apparently will not act like a nation seriously
at war during fiscal 1967-if we are to enjoy
all of the luxuries which we will lavish on
ourselves under the President's budget.
What about the period beyond that?
After all, we are told we will be heavily en-
gaged for a long time in Vietnam-some high
officials even talk about a generation of
conflict.
But, Hanoi and Peiping, if they look at the
budget closely, will conclude that we must
be planning to get out, because we will be in
a frightful fiscal situation if the heavy costs
of the war continue into the next fiscal
period. That is so because this budget is
being financed with future revenues. We are
selling assets; we are taking advantage of
windfalls; we are speeding up tax collections
to reduce this year's deficit. There will come
a time, and soon, when those wells will run
dry, and then we will either have colossal
deficits, or colossal tax increases, or both,
plus Federal controls, if the war continues.
A nation which has made a decision to fight
a bitter war to a successful conclusion would
not dare take such a grave risk.
Abraham Lincoln, to preserve the Union,
and in defense of freedom, summoned up the
entire energies of the Nation to fight a brutal
war, brother against brother. "The man," he
said, "does not live who is more devoted to
peace than I am, none who would do more
to preserve it, but it may be necessary to put
the foot down firmly."
I think America is now waiting for the foot
to be put down firmly. It is waiting for the
national decision which sooner or later must
be made. It is waiting for a decision, not to
prolong a bitter war, but to shorten and end
it; it is waiting for a decision which, in the
long run, will enable us to prevent a major
war which would set the world aflame.
Hon. James A. Farley
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EUGENE J. KEOGH
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. KEOGH. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I include the following editorials
from the Tablet of Thursday, February
10, 1966, and the Bridgeport Post of Mon-
day, February 14, 1966:
[From the Brooklyn (N.Y.) Tablet,
Feb. 10, 1966]
JAMES FARLEY RINGS THE BELL
(By Patrick F. Scanlan)
We have read many articles and speeches
and have witnessed considerable debates and
lectures on the situation in Vietnam, but no
speaker has said as much as James A Farley
in an address he delivered in Dubuque, Iowa,
last week. Mr. Farley speaking:
"President Johnson did not adopt a war
policy. He had war thrust upon him. Our
position in South Vietnam is not like a
Normandy beachhead. It is more like a
Dunkirk. The President is in the same posi-
tion as Winston Churchill in 1940. He is
a receiver in bankruptcy of the policy of
appeasement. Appeasement has brought our
affairs in Asia to this sad state. Continued
appeasement will not only lose Vietnam, it
will lose us our Asiatic allies and greatly im-
pair our Atlantic Alliance.
"The President, like Churchill, can only
offer us blood, sweat and tears; but if we
attempt to run away, the pressure will in-
crease every time. The fact is that had the
policy of the President been adopted in 1946,
instead of 1966, there would be peace in the
Pacific right now."
[From the Bridgeport (Conn.) Post,
Feb. 14, 1966]
POLICY OF APPEASEMENT
Former Postmaster General James A. Far-
ley has voiced an interesting view on the war
in Vietnam. Speaking at a dinner in Du-
buque, Iowa, the onetime National Demo-
cratic chairman said:
"President Johnson did not adopt a war
policy. He had war thrust upon him. Our
position in South Vietnam is not like a Nor-
mandy beachhead. It is more like a Dunkirk.
The President is in the same position as
Winston Churchill in 1940. He is a receiver
in bankruptcy of the policy of appeasement.
Appeasement has brought our affairs in Asia
to this sad state. Continued appeasement
will not only lose Vietnam, it will lose us our
Asiatic allies and greatly impair our Atlantic
Alliance.
"The President, like Churchill, can only
offer us blood, sweat, and tears; but if we
attempt to run away the pressure will in-
crease every time. The fact is that had the
policy of the President been adopted in 1946,
instead of 1966, there would be peace in the
Pacific right now."
Statements like this are making the late
Gen. Douglas MacArthur a greater man all
the time.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SILVIO 0. CONTE
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I was
pleased to note in a recent issue of the
Washington Post, an editorial devoted to
the late Newcomb Mott, of Sheffield,
Mass., and to the events and circum-
stances of his tragic and shocking death
in Soviet Russia.
The editorial stresses a point I have
made consistently throughout the now
famous Mott case. It was a point I made
at the time of his trial and sentencing
last fall, and again when the news of
his death came as such a blow to the
free world.
That point is, of course, that we must
take every step in an effort to prevent
such a thing ever happening again. I
made the point, and I continue to be-
lieve, that an improved consular treaty
with, the Soviets would provide both na-
tions with the means to avoid an irre-
vocable action, to expedite notification
procedures, and to permit certain steps
to be taken on behalf of the individual
involved before the inexorable machin-
ery of the Soviet Government is set in
motion.
I have speculated in the past that
Newcomb Mott might be alive and free
today if such a treaty had been in force
last summer when young Mott was ar-
rested for illegally crossing the Red
border. I happen to believe this very
strongly, although it is hardly construc-
tive to be able to say, "I told you so."
What is constructive, however, and
what is vitally more important is that
we take steps to prevent another Mott
tragedy. We must take the initiative in
providing safeguards for Americans
traveling not only in Russia but any-
where behind the Iron Curtain where
the fingers of the secret police can reach
with impunity.
We who have been closest to the Mott
case, the Massachusetts congressional
delegation, have repeatedly called for a
full and complete investigation of the
circumstances of young Mott's death.
Since this implies full cooperation of the
Soviets, however, it is unlikely that we
will ever really know the truth.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --APPENDIX February 28,, 1966
Nevertheless, we have insisted that the
State Department exploit every possible
means to learn the truth. We have
called upon the administration to act in
this regard.
The consular treaty is quite another
matter, of course, and, as .I have said, it
is a, far more important matter. Here
the burden of action is upon us, upon
the legislative branch rather than the
executive. More specifically, it is upon
the Senate.
The proposed Soviet-American Con-
sular 'T'reaty would hold the Soviet Union
to reasonable standards in notifying the
American Embassy of a U.S. citizen's
detention. It would also permit access
to him during the initial period of his
detention, rather than only at the time
of his trial as in the Mott case.
In spite of these and other important
provisions which would work to the ob-
vious advantage of all U.S. travelers in
Russia or elsewhere in the Soviet orbit,
the treaty has been bottled up in the Sen-
ate Foreign Relations Committee. It has
been the victim of opposition from those
who fear what the Soviets might have to
gain, rather than optimism for what the
United States might gain. It has been
opposed by those who would safeguard
American security by raising the Iron
Curtain a little higher and making it
more opaque. It has been opposed by
those who would prefer to risk further
sacrifice of men like Newcomb Mott than
to concede that protection for Americans
abroad can best be achieved through bi-
lateral agreements. Their solution is to
advise Americans to stay out of Soviet
countries.
Ii; is my hope that the Members of the
other body will soon see the error in their
judgment and will take action on this
vitally important instrument. I would
remind them that by turning their backs.
on this treaty they are serving only the
forces of hatred, prejudice, and interna-
tional tension and misunderstanding
which, more than anything else, were the
direct causes of Newcomb Mott's ordeal.
Mr. Speaker, the editorial which I have
already mentioned contains these and.
other points which I feel are worthy of
attention by the Congress. I have unani-
mous consent that the editorial appear
at this point in the RECORD:
EDITORIAI. FROM WASHINGTON POST
The erratic performance of the Soviet Gov-
ernment, in the Mot]; case and others, gives
the State Department no choice but to warn
American tourists of the hazards they may
encounter :in Russia. Ordinarily the Depart..
ment would have no business intervening in
it citizen's plans to visit a country with
which diplomatic relations are maintained.
It would be derelict, however, not to warn
that tourists who inadvertently run afoul
of Russian laws may be treated with undue
harshness for political reasons.
11 the warning costs Moscow some Ameri-
can tourist dollars, then the Russians are
hltxy because they have it entirely within
their power to resume fair treatment of
tourists and render the warning obsolete.
Doubtless this will be a matter for intense
private discussion between Intourist, the oili-
cial travel agency, and the KGB, the secret;
police. Almost certainly the Mott case and
others like it are the work of the KGB.
Lest one forget, an effective partial re-
course Is available in the Soviet-American
consular treaty, which has yet to be ratified.
It would hold Soviet authorities to reason-
able standards in notifying the American
Embassy of an American's detention and in
permitting access to him. It would thereby
remove much of the arbitrariness from the
Soviet handling of American prisoners and
much of the grounds for apprehension. from
Americans contemplating travel in Russia.
The consular treaty remains lodged in the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee largely
because its opponents conjured up the spec-
ter of a threat to American security. The
tragic death of Newcomb Mott, while a So-
viet prisoner, should make clear the advan-
tages of protection to Americans which the
treaty would provide.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BYRON G. ROGERS
OF COLORADO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. ROGERS of Colorado. Mr.
Speaker, the administration's firm but
cautious stand in Vietnam was given
backing by the newspapermen in
Colorado.
The Denver Post reports:
Ten Colorado newspapermen interviewed
by this paper unanimously agreed the United
States shouldn't get out of Vietnam. The
editors and publishers declared to the last
man that America was in the fight to win,
and shouldn't pull out.
Because many of my colleagues will be
interested in this survey taken at the
88th annual convention of the Colorado
Press Association, I am making the arti-
cle available for the RECORD, where it may
be read in its entirety:
[From the Denver (Colo i Post, Feb. 18, 19661
STAY IN AND WIN-TEN EDITORS AGREE ON
VIET ISSUE
(By Donna Logan)
Ten Colorado newspapermen interviewed
Friday by the Denver Post unanimously
agreed the United States shouldn't get out
of Vietnam.
The editors and publishers declared to the
last man that America was in the fight to
win, and shouldn't pull out.
They were questioned at the Brown Pal-
ace Hotel where newspaper executives from
throughout the State are attending the 88th
annual convention of the Colorado Press As-
sociation.
The editors were asked: "Should the
United States get out of Vietnam?" Their
answers:
Fred Pottorf, editor and publisher, Holly
Chieftain, Holly, Colo.: "No. We ought to
strengthen our position in southe:;st Asia as
well as strengthen the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO). We should stay over
there and destroy their supply routes and
win the war."
Dick Hilker, editor, Jefferson Sentinel,
Lakewood: "No, I don't think we :should get
out. We might as well light there as some-
place else, even though Vietnam may not be
the easiest place to del'crrd. We've made a
commitment there and we might as well keep
it.,,
R. W. Cook, Meeker Herald, Meeker, Colo.:
"I'd say riot. I think the Government is
pursuing the correct course and they have
all the facts and know what they're doing.
I think it's the right thing."
Dewey Brown, publisher, Montezuma Val-
ley Journal and Cortez Sentinel, Cortez,
Colo: "No, I don't think so. A year ago I
thought the United States was playing
footsie in Vietnam, but I don't; think so now
and I think we should continue our effort:;
there. It isn't just a matter of saving face.
We're too far committed to get out now."
Preston Walker, editor, Grand Junction
Daily Sentinel, Grand Junction, Colo.: "No,
I agree with the President's position and I
think if we get into a fight we ought to stay
in it until we win. The pacifists and dem-?
onstrators here are weakening our position.
I'm with the President in supporting our
policy there."
Fred Betz, Jr., copublisher, Tri-State Daily
News, Lamar, Colo.: "No. I think we are
committed there. We should push for in-
vestigation and discussion of the war in the
United Nations-that's the best answer. But;
until then I think a harder effort on our part
is needed. I'm sorry the issue didn't get;
before the U.N. sooner."
Chuck Leckenby, editor, Steamboat Springs
Pilot, Steamboat Springs, Colo.: "I don't;
think we should have gotten involved in the
first place, but now that we're there we
would lose prestige by getting out. We
should negotiate for a cease-fire and try to
develop the country economically because
the longer there's fighting the worse it will
be on the country."
Chuck Stoddard, editor, Craig Empire
Courier, Craig, Colo.: "No. We ought. to
work even harder on their supply lines and
blockade the Communists. We can't win
the war in the jungle without losing thou-
sands of American lives, so I think we should
concentrate on knocking out their supply
routes."
F. G. (Doc) Kirby, editor, Alamosa Valley
Courier, Alamosa, Colo.: "No. It's a matter
of principle and a matter of stopping com-
munism. We would suffer a loss of prestige
if we got out now. We're pledged to defend
the people there and that's what we should
do."
Joe Payton, editor and publisher, Wet;
Mountain Tribune, Westcliffe, Colo.: "No.
We shouldn't get out until we win. Abso-
lutely."
Allegiance Day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT T. ASHMORE,
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. ASHMORE. Mr. Speaker, Feb-
ruary 22 was Allegiance Day in my home
State, South Carolina. I am advised
that the people of my State responded
in tremendous numbers to the Allegiance
Day celebrations conducted in every
county seat in South Carolina. I be-
lieve this date was chosen appropriately,
since on that date we also observe the
birthday of our first President, George
Washington.
In stressing this occasion in South
Carolina we wish to publicly proclaim
our feeling of confidence in the policy of
the administration to assist Vietnam, or
any other Communist-threatened na-?
tion. The ultimate question to be re-
solved is whether or not the United
States will deter Communist aggression,
infiltration, and domination of Vietnam,
or possibly, the entire area of southeast
Asia. I believe the United States has
chosen wisely in its determination to
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the commissioned officers of the armed
services.
The Senate agrees, for the Senate has
passed a bill to the.effect but the matter has
been stalled in the House and is bottled up
in .the House Judiciary Committee.
That bill should be called out of commit-
tee, taken to the floor of the House and ap-
proved.
It is conceivable that some future Attor-
ney General could appoint-as Director of
the FBI-a man who might not share Edgar
Hoover's concern about communism.
If that should happen, and the FBI should
fall heir to the same, careless kind of security
that has marked the State Department, then,
indeed, the security of this Nation would be
in peril.
Think about it.
Criticism of British Shipping to
North Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES E. CHAMBERLAIN
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
having mentioned the giant Russian planes
delivering supplies to the North Vietnam
Government. Such British shipping as goes
into Haiphong does not carry strategic ma-
terials."
Sharman quoted a statement by Secretary
of State Dean Rusk saying he was not aware
of any munitions supplied by the British by
ship to the Vietcong and citing drastic re-
ductions in free world shipping to North
Vietnam.
ONLY $500,000
Exports and imports together between the
United Kingdom and North Vietnam last
year came to only half a million dollars, the
Atlanta-based consul general added.
CALLAWAY said he stood by his speech.
Speaking to newsmen on other topics, CAL-
LAWAY predicted a 2-percent increase in cor-
porate taxes and an increase in personal in-
come taxes from the administration.
Mr. THOMAS SHARMAN,
Consul General, the British Consulate,
Atlanta, Ga.
DEAR MR. SHARMAN: I sincerely regret
that your abrupt departure on Monday at
the Atlanta Rotary prevented our discuss-
ing further the matter of allied shipping to
North Vietnam.
From what you said to me, and your fol-
lowup statement to the press, I understand
your position to be that British shipping to
North Vietnam is nonstrategic; that it has
been substantially reduced; and, that my
criticism of British shipping without men-
tioning Russian aircraft deliveries gave an
unfair impression of the situation.
Mr. Sharman, I find your position utterly
indefensible, for the obvious reason that
any nation-and especially a nation at war-
expects more from its allies than it does
from its enemies. I am totally at a loss
to understand why Britain, as a long-stand-
ing friend, would insist that its actions be
judged identically to the actions of a long-
standing and present enemy. To do so, I
feel, would insult our friendship, and there-
fore, I choose not to make such a compari-
son. Instead, my colleagues and I ask Brit-
ain to let its actions stand on their own
merits ar demerits, and to answer to them
in that light.
Certainly we feel that British shipping
to North Vietnam is entirely unjustified, if
for no other reason than that free world
shipping of nonstrategic goods frees Com-
munist shippers to carry the instruments
of war. But more important than this
is the principle involved: that as long as
our enemy is engaged in a war effort against
America and American men, we cannot con-
done our friends supplying even so much
as a spool of thread to that effort. I do not
find our position unreasonable, but I would
never have believed that we would have to
express it to a friend of such long standing,
and worse, that it would be rebuffed.
My colleagues in the Congress and I have
and shall continue to press for a cessation
of free world shipping to our enemy, and
I can promise you that our exchange has
only added to my determination that this
be done.
Sincerely,
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker, I
have spoken many times about the free
world ships entering the port of Hai-
phong. I have placed in the RECORD the
statistics on this shipping.
My good friend, BO CALLAWAY, in a
speech before the Atlanta Rotary Club,
quoted these figures and "incurred the
wrath" of the British Consul General.
I place in the RECORD an article from
the February 15, 1966, Atlanta Constitu-
tion and a copy of a letter Congressman
CALLAWAY wrote the Consul General. I
agree wholeheartedly with Bo CALLAWAY.
The material follows:
BRITISH CONSUL CRITICIZES CALLAWAY'S
TRADE BLAST
Criticism of British shipping to North
Vietnam by Representative HOWARD (Bo)
CALLAWAY touched off an exchange between
the Congressman and British Consul General
Thomas Sharman Monday.
In a speech before the Atlanta Rotary Club,
CALLAWAY said the United States must block-
ade the port of Haiphong to end the war and
criticized Washington's refusal to ask our
allies to stop commercial shipping to North
Vietnam.
Then he said most of the ships entering
Haiphong are British and added, "We're not
even getting our British allies to stop ship-
ping. How can we back our troops?"
After his talk, Consul Sharman was among
members of the audience who gathered
around to talk to CALLAWAY. When the two
came together, Sharman began gesturing and
seemed to speak in angry tones.
He ended the conversation with a brisk,
"Good day, sir," and walked quickly from the
room.
Later he said in a prepared statement that
he had told Representative CALLAWAY that he
thought his comments had given an "unfair
and unbalanced impression" of the actual
situation in Vietnam shipping.
CALLAWAY had said "that in 1964, some 400
free ships, mostly British, entered the Hai-
phong port, and in 1965 there were. 200,
again mostly British."
In his statement, Sharman said;
"I told Mr. CALLAWAY at the end of the
meeting that I thought he had given an un-
fair and unbalanced impression in.speaking
only of free world shipping, mainly British,
carrying materials into Haiphong and in not
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
under leave to extend my remarks, I in-
elude statistics prepared by the Office
of the Veterans' Administration Con-
troller on the State of residence of vet-
erans at the time of separation as of De-
cember 31, 1965:
State of residence at separation from the
Armed Forces 1 of estimated number of
cold war veterans a in civil life, Dec. 31,
1965
Total----------------------------------
United States--------------------- ---
Alabama-------------------------------------
Alaska---------------------------------------
Arizona--------------------------------------
Arkansas------------------------------------
California-----------------------------------
Colorado------------------------------------
Connecticut---------------------------------
Delaware------------------------------------
District of Columbia- -----------------------
Florida-------------------------------------
Georgia--------------------------------------
IIawaii--------------------------------------
Idaho----------------------------------------
Illinois--------------------------------------
Indiana--------------------------------------
Iowa----------------------------------------
Kansas--------------------------------------
Kentucky-----------------------------------
Louisiana-------------------------------------
Maine ---------------------------------------
Maryland
Massachusetts-------------------------------
Michigan------------------------------------
Minnesota-----------------------------------
Mississippi-----------------------------------
Missouri-------------------------------------
Montana-------------------------------------
Nebraska------------------------------------
Nevada----
New Hampshire-----------------------------
New Jersey----------------------------------
New Mexico---------------------------------
New York-----------------------------------
North Carolina------------------------------
North Dakota-------------------------------
Ohio-----------------------------------------
Oklahoma-----------------------------------
Oregon -----------------------------------
Pennsylvania--------------------------------
Rhode Island--------------------------------
South Carolina------------------------------
South Dakota-------------------------------
Tennessee-----------------------------------
Texas----------------------------------------
Utah----------------------------------------
Vermont-------------------------------------
Virginia--- - --------------------------------
Washington ----------------------------------
West Virginia--------------------------------
Wisconsin------------------------------------
Wyoming- ----------------------------------
I Based on "permanent address after discharge" as
recorded at time of separation on DD Form 214: Armed
Forces of the United States Report of Transfer or Dis-
charge. State estimates are based on a randomly selected
1-percent sample of these reports.
2 Persons who served in the Armed Forces only after
Tan. 31, 1965. Excludes men who served under the
6-month Reserve training program.
Taylor-Made Bridge Falls Short
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of V
HON. HERMAN T. SCHNEEBELI
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. SCHNEEBELI. Mr. Speaker, Jos-
eph C. Harsch has written a penetrating
analysis of the current Washington
scene in a recent article of the Christian
Science Monitor. There is much logic
and credibility in his statement:
TAYLOR-MADE BRIDGE FALLS SHORT
(By Joseph C. Harsch)
WASHINGTON.-President Johnson has at-
tempted to bridge the gap between himself
61
4
29
36
328
41
51
10
16
96
72
15
18
206
101
60
41
70
66
27
62
106
177
so
36
92
14
32
S
15
116
22
320
85
18
202
56
46
261
17
44
14
78
108
18
9
77
69
58
95
7
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX February 28, 1966
and the Vietnam war rebels in his own party.
lie sent highly respected Gen. Maxwell D.
Taylor to the witness stand of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee to tell the
rebels that the purpose, the means, and the
weapons in the war are all strictly "limited."
At the end of 61/2 hours of ordeal for the
general, the Senate rebels were not convinced
that the gap was not closed.
,.IMITS QUESTIONED
'['hen it was Dean Rusk's turn. As the
Johnson administration's chief foreign-policy
spokesman, the Secretary of State pointed
out that American policy in Vietnam has
been repeatedly reaffirmed by Presidents and
by Congress. He also referred to the solemn
obligations of the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization treaty as the legal basis for the
U.S, commitment in Vietnam.
Mr. Rusk then invited Congress to vote
again on Vietnam war policy "if there is any
doubt about it," and contended that the
whole structure of world peace was at stake
in Vietnam. These two statements drew fire
respectively from Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Democrat, of Oregon and Senator J. W. FUL-
piuouT, Democrat, of Arkansas, the commit-
tee chairman. Senator FULBRIGHT contended
the Vietnam conflict does not involve the
vital interests of the United States but
alight nonetheless become "a trigger for
world war."
The rebellion in the President's party is
precisely over tile issue of how limited the
Vietnam war is intended to be. Among his
critics, the suspicion is lively that the Ameri-
can involvement is "open ended" and could
eventually "escalate" into a major war with
Communist China and conceivably even a
world. war involving the Soviet Union.
General Taylor's assignment had been to
end the rebellion by satisfying the desire for
reassurance about the plans. and purposes of
the White House. According to the general,
the strategic purpose is limited because it
consists solely of applying just enough mili-
tary force to North Vietnam to cause it to
desist from its aggression in South Vietnam.
taut he was unable to be precise about the
amount of force which would be necessary
to achieve this purpose. Would it be 600,000
men against the present 200,000? The gen-
eral agreed that there probably would be
some increase in the number of American
troops sent to Vietnam, but could not say
what the limit might be.
CONGRESS NOT SATISFIED
`['he weapons used are limited, according
to the general, because of U.S. unwillingness
in employ nuclear weapons.
The geographic area of the war is limited
because bombing outside of South Vietnam
is confined to strictly military targets in
North Vietnam.
13ut all this failed to quench the rebellion
because it identifies limits presently put
upon the policy but fails to provide assur-
ance against the lifiting of limits to higher
ones at another time.
'the Congress is left at the end of the
second week of the hearings still unhappy
about the course of the Vietnam war and in
c. state of unsettled friction with the White
House.
The President is left in the position of
many a general in the past who found him-
self reluctantly involved in a battle at a time
and place not of his own choosing.
PERSONAL ISSUE AT BASE?
How it all started is a matter for some
suture historian to sort out in detail. Exist-
ing information would suggest, at least su-
perficially, that a simple personal issue be-
tween the President and Senator J. W. FuL-
IRIGHT provided the original spark.
The Senator wrote a report on the inter-
vention in the Dominican Republic which
was nighly critical of the administration.
The President countered by cutting the Sen-
ator off the White House guest list. The
feud was on.
Everything since has seemed to make it
worse. Slighting remarks the President is
alleged. to have made about the Senator, and
others, in private conversations have been
reported back. The Honolulu trip may or
may not have been intended to take head-
lines away from the Senate hearings, but
Senator FILBRIGHT and his colleagues be-
lieved that it did.
DEPRESSION CLIMATE RECALLED
It has become one of those issues which
will go dawn in history. It has altered the
President's relations with the Congress
sharply, and perhaps permanently. The air
in Washington is different. For veterans
with long memories there is a similarity to
the mood of Washington in the days just
after the great depression of 1929 broke.
Herbert Hoover the great engineer, sud-
denly became a highly vulnerable political
target.
Today, as in the last part of the Hoover
administration, many a member of the Pres-
ident's party is wondering whether the Viet-
nam war may not turn out to be as bad for
Democrats in 1966, and conceivably 1968, as
the depression was had for Republicans from
1932 down to World War If.
As for the outside world, it is left in a
state of necessary uncertainty about the fu-
ture course of American policy. The Presi-
dent has made one concession to his critics.
He has had General Taylor declare that policy
and purpose are all strictly "limited." But
there is still no official proof that. today's
limits will not he raised tomorrow, or the
day after.
Democracy-What It Means to Me
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. STANLEY R. TUPPER
OF MAINE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. TUPPER. Mr. Speaker, the win-
ner of the VFW Voice of Democracy
contest from the State of Maine is a
constituent of mine, Miss Diane Louise
LeBlond, a student at St. Joseph High
School in Biddeford, Maine. Her essay
"Democracy-What It Means to Me," is
a moving statement from a concerned
young American and I make her remarks
a part of the RECORD so that my col-
leagues may have an opportunity to read
them :
"DEMOCRACY-WHAT IT MEANS TO ME"
(By Diane Louise LeBlond, St. Joseph High
School, Biddeford, Maine.)
"To some generations, much is given; of
some generations, much is expected." These
words were uttered by Franklin Delano
Roosevelt at the 1936 National Democratic
Convention. But where do we, the teenage
population of America 1965 fit in? What is
our role in the march of democracy today?
Certainly no other generation has been
blessed. with the same opportunities we have.
A greater percentage of young people is at-
tending college now than ever before and
the number is Increasing steadily every year.
New and interesting careers are being opened
to our generation because of the immense
strides the United States has made in scien-
tific fields lit recent years. We hold the
rights our forebears struggled for so many
years to assure us. Above all, we live in a
democracy-the most powerful, respected
democracy on the face of the earth, All of
this has been handed to us on a silver plat-
ter, and, consequently, we too often take
these gifts for granted.
We are very quick to claim all of these
privileges and very voluble indeed in our
protests whenever we feel our rights are be-
ing encroached upon. But I fear that too
many among us would be very surprised and
even offended if told that our rights are
accompanied by duties and that unless these
duties are discharged, we have no rights at
all.
What, then, is expected of us as the civic,
social, and moral leaders of a tomorrow that
looms large and near? These great expec-
tations can be summed up In two words--
education and involvement.
We owe it to ourselves and to our country's
future to obtain the finest and most earn -
plete education we possibly can. To be a
completely educated individual mesas to
be a moral, tolerant human being. One is
not tolerant who refuses to share a lunch
counter, or a bus, or even a drinking foun-
tain with a person whose skin color merely
happens to differ from his own. One is not
moral who would allow a fellow human be-
ing to be harmed, even killed in his presence
without even taking the trouble to call the
police. One cannot call himself educated
who does not develop an interest in current
events, who does not bother to form sound
opinions concerning current issues. And
one is not educated who is a follower of the
crowd, unconvinced of its principles but
never daring to be different, never attempt-
ing to stand up and be counted according to
his real beliefs.
Once we are well educated concerning the
facts and the issues, we are ready for the
second step-:involvement. We are ready to
act as teenagers all over the country are
acting, crusading for worthwhile causes.
Teenagers are crusading for civil rights.
They are supporting their chosen political
parties, joining Teenage Republicans, Teen
Dems, organizing get-out-the-vote drives,
alerting their elders to the issues. to the
candidates and to the importance of in-
formed, intelligent voting. They are doing
volunteer work with orphans, with dropouts,
with retarded children. All over the country,
teens are our strongest Peace Corps boosters,
Our most militant war-on-poverty workers.
They are today's responsible, dedicated
teenage generation laying a solid foundation,
striving to become tomorrow's better edu-
cated, moral, tolerant, and democratic so-
ciety. They are realizing that with every
right comes a duty. Moreover, they are
coming to see that the satisfaction derived
from performing these duties is so great as
to be its own reward. They are summoning
each and every one of us to carry the torch
that has been passed to a new generation-
our generation. And it is only when we be-
come illuminated with this fire of devotion
to our country and to our fellow man that
we will come to know the true meaning of
democracy.
Resolution of Lithuanian-American
Council, Lake County, Ind.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. RAY J. MADDEN
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. MADDEN. N[r. Speaker, on Feb-
ruary 20, 1966, the Lithuanian-American
Council of Lake County, Ind., held a
mass meeting and banquet commemo-
rating the anniversary of the declaration
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 February 28, 1A roved RV941R"G1 (Q6&$t/OI RD?PA$OR? $R000400030001-4 A1009
telligencer written by Don Page, entitled
"Puget Sound: What It Is," who ana-
lyzes this great area where I come from.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PUGET SOUND: WHAT IT IS
(By Don Page)
We're back on the beat after a month or
more with the savants and titans of the un-
derwater world, finding out about Puget.
Sound's impressive stake in oceanography.
We hope you're reading the series that re-
sulted. The writing may not be any great
shucks, but the things we talk about there
are exciting.
One thing you won't read in the oceanog-
raphy series but one that impressed us is a
general summary of Puget Sound. It's taken
from a UW survey of more than a decade
ago. The language is technical in places, but
the information is solid.
We got it from Dr. Richard Fleming, of
the UW Oceanographic Department. We're
passing excerpts of it along to you here. It's
basic information. We think you'll find it
interesting. Here it is:
"Puget Sound includes the inland water-
ways extending southward into the State
of Washington from the eastern end of the
Strait of Juan de Fuca. These channels,
sounds, and melts are long and narrow and
occupy a basin roughly 90 miles north and
south, 40 miles east and west. Mountain
ranges surround three-quarters of the area,
The water area at mean higher high water is
767 square nautical miles."
Going on to more technical descriptions
of shapes and bottoms, the summary tells
how glaciers formed the Puget Sound Basin:
"Glacier-borne sedimentary materials de-
posited in a basin between the Olympic
Mountains and the Cascade Mountains dur-
ing the early part of the Pleistocene epoch
were deeply entrenched by stream and
glacial action in the latter part of the
Pleistocene. The resulting steep-sided val-
leys, one of which had not been subsequently
filled with sedimentary debris, now forms
Puget Sound.
"The mainland and island coastlines are
irregular and backed by cliffs. The beaches
are narrow and confined to embayments, ex-
cept for tidal flats on the river deltas.
"Submerged shallow shelves are extremely
narrow or entirely lacking, and in most areas
the sea bottom slopes steeply to depths of
300 to 600 feet.
"The greatest depth of 930 feet is located
just north of Seattle. Puget Sound con-
tains several elongated basins that are par-
tially separated from the Strait of Juan de
Fuca and from each other by shallow ridges
or sills, such as those located in Admiralty
Inlet, Tacoma Narrows, and the entrance to
Hood Canal, where the depths range from
150 to 200 feet.
"Material on the sea floor varies from rock
outcrops through boulders and cobbles in
areas of strong tidal currents, to sand and
mud on the slopes. In some areas firm clay
and compact glacia till are exposed on the
slopes. The bottoms of the deeper portions
of the basins are covered with soft mud.
"The tides in Puget Sound are of the mixed
type showing a large daily inequality between
the heights of succeeding low tides. The
average daily range at Seattle is 11.3 feet.
"The maximum range of spring tides rarely
exceeds 16 feet. There is a general increase
in range as the tide progresses from the Strait
of Juan de Fuca to the heads of the inlets,
with a delay in time of high water of about
1 hour.
"Due to the large area of Puget
Sound and its narrow entrances, tidal cur-
rents have exceptionally strong tropic veloci-
ties, attaining 4.7 knots in Admiralty Inlet,
5.1 knots in Tacoma Narrows and 7.2 knots
in Deception Pass. Elsewhere in Puget
Sound the tidal currents are generally less
than 1 knot.
"Water temperatures in Puget Sound are
relatively uniform throughout the year.
Because of the mixing produced by the tidal
currents, surface temperatures rarely fall be-
low 44 degrees even in winter, except in the
headwaters of Puget Sound where the ac-
cumulation of cold river waters and relatively
quiet conditions will permit the formation of
ice during extreme cold weather.
