SUPPORT OF THE PRESIDENT'S DECISION
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CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020010-5
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Publication Date:
February 2, 1966
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Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400020010-5
1908 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE February 3, 1966
In the interests of sound government,
the proposed constitutional amendment
for a 4-year term for House Members
merits our every consideration.
PORNOGRAPHY?ITS PERIL TO
YOUTH
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, earlier
this year I placed in the CONGRESS.IONAt
jilECoRD a highly informative article on
the subject of pornography, which had
appeared in Columbia, the official maga-
sine of the Knights of Columbus. I have
just had a letter from the editor of that
publication, Mr. Elmer Von Feldt.
I ask unanimous consent to insert the
letter in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
KNIGHTS or COLUMBUS SUPREME
COUNC7L,
New Haven, Conn., January 31, 1966.
lion. KARL E. Mower,
U.S. Senator,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, B.C.
DEAR SENATOR MUNDT: I wish to express
my thanks to you for placing the article on
pornography appearing in the January issue
of Columbia In the January 17 issue of the
CONGRESSIONP T. RECORD.
The copy you sent is going to the author,
Al Antczak. Mr. Antzcak's was the first of
three articles in Columbia examining the
perils of the pornographic trade In the Unit-
ed States.
Enclosed in the February edition of the
magazine which carries a second article. I
shall send you a copy of our third article
as soon as the March issue comes off the press.
You will be happy to know that the
Knights of Columbus, a 1,200,000-member
Catholic fraternal organization, which pub-
lishes Columbia, has undertaken a nation-
wide program to alert our society to the
danger to youth from the increasingly brazen
pornographic productions in this country
and is trying to organize community sup-
port for legislative, judicial, and executive
action to halt this pestilential tide.
Sincerely,
ELMER VON FELDT,
Editor.
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, the arti-
cle to which Mr. Von Feldt refers, "Por-
nography?Its Peril to Youth," is a
searching inquiry into many of the prob-
lems surrounding the question of smut,
and the restrictions which should be
placed on the sale of obscene materials.
I ask that this article, written by Mr.
George Gent, TV editor of the New York
Times, appear in the RECORD at this point.
There being no abjection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PORNOGRAPHY; ITS PERIL TO YOUTH
i; By George Gent)
(Norse?Many authorities who have stud-
ied the problem of obscenity feel certain it
has noxious effects on youth, but they admit
they have not yet come up with massive
scientific proof to convince the doubters.
Their own disturbing findings are detailed in
this second of three Columbia articles on the
menace of smut.)
The overriciding concern of those alarmed
by the rising tide of pornographic literature
its effect on youth and the moral fiber of
our Nation.
Most of those active in the crusade to halt
the flood of pornography work on the sup-
position that such literature must necessarily
be harmful to youth. Yet the majority of
these will admit that they cannot provide any
massive statistical proof for their assumption.
A significant fact in the porngraphic trade
Is that more than ever before it is directed
toward the young. It includes magazines
that provide a step-by-step program for suc-
cessful seduction and fully illustrni.ed books
of male and female perversion. Tue young
are not spared even the horrors of illustrated
bestiality.
Another category?the fastest grc wing and
the one most authorities see as the greatest
threat to psychic health?includes books and
magazines that combine sexuality with vio-
lence. One of these is a comic book series
that completely details sadistic methods of
sexual fuliillm.ent, including torture, whip-
ping, branding, and the exquisite delight of
amputating a woman's tongue. These are
not words one puts on paper easily, yet they
fill the fantasy life of a growing legion of
American youths.
A most vivid memory during the prepara-
tion of this article was a visit to he Man-
hattan office of Operation Yorkville. an inter-
faith organization dedicated to eliminating
the sale of obscene material to young people.
During my interview with Father Morton
S.J., the group's executive director, the
phone rang and, after listening for a few
minutes, the white-haired Jesuit priest
blanched and beckoned me to listen on
another extension.
On the other end was one of Operation
Yorkvi.11e's many volunteers, a 55-year-old
advertising executive who had just returned
from, a screening with a number of commu-
nity leaders of a pornographic Swedish film
that had been seized earlier that day by the
New York City police. After describing the
film, which dealt with youthful homosexual-
ity, perversion and bestiality, the man, his
voice quavering, said:
"I'm a mature man with a grown family
and I haven't led a sheltered life, but I've
never felt so unclean as after leaving that
picture. I wanted to wash my hands and
walk and walk until I felt fresh again. It
was unbelievable."
Father Hill's office is filled with such ma-
terial, much of it designed for young readers.
He showed me the current copy of a respected
literary magazine that featured 12 pages in
color of metal sculptures that could be de-
scribed only as pornographic. The magazine
was readily available at the public library.
Americans differ strongly on whether it
would be constitutional to suppress such
material. The American Civil Liberties
Union insists it would not. But another
question that arises is whether it can be
proved scientifically that pornography has a
permanently harmful effect on young people.
Some psychiatrists?Dr. Frederic Wertham
Is probably the most prominent?insist that
it has, but others equally renowned either
deny such effects or maintain that proof is
lacking.
Groups like Operation Yorkville and the
Citizens for Decent Literature work on the
assumption that a steady diet of jx)rnog-
raphy must have harmful effects on young
minds and imaginations, but the scientific
clincher is missing.
People on both sides of the issue admit
that clarity would benefit from a thorough-
going clinical and sociological study of the
problern. But there are those, not at all
unsympathetic to the value judgments of
the antismut forces, who believe that even in
the presence of overwhelming evidence, the
issue ultimately will be decided on extra-
scientific grounds.
Perhaps the most significant scientific en-
dorsement of the antipornography position
has come from the New York Academy of
Medicine. In 1963, the academy published
in its bulletin a statement based on a
sampling of obscene literature by its Com-
mittee on Public Health.. It said in part:
"The academy believes that although some
adolescents may not be affected by the rend-
ing of salacious literature, others may be
more vulnerable. Such reading encourages a
morbid preoccupation with sex and inter-
feres with the development of a healthy atti-
tude and respect for the opposite sex. It is
said to contribute to perversion. In the
opinion of some psychiatrists, it may have
an especially detrimental effect on disturbed
adolescents. Behavior is complex. It is
difficult, if not impossible, to prove sci-
entifically that a direct causal relation exists
between libidinous literature and socially
unacceptable conduct. Yet is is undeniable
that there has been a resurgence of venereal
disease, particularly among teen-age youth,
and that the rate of illegitimacy is climbing.
It may be postulated that there is a correla-
tion between these phenomena and the ap-
parent rise in salacious literature, and per-
haps it is causal, but the latter cannot be
definitely demonstrated."
It should be noted that the academy's
statement was based on a consensus among
physicians and psychiatrists consulted by
the subcommittee after a perusal of selected
pornographic texts. It was not a controlled
scientific study of young people addicted to
such literature.
Few men have spent as many years in the
clinical study of sex and violence in the
mass media as has Dr. Fredric Wertham, the
noted psychiatrist who has written two
classic works on the subject, "The Show of
Violence" and "Seduction of the Innocent."
While Dr. Wertham's theories have been
criticized, he has specialized in this area for
over 35 years and has appeared as an expert
witness in :medicolegal cases throughout
the country. His views have been discussed
before the U.S. Supreme Court,
Dr. Wertham told Columbia he really feels
the combination of sex with violence is the
principal threat to psychic health today.
Words like pornography and hard-core
pornography are misleading, he said, be-
cause they lack precision and can be misused.
"We have to be careful that we don't fall
into the hands of the bigots whose real aim
is to suppress sex," he said. The depiction
of normal sex or even of eroticism within
normal limits is not unhealthy, Dr. Wertham
maintains, but when sex and violence are
mixed, young people can be affected greatly.
Citing his essay on "Mass Media and Sex
Deviation," Dr. Wertham said "the satura-
tion of children's minds with brutality, vio-
lence and sadism has done, and is doing, un-
questionable harm, including in the sexual
sphere. It leads to a demoralization of
healthy instincts. This influence on the
psychosexual development of children and
preadolescents takes place in various ways,
through different mechanisms and of course
to varying degrees."
He stated there is a direct link between
violence and sex. "Sadism is contagious,"
he said. "It is quite wrong to think of
sadism as just a form of aggression or hatred.
Psychodynamically it is a short circuit con-
nection between physical cruelty and sex.
As well as being potentially socially danger-
ous, this link is always pathological. .Any-
thing that fosters this trend therefore is
noxious to mental health."
Dr. Wcrthern cited numerous instances in
his clinical experience where sadistic acts
carried out by young people proved upon in-
vestigation to be associated with literature
dealing with similar experiences. But even
where no sadistic acts are committed he
said, sadistic fantasies may become a stum-
bling block in the way of psychosexual de-
velopment and a dependence on these fan-
tasies may eventually wreck harmonious sex-
ual adjustments in marriage.
Dr. Wertharn rejects the widely held psy-
chological theory that the representation of
sadistic acts serves as a "safety valve" for
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17? Approved For ReleatedggiersAIWA-FICLUORPPAIROM9002oolo-5February 2, 1966
mous consent, further reading of the
report was dispensed with, and the re-
port was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD.)
Mr. WILLIS. Mr. Speaker, I offer a
privileged resolution (H. Res. 705) from
the Committee on Un-American Activi-
ties and ask for its immediate considera-
tion.
The Clerk read the resolution, as fol-
lows:
H. RES, 705
ResOlved, That the Speaker of the House
of Representatives certify the report of the
Committee on Un-American Activities of the
House of Representatives as to the refusals
and failures of George Franklin Dorsett to
produce certain pertinent papers in com-
pliance with a subpena served upon him and
as ordered before a duly authorized sub-
committee of the said Committee on Un-
American Activities, together with all the
facts in connection therewith, under the seal
of the HOUSO of Representatives, to the
United States Attorney for the District of
Columbia, to the end that the said George
Franklin Dorsett may be proceeded against
In the manner and form provided by law.
The resolution was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on
the table.
DELEGATION TO UNI LED STATES-
MEXICO INTERPARLIAMENTARY
CONFERENCE
The SPEAKER. The Chair lays be-
fore the House a communication which
the Clerk will read.
The Clerk read as follows:
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D.C., February 2, 1966.
Hon. JOHN W. MCCORMACK,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. SPEAKER: I very much regret it
will be necessary for me to resign from the
U.S delegation to the United States-Mexican
Interparliamentary Conference.
I have a number of previous commitments
which are firm for the period of the confer-
ence and am unable to cancel them. I ap-
preciate the privilege of being appointed as
a representative from the House and hope
this will not preclude my being considered
at a future time as I continue to maintain
a great interest in these meeings.
Sincerely yours,
WILL/AM L. SPRINGER.
The SPEAKER. Without objection,
the resignation is accepted.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER. Pursuant to the pro-
visions of section 1, Public Law 86-420,
the Chair appoints as a member of the
U.S. delegation of the Mexico-United
States inter-parliamentary group, the
gentleman from Kansas [Mr. MizE], to
fill the existing vacancy thereon.
COL. FRANK BORMAN'S ADVICE TO
GARY, IND., YOUTH
(Mr. MADDEN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks,
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, last
month Gary, Ind., was indeed proud to
honor a hometown boy, Astronaut Col.
Frank Borman. The city celebrated his
historical success in orbiting the globe
206 times, covering approximately 5.8
million miles in 14 days. Colonel
Borman and his fellow astronaut, Capt.
James A. Lovell, will be recorded in
history as the pioneers in the first star-
tling breakthrough on the scientific ex-
ploration of space.
The city of Gary can also be proud of
the 12-hour program of ceremony, meet-
ings, luncheon, and dinner honoring its
space hero. Mayor Martin A. Katz, and
James Rasmussen, the managing editor
of the Gary Post-Tribune, were cochair-
men of this event. They were assisted
by a dozen special committees to aid
them in the great task of extending a
hero's welcome to a native son.
I believe the highlight of the day was
when Colonel Borman spoke to an en-
thusiastic gathering of 6,000 school-
children in the Gary Memorial Audito-
rium. I wish to here submit to the Con-
gress a verbatim message coming from
the mind and heart of Colonel Borman
to this great gathering of admiring
youngsters. I only wish that every
American schoolchild could have heard
or someday will read the advice given
by Astronaut Borman to the youthful
gathering.
Colonel Borman's advice and message
to the Gary schoolchildren was reprinted
in the Gary Post-Tribune on January
15, 1966.
COLONEL BORMAN'S MESSAGE TO GARY'S YOUTH
Always at school assemblies someone has
advice for the teenagers and youngsters, so
I, too, have a little advice for you, based on
my years of experience. I was for 3 years
a teacher at the Military Academy?West
Point?from 1957 to 1960.