"The same mixing processes tend to main-
tain relatively low surface temperatures dur-
ing the summer, and except in shallow and
isolated areas surface temperatures above
60 degrees are rare."
The summary goes on to tell how such
streams as the Skagit, Stillaquamish and
Snohomish spill an average of 40,000 cubic
feet of fresh water per second into the sound.
The spillage varies from 14,000 to 37,000
cubic feet per second according to the season.
But its busy tides and .current keep the
sound's salinity level relatively high.
That's Puget Sound as it looks to the
scientists. We hope you enjoyed this profile
of an old friend and either learned a few new
facts about it or were reminded of some
you'd forgotten.
wu
Is Confusion a U.S. Secret Weapon?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, it is
most interesting that Carl T. Rowan,
formerly on the White House staff under
President Johnson, should now write a
column stbout the confusion existing in
the policies of this administration. In
his column, published in the Washington
Star on Friday, February 25, he asks the
question "Is Confusion a U.S. Secret
Weapon?" Certainly no writer has a
more intimate knowledge of the White
House policymaking machinery than has
Mr. Rowan. His column follows:
IS CONFUSION A U.S. SECRET WEAPON?
(By Carl T. Rowan)
In 1928, the Italian dictator, Benito Mus-
solini, made this caustic comment about
American Government:
"Democracy is talking itself to death. The
people do not know what they want; they do
not know what is best for them. There is
too much foolishness, too much lost motion.
I have stopped the talk and the nonsense. I
am a man of action. Democracy is beautiful
in theory; in practice it is a fallacy. You in
America will see that some day."
Dictator Mussolini is dead and American
democracy probably never was more alive-
yet the dictator's warning seems particularly
pertinent these days.
The country may not be talking itself to
death insofar as the Vietnam war is con-
cerned but it sure has talked up so much
confusion that the American people do not
know what they want or what is best for
them.
I left government 5 months ago think-
ing I knew what U.S. policy in Vietnam was.
Today I haven't the remotest idea.
Lt. Gen. James Gavin went before a con-
gressional committee to urge an "enclave"
theory that administration spokesmen al-
ready had assailed for days.
The President then was quoted as saying
that Gavin was more or less in agreement
with his policies.
ROBERT F. KENNEDY, in what almost every-
one interpreted as a major break with the
administration, urged that the Communist
Vietcong be offered a share in a coalition
government in South Vietnam.
The displeasure of the Johnson adminis-
tration seems emphasized by the speed with
which the Kennedy proposal was denounced
by Vice President HUBERT HUMPHREY, Under
Secretary of State George Ball and McGeorge
Bundy, the President's special assistant for
national security affairs.
Then up pops a story quoting Gen. Maxwell
Taylor as saying that KENNEDY's views are
"very, very close" to his own and to those
of the administration.
Taylor is former Ambassador to Saigon,
presently a key adviser to the President and
the man Johnson counted on to defend the
administration against attacks from Senator
J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT and other members of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
During the committee hearings, Taylor and
FULBRIGHT seemed to have diametrically op-
posed views on Vietnam. Well, wonder of
wonders. The New York Times of February
22 has a page 1 headline saying "FULBRIGHT
Backs KENNEDY on Role for the Vietcong"
and the New York Herald Tribune has a
page 1 headline saying, "Taylor Siding With
KENNEDY on Viet Plan."
A White House spokesman first told me
that Taylor's remarks had been misconstrued.
Newsmen later quoted Taylor as saying that
KENNEDY's remarks had been misconstrued.
So KENNEDY's staff and White House offi-
cials spent the better part of the day explain-
ing that KENNEDY didn't mean exactly what
he originally said; and if he didn't advocate
what the White House thought he advocated,
well, KENNEDY wasn't in as big a quarrel with
the White House as anybody thought.
But this is only a fraction of the confusion,
the contradictions, the ambivalence that per-
meates the American scene.
The President launches a high-powered
"peace offensive." His emissaries roam the
world and his Secretary of State says he
would "be in Geneva tomorrow if I thought
there would be anyone there to talk to."
But a few days later a militant President
speaks scornfully of "special pleaders who
counsel retreat in Vietnam," calling them "a
group that has always been blind to experi-
ence and deaf to hope."
The Vice President is sent abroad on a
moment's notice, purportedly to light a fire
under those engaged In the civilian side of
the struggle, those trying to build a "great
society" in southeast Asia. But the journey
draws to a close with talk of more troops
from Korea, of fighting men from the Philip-
pines and remarks giving the impression that
we expect to fight our way out of our Asian.
dilemma.
Maybe all this doesn't add up to the "fool-
ishness," the "lost motion," that Mussolini
spoke of. Maybe it's supposed to be
confusing.
Maybe time will prove that it's all a new
dimension of psychological warfare in which
we get Hanoi, Peiping, the Soviet Union, and
our allies so confused that everybody gives
up.
Freedom Foundation Award to Dr. James
W. Turpin, of Kentucky
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN SHERMAN COOPER
OF KENTUCKY
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, on the
anniversary of Washington's birthday
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this year, tale Freedoms Foundation at
Valley Forge. Pa., made seven special
awards for "Freedom Leadership," and
one of the individuals cited was Dr.
.James W. Turpin, of Ashland, Ky.
I call attention to his citation for
"courageous and compassionate answer
to the challenges of the time" through
his organization Project Concern, Inc.
Originally, Dr. Turpin's project had the
objective of helping Chinese refugees in
Flong Kong and it has grown to aiding
mountain tribesmen under siege in South
Vietnam.
13r. 'Iurpin's efforts have resulted in
the creation of hospitals, clinics and self-
:help medical training programs in South
Vietnam to which he has given unself-
ishly of his time and work after leaving
his own private medical practice.
I ask unanimous consent that there be
printed in the Appendix of the RECORD
for today an article from the February 22,
1966, edition of the Ashland Daily Inde-
pendent, published in Dr. Turpin's home-
town, as well as an article from the
Lexington Leader of that day, and I call
attention to this outstanding work and
to the other Kentuckians cited by the
Freedoms Foundation this year.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
From the Ashland (Kg.) Daily Independent,
l'cb. 22, 1966)
VUEEDOM LEADERSHIP MEDAL AWARDED
1J!i. JAMES TURI'IN
Dr. James W. Turpin, a native of Ashland,
today was awarded the "Freedom Leadership
Medal" by the Freedoms Foundation at Val-
ley Forge, Pa.
The award was one of seven special awards
made to six individuals and one city.
The U.S. Armed Forces and Department of
Defense were given the coveted "George
Washington Award," the foundation's high-
est.
Dr. Turpin, of Coronado, Calif., won the
award for his work in establishing, through
Project Concern. Inc., the medical mission
clinics in South Vietnam.
The citation read:
"For his courageous and compassionate
answer to the challenges of the time through
'Project Concern,' a voluntary medical mis-
sion to the people of Vietnam.
"For his Indefatigable personal efforts in
creating hospitals, clinics, and intensive self-
help medical training programs in the jun-
gLes and vilkcges, and his resourcefulness in
the face of Communist aggression.
"For correlating the teaching of the ideas
of freedom to the physical healing activities
in the clinics.
"For his personification of America's spirit
of concern for others through personal ini-
tiative, individual enterprise, and self-reli-
ance."
Dr. Kenneth D. Wells, president of Free-
doms Foundation, released a list of more
than 1,200 awards to American organizations,
schools, and individuals from all walks of
life throughout the Nation who are being
honored in tiie foundation's 17th annual na-
tional and school awards program for their
contributions toward a better understanding
and a greater appreciation of the American
way of life.
Another "Freedom Leadership Medal" went
to Army Capt. Roger H. C. Donlon, Fort.
Ilrapgg, N.C., a Medal of Honor winner whose:
inspiration was the sight of the American.
flag flying on U.S. ships during daily trips
to the beaches of South Vietnam-Old Glory
cannot be flown in that nation.
Joseph A. Brunton, Jr., New Brunswick,
N.J., chief executive of the Boy Scouts of
America, received the "American Patriots
Medal."
Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., New York City, won
the "Free Enterprise Exemplar Medal"; he is
a corporation executive.
The other four honors were "National Rec-
ognition Awards." Recipients were:
Marie Davis Hunt, Worcester, Mass., for
leadership in the establishment of "The Isaac
Davis Trail" as national memorial and the
role she played in the observance of "Patriots
Day" each April 19, to commemorate the first
shot in the Revoluntionary War in 1775.
Mattie Coney, Indianapolis, Ind., Tor lead-
ership in "Citizens Forum" a community or-
gardzation teaching citizenship in Inner-
city neighborhoods.
Mail Call Viet Nam of Bryn Mawr, Pa., a
letter writing campaign. initiated by Dr. and
Mrs. Ornsteen to boost the morale of serv-
icemen.
Maj. Gen. H. Nickerson, Jr., USMC, Camp
LeJeune, N.C., for starting instruction in citi-
zenship so soldiers would realize the call to
military duty did. not lay aside the citizen.
For Dr. Turpin, son of Mr. and Mrs. J. W.
Turpin of 2419 S. Belmont Street, who are
in Valley Forge with their son, it was the
second time in 2 years he had been honored
nationally. The U.S. Jaycees named him
one of the Nation's 10 outstanding young
men.
Three years ago, Dr. Turpin left Coronado
and a lucrative medical practice with his
wife, four children, $6,000 and a dream.
The 38-year-old made his dream a reality
by establishing Project Concern, a nonprofit
organization incorporated in California.
lie went to Hong Kong where he estab-
lished a floating clinic to which thousands
of harbor dwellers who live on sampans and
junks flocked. More than 40,000 Chinese are
superstitious that ill fate awaits them if they
ever leave their floating homes.
About 500 are treated daily and 1,000 chil-
dren are given subsistence rations to ward off
disease and sickness. For most, it is their
only meal.
Later, Dr. Turpin moved to Vietnam, set
up an 18-bed hospital in the village of
DaMpao in the Montagnard County 150 miles
northeast of Saigon, and worked only a short
distance from the Ho Chi Minh trail known
as a Vietcong artery for moving men and
supplies southward.
More than 100 doctors, nurses, and village
medical officers trained by Dr. Turpin and
his staff serve the Hong King and Vietnam
clinics.
The dream is still alive and eager as the
"need to be needed" continues. Dr. Turpin's
next goals are clinics in the Vietnamese
province of Phubo:n and into northern
Thailand.
Twelve other individuals and groups from
Kentucky were selected for 1965 Freedom
Awards by the foundation. They include:
Beechmont School; Holy Rosary; Hugh
Haynie, editorial cartoonist, the Courier-
Journal, and Martin J. Robards, editor of
the Louisville & Nashville magazine, all of
Louisville.
Sp5c. Virgil T. Elam, U.S. Army, Belfry;
Sp4c..Kenneth D. Proffitt, U.S. Army, London.
Pfc. John M. Kroll and Pfc. Melvin L.
O'Neill, U.S. Army, and GMT-2 Douglas F.
Synder, U.S. Navy, Ft. Campbell.
Sp5c. Robert D. Brown, Maj. Frances K.
Smith, and 2d Lt. John A. Under, all U.S.
Army, Ft. Knox.
Kentucky Court of Appeals Judge Morris C.
Montgomery, Lawrenceburg, was one of the
jurists to be recognized.
(From the Lexington (Ky.) Leader,
Feb. 22, 1966]
KENTUCISIAN WINS Top FREEDOM AWARD FOR
MEDICAL AID TO SOUTHEAST ASIA
VALLEY FORGE, Pa.--A Kentuckian who quit
a lucrative medical practice to establish
medical-aid missions in southeast Asia Was
among 39 Americans named to receive the
Freedom Foundation's highest awards today.
The award ceremonies are held annually
on George Washington's birthday.
Dr. James W. Turpin, 38, of Ashland, Ky.,
organized "Project Concern, Inc." after leav-
ing his California practice. Project Concern
spread from its original objective of helping
Chinese refugees in Hong Kong to aiding
mountain tribesmen in South Vietnam.
The 39 awards are given for the recipients'
contributions "toward a better understanding
and a greater appreciation of the American
way of life."
The foundation's highest single honor, the
George Washington Award, was ;awarded to
the Defense Department and U.S. military
servicemen in Vietnam and around the
world.
Twelve other individuals and groups from
Kentucky were selected for 1965 Freedom
Awards by the foundation. They include:
Beechmont School; Holy Rosary; Hugh
Haynie, editorial cartoonist, the Courier-
Journal, and Martin J. Robards, editor of
the Louisville & Nashville magazine, all of
Louisville.
Sp5c. Virgil T. Elam, U.S. Army, Belfry;
Sp4c. Kenneth D. Proffitt, U.S. Army, London.
Pfc. John M. Kroll and Pfc. Melvin I.
O'Neill, U.S. Army, and GMT-2 Douglas F.
Snyder, U.S. Navy, Ft. Campbell,
Sp5c. Robert D. Brown, Maj. Frances K.
Smith, and 2d Lt. John A. Under, all U.S.
Ariny, Ft. Knox.
Kentucky Court of Appeals Judge Morris C.
Montgomery, Lawrenceburg, was one of the
jurists to be recognized.
The Congress and the FBI
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES H. (JIMMY) QUILLEN
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, February 28, 1966
Mr. QUILLEN. Mr. Speaker, the fol-
lowing "Editorial Of The Air," which was
presented by Mr. William :Free:hoff on
radio station WKPT in Kingsport, Tenn.,
discusses the legislation that would re-
quire the appointment of the Director of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation be
made with the advice and consent of the
Senate.
As the station's policy states, "We ask
only that you think about it;" and there-
fore, I recommend this thoughtful pres-
entation to my colleagues and the read-
ers of the RECORD:
THE SENATE SHOULD HAVE A SAY
(By William Freehoff)
Within a few years, John Edgar Hoover will
retire from active service with the Federal
Bureau of Investigation.
A successor will have to be named and
that-we suggest-is a matter of extreme im-
portance to the security of this Nation.
No appointment will be of greater impor-
tance than that of a Director for the FBI -
the only Federal agency the Communists
have been unable to penetrate.
Yet, the choice of a Director is up to the
Attorney General alone. The advice and
consent of the Senate is not required.
It should be for the Director of the FBI has
become a key position in our Government.
And, since the security of the Nation is
involved in this matter, the Senate should
have a hand in picking the Director as the
Senate has a hand in the choice of the heads
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD = SENATE
"I thought she was going to cry," a woman
said, after Mrs. Thomas went inside.
"Not on your life," her husband answered
softly. "She wouldn't let that happend."
Now, the big cars began to arrive in a
quick, sleek stream. The riders were Con-
gressmen, Senators, military men, and other
officials from Washington, D.C.
They arrived so quickly, the spectators on
Clay Street were unable to recognize many
faces. Hardly anyone saw Gov. John Con-
nally go in, but the onlookers didn't miss
Senators RALPH YARBOROUGH and JOHN TOWER
riding together.
"How about that," an old man in a cowboy
hat loudly exclaimed. "Never thought I'd
see those two being so friendly."
No one replied to him, but some disap-
proving looks told him he was off base.
Finally, the word spread that the funeral
service was underway, but the crowd outside
stayed on. The sidewalk on Clay between
Main and Travis was packed solid.
There was a lot of talk about Congressman
Thomas, about how powerful he was in Wash-
ington, about how his office door was always
open and about how he never failed to reply
quickly to any man's letter.
One man told how Congressman Thomas
always came to the Houston Post Office em-
ployees' annual picnics.
"And it didn't make any difference if he
was running for office," he added. "He was
always our friend, He never got so big he
didn't want to rub elbows with working
people."
Then, just before the service ended, and
the long drive to the cemetery began, a
bum-or maybe just a poor man-hobbled
up on a crutch, surveyed the crowd and lines
of limousines.
He let out a low, amazed whistle.
"Criminy, would you look at those cars.
What's going on here, anyway?"
"Sshh," a lady in a red suit said, "You can
see it's a funeral."
"Who died?" he asked, whispering quietly
this time,
"Didn't you know? It's the Congressman-
Albert Thomas."
[From the Houston Post, Feb. 19, 1986]
MRS. THOMAS URGED TO SEEK HUSBAND'S
SEAT
A move is afoot to get Mrs. Albert Thomas
to fill her husband's seat in Congress.
John McClelland, candidate for State
representative, position 4 In the 22d legisla-
tive district, is a leader of the effort to
petition Mrs. Thomas to run for the interim
congressional term of her husband.
Thomas died Tuesday and was buried
Friday.
"We hope to encourage and get Mrs.
Thomas to run and get elected for the in-
terim term ending January 1, 1967," Mc-
Clelland said.
He said it was possible that Thomas' name
on the May 7 Democratic primary ballot for
a new term would receive a majority of the
votes.
This would then make it possible for the
county Democratic executive committee to
select Mrs. Thomas as the Democratic
nominee in the November general election,
McClelland said.
Baytown chemist E. A. (Woody) Rose is
the only person to file for the Republican
nomination.
State Representative Bob Eckhardt and
Larry McKaskle, a former aid to Mayor Louie
Welch, filed for the Democratic nomination
in the May Democratic primary along with
Thomas.
Despite his death Thomas' name will be on
the primary ballot since he had paid the full
$3,000 filing fee.
Mrs. Thomas has made no comment con-
cerning the move to get her to fill the va-
cancy caused by her husband's death.
McClelland said that "because of her 30
years in Washington with her husband she
could pick up much more easily than any-
one else the programs he initiated and was
working on at the time of his death.
"This committee intends to not only work
actively, along with other volunteers, in get-
ting petitions signed, but also to campaign
on Mrs. Thomas' behalf to get her elected
if she heeds the desire of those who want
her to run," McClelland said.
Governor Connally left for Laredo Friday
with no indication he would call the special
election to fill Thomas' unexpired 2-year
term over the weekend.
Eckhardt and McKaskle have indicated
they would be candidates in the special elec-
tion. Others may also pay the $500 filing fee.
However, it was reported that McKaskle
might change his mind and support Mrs.
Thomas.
Asked about the report, McKaskle said,
"I have no comment to make until I first
talk with her.
"Mr. Thomas was a very good friend of
mine. So is Mrs. Thomas."
Eckhardt declined comment on the possible
candidacy of Mrs. Thomas and his own pol-
itical plans in connection with the congres-
sional vacancy.
There have been reports that one Texas
Congressman has tried to get Eckhardt to
pull out in favor of Mrs. Thomas.
"I have taken the position there ought to
be at least a short political moratorium un-
til after the (Thomas) funeral, and I don't
think it appropriate to discuss the situation
at this time," Eckhardt said.
[From the Houston Chronicle, Feb. 24, 1966]
A TRIBUTE
(By Maurine Parkhurst)
There have been so many splendid tributes
to our late and beloved Congressman Albert
Thomas, and our typewriter feels inadequate
to compete with these, but our sincere affec-
tion and admiration has to thump itself into
.print, too.
"He was a friend of many"-this has been
repeated over and over but he brought to
each a deep personal feeling and sincerity.
He was always kind because it was his na-
ture, just as he was a gentleman because he
could not have been otherwise.
We were respectful of his abilities and titles
but these never got into the way of our
warm affectionate relationship with him.
He and Lera were a magnificient team,
with her dedication and service just as un-
tiring and sincere. Her decision to further
offer her services is the only light to come
of this saddened dark. She has our wishes
and affection-but then she has always
HARRIS POLL SHOWS AMERICAN
PEOPLE SUPPORT DOMESTIC PRO-
GRAMS AND DO NOT THINK A
WAR IN VIETNAM JUSTIFIED
REDUCTION
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
there has been much talk among many
people that the American economy can-
not continue to support our domestic
programs in the face of our Vietnam ex-
penditures and that there would have
to be drastic cuts.
In his state of the Union message,
President Lyndon B. Johnson stated:
I believe we can continue the Great Society
while we fight in Vietnam.
When I returned to Congress this ses-
sion I pledged to the people of Texas that
I would support legislation that would
insure that the great programs passed
during the first session of the 89th Con-
gress would be run effectively. I also
expressed my faith in America's great-
ness that these programs could be imple-
mented without having to cut them back.
To illustrate the opinion of the Ameri-
can people that the domestic programs
should be continued, I ask unanimous
consent that the Harris poll in the Wash-
ington Post of Monday, February 7, 1966,
indicating that 72 percent of the public
are convinced that the domestic program
should not be reduced, and that educa-
tion programs be supported first of all, be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE HARRIS SURVEY-PUBLIC GENERALLY SEES
No REASON YET To CHOOSE BETWEEN GUNS
AND BUTTER
(By Louis Harris)
Although the American people tend to
think Congress should slow down from its
1965 pace, 72 'percent of the public is equally
convinced that President Johnson's domestic
program should not be reduced in the face
of mounting commitments in Vietnam. The
popular conviction seems to be that 'a Na-
tion so rich and prosperous need not yet
choose between guns and butter.
Conservatives who backed Barry Goldwater
in 1964, southerners who have consistently
resented Federal incursions into their way
of life, even high-income groups who sus-
pect recent tax cuts may be short lived are
included among the solid majority opposed
to reducing expenditures for key programs
of the Great Society.
When pressed to name those Government
programs which in case of necessity ought
to be cut first, two prime candidates
emerged; the space program and aid to cities.
The untouchables, in the judgment of most,
would be aid to college education and health
assistance.
A cross section of the public was asked:
"In general, because of Vietnam, do you
think President Johnson should reduce the
size of his programs at home, such as edu-
cation, poverty, and health, or do you feel
these programs should not be reduced?"
[In percent]
Nationwide............
By politics:
Voted Goldwater
in 1961 -----------
Voted Johnson in
1964--------------
By region:
East ---------------
Midwest-----------
Soutli --------------
West---------------
By inconio?
Under $9,000-------
$9,000 to $9,999-----
$10,000 and over----
Don't
reduce
Time and again, people come back to their
central view that domestic programs are im-
portant and essential and are high on the
list of what our young men are fighting for.
But if reductions are to be made, further
questioning made clear, people are prepared
to draw up their own list of priorities-both
for cutting and for keeping.
The cross-section was asked:
"Which one of the following programs
would you out first, if one Government pro-
gram had to be reduced?" and "Which one of
the following programs would you cut last,
if one of the. Government's programs had to
be reduced?"
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE February 28, 1966
flit percent.
has given to our country, Washington,
Jefferson, George Mason, Patrick Henry,
James Madison, James Monroe, and so
many of her greatest and noblest sons.
:Mr. President, the people of Virginia
are most fortunate to be represented in
the Senate by a man of the character,
the ability, the courage, the vision, and
the effective and inspiring leadership of
WILLIS ROBERTSON. I join with them in
congratulating him on the high honor
bestowed upon him in being selected to
receive the Good Citizenship Medal of
the National Society of the `eons of the
American Revolution.
1st
cut
Lao,;
cut
Slpau+ proir on ------ -
15
Aad to eitic:, _ __ _.
6
Poverty program _ ------ ------..
21
Aid t.o farmers _._-_______ -
7
Aid to colleee education
33
Aid to health rare_______.
15
Noi. curo__
3
it is possible, of course, that Mr. Johnson's
already expressed aim of providing berth
guns and butter will be realized in 1966.
.this is the clear hope of a large majority.
at if reductions do become necessary, the
T'resident's treasured consensus may prove
ki be more difficult to achieve.
AWARD TO SENATOR ROBERTSON,
OF V:[RGINIA, OF THE GOOD CITI-
ZENSHIP MEDAL OF THE NA-
TIONAL SOCIETY OF THE SONS
OF T(lil AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Mr. HILL. Mr. President, a few days
ago our distinguished colleague, the sen-
ior Senator from Virginia, was given an
award he richly deserves.
Senator ROBERTSON was presented
with the Good Citizenship Medal of the
National. Society of the Sons of the
American Revolution, which is its high-
est award. The presentation was made
through the Virginia branch, of which
the Senator is a member.
The certificate accompanying the gold
medal points out:
The society is dedicated to the patriotic
purpose of perpetuating and inspiring the
active practice and demonstration of those
high ideals and principles which influenced
and strengthened the founders of this Re-
public and upon which the future of our
Nation depends.
Mr. President, the great Woodrow
Wilson, proud of the fact that he was
born in Virginia, once said :
9 man's rootage is more important than
Ms fruitage.
The rootage of Senator ROBERTSON
roes back to the first permanent set-
tlement of Jamestown, Dr. John Wood-
son, who came to Jamestown with
Governor Yardley in 1619. Senator
ROBERTSON is a member of the James-
town Society, made up of those whose
ancestors lived in the Jamestown area
prior to 1700. He belongs to the Virginia
chapter of the Society of the Cincinnati,
limited to those who had an ancestor
serving for 3 years in the Revolutionary
War. He holds membership in the Sons
of the American Revolution, which is a
much larger organization of descendants
of Revolutionary ancestors, and of the
Sons of the Confederacy, being a grand-
:on of a Confederate officer who was
killed in the Civil War.
in fact, Senator ROBERTSON'S ancestors
were in every war this country ever
lought, and he served in the Army in
World War I.
With this "rootage" it is not surprising
that he alas been a champion of patriotic
citizenship, and student and defender of
the ideals and principles upon which our
Republic was founded. He is indeed
worthy of the tremendous heritage which
is his as Senator from the State which
PROPOSED ACQUISITION OF
SPRINGFIELD, THE FORMER
HOME OF PRESIDENT ZACHARY
TAYLOR
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, on
February 16, 1966, the Kentacky House
of Representatives passed a resolution
memorializing the Congress to consider
appropriate legislation to acquire Spring-
field, the former home of Gen. Zachary
Taylor, the 12th President of the United
States, and to acquire additional acreage
for the expansion of the Zachary Taylor
National Cemetery, both of w'rich are lo-
cated in my State of Kentucky.
The Honorable Troy B. Sturgill, chief
clerk of the house of representatives, has
forwarded. me a copy of this, resolution,
and I ask unanimous consent that House
Resolution No. '79, adopted by the Ken-
tucky House of Representatives on
February 16, 1966, be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
HOUSE RESOLUTION 9
Resolution memorializing Gear. Zachary
Taylor
Whereas the remains of Gen. zachary Tay-
lor, the 12th President. of the United States,
and his beloved wife, Margaret, lie entombed
in a beautiful marble mausoleum in the
Zachary Taylor National Cemetery on the
outskirts of Louisville, Jefferson County, Ky.,
aurrounded by the graves of veterans from
the Spanish American War to the wars of
the present era; and
Whereas a small group of patriotic Ken-
tuckians under the leadership of Mrs. C. D.
Greer, of Louisville, as chairman of the
Zachary Taylor Memorial Committee of the
Outdoor Art League of Louisville, in 1921,
undertook the task of beautifyi.ig the Zach-
ary Taylor burial grounds, and to make of
them a fitting resting place for this beloved
soldier in the fall of 1922. The first step to-
ward the development of the pr ,ject was un-
dertaken by the planting of pin oaks, and on
March 10, 1924, the Kentucky legislature en-
acted a bill which was signed by Gov. William
J. Fields, requiring the State of Kentucky
io deed to Jefferson County that part of the
Zachary Taylor burial grounds and road
which had been deeded to the l1tate in 1881
by Mr. George McCurdey, and on April 22,
1924, Jefferson County appropriated $10,000
for the building of a roadway leading to the
burial grounds. In June of 1924, the Honor-
able Maurice Thatcher, Member of Congress
from Louisville and Jefferson County, intro-
duced a bill in the Congress calling for an
annual appropriation for the maintenance
of the grounds, the bill was enacted by the
Congress and signed by President Calvin
Coolidge on February 24, 1925.
Thus was established the Zachary Taylor
National Shrine, and in 1926, the Kentucky
Legislature enacted a bill which was signed
by Gov. William J. Fields, appropriating
funds for the purchase of 15 acres of ground
surrounding the Zachary Taylor burial
grounds, which was promptly purchased and
deeded to the U.S. Government for the estab-
lishment of the Zachary Taylor National
Cemetery, and was so dedicated on May 31,
1928. The dedicatory address was delivered
by the Honorable Maurice Thatcher, Mem-
ber of Congress from the Third Congressional
District of Kentucky, who began his address
with these glowing words:
"We are here today to dedicate this lovely
mausoleum which shall hole[ through the in-
definite future, all that remains of the sacred
dust of that splendid Kentuckian, that great
American, that splendid soldier and citizen,
Zachary Taylor, the 12th President (if the
United States."; and
Whereas Gen. Zachary Taylor, affection-
ately called "Old Rough and Ready" by the
officers and soldiers who served with h1in out
of respect: for his courageous and energetic
leadership, was born on November 24, 1784, in
Montebello, Orange County, Va., and a year
later migrated with his family to Jefferson
County, Ky., and thus truly became an ei.rly
Kentucky pioneer. In 1806, Gen. Zachary
Taylor volunteered for the Army which he
served for 40 years. When the war with
England broke out in 1812, Taylor, a major,
was sent with 50 men to the'defense of Fort
Harrison on the Wabash River in Indiana,
where on September 4, 1812, Indians led by
Tecumseh furiously attacked and after 7
hours of hard fighting they were forced to
flee in disorder. As a colonel, Taylor, in 1832
participated in the Black Hawk campaign,
.and for the defeat of the Seminoles in the
Battle of Okeechobe in December 11137, he
was brevetted brigadier general, and in 1.840,
General Taylor was promoted to cornmand
the southern division of the western de-
partment of the Army.
As commander of the Army of the Rio
Grande, General Taylor, on March 6 11346,
was instructed to march to the Rio Grande,
which was recognized by the United States
as the southern boundary of Texas, but re-
jected by Mexico, and his first encounter
with the Mexicans occurred on May 8, 1846,
at Palo Alto, followed the next day by the
battle of Resaca de la Paloma. General 'Tay-
lor defeated the Mexicans in this and the
war with Mexico was begun.
On September 21, 1846, General I'avlor
marched on Monterey, the chief :stronghold
in northern Mexico. General Ampudia, the
Mexican commander, proposed surrender and
terms were agreed on, then late in the au-
tumn of 1846, General Santa Anna with a
large army marched against General Taylor,
who had taken a position near Buena Vista,
on February 22, 1847.
General Santa Anna made a demand upon
General Taylor for surrender, which was
promptly refused and battle ensued, and
just before the battle, General Taylor ad-
dressed his troops, "Soldiers, I intend to
stand here not only so long as a man re-
mains, but so long as a piece of a loran is
left" By nightfall the Mexicans were flee-
ing in confusion. With a force one-fourth
the size of the enemy, General Taylor Sad
won his greatest victory and won the M,~xi-
can War.
In 1848 General Taylor was elected Presi-
dent of the United States and was inaugu-
rated on March 5, 1849. On July 4, 1350,
President Taylor, while attending a cere-
mony connected with the building of the
George Washington Monument, became ill
and died July 9, 1850, and shortly thereafter
he was brought to Kentucky and interred in
the Taylor family burial ground, now the
Zachary Taylor National Cemetery, neglected
and almost forgotten by the Nation until
the Outdoor Art League of Louisville in 1921
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
bigger States should have more authority if
it comes to be decided in the House of Repre-
sentatives, so that we also are fair and equi-
table to the big States by giving them more
authority than they have now. We do not
attempt to simply take power from one or
the other but rather to equalize the power
of both and to recognize that more accident
of geographical residence should give one
American citizen more than 14 times as much
significance, stature, and authority in the
voting booth as another American citizen,
v,nd this is what occurs today.
We believe that the large States should
have their proportionate power-no one is
advocating taking away the 43 votes of New
York-but we do believe that this power
should be registered in the electoral college
on the basis in which the people voted it.
To do otherwise or, in other words, to con-
tinue the present system of general ticket
voting, with its cumulative effect which
produces 2d-, 3d-, and even 15th-class voting
citizens, would be to give some individuals a
greater voting power than they deserve.
The fact that this type of a result is clearly
wrong, no matter how or where it is achieved,
was pointed out by Chief Justice Warren in
Reynolds v. Sims when he said:
"It would appear extraordinary to suggest
that a State could be constitutionally per-
mitted to enact a law providing that certain
of the State's voters could vote 2, 5, or 10
times for their legislative representatives,
while voters living elsewhere could vote only
once. And it is inconceivable that a State
law to the effect that, in counting votes for
legislators, the votes of citizens in one part of
the State would be multiplied by 2, 5, or 10,
while the votes of persons in another area
would be counted only at face value, could
be constitutionally sustainable. Of course,
the effect of State legislative districting
schemes which give the same number of rep-
resentatives to unequal numbers of constit-
uents is identical. Overweighting and over-
valuation of the votes of those living here
has the certain effect of dilution and under-
valuation of the votes of those living there.
The resulting discrimination against those
individual voters living in disfavored areas
is easily demonstrable mathematically.
Their right to vote is simply not the same
right to vote as that of those living in a
favored part of the State. Two, five, or ten
of them must vote before the effect of their
voting is equivalent to that of their favored
neighbor. Weighting the votes of citizens
differently, by any method or means, merely
because of where they happen to reside,
hardly seems justifiable. One must be ever
aware that the Constitution forbids "sophis-
ticated as well as simpleminded modes of
discrimination."
We are all familiar with the fact that
Reynolds v. Sims deals with legislative ap-
portionment on the State level and was an
attempt to give a more equal share of the
voting strength to the urban areas but this
does not detract from the basic premise that
such weighting is wrong. It can be the other
way around. The Chief Justice mentioned
this in a footnote to his opinion when he
pointed out that in the early 19th century
the cities held the disproportionate repre-
sentation and in the future the situation
might be reversed again. The situation is
reversed now as far as presidential elections
are concerned and it should be rectified. As
Warren said: "To the extent that a citizen's
right to vote is debased, he is that much
less a citizen. The fact that an individual
lives here or there is not a legitimate reason
for overweighting or diluting the efficacy of
his vote. The complexions of societies and
civilizations change, often with amazing
rapidity. A nation once primarily rural in
character becomes predominantly urban.
Representation schemes once. fair and equit-
able become archaic and outdated. But the
baSIC principle of representative government
remains, and must remain, unchanged-the
weight of a citizen's vote cannot be made to
depend on where he lives."
Before closing I would like to mention one
additional and important point. Much has
been said and written about minority Presi-
dents: The major factor in such an occur-
rence is undoubtedly the general ticket-
unit rules system. By breaking this up we
would go a long way in eliminating such a
possibility. It will not eliminate it entirely
because as was pointed out in the memo-
randum prepared by the staff of the Sub-
committee on Copstitutional Amendments
following the hearings in 1961 two other
factors contribute to such a possibility: (1)
The minimum of three electoral votes for
each State, and (2), the allocation of addi-
tional electors on the basis of population.
With one exception, no plan proposed in
the past would eliminate completely the pos-
sibility of a minority President. That one
exception is a direct national election. I
have mentioned this not because I consider
this a basic flaw in any other plan including
Senate Joint Resolution 12 but because I
think it should be made very clear why this
possibility, so small it is almost infinitesimal
once the general ticket system is broken up,
must continue to exist.
As long as this Nation follows the prin-
ciple of equality of States-the basis of fed-
eralism-it must exist. Under this system
each State is allocated two electors corre-
sponding to its Senators and a minimum al-
lowance of at least one more regardless of the
population of the State. To quote from the
memorandum "Obviously, any system which
preserves the Federal principle and its three-
vote minimum allows for the possibility that
a majority of the electoral vote may do to a
condidate who receives fewer popular votes.
Indeed, this was the original purpose of the
electoral vote bonus for smaller States, so
that the greater populations of the larger
States could not dictate the selection of the
President. It was part of the compromise
which made the Constitution possible."
Mr. Chairman, the emphasis here is mine-
although the quote is from this subcommit-
tee's memorandum. I have included this be-
cause, as I have said, I feel that this is im-
portant. We should attempt to reduce the
possibility of a minority President by doing
away with that which contributes the most
to such a possibility and is neither needed
nor desired to preserve our Federal system
but we should not become so obsessed with
the idea of elimination that we destroy the
principle of statehood imbedded in our Con-
situation. To do so we would, as the old say-
ing goes, throw the baby out with the bath-
water.
In summary Mr. Chairman, I would say
this. Our system of electing a President has,
generally speaking, served us well during the
177 years since our Republic was established.
It has never failed to give us a President.
Through no fault of the Founding Fath-
ers, it has, however, become distorted
through the use of the general ticket system.
Most of the framers of the Constitution, it
should be pointed out, went on record favor-
ing a district system for choosing electors, as
the fairest method of expressing the popular
will.
Senate Joint Resolution 12, is, in my opin-
ion and the opinion of the many who sup-
port it, the only simple method by which
each voter in every State will have the same
voting weight in electing a President. It is
the only one among the various electoral
reform proposals which have been offered
which will bring about a needed reform with-
out a basic change in our constitutional
system. It alone leaves control of the elec-
tion machinery in the States, where it
belongs.
It will bring about the balance so desper-
4085
ately needed in today's inequitable system.
It was this imbalance that former President
Truman addressed himself to in 1961 when he
endorsed the district plan. At that time he
said:
"The electoral college was first devised to
protect the small States from dominance by
the larger States, as for example, Delaware
and Rhode Island from being dominated by
Virginia and New York.
"The problem we face today is that of the
emergence of the big cities into political over-
balance, with the threat of imposing their
choices on the rest of the country."
In the ensuing years since President Tru-
man made that statement much has hap-
pened to increase the imbalance.
If you accept the thesis, which I do not,
that two wrongs make a right, in 1961, the
argument could be made that although large
urban areas possessed a disproportionate in-
fluence in the selection of the President this
was offset by a certain disproportionate rep-
resentation in Congress on the part of rural
areas. In effect then there was a counter-
balance of interests. As has been previously
pointed out this is no longer true. We have
reformed and equalized the election process
for the legislative branch. Now we must do
likewise for the executive.
Simply put, in the past a wrong existed and
logic demanded that it be rectified. Today
that same wrong exists and both logic and
justice demand that it be rectified.
V
Mr. RUSSELL of South Carolina. Mr.
President, in our struggle in Vietnam,
"more than the freedom of the South
Vietnamese is involved," declares the Co-
lumbia, S.C., State. It believes that
world peace may be at stake:
But the United States can afford nothing
less than firm adherence to principle and the
search for the best answer-
The paper said on February 15.
Gen. Maxwell Taylor is quoted as say-
ing:
I wonder if those concerned about war with
China would say we should simply let the
Communists take over in South Vietnam-
And it adds:
That effectively reiterates the position that
the stand in Asia is, fundamentally and long
range, one for the containment of com-
munism.
The editorial gives a thoughtful sum-
mary of the issues before us and with the
permission of my colleagues I ask unani-
mous consent to have it printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Columbia (S.C.) State, Feb. 15,
1966]
WEIGHING THE WAR
The questioning of our posture in south-
east Asia boils down to the contention that
we should modify our military efforts there
in the light of our global commitments. Un-
der this theory, all risks of the enlargements
of the war in Vietnam should be abandoned.
The considerations in Congress of the
American position will either shape the war
into this modified, or holding, form, or will
produce a reaffirmation of the broader offen-
sive action now in force.
Whatever the citizen's view of these two
positions, the fact that Congress is now at-
tempting to play a hand in the war could
turn out to be historic. Congressional par-
ticipation in forging the policy for the future
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ---SENATE February 28, 1966
holds the chance of error or offers the oppor-
tanity for wisdom.
In holding current procedures suspect, Lt.
fen. James M. Gavin, retired, and ex-diplo-
anat George F. Keenan have come close to the
charge that fichting it our militarily is non-
;e.nse. They say the conflict tend:; to weaken,
militarily, our world position and risks war
with Iced China.
Ancther retired officer, Gen, Maxwell Tay-
lor, supportin:i current policy, says: "I won-
der if those concerned about war with China
would say we should simply let the Commu-
nists take over in South Vietnam."
That effectively reiterates the position that
the stand in Asia is, fundamentally and long
range, one for the containment of commu-
nlsnt.
'11h.e raising of the issue In Congress has
momentously exposed varying views and
healthily brought the problem before the
American people. The differences cannot be
brushed aside and the issue must now be
threshed out.
Widespread desire, in and out of the Gov-
ernment, to end the war is understandable.
But opinions coming out of the congressional
investigation which say, in effect, the whole
eland we are taking is a mistake could be
hazardously misleading unless judiciously
esami tied by Lite people.
The criticism takes us to the brink of with-
drawal or at least defensive stagnation in
southeast Asia, but nevertheless contains
points having the ring of what may be a
seductive logic.
More than the freedom of the South Viet-
namese is involved. World peace may be at
Stake. But she United States can afford
nothing less than firm adherence to principle
and the searc.il for the best answer.
CONTINUATION OF THE PUBLIC LAW
874 AID TO IMPACTED SCHOOL
DISTRICTS PROGRAM
Mr. PELL. Mr. President, the 1967
fiscal year budget proposals contain a
recommended cutback in the Public
Law 874, aid to impacted school districts
program. This cutback is calculated to
save the U.S. Treasury some $233 million.
Many of my Rhode Island constitu-
ents-parents, teachers, school superin-
tendents-have written to me urging that
this program to continued at its present
level. I am certain my colleagues
are also very well aware of the severe
financial impact the proposed reduction
Of this fine program will have on the par-
licipating communities. In Rhode Is-
land alone, the present entitlement of
:3,015,729 would be cut down to $1,-
146,501.
The purpose of the impacted aid pro-
;,rani is to provide financial support
or educational services in those school
districts which must accommodate the
children of Federal employees who live on
and work on Federal property, and chil-
dren residing with a parent who is eni-
ployed on Federal property.
Now it is obvious that one of two re-
::ults must flow from any reduction in the
Public Law 874 program-school districts
which receive this support must either
eliminate some of the educational serv-
ices they provide our schoolchildren or
i;he school district must find other means
i,o raise funds to continue its educational
t ifors. I strongly oppose reducing edu-
cation services, and believe it is wholly
inconsistent with the recent efforts of
Congress to expand educational opportu-'
nities. I also consider it grossly unfair
to impose on local communities an in-
creased tax burden to support needed
educational efforts, which are imposed as
a result of Federal requirements. We
must remember, and this is my overrid-
ing consideration, that it is children who
will suffer the effects of any cutback-
and I do n6t believe this would b- in our
national interest;.
There is little question of our continu-
ing need to maintain our Federal bases
and establishments. In Rhode Island,
our U.S. naval bases are of gra:at :im-
portance to the maintenance of our mili-
tary strength. Let us not fore cc that
with the conflict in Vietnam, this need
is even more apparent, and the number
of personnel-and schoolchildren-will
increase.
We cannot, Mr. President, dike the
short range view. The communities
which must assimilate substantial num-
bers of Federal employees, need assist-
ance in providing services to them. One
of the most important services, is the
education of their children, I see no
useful purpose that is served by cutting
back the aid to impacted school districts.
The financial saving is more than offset
by the hardships which will be carried
by the local communities, and the re-
sultant decline in the education of our
youngsters.
This program must continue at its
present level, and I intend to do all I
possibly can to insure that it is,
I ask unanimous consent, that at tili;
point in the RECORD, there be printed the
breakdown of the impact on Rhode Is-
land school districts should the budget
proposal be accepted by the Congress.
There being no objection, the table
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Newport. ~?hotil system, Nrwport ___ _ -------------------- ------
'['own of Prliddt?town School Coiumitteo, Newport.___ ___________ ______
'Gown al''l iverlon School l'-ommii toe, Newport ____________________________
Town of Tull. Reece vich School Dopartmonl. Kent____________ _______
School C'ommitI've of the Town of 1'ortsmout;i, Newport___________ ------
Town of Jamestown School Committee, New,)ort_..________________________
Coventry School 1)e.p-rtrnee t, Keat__ ----- __..___ __ _____ __ _____
Coventry School Department, Kont__ ___ . --- ___ _ __ ______ ______
Warwick School f''omnnittce, Kent-________ --------------- ---- -------
West (frcr Iwicli School Departmetii, Kent__ _____________---------------
West Warwick School Department, Kent --_ ____----------------- ___---
'town of Sinithlieid I)epart)cnt of Public Sc; cols, Providence ____________
llristol School Cormnittee, Bristol ---------- _ ___-..?-----------_-------
lhtstvr School Department, Provi,lence,______ -_----------------- --_--_
'T'own of North Smithfield School I)epartmcidt, Providence________________
Soster (.ilocester Regional School Delamrtlnent, Providence________________
('on.^,rrssional district total ---------- total------------------------------------------
'Iowa of Rust IlreonwiclmSchoolDepertmenl, Kmtt~___--- ----..._----____
'I'owrt of Nun ii Kingstown School Depurtmc,iI-, Washington___.__.__
Town oY Vi esterly School ('o1omimtce, Washi:igton_ --
Town of Chnrlcstovn School Conanittoe. Wmliington__________
'town of tirnlth field Doportucont of l'o blic Sc-fools, Providence_--_____-_--
iristol School C'omrnittce, Bristol ----- --- --------------------- ---
llxetor School 1)cp2rtment, W ishington_ ____ -
South Kingstown School Committee, Washiu,ton..-_ _____.____-
10oster School Department, Providence__-_- .____________.____
Chariho 1.Legiomilhigh School District, Washington-----
'Iown of North Smithfield School Department, Providence-_-,
looter (hoteoter Regional School District, Pr evidencc_____...__ _ -
Cmr'ressionaldistricttotal
Tots!. Rhode Island- ._
NDERSTANDING THE BACK-
GROUND OF THE VIETNA1V CON-
FLICT
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. President, a series
of articles in. the New. -Journal papers
of Wilmington. Del., has contributed a
great deal to an understanding; of the
background of the Vietnam conflict.
They are written by William P. Frank,
Deleware's best known newspaperman,
and are illustrated by photographs taken
by Bill Snead, a prize-winning photo-
journalist who is chief of the Ne% s-Jour-
nal photo department.
These two men spent 3 weeks in South
Vietnam recently, talking to mc:n from
Delaware in particular but generally get-
ting an overall impression of conditions
in the country and the role Americans
are playing.
0
683,18E
C.
0
0
18,434
4, 527
2,717
18,967
0
0
0
0
10, 250
42,877
n
7, 289
0
0
428, 1153
it
88 246 I 444:.9812
-788,2461--
3,051,721 1,515, S1 I 1
I am impressed by the insight evident
in the articles. They have added to nay
understanding of the situation. With the
hope that they will also add to the un-
derstanding of others, I ask unanimous
consent that they be printed in the REC-
ORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
(From the Wilmington (Del.) Evening
Journal, Feb. 23, 19661
No BITTERNESS-A Jon To BE DONE
ACCEPTS LIFE IN VIET
(NOTE.-This is the first of a series in which
William P. Frank, who returned earlier this
month from Vietnam, reports his irnpressiotis
of that nation and its people.)
(By William P. Frank)
The greatest paradox In South Vietnam
today is the average American fighting m.au
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Congres-
sional
Present
level
Proposed
.reduction
district
$553,102
$271, 1)51
703, 391
4511121
42,015
24:466
77,350
31, 3311
231',, 721
183,'ll
001
'23, till
105,869
41, 611.5
0
11
272, 810
37,'77
4, 223
u
71,708
28, 'do3
9, 724
0
19,040
4, Otis
II
577
15
,
5, 038
2, 2(.3, 483
 Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400030001-4
February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
who really doesn't know why he's there but
who is not complaining or bitter.
In the main his aim is to do a good job as
soon as possible and go home.
GI Joe knows that, wherever he is in South
Vietnam-Saigon, in some hamlet, or even
in the security of a large military installa-
tion-there is danger.
He truly believes the Vietcong is a cruel,
ruthless enemy. His willingness to trust
Vietnamese is complicated by the fact he
doesn't understand the Vietnamese mind.
The American flghtng man accepts long
hours of work and duty without griping. He
is not disturbed too much by the antics of
the demonstrating "Vietniks" back home.
He does worry a great deal about the safety
and welfare of his family and wishes they
wouldn't worry about him.
Several soldiers told of narrow escapes they
had experienced or of having been shot at by
Vietcong and then added, "But don't men-
tion that in your stories. The folks back
home might get worried."
In general, the American soldier is careful
about his life in Vietnam.
He takes his malaria pills with strict regu-
larity once a week. He avoids drinkng water,
except when he is positive it's safe.
He prefers American-type cooking to the
strange dishes of the country.
While he, admires and raves about the
charm and beauty of the Vietnamese girls, he
wouldn't want to take them home to meet
mom or dad.
He has learned to bargain with street ven-
dors and quite often beats them at their own
game.
He keeps abreast of the news principally
through the excellent Pacific edition of the
Stars and Stripes, the Armed Forces Radio,
and several American news magazines.
He has learned how to be extremely patient
in air terminals when he has to spend hours
waiting for a plane.
Many of the GI's have caught on to the
spirit and philosophy of the civic action pro-
gram of the United States and are willing to
devote their off-duty hours to teaching Viet-
namese children English or working in an
orphanage or rescuing Vietnamese civilians
in a battle zone.
But ask the average GI "Why are you
here?" and he'll say, as if he had learned it by
rote: "We're fighting to stop communism."
If the soldier has had no more than a high
school education, he will not elaborate on
that. If he is a college man, he will discuss
the possibilities of communism's spreading to
other parts of the Pacific and getting closer
to his native country.
He hasn't too much to say about the Viet-
namese soldier, first, because the average GI
can't communicate with the natives and,
next, because he doesn't come in contact
with too many.
The average GI knows practically nothing
about the history or ancient culture of Viet-
nam, except that he does know the French
were there until recent years.
He has little or no respect for the Viet-
namese police in Saigon and he knows that
these police will not interfere with him.
However, the soldier has a healthy respect
for the U.S. military police who are always
combing the bar districts in towns.
Of the several hundred American soldiers
I've talked with in bars, restaurants, military
installations, on planes and in bleak air
terminals, none wanted to appear as a super-
patriot.
The men, drafted or volunteers, don't want
to wave the American flag and make fancy
speeches about making South Vietnam safe
for democracy.
The morale of the fighting man seems to
increase the farther he gets from Saigon, the
seedy,, unkempt capital of South Vietnam.
In faraway Da Nang or Chu Lai, men have
told me that they have no hankering to get
to Saigon.
The behavior of the American soldier in
Saigon is not as had as one would expect un-
der the circumstances. Americans fill bars
to capacity and are willing to spend lots of
money buying "Saigon tea" for bar girls at
the rate of about $1.25 or $1.30 a shot. But I
saw very few American soldiers drunk on the
streets.
Not all of these bar girls can be called
prostitutes and when the curfew hour ap-
proaches, soldiers. and girls come pouring
out of the bars. Many girls are either picked
up by their husbands or friends; the soldiers
bunch up to hire taxis or pedicabs and make
off for their billets.
Of course, a lot of them go off to parties
but when the curfew time arrives, the streets
of Saigon become as dead as Market Street
in Wilmington at 4 in the morning.
The GI's have the greatest contempt for
taxi drivers and pedicabbies who bedevil any
American on the streets of Saigon. 'The taxi
drivers and the pedicabbies will always try to
overcharge and if the soldier knows his way
around, he will pay what he thinks a trip
was worth and just walk away from the
squawking cabbies.
It is true, however, that some meaningful
friendships have developed between the
Americans and Vietnamese girls. In the bet-
ter restaurants and in the officers' open mess
In Saigon, it is not unusual to see soldiers
and their Vietnamese dates, who are lovely in
their native dress.
Oddly enough, even though prostitution is
rampant in Saigon, there are very few street-
walkers. The streets are loaded with pimps
approaching Americans to tell them where
they can obtain "nice young girls."
When police do raid houses of prostitution,
the girls are always held for court but "the
foreigners" are always released. This is in
keeping with the practice of the Vietnamese
police to "interfere" with Americans as little
as possible.
Technically, it is illegal for American sol-
diers to possess U.S. currency or "green"
money. They get their money either in Viet-
namese piasters or military currency.
Military money, which looks like the old
American shinplasters, is adorned with the
pictures of bobbed-haired American beauties
and is used exclusively on military installa-
tions, at all post exchanges, in the USO, and
officers' open messes.
The American soldiers travel around Viet-
nam chiefly on military planes on the basis
of first come, first served at military passen-
ger terminals.
Newsmen also travel that way and their
press cards are accepted as "flight orders."
In Saigon, the Army operates buses to and
from important points such as the Tan Son
Nhut Airbase, or the major post exchange
in Cholon, the Chinese section of Saigon.
For American servicemen who do not
choose to wait for these buses, there are al-
ways the taxis and the pedicabs.
Army trucks and jeeps often will pick up
servicemen, if there is room.
It is a common sight In Saigon, as through-
out Vietnam where American forces are sta-
tioned, to see soldiers fully armed-rifles,
submachineguns, revolvers in hip holsters or
arm holsters. However, when entering PX's,
the USO, or air terminals, the men are re-
quired to remove the clips from their guns.
The accommodations for the American
fighting men range from comfortable billets
in hotels that have been taken over by the
United States to pup tents out in the field.
In the large installations, such as those for
the marines near Da Nang or An Khe, the
accommodations will range from tents with
wooden floors and wooden sides to large tents
erected right over the bare ground.
There is the widest variety in how the men
in the military installations will try to spruce
up and make the best of their tent cities.
Some units have taken to planting native
trees and even cultivated American corn for
decorative and nostalgic purposes.
Some have built streets out of scrap lum-
ber and what field stone they can find.
Others have taken bits of the treads used for
emergency air strips and used them as bridges
over deep gutters.
The marines at a place called Chu Lai, on
the South China Sea, have revealed a sense
of humor. The area there is nothing but
dark red sand dunes and scrub pines.
But in front of the small tent air terminal
at Chu Lai, the sand has been raked clean
and a sign put there, "Keep off the grass."
Hundreds of GI's have learned that they
can buy expensive cameras very cheaply in
the PX's-cameras that would sell for $350
back home, going for half that price.
A lot of them don't know how to use the
cameras but they've got them.
At the main PX in Saigon, there's always a
long waiting line of men trying to get into
the camera, radio and tape recorder
departments.
As souvenir buyers, no one can equal the
American GI. He likes the Vietnamese doll
in native attire, all kinds of luggage said to
be made of elephant, hides, imitation ivory
chess sets, all kinds of imitation teakwood
figures, lacquer boxes of many sizes and
shapes. Now a few are going in for Viet-
namese art, including very good oil paintings
and wash drawings on silk.
The GI has learned how to evaluate any-
thing. The best is "No, 1," the worst "No. 10."
In restaurants, he chiefly goes for Chi-
nese food but has found the Vietnamese
chop suey is nothing like it is back home.
He tries to use chopsticks but gives them
up when he attempts spaghetti.
In Saigon, when the GI gets tired of the
exotic Far East, he finds refuge in the USO.
There he gets a safe jumbo size milk shake
for a quarter; a huge hamburger for 30
cents; good vegetable soup, ice cream, and
free coffee-the best in Vietnam.
It also is in the USO that he can meet
friends, read a varity of American newspa-
pers, watch television, call home through a
special telephone service of the USO, at the
cost of $6 for 3 minutes, look at movies, and
even play bingo.
The USO is the haven for the GI when he
is weary of the hustle and bustle of Saigon
and when he is not loaded with piastres.
It will take years before Vietnam gets over
the Impact of the American GI, and a long
time before the native kids forget some of
the Anglo-Saxon words they've learned.
[From the Wilmington (Del.) Evening
Journal, Feb. 24, 1966"]
VIETNAMESE A MYSTERY TO RANK-AND-FILE
GI
(NOTE.-This is the second of a series in
which William P. Frank, who returned earlier
this month from Vietnam, reports his im-
pressions of that nation and its people.)
(By William P. Frank)
GI Joe is ready to die in Vietnam, a coun-
try he knows little about.
Joe will go to great lengths to rescue civil-
ians from combat zones, even at the risk of
his life. He will contribute to their welfare
and even get the folks at home to come across,
with gifts.
But he knows practically nothing about
the 2,000-year history of the country, its
folklore, customs, music or traditions.
However, some of the carefully selected
wearers of the green beret, the elite Special
Forces, are fully aware of the courage of
Vietnamese junglefighters.
Air Force officers, who have trained with
Vietnamese pilots, are impressed by the
goals and standards of the Asians.
But the rank-and-file American soldier
doesn't know, for example, that when his
ancestors were in caves somewhere in Europe.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE February 28, 1.966
the forebears of present-day Vietnamese
were living in a highly developed culture of
literature, art and even science.
Nor is (11 Joe aware that the Vietnamese
have been fighting aggressors for more than
1,500 years or that the Mongolian cavalry of
the great Kublai Khan, whose empire
stretched from Vienna to Peiping. was dle-
leated by Vietnamese guerrilla forces in the
131.h century.
American soldiers are in Vietnam to fight
the Vietcong and the Communists of North
Vietnam, but the strange thing is that the
average Of. can't tell a friendly Vietnamese
from an unfriendly one. The chances are
he has never seen a living enemy up close,
A major problem between the Americans
and the natives of the country is a lack of
communication. The American soldier is
either too busy in his camp or on a mission.
When he is in town, he is more bent on
pleasure than information. Also, not too
many Vietnamese can speak English beyond
the jargon of the marketplace or the smoke-
filled bars.
if more American servicemen could speak
French, there would be, perhaps, better corn-
rnnnication since this is the second language
for so many Vietnamese, including cabbies
and hotel boys. This dates back to the era
when Vietnam was part of the French co-
lonial empire.
t'he American soldier is tremendously irri-
pressed by the immaculate dress of the Viet-
namese girls in their native costumes of
black or white pantaloons, tight bodices with
high collars and flowing slit-sided tunics
called "at dai," pronounced "zow die." It is
a mystery how these girls can look so lovely,
clean, fresh, and dignified even as they
emerge from the dark and filthy hovels where
they live.
In Saigon, the GI usually encounters the
sneaky pedicab driver or taxi driver who
pesters him with suggestions of taking him
to see young girls; crowds of shoeshine kids
who want cigarettes or money; innumerable
street vendors who start bargaining at
mountain-high prices and eventually come
down to a reasonable one.
iince more Americans have arrived, the
Vietnamese have become adept at the free
enterprise, profitmaking system-so much
so that Communists in the north probably
will never convince the South Vietnamese
that collectivism is the best thing in. life.
Never has there been such prosperity in Sai-
gon and near the large U.S. military installa-
tions-yet, abject poverty still prevails.
While the American soldier still may riot
have a deep admiration for the Vietnamese,
he does respect the religion and religious
structures of the people. It is amazing to
see small Buddha shrines and burial places
undesecrat.ed in the midst of huge military
camps.
During the many hours of waiting in U.S.
air terminals, where American and Vietna-
mese soldiers have been together in a small
area, for hours, I saw little or no fraterniza-
tion between the two. Again the chief stum-
bling block: lack of communication.
However, the one major religious folk. cus-
tom of the Vietnamese that GI Joe has
learned about is Tet, the lunar new year ob-
served late in January amid an enormous
and fantastic outburst of firecracks that gave
many an American soldier battle jitters. Tet
is a 3-day uncontrolled display of firecrackers
in Saigon. For example, it left the pave-
ments strewn with layers of red remnants
of firecrackers, reminiscent of confetti after
a big wedding.
't'he Vietnamese do have a long and notable
history-dating back 20 centuries. The tiny
nation's history is punctuated with innumer-
able wars for freedom and national identity
ay,ainst Chinese, French, and Japanese.
Despite invasions and the domination by
intruders, the Vietnamese have managed to
maintain their own identity. For example,
they have not used Chinese writing for cen-
turies but have adopted the Roman letter
system, or "quoc ngu," given them by French
and Portugese missionaries.
The women of all classes still cling to their
native dress. This ranges from the wealthy
women in public life to the humblest street
vendor.
The men of the upper classes, however,
have adopted western dress, but peasants
still wear what Westerners would call pa-
jamas.
Vietnamese food, by and large, is tradi-
tional--plenty of fish and a wid.? variety of
it; also chicken, duck and pork; lots of rice
and in more than recent years, blanched
spaghetti, which they manipulal.e skillfully
with chopsticks. Occasionally, the diet in-
cludes dried bat, regarded as a delicacy.
Markets are filled with vegetables, includ-
ing enormous cucumbers, Chinese lettuce,
plenty of watercress and mound:, of sugar-
cane. This is sold as if. is, or chopped into
segments or squeezed into juice.
Butcher shops are adorned with red-
glazed roasted duck, beef, yellow-glazed
roasted chickens and strings O, strangely
shaped sausage.
'l'ea is the chief beverage. It's a good thing
they don't drink too much water, for most
homes do not have safe water or, for that
matter, any kind of interior plumbing sys-
tem. People must obtain water at common
lancets in the street.
There is little drunkenness apparent any-
where in Vietnam. Safi, drinks, particularly
orange soda, have become extremely popular.
Because the Vietnamese are a strong family
people, it is common to see entire families
squatting on pavements and/or in alleys
around a common table. Food is eaten from
common dishes with the ubiquitous and in-
credibry nimble chopsticks.
Restaurants are for the wealthy or the
more prosperous Vietnamese. Streets are
crowded with women and youngsters who
prepare and sell food in huge pots on small
charcoal burners.
Many Americans believe the ordinary peo-
ple of Vietnam are unclean, so it. is amazing
to witness the great lengths to which they
will go to wash themselves. In Saigon, the
levee of the murky, garbage-filled Saigon
River is usually jammed morning and after-
noon with workers washing themselves. Or,
it is not unusual to see pedicab drivers, even
beggars, crowding around street faucets
splashing themselves with water.
Everywhere in Saigon, one sems mothers
combing and brushing the long hair of their
daughters, and pecking; around searching
for lice.
The Vietnamese are a small, wiry people.
The average man isn't more than 5 feet, 4
inches and weighs about 105 p,nmds. He
appears much younger than he really is.
The women also are diminutive. A 20-
year-old woman looks like a girl of 15. It
is rare to see a corpulent Vietnamese.
American helicopter pilots have a rule:
Their aircraft will accommodate five Amer-
icans, but eight or nine Vietnamese.
Vietnam is really a variety of peoples.
Those in the lowlands are commonly called
Vietnamese. In the highlands are the Mon-
tagnards, an independent group, distinct in
habits and customs. There are also other
minorities such as the :Khmers who are ac-
tually Cambodians and the smallest minority
known as Chains.
Most of the Vietnamese are Buddhists.
Other religions are Confucianism, Taoism,
Caodaism, and Christianity.
The Christians are mostly Catholic. The
Catholic faith was strengthened with the
coming of French colonialism in the late
19th century. The Catholic cathedral in the
heart of Saigon is interesting because its
architecture is Western and its stained glass
windows have Western figures, with very little
evidence ofFar Eastern culture,
Can Dai is a recent religion, made up of
Christianity, Buddhism, and several other
faiths. Its followers have their own pope and
a strange assortment of saints, including
Victor Hugo. This is a militant religious
group, almost approaching the status of if
political party.
The extent of education among the people
is not known although many youngsters in
Saigon say they go to school in the morning
and work in the afternoon. Many schools
are operated by Catholic nuns. Wealth y
Vietnamese send their children abroad fur
schooling.
However.. even the poorest street vendor
or wizened and toothless cabbie 'is a finan-
cial wizard when calculating and establish-
ing a ratio of U.S. money and Vietnamese
piastres.
Saigon has far more book stores than cote
anticipates-chiefly selling paperback books
in Vietnamese, French, and English. These
do not cater exclusively to visitor,; or service-
men, but also to the people, with the books
spread out on sidewalks.
When one gets to know the Vietnamese, lie
learns that, in the main, they are honet.t.
Once an agreement has been reached about
the price of something, they stick to it.
In South Vietnam at least, the people
usually are gentle and speak in a high-
pitched tonal language, using the same
words for different meanings according to
the tone of the voice.
Their folk songs are as sad as most of
the people are-usually songs of unrequited
love and longing for peaceful days in gardens
with beautiful flowers.
Their festivals are marked with striking
floral displays and potted trees. In Saigon,
nothing is more gorgeous, more vivid in color
than the flower market, which is patronized
chiefly by the people.
The people's arts and crafts are anything
but primitive. Several art exhibits in Sai-
gon revealed a wonderful sensitivity, more
often in the Western style and abstraction-
ism than oriental.
Artists are fond of brush painting on silk,
using native themes of farmers and boys rid-
ing water buffaloes.
In the crafts, nothing surpasses their lac-
quer boxes and lacquer panels, designed with
exquisite delicacy.
The people patronize movies so often that
most of the theaters have a reserved-seat
system for French, Chinese, and American
films. In Saigon, one can also go to the tra-
ditional theater, which is reminiscent of the
Chinese stage, yet slightly different.
A casual Western observer may think that
the Vietnamese are lazy because of the her:t,
the humidity, and the long afternoon siestas.
He also will see many Vietnamese taking life
easy as they squat on their haunches en
curbs or against building walls.
But nothing is as hectic as the heavy Sai-
gonese traffic with thousands of taxis, pedi-
cabs, and the millions of bicycles--so madly
vehicles belching forth clouds o:1' blue ex-
haust fumes. A pedestrian can't help won-
dering whether he faces asphyxiation during
an afternoon stroll.