You must get a good, solid, basic education.
I want you to understand that I am being
very sincere. I would like to list several
things I would do if I could relive my youth-
ful days.
EDUCATION
(I) I would do everything in my capability
to continue my education on through high
school and preferably into college. Those
doors won't open any more without diplomas
and you must have a good, basic background.
eATRIOTISNI
(2) I would be patriotic. I would have a
sense of duty to my country, to my school,
to my city, and to my State. I think it is
extremely important that we keep. this sense
of being proud to be an American. I hope
you all have it, and I hope you never lose it.
RELIGION
(3) I would be religious. This sometimes
seems to be out of date, but I am very proud
of the fact that I am a lay reader in the
Episcopal Church, and I hope that all of you
continue your religion. I hope that none of
you ever feel ashamed to have and to pro-
fess a basic belief in God. This is important.
Believe me again as this is coming from an
oldster now, but if I were starting all over,
_I would make sure that I had that.
HONOR
(4) The next thing I would do is make
sure I had a sense of honor. I would be
honest with my fellow Americans, with my
fellow students, with my teachers, and I
would be honest with myself. Again, these
basic old virtues have not grown obsolete.
PRIDE
(5) I think the next one is something
often overlooked, but I would have a sense
of pride in myself. I would go around with
my head held high. I would keep myself
neat. I would be very proud to be an
American and a citizen of this wonderful
country.
These are just a few words of advice for
you. I hope you take them seriously, and
I hope you think about them once in a while.
SUPPORT OF THE PRESIDENT'S
DECISION
(Mr. O'HARA of Illinois asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute, to revise and extend his re-
marks, and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. O'HARA of Illinois. Mr. Speaker,
all across our country yesterday Ameri-
cans joined in support of the President's
decision. They recognized with few ex-
ceptions that the President had done all
in his power to seek peace without re-
sorting to the use of force.
A newspaper editorial which I feel
caught the temper of our national senti-
ment with unusual clarity appeared yes-
terday afternoon in the Chicago Daily
News under the headline "The Bombers
Fly Again." It was a balanced, and
thoughtful, expression of support for the
President that recognized the inevitable
debate which would be provoked by such
a far-reaching decision. The editorial
warned, however, that this debate must
be "responsible and constructive rather
than acrimonious and partisan."
This editorial is a significant example
of the support the President has in this
hour of national decision and debate. So
that it may have the widest possible
audience, I ask that it be printed in full
in the record of our proceedings.
THE BOMBERS FLY AGAIN
Technically, few could fault the Presi-
dent's case for resuming the bombing of
North Vietnam.
During the 37-day pause Mr. Johnson
waged a worldwide peace offensive, earn-
estly seeking by every means consistent
with reason and dignity to produce some
reciprocal gesture by Hanoi. He-might as
well have been whistling in a tornado; the
Communists weren't interested. He was
forced to conclude that the Red leaders
are satisfied that theirs is the winning posi-
tion, that they feel they have only to hold
fast and at some point the American peo-
ple will despair of the rising Cost in lives
and treasure, and quit the field.
They were encouraged in this viewpoint
by the thunderous silence that greeted Mr.
Johnson's worldwide search for under-
standing and support. Except for a hand-
ful of doggedly faithful friends, the world
advised the President that this was his com-
mitment, his war and, by inference, his
folly. If his going-in premise is right, that
communism must be stopped in southeast
Asia lest it engulf all Asia and tip the world
power balance against the West, he had to
bow to military imperatives and resume
blasting the enemy's arteries of supply.
But an American public forced to accept
the tragic prospect of steep escalation of
draft calls and casualty lists will grasp
eagerly at the hope, however faint, prompted
by the President's sympathetic response to
Pope Paul's proposal for arbitration by
netural nations under United Nations
sponsorship. The President directed Am-
bassador Arthur Goldberg to carry the pro-
posal to the Security Council,
By this and other means, the President
said he will continue to pursue peace in a
manner "as determined and unremitting as
the pressure of our military strength on the
field of battle." But he gave no sign of
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February 2, 1966 APPmveMftrdiel,MenW9fi2tiftY?fITIP3R0446R000400020010-5
729
CHL : EDWIN E. WILLIS, Chairman; CHARLES L.
WELTNER, JOHN M. ASHBROOK.
"The staff members present were: Francis
3. McNamara, director: William Hitz, general
counsel; Donald T. Appell, chief investigator;
Philip Manuel, investigator; and Juliette P.
Joray, recording clerk.
The chairman called the meeting to order
at 2:40 p.m., and stated that the purpose of
the meeting was to consider the issuance of
subpoenas for public hearings scheduled to
be held in the Klan investigation in the near
future.
"The director submitted to the subcom-
mittee a list of prospective witnesses and
explained why he deemed it necessary that
they be called. On motion by Mr. Asnintoox,
seconded by Mr. WELTNER. and carried unani-
monsly, the subcommittee authorized the is-
suance of subpoenas for the following indi-
viduals:
"North Carolina: * * * George Ben Dor-
sett.
"The meeting adjourned at 4:05 p.m."
Pare a
The following is an extract from the min-
titeS of a meeting of a subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities held
on October 6, 1965:
"A quorum of the subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities des-
ignated to conduct hearings concerning the
activities of the various Ku Klux Klan orga-
nizations in the United States met in execu-
tive session on October 6. 1965, at 4:30 p.m.,
iii Room 225 of the Cannon House Office
Building. The following members were
present: EDWIN E. WILLIS, Chairman; JOE
It. POOL, CHARLES L. WELTNER, and JOHN H.
BIFCHANAN.
"The staff members present were: Francis
j. McNamara, director; Alfred M. Nittle,
counsel; Donald T. Appell, chief investiga-
tor; Philip Manuel, investigator, and Juli-
ette P. Joray, recording clerk.
"The chairman called the meeting to or-
der at 4:50 p.m.
"On motion of Mr. Foots seconded by Mr.
BITCHANAN? the following resolution was
unanimously adopted:
" 'WHEREAS, the subcommittee has au-
thorized on September 30, 1965, and on to-
day, subpoenas to be issued for a number
of witnesses in connection with investiga-
tion of Klan organizations; and
" 'WHEREAS, the director has explained
to tae subcommittee the necessity and per-
tine acy of issuing subpoenas with clauses
duces tecum for the production of books,
papers, and documents in the possession,
custody, or control of witnesses identified
variously as officers or members of respective
Klan organizations, or organizations affiliated
with such Klan organizations, or organiza-
tions created or controlled by and acting in
support of such Klan activities or its mem-
bers, who may be possessed of such books,
papers, and documents, relating to the orga-
niza:Aon of and the conduct of the business or
affairs of such organizations, by virtue of
their official position or which rosy be oth-
erwi3e available to them, or of which they
may be possessed or entitled to possession
by virtue of the constitution and by-laws of
the respective organizations;
"'THEREFORE, Be it resolved that duces
tecom clauses for the production of such
boats, papers, and documents are explicitly
authorized for the subpoenas theretofore
authorized on September 30, 1965, and those
thorized. today.'
'The meeting adjourned at 7:35 p.m."
Tile following is an extract from the min-
utes of a meeting of a subcommittee of the
Committee on Un-American Activities held
.January 6, 1966:
"A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-
American Activities designated by the Chair-
man to conduct hearings in Washington,
D.C., under Committee resolution adopted
March 80, 1965, to undertake an investiga-
tion of the various Ku Klux Klan organiza-
tions and their activities, met in executive
session on January 6, 1966, in Room 429 of
the Ca:nnon House Office Building, at 12:05
p.m. 'rhe following members of the sub-
committee were present: EDWIN' E. WILLIS,
CDRHILILLTI; JOE R. POOL, CHARLES L. WELTNER,
JOHN H. BUCHANAN.
"The staff members present were: Francis
J. McNamara, director; William Hits, general
counsel; Alfred M. Nittle, counsel; Donald T.
Appell, chief investigator; Philip R. Manuel,
investigator; and Juliette P. Joray, recorder
clerk.
"The subcommittee was called to order by
Chairman Wirms, who stated that the pur-
pose of the meeting was to consider what
action the subcommittee should take regard
ing the refusals of: * * George Franklin
Dorsett in his appearance before the sub-
committee on October 27, 1965, pursuant to
a subpoena issued October 4, 1965, and served
upon him on October 15, 1965 * *: to pro-
duce books, papers, records, and documents
demanded in said subpoenas, which were
pertinent to the subject or questicn under
inquiry at the hearings conducted by the
said subcommittee, and what recommenda-
tion the subcommittee would make to the
full committee regarding their citation for
contempt of the House of Representatives.
"After discussion ol the testimony and pro-
ceedings and due consideration of the matter
relating to George Franklin Dorsett, a motion
was made by Mr. Poor, seconded by Ma. WELT-
IN-ER, and unanimously carried, that a report
of the facts relating to the refusals of George
Franklin Dorsett to produce before said sub-
committee the documents and items de-
manded of him as set forth in paragraphs
numbered (1) and (2) in the attachment to
his said subpoena dated October 4, 1965, be
referred and submitted to the Committee on
Un-American Activities as a whole, with the
recommendation that the report of the said
facts be reported to the House of Recresenta-
tives, in order that the said George .Franklin
Dorsett be cited for contempt of the House
of Representatives, to the end that he may
be proceeded against in the manner and form.
provided by law.
". ?.
"The meeting adjourned at 12:30 p.m."
The fallowing is an. E.:tract from the min-
utes of a meeting of the Committee on Un-
American Activities held on January 13,
1966:
"The Committee on Un-Arnericar Activi-
ties net in executive session on January 13,
1966, at 9:45 a.m., in Room 429, Cannon
House Office Building. The followirg mem-
bers were present: EDWIN E. WILLIS, Chair-
man; RICHARD H. ICHORD, GEORGE F. SENNER,
CHARLES L. WELTNER. DEL CLAWSON.
"Also present were the following staff
members: Francis j. McNamara, director;
William Ritz, general counsel; Alfred M.
Nittle, counsel; and Juliette P. Jcray, re-
cording clerk.
"Chairman Wilms called the meeting to
order at 9:45 a.m., and announced that this
special meeting of the Committee was
called, after notice to all committee mem-
bers, for two purposes, the first * 5 *, and
the second to consider a recommendation
of the subcommittee headed by the Chair-
man, Mr. Wmt.rs, appointed to conduct
hearings in Washington, D.C., relating to
the investigation of the various Klan or-
ganizations and their activities, which com-
menced on October 19, 1965, that * * *,
George Franklin. Dorsett, * * *, and * * *,
be cited for contempt because of their wilful
default in refusing to produce papers in
their appearance before the subcommittee,
having been summoned by authority of the
House of Representatives to produce certain
papers.
a*
"As to the second matter, the chairman re-
ported to the committee that hearings were
conducted by the subcommittee in Washing-
ton, D.C., commencing on October 19, 1965,
and thereafter, as contemplated under the
Resolution adopted by the committee on
March 30, 1965; that the subcommittee met
on October 19, 1965 and thereafter in the
Caucus Room, Cannon House Office Build-
ing, Washington, D.C., to receive the testi-
mony of several witnesses in public session,
including the witnesses abo;Se-named, who
had been duly summoned as witnesses to
give testimony and to produce papers upon
the matter under inquiry before the com-
mittee; * * *; that the witness, George
Franklin Dorsett, was called and appeared
before the subcommittee on October 27, 1965,
a quorum of the subcommittee being in at-
tendance; that the witness, George Franklin
Dorsett, having been sworn as a witness, was
asked to produce before said subcommittee
the books, papers, records or documents de-
manded of him as set forth in paragraphs
numbered (1) and (2) in the attachment to
his subpoena issued October 4, 1965, and
served upon him on October 15, 1965; that
he willfully refused to produce said papers
demanded of him; * * *; that the subcom-
mittee duly met in executive session on
January 6, 1966, a quorum of the subcom-
mittee being in attendance, at which time
motions were made and unanimously
adopted with respect to each of said persons.
to wit, * * *, George Franklin Dorsett,
* * * , and * *, that a report of the facts
relating to the refusals of each of them to
produce before the said subcommittee the
Papers and documents demanded of each of
them as set forth herein, be referred and
submitted to the Committee on Un-Ameri-
can Activities as a whole, with the recom-
mendation that a report of the said facts
relating to each of said witnesses be reported
to the House of Representatives, in order
that the said persons be cited for contempt
of the House of Representatives and to the
end that each may be proceeded against in
manner and form provided by law.