From the Wilmington (Dol.) Evening
Journal, Feb. 25, 19661
ILLNESS KILLS MORE SOUTH VIETS
THAN BATTLES
(NOTE.-Tkris is the third of a series in
which William P. Frank, who returned earlier
this month from Vietnam, reports his im-
pressions of that nation arid its people
(By William P. Frank)
Disease kills more people in South Vietnam
than the enemy, the ruthless Vietcong.
The principal aim of the Vietcong is to
destroy leaders of provinces or hamlets,
schoolteachers, priests, community spokes-
men-those who can influence the people
against communism.
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But disease in that sad country of south-
east Asia is more "democratic." It lashes out
at everyone.
According to the latest reliable figures, cited
in a recent issue of the American Medical
Association Journal, a little more than 46
percent of the deaths in South Vietnam occur
among children up to 15 years .of age.
In the United States, comparable statis-
tics show the death rate for that age group
is 9 percent.
The journal also reported that of all the
children born in 1958-the last year of any
reliable statistics-half were destined to die
before their fifth birthday.
The maternal death rate in Vietnam is
reported to be 25 times higher than that
in the United States. Eight percent of babies
born in Vietnamese hospitals never leave
them alive.
According to Dr. John M. Levinson, of Wil-
mington, now in Vietnam for.his third tour of
volunteer service among the people, there's
no reason to believe that the situation has
improved since 1958.
"In fact," Levinson said, "the disease prob-
lem has increased. Except for what a few
American doctors have been able to con-
tribute on a volunteer basis, the medical
problem has increased."
It is also reasonable to conclude that if
the war is escalated, more civilians will be
hurt.
American casualties are cared for in U.S.
militray hospitals; Vietnamese military per-
sonnel have facilities, but the hapless civilian
victims-the adults and chldren-must de-
pend upon meager first-aid clinics and civil-
ian hospitals already overcrowded, under-
staffed, and woefully short of supplies.
American doctors, not connected with the
U.S. military effort but who are volunteering
their skills among the people, have repeated-
ly told me that American guns may win the
war, but it'll be up to American medical
science to win the peace.
"That may sound like a tired cliche but
it's the gospel truth," said Dr. George
McInnes of Augusta, Ga., who heads an
American medical team in a Da Nang civilian
hospital. But medical help "is what the peo-
ple see and understand-American compas-
sion and concern for them. This is what is
going to give them strength and confidence
in America."
In a mountain village near Dalat is a small
hospital operated by Dr. James Turpin.
This hospital is called Project Concern, and
is supported by contributions, many of which
come from Jaycee units in various parts of
the United States.
Levinson has been working chiefly in a large
maternity hospital in Saigon. One day re-
cently 12 babies were delivered by midwives in
one section of the hospital with a lone native
doctor.in attendance.
It is rare to see more than one or two Viet-
namese doctors on duty In a civilian hospital.
Most of them have been taken into the Viet-
namese Army. It is estimated that there
are not more than 200 Vietnamese civilian
doctors for a nation with a population of
15 million. To make matters worse, most
Vietnamese are extremely poor and they live
in remote, rural areas.
At present, according to rough guesses,
there are about 50 American doctors in South
Vietnam. They are working in clinics and
hospitals, treating every kind of imaginable
case from war wounds to tuberculosis and
cancer.
One of the major sources of disease in Viet-
nam is improper facilities for disposal and
treatment of sewage and waste. Saigon,
once hailed as the "Pearl of the Orient," has
mounds of garbage on pavements and streets.
It is uncollected for days at a time, making
ideal breeding and nesting places for rats.
Supervision or control of food markets is
virtually nonexistent; most restaurants are
filthy. Untreated sewage is dumped into riv-
ers; people live along these bodies of water
and bathe in them.
Water is drawn from common taps in
streets, and only the fact that the water is
boiled for tea or soups, spares the people even
greater disease.
Among the common maladies in the coun-
try are malaria, tuberculosis, various intesti-
nal diseases, meningitis, typhoid, polio, and
some leprosy.
According to one report, trachoma-a dis-
ease of the eyelids-is so common that at
least fogr-fifths of the population has been
infected with it at one time or another.
Levinson recently reported in an article
in the American Medical Association Journal
that it is not uncommon to see a leper sitting
on the streets of Saigon begging for money
or food.
Parasites of all kinds abound, According
to Levinson, the peasant must face rein-
fection with parasitic diseases, since he must
work barefooted in the flooded rice paddies
where he is exposed again and again.
Residents of rural areas believe innumera-
ble medical superstitions. These result from
folklore from China. Only recently are these
people beginning to accept Western medi-
cines.
Peoples in villages that have been raked
by the war, are known to carry their wounded
on crude stretchers for miles to see the "bac
si my," the American doctor.
Hospitals are so overcrowded, however, that
it is meaningless to measure a hospital's
capacity in bed space. Patients, small
though the people are, live two and three in
a bed. Sometimes, two cots are put together
to accommodate four, maybe five patients.
Hospital attendants and hard-working
nuns of nearby churches are unable to meet
the demands of patients; so it is not unusual
to see relatives of the sick on the wards,
feeding, washing and given other attention
to their ailing kin.
. It is true that in many instances, Amer-
ican military doctors offer thier services and
so do other military personnel, but all of
this is on a when-and-if-time-is-available
basis.
The arrival of an American doctor in a
civilian hospital is quite an event. Word
spreads swiftly through the wards.
Levinson, for example, had no specific
hour for arriving on his first day at the
large maternity hospital. When he showed
up at 8, he learned a patient had been readied
and Levinson was to operate. The woman
had been kept under anesthesia for at least
40 minutes, waiting for the "bac si my."
. The United States through what 1s now
known as U.S. Agency for International De-
velopment does provide some facilities and
equipment for civilian hospitals but It Is
the American doctor himself, big as life, al-
ways smiling, stumbling through basic Viet-
namese with a sprinkling of French who rep-
resents to the people the heart of the Amer-
icans.
"Giving of one's self is the, key to success
here," a doctor in Da Nang told me.
"Assistance from the free world and from
civilian volunteer agencies offers a challenge
to American medicine to help defeat com-
munism in southeast Asia," Levinson adds.
Mere equipment, stamped with the U.S.
AID emblem, won't do the job alone.
[Frown the Wilmington (Del.) Evening
Journal, Feb. 26, 1966]
OPEN POLLS HAZY IDEA TO SOUTH VIETs
(NOTE.-This is the fourth in a series in
which William P. Frank, who returned earlier
this month from South Vietnam, reports his
impressions of the nation and its people.)
(By William P. Frank)
Nguyen, a floor boy at the Hotel Catinat in
Saigon, tried to explain his idea of freedom.
In broken English sprinkled with a few
French words, it amounted to this:
"Freedom means I can work where I want
to work. I can change my job to make more
money. I can live in peace-no bullets-no
Vietcong."
. But he couldn't describe the kind of gov-
ernment now operating in South Vietnam,
nor did he seem to have any concept of the
American form of representative government.
Although he can read and write Vietna-
mese, the theory that Nguyen could someday
elect his own representatives in'the nation's
government was incomprehensible. It must
be equally difficult to understand for the illit-
erate peasants who comprise the bulk of the
15 million people in that nation today.
What will the Nguyens, the millions of
peasants and others in Vietnam do or say
when a new constitution is offered to them
this year? What will their reactions be when
popular elections are held next year? It is
impossible to predict.
The U.S. Army's "Area Handbook for Viet-
nam," prepared 4 years ago, makes this ob-
servation :
"The vast majority of the people (of South
Vietnam) have little notion and less experi-
ence of representative government and demo-
cratic processes.
"An educated, Western-influenced urban
minority, intellectually familiar with con-
stitutional concepts and influenced by demo-
cratic ideals, is eager for a larger voice in na-
tional affairs and impatient with government
restrictions and controls."
This was written in the days of Ngo Dinh
Diem, the first President of South Vietnam,
who was assassinated during a coup staged
by the military in November 1963.
A few months earlier, a 123-member Na-
tional Assembly was approved in a popular
election. Candidates supported by Diem got
92 percent of the vote. This would make any
American arch a quizzical brow.
It is important for Americans to under-
stand that his concept of popular democratic
government is something the average Viet-
namese reads about in his newspaper or hears
discussed on radio, but does not grasp.
Presidents, chiefs of state or Prime Min-
isters in South Vietnam represent a distant
authority in Saigon to the majority of the
people in the villages. What the majority of
people in the country knows about govern-
ment revolves around the province chiefs or
hamlet leaders.
This is the way the people have been ruled
for centuries-first under the mandarins of
the royal government, then under French
colonialism, then the Japanese, and down to
the present day.
As recently as January 6, the Mansfield
committees of the U.S. Senate-which in-
cluded U.S. Senator J. CALEB Boccs, Repub-
lican, of Delaware-on its return from Viet-
nam wrote:
"The new leadership in (Vietnamese)
Government which is drawn largely from
military circles, is young and hopeful but
with little knowledge of politics."
The United States has been in and around
the South Vietnamese Government, ofoially
and unofficially, since 1945. Sometimes
Americans openly took part in promoting
certain men for top office in Vietnam, not-
ably in the case of Diem, who turned out as
a failure. Lyndon B. Johnson, when he was
Vice President, had acclaimed him as the
"Winston Churchill of Vietnam."
American advisers are still active in many
segments of the Vietnamese Government.
For example, a former prison official of Mon-
tana has been chief adviser for the National
Police of Vietnam for several years.
A number of high-ranking U.S. Army of?-
ficers have been assigned for years to Viet-
nam to help train its army, including
Gen. John (Iron Mike) O'Daniel, formerly
of Newark, Del., now a resident of San Diego,
Calif.
However, American advisers generally in-
sist that they are just that, advisers, and
try to keep out of the internal affairs.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ---SENATE February 28, 1966
Col. Edward G. Lansdale, an expert in
Philippine affairs, was, however, prom-
inently involved in the administration of
Diem.
The great problem in Vietnamese Govern-
ment today is conceded to be the outlook of
the villagers--whether they feel the South
Vietnamese Government and the American
forces are strong enough to protect them
from the terrorism of the Vietcong.
The Mansfield report stated that some ob-
servers believe that no more than 25 percent
of the country's villages under South Viet-
nam control will be free enough from Com-
munist intimidation to take part openly in
the election this year.
The Army's handbook on Vietnam also
pointed out:
"It seems clear that the villager wants
peace and security above all else. Con-
fronted with the competing armed authority
of the Government and of the Vietcong, he
will accept what he must and respond slowly
and cautionsly to efforts to win his loyalty."
In effect, South Vietnam now has a mili-
tary government called the Congress of
Armed Forces.
But the country actually is run by what is
known as the National Leadership Council,
composed of top-ranking officers Maj. Gen.
Nguyen Van Thieu has the title of Chief of
State. Vice Air Marshall Nguyen Can Ky is
Prime Minister, and there are seven other
generals on the council.
Sometimes Thieu speaks for the Govern-
ment; sometimes Ky.
Several months ago, a copy of what pastes
for the present constitution of the nation
was posted on the bulletin board of the press
lounge in the Joint U.S. Public Affairs Of-
fice. It was one of the most-ignored items
there.
The document has many fine-sounding
phrases, such as this: "The rear (home-
front) must be stable so that a solid founda-
tion could be progressively laid and a tradi-
tion of liberty and democracy could be de-
veloped in an atmosphere of struggle an
revolution.
On .January 14, Ky addressed the Armed
Forces Congress and admitted shortcomings
since he became Prime Minister last June.
Indicating that some of the provisions of
the "constitution" that had not yet been im-
plemented, Ky said:
"We must also recognize that due to pres-
ent circumstances, the Government still is
unable to create a favorable political cli-
;i113tC."
lie then proceeded to talk about democ-
racy suited for Vietnam and not for any other
country.
Ile proposed seminars among the people
in which they will be able to discuss the
kind of government they want. He prom-
ised that a constitution will be proposed next
October, a referendum held and the docu-
rnent promulgated in November.
He also promised that a civil government
will replace the military government next
year.
There is still no indication of what political
parties will emerge or how much freedom
they will have.
Much will depend on whether the religious
factions will hold their temper, on whether
the independent-thinking minority groups,.
such as the strange Montagnards of the high-
lands, will agree to come into the new Viet-
nam great society and, of course, on the
progress of the war.
To date, there is no evidence of any strong;
opposition party in Vietnam except, of
course, the National Liberation Front-the
Communists. Evers in the provinces, the
terms of cl-.kefs don't last long; they are
either captured or killed by the Vietcong or
are deposed by the Saigon government.
There are always subrosa stories of province
chiefs with sticky fingers.
Only recently, 110 television sets were dis-
tributed by the United States, in one prov-
ince, earmarked for the people.
The idea was that the people would be able
to learn more about the outside world and
get the democratic message via television,
beamed from airplanes.
Just before the television program, began,
an American official decided to check to see
what happened to the sets.
He discovered that of 110, about 60 were in
the homes of province officials or in police
stations. Obviously, that's that not the use
for which the television had been intended.
It is presumed they are now in public areas
where the peasants can see television.
What is the future of Ky?
At present, the Ky government is trying to
win the loyalty of the people by sending out
teams into the villages to teach the people
about democracy but the teams are still
encountering the entrenched interests of the
village chiefs.
The other day, in announcing res.huf ing
of cabinet officials, Ky said in efre< t, "I do
not choose to run for public office."
But then other public figures have said
the same thing and ended up in the: addle.
Historians and political scientist: knowl-
edgeable in Asian affairs are now advising
caution in evaluating the political situation
in South Vietnam. In the past two and a
quarter years, there have been three coups,
four attempted coups and at least. 20 re-
shuffles in the government.
FURTHER TRIBUTE TO ALl1ERT
THOMAS
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
as a continuation of the tribute to the
late Congressman Albert Thomas which
I made on the floor of the Senate Friday,
February 25, 1966, I would like to insert
several matters pertaining to the final
rites of this great Texan, which have
been received by me subsequent to last
Friday.
Although the tributes and descriptions
of Albert Thomas will continue to call
our attention to the outstanding; nature
of this remarkable individual for a long
time,"[ think an account of the final rites
should be printed for history in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. For this reason,
I ask unanimous consent that the article
from the Houston Post of Friday, Feb-
ruary 18, 1966, entitled "Albert Thomas
Laid. To Rest With Military Ceremonies,"
the article from the Houston Chronicle
of Saturday, February 19, 1966, entitled
"The Saddest Bugle Call, Day is Done
for Thomas," the articles from the
Houston Post of Saturday, February 19,
1966, entitled. "Thomas Bade Farewell"
and "'High Officials Attend Rites," and
the tribute which appeared in Maurine
Parkhurst's column in the Thursday,
February 24, 1966, Houston Chronicle be
printed at this point in the REcollD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From, the Houston Chronicle, Feb. 13, 1966]
ALBERT THOMAS LAID To REST WITH MILITARY
CERsmoNlaa
U.S. Representative Albert Thomas, 67, was
buried today in a military cemetery in
Houston's North Side.
An eight-gun salute was fired. A bugler
blew taps as the coffin was lowered into the
grave.
A score of more of his colleagues from the
House of Representatives in Washington,
D.C., attended the military service.
ALLEN GIVES EULOGY
Earlier this afternoon, Dr. Charles L. Allen
eulogized Thomas at a service in First
Methodist Church.
Dr. Allen quoted President Johnson :
"Of the qualities that made Albert Thomas
a remarkable man, devotion to the people he
served and loyalty to his friends stand higher
than al]
The church was filled with financiers, labor
leaders, millionaires, and other friends.
"COURTEOUS, COURTLY"
And many followed the hearse to the Vet-
erans' Administration cemetery on Airline-
Steuhner Road.
Albert Thomas has represented Houston
in Congress for 30 years.
Dr. Allen summed up Thomas as "cour-
teous, courtly, polite-he never forget to be
a gentleman."
Thomas died Tuesday of cancer- in his
Washington, D.C., home. His body was flown
here in a Presidential fleet plane Wednesday
night.
A steady flow of mourners came to the
Settegast-Kopf Funeral Home chapel, 3300
Kirby, where the body of Thomas lay in state
until the funeral.
The chapel's Colonial Room was filled with
wreaths from many individuals and orga-
nizations. Thomas, known as a titan of
Washington, was also known clown to the
lowest In the ranks of labor from whence he
drew much of his Democratic strength.
His familiar greeting of "podnah" for all
set him apart from most political leaders.
His office door was always open to his con-
stituents.
There was nothing of snobbery about him.
He was shrewd, gregarious and yet quiet.
Thomas carne to Houston in 1930 from
Nacogdoches, one of the first Anglo-Saxon
settlements in Texas. He had been county
attorney there after graduating from Rice
University and the University of Texas Law
School, and attending Harvard Law School.
He became an assistant U.S. attorney in
Houston and traveled the southern district
of the Federal court for 6 years before run-
ning for Congress and winning in 1936. He
took his seat in January 1937, in the 75th
Congress. He had filed for a seat in the next
Congress when he died.
Gov. John Connally, Attorney General
Waggoner Carr, Secretary of State Crawford
Martin, and U.S. Judge Homer Thornberry
were flown here for the funeral.
They were joined at the South Main
Church by a large congressional delegation,
led by Texas two Senators, RALPH YARROR-
ouCH and JOHN TOWER, and U.S. Representa-
tive GEORGE MAHON of Lubbock, chairman
of the House Appropriations Committee, of
which Thomas was the second ranking
member.
Texas Members of the House who an-
nounced they would be in the funeral dele-
gation include:
Representatives Boa POAGE, of Waco, O. C.
FISHER, of San Angelo, CLARK TIIOMPSON,
of Galveston, WALTER ROGERS of :Pampa, JOHN
Downy of Athens, JACK BROOKS of Beaumont,
JIM WRIGHT of Fort Worth, JOHN YOUNG Of
Corpus Christi, Boa CASEY of Houston, HENRY
GONZALEZ of S,-,n Antonio, GRAHAM PrrRCE:r.L
of Wichita Falls, RAY ROBERTS of McKinney,
JAKE PICKLE Of Austin, EARLS CABELL of Dal-
las, ELIGIO DE LA GARZA of Mission, and RICH-
ARD C. WHITE of El Paso, all Democrats.
Also, the following members of the House
Appropriations Committee: Representatives
MIKE KIRWA:N, Democrat, of Ohio, JAMIE
WRITTEN. Democrat, of Mississippi, JOHN
FOGARTY, Democrat, of Rhode Island, JoE
EvINs, Democrat, of Tennessee, Tom STEED,
Democrat, of Oklahoma, FRANK Bow, Repub-
lican, of Ohio, EDWARD P. BOLAND, Democrat,
of Mississippi, WINFIELD K. DENTON, Demo-
crat, of Indiana, WILLIAM E. MINSHALL, Re-
publican, of Ohio, ROBERT N. GrAIMo, Demo-
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE
"Resolved, That the Board of Supervisors
of the County of St. Lawrence hereby urges
the State legislature to pass legislation to re-
quire the several departments of the State
having surplus, obsolete, or used machinery
and equipment for sale, to prepare an inven-
tory of the major items, such as trucks,
power shovels, bulldozers, cranes, and other
highway equipment, with prices established
for the items, that copies of such inventories
be furnished to each country, town, city,
and village, that such municipalities be given
a limited time in which to purchase such
items at the prices indicated on the inven-
tory, and that any items not sold to munici-
palities then be sold at public sale; and be
it further
"Resolved, That the U.S. Congress be urged
to enact legislation which will permit muni-
cipalities of the United States to purchase
surplus, obsolete, or used machinery and
equipment at appraised value before the same
are sold to the public; and be it further
"Resolved, That the clerk of the board of
supervisors be and he hereby is directed to
transmit copies of this resolution to Sena-
tor Stafford, Assemblyman Ingram, Congress-
man McEwEN, Senator JAVrrs, and Senator
KENNEDY."
On a motion by Mr. Storie, seconded by
Mr. Miller, the resolution was unanimously
adopted.
I, Charles V. Fox, clerk of the St. Lawrence
County Board of Supervisors, do hereby cer-
tify that the above is a true copy of the res-
olution unanimously adopted by the St.
Lawrence County Board of Supervisors on
February 14, 1966.
CHARLES V. FOX,
Clerk, St. Lawrence County Board
of Supervisors.
RESOLUTION 29, 1966
Resolution objecting to sec. 63 of the con-
servation law, by Mr. Storie
"Whereas section 63 of the conservation
law of the State of New York compels coun-
ties in the Adirondack preserve to pay one-
half the cost of fighting forest fires; and
"Whereas the claims arise from expenses
incurred by the State conservation depart-
ment in fighting forest fires; and
"Whereas the State conservation depart-
ment had complete control over the expendi-
tures and do hire men and equipment, in-
cluding an airplane and bulldozers; and
"Whereas some of this equipment is hired
merely to stand by in case of need; and
"Whereas counties have no control or su-
pervision over the expenditures; and
"Whereas the counties in the Adirondack
preserve have no control over the closing of
the woods during the drought season; and
"Whereas such a statute that compels the
small counties in the Adirondack Forest Pre-
serve to pay this expense is unjust and unfair
to the taxpayers of these counties; and
"Whereas the users of the woods pay a
license fee to the State of New York and the
woods are used by residents from all over the
State, as well as nonresidents fo the State;
and
"Whereas this type of expenditure causes a
terrific financial injustice to the taxpayers of
the small counties in which the fires happen
to occur: Now, therefore, be it
"Resolved, That the Board of Supervisors
of the county of St. Lawrence do hereby
protest and do hereby object to this unfair
law which is a statute; and be it further
"Resolved, That the New York State Sen-
ate and Assembly hereby consider amending
or changing the existing law so as to elim-
inate this expense of fighting forest fires to
an individual county; and be it further
"Resolved, That the said board of super-
visors do hereby request the State senator
and State assemblyman from this district to
introduce legislation to change, the law in
relation to the counties bearing half of the
cost of fighting forest fires in their respec-
tive counties."
On a motion by Mr. Storie, seconded by
Mr. Dixson and Mr. Slate, the resolution was
unanimously adopted.
I, Charles V. Fox, clerk of the St. Lawrence
County Board of Supervisors, do hereby cer-
tify that the above is a true copy of the reso-
lution adopted by the Board of Supervisors
of St. Lawrence County on February 14, 1966.
CHARLES V. FOX,
Clerk, St. Lawrence County Board of
Supervisors.
STEUBEN COUNTY RESOLUTION
Resolution urging legislation in regard to
purchase by municipalities of surplus or
used equipment, upon the recommendation
of the highway committee and the insur-
ance and laws committee
Whereas counties and towns frequently
have need for certain types of machinery and
equipment, the use of which will be used for
a limited time and surplus machinery and
equipment or used machinery and equip-
ment would be adequate and the ability of
a county or town to purchase at reduced
prices would result in considerable savings
to taxpayers; and
Whereas, the State finance law permits the
office of general services to sell surplus, obso-
lete or used machinery and equipment and it
has been the experience that much of such
machinery and equipment is sold to dealers
who then offer the same items for sale to
counties and towns at a large increase in
price; and
Whereas the Federal Government from
time to time disposes of surplus machinery
and equipment and about the only way a
municipality is permitted to make purchase
of particular items is through the local office
of civil defense; and
Whereas it is the consensus of opinion
of this board that such surplus, obsolete or
unused machinery and equipment should be
made available to counties, towns, cities, and
villages at a fair price before being sold to
dealers: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Board of Supervisors
of the County of Steuben hereby urges the
legislature to amend, the State finance law,
the general municipal law and other appli-
cable statutes to require the several depart-
ments of the State having surplus, obsolete,
or used machinery and equipment for sale
to prepare an inventory of the major items,
such as trucks, power shovels, bulldozers,
cranes, and other highway equipment, and
the price established for each item, and that
copies of such inventories be furnished to
each county, town, city, and village and that
such municipalities be given a limited time
in which to purchase such items at the price
indicated on the inventory and that any
items not sold to municipalities then be
sold at public sale; and be it further
Resolved, That Congress be urged to enact
legislation which will permit municipalities
to purchase surplus, obsolete, or used ma-
chinery and equipment, at appraised value
before the same are sold to the public; and
be it further
Resolved, That the clerk of this board of
supervisors is directed to forward certified
copies of this resolution to Senator William
T. Smith, to Assemblyman Charles D. Hen-
derson, to Congressman CHARLES GOODELL,
to Senator JAcoB JAVITS and to Senator RoD-
ERT KENNEDY.
RETIREMENT OF SENATOR McNA-
MARA, OF MICHIGAN
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr President, it is
with deep regret that' have heard of
the pending retirement from the Senate
of Senator PAT MCNAMARA,.Of Michigan,
on grounds of ill health.
I have never known a more honorable,
candid, or forthright man. Senator Mc-
NAMARA speaks his mind without guile or
craft and votes his convictions without
fear or favor.
He is like the Rock of Gibraltar-a
tower of integrity. He is also a brave
and uncomplaining man. The Senate is
the better for his service, and so is the
country..
We shall miss him, and so will the
Nation.
REDUCTION OF SPECIAL MILK PRO-
GRAM-RESOLUTION OF THE
VERMONT STATE BOARD OF EDU-
CATION
Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, I submit
a resolution of the Vermont State Board
of Education under date of Febru-
ary 23, 1966, in opposition to the reduc-
tion of the appropriation for the special
school milk program for fiscal 1966 and
the reduction in the President's budget
for fiscal 1967 in the appropriation for
the school lunch and special milk pro-
grams, and ask unanimous consent that
it be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
RESOLUTION OF THE VERMONT STATE BOARD
OF EDUCATION
The Vermont State Board of Education at
its regular meeting, February 11, 1966, unani-
mously voted the following resolution:
"Whereas the Federal Bureau of the Budget
has reduced the appropriation for the special
milk program for fiscal 1966; and
"Whereas the President's budget for fiscal
1967 proposes drastic cuts in the appropria-
tions for school lunch and special milk pro-
grams, and
"Whereas the Vermont State Board of Edu-
cation unanimously feels that both the
school lunch and special milk programs are
vital to the children of America and hence
to the future of the Nation: Therefore be it
"Resolved, That the Vermont State Board
of Education opposes any reduction in the
appropriations for these programs; and
"That the Vermont State Board of Educa-
tion believes that Federal appropriations for
these programs should be increased, com-
mensurate with the growth of both programs;
and be it further
"Resolved, That copies of this resolution be
forwarded to the Vermont delegation in the
Congress and the Office of the President of
the United States.."
RICHARD A. GIBBONEY,
ommissioner of Education and Sec-
retary to the State Board of Educa-
tion..
HE WAR IN SOUTHEAST ASIA CUTS
THE GRANTS FOR LAND-GRANT
COLLEGES SUCH AS THE UNIVER-
SITY OF ALASKA
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, a
source of pride to all Alaskans is the Uni-
versity of Alaska located at College,
Alaska, a few miles west of downtown
Fairbanks. The university dates from
1915, when the U.S. Congress set aside
land for the support of an agricultural
college and school of mines. This land-
.grant college opened for instruction in
1922 under the presidency of Charles E.
Bunnell, previously a Federal judge. It
was a small school, and remained so in
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE February 28, 1966
the years before the war, but performed ELECTORAL COLLEGE-REFORM OR
a unique task then, as it does today, RETREAT?
for it is the only institution of higher Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, this
learning in the United States that serves, morning the Subcommittee on Constitu-
within the scope of its resources, all of tional Amendments of the Senate Com-
public educational needs, beyond high mittee on the Judiciary opened hearings
school, of an entire State. It became the on the question of reforming the elec-
University of Alaska in 1935 by action of toral college. It was my privilege to
the territorial legislature. present testimony today in behalf of my
in number of students, as compared proposal, Senate Joint Resolution 12.
to other universities in the United States, Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
the University of Alaska is a small but sent to place in the RECORD my testimony
rapidly growing institution. Apart from
the main campus, it operates six commu-
nity colleges in cities throughout the
State, and in four of those communities,
it offers the only education programs
above the high school level. In terms
of activities in research and advanced
study, it is burgeoning-its institute of
arctic biology, its geophysical insti-
tute, the arctic research laboratory, are
making valuable contributions to the ad-
vancement of knowledge of our planet.
The 1967 Federal budget, which pur-
ported to allow both guns and "the high
priced spread" would sharply curtail
these activities. The new budget would
eliminate $39,276 in the Alaska Agricul-
ture Experiment Station funds for re-
search conducted jointly by the Univer-
sity and the Department of Agriculture.
This cut, coupled with the budget's fail-
tire to provide funds for continued agri-
culture research in Alaska, amounting to
$400,000 last year, will force the experi-
ment station in Palmer to close. This
station has developed a potato that can
compete favorably with imported pota-
Loos-those locally grown had a high
water content attributed to the exten-
sive hours of growth under the long day-
light of northern latitudes. Also just
announced by the Palmer station is
a new variety of grass that will be of
utmost importance to our dairy industry.
It is vitally important that we in Alaska
develop other products, for we are almost
solely dependent upon air freight for the
greater share of our fresh vegetables.
Unless these funds are restored-if we
are forced to close our research station,
our harvest in many years to come will
suffer, this is but another of the bitter
fruits produced by the war in southeast
Asia and nurtured by the ever-increasing
escalation of our military efforts there.
1' qually tragic is the drastic cutback in
funds for instruction and facilities in
land grant institutions. Here the Uni-
versity of Alaska is losing over $230,000.
This means that if the average salary of
an instructor in Alaska is $10,000, we will
lose 23 instructors. Some programs will
have to be eliminated. Others may of
necessity be cut back or held at their
present levels.
In a State that is noted for its richness
in natural resources. Yet we consider
our most, important natural resource an
educated populace. If we must sacrifice
something to bear the burden of the
wholly unnecessary undeclared war in
Vietnam let the sacrifice be made in
other areas that we can more readily af-
ford-not in the education of our youth.
They will be sacrificed both at home and
abroad by the southeast Asian folly.
These funds should be restored.
before the committee in behalf of Senate
Joint Resolution 12, which is cosponsored
by Senators STROM TIIURMOND, Republi-
can, of South Carolina; JOHN MCCLELLAN,
Democrat, of Arkansas; ROMAN HRUSKA,
Republican, of Nebraska; THRUSTON
MORTON, Republican, of Kentucky;
PETER DOMINICK, Republican, of Colo-
rado; HIRAM FONG, Republican, of
Hawaii; J. CALEB BOGGS, Republican, of
Delaware; JOHN STENNIS, Democrat, of
Mississippi; and WINSTON PROUTY, Re-
publican, of Vermont to provide for the
election of presidential electors by the
district system.
There being no objection, the testi-
molly of Senator MUNDT was ordered to
be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
Mr. Chairman, it is a pleasure to appear
before this subcommittee on the question of
electoral college reform. This is an issue
with which I have been closely associated
since 1953 when I joined with former Repre-
sentative Frederic R. Coudert, of New York,
in introducing legislation which would elect
presidential electors from districts within a
State rather than from a State as a whole.
Such a plan did not originate with us, al-
though it has been popularly called the
Mundt-Coudert plan? for it was in fact origi-
nally advocated by such early and mightier
statesmen as James Madison, Thomas Jeffer-
son, and John Quincy Adams.
I point this out to emphasize that the need
for such a plan has always existed although
it has never been formally adopted. At
least it has never been adopted on a national
basis which would be the only fair way of
utilizing such a procedure. I believe that
today the need is even greater than it has
been in the past.
As the result of Supreme Court decisions
in. Baker v. Carr, and of particular signifi-
cance to the question of electoral districts,
Wesberry v. Sanders, a profound change has
occurred in our system of representation-a
change that has provided us with both the
increased need for equalization within our
presidential electoral process and the vehicle
to achieve that equalization.
Mr. Chairman, at a later point I will go
into this matter of Wesberry v. Sanders and
the subsequent redistricting of congressional
districts so that they will be as equal in
population as practical in more detail. I will
also cover the provisions of Senate Joint Res-
olution 12; much of what I will say has been
said before--the last time in 1961 before this
same subcommittee. I note, however, that
very few of the same members are present
as the certainties of time and the uncertain-
ties of elections have taken their toll.
For the present, let me say that I agree
with James MacGregor Burns who has writ-
ten: "Most Americans, regardless of party,
are agreed on the failings of the electoral
college. It is unfair, inaccurate, uncertain,
and undemocratic. Unfair, because the
presidential candidate losing a State by even
a close margin forfeits all of that `State's
electoral votes. Inaccurate, because in most
elections the winner's electoral votes are in-
flated grotesquely out of proportion to his
popular vote. Uncertain, because presiden-
tial electors are not legally bound to vote
for the candidate who carries the State. And
undemocratic, because if no candidate wins
a majority of the electoral college the verdict
is rendered in the House of Representatives,
where each State delegation, no matter how
large, casts but a single vote in choosing
among the three top candidates."
Senate Joint Resolution 12, in my esti-
mation, is the only plan proposed which
would correct these inequities without snak-
ing basic changes in our constitutional sys-
tem. It would correct the unfairness by
eliminating the general ticket system, It
would correct the inaccuracy because it
would bring the electoral vote in line with
the popular vote. It would correct the un-
certainty because it would bind the presi-
dential electors to the winning candidate.
,It would correct the undemocratic factors
because it provides for a greater voice for
the larger States should Congress be forced
to name the President in the event no
candidate wins a majority of the electoral
college.
I stress this totality of correction for I be-
lieve that the amending process of the
Constitution should never be used to con-
firm error; it should only be used to correct
it and now that we have an opportunity to
reexamine the electoral process for the Pres-
ident of the United States we should do a
thorough job of it and get to the real root
of the problem which is the general ticket
system. This is not to say that I do not
agree with some of the proposals advanced
by President Johnson or that none of them
are desirable. On the contrary, Senase
Joint Resolution 12 includes some of
them, and could be modified, I believe, to
include others. The real problem, however,
is not the fact that the electors are not
bound to follow the will of the majority--a
situation that has occurred only 8 out of a
possible 14,554 times since 1820, or that
certain gaps exist should the election be
thrown into the House of Representatives--
a Situation that hasn't occurred since 1824
and has only happened twice in the history
of our Nation. The real problem is the in-
equality of the voting power of the citizens
of the various States-a situation which
occurs every 4 years.
This is the main theme of my proposal and
it can be summed up in one sentence:
I believe, and I hope you believe, and
think you believe that every voter in. this
country as an individual, whether he lives
in California, Delaware, New York, or South
Dakota, ought to have equal voting power
when it comes to electing the President of
the United States.
This is the only important respect in which
our electoral college system, so-called., has
failed to function with fairness. It has
stood the practical test of time since our
country was established. It has carried us
through 45 presidential elections, through
peace and war, from George Washington to
Lyndon B. Johnson. It was after the 4th
presidential election that the 12th amend-
ment was added to the Constitution to re-
quire presidential electors to vote specifi-
cally for President and Vice President, rather
than, as the original provision provided, for
two persons for President. Since then, 40
presidential elections have been held. It is
obvious, therefore, that any system that has
functioned so well for so long should not be
changed lightly. Changes proposed or made
should be the absolute minimum required
to bring about the desired and necessary
results.
Such minimum and wholly practical and
necessary changes are proposed in Senate
Joint Resolution 12, which :I am sponsoring
together with Senators THURMOND, MoCLRL-
LAN, HRUSKA, MORTON, DOMINICK, FOND,
BOGGS, STENNIS, and PROUTY. This is a
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE February 28, 1966
Name of ship
Yard
Owners
Builders
Tonnage
Machinery
B.U.P.
Speed
No.
deadweight
knots
Cantuaria (cargo) -_-_______
- 701B7.._
Comissao de Marinha Mercante_ _.__
Verolme Estaleiros Reunis do Brasil.-
10,560/12, 530
Verolme-M.A.N___
8, 400
18.4
ApjAmbika(cargoliner) ---
375 ------
ApeejayLines, SurrondraOverseas-
RhoinstahlNordseoworko-------------
15,000
M.A.N------------
8,400
16.0
Oriental Queen (cargo liner)_
869 ------
Malaysia Marine Corp______________
UragaHeavy Industries Co-----------
12,500
Uraga-Sulzer______
12,800
19.5
Ships completed, 2,000 tons deadweight and above, 1963-65
Diesel
Steam
Total
Year
Number of
Tons
Number of
Tons
Number of
Tons
ships
deadweight
ships
deadweight
ships
deadweight
1965___________________________________________________________________________________
698
13,512,540
77
3,753,430
775
17,285,970
1964___________________________________________________________________________________
582
9,438,670
75
3,930,430
657
13,368,910
1063 -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
647
7,910,980
108
4,341 190
. ( 655
12,263,170
REDWOOD NATIONAL PARK BILL
ENDORSED BY STATE GOVERN-
MENT OF CALIFORNIA AND BY
PIONEER CONSERVATION GROUP,
SAVE THE REDWOODS LEAGUE
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, last
week I introduced a bill to establish a
Redwood National Park in northern
California. I am grateful that a num-
ber of my colleagues, Republicans and
Democrats alike, have joined me as co-
sponsors. The proposed legislation, has
the support of the President, the Depart-
ment of the Interior, the Bureau of the
Budget, and many other organizations,
including the government of the State of
California.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD the text of a telegram I have re-
ceived from the distinguished chief
executive of my State, Edmund G.
Brown, fully endorsing the proposed leg-
islation and particularly commending
those features of the bill which provide
for a smooth and equitable adjustment
of the areas to be affected in the creation
of a National Redwood Park.
There being no objection, the telegram
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SACRAMENTO, CALIF.,
February 24, 1966.
Senator THOMAS H. KUCHEL,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Confirmation of telegram sent yesterday.
I fully endorse your support and your ac-
tion today in sponsoring legislation to create
a National Redwoods Park in northern Cali-
fornia.
Since 1879 there have been proposals for
such a redwood park. To no avail. Now
with.the united efforts of President Johnson,
Secretary Udall, you and Senator JACKSON,
and conservation-minded people of the
Nation, we can fulfill this dream. Any fur-
ther delay and it will be too late.
I was particularly pleased to note that the
legislation includes the elements you and I
have insisted are essential-economic adjust-
ment payments to preserve the tax base of
the area, a greatly speeded up schedule for
creation of the new park to Insure jobs and
business development immediately and a pro-
gram for rounding out and improving exist-
ing State parks.
I urge you and Senator JACIcsoN to sched-
ule early hearings in order that every aspect
of this proposed legislation can be fully ex-
plored and perfecting amendments made so
that the Redwoods National Park legislation
can be enacted without further delay.
EDMUND G. BROWN,
Governor of California.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent also to have printed
in the RECORD a telegram of endorse-
ment that I have received from Mr.
Newton B. Drury, secretary of the Save
the Redwoods League. I value this en-
dorsement highly. The Redwood League
is the pioneer conservation organization
in this redwood area. In a recent state-
ment, the Ford Foundation pointed out:
Since it was founded in 1918, the league
has defrayed (through private contribution)
roughly one-half of the total cost of the
State's (California's) 28 redwood parks
whose current value is estimated at over
$250 million.
There being no objection, the telegram
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.
February 24, 1986.
Senator THOMAS H. KUCHEL,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
Glad to learn from the press that you sup-
port the National Park Service plan as rec-
ommended by the President for a Redwood
National Park including Mill Creek Water-
shed, Jedediah Smith and Del Norte coast
redwoods. Preservation of this area as an
ecological unit and representative example
of outstanding virgin redwood forest has
been a top priority in the program of the
save the Redwoods League for over 30 years.
Our board of, directors on April 9, 1965, took
action recommending this area as a Red-
wood National Park for many reasons in-
cluding outstanding quality administrative
and protective consideration and feasibility.
NEWTON B. DRURY,
Secretary,
Save the Redwoods League.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I Invite
attention to the league's statement that
the preservation of a national park in-
cluding the Mill Creek watershed and
the State parks in Del Norte County as
a single ecological unit has been a top
priority in the league's program for
more than 30 years.
I am confident that, as we continue to
examine this problem, the bill which I
have introduced will find increasing sup-
port.
The purpose of the league's program
is the same as that of the program of the
proposed legislation.
A RECOR1 OF MISJUDGMENT
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
in one of the Nation's great newspapers,
the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, there was
recently published an editorial regarding
the statements of Gen. Maxwell Taylor.
Personally, I lack confidence in his judg-
ment and in his statements regarding
Vietnam.
Last June when he testified before a
joint meeting of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Relations and Armed Serv-
ices, he predicted that the Hanoi gov-
ernment would not commit its army fully
to the conflict in South Vietnam. He
stated:
They would not do it because they know
we would destroy their economy.
Recently he stated that there are three
of North Vietnam's eight combat divi-
sions presently fighting us in South Viet-
nam. If this later statement is accurate,
then his previous prediction is just
another of his statements proved wrong.
Furthermore, at this same committee
hearing when questioned regarding the
then civilian Prime Minister of the Sai-
gon government, Quat, he stated he was
certain this government was stable and
would not be overthrown by a coup. Evi-
dently, General Taylor's guess was fan-
tastically wrong, or if based on informa-
tion furnished by our CIA, his intelli-
gence was bad. The committee records
show his answers. The facts are that
within the following 48 hours, before
General Taylor left the United States for
Vietnam, 10 generals operating one of
those frequent Saigon coups, overturned
the civilian Prime Minister and shortly
thereafter the present Prime Minister,
Ky, was installed by these generals.
Incidentally, Ky was born and reared
near Hanoi. Some members of his pres-
ent cabinet were also born and reared in
North Vietnam. This is just further evi-
dence that we are involved in a miser-
able civil war in Vietnam.
The chairman in South Vietnam of the
National Liberation Front, so-called, is
Nguyen Huu Tho, a Saigon lawyer, who,
it is stated, is not a Communist. This
National Liberation Front was formed
years ago. It is said the Vietcong mili-
tary units come under its direction.
Also, it has representatives at Hanoi and
at the capitals of other Asiatic, African,
and European nations. Of. course, if
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February 2'8, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
In Germany, an interesting series of cargo
vessels have been recently built. The
Tabora. representative of this group, is a
1.3,500-ton deadweight vessel powered by a
0,6(X)-horsepower MAN K6Z78/155 direct-
drive diesel giving a ship service speed of 19
knots.
The Clan Ravisall, another high-speed cargo
liner built for the British and Commonwealth
Shipping Co. for fast service to South Afri-
can ports, is an 11,500-deadweight-ton vessel
powered with a 10,350-horsepower Kincaid-
Burmeister & Wain diesel. This ship fea-
tures advanced automatic control arrange-
ments for the enginerooan and virtually all
the total cargo capacity of 527,000 cubic feet
is refrigerated. This is the first of a new
class that will include at least four ships.
The 12,070-deadweight-ton Sharistan,
owned by the Strick Line, Ltd., is another
new cargo vessel of advanced design. Bridge
control of the 10,000-horsepower Doxford
main diesel propulsion engine is featured
along with automatic starting and control
of generator sets and pumps. This ship has
a cargo capacity of 676,000 cubic feet and a
service speed of 1.7 knots. It is reported to
be the fastest ship in the Persian Gulf
service.
The brandnew Australia Star, owned by
the Blue Star Line is powered with a Vickers-
Sulzer 8-cylinder 8RD90 diesel rated at 17,-
600 horsepower. She is an 11,600-ton-
deadweight cargo liner with a service speed
of 20 knots. Length overall is 526 feet;
breadth, molded, is 70 feet; depth, molded, is
41 feet, 9 inches; and draft, loaded, is 30 feet.
This vessel will be used in the Europe-Aus-
tralia run.
Ton-
uage
dicu1-
wr?ight
UNITED KINGDOM
(Alarlas Connell & Co. (Ship-
builders).
Cargo liner.-.
Ben Line Steamers------------
13, 000
Austin & I'ickcrsgill-____________
Exning---------------..
Cargo --___-
Atlantic Shipping & Trading
Co.
it. 000
inishowen llead
Caargo liner__
Head Line ______.._____________
10,050
Australia Star -------- .-
----- do-------
lilue Star Line __-------------
11,600
llurnt.island Shipbuilding Co.
Tenbury- --------_ _ _..
Cargo-------
Alexander Shipping C--------
11,620
Win. Doxford & Sons (Ship-
builders).
Aliki Liva?nos________-
------ do-------
Monrovia Tramp Shipping
Co.
11., 520
John Readhcad & Sons----------
Sharlstan_____________
Cargo liner _
Strick Lino --------------------
17, 100
Floristan_____________.-
----- do------------------------
1':,100
"w an, hunter & Wigham
Richardson.
Southhampton
Castle.
Good hope Castle_.._..
-----do-------
British & Commonwealth
Shipping Co.
----- do------------------------
11, 120
Puebla________________
Cargo-------
Comissao do Marinha Mer-
cante.
1:3, 000
Presidents Kennedy__
----- do-------
-----do---------------- --------
DENMARK
13.000
East Asiatic Co------- - --------
9,390/
FRANCE:
Nouvelle Cie. IIarvraise Penin-
sulaire.
12, 770
ilammonia____________
----- do-------
Hamburg-America Line_______
12,544
Alouwnnia___ __--_____
1l or ussla --------------
----- do-------
----- do-?------
-----do---------------
----- do------------------ _.--------
1 544
Tabora ----------------
Cargo-------
Deutsche Afrika Union -------
Cl, 500
Talama________________
----- do-------
----- do ---------------------------
10, 400
Republica del Equa-
dor.
Cargo liner_._
Flota Mercante Gran Coleln-
biana,.
HOLLAND
Holland-American Line_______
JAPAN
12, 450
Hitachi Shipbuilding & Engi-
neering Co.
Royal Interoccan Lines_______
12,068
l0 --------
11,878
Tennessee Morn ______
Carge__-____
Kawasaki Kisen Kaisha-------
11,550
Uenrnark Maru_______
-----do-------
----- do -----------------------
10, 500
Holland Maru________
-----do-------
-----do----. -------. - --------
10, 500
Mitsubishi ILI______--___-____
Ise Marti______________
Cargo Liner___
Nippon Yuson Kaisha --------
12, 500
Yamagata Mare______
------ do------
----- do ------- -- -- ---- - ------
1 2, 800
Nairmra Shipbuilding Co________
Rio do Janeiro Maru__
-----do--------
Mitsui O.S.K. Lines----------
11,470
Iyo Maru____-_______
------ do-------
Nippon . Yuson K.K-----------
500
2
Nippon Kokan K.K__________---
Ibargi Marti ___________
Cargo______._
Nippon Yuson Kaisha--------
SWEDEN
London. & Overseas
Freighters.
Y UGOSLAVIA
1
, 500
Drnilri Gulia____ _____
--do-------
U.S.S.R---------.--- --------
12, 000
Nazim Khikmet
__do-.-.--.-
U.S.S.R-------__-.
12,000
Alsxandr Grin ___-___
_.__do ------ _
U.S.S.R______--_..--_________
12, 000
Arkadij Gablar____._. .
do----- -
U .S. S.11- -- - - --- --- --------
12, 000
Engine-builders and
design
Srrvice
speed
knots
Barclay, Curls-Sulzer_
20, 700
21. 0
Clark-Sulzer__________
6RD76______-_
9, 600
17.0
do----------------
6RD76______-_
9, 600
17.0
Vickers-Sulzer__..______
8RD90________
17,600
19.0
Brown-Sulzer_ ________
6RD76______--
9,600
16.0
Doxford_______________
67PT6_________
9, 000
15.8
----- do-----------------
67PT6_________
10, 000
17.0
-----do----------------
67PT6_________
10, 000
17.0
Wall sen d-S ul zer -------
8RD90________
2X17, 600
22.5
2X17, 600
7, 70D
----- do-----------------
7, 7D0
B. & W---------------
1074 VT
2B F160.
Antlantique B. & W__
874 V T
2B FI60.
M. A. N- - - - ---- - ------
K9Z86/160_____
18,900
21.0
M.A.N--------------
K0/.861100_____
18, 901)
21.0
M.A.N--------------
K9Z86/100_____
18, 900
21.0
M. A.N- --- -----------
K6Z78f155_____
9, 600
18.2
M. A -'v---------------
KOZ781155_____
9,600
19.0
Sulzer -----------------
9RD76________
14, 400
19.0
684VT2
13, 500
19.0
B F 180.
684VT2
13,50()
19.0
B F 180.
Kawasaki-M.A.N_____
KOZ70/12OC _ __
11,250
17.3
----- do-----------------
K8Z70/1200 _ _ _
10'(00
17.5
----- do-----------------
K8Z70/120C _ _ _
10,001)
17. 5
Mitsubishi-Sulzer-----
6RD90________
15, 000
15. 0
Mitsubishi ---Mitsubishi............
-----------------
13, 000
19. 5
Mitsubishi-Sulzer.....
6RD68________
7,2N)
15.4
Yokohama-M.A.N____
K(1Z78/140D __ _
10,000
18.2
Mitsubishi- M . A. N _ _ _ _
K6Z78/140D
10, ((00
16.2
Uddevalla-
Gotavorken.
760/1500
VG88U.
Uljanik-B & W_______
874VT2
12,(100
18.4
B Fe 160.
_-__-do_____-_-__---_
874VT2
12,(100
18.4
B10160.
----- do-----------------
874VT2
12. 000
18.4
B F160.
----- do-----------------
874VT2
12,000
18.4
BF160.
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
there are negotiations to bring about
peace, it would be futile to give in to the
demands of Air Marshal Ky of the Saigon
government and bar representatives of
the Vietcong. There can be no cease-fire
or armistice secured at the conference
table unless representatives of the Viet-
cong are present as delegates independ-
ent of the delegates of the Hanoi and Sai-
gon governments.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial referred to from the St. Louis Post-
Dispatch entitled "A Long Record of Mis-
judgment" be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A LONG RECORD OF MISJUDGMENT
Victory is just around the corner. That
is the message Gen. Maxwell Taylor sought
to convey to the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee in the hearings on Vietnam
Thursday. The general's sincerity is not to
be doubted, nor is there any doubt that his
optimistic forecast if believable would be
most welcome to the American people. But
it must be measured against earlier prom-
ises of imminent success that did not mate-
rialize, and against conflicting forecasts,
within the past few days, of a long, hard war.
The unhappy truth is that at every stage
of this escalating conflict whenever Con-
gress raised questions about the deepening
commitment, administration spokesmen have
painted a rosy picture of imminent victory
which subsequent events wiped out. General
Taylor himself, 'along with Secretary Mc-
Namara, has repeatedly misjudged the situa-
tion. In October 1963, for example, he and
Secretary McNamara returned from an in-
spection tour to announce officially "their
judgment that the major part of the (Ameri-
can) military task can be completed by the
end of 1965."
In 1965 the United States had 15,000 troops
in Vietnam. Today there are 205,000 troops
on the ground and another 100,000 naval
and air forces are engaged.
No matter how sincere General Taylor may
have been in his 1963 estimate, or in his
present one, the fact is inescapable that he
has been disastrously and repeatedly wrong
in the past and his judgment must there-
fore be questioned today. The record is
incontrovertible, it seems to us, that the
authors of this Vietnam war, who have re-
peatedly advised the President to escalate
just once more in the hope of an elusive
victory, have never really understood what
they were getting the American people into.
The time is long past to reject this kind of
advice. -
The idea that we have once more turned a
corner and are now on the way to victory
is also controverted by testimony before Con-
gress, released only this week, of Mr. Mc-
Namara and Gen. Earle G. Wheeler, Chair-
man of the Joint Chiefs. They were not be-
fore television cameras but behind closed
doors. In the heavily censored transcript of
their evidence before the Senate Armed
Services Committee, both indicated the Pen-
tagon looks forward to a long and difficult
war lasting many years. Though they de-
nied that final decisions have been taken,
there is no doubt that the Pentagon is think-
ing in terms of putting at least 600,000 troops
into Vietnam before the often predicted vic-
tory is attained.
And yet that prediction of victory, _like
others before it, rests upon imponderables
which can destroy it-in this case, on the
hunch, guess or hope that another escala-
tion of such magnitude will not bring China
with its millions of troops into the war.
General Taylor plainly revealed, perhaps
unconsciously, why there is such a dis-
crepancy between the limited war which the
administration proclaims and the unlimited
nature of its objectives. He spoke as if the
objective is the modest one of simply "mak-
ing Hanoi behave." It became clear, how-
ever, that in his mind this phrase means the
total defeat of the Vietcong and the estab-
lishment in South Vietnam of an anti-Com-
munist government-which could only exist,
as 10 years of experience shows, under a per-
manent protectorate of American military
power.
If the administration shares this view of
the objective, then it is seriously misleading
the people in professing a desire for peace
negotiations. The only possible basis for ne-
gotiations would be a willingness on both
sides to accept a compromise that fell short
of total victory for either.
According to reports of Secretary General
U Thant's peace explorations, Hanoi's terms
for negotiation may net be so extreme as
they have been pictured. They are said to
include a pause in the bombing, a halt to
escalation of the ground fighting, and ac-
ceptance of the Vietcong as a party to ne-
gotiations. President de Gaulle, who has
written Ho Chi Minh expressing willingness
to participate actively in a settlement at the
proper time, is said to feel that peace calls
for a three-stage process-first, a cease-fire,
then establishment of a broadly represent-
ative coalition government in South Vietnam,
and finally a reconvened Geneva Conference
to guarantee the neutrality of both South
and North Vietnam.
There would be nothing dishonorable in a
settlement along these lines, and American
policy ought to be firmly pointed in this
direction as the alternative to an unlimited
military escalation with increasing risk of
world war. Our true national interests can
be better served by a neutralized southeast
Asia than by a costly and misguided effort
to establish a national military outpost on
Asian soil.
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY
REFORM
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, in his
annual report to the U.N. Economic and
Social Council, Pierre-Paul Schweitzer,
the Managing Director of the Interna-
tional Monetary Fund, made several
comments which should be of great in-
terest to the Senate.
He said that the "really important is-
sue" for the longer term in keeping
international payments system function-
ing smoothly was "whether arrange-
ments can be made to insure that the
maintenance of a balance in the U.S.
international accounts will not have
harmful effects on the world economy."
He recognized the close relationship
between the U.S. payments deficit and
international monetary reform by con-
cluding that prospects for avoiding any
harmful effects from achievement of a
balance in the U.S. payments "will de-
pend to a considerable extent on appro-
priate action to deal witfi the problem
of international liquidity."
On commenting on the U.S. balance-
of-payments program, he said that he
preferred the "voluntary" restraints on
private U.S. capital outflows to policies
which would reduce the growth of the
U.S. economy. He concluded:
Nevertheless, continuation over the long
run of a comprehensive program to restrict
4075
the outflow of capital from the United States
would not only represent a break with U.S.
tradition, but would also not be in the best
interests of the international community.
I hope that the administration will
not ignore this warning. I hope that my
colleagues will not dismiss it either. Mr.
Schweitzer is one of the ablest interna-
tional monetary experts in the world and
is a distinguished civil servant. He is
giving our country good counsel.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that there be printed at this point
in the RECORD an article entitled "IMF
Quota Increase Cleared," , written by
Edwin L. Dale, Jr., and published in the
New York Times of Friday, ' February
25, 1966; and an address by Mr. Pierre-
Paul Schweitzer, before the Economic
and Social Council of the United Nations,
delivered on February 24, 1966.
There being no objection, the article
and address were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York Times, Feb. 25, 19661
IMF QUOTA INCREASE CLEARED-25-PERCENT
RISE ACCEPTED BY 59 NATIONS BUT DELAY
IS SEEN-FUND'S CHIEF VOICES CONCERN
ON U.S. PAYMENTS PLAN -
(By Edwin L. Dale, Jr.)
WASHINGTON, February 24.-The Interna-
tional Monetary Fund announced today that
the increase in members' quotas and draw-
ing rights of 25 percent aproved in Septem-
ber 1964, was now in effect.
The fund went "over the top" as enough
members, with large enough quotas, made
their subscriptions. So far, however, only
69 of the IMF's 103 members have ac-
cepted their larger quotas, with such major
nations as West Germany, France, the
Netherlands, and Belgium yet to consent.
No nation's quota can be increased without
its consent.
There is no indication here that these
countries will refuse to make their sub-
scriptions. However, the present deadline
of March 25 will probably have to be ex-
tended for another period of 6 months to
give the members more time to complete in-
ternal formalities.
In a related development today, the Man-
aging Director of the Monetary Fund,
Pierre-Paul Schweitzer, said that "the really
important issue" for the longer term in keep-
ing the international payments system func-
tioning Smoothly was "whether arrange-
ments can be made to insure that the main-
tenance of a balance in the U.S. international
accounts will not have harmful effects on the
world economy."
In giving his annual report on the IMF's
activities to the United Nations Economic
and Social Council in New York, Mr. Schweit-
zer said that prospects for avoiding any
harmful effects from achievement of a bal-
ance in U.S. payments "will depend to a
considerable extent on appropriate action to
deal with the problem of international
liquidity."
"Liquidity" is the term for the total of the
nations' official financial reserves and ac-
cess to credit, which amounts to the where-
withal for conducting world commerce. Re-
serves have been increased in recent years
chiefly through the existence of the U.S.
payments deficit.
Mr. Schweitzer said there was broad agree-
ment on the need to expand world reserves,
but he urged that any solution take account
of the needs of the less-developed countries
as well as those of the industrial nations.
Speaking of the U.S, efforts to solve its
balance-of-payments problem, Mr. Schweit-
zer said:
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE February 28, 1966
A. solution * * * by restraints on the
outflow of private capital is much to be
preferred to alternative policies which could
lead to a contraction of the U.S. economy and
an ensuing reduction in import demand."
PERILS OF RESTRAINTS
"Furthermore, the effort being made b}r
the U.S. authorities to prevent these re-
straints from causing injury to the develop..
ing countries, or other countries in relatively
weak payments positions, is to be welcomed.
"Nevertheless, continuation over the longer
run of a comprehensive program to restrict
the outflow of capital from the United States
would not only represent a break with U.S.
tradition, but would also not be in the best
interests of the international community."
When all the members of the fund accept
the quota increase that became effective
today, the total of all quotas will rise from
$16 to $21 billion. Mr. Schweitzer said today
that "it should not be long before this
occurs."
TWO-THIRDS APPROVAL
The quota increase became effective be-?
cause 59 members having together 67.8 per.
cent of total quotas have made their sub-
scription. '['he needed amount was two-
thirds of total quotas.
'[he 59 include 11 of the 16 members that
were granted increases of more than the 2.5
percent provided by the general formula.
The five not included, all expected to sub-
scribe soon, are West Germany, Canada,
Greece, Norway, and the Philippines.
Mr. Schweitzer said that "the last 2 years,
have been the busiest in the fund's history."
Outstanding drawings now are at the record
level of $4.3 billion and last year more coun-
tries, 23, drew on the fund than ever before.
ADDRESS BY THE MANAGING DIRECTOR OF THY;
INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND, MR.
PIERRE-PAUL SCHWEITZER, BEFORE THE ECO-?
NOMIC AND SOCIAL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED
NATIONS, FEBRUARY 24, 1966
'['leis is the third year in which I have
addressed the Economic and Social Council,
and. I should like to say how much I appre-?
ciate these opportunities to appear before
you to discuss the many problems that we
have in common. Looking back at world
economic developments in recent years, I
believe that, we have cause for both dissatis-
faction and. encouragement. Acute poverty
has persisted in many countries, along with
hunger and even the fear of famine. The
gap between rich and poor countries remains
painfully wide, with the advance of the
poorer countries proceeding too slowly, and
often. suffering grievous setbacks.
At the same time, there has been an un-
rivaled growth of world trade, a sustained
and. high level of economic activity in much
of the world, and a solid strengthening of
international monetary cooperation. The:
continuation of economic growth at a sub-
stantial rate cannot be regarded as accidero-?
tal. It is basically attributable to a set of
policies and attitudes that have developed
after World War II. In all countries high
rates of employment and economic growth
have become accepted as high-priority ob-
jectives. Their realization in individual
countries has been facilitated by it refine-
ment in methods of economic diagnosis and
management. It has been helped also by
intensive cooperation and consultation on
questions of economic policy in a number of
bodies under the auspices of the United Na.-
Boris, in the Fund and the World Bank, and
iii other international organizations such LS
the GATT and the OECD.
'['he favorable developments have not been
'i niined to the industrial countries. In-
steed, growth rates in the developing court"
tries have on the average about equaled those
in the developed countries, and have been
lugh by historical standards. However, much
of t he progress made by the developing coun-
tries in increasing national growth rates has
been nullified by the rapid increase in their
populations, and we are all acutely aware
that hundreds of millions of the world's peo-
ple still live under deplorable conditions.
If we are to raise the standard Of living of
the developing countries to tolerable levels,
it is an essential condition that an adequate
growth rate be sustained in the highly in-
dustrialized areas of the world, and we there-
fore place great value on the advance made
by the industrial countries. Only as this
progress continues can a rising demand be
insured for the export products ,f the de-
veloping countries and the maintenance of
conditions under which a growing volume of
development finance can reasonably be ex-
pected to become available. We should, at
the same time, recognize that an adequate
solution of the problems of the developing
countries will not flow automatically from
the growing affluence of a relatively few
rich nations. This will require a sustained
effort by all countries, over many decades.
This is an effort to which international orga-
nizations must contribute their share, and it
is one in which the Fund, in its own sphere,
has been participating sine, its inception.
During the past year, developments in the
world economy and international payments
have been more satisfactory than seemed
likely when I addressed the Council a year
ago. First, in spite of some slowdown in
several major countries, mainly in the first
half of the year, high levels of employment
have continued. Aggregate production in
the industrial countries was substantially
higher in 1965 than in 1964. Second, the
decline in the rate of growth of international
trade during the first; half of the year was
subsequently reversed. Third, although a
weakening in prices for primary products
reduced the rise in the export receipts of the
primary producing countries in the first half
of 1965, thereafter commodity prices became
steadier and the export earnings of primary
producing countries improved. Fourth, the
sharp tensions in international payments
which characterized late 1964 and early 1965
have eased considerably.
But I must also note the fact that the
general expansionary trend in the world
economy has increased the pressures on
prices on a broad front. The problems of
how to avoid and how to contain inflationary
pressures are now again among the major
challenges facing all industrial countries.
An acceleration in the pace of the U.S.
economic advance in the second half of 1965
was a major factor underlying the greater
strength shown by the world economy. For
the first time in many years, the rate of
growth in North America was mari_edly high-
er than in the other industrial areas. Both
the United States and Canada were able
to make considerable progress toward solv-
ing their problems of unemployment.
In the industrial countries in 'Western
Europe and in Japan, expansion was much
less vigorous, and industrial output rose only
slowly until the fourth quarter of 1965.
There was relative stability in the aggregate
output of industrial countries outside North
America in the earlier part of 1905 but this
overall result reflected a combination of
continued expansion in some countries, no-
tably Germany, with relative slack in others.
These latter iWluded France, Italy, Japan,
and the United Kingdom, where measures
had been taken to combat inflationary pres-
sures or to redress balance of payments posi-
tions. However, in some of the li liter coun-
tries, mainly France and Italy, output has
recently begun to expand more rapidly.
Production in the industrial countries as a
group now appears to be advancing at a more
rapid rate than a year ago. This year, their
output may hopefully be expected to rise
by a little over 4 percent-about the same
rate as that recorded from 1964 to 1965.
The temporary slowdown in the rise in
world trade in the first half of last year af-
fected the exports of the primary producing
countries more than those of the :manufac-
turing countries, whereas during the 1963--
64 boom both had increased at about the
same rate. The wider fluctuations in the ex-
port receipts from primary products can only
partly be ascribed to the changes in demand
in the industrial countries; supply conditions
and structural factors appear to have been
at least as important.
The fall in prices from 1964 to 1965 only
slowed but did not halt the growth in the
export earnings of the primary producing
countries. Nevertheless the price movements
adversely affected their balance-of-payments
positions. The primary producing countries
had been in general surplus in 1963 and
1964, but in. 1965 the more advanced mem-
bers of this group ran into aggregate deficit.
Although the developing countries as a whole
continued to be in moderate Surplus through
1965, the true measure of the pressure on
their payments positions was again masked
by the maintenance of rigid controls.
When I addressed the Council a. year ago,
both of the major reserve currencies were
under pressure. During the,past year both
of these currencies were strengthened. This
happened in spite of the fact that two of
the major industrial countries, France and
Italy, were in substantial international sur-
plus as a result of relatively slack domestic
economies. An offsetting factor was that the
balance of payments of Germany, where
boom conditions existed throughout the
year, swung from surplus into deficit. The
continued expansion in Germany was the
most important single factor, aside from the
strong performance of the U.S. economy, in
preventing the recessionary tendencies in
certain countries during 1965 from spread-
ing to wider areas. With ample reserves and
a large volume of international transactions
in relation to national income, Germany was
well able to provide this expansionary im-
pulse to the rest of the world. Germany's
imports rose by 20 percent between 1964 and
1965, but its exports also rose and its deficit
remained relatively moderate and its re-
serve position strong.