"A motion was made by Mr. WELTNER, sec-
onded by Mr. SENNER, that the subcommit-
tee's report of the facts relating to the re-
fusals of George Franklin Dorsett to produce
before said subcommittee the papers and
documents demanded of him as set forth in
paragraphs numbered (1) and (2) in the
attachment to his said subpoena dated Oc-
tober 4, 1965, be and the same is hereby
approved and adopted, and that the Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities report the
said failures of George Franklin Dorsett to
the House of Representatives to the end that
the said George Franklin Dorsett may be
proceeded against in the manner and form
provided by law; and that the Chairman of
this Committee is hereby authorized and
directed to prepare and file such report con-
stituting the failures of the said George
Franklin Dorsett. The motion was put to
a vote and carried unanimously.
"The meeting was adjourned at 10:50 a.m.-
!Illustrations identified as James Jones
Exhibit No. 7B and George Dorsett Exhibits
Nos. 10, 13, 14', and 15 are omitted because
of mechanical limitations in printing 'the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. All of the referenced
exhibits, however, are fully illustrated in
House Report No. 1247 which was filed and
printed this date.]
(During the reading of the report, at
the request of Mr. Wilms, and by unani-
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hopefulness that the effort would bear fruit,
and there appeared no cause for any opti-
mism.
So the Nation resumes its course along the
dark tunnel with no daylight visible at the
end and, indeed, no certainty of what may
lie ahead. The range of possibilities runs
from some sudden change of heart by Hanoi
and Peiping, to an escalation that will one
day bring Chinese troops pouring into North
Vietnam and U.S. nuclear bombs raining on
China's industrial centers.
In these circumstances, debate within this
country is bound to increase in volume and
intensity, for it is possible in this uncharted
morass for men of equal sincerity to reason
their way to opposite conclusions.
Debate, in Congress and out, will be heated
and vigorous, as it should be. We can hope
also, particularly as to Congress, that it will
be responsible and constructive rather than
acrimonious and partisan. For Congress has
a job that transcends in importance to the
Nation this year's congressional elections, im-
portant as they are?the job of helping to
illuminate and shape national policy through
these dangerous Months, and to help make
sure that the American people maintain
their fundamental solidarity and integrity
In support of the national effort. This is a
strange and formless and unprecedented kind
of war we are in, but it demands the same
singleness of purpose any war requires when
the Nation's future rests in the balance.
THERE IS AN AWFUL LOT OF PROG-
RESS IN BRAZIL
(Mr. MONAGAN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks,
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, since
the inception of the Castelo Branco gov-
ernirient in Brazil there has been an un-
warranted amount of criticism in our
country about the policies and actions of
that government. While its operation
does not accord with our own procedures
in all respects, nevertheless in view of
Brazilian practice its-policies have not
been extraordinary.
What really is important, however, is
the fact that the Castelo Branco recovery
program is actually working. This can
be proven by statistics and these figures
are most impressive. The country will
be nearly back on its feet in 1966.
In 1963 the inflation rate was 70.4 per-
cent; in 1965 it was 45.5 percent. The
trade balance in those years went from
$112 to $400 million, while exchange re-
serves increased from $168 to $500 mil-
lion. Income tax revenue increased
from zero to 1.3 trillion cruzeiros.
When it is realized that Goulart was
President during the full year of 1963
and also the first quarter of 1964, and
the effect of his policies lingered on, this
achievement is all the more impressive.
I am sure that all friends of Brazil
will find this record most rewarding and
will find in it a good augury for the fu-
ture peace and security of the hemi-
sphere.
Mr. Speaker, for the RECORD I append
a table of economic statistics.
Brazil's economic performance
1963
1964
1965
Inflation rate
70.4 percent
86.6 percent
45.4 percent.
Wholesale price increase
79.5 percent
93.3 percent
27.2 percent.
GNP increase
1.4 percent
?3 percent
4 percent.
Per capita GNP increase
?1.8 percent
?5.8 percent
0.8 percent.
Exports
$1,400,000,000
$1,400,000,000
$1,000,000,000.
Manufactured exports
$39,300,000
$74,400,000
$95,000,000.
Trade balance
$112,000,000
$349,000,000
$400,000,000.
Balance of payments
?$279,000,000
$70,000,000
$147,000,000.
Exchange reserves
$168,000,000
$276,000,000
$560,000,000.
Income tax revenue
(I)
Cr$600,000,000,000
Cr$1,300,000,000,000.
Private foreign investment
$4,500,000
$3,600,000
$25,000,000.
Industrial production increase
0.3 percent
?0.4 percent
5 percent.
Agricultural production increase
?0.9 percent
?4.5 percent
13 percent.
Steel production (in tons)
2,500,000
3,000,000
4,000,000.
Crude oil production
90,000 barrels per day__
92,000 barrels per day._
100,000 barrels per day,
Vehicle production
174,224
183,721
180,000.
I Not available.
A PHYSICIAN'S REPORT FROM
VIETNAM
(Mr. HALL asked and was given Per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, with con-
sent of the House, I reprint herewith an
excerpt of a personal letter from one
of the physicians serving in South Viet-
nam. As background, he is a young man
with a family, and his unit has ben
commended for the low percentage of
loss of life from battle casualties in many
recent operations?such as Operations
"Crimp" and "Buckskin," in defense of
the area immediately north of Saigon on
the famed rubber plantation in support
of the 1st Infantry Division?"Big Red."
I believe the personal letter which can
be verified at length in my office, in-
No. 17-11
eluding names and places, will be of par-
ticular interest to our colleagues at this
time of decision?or lack thereof?con-
cerning the support of our troops who
have been committed voluntarily or
otherwise, in southeast Asia. I say
again, as I did on Thursday last, that we
must untie the hands of our men of the
military who are there committed and
let them win, as win they will if turned
loose and directed by the proper military
under policies laid down by Congress
within the Constitution, and on the spot:
We had some of the Air Force boys over
for snacks last night (Saturday, January 22) .
They're really nice, fine fellows. They have
been on rest and recuperation to Bangkok.
Ran into some of our mutual friends from
Karat (Thailand). They are really gloomy
about the prospects of resuming North Viet-
nam bombing raids. Say the cease-fire has
given them a chance to move their missile
1731
and antiaircraft locations?plus rebuild those
that have been destroyed?also say that our
missions, along with the way to fly them,
comes from Washington. Tactically, this
causes much loss of life. Guess L.B.J. is
an expert in Air Force tactics as well.
Everyone's attitude is becoming fatalistic?
it's very difficult to convince a man whose life
is at stake 24 hours a day that the advantages
of the cease-fire outweigh the tactical dis-
advantages (McNamara's). I hardly think a
pilot hunting a new SAM site feels that way.
Am I overlooking the ultimate goals? Ant
I, too, concerned about individuals rather
than the whole? But then, that's why
America is America?concern for individ-
uals?I thought, anyway. Can people con-
tinue to let the Government sell them out?
If so, the predicted gloom of An;ierica's future
Is pressing toward us at an alarming rate of
speed.
Mr. Speaker, I believe all in this
Chamber will agree that the writer is a
thoughtful, perceptive and considerate
person of prudence. He is in service and
on station voluntarily, and although con-
cerned, confused, and sometimes dis-
gusted; those he speaks for and repre-
sents are dedicated and unquestionably
loyal?in fighting for our Nation and
freedom. It is time we listened, looked,
and acted.
CRUELTY TO ANIMALS
(Mr. RESNICK asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. RESNICK. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to bring to the attention of the Mem-
bers the lead article in the current issue
of Life magazine, dated February 4, 1966,
called "Concentration Camps for Dogs."
This article describes and illustrates a
raid made by officers of the Humane So-
ciety of the United States upon the prem-
ises of a so-called dealer who makes a
business of obtaining dogs from ques-
tionable sources, many of them stolen,
and then sells them, either directly or
through other dealers to research lab-
oratories.
The sickening photographs and de-
scriptive text document in black and
white a practice that is conducted
throughout the United States, that has
been condemned many times in this very
Chamber, and which is the target of a
number of bills including my pet protec-
tion bill, H.R. 9743.
However, it is not actually necessary
for us to wait until one of these bills is.
enacted before meaningful corrective
measures can be taken. The largest
single user of laboratory animals in the
country is the 'U.S. Government. The
National Institutes of Health uses
about 100,000 dogs and cats per
year. While the National Institutes
of Health does have inspectors who
investigate the premises of the deal-
ers it buys from, it is impossible to check
up on the sources of these animals.
Consequently, many stolen pets, loved
members of families like yours and mine,
wind up dying on the operating tables of
the National Institutes of Health. As a
matter of fact, just a few weeks ago the
National Institutes of Health returned to
a Virginia farmer a pure-bred English
setter which had been stolen from him
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AL RECORD ? HOUSE Februgry, 1966
several months before and found in the
National Institutes of Health's kennels.
There is a better way to obtain animals
for research and, to help make it a real-
ity, I have today written a letter to the
Director of the National Institutes of
Health urging the National Institutes of
Health to stop buying animals from the
usual dealers and to breed and raise
their own. This would have a number of
advantages. First, it would assure the
Government of a steady supply of strong
healthy animals, far superior to the
emaciated, sickly animals dealers now
provide, many 01 which die before they
are ever used for the purpose for which
they were purchased. Second, it would
eliminate any possibility of stolen pets
being used for research. Third, it may
well save the Government substantial
sums of money and, fourth, it is fitting
and proper for NIH to set the pace in
this area for the other laboratories
throughout the Nation.
I sincerely hope that this suggestion
will be seriously considered, and that my
colleagues will join me in expressing
their support of this idea to the National
Institutes of Health.
LATEST U.S. SUPREME COURT DE-
CISIONS FAVORABLE TO COMMU-
NISTS HAVE HARMED MANAGE-
MENT, LABOR. AND THE AMERI-
CAN PEOPLE
(Mr. UTT asked and was given Per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
Point in the RECORD and to include a re-
port.)
Mr.. UTT. Mr. Speaker, under unani-
mous consent to insert my remarks in the
body of the RECORD, I include a supple-
mental report prepared by Mr. Harold W.
Kennedy, county counsel of the county
of Los Angeles, Calif.
The original report was widely circu-
lated and widely acclaimed by public as
well as private agencies throughout the
country and the response to this was ex-
ceptionally fine.
This report was made at the request of
the Los Angeles Board of Supervisors and
is completely objective, pointing out the
effect of recent Supreme Court decisions
which have been harmful to manage-
ment, labor, and the American people,
while at the same time have given a green
light to the international Communist
conspiracy.
Mr. Kennedy has received many na-
tional awards for his outstanding judicial
publications.
I have been a close friend of Mr. Ken-
nedy for more than 30 years and can at-
test to his character, ability, and
integrity. He is one of the most re-
spected men in the State of California.
LATEST U.S SUPREM E COURT DECISIONS FAVOR -
AIDE TO COMMUNISTS HAVE HARMED MAN-
AGEMENT, LABOR, AND THE AMERICAN PEOPLE
(Supplemental report of Harold W. Kennedy,
county counsel of the county of Los An-
geles, to the special report of August 19,
1964, filed with the Los Angeles County
Hoard of Supervisors, August 1965)
INTRODUCTION TO SUPPLEMENTAL REPORT
Approximately 1 year ago, on August 19,
1961, the county counsel of the county of
1,11MTPIMIWINMAIPIIIIMPWW,
Los Angeles,1 acting pursuant to a unanimous
board order, filed with the Board of Super-
visors of the County of Los Angeles, a Special
Report on Problem Created by Recent Su-
preme Court Cases Affecting the Communist
Party.
'That report, drawing on. the unique and
extensive background of the over 20 years
experience of the county counsel in fighting
subversion on the local and State levels, de-
tailed the past antisubversive activity of
that office and reviewed and commented tupon
the effects of certain recent decisions of the
U.S. Supreme Court in this vitally import ant
area of the law.
The whole tenor of that report was an
effort to set out in concise and readable
form the unfortunate and disturbing trend
of recent judicial opinions of our highest
Federal court in the field of stioversive cen-
tred. Its purpose was to marshal and chan-
nel in an effective way the growing ground
swell of public concern and alarm at the
pastern of judicial thought which has
emerged from our courts in recent years and
which has effectively hampered the legisla-
tive and executive departments of govern-
ment in their efforts to control and curtail
the very real Communist conspiracy at work
in our midst.