The most serious feature of the balance-
of-payments problems of the United King-
dom in 1964-65 was the deficit on current
account, although at the same time an in-
crease in the net outflow of long-term cap-
ital made the position more difficult. Sev-
eral corrective measures taken by the United
Kingdom late in 1964, including a temporary
surcharge on imports, were supplemented in
1965 and again more recently by the adop-
tion of more restrictive financial and mone-
tary polices and various restraints on the
outflow of capital. These measures resulted
in some improvement in the current balance
and a reduction in the net outflow of capital
in the course of 1965. Toward the end of
the year a considerable strengthening of
sterling in exchange markets was in evidence.
The U.S. deficit, unlike that of the United
Kingdom, has persisted over a number of
years. It has gradually reduced U.S. re-
serves by about $10 billion from the post-
war high of $26 billion in 1949. The draw-
ing down of the U.S. gold stock and tiie
substantial increase in dollar reserves held
by other countries have brought into sharp
focus the need for achieveing a balance. in
the U.S. payments positions.
The United States has had a long succes-
sion of large and, until last year, growing
surpluses on current account. its overall
payments imbalance has been cau-:ed prin-
cipally by large outflows of public funds and
increased outflows of private capital, stem-
ming in part from the dominant position
that the United States holds in the world's
capital markets. These outflows have been
of great benefit to all the recipient coun-
tries--especially to the developing coun-
tries--and the need has been to achieve
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ebruary 28, 1966
in support of programs designed to overcome
any racial imbalance In -the public schools:
Mr. BARTLETT, Mr. CLARK, Mr. DOUGLAS, Mr.
HART, Mr. HARTKE, Mr. INOUYE, Mr. KEN-
NEDY of New York, Mr. MONDALE, Mr. Mus-
KIE, Mr. NELSON, Mr. PASTORE,'Mr. PELL, Mr.
PROXMIRE, Mr. RANDOLPH, and Mr. YOUNG Of
Ohio.
Authority of February 21, 1966:
S. Res. 227. Resolution expressing the sense
of the Senate that the Small Business Ad-
ministration should remain an Independent
agency of the United States: Mr. DOMINICK.
NOTICE OF HEARING ON THE NOM-
INATIONS OF ANDREW F. BRIM-
MER, OF PENNSYLVANIA, TO BE
A MEMBER OF THE BOARD OF
GOVERNORS OF THE FEDERAL
RESERVE SYSTEM, AND WILLIAM
W. SHERRILL, OF TEXAS, TO BE A
MEMBER OF THE FEDERAL DE-
POSIT INSURANCE CORPORATION
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I
should like to announce that the Com-
mittee on Banking and Currency will
hold a hearing on the nominations of
Andrew F. Brimmer, of Pennsylvania, to
be a member of the Board of Governors
of the Federal Reserve System, and Wil-
liam W. Sherrill, of Texas, to be a mem-
ber of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation.
The hearing is scheduled to be held on
Wednesday, March 2, 1966, in room 5302,
New Senate Office Building, at 10:30
a.m.
Any persons who wish to appear and
testify in connection with these nomina-
tions are requested to notify Matthew
Hale, chief of staff, Senate Committee on
Banking and Currency, room 5300, New
Senate Office Building, telephone 225-
3921.
ENROLLED BILLS AND JOINT
RESOLUTION PRESENTED
The Secretary of the Senate reported
that on today, February 28, 1966, he pre-
sented to the President of the United
States, the following enrolled bills and
joint resolution:
S. 577. An act for the relief of Mary F.
Morse;
S. 851. An act for the relief of M. Sgt. Ber-
nard L. LaMountain, U.S. Air Force (re-
tired) ;
S. 1520. An act for the relief of Mr. and
Mrs. Earl Harwell Hogan; and
S.J. Res. 9. Joint resolution to cancel any
unpaid reimbursable constructions costs of
the Wind River Indian irrigation project,
Wyoming, chargeable against certain Indian
lands.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
House had agreed to the amendment of
the Senate to the amendment of the
House to the bill (S. 251) to provide for
the establishment of the Cape Lookout
National Seashore in the State of North
Carolina, and for other purposes.
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, AR-
TICLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE
APPENDIX
On request, and by unanimous con-
sent, addresses, editorials, articles, etc.,
were ordered to be printed in the Ap-
pendix, as follows:
By Mr. SCOTT:
Article entitled "National AME Church
Sets 150th Celebration of Anniversary," pub-
lished in the Philadelphia Independent of
February 11.
By Mr. MAGNUSON:
Speech entitled "Marketing the North-
west," delivered by Reed O. Hunt, chairman
of the board, Crown Zellerbach Corp., de-
livered on February 15, 1966.
Essay entitled "Autobiography of a Bill,"
written by Marianne Williams.
Article entitled "Puget Sound: What It
Is," written by Don Page, and published in
a recent edition of the Seattle Post-Intelli-
gencer.
By Mr. COOPER:
Editorial entitled "A Resolution of Patri-
otic Reminder," dealing with the proposed
designation of February as American history
month.
Articles dealing with the appointment of
Miss Molly Clowes as editorial page editor
of the Louisville Courier-Journal.
Articles dealing with the award of Free-
dom. I,,ey+d$rship Medal to Dr. James Turpin.
SENTIMENT ABOUT VIETNAM AT
THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President,
often news is made by dissenters and
critics.
Even though people in agreement often
represent an overwhelming majority,
content often appears less appealing
than discontent.
Last week, at the University of Mis-
souri in Columbia, it was announced that
50 persons were expected to take part
in protesting our policies in Vietnam. I
am told, however, that not more than 10
actually participated at any one time.
Very properly this news was reported
and made headlines. Most of these same
stories, however, failed to mention the
fact, that shortly before the demonstra-
tions, a great many more students at
the university, specifically, 1,125, had
signed petitions affirming their support
of the policies of this administration in
Vietnam. -
Those petitions were circulated by both
the Young Democratic and the Young
Republican Clubs at the university.
I ask unanimous consent that the
wording of the petition be printed at this
point in the RECORD. I also ask unani-
mous consent that the names of all those
who signed be printed at the point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the petition
and signatures were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
VIETNAM PETITION
Whereas the American commitment in the
Vietnam war has become a major Issue on
many college campuses;
Whereas some of the most striking dis-
senters to American policy in Vietnam have
been college students; and
Whereas these critics seem unrepresenta-
tive of the majority of the students at the
University of Missouri at Columbia: There-
fore
We the undersigned students of the Uni-
versity of Missouri at Columbia, after con-
sideration of the critical complexities of this
issue, affirm our support of President Lyn-
don B. Johnson and his administration's pol-
icy in Vietnam.
SIGNERS
Kenneth G. Matthews, Dave Salisbury,
William C. Tuen, Ronald Fuber, Paul Field,
Ron Moody, Gary Shipper, Ralph Borsum,
Kenneth McGee, Mike Burnham, Tom Young,
Bob West, Stephen Struffer, Douglas C. Ha-
ger, Larry C. Copeland, Bill Dabney, Robert E.
Kindle, Dale Mayness, Mike Martin, James T.
McPegor, Michael D. Martin, James Russell
Goff, Richard H. Kessinger, James H. Jar-
man, Michael Drury, Joseph W. Kubengusk,
Wm. Franklin, Paul Sherrell, Glen Rutz,
Dennis Hale, Tom Osborn, Jr., Patrick Zorsch,
Thomas Hill, Jeff Hascovits, Edward W. Bass,
Carl Ledbetter, Robin Watson, Bruce D.
Findley, J. Rand^ll Broyles, James D. Jones,
David L. Duke, Roger Wehile, Green Haase,
Stier Sheppard, Don Lueckenotte, Gregory
Luetkemeyer, Wm. F. Erling, Arthur Ellis,
Claude Eldridge, Larry W. Zimmer.
Ronald Mann, Deanna Dean, Nancy A.
Leaf, Michael R. Ewing, Gary Findlay, John
Blance, Bob Parker, Larry Moore, Cindy
Palmer, Harry Hill, Nancy Morgenstern,
Noelle Schattyn, Marge Agatstein, Danny F.
Moody, Rita Young, Judy White, Ricky
Mongler, Tom Miskell, Thomas Jennings,
Jeffrey D. England, Von Armstrong,. Ralph
Schoeder, Mike Macy, John Ford, Kay Cissna.
M. Walsh, Steven Overy, Edna Overy, John
Montgomery, Eldon E. Hallen, Carl H.
Graham, Steven Hultt, Andrew S. Ralims,
Clark A. Gum, Mel Gerstner, Albert Ward,
Jack Bard, Dennis E. Stevens, Tom R. Tal-
bert, Michael E. Ming, A. Marion Houghton,
Jr., Ray Seward, Alan B. Holbroot, Robert T.
Roth, Wilma Thompson, Garry S. Hirch,
John K. Zigler, George S. Kishmer, Russell
L. Cooper, Kathy Grossarth.
Mike Smith, Michael Watkins, Ellen M.
Kane, Dianne A. Taus, C. T. South, Anne T.
Clark, Liz Manson, Alice A. Templeton,
Robert F. Striken, Thomas S. Patten, Jennie
Myers, Judith E. Turner, David W. Gardner,
Ellen Sue Zigel, Frances E. Wilson, Mary J.
Hagan, Carolyn M. Kaiser, Michael L. Villain,
Richard Fredman, James V. Schwent,
Thomas Lee Siffin, Paul Andrews, Toni Re-
wick, Loran, Maloney, William Gordon
Culver.
Sharon Sue Patterson, Lindy Perner,
Jacque Finney, William L. Smith, Jeffrey
Murphy, June Throckmorton, David Murphy,
Jr., Herbert R. Finch, James G. Freer, John
Micholench, Ronald N. Bold, John D. Cunelo,
Wesley H. Sizemore, Jr., Noel Lane Flippen,
Matthew Knuckles, John Struwe, Charlie
Dodds, Ray Raleigh, Randy P. Scott, Janice
Taylor, M. V. Weertz, Bettie Marie Bomma-
rito, Dominic Lee, Joseph Patten, Clarke
Atteberry.
Larry E. Huffman, Robert Heek, Clarence R.
Geud, George M. Cox, C. Hunt Bushnell, Jr.,
Beverly Jones, Lesere Dollar, Kurt A. Leon-
hard, Robert Botkin, David M. Etdle, Joe
Smith, Donald George, Lawrence D. Whetley,
Jacquelyn Steers, John R. Harris, Michael
Pera, John Wyman Ewing, C. Eugene
Thompson, Barb Rostenberg, Don Walter,
Jim Willsey, Mike Lee, Andy Benage, Jim
Alzbaugh, Jim Westcott.
William Gerry Brumfield, Thomas B. Allen,
Donald C. Gerhardt, Kenneth R. Ray, James
Edward Turner, Robert Eugene Heater, John
M. Gianino, David Radunsky, Edward M.
Wheat, Ronald N. Lingo, Mike Walters, Tom
Haynes, Roger S. Mixtar, Mike Gibbons, Irving
W. Kurtz, Lawrence R. Lemer, Mike Kuppel,
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
'Yes, Mr. President, it is an outrageous
disgrace that these peddlers of perverted
pornography can traffic in their tar-
nished trade in trash with insolent im-
punity from successful prosecution by
State or Federal authorities, behind the
protective cloak of a Supreme Court, the
majority of which seemingly cannot com-
prehend the distinction between liberty
and license. Their distorted miscon-
structions of the constitutional guaran-
tee set forth in the first; amendment have
virtually nullified our State and Federal
regulatory statutes and have bound our
prosecuting attorneys in a legal strait-
jacket. Certainly their recent decisions
call to mind the accusation of John Mil-
ton, wherein he charged:
License they mean when they cry liberty.
As summed up by one religious peri-
odical :
With billions of dollars at stake, smut
merchants naturally fight any legal strictures
on their business, hiding behind the first
amendment, which guarantees freedom of the
press. Unfortunately, many well-meaning
jurists, organizations, and individuals who
Lend to confuse liberty and license, join
these publishers in their cynical misuse of
the Constitution,
to the 1957 case of Roth v. United
States. 354 U.S. 476, the Supreme Court
upheld convictions under State and Fed-
eral statutes dealing with the regulation
of obscene publications. In a compre-
hensive decision, the Court set forth what
many hoped to be an effective test for
obscene material. As stated by the
Court:
Obscene material is material which deals
with sex in a manner appealing to prurient
interests.
The test to be applied was "whether to
the average person, applying contempo-
rary community standards, the dominant
theme of the material taken as a whole
appeals to prurient interest."
However, the hopes of those who found
encouragement in the Roth decision were
soon dispelled_
In 1962 the Court, in the case of
Manual Enterprises v. Day, 370 U.S.
478, held that in addition to the "pruri-
ent interest" standard set forth in the
Roth decision, the material must be
"patently offensive" to fall without the
protective shield of the first amend-
ment. According to Harlan, this means
only "hard-core" pornography can "con-
stitutionally be reached under this or
similar state obscenity statutes."
The shocking impact of the Court's
decision in the Manual Enterprises case
cannot be fully realized without taking
notice of the vile and obscene nature of
the material involved therein. The
Court's approval of such salacious trash
which by its own admission consisted of
publications "primarily, if not exclu-
sively, for homosexuals, and have no
literary, scientific or other merit" and
which "would appeal to the prurient in-
terest of such sexual deviates," is an
outrageous and reprehensible perversion
of the spirit as well as the letter of the
first amendment. As stated in Justice
Clark's dissenting opinion, the decision,
"despite the clear congressional man-
date--requires the post office to be the
world's largest disseminator of smut and
the grand informer of the names and
places where obscene material may be
obtained."
The indignation of the American peo-
ple at these decisions was vividly de-
scribed by Rev. John J. Regan, dean of
St. Joseph's University of Liberal Arts
and Sciences:
We have come to expect periodic outbursts
from the American public at the Supreme
Court's decisions dealing with obscenity.
The people are rightly concerned. Our so-
ciety is in the middle of an anti-Puritan
revolution in morals. Any writer who man-
ages to shock is automatically entitled to
respect as a worthy rebel. William Phillips,
editor of the Partisan Review, has labeled
the heroes of today's avant-garde as "the
new immoralists." He adds: "To embrace
what is assumed to be beyond the pale is
taken as a sign of true sophistication. And
this is not simply a change in sensibility; it
amounts to sensibility of chaos."
In reaction to this revolution, the ordinary
citizen is developing a neurosis about courts
and judges. He sees the flood of pornog-
raphy Inundating the newsstand and the lo-
cal movie theater, and flowing steadly into
the private home through the mails. In
desperation he is turning to the legislatures
and ultimately to the courts for protection.
But he is frustrated by the apparent lack of
concern in the courts for his problem. He
sees little of the delicate judicial task of
balancing the public interest in the moral
fabric of society with the equally important
public interest in free speech.
How Long must the people of America
be subjected to the outrage of having
their families and children subjected to
the public presence of this shocking,
salacious, obscene literature?
How long must the public suffer the
contempuous, arrogant disregard for
their rights exhibited by a court which
seems obsessed with its role as the pro-
tective guardian of those who seek to
subvert every institution, idea, principle,
and moral value which our people hold
dear and upon which this great Nation
has been established?
We have taken progressive and effec-
tive steps to purge the pollution from our
streams and air; to beautify our public
highways and national parks; to protect
the physical and mental health of our
families.
When will be taken the necessary steps
to purge the venomous stain of this ma-
lignant, infectious, pornographic plague
from the midst of our society?
I submit that this responsibility rests
with the Congress and that the time to
act is now.
PROMOTION OF INTERNATIONAL
TRADE IN AGRICULTURAL COM-
MODITIES--AMENDMENT
AMENDMENT NO. 489
Mr. TYDINGS (for himself and Mr.
GRUY:NING) submitted an amendment,
intended to be proposed by them, jointly,
to the bill (S. 2933) to promote interna-
tional tirade in agricultural commodities,
to combat hunger and malnutrition, to
further economic development, and for
other purposes, which was received,
ordered to be printed, and referred to the
Committee on Agriculture and Forestry.
AUTHORIZATION FOR JOINT COM-
MITTEE TO FILE ITS REPORT ON
MARCH 17, 1966
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Joint Eco-
nomic Committee be granted an exten-
sion from March 1, 1966, to March 17,
1966, to file a report of its finding and
recommendations with respect to the
economic report which is required by
section 5(b) (3) of Public Law 304, 79th
Congress.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
EXTENSION OF TIME FOR BILL TO
LIE ON THE DESK FOR CO--
SPONSORS
Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, the bill
(S. 2947) to amend the Federal Water
Pollution Control Act in order to improve
and make more effective certain pro-
grams pursuant to such act, is at the desk
for the benefit of Senators who may wish
to cosponsor it.
I ask unanimous consent that the bill
lie at the desk until this coming Friday,
March 4, 1966.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILLS
AND JOINT RESOLUTION
Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that, at its next
printing, the name of the Senator from
West Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] be added
as a cosponsor of the bill, S. 2888, to in--
sure that children participating in
domestic nonprofit school lunch pro.-
grams will be assured of adequate sup-
plies of nutritious dairy products.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, at its
next printing, I ask unanimous consent
that the names of Senators CANNON and
SCOTT be added as cosponsors of the bill
(S. 2916) to provide for a weather modi-?
fication program to be carried out by the
Secretary of Commerce.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that my name be
added as a cosponsor of Senate Joint
Resolution 85 a resolution introduced by
Senator MCCARTHY providing that
equality of rights under the law shall not
be denied or abridged by the United
States or by any State on account of sex.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONORS OF DILL
AND RESOLUTION
Under authority of the orders of the
Senate, as indicated below, the follow-.
ing names have been added as addi-?
tional cosponsors for the following bill
and resolution:
Authority of February 16, 1966:
S. 2928. A bill to amend title IV of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 in order to authorize the
Commissioner of Education to provide tech-
nical assistance and grants to school boards
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
4067
Derrell Andrews, Robert Lee Hill, Edwin W.
Joem, Gary Stitt, Stephen J. Levitch, Neal D.
Warren, Roy G. Cappell, Robert T. Eppeison.
Darlene Bagert, John Koehler, Stephen
Deurhtsky, Larry Fenton, Barbara Vereepey,
Linda Taylor, Lawrence Q. Ramey, Michael
W. Risk, Randy Herzog, Michael Schroeder,
Richard Boatman, Donald Whitney, James
C. Bellis, Roger Cooley, John Marshal
Gorchin, Paul C. Shirley, Jr., Dennis Long,
Roger C. Combs, Fred K. Atkinson, John W.
Laugh, Jr., Gerald Lee Wesselmann, Thomas
Mary Hartman, Ken Teepe, Janet Sawyers,
Linda Miller, William M. Morton, Mike
Wright, O. Keith Backhaus, Frank H. Knight,
Thomas P. O'Donnell, Janine Boals, Richard
Benks, Cheryl Smith, Ron Beck, Robert S.
Davidson.
Dennis Sook, Richard King, Valerie Abeln,
Ronald Price, Tom Raflnes, David Fallmer,
Greg McPike, John Pollard, Doug Wankel,
David R. Davis II, Walter F. Love, Beverly
J. Leach, Donald J. Saldway, Michael Chil-
sign, Jr., Margaret McGray, Michael Weber,
Lois Kreienheder, Mary Totter, Dennis Knapp,
Walter L. Rehm, Jr., Don Koingas, George P.
Bretbauger, Jim W. Hymes, Frances Balken-
derch, Mary Jo Dawson, Robert Shaffer, Dan-
ny Minks, Robert Melton, Ronald Brune,
John Lyell, Mrs. Andy Bridges.
G. Douglas Durham, Barry Sanders, Mark
D. Whitlow, Edwin C. House, Jerolyn M.
Onstad, J. Morton Nelson, John Perkins,
Brant Stauffer, Derrell Andrews, Joe Paul-
sen, Earl Gylward, Ted Lee Atwood, Michael
S. Shue, Clif Faddis, Betty Sack, Dennis
A. Pallen, Diana Wegman, Arnie McNett,
Marlis McWilliams, Elmer F. Finke, Jr.,
Snell, R. Chaffer, Joe Kallinski, Ray Villa-
Duane Randall.
Lauren Glauser, Richard Ritz, Charles Hanor,
nueva, Ed Storms, Larry Sullivan, Susan Veal,
Phil Taylor, Thomas E. Lawson, William
King D. Douglas, Terry R. Cantor, Len M.
Robert J. Balmor, David Steele, Sorn Baird.
Fisher, Nancy Wendel, Mike Browning, John
Beisn, Harriet C. Wadsworth.
Gloria Saulberg, Paul Wickens, Sally
Bayner, Gary Lynn Lentz, Jim Powell, Terry
A. K. Nelson, Linda Bupe, Jerry Finley,
O'Hare. Frank J. Irvin III, John M. Boniface,
Liles, David G. Harbison, Gary A. Duncan,
Ann Hemphill, Ronald F. Eldonighoff, Loren
Ron Woods, Shelia Barber, Ralph Power,
Stephen F. Pickering, Jon Stanley, Carolyn
0. Rease, Jonathan Yedor, Walter Gross,
Herbert Schaffer, Martin Hill, Sandy Kelly,
Swallow, Steven Finkel, Brandt Croke, Nor-
Gerald Mors, Michael Paubel, Tom Perrin,
Carol Ann Garrett, Linda Rechler, Daniel
man Ryan, Heide Hallgagend, S. D. Caulder,
Ronald E. Esser, Burt Doyhistin, Hisham
Taylor, Clark Talbert, Edythe Draffen, Ken-
Walter B. Panko, Paul H. Lettmann, Kathy
Sirawan, John C. Graham, Stephen Novala,
neth R. Jester, Ed Maher, Jr., Dennis X.
E. Pontires, David P. DeWalls, Louis Schu-
Pder Stewart, Sue Ginn, Robert R. Kosge,
Dodson, Rene Rozenblit, Glenn C. Ellsworth,
maker.
Father J. H. Wertham, Sanford Rothman,
Michael Resnick, Katie Hulin, Jane Duryer,
Danny Paul Barrett, Arthur R. Kabey,
Helen M. Hubb, James William Stalles,
D. M. Robinson.
David L. Toppen, Lawrence C. Rhyne, Suzie
Charles Cull, Danny Burton.
Joseph C. Smith, Larry J. Leech, Stanley
Parker, Paul Holt, Jack Belt, Albert
Doss Malone, Eddie Aylward, David E.
A. Pollman, Doris Brike, Nance Lynch, Wm.
Spinling, Tom Newly, C. P. Baggero, F.
Slagle, John K. Griesel, Stephen Richards,
Mays II, Richard F. Steatman, Jack Ring, Jr.,
H. Repke, Mrs. Judith O. Repke, Mrs. Alfred
Helen Murrell, David L. Jacobson, Mary Lee
Terrell L. Minor, James W. DeClue, J. W.
Novak, Roy E. Baker, Jr., Georgia I. Caldwell,
Gordon, Richard Humony, Clinton E. Tram-
Hopson, Ernest Wolfe, Jr., Barbara E. Ber-
Edward S. Grigg, P. J. Loesch, Jr., Charles
mel, Jeffrey G., Preston, Robert W. Jones,
man, James N. Story, Robert G. Williams,
E. Meyers, Sr., Robert E. Pelty, James D.
James A. Martin, Alan J. Brown, J. R. Farris,
Wm. H. Ayres, Spencer Hovell, Jerry L. Wal-
Calhoun, Lyndel H. Porterfield, James Van
Alfred B. Kelly, Del Miles, David B. Drum-
lace, Karl D. Hagh, Dorothy Sproat, Paul A.
Hoosen, Particia M. Jordan, James L. Dole,
mond, Rossell B. Shoell, Donald Fleet, Ed-
Johnson, Jr., Bill Lyons, John Koch, Charles
Perry W. Schaefer.
ward J. Jonaitis, George D. Nichol, H. R.
T. Yates, Bill Neff.
Lee Woodward, Mike Kupen, William T.
Mehra, Jim Willsey, Louise Crawford.
Charlie G. Acrested, Mavilyn Seiff, Tim
Todd, Mike Cravens, Lawrence A. Schwartz,
Laurence Roy Latimio, Martha Glasscock,
Mickley, Bonnie Suszko, Jerry Eddy, Jack
Evelyn Mooney, Joseph W. Weyerich, Philip
Donald Johnson, Rosalyn Barris, Kathleen
M. Litman, Donald S. Singer, Dave Nixon
M. Porter, John L. White, Donald J. Slifer,
Leach, Alan Kinkead, Don Ingrum, Ken-
Gorden Jost, Michael Melvin, Leslie Small,
Leo G. Yoder, Robert C. Allen, Richard
neth Bretches, Lawrence A. Koppers, Carley
Janet George, Jud Chalkley, Mary Ann
Pipes, Larry Hampton, Charles O. Mileaye,
Fisher, Michael Devereau, Ralph M. Rowlett,
Smith, Nancy Kloepper, Kenneth B. Sloan,
Gary Wilcox, Timothy Ouse, Sidney Wen-
Rounds Rowlett, Gary L. Scholing, Reta
Oscar H. Calvert, Mack Sloush, Robert W.
graver, Janice P. Wilmsmeyer, Ralph I.
McCall, Sherri Lee McMurry, Michael A.
Haas, Nancy Cowan, Ellen J. Peered, Nancy
Gates, Tom S. Woods, Mrs. Diane G. Ghun,
Greenway, Paul A. Farris, David E. Selering,
Johnston, Robert V. Miller, William R. Hous-
Steve Rose, Sharon Riley, Robert C. Holmes.
Lynn K. Treichel, Kent B. Newell, Thomas G.
ton, Charles Santhuff.
Luke W. Jenkins, Donald L. Packwood,
Johnston, Geoy A. Gale, Dr. J. C. Oliver,
Michael T. Marcotte, Stephen M. Geis III,
Martin J. Megeff, Walter Browder, Kenneth
Gerald Link.
Margaret Hepworth, Carol D. Campbell, Susan
D. Martin, Judith Eckley, Earl Eckley, Andrew
Ronald Dryer, Patricia L. Chamberlain,
Trail, John M. Bone, Lendol Vest, Richard B.
B. Bable, Gerry J. Greece, Arle B. Chever, Don
Doug Se Marie, Adella Bolli, Richard W.
Swirlington, Charles A. Shaw, Robert Allen
Goodman, Jesse Miller, Phil Heath, K.
Meyer, W. H. Worley, Burton K. Robinson,
Walther, Michael R. Deaver, Robert F. Rogers,
Wendell Gore, Donald Jay Hanson, Gary C.
Betty Howard, Carole Raihcoe, Larry Cox, Bill
Barbara L. Johnson, Darlene W. Edwards,
Hengus, Larry Burdett, Ronnie Goldsmith,
Kiems, Jerry Howard, Gerry V. Johnson, Don-
James S. Skinner, Rudy Moe, Paul J. Marian,
Douglas F. Divvers, Lin V. Lumar, Tommy
ald E. Halt, Robert Mindler, Jesly Staurt,
Rex Danneill, Anne Lamkin, E. C. Roman,
King
Phyllis Christian, Sue Mitschele.
Patricia Hoffman, David Goddard. Dave Rowe,
Marcia M. Lewis, Joe Leurs, John M. Welch,
,
Roger Eugene Thaller, Darrell L. Kearns,
Sandra Riggins, Gerald L. Onlersan, Jerry
Frederick C. Boland, Herbert Britt.
Thomas R. Williams
David L. Sammerich
Simmus, Neil Haggard.
Janet Lasley, Calvin Weber, Robert A. Boel-
,
,
Joan Gentry, Frank Alfieri, Roy W. Mefford,
Michael Rodgers, Mike Cunningham, Jeff
sen, Jim Holton, Raymond Dawson, John T.
Lee Copeland
W. A. Bryant
Dennis F
Tola-
Cennock, Mary Geldbach, Robert L. Mills,
Hoog, Barbara K. Pence, Jennifer S. Lambert,
,
,
.
him, Stuart Smith, S. J. Dolson
Richard
J. W. Kitemud, Jr., Rodney Bermin, Terry L.
Janice Davidson, Jerry Hagg, Sandra Pell,
,
Eickelberger, Gary Thomas
Randy Russell
Anderson, John T. Nagy, Ralph Beckwith,
Barrett Glascock, Wallace H. Landes, Willard
,
,
James Thomas Galut, Gary Lynn Sanders
Kenneth Geel, Kent Kukal, Mike Wallace,
Schnaubusch, Audrey D. Wilson, Alta Garcia
,
Sue Shulanbarger
Jeannie Muench
George
Whit S. Worcester, Jerry Meek, Jan Meek,
Myers, C. J. Smith, Mrs. C. J. Smith, Ilan
,
,
Mumford, Kathy Spohn
Larry M. Dyer
Barbara J. Anderson, Vincent T. Nicosia,
Nowinski, Joe Johnston, Cathy Bratek,
,
,
Adrian S. Juttner, John S. Haley
Robert F.
John Stann, Jany D. Roark, James Kessler,
Coleen Murphy, Wayne Thornhill, Karen A.
,
Spurritz
Jr
Michael Schwartz, Thom Clark, Eddy
Whaley, Carla Cox.
,
.
Stanley Ringusen, Jerry Schurenberg, R.
Thomsano, John E. Grogan.
Richard Van Meter
Ken Matten
A. C.
M. Allen Murphy, Jeff Taylor, Irma Lati-
F. Hawk, James D. Burch, Paul J. Nangle,
,
,
Sakati
Mike Alassi
Gerald Folkus
Chester
htyya, Dallas D. Rhodes, Frank F. Hilton,
Walter Klein
Bill Whitmer, Everett Sapp
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Sandy Hallemeyer, William B. Wright, Lan-
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Diana L
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Alpha Order
Dan Alcorn
Kathy Ruda
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Carol Fisher
Richard L
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Talley, Michael Reeves, Emery Morgan, Susie
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William C
Sutton
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Marshall
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ard P. Hedge, Lance Wethantex, Bob Denny,
Schreiber, David J. Smith, Joe Flannery,
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Larry N
John W
Woods
Boise
Carol Bow-
Sigma Chi, Fred Benson, John B. Grafton,
Phyllis Jentry, Gayle Speiser, Jill Johnson,
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man
Tom Strongman
Richard E
White
Dean Bradley, Vic Kritzschman, Byron
Claude Turner, Phaney Livingston, Katie
,
,
.
,
Thomas M. Downs, Kenneth Harpster, Larry
Haughn, Charles M. Berkley, USMCR, Pat
Dooley, Bran Alkerson, Larry Wesselman
Blanton, Gwendolyn A. Rayford, Tom B.
R. Hanning, Tom Butterworth, Dale Ridder.
,
Jule Edward Anderson.
Ballen, Cheryl Halper, Colleen Barnhart.
Anne Marie Weiss, Kathleen Burton, Linda
DeBra Ray, Bill Hancock, Bill Sebastian,
Linda J. Taylor, Janet Caywood, Lyn
Braver, James N. Finnell, Lloyd H. Crews, Jr.,
Shirley Allen, Gene Turley, Bill Toldebusch,
Noblett, Pamela Preston, Barbara Joan Peters,
Howard C. Wright, Jr., Joe Bauman, Patrick
Barry Casper, James M. Robinson, T. Clark,
Joseph Henson, Judy Johnston, Loran C.
R. Baldwin, H. L. Calm, Joseph A. Saursen,
Roger Bentley, Darlene Patricia Jost, Lucy
Young, Janice McDaniel, John Henson, Clyde
Katie Love, Wally Williamson, Wayne
Ann Waldeck, Bill Johnson, John C. Black,
H. Howell, John H. Day, Vonna Kyprlgder,
Brady, H. Lawrence Hottelman, John A.
Ted L. Bolt, Stephen M. Dean, Thomas
Michael L. Sherman, Charles F. Clements,
Dearing, Jr., Tom Ballard, Neal Dowers,
Richey, Kay Segall, Richard F. Bennett,
Phil D. Wann, Garry Kalts, Michael Luther,
Michael L. Coney, Terry Green, L. W. Hose-
Thomas B. Lampitt, Larry C. Piros, Helen
Jr., Kathleen Costeel, Charles Emmons, Ron-
mon, Ginny White, Charles Stecher, Gary T.
A. Bell, H. William Busch, Jr., Walter S.
ald J. Baslen, Alfred N. Smith, Joan Krueger,
Christoff, John C. Taylor, Ronald G. Fenkel.
Strode, Pat Weast.
Donald Fues, Gerald M. Sill.