It was the hope of the author that the re-
port would serve both as a point of reference
and as a guide to concerted action; thee by
strengthening the attitude and opinion, of
those who have already recognized the
danger of communism, and by suggesting the
need for an immediate but orderly change
in the negative direction that present ju-
dicial thought is taking, patriotic Americans
everywhere could effectively join with those
of us in government who have consistently
voiced concern over recent U.S. Supreme
Court decisions which are oveebalanced in
favor of subversive elements in our society.
"Our judiciary is not insensitive to the
needs of our time, The marshalled forces of
American thought can create a social climate
that will serve not only to reinforce the a',A,1-
tucles of those who have forthrightly recog-
nized the danger of communisin to our so-
ciety, but will also serve to point the was to
a change in judicial thought and action."
In the comparatively short period of time
since its publication, the report has ht d a
pronounced impact On local, State, and 'Na-
tional levels. The report was the subjec L of
a speech in the House of RepresentaOves
and was reprinted in its entirety in the Corr-
enEssIoNaii RECORD of the 'U.S. Congress on
September 23, 1964 (88th Cong., 2d sess.,
110. No. 183). Many national patriotic orga-
nizations such as the American Legion, the
Americanism Educational League (Los An-
geles, Calif.), the American Academy of
Public Affairs, and others, passed resolutions
commending the publication of the report
and urging that it be read by their member-
ship. One hundred sixty-five thousand
copies of the report were made and, to date,
approximately 140,000 copies have been dis-
tributed throughout the Nation. The greeter
part of those copies was printed entirely at
private expense through the efforts of indi-
vidual citizens, newspapers, church and
patriotic organizations who, aware of the in-
creasing and unceasing danger of the spread
of the world Communist mov3ment, have
seen in the report a direct and useful means
,1 Harold W. Kennedy, Counts Counsel of
the County of Los Angeles since 1945;
1923, Juris Doctor, 1925 Univ. of Calif., Berke-
ley; Master of Science in Public Administra-
tion, 1954, Univ. of Southern Calif.; 2d Lt.
U.S. Army, 1918; Past President, National
Assn. County and Prosecuting Attorneys and
District Attorneys and County Counsels Aesn.
of Calif.; Past member Counter Subversive
Activities Committee, American Legion, Dept.
of Calif.; Calif. and American Bar Assns.
of alerting the American people. Since the
publication of the report, this office has re-
ceived a veritable flood of favorable mail
from all sections of the country evidencing
a tremendous grassroots response to the re-
port's "Call to Action," which was directed
to all public spirited Americans.
I. A QUERY: HAS OUR "CALL TO ACTION" 55515
ANSWERED?
Has our "call to action," to which our citi-
zenry has responded so enthusiastically,
evoked a corresponding response in the judi-
ciary? Has the report, with its nationwide
distribution and its overwhelming receptivity
by Americans everywhere, had a discernible
impact on judicial thought? Can there be
seen, as through a glass darkly, a potential
change of direction in judicial philosophy
emerging from the latest judicial decisions of
the U.S. Supreme Court in the field of inter-
nal security?
This supplemental report, prepared and
filed pursuant to another unanimous board
order of June 22, 1965, adopted on motion of
Supervisor Ernest E. Debs, proposed to re-
view and discuss two recent decisions of the
U.S. Supreme Court which were decided since
the release of the county counsel's special
report, and which acutely affect the country's
continued and effective response to Commu-
nist subversion. The first case, Lamont v.
Postmaster General, 14 L. ed. 2d 398, decided
on May 24, 1965, represents a stinging defeat
to our Government's efforts to control sub-
versive use of the U.S. mail system. The
other decision, United States v. Brown, 14 I,.
ed. 2d 184, decided on June 7, 1965, allowing
Communists to hold union office, is highly
disturbing to those engaged in strengthening
our internal security, to management, and to
the loyal segments of the American labor
movement. Despite its immediate adverse
effect, however, the Brown decision may well
be considered as portending a change in the
attitudes of the Supreme Court. In the final
analysis, this case may signal the beginning
of a judicial retreat from past inflexible posi-
tions taken by a majority of that Court.
II. WE CARRY THE IVIAII, FOR MOSCOW- THE
U.S. STJPREME COURT GIVES FOREIGN-INSPIRED
COMMUNIST POLITICAL PROPAGANDA UNRE-
STRICTED ACCESS TO OUR DOMESTIC MAIL 555.-
TEM
Communists consider their press and their
publications to be the most important and
effective tools for agitation, subversion, and
propaganda purposes. Through the dissem-
ination of newspapers, books, pamphlets,
leaflets, and other printed material the par-
ty, both here and abroad, indoctrinates its
members and party-line followers and is able
to reach and propagandize students, young
people, and other segments of the non-Com-
munist public. Much of this Communist
propaganda reaches the United States from
foreign sources.
The Congress of the United States in a de-
termined effort to control the large amounts
of Communist propaganda originating in
foreign countries from using our domestic
mail system to reach an American audience,
enacted section 308(a) of the Postal Service
and Federal Employees Salary Act of 1962.
This section provides in part:
"Mail matter, except sealed letters, which
originates or which is printed or otherwise
prepared in a foreign country and which is
determined by the Secretary of the Treasury
pursuant to rules and regulations to be pro-
:mulgated by him to be 'Communist political
propaganda,' shall be detained by the Post-
master General upon its arrival for delivery
in the United States, or upon its subsequent
deposit in the United States domestic mails.
and the addressee shall be notified that such
matter has been received and will be delivered
only upon the addressee's request, * *
To implement this law, the Post Office
maintained 10 or 11 screening points for the
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February 24kMoviged For 11940110133X0061211 GJICENIEBTBOUIRERADEt00020010-5
tion, and who are ready and willing to
profit from our example.
One such leader is President Julius
Nyerere, of Tanzania. In dedicating a
hospital in Chimala built with a $70,-
000 donation from the members of the
Church of Christ in Texas, President
Nyerere told thousands of his fellow
countrymen that "Americans are hard-
working people and we in Tanzania must
try to follow their example."
Religious organizations such as the
Church of Christ are doing an immense
amount of good work in hospital build-
ing and medical assistance in develop-
ing countries. The hospital in Chimala
is the first one in the area. Its modern
facilities, including a maternity ward
and X-ray equipment, will serve thou-
sands of people.
I am pleased that three Texans have
been instrumental in planning and oper-
ating the hospital. Mr. Andrew M. Con-
nally, of Arlington; Dr. Ron Huddleston,
of Post; and Mrs. Florine Smalling, of
Azle; each played important roles
in bringing about the success of the proj-
ect.
I wish to thank President Nyerere for
his generous recognition of and kind
words about the work done by Ameri-
cans in his land. I hope that this is to
be just one of many fruitful collabora-
tions between Americans and Tanzan-
ians.
I ask unanimous consent that an AP
story from Dar-Es-Salaam and an arti-
cle from the December 28 Fort Worth
Star Telegram be printed in the Appen-
dix to the RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Associated Press]
DAR-ES-SALAAM, TANZANIA.?The President
of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, praised Ameri-
cans Monday at the dedication of a mission
hospital in Chimala.
"Americans are hard-working people and
we in Tanzania must try to follow their ex-
ample," he told thousands of Tanzanians at-
tending the opening of the hospital.
The Church of Christ Mission Hospital was
built with $70,000 donated by Church of
Christ.
Nyerere said that through hard work
Americans have become the richest people
in the world and he told the Tanzanians
that they also must work hard to make their
country self-sufficient.
He said this was the first hospital in the
area and he was pleased at the modern fa-
cilities, which include a maternity ward and
X-ray equipment.
[From the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, Dec.
28, 1965]
U.S. HOSPITAL IN TANZANIA CITED
President Julius Nyerere, of Tanzania,
yesterday praised Americans during the dedi-
cation of a 50-bed hospital at Chimala for
which funds were provided by 40 Church of
Christ congregations in this area.
Andrew M. Connally, a Church of Christ
missionary who has just returned for a fur-
lough here from the east African country,
said today the dedication marked the first
time the President of a nation has opened
a Church of Christ facility.
Connally was active in supervision of plan-
ning the hospital?the first in Tanzania.
Park Row Church of Christ in Arlington
will supervise the hospital, and funds for its
operation will be supplied by Churches of
Christ in this area and individuals.
THREE YEARS ON DUTY
Connally spent 3 years in Tanzania. His
parents are Mr. and Mrs. A. M. Connally, of
3222 Avenue H. Mrs. Connally's parents are
retired Fort Worthy- Fire Capt. and Mrs.
Homer Franklin, of 4010 Avenue H.
Both the missionary and his wife are grad-
uates of Polytechnic High School. Their
parents, who are members of Polytechnic
Church of Christ, were active in the hospital
building campaign.
The Church of Christ now has 43 churches
and about 6,000 members in Tanzania, Con-
nally said.
Dr. Ron Huddleston, a native of Post, and
a graduate of Baylor University Medical
School, is the physician serving the hospital.
He will be succeeded later by Dr. Raymond
Wheeler of Wichita, Kans., who is on the
development committee of Abilene Christian
College and a trustee of Oklahoma Christian
College.
REGISTERED NURSE
The hospital's registered nurse is Mrs.
Florin? Smalling. Her husband, Wayne, a
former engineer at General Dynamics--Fort
Worth, is an administrator at the hospital.
The Smallings are from Azle.
An area with a population of 100,000 is
being served by the hospital.
Some of the elders of the Park Row Church,
accompanied by Connally, plan to visit the
hospital next year.
"Americans are hard-working people and
we in Tanzania must try to follow their
example," Nyerere said at the opening of the
$70,000 general hospital.
Nyerere said that through hard work Amer-
icans have become the richest people in the
world and told the thousands of Tanzanians
attending the ceremony that they also must
work hard to make their country self-
sufficient.
He expressed his pleasure at his country
having the first hospital in the area and
noted it included a maternity ward and
X-ray equipment.
A etter From a Serviceman in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN P. SAYLOR
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, some
weeks ago I received a letter from Sgt.
David L. Hogan, a resident of Pennsyl-
vania's 22d Congressional District who is
among the thousands of American serv-
icemen assigned to combat in South Viet-
nam. Because it speaks for the many
courageous men and boys exposed to the
gunfire, machinations, and treachery of
an enemy dedicated to the destruction
of the United States and of freemen
everywhere, it is important that every
Member of Congress read this message
carefully. Under unanimous consent I
ask that it be inserted in the RECORD at
this point:
OCTOBER 20, 1965.
Hon. Jonw P. SAYLOR,
Congress of the United States, House of
? Representatives, Washington, D.C.
DEAR M. SAYLOR,: Here is a little letter
that I'm writing for all of the U.S. service-
men in Vietnam.
AMERICAN FIGHTING MEN
I'm writing this letter because I, like so
many other servicemen, serving in the Re-
public of Vietnam, are getting tired of getting
A451
the newspaper and reading about our fellow
Americans putting on demonstrations back
home, on the policies toward the Vietnam
situation. It would be a lot nicer if when
they got together, that they said a little
prayer for the men in uniform that lost their
lives over here fighting for the people back
there in the United States, so that they can
enjoy all of the freedoms that they now have.
I, like so many other American servicemen,
am glad that I was given the opportunity to
come over here, knowing that I was gladly
serving my country and all that we stand
for. It kind of gets to the man in uniform,
when he passes by a little boy or girl of about
three or four years old, and the little boy
or girl stands back and gives you a salute as
though you were a four-star general, instead
of a dirty GI, that has just returned from a
mission or patrol. It makes you feel wanted
in this far-off country.
Mr. SAyLon, I know that you have received
many letters on this same subject, but I just
want you to know that us servicemen that
are from the State of Pennsylvania are al-
ways in there doing what we can and are
always pulling for you and the President of
the United States. Give the President my
regards, and I'm wishing him a speedy
recovery. This is just a very small portion of
?the way that the GI's feel over here toward
the demonstrations.
Thank you for your time in reading this
letter and your kind considerations toward
others.
Sincerely yours,
Sgt. DAVID L. HOGAN, RA13539745.
Mr. Speaker, it would be gratifying if
it were possible to report to our men in
Vietnam that the demonstrations of last
year to which Sergeant Hogan refers
have by now been dissipated in the new
surge of patriotic fervor experienced by
the vast majority of this Nation's citi-
zenry. Unfortunately, such is not the
case. Isolated bands of misguided dem-
onstrators, prodded by Communist prop-
agandists, persist in attempts to torment
and to confuse in the hope that the U.S.
policy will be reversed at the expense of
the free world.
Whether the strategy employed by our
Commander in Chief and his advisers is
wholly sound may be open to question.