Don Boullear, Jack Garrison, W. P. Kane,
Elwyn Renne, Gary R. Underwood, Kent
Ronald W. James, Burt E. Deacock, Arthur
E. A. Cabot, Janet Maerz, John Arnold, Jim
E. McMillen, Michael B. Snyder, Harriet
H. William, Michael Woods, Thomas Wayne
Bowers, John Crestman, Sandra Bunch,
Cohen, James Porter, Ralph Watkins, Benny
Mitchell, Wm. H. McKnight, Jr., Robert Pile,
Thomas B. Darnell II, Arthur Lee Gully,
Duffield, Robert Hugh Scott, Michael Letton,
Bruce Lordfather, Charles Ervin, Karen Kay
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE February 28, 1966
Thomson, Ronald R. Reagan, Barbara Cre-
vello, Michelle C. Wilson, Robert N. Gould,
Beverly D. Fields, Jerry L. Davenport, Ron
Farley, Joan Powell, Tahy Stein, Mike Wood-
all, Henry Blair, Bill McBride, Virginia
Mooney, Karen Mitchell, Bill Hynes.
iron Carson, Frank Sadowski, Kalers
Covusburg, Elizabeth R. Overton, Pamela
Higginbotham. Jim Busby, Terry Shimaru,
Paul Keichastacht, Carolyn Hellmich, Larry
F. Moore, Fletcher A. Reynolds, Larry Ander-
eon, Barbara Keur, B. S. Brown, David J.
Danials, Thomas M. Wallace, Algo W. Fugit,
Diane Dugan, James R. Holmes, Rosemary
White, Tia Rolt, Dolores Muenks, Margie
Boehner, Robert K. Busch, Jr., Don White.
Merry Beth Parker, Jane Fisher, Don
Welage, Thomas P. Cathy, Slenson L. Morton,
Charles A. Reed, Ronald Darks, Lowell T.
Cooke, Arthur C. Hoffman, Martin R. Bailey,
Leslie Gene Plummer, Algird J. Valiuzras,
Earl N. Van Eatoy, Glenda Sue Van Eaton,
Charles Alex Miller, Don E. Wickerham, Jo
Hilton, Diana Pauis, Pamela E. Dunham,
Richard Wayne Petersen, Susan Williamson,
John E. Austin, Susie Gromer, Nancy Fowler,
Lucinda Rice.
Mike Johnson, R. S. Weslister, Kenneth
H. Long, Al Rubin, John F. Haslev, Suzanni
Maupin, Michel W. Divlney, Roberta Beattie,
Bob Swoboda, Erich C. Dueivy, Lowell New-
son, William Fricth, Dale R. Hicks, Diana
Lee Blackwell, Jay Chiles, Glenn Orr, Mar-
garet Fisher, Ed Pochos, Wm. J. Kaggy, Law-
rence Cook, Robert Sihauman, Erie Sewers,
Charles Eddy, Peggy Diesel, Terri Brandin-
burg.
Galen H. Wilkes, John Franklin, Berta A.
'Few, Stuart Huntner, Charles A. Musgrove,
Thomas L. McRobert, Susan Hay. David Clark
Zucker, Paul J. Reichert, David A. Aber, Dale
C. Doerhoff, Mike Morgan, Bernice Zyk, Bob
Whatley, Lee O. Elsner, Judith Ann Kern,
Sandra Bayer, Joyce Roesel, David Rainbow,
Tom Lener, Jr., Dale Belcher, Linda S. Moss,
John W. Miller, John S. Tumel, Tom B. Lati-
mer.
Michael E. Engel, John Wedleston, Mary
Ellen Kirberg, Douglas Jones, Mike Alexan-
der, Billy C. Dunehew, Terry G. Hayden, Mi-
chael Tellman, Perry Mudd, Jerry Fillmore,
Kay Lang, Delmar Heinke, David Brown, U.S.
MCR. Richard K. Lucy, Sid A. Trojahen, Rich-
ard John Ohanesian, Glenn Germann, San-
dra Lante, Frank G. Mays, II, Dick Newman,
Gary W. Flick, John L. Walker, Ted Warm-
bold, Bruce Downey.
Bob Morfing, Benny :Hainen, Greg Schuert,
Gary Taylor, Steve Sailor, Tom Dowagher,
Wolfgang A. Scheuder, Steve Sheppard, Del-
bert Meiny, James Gunderson. Russell Ram-
sey, A. Lee Cachery, John A. Owersado, Bill
Rush, Kent Vantire, Nolan Berry, Dwight
Degnn, II, Ted Jenn, Denis Day Croone, Ken-
neth Creek, Earl Newman, William Beitz,
John J. Venezons, Lawrence D. Ramsey.
Mike Hathaway, Alfred Gaskin, Hellyea
Schmitt, Stanley Harrell, Marvin E. Krueger,
(Billy L. Gaus. Gary D. Helsel, Richard Kinder.
Charles M. O'Connor, Warren R. Brown,
Richard N. Echols, Robert E. Cowan, Tim
Wink, Michael S. Lechtenberg, Linda Jacobs,
Maynard Davison, Linden Ousley, David S.
Fblen, D. Clark Shows, William Kavanaugh,
Margaret Hunt, it. J. O'Neill, Charles Pearson,
Stephen Walters, Donovan Rhynshwgen, Dav-
id Hennies, Mac McCollum, Henry Beauman,
James Lindley, Robert M. Siebert, Ann Ro-
zene Trolinger, Kathleen Lally, David Mc-
Connell.
Charlie F. Hudson, James S. Michie. Harold
B. Strain, Ray Lord, Sharon Allen, Barry J.
Weinberg, David Crenshaw, Bob Jordan, Wil-
bon G. Risenhoover, Kathie Watson, Richard
Meyer, Allan J. Begamy, Thomas H. Hrastich,
Betty Ann Morgan.
Don B. Wittenberger, Bunny Richards,
Robert Lois Anderson, Geoff Gifford, Kathy
Oflibey, Steve Durham, John Henafin, Ronald
S. Adams, Robert W. Heckemeyer, Mike Phil-
lips, Robert Dahl, Anita Letter, Terry P. Hud-
son, Teresa Murray, Tom Haughton, Robert
L. Royle, Diana Lynn Newton, Robert Harold
Dennis, Jerome Dopplich, Larry C. Henopel,
Delano P. Wegener, Karin Sue Gordon,
Thomas W. Marris, Ken Ramage, Thomas
Schneider.
Stephen Koonse, J. E. Weinman. D.V.M.,
Henry S. Staley, William O. Reicke, George R.
Allman, William B. Bowie, Lyle P. Bird, Janet
Kutten.kule, Raymond C. Thomaston, John
D. Schaffer, Bill Shively, William Bailey,
Kathy Hamilton.
Bob. Faith, Keith Suchmen, Wane Ger-
hardt, Jim Mealey, Paul H. Anderson, George
Fadler, James It. Wencker, Walter Schwarty,
Vicki L. Jaiger, John A. Gordon, Morton
Wigner, Jim Schofield, Johnny Cenchevy,
Bob Benell, Dale W. Cleminte, W. Wade
Davis, Jerry Retell, Geland E. Hailln, Ray-
mond D. Collins, Duane Hobbs, Robert
Laughlin, Richard Powell, Kenneth M. Sam-
uelson, Nadine Caldwell, Ray Anderson.
Ron Slaughter, Susie Barry, Linea Mont-
gomery, Tom Stuber, Deana L. Lairs, Martha
S. Barnett, Richard P. Lawless, MAorle L.
Kasenthal.
William Devins, James Wavvelly Charles
Richard Couchman, Gall Stantus, Robert N.
Whilche, Cindy Gregg, Margaret Demien,
Sandra, Waldicker, Mike Bailey, Joseph J.
ingies, Thomas Dyer, Paul Clement Pritch-
ard, John It. Snyder, Eldrid Mutlns, John
N. Miller, Craig J. Layton, Emily Gordon,
Linda Glascock, Salley Wright, Ron Schubel,
Harold Mesile, Barry Saltzman, Allan J.
Ward, Barb Harder, Dave Davenport.
John M. Howell, Donald Bradley, Rose
McCall, Richard Rhodes, Mabel Joseph,
Norma Logan, Gabrielle Lienhard Eugene
T. Loche, John M. Bonifa.r..e, Stephs n Frian,
John. :F. Shain, Michael Geddingtun, Sally
Stryelec.
Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. Pre,, ident, I
noticed in the Baltimore Sun of this
morning the following headliner: "U.S.
Paratrooper Company Beaten Deci-
sively." Now there are a great many
young Americans in South Vietnam.
Those I have talked to were glad to be
there. Perhaps a few were not. But
none of them are primarily responsible
for being there, and I would hope the
Senate would do everything in its power
to in turn do its part by sending every-
thing needed to help these young; Amer-
icans as they wage this war in South
Vietnam.
EXPANSION OF SOCIAL SECURITY
ACT
Mr. PROUTY. Mr. President, many
Members of the Senate have been receiv-
ing mail from older folks about my bill,
S. 350, which would blanket in under the
Social Security Act all persons age 70
and aver who do not now receive bene-
fits.
I arm pleased to announce that when
the Senate proceeds to consider the ad-
ministration tax bill, H.R. 12752, 1 shall
offer the text of S. 350, with on!y minor
technical changes, as an amendment to
this measure.
The amendment will provide that, :first,
all retired people age 70 and over who do
not now have insured. status will be eligi-
ble for social security benefits at the rate
of. $44 a month; the amount for spouses
would be $22 per month; second, the
transitional insured status provisions en-
acted in 1965 would be repealed effective
with the coming into force of my pro-
posed amendment; third, the increased
payroll taxes enacted in 1965 to cover the
cost of the transitional insured status
would be retained; the additional
amounts needed to cover the expense of
my proposal would be paid from general
revenues; and, fourth, the benefit
amount for persons electing to retire
early at reduced benefits would not be af-
fected at age 70.
Mr. President, this is indeed a very
modest proposal. I. have said for a long
time that the minimum social security
benefit ought to be at the very least $70.
One hundred dollars would, of course, be
a more acceptable figure. However, a
majority of my colleagues do not yet
seem to share this view, so I am attempt-
ing to blanket in under the Social Se-
curity Act all persons age 70 and over at
the minimum rate of $44 per month.
Included among those not now pro-
tected by the law are retired farmers,
retired teachers, and many other de-
serving persons who never had an op-
portunity to obtain social security cover-
age during their working lifetimes.
Many live in extremely reduced cir-
cumstances. They receive little help
from the antipoverty program and their
need is for cash.
My amendment will not answer all
their problems, but it may put a can of
coffee, a pound of sugar, or a bag of flour
on shelves that are rather empty at the
present time.
The amendment I shall offer would give
social security protection to all :persons
age 70 and over. All who may be inter-
ested in cosponsoring this amendment
should contact my office on extension
2051.
THE ORGANIZATION AND OPERA-
TION OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, last
August 16, ]1965, I introduced a bill for
a commission to study and appraise the
organization and operation of the ex-
ecutive branch of the Government. This
measure would create a new Hoover-
type Commission which undertook stud-
ies of Government reorganization in the
past.
Let me repeat the essence of the state-
ment made at that time to the extent
that I might note again that the Com-
mission would be bipartisan in member-
ship and would submit recommendations
to Congress for appropriate action de-
signed to abolish services and functions
not necessary to the efficient conduct of
the Government or which may be found
to be in competition with private enter-
prise.
The study proposed would proceed
with a view of improving Government
efficiency and effecting economies where-
ever possible. We have learned that it
is not easy to reduce the Federal expend-
itures. The proposed budget for fiscal
year 1967 is ample proof of this thesis.
But one safe way toward better Govern-
ment is by reorganizing, merging, elimi-
nating, consolidating, and standardizing
those unnecessary and wasteful prac-
tices which exist in the executive branch
of the Government.
The Commission should not, to my
mind, devote itself only to new recom-
mendations but could very well evaluate
those recommendations of the former
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE e ruary 28, 1966
has in proportion to its population, 360,000
Americans would have been wiped out in 3
years.
That fact explains more than just why the
Vietcong went to such great lengths Tues-
day to assassinate the chief of Le My, a show-
case village in the U.S. marines' pacification
program. It also sheds light on why the
Vietnamese conflict in such a long, hard,
dirty war.
It helps explain, for instance, why the
Vietcong is so tenacious. In a complex so-
ciety such as that of the United States where
no man is indispensable, there can be a
smooth transition from one administration
to the next such as the one that took place
after the assassination of President Ken-
nedy. In a simple society such as Vietnam,
however, where experienced administrators
are at a premium and decisionmaking must
consequently be more centralized, the loss
of just one public official can be much more
disruptive.
It helps explain why U.S. bombing attacks
haven't been as effective as was hoped, at
least not so far. The Vietcong likely feels
that as long as it can decapitate South Viet-
nam's social structure by assassinating pub-
lic officials, it can lose a score of troops for
every administrator it murders and still be
ahead of the game.
It helps explain why the United States has
refused to include the Vietcong in any peace
negotiations. Among other reasons, there is
an understandable reluctance on the part
of representatives of a nation with a strict
code of military conduct to sit at the same
table with men whose hands are stained with
the blood of innocent civilians.
It also helps explain why the United States
is having so much trouble winning the war.
To us, life is not cheap and we would never
think of stooping to assassination just as we
have refrained from bombing civilian targets
in North Vietnam.
Does this mean the United States is fight-
ing a war it cannot win?
Not necessarily. Atrocities are nothing
new in the history of human conflict, and
as the Nuremberg trials and the more re-
cent fate of Adolf Eichmann demonstrate,
sooner or later there comes a day of reckon-
ing for war criminals.
Moreover, during the 1948-80 guerrilla war
in Malaya, 2,473 civilians were slaughtered
compared to 1,885 casualties among the se-
curity forces. But such tactics did not pre-
vent the British and Malayans from defeat-
ing the Communists.
COMMENDATION OF VICE PRESI-
DENT HUMPHREY
(Mr. KING of Utah (at the request of
Mr. WHITE of Texas) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include extra-
neous matter.)
Mr. KING of Utah. Mr. Speaker,
President Lyndon B. Johnson is a most
unusual man, using the term in its com-
plimentary sense. A decision recently
made by him is particularly worthy of
commendation, the decision to make Vice
President HUMPHREY, the Secretary of
Agriculture, the Director of the AID
Program, and other high Government of-
ficials available to the Members of Con-
gress to give them an in-depth briefing
on their Vietnamese visits.
The most unusual feature of this op-
eration is the fact that the Vice President
has been so completely available and so
completely forthright. Every Congress-
man who has so desired, has had a
chance to talk to him. Every question
asked has been answered.
The atmosphere on Capitol Hill during
the past week has been one of complete
candor. I for one feel that this has
created a most healthy situation. I con-
gratulate President Johnson on his new-
est diplomatic tour de force, and reassure
the Nation that on Capitol Hill no effort
is being spared to get the facts.
NOTICE TO HOUSE MEMBERS ON
REPRINTING OF UKRAINIAN DAY
PROGRAM
(Mr. FLOOD (at the request of Mr.
WHITE of Texas) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, with re-
spect to the 48th anniversary of Ukrain-
ian Independence, a private order is be-
ing submitted for reprint publication of
all statements and other insertions made
by House Members prior to, during, and
after the January 22, 1966, event, which
was observed in the House on January
25, 1966.
If there is no objection from any such
Member, his or her statement or inser-
tion will be incorporated in the reprint
brochure, which has been requested by
the Ukrainian Congress Committee of
U.S. AIRPOWER SHOULD NOT HAVE
CLIPPED WINGS
(Mr. ROGERS of Florida (at the re-
quest of Mr. WHITE of Texas) was
granted permission to extend his re-
marks at this point in the RECORD and
to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, U.S. ground forces in South Vietnam
are operating under difficult circumstan-
ces, yet our ground troops are under
orders to fight to the finish.
Ironically, where the United States
has definite superiority, in the air over
North Vietnam, U.S. airpower has its
wings clipped. American airmen are
subject to careful review of air targets
prior to bombing missions, and many
targets are spared even though they may
have definite military importance to
North Vietnam.
If U.S. ground troops are told to fight
to win, similar standards should be ap-
plied to the use of U.S. airpower over
North Vietnam.
The President has stated that the
United States will honor its commitment
to defeat communism in Vietnam. Let
our commitment allow no room for sanc-
tuary in North Vietnam, but be carried
out with the same resolution in the air
that our military forces now use on the
ground.
PROTECTION TO DESERT LAND
ENTRIES
(Mr. TUNNEY (at the request of Mr.
WHITE of Texas) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. TUNNEY. Mr. Speaker, today I am
introducing legislation which is designed
to protect the claims of those who had
rights to desert land entries before the
Secretary of Interior ruled last year that
there was not sufficient water from the
Colorado River to allow the desert land
entries to be cultivated.
Desert land laws permit an individual
to obtain title to as much as 320 acres
of publicly owned land if certain condi-
tions are met. One important condition
is that a water supply be available in an
amount sufficient to make the lands ag-
riculturally productive.
Under the law at least $3 per acre must
be spent on reclamation by the land-
power within 3 years after the entry is
filed. By the end of 4 years at least
one-eighth of the land must be under
cultivation.
Under the Maggie Havens ruling in
1923 the Department of Interior sus-
pended the time limits prescribed by des-
ert land laws on certain lands until wa-
ter for irrigation becomes available.
The Secretary of the Interior on De-
cember 2, 1965, determined that insuf-
ficiency of water in the Colorado River to
meet all the demands of the basin users
required him to take action to terminate
some 250 desert land entries principally
in Imperial Valley, Calif.
Whatever the gravity of the Colorado
River water supply, I believe the pioneers
and their descendants who have sought
to develop these desert land entries since
the early decade of this century should
be protected in their opportunity to hold
their land when water does become avail-
able.
As a participant in the Interior Com-
mittee hearings on the lower Colorado
River, I am well aware of the needs of
protecting and augmenting our very
valuable water supply. That is why I
have urged immediate studies on the pos-
sibilities of importing water from the
Northwest to replenish the supply of the
Colorado River since California's use of
Colorado River water for agriculture to-
day approximates the allotment under
the seven-party agreement.
The action of the Secretary last De-
cember has brought home in the starkest
possible way the grim necessity of en-
acting Colorado River legislation which
will augment the Lower Colorado River
Basin supply.
In the meantime I am introducing this
bill to preserve the desert land entry-
mens right to perfect their entries when
sufficient water becomes available.
LEAVE OF ABSENCE
By unanimous consent, leave of ab-
sence was granted to Mr. KEE (at the
request of Mr. ALBERT), for February 24,
1986, on account of official business in
his district.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legis-
lative program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. HALPERN (at the request of Mr.
HUTCHINSON), for 40 minutes, on March
1; to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORI) - HOUSE
critics of our policy, both in and out of
Congress, are saying. A president can be
right and the entire country disagree with
him. Or he may be wrong and still enjoy
mass approbation.
We have an obligation to answer these
arguments. On one side some advocate at
worst, complete surrender-that we get out
right away. At best, they guise this defeat-
ism in an enclave theory which would effec-
tively give the bulk of the country over to
the Communists and leave us isolated.
Others advocate mass bombing. They
want us to take the war to the Chinese main-
land. Their intension is honorable. The
result would be devastation, but not victory.
f nd their proposals might unleash a world
war.
Disparate as these critics are in the solu-
tions they propose, they are similar in their
eagerness to be relieved of the burdens of
world leadership. They both want us to get
the whole thing over with. Both views
.unack of the sentiments of Prime Minister
Chamberlain. Mr. Chamberlain once spoke
to the British nation and I quote: "Of a
riuarrel in a far-away country between people
of whom we know nothing--why should we
get involved?"
This was appeasement. The result; was 6
years of the bloodiest war in the history of
mankind. That appeasement would work
was a myth then--it remains a myth now.
These critics despair too soon. We have
=seen in South Vietnam in force for a scant
6 months. Only now is our presence being
felt. Six months ago, village after village was
being surrounded and overcome, and the
government forces had retreated to the town
squares and to the city of Saigon itself. To-
day, many of the villages have been retaken
and pacified. More than that, the people
know that we are there. They know that we
intend to stay as long as necessary. The im-
pact is one of enormous significance.
Just over a month ago I was in Vietnam.
:C went there to see for myself. I saw the
condition of the country. I saw the magni-
tude of the job. I saw that we were doing
that job.
I was impressed by the will of the Vietna-
mese people. But I must pause to tell you
about our magnificent men. Our forces are
extremely able, alert, and intelligent. Most
of the men in our Armed Forces today are
high school graduates. Most of our officers
are college graduates. Most of them are
trained in government, in economics and
political systems. And most of them, thank
God, understand the philosophical and po-
litical threat of communism so that they
know what the war is all about. The morale
of our men is tremendous. Inspiring is the
only word for it. They know why we are
there. They know what we must do. And
they have the ability and will to do it.
What then are the prospects for immedi-
ate victory? Victory in this instance is not
like that of a conventional war, in that it
must mean the containment of communism,
and this will undoubtedly take time and ef-
fort and sacrifice. But the stakes are
enormous.
I. recall as vividly as any experience of my
life, the days of the Cuban crisis. You may
remember that Congrrss had just adjourned
arid President Kennedy summoned all of the
congressional leaders back to Washington.
There in the Cabinet Room of the White
Louse he outlined in detail the Russian mis-
sile threat to the United States. For one
terrible week the Nation looked down the
nuclear barrel. On the Monday after the
Hunday morning that Khrushchev wrote his
letter to the President indicating withdrawal
of the missiles, President Kennedy said, at
his final briefing: "The military threat of
Russia is receding.. Now the threat will come
from Communist China as it develops the
hydrogen bomb."
Two years later, almost to the day, gathered
in the same room, with almost the same
people, with the exception of President
Kennedy, President Johnson briefed us on
the explosion of the first nuclear device in
China. There were many questions dire^,ted
at Secretary Rusk and Secretary McNamara.
One prevailed above all the others What
threat does this pose to the free world? The
answer came back, candid and brief: Very
little as of now, but a major and dangerous
one 10 years from now, baring no change in
the aggresive government now dominant in
China.
And as I talked with our leaders in Viet-
nam and Saigon, these meetings kept recur-
ring in my mind.
:3o this is the ultimate challenge of Viet-
nam. Whether we turn back the threat now
or whether we repeat the events of other days
and ultimately face a China infinitely
stronger than it is today and determined to
conquer the rest of mankind.
This is the challenge, but what of the
future? Our objectives are clear. We in-
tend to contain communism in Vietnam.
We do not believe that the Communists will
step unless we stand firm. Thus, we are
erecting a wall. Not a wall of brick: and stone
and barbed wire, but a wall of will and
resolution..
Yet, at the same time, I want to aszure
you that President Johnson is doing every-
thing possible to get the Vietnam conflict to
the conference table where we can achieve a
just and honorable settlement. Our emis-
saries range the world for peace. Now we
take our search for peace into a new forum
at the United Nations.
We will stay in Vietnam no longer than is
necessary. We seek no territory or bases.
We support free elections in South Vietnam
if they can be conducted in peace and without
Communist intimidation.
The problem is, as the most recent pro-
nouncements from Hanoi so graphically
reveal, that the Communists do not yet want
peace. They still think they can win.
Our enemies hope that we are a callow
Nation. They confuse our reluctance to
accept our destiny of world leadership with
lack of resolve and thus call us a Paper tiger.
They hope that we will be unwilling to bear
the weight of world leadership when the
mantle grows heavy. They dream that the
mightiest Nation in the world, with a gross
national product of nearly three-quarters of
a trillion dollars, will fall for the spurious
aternative of guns or butter. They hope
that the Democratic Party, fearful of being
characterized as a war party, will hesitate to
conduct our Vietnam policy with vigor.
They cling to the vain expectation that our
national determination will crumble.
In. conclusion, let me quote from the ad-
dress made by President Johnson at the
Johns Hopkins University in April 1965:
"We fight because we must fight if we are
to live in a world where every country can
shape its own destiny. And only in such a
world will our own freedom be finally secure.
"The first reality is that North. Vietnam
iras. attacked the independent :nation of
South Vietnam. Its object is total conquest.
"Over this war, and all Asia, is another
reality: The deepening shadow of Communist
China. The rulers in Hanoi are urged on by
Peiping. This is a regime which has destroy-
ed freedom in Tibet, attacked India, and
been condemned by the United Nations for
aggression in Korea. It is a nation which
is helping the forces of violence in almost
every continent.
"Why are we in South Vietnam?
"We are there because we have a promise
to keep. Since 1954 every American Presi-
dent has offered support to the people of
South Vietnam. We have helped to build,
and we have helped to defend. Thus, over
the years, we have made a national pledge
to help South Vietnam defend its inde-
pendence. And :1 intend to keep that
promise.
"We are also there to strengthen world
order. To leave Vietnam to its fate would
shake the confidence of all these people in
the value of American commitment, the
value of America's word. The result would
be increased unrest and instability, and even
wider war.
"We are there because there are great
stakes in the balance. Let no one think for
a moment that retreat from Vietnam would
bring an end to the conflict. The battle
would be renewed in one country and then
another. The central lesson of our time is
that the appetite of aggression is never
satisfied.
"There are those who wonder why we have
a responsibility there. We have it for the
same reason we have a responsibility for the
defense of the freedom of Europe. World
War II was fought in both Europe and Asia
and when it ended, we found ourselves with
continued responsibility for the defense of
freedom.
"Our objective is the independence of
South Vietnam, and its freedom from. attack.
We want nothing for ourselves, only that the
people of South Vietnam be allowed to guide
their own country in their own way.
"It should also be clear that the only path
for reasonable men is the path of peaceful
settlement.
"Such peace demands an independent
South Vietnam securely guaranteed and able
to shape its own relationships to all others,
free from outside interference, tied to no
alliance, a military base for no other
country."
(Mr. ANNUNZIO (at the request of
Mr. WHITE of Texas) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
rMr. ANNUNZIO'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
ATROCITIES NOTED
(Mr. KING of Utah (at the request of
Mr. WHITE of Texas) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. KING of Utah. Mr. Speaker, I
was greatly impressed by some figures I
read recently in the Salt Lake City Des-
eret News. It pointed out:
If the United States had as many mayors,
police chiefs, and. other government ad-
ministrators assassinated as South Vietnam
has in proportion to its population, 360,000
Americans would have been wiped out in
3 years.
The paper states that this throws light
"on why the Vietnamese conflict is such
a long, hard, dirty war."
Atrocities are nothing new in the his-
tory of human conflict, the paper con-
tinues. It adds:
Such tactics did not prevent the British
and Malayans from defeating the Commu-
nists.
I suggest that this article is worth
study, and I include it in the RECORD:
[From the Salt Lake City (Utah)
Deseret News, Feb. 16, 1966]
CAN WE WIN IN VIETNAM?
If the United States had as many mayors,
police chiefs, and other governmental ad-
ministrators assassinated as South Vietnam
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come principally in the area of schooling.
The emphasis has been derived largely from
the almost universal disdain of top officials
in the Office of Economic Opportunity for
the present American educational system.
The antipoverty program's most ambl-
tious new educational method is the Job
Corps, which itself amounts to a new and
experimental, coexistent high school sys-
tem. It has been discussed in earlier arti-
cles in this series.
Outside the Job Corps, the teaching meth-
ods employed in antipoverty projects have
not been especially inventive or distinctive,
least of all in vocational training. But the
OEO is putting a premium on innovation in
considering applications for grants, and some
new fervor may be seeping into the schools.
If there has not been much of acclaim in
past performance, there is considerable fu-
ture promise.
The 25 boys in Project Re-Entry in Syra-
cuse spend S mornings a week in class and
5 afternoons at make-work jobs. Their goal
is to get back into high school or to acquire
an "equivalency certificate." Without either,
their job .chances are dismal.
These 25 boys are hard-core dropouts. For
them, life both in school and out has been a
"poor scene." Ralph Mingolelli and William
Beard, two former schoolteachers who preside
over Re-Entry, were asked how many of their
scholars have had brushes with the police.
Mingolelli. replied, "Put the question the
other way," and held up one finger.
Teaching these dropouts is different. The
point of departure for morning class dis-
cussion may well be one student's claims
about his amours the night before. The
teacher's day may end at midnight in the
police station, rescuing a pupil from whatever
mess he has gotten into. Says Mingolelli:
"When you want to change the action, be-
come a part of it."
Since Project Re-Entry began last fall, only
two have quit the program. Most of the rest
will learn to read (passably), to do arithme-
tic (primitively), and to embrace a life of
work (decently).
NEW IDEAS FOR OLD
3. The OEO stakes a great deal on the hope
that its new techniques and, of course, its
basic approach will prove massively conta-
gious; that new ideas will impinge on old in-
stitutions: the schools, the welfare agencies,
the hospitals, the community services. In
this area, the Washington Post inquirers
brought back a mixed verdict.
Some reporters saw a real feedback In the
schools, where a premium was being put on
original and imaginative programs as a basis
for future OEO grants. They noted the
number of teachers and school administra-
tors who are as disillusioned with old meth-
ods as the OEO officials, and who chafe im-
patiently to introduce changes.
Others saw remarkable originality and an
eagerness to shift gears in church groups,
notably Catholic institutions, which are re-
shaping themselves and their methods of ex-
tending service to the poor who surround
them.
But some reporters felt that the old
guard in schools and welfare services resisted
change and plodded along as always, inert
and untouched by the novel, strident sound
of the voice of the poor.
Some attitudes change hard, or not at all.
Annie, a Negro woman in Atlanta who
works when she can and goes on relief when
she can't, was convinced by her neighbor-
hood aid to look into the opportunities at
her nearby center.
On arrival, she was greeted by the same
welfare worker, now employed by the center,
whom she had dealt with under the old
system.
Said the worker: "Well, Annie, here you
are back again."
Annie uttered a terse suggestion, turned
on her heel and left.
The reporters believed it likely, however,
that the drive behind massive participation
would some day force cities' public services,
such as the school, health and welfare sys-
tems, to accept representatives of the poor
as members of their directing boards. And
they noted that once new ideas and methods
are accepted at the top, they would find their
way into effective action below, regardless of
the traditionalist attitudes within the agen-
cies.
THE IDEA CATCHES.FIRE
4. By far the most important innovation
of the war on poverty is its insistence on
the involvement of the poor, not merely as
hired hands but as planners, originators, co-
administrators and critics of the programs.
The number of the participating poor is
still in the thousands, but the idea has
caught fire. The unanimous view of the
Washington Post's team is that its results
cannot fail to be enormous: things will never
be the same. Their forecast was highly op-
timistic and usually couched in excited
terms.
They believe that enough people have been
involved already who will not let go lightly
of new found hope, a remarkable resurgence
of dignity and, to be frank, a natural in-
flation of the ego that comes with being a
member of this board or an officer of that.
More tangibly, they saw representatives of
the poor taking the first timid-and, para-
doxically, enormous-steps at telling off
members of the power structure, at declaim-
ing their needs, speaking their pieces, and
discovering, to their own surprise, growing
confidence in their strength.
Above all, the reporters were impressed
with the potential of the neighborhood or
community action centers organized under
citywide "umbrella agencies" in several
hundred localities. They forecast that com-
munity centers may become one of the great
urban Institutions of the next generation.
Already they have forced both the poor and
the powerful to look much harder at the
services the city and welfare agencies offer,
They have intensified concern with the
schools in particular. Although it was not
anticipated, the centers have focused on
urban renewal and Inadequate, remote, and
callous medical services as objects of par-
ticular outrage. The community action
centers have been innovative in bringing
free legal services to the poor. The programs
are sensationally popular-and may produce
sensational changes.
Community action programs have had
especially heartening results in the South,
where involvement of the poor means, in
practice, involvement of the Negro. South-
ern moderates-and others who would now
like to get off the segregation hook-can
find in such programs a quiet way to begin
constructive action, working on specific wel-
fare projects side by side with Negroes.
What direction the community action
neighborhood centers will take remains to
be seen. Civil rights groups are believed to
be lurking in the wings, wondering what their
role should be. More radical groups must
be contemplating their potential.
A new institution has been born-inherent
with great promise.
[From the Washington Post, Feb. 13, 1966]
PROGRESS IN POVERTY
The administration's well-advertised war
against poverty is, on its first year's showing,
a remarkable success. Its achievements al-
ready justify a forceful and steady expansion
of its reach. The series of articles in this
newspaper by Alfred Friendly and his col-
leagues have examined in some detail the
nature of these achievements. And they also
have shown the very important conditions
of success in this enlightened campaign.
It has not worked equally well in every
circumstance. The war on poverty is most
effective where it involves urban Negroes. It
is least effectve where it is dealing with white
populations. The Economic Opportunity Act,
and all of the reforms that it has set in train,
are the direct consequence of the long
struggle over civil rights. The people who
best comprehend the war against poverty are
those who, at least vicariously and emotion-
ally, took part in the civil rights marches and
demonstrations.
But among the 30 million Americans de-
fined as impoverished, three-quarters are
White. The impact of the Opportunity Act is
very largely concentrated upon the most
desperately deprived, embittered, and volatile
slums. They happen to be heavily Negro.