Many of us in Congress have expressed
areas of disagreement in the conduct of
the military mission in Vietnam. Yet we
stand in solid support of our Govern-
ment's decision to carry out the commit-
ment to protect our allies against the
perfidious and diabolical designs of the
Red vultures in Hanoi.
Though our fighting troops have every
reason to resent anything less than na-
tional unanimity in appreciation of their
efforts, Sergeant Hogan's letter is far
from acrimonious. If it is asking too
much for the anti-Vietnam demonstra-
tors to pray for the men who have lost
their lives in the present conflict, per-
haps the very suggestion should stimu-
late increased prayer among the rest of
the people in this country.
It may be time for the churches of
America to begin sounding their bells at
an appointed time each day as a re-
minder to all men, women, and children
that our men in uniform are putting their
lives on the line in the crusade against
an enemy of God and of freemen. The
gesture would give further assurance to
what Sergeant Hogan and his buddies
have known all along: that most Ameri-
cans are grateful for the contributions
of their fighting men and are praying
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for their safety and success regardless of
1.,ow much noise a few detractors may be
t'Ae to create.
The 159th Birthday Anniversary of
Gen. Rob?rt E. Lee
HXTENSIOr4 OF REMARKS
LION. HARRY F. BYRD, JR.
i/IttGINIA
It' 'EHE SENATE THE UNITED STATES
W6lnesday. February 2, 1966
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President,
ask unanimous consent to have printed
ill the Appendix of the RECORD an ad-
ilicss delivered by Dr. Frederic Shriver
Klein, professor of history, Franklin &
Marshall College, Lancaster, Pa.
The remarks made by Dr. Klein were
tin the occasion M a commemorative pro-
'ram of the 159th birthday anniversary
if Oen. Robert E. Lee, sponsored by the
District of Columbia Division of the
United Daughters of the Confederacy,
luqd in Statuary Hall, U.S. Capitol,
Washington, January 22, 1966.
'Mere being no oOjection, the remarks
were ordered to be printed in the Recoup,
as follows:
REMARKS ON THE OYEASION US THE COMMEMO-
aATIoN OF THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH-
DAY OE ROBERT E. Lt,E, BY FREDERIC SHRIVER
PROFESSIR OF HISTORY, FRANKLIN
& MARSHALL COLLE!.:E, LANCASTER, PA.
On the 1st of jime 1962, on a battlefield
only a few miles from Richmond, while the
bottle of Fair Oaks wss still in progress, Pres-
ident Jefferson Davis turned to his corn-
tLenion and military .edviser, and said, with
warning, "Gefiered Lee, I shall assign you
In the command of this army."
Two events that could have been called
chance or might Rom been destiny, had un-
eicpecteelly brought a new figure to the stage
of American history. A stray Mullet and a
piece of shell had wounded Gen. Joseph '1'.
jolt:Liston, commander of the Confederate
hirces defending Richmond; and his next in
command, Gen. G. ?iir. Smith, suffered an
e thick of what is isny (ridded battle fatigue.
Davis' statement at that moment meant
at it man who (al err wise might have played
saEl y it minor role in OUT Nation's military
hiratory- was to take a position cel reeponsi-
bility which was to win for him a permanent
place 01 honor aim, respect in the hearts of
eil. Americans, ete wed is to make him a
symbol of a way (El life for all time. Robert
heins military activities as commander
SE the Army of Northern Virginia tested less
Loan El years, and yet in that brief span of
tene he become a legend, not only for his
'toyOr for Virginia or for the South, but
Er ists Americans for generations so come.
(tow did this mina capture the imagination
and win the devotion of soldiers and civilians
alike, who knew hale about him except that
EEl ill 01W Ee inspired their faith and confi-
dence in his leadership? When he took corn-
':1 Ed. he was not widely known for his
military ability, although Gen. Winfield
nriett, who had seen Lee's action in the
Mexican War, had stated that Lee was the
seiry best soldier be had ever seen in the
neid, and urged that Lee should be his sue-
sor in command o: -the Union Army at the
iill,break of the wit:.
But Lee came to his command with some
Mie criticism for his failure to drive the
"ederal forces out III western Virginia, and
had even been referred to as "Old Granny
Lee," because he had been overcieutions. tie
Lad been in charge of the seacoast defenses
i,r South Carolina and Georgia. with. sit
m Al success, and his routine insistence OIL
E he digging of defensive earthworks did not
help his popularity with his troops. There
were no enthusiastic cheers from the rasks
-when the news of his commaad was an-
nounced, but Jefferson Davis had the same
confidence in Lee which had been expreated
by General Scott. The new commander's
rtbility ass great military strategist was ye to
be demonstrated, but it did not take lome
become apparent.
The Lee legend did not develop from in-
tdiring statements or immortal phrases by
Lee Which crystallized the ,pbjeetives of 1115
southern came into memorable slogans Or
is anent crusade. He was not in the habi; of
snaking them. It seems strange that theire
are few, if any, statements from Lee wlach
have remained in the memory or Americens
Ii) typify his character or his ideals. His
hitters to his family are informnl, warm, and
wholesome, his military oi:diere are simple
and direct, and his few fermi" statements
ere. adequate but, not immortal.. Even she
impressive General Order No. 9. his faresseell
address to his troops, was drafted by his r de,
Charles Marshall as normal stair procedere.
His deeds were tEl be much mose signifidint
Olaf i his wOrtiti.
Nor did the Lee legend develop because of
any dramatic emotional appeal, for he was
not an exciting personality W.10 captured
popular imagination with an image of a .'al-
lot reckless cavalier. There was none of
the swashbuckling, sword-was' ng comara-
derie so often associated with the popular
idea of the typical Civil War officer, gallop-
nig along the ranks or stirring his troops
with fiery words. Lee was quiet, outwardly,
but those who knew him beigi recognized -die
constant activity of his alert mind.
Lee's career in the 50 yesus bc'ore the Civil
War throws some light on the developneint
of the qualities which were to earn universal
eriteem in the war years. Et is not strn age
tuns he lass been held in somewhat of the
inn reverence which hie; been given to
Washington, for there was much of the
Washington tradition in Lee's life. There
!sad been an intimate rela tionship between
his father, Light Horse Harry Lee, and. Cim-
ierat Washington and the legend of Wash 1g
Ion must have played a promMent part in
nee'3 boyhood days, even though Rob 'L's
father left the country as an invalid Wien
Lee was only 6 years old. But tele shadoy of
Washington was constantly near 1,e,e,
through his life in Alexandria and at ;Ar-
iing,ton, where he lived with his wife, Miry
An:a Gust's, a descendant of 14:irtha Wadi-
ington. It was particularly app:opriate !sat
the words which his father hae, used in de-
scribing Washington, "First in war, firs; in
peace, and first in the hearts of his coon ry-
men," would be used with reference to bee
when he was formally appointed a cesn-
mander of the Virginia military forces.
Like his father, Robert E. ;Hee was I )1 i-
marily a. soldier, and within Hie relath-ely
small circle of army personnel, he was reecig-
seized as an excellent officer, lie was second
in his class at West Point. efficient as an
englneer, and skillful in military tactics Cur-
ing the Mexican War. His on1;7 position of
adirdnistratiye importance was his appecnt-
ment as Superintendent of We, Point Mili-
tary Academy, but he had acquired ss ime
public recognition as the resell of his op-
pression of the John Brown raid at Harpers
Ferry in 1859, when he was called upot, to
command the troops sent to tin scene of she
insurrection.
So, in the fateful early months of 1M1.,
Robert E. Lee was a colonel of the 1st
merit of Cavalry, 'U.S. Army, highly regateled
by his superior officers, but nol; well knew:a
to the rank and me or to the general public.
He had not commanded large bodies of
troops. He had no political experience and
little political interest. He disapproved of
slavery and of the idea of secession, but had
made no impressive public statements, 'He
loved his family, his Virginia home, and his
chosen career in the Army. In these respects.
there were many others like him. The re-
sponsibility of maintaining the Arlington
estate occupied much of his time, and ini
seriously considered resigning from the Army
to devote the rest of his life to the problems
of managing a Virginia plantation. He could
not have foreseen that when he left Arling-
ton in April 1861 it would be lost to him
forever.
What, then, was there about this man that
was to mark him for a place in our Nation's
history among the great Americans of riff
time? The 3 brief years of his Civil War
career as an Army commander demonstrated
almost immediately that he possessed two
outstanding qualities that impressed friend
and foe alike. His personal character repre-
sented the very best in the American tradi-
tion, and his military genius surpassed any-
thing in American military history up to that
time, and for many years to come.
The significant aspects of his personal
character began to become apparent as soon
as destiny selected him to lead the Army of
Northern Virginia on June 1, 1862. Lee had
a quality of quiet dignity which was as nat-
ural and normal to him as though he had
been trained for a position of leadership
during every previous moment of isis life.
It was a characteristic which became im-
mediately apparent even to those who might
have known him for only a short time, end
which rarely failed to impress his aseociates.
One of his acquaintances called him "the
noblest looking man he ever saw," and the
concept of nobility seemed to be associated
with him constantly. It was recognized by
contestants on both sides, and a northern
newspaper, at the time of his death, only
5 years after the end of the bitter war,
called him one of the few men who through-
out the contest most nearly represented the
idea of the true knightly soldier. Even au
the height of the conflict, when both sides
were hurling bitter and often exaggerated
accounts of barbarities and atrocities, there
was no chink in Lee's armor which could
be attacked. "No man has so few enemies."
wrote a British observer. Almost any officer
could be, end usually was criticized for
small personal vices, but Lee abhorred pro-
fanity, abstained from tobacco, and shunraid
alcohol. He was a large, handsorre
commanding in appearance, careful about
personal details, and fond of neatness and
order. He had a quiet humility which led
him to take entire personal responsibility
when failures occurred, and to refrain fro Tri
criticism of others even when the faults were
obvious. The New York Times commented,
at the time of his death, "By his unobtrusive
modesty and purity of life he has won the re-
spect even of, those who most bitterly deplore
his course in the rebellion." It is significent
that his former foes could deplore his steed,
but they could not be angry or resent' fill
toward him.
This knightly quality, so often roman tic;;l1y
associated with the chivalry of the obi
World, was a natural characteristic and net
an assumed pose, as was so often the case
with some 01 the military. He seemed tc; pin-
sonify the aristocratic tradition?cordident
and assured on horseback on the battlefield,
friendly and sympathetic to his trocpFT,
courteous and polite to his associates, gra-
cious and gallant with the fair sex, Iltld sin-
cerely religious with simple and confident
faith.
But it wits; not only the recognized nobility
of character that raised the name of Robert
E. Lee to a proud place in our history.
Knightliness demands not only goodness P.nct
gallantry, but a knight must be able to tight
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A450 February 2, 1966
bring our shell-planting program to areas
not infected and to areas we feel won't be
infected."
The dramatic and relatively sudden inva-
sion of MSX has tended to obscure the fact
that it is not the sole ravager of oysters.
Rosenfield places a fungus called Dermo-
cystidium on the list of lethal pests, par-
ticularly because it is more active here than
it used to be. There are also Minchinia
costal's, only recently identified, and Bucep-
halus cuculus, an organism which, although
it doesn't kill an oyster, renders it unable to
reproduce. Ironically, it improves the oyster
nutritionally.
Nonetheless, because its invasion has been
so sudden, dramatic and devastating, MSX
has gained most attention. As Rosenfield
says, "People don't care until it affects
them." And in the past couple of seasons,
MSX has affected a lot of Marylanders.
The United Natins Family
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HARRY F. BYRD, JR.
And as a matter of record, World War H
began in 1939, exactly 25 years after the start
of World War I in 1914.
Nineteen hundred and sixty-six, then, may
well be a year of crisis, for it is just 25
years removed?one generation?from 1941,
the year we entered World War II. If his-
tory is to repeat itself, as it has for every
previous generation of American youth, my
son David and his generation can expect to
enter World War IH in about 1966.
It is a tragic fact that many of his class-
mates have already paid the supreme sacri-
fice, in the present world crisis.
? What of 1966?
Will it be the year of great crisis, or is it
to be the year of great opportunity? Will
the United Nations, which just last Sunday
ceased to be a "teenager," became "a man"
and save the men of its generation from the
catastrophe of another world conflict?a pos-
sible tragedy too horrible to imagine?
Or will the United Nations fail to measure
up to its ideal for all mankind?
You can answer these questions by what
you do or don't do in the next 12 months.
Will you help or will you hinder?
The U.N. needs and deserves your support.
Will you help?
OF VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the Appendix of the RECORD an article
published in the Covington Virginian of
Covington, Va., on Saturday, October 30,
1965, and written by the Reverend Rich-
ard W. Buckingham, of the Epworth
Methodist Church, of that city, entitled
"Year of Crisis or Year of Opportunity."
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
YEAR OF CRISIS OR YEAR OF OPPORTUNITY
(By Richard W. Buckingham)
This is United Nations Week. Twenty
years ago last Sunday, on October 24, 1915,
the United Nations became a reality, for on
that date a majority of the signatories?
including China, France, the U.S.S.R., the
United Kingdom, and the United States?.
had filed the necessary instruments of ratifi-
cation. Hence, October 24 became United
Nations Day.
We are a United Nations family; our son
David, who was 20 years old last Sunday, was
born the same day the United Nation became
a recognized world force for peace. Not only
so, the Atlantic Charter was issued "some-
where in the Atlantic" on August 14, 1941,
and August 14 is my birthday. The Dumbar-
ton Oaks Conference in Washington, DC.?a
forerunner of the United Nations Confer-
ence?concluded on October 7, 1944, and
October 7 is my wife's birthday. And, the
first United Nations Conference, attended by
delegates from 50 nations, was held in San
Francisco beginning on April 25, 1945; and
April 25 is our daughter Mary's birthday.
So we are truly a United Nations family.
The United Nations will be a man, of
age, its 21st birthday in 1966, as will my son
on United Nations Day, October 24, 1966.
Now 1966 is a year of possible crisis, for in
1966 the United States will observe the 26th
anniversary of its entrance into World War II.
Ever since this Nation was "conceived in
liberty" by the War of Independence, each
generation of American youth has fought in
a major war.
To put it another way, in the 170 years
from 1775 to 1945, when World War H ended,
our Nation has been engaged in war about
every 25 years.
Vietnam: The Perimeter Theory
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, much
has been written and said about the
United States retreating to the coast and
then setting up defense in a few enclaves.
Mr. Max Freedman, a columnist for
the Washington Post, presents some very
cogent arguments why this is not proper
action for the United States to take.
His column follows:
VIE'TNAM : THE PERIMETER THEORY
(By Max Freedman)
Neither a military nor a political case can
be made out for fighting the war in Vietnam
by withdrawing or limiting American power
to Saigon and a few coastal areas. That is
true despite the famous names, both in and
out of Congress, that have spoken up these
last few days in favor of this proposal.
In essence this plan is based on the mis-
taken military notion that It is sometimes
easier to defend a perimeter than a citadel.
In Vietnam today there are no citadels and
few perimeters. The United States would be
doomed under this plan to be an occupying
power in part of South Vietnam. after it had
conceded and accepted defeat in the rest of
the country.
If this plan were adopted, the United States
would find its strong points dependent for
its food supplies on a countryside that was
either controlled by the Vietcong or by vil-
lages who no longer cared what happened
to American troops. It is impossible to think
of a single valid reason why the people in
the villages should lift a finger to help us
once we had withdrawn to our own selected
positions.
What this plan means, therefore, is that
we would seek a relatively stronger and safer
position for ourselves by abandoning the rest
of South Vietnam to the Communists. What
assurance is there that we would in fact have
any security? The Communists, scenting our
weakness, and aided now by a population suf-
fering from a sense of betrayal, would keep
up the attack. Cooped up in stationary posi-
tions, caught in a sort of weak Maginot Line,
unable to use the military asset of surprise
or to take the offensive, the American forces
would soon find that their strong positions
were in fact dangerously weak.
But suppose this plan, in defiance of all
military logic and experience, actually works?
The United States, by its own decision, on its
own authority, in defiance of its pledges,
would be responsible for the partition of
South Vietnam.
? If there were any political leaders in cooped-
up Saigon willing to work with us, they
would form the most despicable of puppet
governments. They would have no author-
ity in the rest of the country with their own
people. For the United States, in these
changed circumstances, would have no power
except the base and fleeting power of a
military giant occupying part of a distant
land that does not belong to him.
It is being said, rather late in the day,
that the United States has no obligation to
fight to the bitter end to vindicate the ter-
ritorial integrity of South Vietnam. Putting
aside that argument for a moment, what
obligation have we to partition South Viet-
nam to suit our imagined miltiary con-
venience? If another country did this, we
would denounce it as blundering and brutal
imperialism, and we would be right.
We would not, in reality, have even a
perimeter to defend for very long. The more
this plan is examined the clearer it becomes
that it is the prelude to a settlement based
on retreat, withdrawal, and defeat.
The last touch of unreality is given to this
plan when it is remembered that its advo-
cates have used the loudest arguments in
the past to tell us that no struggle against
Communist subversion can be won by guns
and military power alone. The war has to
rest on foundations of political, economic,
and social reality. Above all a successful
war has to enlist the sympathy and support
of the ordinary people.
The plan outrages every one of these prin-
ciples. It thinks in military terms alone.
It cares nothing for the unity of South Viet-
nam or for the welfare of its people. It cares
only about saving American lives and easing
American burdens.
It is not a candid and prudent limitation
of American aims in a dangerous war whose
end no one can foresee. It is selfish folly
dressed up as a deceptive policy, and if it
were ever tried it would be a shattering fail-
ure.
The worst thing about war is that it for-
bids easy solutions. It makes no sense to get
out of Vietnam. it makes even less sense to
get half out. There will have to be harder
thoughts and harder battles before the end
comes into sight.
President Nyerere of Tanzania Pays
Tribute to Americans
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH YARBOROUGH
OF TEXAS
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
anyone who reads the newspapers knows
that the United States is frequently criti-
cized abroad. We must realize that in
many cases this criticism is motivated
by the fact that as the freest and most
prosperous nation on earth we are a
handy target. It is nice to know there
are able leaders abroad who recognize
the reasons why we occupy that posi-
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MSX : Deadly New Enemy of the Oyster
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
ko
ION. GEORGE H. FALLON
MAR '7 LAND
fN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. FALLON. Mr. Speaker, the
iffects of the prolonged drought in the
Northeast are most evident in their
everyday, dramatic aspects. The hid-
den, side effects of the water famine are
just beginning to appear.
Stiil one more effect is revealed in an
xcelient article by James F. Waesche in
the Laltimore Sunday Sun. He tells of
he appearance of a bacteria destroying
,,,yste.s and possibly, other seafood. The
bacteria thrives only in salt water, but
the lowered fresh water levels is allow-
ing the saline-living bacteria further
progress in Chesapeake Bay.
The article points uo the urgency and
lw necessity for the overall survey of the
Chesapeake Bay area, including Balti-
more Harbor, legislaton introduced by
me in last year's session and passed by
the House and Senate. President John-
son allowed funds to begin this study in
his budget message. We believed that
the sea nettle was largely responsible for
the decline in revenues from bay prod-
ucts and recreation, but this article re-
veals the menace of still another enemy.
The survey of the Chesapeake region evi-
dently should not be delayed.
In an effort to give wider readership
.;,) this article, I ask its inclusion in the
Appendix of the REcoRn:
msx: DEADLY NEW EN EM Y OF THE OYSTER
( By James P. War:sr:he)
A mysterious protozoan parasite, MSX, has
been drifting, up Chesapeake Bay the way
an invisible, odorless cloud of lethal gas
would roll over a city: silently, but with
disa Aeons effects. Wherever it has appeared
eysters have perished and the industry de-
em:Mint upon them has collapsed.
Delsware Bay was hit first. MSX wiped
mit the oysters there in 1.957. In 1958 it was
(iiscovcred in the month of the Chesapeake.
n 2 years it had reacned the Maryland-
Virginia line?after ravaging oyster grounds
to the south. This year researchers have
found evidence of it as far north as the
mouth of the Choptank.
Already it has taken its toll in Maryland.
i:riSlield has been particularly hard hit. "The
oyster business here is dead," lamented a
Crislielder close to the industry; and, al-
thong a its comments are more cautiously
phrased, the Department of Chesapeake Bay
Air:, M. tends to agree. "MSX has certainly
out the economy of the Crisfield area," an
official acknowledged.
(It said, incidentally, that a few Crisfield
rankers, desperate for oysters, are buying
them in Baltimore, trucking them to Cris-
held, then repacking them and shipping
them to out-of-State markets as bonnes
la:licher; from the Seafood Capital of the
Appendix
The problem is not Crisfield's alone. MSX
investigators are labeling the parasite "a clis-
tinct threat from Virginia north to the
Hongsf." Also, they note. "more dead oysters
have been reported this year than 'before."
What's drawing?or what's propelling?
MSX up the bay? Changing salinities scien-
tists say. The oyster-killing parasite seems
Lu thrive only in water containing more than
1.5 parts salt per 1,000 parts fresh water.
Until recently, Maryland's portion of the bay
was never that salty. It has become so lately
though, because of the prolonged drought
in New York and Pennsylvania. Lack of rain
there has greatly decreased the volume and
flow of the Susquehanna River, which under
normal conditions, supplies the bay with 90
percent of the fresh water it receive.3 from
sources north of the Potomac.
Because less fresh water is flowing into
the head of the bay, salt water from the ocean
has been able to push farther end. :farther
up the mouth, causing the isohaline?the
imaginary line that divides the relatively
salty portion of the bay from the lees salty
portion?to move steadily northward, pro-
viding more and more "living space" for
MSX. Al present the isohaline stretches
from the mouth of the Choptank on the
Eastern Shore to Cove Point on the western.
It is 40 miles closer to Baltimore than it was
5 years ago.
"And it's getting higher," remarks Fred-
erick W. Sidling, chief of CBA's Natural Re-
sources Management Division,. ' Unless
theres a change in the rainfall pattern, it'll
get higher still."
He points out that the is,ohaline, roughly
25 mites long, crosses the bay as a sharp
diagonal. It is much higher on the Eastern
Shore than on the western. Several :factors
cause this. One of the most surpri.3ing is
the rotation of the earth, which tends to
slosh waters from the western side of the hay
upward and against the Eastern Shore. Then
too, the deep channel is on the eastern side.
"Creeping salinity" is, so far, one of the few
concrete things that, MSX researchers have to
go on. They know little about the parasite
itself. The letters MSX, in fact, stand for
multinucleate sphere unknown. Only one
of the organism's life stages has been (denti-
fied?the one which lives in and kills the
oyster. It may spend part of its life its some
other animal, or in the water, or in both.
Biologists: don't know. Neither dc they know
how it is transmitted from one oyster to an-
other. Experiments have shown only that a
healthy oyster cannot catch MSX from an
infected one.
Since its life stages can't be charted, its
origin remains a mystery. There are, how-
ever, some hazy hypotheses. Sibling sum-
marizes them:
-there are two possibilities," he says. "One
is that MSX may be something that hes been
here all along?something that underwent a
sudden mutation and became lethal. But
the chances of such a mutation, I feel, are
rather remote. It would be like picking one
star out of the sky..
"The other is that MSX may be something
that has been introduced into these waters
from another area--something that may have
been a parasite in another animal, one that
was resistant to it, that then found a happy
home in the oyster. There are many chances
for this to have happened in Delaware Bay,
where there are so many oceangoing ships
that may have had mollusks or fouling on
1:1ileeirryh?ottoms. I personally lean toward this
10
The parasite could also have been intro-
duced by humans, he suggests, much in the
(yay milfoil, an exotic weed that has spread
nuchecked and clogged many a bay estuary,
W as dumped into local waters from fish
(Jowls.
In an effort to replace the "X" with a good,
long Latin name, research programs are
:inderway in laboratories up and down the
.'oast. Closely following MSX as it sweeps
;fp the Chesapeake is the U.S. Bureau
of Commercial Fisheries lab at Ox-
ed. The program there is under the di-
rection of Aaron Rosenfield, Ph. D.
-One of the first signs of infection is in
the gills," Rosenfield says, adding that some
biologists have thus concluded that the pare-
:elm is waterborne. "Oyster blood cells
:lock to the area of infection. This can be
picked up on the microscope, so this is how
we know that it infects the gills first."
MSX does its damage, however, in the
oyster's digestive tract. It seems to settle
!here, multiplying and filling the space where
: he oyster's food should be. Apparently the
oyster starves to death.
MSX is harmless to humans. "We've
oaten infected oysters here in the lab," says
f,troosuennlield, "and everybody's still walking
d"
Many people have probably eaten in-
fected oysters without knowing it. The
parasite is tasteless. Its presence can some-
times be detected by a keen eye, however, for
blanches the digestive tract, normally a
((ilk brownish-orange.
With so little known about the parasite
Uself, biologists are hoping to stem its
advance and salvage the industry by dis-
eovering in nature (or learning to breed)
in MSX-resistant oyster. Hopes are based
in evidence that a resistant strain seems to
Pe developing naturally in Delaware Bay.