Clearly the Office of Economic Opportunity
made the right choice. But it is necessary to
understand that a choice was made. It was
a choice forced by the limitations of the
appropriations and lack of time for organiza-
tion. But it was a choice that has excluded
most of the people termed poor.
The poverty programs offer very little to
the elderly, although the elderly comprise
nearly a third of the' poor families in this
country. The great weight of the resources
have been thrown into the programs for
children and young families. Again, a choice
was made.
The poverty programs are fully effective
only where mayor and school superintendents
Welcome them. The cities with big, vigorous
community action programs are those in
which mayors are urgently attempting to
work out a new style of city politics. They
are the cities where the old ward organiza-
tions are collapsing, and mayors are looking
for new lines of communication into the
slums and particularly the Negro slums.
While the slums want a hearing at city hall,
it turns out that the more alert city halls
want to hear from the slums. In cities like
Detroit and Pittsburgh, the community ac-
tion organizations are serving this double
purpose. Where mayors are indifferent or
hostile, as in Chicago or Los Angeles, com-
munity action is a meager and hobbled af-
fair. Philadelphia demonstrates the point
nicely. Its city hall neither understands nor
likes the idea of community action, and Phil-
adelphia's community action programs are
hobbled by a lack of leadership and compe-
tent staff. But the same city's new school
board, elected last fall on a tide of votes for
reform, has seized the Opportunity Act and is
exploiting It forcefully.
The Economic Opportunity Act has set
loose the powerful concept of the participa-
tion of the popr, as a bloc, in the affairs of
the community. The poor used to have at
least the advantage of numbers, but now
they are the minority in a hugely middle-
class nation. The Opportunity Act has not
only provided the professional direction and
staffing that this inarticulate bloc must have.
It has also set off a great process of soul-
searching and reorganization among num-
berless school systems, welfare agencies, col-
leges, hospitals, government offices, and po-
litical parties. In the long run, these Indirect
effects may be the most telling.
The war on poverty has generated confi-
dence and aspiration where there was none.
To carry it forward will require sturdier sup-
port than the President's budget offers. To
out it back now, in this moment of hope,
would be a evere misfortune for the whole
country,
]' VIETNAM
(Mr. FARNUM (at the request of Mr.
WHITE of Texas) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. FARNUM. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to call to the attention of my col-
leagues to an editorial appearing in the
Washington Post on February 25 con-
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February 28, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
portunity's phase of the war on poverty will
be a ridiculous boutonniere in the lapel of
disaster, spurs on a jockey whose horse has
dropped dead.
But, assuming a continued high level of the
American economy, a team of 8 Washing-
ton Post reporters who studied the war on
poverty over a 3-week period in more than 20
communities throughout the country is con-
vinced that it can do what it is supposed
to do.
Only here and there can it be measured by
what it has accomplished so far; but its
promise can be measured. It looks enormous.
"CONTROL" BY POOR?
If it is to be realized, however, a handful
of formidable problems must be solved:
1. A miasma of confusion still lingers over
the famous command that the program be
carried out with the "maximum feasible par-
ticipation" of the poor. These are the most
powerful words in the war on poverty; they
are also the most plaguing.
TO the extent that they axe rend to mean
"control" of the programs by the poor, and
to the extent that the purposes of the phrase
are conceived of as an end rather than a
means, to that extent the program will raise
false hopes and kindle crippling fears.
In and out of OEO a kind of mystique has
been built up around the conception, an
inflation of a magnificent potential into a
monster. The real potential is that with
"maximum participation" the poor can de-
fine their needs and spotlight the inequities
that beset them; by organizing their
strength they can help themselves carry
through remedial projects; by acting politi-
cally, in the broad sense of the word, they
can induce corrective and helpful action
from the powers that be.
DRKAM VERSION
The dream version-the pipe dream ver-
eion--is that the poor can. weld themselves
into a strident, monolithic political force
that can hammer city hall and the estab-
lishment into submission, intimidate them
by demonstrations, picketing, and more vio-
lent measures, and mayhap, take them over.
In a somewhat less extravagant piece of
fantasy, some of OEO's theoreticians and
many of the poor themselves have taken the
phrase to mean that the poor must con-
stitute the majority on the directing boards
of each locality's antipoverty program.
The naivete of the first conception, of mas-
sive political conquest, needs little demon-
stration. The evidence is the most solid
antagonism that the war on poverty first en-
countered on this score among the Nation's
mayors. It now Is happily abated.
COMMuJ'NrrY LEADERSHIP
But the practical problems of the second
conception, inherent even when the poor are
not in the majority but where their par-
ticipation is too consuming, are almost as
fatal. OEO has still to reckon with them
effectively.
An antipoverty program in any community
cannot be successful unless it is directed by
the leadership forces in the community,
along with the poor. Usually this means the
mayor; it must Include the superintendent
of schools; it should include other top city
department officials, the leaders of the
dominant religious organizations, and repre-
sentatives of the Community Chest agencies;
i.t Is lost without delegates from the estab-
lishment, i.e., the most influential political
and nonpolitical personages in town.
l~ven at lower levels, where individual anti-
;'overty projects are being conducted-in the
schools, the neighborhood centers, the shops,
and welfare and counseling offices-tile di-
rection of professionals responsible to the
citywide agency and the guidance of trained
technicians on the staff are indispensable.
2. A second dismaying problem is the pro-
spective reduction in OEO appropriations,
and its consequences on the momentum of
the war on poverty.
On paper, the requested $1,750 million for
OEO next year is larger than its current
$1,500 million. In rate of spending, how-
ever, it will almost certainly be considerably
smaller.
FUNDS SPREAD OUT
The financial details are intricate, but
the essence is that the rate at which OEO
will be funding projects this sopring if far
higher than the rate it can. maintain
throughout fiscal year 1967.
If, after all the ballyhoo and glowini ex-
pectations, the tempo of the progra a is
reduced, the psychological impact will be
severe and could be ugly, even disastrous . If
the muscle is cut, its regeneration Is un-
likely.
8. OEO has yet to face up squarely and
publicly to the curious fact that its pro-
gram is deplorably fractional and th,t it
appears to have no plans for making it :'om-
plete. Indeed, OEO seems almost indiffer-
en t to the inequity.
ONLY SHOWING GOALS
At best, in a couple of its national pro-
grams like Headstart and Neighbor;iood
Youth Corps, it will serve over a year-rrmnd
period something like 20 percent of hose
who stand in need of the program. Other
ventures, like Job Corps and individual proj-
ects in the cities' community action pro-
grams, will touch only from 3 to 10 pe:cent
of their particular "universes of need."
In a sense, then, the war on poverty is
something like a demonstration program,
showing that various goals can be achieved
but not trying to achieve them in a volume
even approaching totality.
It cannot remain indefinitely in that pos-
ture, which is completely alien to the Ameri-
can tradition of fairness. A city, Strapped
for funds, does not give hot school lunches
to only half the children that :need them,
but gives half-adequate lunches to all.
Where will the correction of OEO'e all
for 10 percent, none for 90 come from?
In theory, if a demonstration or 10 percent
sample project proves itself successful in
Dubuque, the city fathers of Dubuque will
take it over, expand it by 10 and serve the
totality of :its needy.
But in view of the present state of fins aces
of the average American city, and its non-
existent prospects for much mole revenue,
nothing could be more unlikely.
FEDERAL FUNDS?
Must the job then be done by Federal
funds, expanded 5 to 10 times above the
present OEO appropriations? Presumrbly.
But OEO is silent on even whether it will
ask: Congress for that kind of money in the
future. At present, it obviously ha:. no
chance.
So the war on poverty functions only In
part, like a, hospital where the doctors treat
only every 10th or 20th patient.
There are many other faults of the war
on poverty-maladministration, too hasty
and too diffuse operations, corruption, delay,
sonic silly projects, some excess Madison
Avenueism. There have been many failures.
All of these are the sort that present Ir-
resistible invitations for roaring (and trans-
parently gleeful) complaint by every shrill
critic from Congress down to the poverty
wards. These categories of criticism have
been highly publicized.
What is important about them, however,
is that they are correctable, not inherently
unsolvable. Which means they are really
not important to a total assessment of the
potential of the war on poverty.
.045
[From the Washington Post, Feb. 13, 19661
STRONG WEAPONS IN POVERTY WAR
(By Alfred Friendly)
The major claim that the war on poverty
directors make for their program is that it
is innovative and that the innovations work.
If it is not that, it is nothing.
Its newness and usefulness, they assert,
lie in its techniques, methods, and general
philosophic approach.
A team of Washington Post reporters set
out to assess the war on poverty in terms of
those claims. Their consensus, very largely
positive, follows.
POOR HELP THE POOR
1. The principal new technique that the
war on poverty set out to demonstrate was
that the poor themselves could operate many
of the own welfare projects, thus performing
a great portion of the tasks necessary to im-
prove their environment and position. More
generally, the concept Is that the poor can
do a host of jobs hitherto thought to be
within the competence only of professionals
or well-trained craftsmen-teachers, organi-
zers, office workers, technical assistants.
In Rochester, Herbert M. Greenberg started
a demonstration project using neighborhood
women-all of them poor, none with much
more than grade school education--to teach
preschoolers.
The first stage of the project Is now under-
way in the cheerful basement of a church
in the Negro area of town. Doing the work
are a half dozen of these neighborhood teach-
ers' aids and only two professionally trained
child care specialists for 30-soon to be '10.-
children.
One of the professionals, a singularly
pretty young woman named Nancy Lyke,
bubbles with enthusiasm. "It's astonish-
ing," she says; "it's the most thrilling thing
I've ever done. These girls (the teachers'
aids) can do so much more for the children
than we could ever do."
"First of all, they can get to the homes
and bring the kids in here; second, they can
get the mothers Involved. Mainly, it is
they-and not any middle-class person--who
can put across the truly important idea, the
project's main purpose going to school is a
good thing and school isn't merely another
manifestation of that hostile society that
the kids' families fear."
Mrs. Lyke referred to the forthcoming
employment in the preschool center of a
cook, a general manager, clerk-typists, health
workers, a bookkeeper, and maintenance
workers--all of them without prior training
in the skills of their new jobs.
"The use of neighborhood people is just
as valuable and feasible in other areas as it
Is with teacher's aids. They have warmth
and understanding, an ease that is utterly
lacking among the outriders. They are our
arms into a community where social workers
from the red feather agencies failed."
There is little doubt that the war on
poverty has proved the point, and it is an
important one; workers can be recruited from
the ranks of the poor and quickly made com-
petent. In the task ahead-not merely con-
quering poverty but making the quality of
life better for all Americans-there are sim-
ply not enough professionals and techni-
cians to go around; "subprofessionals" will
be needed by the millions.
However, the Washington Post's team was
unanimous and emphatic on one caution:
The poor alone, the subprofessionals, are lost
in almost every job without the shoulder--to-
shoulder cooperation of experts. The ratio
need not be high, but one or two "pros" are
indispensable. A Nancy Lyke is needed at
the top.
STARTING WITH SCHOOL
2. The war on poverty's experiments with
new methods in services to the poor have
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Februar-8~.J966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE 4047
cerning the President's speech upon re- Mr. FALLON. Mr. Speaker, I have (a) it doubles the appropriation authoriza-
ceiving the National Freedom Award today introduced a bill which will carry tion for grants to State and interstate agen-
Wednesday evening. forth one of the most important pro- ties to formulate, carry out, and enforce
water-quality standards meeting the criteria
The President in his speech once again grams that this Congress has ever efl- of the Water Quality Act of 1965; (b) it re-
clearly and definitely stated the position acted-the cleaning up of our Nation's moves the present dollar limitation on pol-
of the United States regarding the strug- lakes, streams, rivers, and harbors. This lution control research; and (c) it
gle for liberty by the people in South is the greatest single domestic problem strengthens the enforcement provisions of
Vietnam. He has once again pointed out that our Nation is facing today. The the ac IV of the bill enables private citizens
the pitfalls of indecision. He has taken time is now for a national concerted at- bTitle ring suits in Federal courts to obtain
a bold step to shatter any possible illu- tack on this problem. The bill which has relief from pollution in interstate or naviga-
sion of a wavering policy the Commu- just been placed in the hopper of this ble waters, requires the Secretary of the
nists may have received from recent House will carry forth this attack on a Interior to consider whether the deposit of
criticisms of our present course. wide scale and will continue a program refuse matter in navigable waters of the
The President's statement is to be that I have been consistently advocating United States is, in each case, consistent with
commended as evidence that he is a de- since the inception of the first Federal the purposes of the Federal Water Pollution
serving recipient of the National Free- program dealing with water pollution Control Act, as amended, and transfers from
dom Award. several years ago. I was proud at that the Secretary of the Army to this Depart-
Under unanimous consent, I include time to be one of the coauthors of the ment the authority to administer the oil
Pollution Act, 1924.
this editorial in the RECORD: initial legislation which first began this
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Feb. 25, great program to preserve our Nation's
19661 waters. That bill was reported from the
THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS Committee on Public Works a number of
The President made' a powerful and per-
suasive defense of his policies in Vietnam in
his address at the National Freedom Award
ceremonies in New York Wednesday.
He disposed of the allegation that our ob-
jectives are unlimited with a flat "no." He
dealt with the repeated expressions of anxi-
ety about deliberate escalation of the war
by voicing his own opposition to mindless
escalation. He dealt with the hawks who
have complained that not enough has been
sent to General Westmoreland. He responded
to the criticism that we fight alone by cit-
ing our allies. He made it plain we will not
deliberately widen the war. He again em-
phasized the pacification program in which
social and economic aids will parallel mili-
tary efforts. He made it clear that we will
not impose a coalition government-or any
government on the South Vietnamese. He
vigorously defended the peace offensive. He
wisely put no time limit on American sup-
port to South Vietnam. He reviewed again
the long train of commitments that brought
us to South Vietnam. He closed with the
stirring words of President Kennedy: "We
shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet
any hardship, support any friend, oppose any
foe to assure the survival and the success of
liberty."
It was time that the President restated
our ends and reaffirmed our determination.
It is not to reproach the critics but only to
state a fact of life to say that the on-going
debate over policies in South Vietnam has
created an impression of irresolution and
indecision. Whether it has given any aid
to the enemy Or not, it probably has given
them some comfort. And it has helped con-
firm the favorite illusion of the Vietcong-
that the United States is another broken
and bankrupt France that can be driven out
of South Vietnam by the collapse of morale
at home.
It will not be sufficient to attack this illu-
sion with occasional reassertions of purpose.
By act and word we must make it plain,
again and again, that we are ready for a long
and hard struggle to preserve the right of
the South Vietnamese people to determine
years ago and eventually became Public
Law 660 of the 84th Congress. Since
that time, the Committee on Public
Works has made several forward-looking
changes in the initial legislation and the
proposal that I am presenting to the Con-
gress today carries forth the spirit of that
program.
It is a tragedy in this day and age to
see the waste and spoilage of our Na-
tion's waters. We are all guilty whether
we be private or public entities or wheth-
er we be a part of the Federal, State, or
local governments.
Last year the Water Quality Act of
1965, of which I was a cosponsor and
upon which hearings were held before
the Committee on Public Works and
which is now on the statute books of our
Nation, brought into the program the
further development of the cooperation
we hope to create between Federal, State,
and local governments, industry and pri-
vate citizens to solve this problem. This
bill will guide us down that road.
For the information of the Members,
there is included a rather brief summary
of the four major titles of the bill:
Title I provides a new approach to the
water pollution problem. It is aimed at
cleaning up entire river basins through the
development of comprehensive pollution con-
trol and abatement plans for selected river
basins, and through grants to assist in fi-
nancing the development costs of waste
treatment works in accordance with the
plan. The plan itself will include water-
quality standards established under the cri-
teria of the Water Quality Act of 1965, ade-
quate provisions for enforcing those stand-
ards, a permanent local or interstate
organization to carry out the plan, and
adequate local financial programs to assure
the maintenance of water quality and future
expansion of treatment works.
Title II provides for an attack on the
pollution problem on a statewide basis. It
their own government. The peace offensive authorizes the Secretary to waive the dollar
and the internal debate no doubt have re- ceilings under the present grant program for
vived North Vietnam's hopes of imminent waste treatment works, and makes more of
American default. It must be made clear the funds available under that program for
to Hanoi that these hopes are false hopes. matching grants. The State, in turn, must
agree to match the Federal grants and adopt
statewide water-quality standards. The
WATER POLLUTION
(Mr. FALLON (at the request of Mr.
WHITE of Texas) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
grantee must adopt an adequate financial
program to assure maintenance of water
quality and a financial program to cover
future expansion of treatment works.
Title III amends the Federal Water Pollu-
tion Control Act, as amended, in three prin-
cipal ways, as recommended by the President:
MARYLAND DAY ADDRESS AT
VALLEY FORGE
(Mr. FALLON (at the request of Mr.
WHITE of Texas) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. FALLON. Mr. Speaker, on Sun-
day, February 13, the Honorable Theo-
dore R. McKeldin, mayor of Baltimore,
had the honor of representing Governor
Tawes at the Maryland State Sunday
Service at Valley Forge, Pa. During
Mayor McKeldin's 8 years as Governor
of Maryland, it was his privilege to speak
at these Maryland Day services, and,
therefore, he was delighted to return,
once again, to this historic shrine to de-
li4er the address of the day.
I hope many Americans, including
Members of Congress, read Mayor Mc-
Keldin's eloquent address:
ADDRESS OF THEODORE R. MCKELDIN, MAYOR
OF BALTIMORE, MARYLAND STATE SUNDAY AT
VALLEY FORGE, FEBRUARY 13, 1966
A hundred and eighty-eight years have
passed since Washington and his Army un-
derwent the ordeal that has made the name
of this place famous in American annals.
It is a long time-a hundred and eighty-
eight years-but not long enough to dim the
glory of their achievement; nor has it di-
minished, but, rather, increased our amaze-
ment at what they were able to endure.
For what they exhibited in the highest
degree is the basic military virtue, the foun-
dation on which all the others rest. That
virtue is endurance. Without it, the most
brilliant tactics, the most desperate courage,
the most furious assault, can never win a
great war and only partial and transient suc-
cess in a small one. Valley Forge proved
that the force commanded by Washington
had the one quality without which no army
can become a really great one.
This place was not the scene of any of the
brilliant feats of arms that are the subject
of legend and song. Not here "the embattled
farmers stood and fired the shot heard round
the world." It was not here that Sergeant
Jasper leaped over the parapet and retrieved
the fallen flag. Not here did Washington
give the British King the Christmas gift
of a shattered mercenary army. Not here
did Nathaniel Greene, our American Fabius,
slowly wear out an army too strong for him
in pitched battle. Nothing happened here
except the stoic suffering that proved our
men had the highest military virtue of all,
the ability to imagine death, but not defeat.
It is appropriate, then, that nearly two
centuries later we are still gathering here to
celebrate what was demonstrated here, not
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exultantly with thunder of guns and fan-
fare of trumpets, but with joy and thankful-
sess that the men of old were such men,
and with a profound resolve that their stout
hearts shall not be disgraced by a wavering
and quickly discouraged posterity.
Por if ability to endure frustration and
disappointment, and hope deferred that
"maketh the heart sick" meant the salvation
of the Nation In 1778, it means the salvation
of the world in 1966. If they had failed, the
United States of America would never have
been born, If we fail, a despairing next
generation may well believe that it might
as well not, have been born, since it lacked
the element of survival and therefore raised
hopes only to dash them. So It is not un-
reasonable to say that failure on our part
would be worse than if they had failed.
Prom the physical standpoint, of course,
there is no comparison of our ordeal with
theirs. We are not leaving bloody footprints
in the snow, our comrades are not dying
without doctors or medicines, few of us are
suffering constant hunger, constant pain.,
endless back-breaking labor. From that
standpoint, we are indeed the fortunate ones.
Rut if we view it from the mental and
spiritual, not the physical angle, I am not
:so sure of our advantage. The men of 1T78
knew what they had to do. They had to
win that war. No doubt they knew that in
time other problems would arise, but until
the war was won it was useless to think
about anything else.
We, too, have a war on our hands, but it
is a comparatively small war, and there are
a hundred other problems that will not wait
for peace. On only a few of these is there
any general agreement on what we ought
to do, while on some there is strong, almost
violent disagreement among Americans of
equal honesty and Intelligence. That is to
say, we suffer from distractions that the men
of Washington's army escaped. Our ordeal
is more mental than physical, but if we can't
stand it we are certainly as complete failures
as men who break down under physical tor-
ture.
So if we come to Valley Forge filled with
admiration and gratitude, which we certainly
ought to do, I submit that we ought also to
come in a spirit of deep humility. We are
better off than the men who suffered here,
but not as much better off as complacent
Americans tend to believe. It was their
responsibility to deliver the country from
the tyranny of a foreign prince. But it is
ours to deliver it from tyrants far worse, and
much harder to defeat, than George III. We
have to defend it from the tyranny of pre-
judice, ignorance, hatred, and stupidity; and
our failure would be more disastrous be-
cause it would affect not one country only
but all the world.
To strengthen our spirits surely we can
do no better than resort to this shrine of
patriotism; for from this source, if from any,
we should be able to draw new resolutior:i
and stouter courage. It was here that our
forefathers met the supreme test of their
time and passed it to the admiration of the
world. So from this place their descendants
should go out steeled to resist the failures,
follies, and misfortunes of our time. If the
fair reward of political freedom was the
ideal that nerved them for the ordeal, do
we lack the promise of an even fairer re-
ward?
I think not. I think, on the contrary,
that the reward offered us is as much great-.
or than the one that inspired their cour-
age and devotion, as the terrestrial globe is,
greater than the United States. It is the
promise that, not by conquest, not by coer-?
cion of any kind, but simply by a practical.
demonstration of the ancient truth that
"righteousness exalteth a nation" we may
persuade men of diverse races and many,
tongues to accept, not the institutions, but
the principles of government that our an-
cestors formulated and expressed in the
Declaration of American Independence.
But for the very reason that this is a
process of moral suasion, not of compulsion,
it cannot be rapid; and to be compelled
to "snake haste slowly" is one of the severest
tests to which an American can be put.
We have always been precipitate. We rushed
to the Pacific in just 40 percent of the time
that Jefferson--himself a fast mover as the
Louisiana Purchase showed-thought we
would need. We built a, gigantic railroad
system with Incredible speed. We Invented
the telegraph and the telephone and the
aeroplane. It was said of Theodore Roose-
velt, but it might be said. of I to typical
American that "his natural gait a running
awa.y."
Then to call on such a nation to stop
and. consider, to wait for the auspicious mo-
ment, to apply pressure slightly, but stead-
ily and for a long, long time-that puts a
hasty nation. to a very hard ti st indeed.
We want results now, or by next week at
the latest. We are builders, rather than
cultivators, and to ask us to stand patiently
while the seasons follow their leisurely
round is hard on us. Consider. for exam-
ple, the United Nations. It is now 21 years
old and it hasn't reconstructed the world
yet. So there are voices constantly demand-
ing that the thing be abandoned But the
reconstruction of the world would be won-
derfully swift if it were done in three gen-
erations, that is, In a single century.
This explains why I contend that February
19Gd, is as definitely "the winter ~,f our dis-
content" as February 1778, was. It is differ-
ent., certainly. The present ordi'al is psy-
chological, rather than physical, but never
doubt that it is an ordeal, and never doubt
that if we fail the present test the result will
be as disastrous as failure would have been
in the 18th century.
But at Valley Forge the America as did not
fail---and we, too, are Americans Part of
our :Inheritance is the trim determination,
the dogged refusal even to imacrne defeat
that brought the men of old at last to York-
town to accept the surrender of a beaten
foe. The British Army band on chat occa-
sion played a tune called, "The World Turned
Upside Down," but It was their final bad
guess. It was in fact the day when; this part
of the world at last was set rightsic,e up.
So if we are now enduring a spiritual
Valley Forge, shall we not regard it as the
prelude to a spiritual Yorktown that is bound
to come? We are nto fighting Redcoats now.
Such military foes as we have may be curi-
ously described as yellow Reds. But by far
the heavier, tougher battle is against the in-
visible foes I named a few minute= ago. Nor
are they foreign, for prejuice, ignorance,
hatred, and stupidity have no nationality;
they are universal, and their presence among
us is more to be feared than their invasion
from abroad.
By the same token, we may expt?ct victory
in this war to be longer delayed than it was
in the 7 years of the Revolution, for the
issues are greater and more widespread. Yet
victory in this struggle will be coven more
glorious; for while the mean of old won us
freedom as a nation, if we can mrtch their
courage, their endurance, and their faith,
we may emerge, not merely as a free nation,
but. as a leader of all free nations in the
search for that wisdom whose "ways are ways
of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace."
WATER POLLUTION
(Mr. SICKLES (at the request of Mr.
WHITE of Texas) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. SICKLES. Mr. Speaker, when. this
country was first discovered, the supply
of clean water seemed unlimited. The
great bodies of water were more than
adequate for fish and wildlife, and they
were used for irrigation, for the produc-
tion of power, and as inland highways for
agriculture and industry.
But these waterways also were used
as dumps for waste products without
thought to the consequences for future
generations.
Nationally, the problem of water sup-
ply has grown into one of major sig-
nificance. We are making enormous de-
mands on our water supplies- and it is
estimated that at the current rate our
requirements will greatly exceed supplies
within the short period of 15 years. This
means that we must hasten the cleanup
of our fouled waters and adapt means to
reuse water wherever possible.
This effort will tax our technical skill,,
our innovating ability, and our capital
resources, both public and private, and
at all levels of society.
On the east coast of the United States,
the severe drought conditions which have
plagued some areas, such as New York
City, are previews of things to come
for all cf us unless we face the problem
of managing water resources.
Because this is a national problem,
there are naturally a number of legisla-
tive measures which have been enacted
by the Congress or which will be voted
upon in the near future. The Water
Quality Act of 1965 was enacted to amend
the basic Water Pollution Control and
Abatement Act of 1961. The Water
Quality Act provided means for addi-
tional pollution research and develop-
ment, increased grants for construction
of municipal sewage treatment works,
and authorized establishment of water
quality standards on interstate water-
ways.
Over the next 10 years, we could
achieve very dramatic gains in the ap-
pearance and quality of our rivers and
waterways. It does not take too long
for streams to cleanse themselves, if
there is a fast current flow, and if the
flow of pollution into them steps. But
to stop the inflow of pollution is going to
require a massive investment in order
to build the great number of sewage
treatment plants needed.
The magnitude of the effort is indi-
cated in a report made recently by the
Senate Committee on Public Works.
Although, State, Federal, and local offi-
cials, as well as representatives of indus-
try were found to be overwhelmingly in
favor of the present program of sewage
treatment construction grants, they all
agreed that current authorization for
$150 million annually is entirely inade-
quate to keep pace with the problem--
and even this authorization is scheduled
to expire on June 30 of next year.
Right now, for example, 367 new sew-
age treatment centers are needed just iri
the largest cities of the United States at a
total cost of over $1,300 million. 'rho
Federal share of 30 percent of this comes
to $397 million.
There is a current need in Baltimore
for three sewage treatment centers at a
cost of $6 million, and by 1972 there will
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United States
of America
Vol. 112
ON
,Ton .9ressional Record
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 89th CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION
WASHINGTON, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1966
House of Representatives
The House met at 12 o'clock noon.
The Reverend W. G. Henson Jacobs,
rector, St. Augustine's Episcopal. Church,
Brooklyn, N.Y., offered the following
prayer:
Create in me a clean heart, 0 God;
and renew a right spirit within me.
Let us pray.
Almighty God, who provideth for Thy
people by Thy power, and rulest over
them in love: Me commend to Thy good
providence, Thy servant, our President,
and all those who with him take counsel
for the peace of this Nation, and the
world. Especially do we commend to the
guidance of Thy Holy Spirit, the Repre-
sentatives of Thy people, gathered to-
gether in this House, under the leader-
ship of Thy servant, the Speaker. Let
Thy wisdom be their guide: Let Thine
arm strengthen them: let truth and jus-
tice, holiness and righteousness, peace
and charity, abound in their days.
Finally, we commend the soul of Thy
servant, the' late beloved Chaplain, into
Thy hands, thanking Thee for his life
of devoted service, and we seek Thy favor
in the words which Thou didst Thyself
teach us to pray saying: Our Father
which art in heaven, Hallowed be Thy
name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be
done in earth, as it is in heaven. Give us
this day our daily bread. And forgive
its our trespasses, as we forgive those
svho trespass against us. And lead us
sot into temptation, but deliver us from
evil; for Thine is the kingdom, and the
cower, and the glory, forever. Amen.
THE JOURNAL
The Journal of the proceedings of
Chursday, February 24, 1966, was read
and approved.
MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT
A message in writing from the Presc-
lent of the United States was communi-
;ated to the House by Mr. Geisler, one
Af his secretaries.'
MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE
A message from the Senate, by Mr.
Arrington, one of its clerks, announced
that the Senate agrees to the amend-
ments of the House to bills and a joint
resolution of the Senate of the following
titles:
S. 577. An act for the relief of Mary F.
Morse;
S. 851. An act for the relief of M. Sgt. Ber-
nard L. LaMountain, U.S. Air Force (retired) ;
S. 1520. An act for the relief of Mr. and
Mrs. Earl Harwell Hogan; and
S.J. Res. 9. Joint resolution to cancel any
unpaid reimbursable construction costs of
the Wind River Indian irrigation project,
Wyoming, chargeable against certain non-
Indian lands.
The message also announced that the
Senate insists upon its amendments to
the bill (H.R. 6845) entitled "An act to
correct inequities with respect to the
basic compensation of teachers and
teaching positions under the Defense De-
partment Overseas Teachers Pay and
Personnel Practices Act," disagreed to by
the House; agrees to the conference
asked by the House on the disagreeing
votes of the two Houses thereon, and ap-
points Mr. MONRONEY, Mr. YARBOROUGH,
Mr. RANDOLPH, Mr. CARLSON, and Mr.
FONG to be the col4ferees on the part of
THE TIME FOR TALKING IS OVER
(Mr. SIKES asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his re-
marks, and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, there con-
tinues to be probing of our reason for
being in Vietnam and a search for some
happy solution to the war itself., Most of
this is wasted energy. It is a time for
united action and a drive for victory. I
am more and more strongly convinced
that the uncertainty regarding the Viet-
namese war which weighs upon the
American people would in large measure
be dispersed if the President were to call
repeatedly for patriotic support for our
fighting men from all levels on the home
front. The time for talking is over; it is
time for action. We are in a war; argu-
ment and dissension will not win it.
These provide only comfort to the enemy.
The American people have always re-
sponded to crisis and to emergency. Now
No. 35
is the time to remind them of this Na-
tion's great mission and of the essential-
ity of victory. Regardless of the reason
we are in Vietnam, we are there and we
must win.
JOINT ECONOMIC COMMITTEE OF
THE COMMITTEE ON BANKING
AND CURRENCY
Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Joint Eco-
nomic Committee be granted an exten-
sion of time from March 1, 1966, to
March 17, 1966, to file a report of its
findings and recommendations with re-
spect to the Economic Report of the Pres-
ident, as required by section 5(b) (3) of
Public Law 304, 79th Congress.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
Texas?
There was no objection.
CAPE LOOKOUT
Mr. ASPINALL. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent to take from the
Speaker's desk the bill (S. 251) to provide
for the establishment of the Cape Look-
out National Seashore in the State of
North Carolina, and for other purposes,
with a Senate amendment to the House
amendment thereto, and concur in the
Senate amendment.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The Clerk read the Senate amendment
to the House amendment, as follows:
Page 2, line 23, of the House engrossed
amendment, after "Banks." Insert: "Land
donated by the State of North Carolina pur-
suant to this subsection shall constitute con-
sideration for the transfer by the United
States of 1.5 acres of land that is to be used
as a site for a public health facility in the
village of Hatteras, Dare County, North
Carolina.."
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Colo-
rado?
There was no objection.
The Senate amendment to the House
amendment was concurred in.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
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~RESSIONAL RECORD .-HOUSE February 28, 1966
(Mr. ASPINALL asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. ASPINALL. Mr. Speaker, the
amendment which the Senate has adopt-
ed to the House amendment to the Cape
Lookout bill, S. 251, is acceptable to the
Supporters of the legislation and the
members of the House committee. All
this amendment does is to make clear
that the transfer of the 16,000 acres of
land to the United States which the
State of North Carolina is making will
stand as consideration for the 11/2 acres
which the United States last year trans-
ferred to the State of North Carolina
under another act of Congress.
The two figures-16,000 and 11/2-are
out of all proportion to each other, but
as long as the State is willing to accept
1 !