Some 90 percent of the oysters there fell
.:ictim to MSX in 1957. Ten percent sur-
en/est?either by resisting the initial on-
tieught of the parasite or, if attacked by it,
managing somehow to "get well." (Rosen-
held says that in the lab an oyster has been
-caught in the act of 'spitting out' the
((rganism.")
13iologiets call survivors a "relic popula-
tion," and they note that the progeny of
(mch a population tends to maintain its par-
ents' resistance or immunity. There is now,
lor instance, only 15 percent mortality among
the progeny of the Delaware Bay relic
nopulation, whereas oysters from other
waters, when put in the still-infested bay,
(fie en masse.
What makes a resistant oyster different
from a susceptible one? Rosenfield and his
Laff are trying to find out.
Rosenfield is spending most of his own re-
eearch time making chrernosomal analyses.
There may be, he says, chromosomal ab-
liermalities in refistant (or even in SUS-
(rptible) oysters, abnormalities similar to
I he one that produces mongolism in human:3.
11 one exists, it could be possible to breed a
new, MSX-resistant strain.
Chesapeake Bay Affairs and Oxford are
( ()operating in the anti-MSX campaign.
Many of the samples with which the lab
works are obtained by CBA. CBA also con-
ducts continuous sampling programs in the
hay, checking both salinities and mortalities.
"We're doing everything we can to keep
track of it," Sieling says, "and we're tai-
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service in Washington beginning in 1948,
Including the 8 years as Vice Chief and
Chief of Staff of the Air Force, General
White was the prime architect and sup-
porter for the successfuZ ballistic missile
and aerospace programs undertaken and
developed during the 1950's.
Following his retirement in 1961, Gen-
eraj White was a contributing editor of
Newsweek magazine, a member of the
General Advisory Committee of the Arms
Control and Disarmament Agency, a
member of the Washington Institute of
Foreign Affairs, an associate member of
the Institute of Strategic Studies in Lon-
don, a member of the Congressional
Board of Visitors, U.S. Air Force Acad-
emy, and a member of the board of
directors of several major companies.
Among General White's decorations
were the Distinguished Service Medal
with Oak Leaf Cluster, the Legion of
Merit, the Air Medal, and many foreign
decorations.
The Nation and this Congress have
lost a devoted military authority, as
well as a cultured gentleman, diplomat,
linguist, and friend. We shill miss his
wise counsel on many matters affecting
our national security, particularly in
the field of aerospace power. His for-
ward thinking, his devotion to his
country, his dedication to making United
States aerospace power preeminent,
above all his integrity, will forever mark
General White as both a great airman
and a great American.
General White appeared many times
before committees of our Congress. We
all recall that his testimony was in-
variably sincere, courageous, and ac-
curate. He was not one to go off on
tangents, or to be influenced by ex-
tremist solutions to our national prob-
lems. He impressed all on committee
hearings with his fine, gentlemanly man-
ner and his intellectual genius. We shall
miss his stability and foresight.
Let us salute with pride a gallant
gentleman, Thomas Dresser White
PRESIDENT ACTS FOR AMERICAN
FORCES
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, I believe President Johnson
acted courageously and with sincere con-
cern for the protection of American
forces by renewing the bombing raids on
the Communist strongholds in North
Vietnam.
No reasonable person wishes to create
a condition which can lead to world war
III, but neither could the President, as
Commander in Chief of our military
forces, ignore the obvious buildup of
manpower and warmaking materiel
posed against our forces in South Viet-
nam.
President Johnson made a noble and
extensive effort to reach a peaceful so-
lution to the fighting in Vietnam and he
was rebuffed. I hope he continues these
efforts to bring an end to the fighting
but, until that day arrives, the President
is duty bound to give our young men
risking their lives in the battlefields
every assistance.
No. 17-26
We in the Senate should join him in
this endeavor. He has my support.
THE PRESIDENT'S PROPOSED IN-
TERNATIONAL EDUCATION ACT
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, the Pres-
ident's International Education Act sets
before us an agenda of what we can do
to increase understanding between
nations.
We hope to strengthen our education
here at home through this legislation.
We hope to build bridges of understand-
ing between nations by offering and in-
creasing our technical assistance pro-
grams abroad. We hope to give children
in other lands a "head start" and, finally,
we hope to give to visiting students from
other countries a chance to develop their
full potential as future leaders.
It is clear that a neglected dimension
of our foreign policy has been cultural
exchange. It is time now for a review
and reappraisal of all our efforts in this
field.
I support the Exchange Peace Corps, a
program to allow foreign visitors to come
to our country, for it is clear that foreign
students and teachers here can help in
language instruction and can assist our
schools in adding an international di-
mension to their courses of study.
ORDER OF BUSINESS?RULES OF
THE SENATE
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, a par-
liamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Texas will state it.
Mr. TOWER. Has morning business
been concluded?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business?
Mr. McCARTHY. Mr. President, a
parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. McCARTHY. What is the status
of the Senate rules under which the
Senate is operating in this session of
Congress? When were they last ap-
proved or adopted?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. They
are the rules set forth in the Manual
of the 89th Congress.
Mr. McCARTHY. When did the Sen-
ate itself last give approval to those
rules?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
last general revision was in 1884.
Mr. McCARTHY. Periodically we
pass upon the rules of this body. If the
question of whether the Senate is a con-
tinuing body?
The PRESIDING CuotoiCER. The
Senate is not required to pass on them
periodically.
Mr. McCARTHY. When did the Sen-
ate last take formal action with respect
to the rules?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There
were some amendments made at the be-
ginning of this Congress.
Mr. McCARTHY. Some amendments
were made, but there was no action to
approve the rules with respect to this
body. Is that correct?
The PRESIDING OloriCER. The
Senate made certain changes in its rules.
Mr. McCARTHY. Might I therefore be
in order to raise a question with ref-
erence to all the rules at this particular
time?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senate can amend its rules.
Mr. McCARTHY. If the Senate is a
continuing body, as some Senators in-
sist, would it be in order to interrupt
at this time to consider the amendment
of the rules?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senate's attention is referred to rule
XXXII, paragraph 2 of the rules of the
Senate, which reads:
The Rules of the Senate shall continue
from one Congress to the next Congress
unless they are changed as provided in these
Rules.
Mr. McCARTHY. In further parli-
amentary inquiry, what would be the
procedure if it were sought to change
the rules of the Senate in different
respects?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. A pro-
posal to change the rules requires 1
day's notification. Then it is decided
by majority vote.
Mr. McCARTHY. If the question
should be raised as to whether or not
there could be unlimited debate with
reference to a proposed change in the
rules of the Senate, who would decide
that question?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is a
? debatable question. Cloture could be
invoked.
Mr. McCARTHY. Cloture could be in-
voked. How would it be invoked. Would
it require a two-thirds vote? Or is it an
open question as to whether it could be
decided by majority vote?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is debatable. It can be voted
on by majority vote, but cloture requires
a vote of two-thirds of Senators present
and voting.
Mr. McCARTHY. May I ask for prece-
dent on the requirement of a two-thirds
vote for cloture under the rules of the
Senate?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Parliamentarian calls the Chair's atten-
tion to rule XX, paragraph 2, in this
particular:
And if that question shall be decided in
the affirmative by two-thirds of the Senators
present and voting, then said measure, mo-
tion, or other matter pending before the
Senate, or the unfinished business, shall be
the unfinished business to the exclusion of
all other business until disposed of.
Mr. McCARTHY. What if it were
proposed to amend that section of
the rule? We cannot invoke a rule
on a rule to enforce a change of that
particular portion of the rule. We
would have to go outside to look
for a course of action in that in-
stance. Would not that question have to
go to the Senate to be decided by a ma-
jority of the Senate, depending on the
ruling of the Presiding Officer?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. This rule
Is treated the same as any other rule of
the Senate.
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Mr. McCARTHY. Therefore, that rule
would be subject to the constitutional
provision which allows the Senate to
make its own rules. So far as we know,
the Constitution allows the Senate to
make its own rules by majority vote on
any matter which concerns itself. Under
the Constitution, that question can be
decided by majority vote. Or is that a
matter for the Supreme Court?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Rules of the Senate can be amended by
majority vote once that question is
reached.
Mr. McCARTHY. The rules of the
Senate can be amended by majority vote,
but the question is whether cloture can
be voted on a proposal to change the
rules, or whether it would be subject to
a determination by the Senate following
a ruling by the Presiding Officer. Is that
correct?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The at-
tention of the Senate is referred to that
part of rule XXXII-
Mr. McCARTHY. But it is proposed
to amend rule XXXII. Therefore, rule
XXXII could not apply to amendment of
rule XXXII, unless we have locked our-
selves into something which we cannot
break out of. In most cases we go out-
side and rely on the Constitution.
Let me raise this one point, and then I
am finished. In order to amend the rules
of the Senate under the present practice,
at any time a rule of the Senate is subject
to amendment by a Member of the Sen-
ate, subject to the action that may be
taken by that body. Is that correct?
'Me PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
Mr. McCARTHY. I thank the Chair.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. McCARTHY. I yield to the Sen-
ator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLARK. I suggest to the Senator
from Minnesota and my other colleagues
that the way to amend the rules of the
Senate is very simple. It requires a
simple procedure. All we have to do is to
get a majority of the Subcommittee on
;lutes and Administration to report any
one of the 75 proposed rule changes which
I have been submitting for the past 10
years and bring it to the full Committee
on Rules and Administration, where, if
the chairman of the committee, our
revered and beloved Senator HAYDEN,
who is also chairman of the Appropri-
ations Committee, which has received
permission to meet, will permit it to be
brought before the Senate, I have no
doubt that a majority would vote to
change the rules. I am at a loss to know
why the Senator from Arizona has not
moved to report the proposed changes.
Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. CLARK. I yield.
Mr. PASTORE. On that very point,
while it is true that a majority vote is
required to change the rules, it would
cake a vote of two-thirds of Senators
present and voting for the privilege of
considering the matter. That is why we
are boxed in.
Mr. CLARK. That is true; but under
the rulings made by the former Vice
Vresident, Mr. Nixon, if the effort is made
at the time the Senate first meets at the
beginning of a Congress, and if the rights
under that constitutional privilege are
reserved, the question is pending, and all
rights are reserved under the Anderson
motion to change rule XXII, which
would bring it up, and even this motion
would be debatable.
Mr. PASTORE. That is true, but if an
appeal is taken from the ruling, it is sub-
ject to debate, and it is subject to a two-
thirds vote to stop the filibuster.
Mr. CLARK. But the constitutional
ruling is that it is not subject to debate;
and the present Vice President, if pressed
hard enough, would so rule, I am sure.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. McCARTHY. I yield to the Sena-
tor from Virginia.
Mr. ROBERTSON. I just read that
the Research Association at Princeton
reported--
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. Presider t, I
ask unanimous consent for sufficient
time to propound a question.
The PRESIDING OFFICE :R. Wit] lout
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. ROBERTSON. The Research As-
sociation at Princeton reported that only
14 percent of the people in this Nation
wanted the repeal bill to be passed and
that the majority of union members did
not want it passed.
Why should we change the rules of the
Senate to do what the Nation does not
want done?
Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. ROBERTSON. I do not yield until
get an answer. I would like to have an
answer, if one is available.
Mr. McCARTHY. I believe we should
not have a change of the rule for this
measure only but for many other meas-
ures as well.
Mr. ROBERTSON. Then, why bring
it up at this time?
Mr. McCARTHY. Action on anything
can be prevented by 33 percent. Why
should we not change the rules so as to
give to 14 percent the right to pram-
tum that the Senator wishes to give to
33 percent?
Mr. ROBERTSON. May I ask the
Senator another question?
Mr. McCARTHY. I yield to the Sen-
ator for a question.
Mr. ROBERTSON. If the Senator has
any hope of getting enough votes to op-
erate under the present rules, why does
not some Senator take up the arguments
made by the Senator from Mississippi
[Mr. EAST LAND I on the floor of the Senate
last Saturday? His argument cannot be
answered.
Mr. McCARTHY. What argument did
he make?
Mr. ROBERTSON. The Senator can-
no :Li answer them.
Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, are we
in the morning hour?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senate is transacting morning business.
Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President. I would
like to ask a question of the Senator
from Virginia. If he is so sure that 14
percent want repeal, why not let the
question come to a vote? That would
be the end of the discussion.
But I am already convinced that the
only reason why they do not want this
matter to come to a yea-and-nay vote
and be subject to the majority vote of
the Senate is that they do not believe
what they are reading.
Mr. ROBERTSON. I shall answer the
question. The Senator will not find 1
percent of the people favoring A.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. FULBRIGHT obtained the floor.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
move that the Committee on Foreign Re-
lations be permitted to meet next Friday
while the Senate is in session.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, it is with great reluctance and full
sentiment with the request of the Senator
that I make a motion to table.
I wish to make it clear that the leader-
ship is eager to cooperate with the Sen-
ator to the end that his committee may
meet. Any motion that committees may
meet is subject to debate.
In my judgment it would be a mistake
for the leadership to permit the motion to
proceed to the consideration of the repeal
of section 14(b) to be displaced by a
motion that committees meet .
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of
a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll,
and the following Senators answered to
their names:
[No. 22 Leg. I
Aiken Dirksen Mansfield
Bartlett Blender McClellan
Bass Pulbright Mondale
Bennett Gore Morse
Bible Hayden Muskic
Byrd, W. Va. Jackson Proxmire
Church Javits Ribicolf
Clark Kuchel Tower
Cooper Long, La.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce
that the Senator from Maryland I Mr.
BREWSTER] and the Senator from Mis-
souri [Mr. Lone] are absent on official
business.
I also announce that the Senator from
North Dakota [Mr. Bmuncx], the Sen-
ator from Alabama [Mr. HILL], the Sen-
ator from North Carolina [Mr. JORDAN],
the Senator from New York [Mr. KEN-
NEDY], the Senator from Michigan I Mr.
MCNAMARA I, the Senator from Oklahoma
[Mr. MONRONEY] , the Senator from
Oregon [Mrs. NEUBERGER], the Senator
from Rhode Island [Mr. PELL] , the Sen-
ator from South Carolina [ Mr. RUSSELL],
the Senator from Florida [Mr. Sins-
THERS], and the Senator from Georgia
[Mr. TALMADGE [ are necessarily absent.
Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the
Senator from Iowa Mr. MILLER] is nec-
essarily absent.
The Senator from Kentucky I Mr.
MORTON] is detained on official business.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. A quo-
rum is not present.
Mr. BASS. Mr. President, I move that
the Sergeant at Arms be directed to re-
quest the attendance of absent Senators.
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to request emergency action in the U.N.
Security Council. Let us hope that here
is an avenue that may lead Hanoi to a
serious discussion of peace.
We must be mindful, however, that
Hanoi has as yet not disclosed a serious
interest in peace, and today is indicating
its indifference to any action which
might be taken by the United Nations.
For while we and others have sought
since last April to bring Hanoi to serious
discussions, a long record of terrorism
and violence leveled at the people of
South Vietnam has been the only
response.
It is therefore important that we real-
ize that we must continue to support our
commitment to the South Vietnamese
people and the U.S. forces there.
This we will do; and I am sure that, as
Secretary Rusk has stated, the United
States will continue to explore the proc-
esses of diplomacy, both public and
private, in order that any possibility of
peace can be explored and tested.
Turning to another, but related, mat-
ter, yesterday we received a message
from the President, submitting his for-
eign aid program. This program is less
than three-quarters of 1 percent of the
national defense budget, and for that
reason its extension can, in my opinion,
be largely justified.
I am delighted that the President says
that from now on he wants to help na-
tions which help themselves. This is
progress, because in years gone by we
were willing to help nations under any
circumstances, without any regard to
whether they helped themselves or any-
body else. That was a rather immature
approach in my judgment. For this rea-
son I welcome the President's intention
to limit economic assistance to those na-
tions which help themselves.
I suggest to the distinguished Senator
from Arkansas [Mr. McCLELLAN] that we
might even take a further step. We
might even be so bold as to propose that
some day we will help only those who
help us. But I suppose that is too revolu-
tionary a proposal to bring up at a time
like this, especially when so many people
in this country do not even want to help
the President.
In his foreign aid message the Presi-
dent said that nine-tenths of the $665
million earmarked for development loans
is for five countries.
One of these countries is Nigeria. On
the same day, and almost at the same
hour that the President was transmitting
his foreign aid message to Congress, the
Nigerian representative on the United
Nations Security Council was refusing to
support the American request that the
Council take up the question of whether
the United Nations should discuss the
Vietnamese problem. In fact, all three
African members of the Security Council
opposed our simple and reasonable re-
quest which needs nine affirmative votes
for adoption. I recall, parenthetically,
that only last fall at the International
Telecommunications Union Conference
at Montreux, Switzerland, where I was a
U.S. delegate, all 32 of the African dele-
gates refused to support the position of
the United States in a matter of im-
portance.
I have supported foreign aid to a num-
ber of countries, including a number of
African countries. I expect to continue
to do so. But I shall not be bulldozed
or blackmailed or threatened by a state-
ment that any part of the world is im-
mune, or that any nation in the world is
immune, from criticism because of con-
siderations other than their govern-
mental actions. When they do not help
us, as Nigeria refused to help us yester-
day, we ought to bear in mind the limited
resources available for development loans
and take a good hard look to see whether
or not we ought to spend them on a
country that only yesterday, while we
werd offering development loans to it,
was saying to us, "We do not believe
enough in free speech to permit the
United States to take its cause to the
United Nations."
Fifteen Senators have submitted to the
President their dissent from and con-
cern over his Vietnam policy. They have
urged him to reconsider the course of
action on which he has embarked. Some
of them have been heard to say, "Let
us take the problem to the United Na-
tions." So we try, and the next thing
that happens is that we cannot even get
enough members of the Security Council
to agree merely to take it up.
Most people, like myself, I suppose,
thought that the only member of the
Security Council which would not want
to take it up would be the Soviet Union.
But lo and behold, our longtime, great
ally, France, joined Russia. What pur-
pose other than petty mischief France
had in taking such action, I cannot
understand. Whereupon the whole kit
and kaboodle of the nations which have
enjoyed our assistance sought to em-
barrass this Government, saying, "We
will not even let you talk about it."
If that is all that the United Nations
is willing to do, we may have to say that
we have run our string out there. If
that is the case, we must stand alone
with out valiant Vietnamese ally and
with the assistance of a few friendly
allies, such as South Korea, the United
Kingdom, and Australia. For we must
do whatever is necessary to bring the
Vietnam war to an honorable conclusion.
I think every one of us strongly sup-
ported every step of the President's peace
offensive. Now, most of us are ready to
go ahead to seek an honorable settle-
ment by using such force as may be
necessary to bring about the negotiations
leading to that settlement.
I thank the distinguished Senator from
Arkansas for his kindness in yielding to
me.
ReCOMMONSENSE FROM
SENATOR FULBRIGHT
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Arkansas yield to me?
Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the remarks
of all the Senators who have preceded
me, and to whom I have yielded, precede
in the RECORD the remarks I shall make.
I should like to preserve the continuity
of my remarks. I feel certain that no
Senator will object. -
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
1857
objection? The Chair hears none, and
It is so ordered.
Mr. McCLELLAN, Mr. President, un-
der the same conditions on which I have
yielded to other Senators, I now yield
to the distinguished Senator from South
Dakota.
Mr. McGOVERN. I thank the Sena-
tor from Arkansas for yielding to me. I
asked him to yield for the purpose of
obtaining unanimous consent to place
in the RECORD a transcript of the dis-
cussion between the distinguished chair-
man of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee [Mr. PULBRIGHT] and two
noted Columbia Broadcasting System
news correspondents, Mr. Eric Sevareid
and Mr. Martin Agronsky. The discus-
sion took place on the CBS Network be-
tween 10:30 and 11 o'clock last night,
Eastern Standard Time. It was another
impressive demonstration of Senator
FULBRIGHT'S uncommon commonsense.
Much of the discussion centered around
the issue of Vietnam, and our policy not
only in that country, but in other parts
of Asia as well. The discussion was a
most thoughtful, interesting, and forth-
right statement of the issues.
Near the end of the broadcast, Mr.
Sevareid asked Senator FULBRIGHT if he
thought that high ranking public officials
could afford the luxury of public pessi-
mism. Senator FULBRIGHT offered what
I believe to be a perfect answer.
He said:
It seems to me that we all get along
better if we say what we think, whether it
Is pessimistic or optimistic.
That is a good admonition to all of us.
It is sometimes difficult to speak out on
controversial questions, particularly at a
time when our country is committed to
battle. No one enjoys the prospect of
having his words twisted in such a way
as to imply that he has somehow under-
cut what our troops are trying to accom-
plish or has undercut the national in-
terest in any way. But there has never
been a time in our history when plain,
honest talk was so desperately needed.
And every Senator speaks for war or
peace by his silence as well as by his
words.
We are involved in what I believe is
the most dangerous venture in which this
country has ever been engaged. We must
turn every possible stone in an effort to
end this war and to bring it to a con-
clusion before we are pulled into what
would be the most disastrous develop-
ment that anyone could imagine, and
that is a major all-out war on the Asian
mainland.
In my judgment the great generals
who have warned us against that in the
past have been absolutely right. I be-
lieve that it would be calamitous for this
country to take steps which would bring
on such a war.
I hope that we will do everything we
can to prevent that. I believe that the
President wants to avoid that kind of a
conflict but he needs to hear our honest
convictions about this ill-advised venture
in Vietnam.
One way to avoid an even larger con-
flict is by honest talk. If Senators will
only speak out and say what they really
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lintieve on this issue, it will be far more
'helpful than if they refrain from saying
what is on their conscience and on their
minds,
hope that we may have a thorough
discussion not only of the Vietnamese is-
idle, but also of our entire policy in Asia.
ft is of the utmost importance to us and
to our children.
Mr. President. I ask unanimous con-
ilmt the very thoughtful discussion by
Lim Senator from Arkansas LMr. Fut.-
liticirrl be printed at this point in the
There being no objection, the discus-
ion was ordered to be printed in the
'R,St]Okri, as 'follows:
inivicE: AND DISSENT
1,Y.TiS News special report, as broadcast on the
OBS Television Network and the CBS Ra-
dio Network, Feb, 1, 1966)
tmost: The Honorable J. WILLIAM FUL-
;BRIGHT, 111.8. Senate, Democrat, of Arkansas.
CBS News correspondents: Eric Sevareid,
:Martin Agronsky.
Brod neer : William J.
i)ireutor: Robert Vitarelli.
Mr_ AGROIVSKY. Thia is room 1215 in the
New Senate Office Building, the entrance to
the office of the junior Senator from Arkan-
Ali you enter you see a collection of
ehotographs, autographed by a President
lamn Texas: "To BIM. PuLannurr, who listens,
maybe, perhaps; signed, Lyndon B. John-
on." "To BILL: I Can see I haven't been very
persuasive; signed. Lyndon B. Johnson."
Timigilit an examination of the views of
Wo.i.JAM Fuminionr, who does listen but
s; not always persuaded.
ANNOUNCER. PrOrn Washington, as part of
Cab' News' continuing coverage of the Viet-
Of clan-het, "Ftn,BRIGHT: Advice and Dis-
tettit," a discussion of foreign policy with the
eilairmitn of the Senate Foreign Relations
!onunittee, as he talks with CBS News Cor-
sespornients Eric Sevareid and Martin Agron-
Mr. AcreorisKY. Senator, do you feel the
eourse the President is following now in Viet-
urn is a wise one?
Senator FULBRIGHT. Well, with respect to
file referral to the United Nations, I cer-
tainly do, under the circumstances. I think
this is the best thing he could do.
have already expressed my reservations
about resuming bombing. I think this is too
wish he had been more patient about
resuming bombing, I don't think that helps
Bet, any case, he has done that and I
don't wish to quarrel about it. I think we
have to accept it. But I do approve of going
I,] the United Nations. I know there is much
skepticism about it operating, but circum-
stances have changed since that was last
discussed. And I am hopeful, surely, that
they will do something in the United
sedions.
Mr. SEVAREID. Senator FULDRIGHT, you spent
a great part of your life studying American
rereign policy and the history thereof. We
are now suggesting arbitration of this war.
Bas this country ever agreed before in a war
stibmit to arbitration by others?
Senator FTELBRU:IIT. I don't recall it. I
toust say wouldn't want to pose as the kind
ot expert your first statement would pose. I
have spent most of my time in public life
studying the problems of Arkansas and for-
eign relations are simply one of my duties.
sot nevertheless I know of no precedent for
ibat. But I think it is a good one under
I ese circumstances.
H. has progressed to the point where we
have created the South Vietnamese Govern-
ment and we are committed to it by reiter-
ation of the word "commitment." I find it
very difficult to find any what I call legal
commitment through a treaty basis, the
usual kind of commitment, thas we haw in
NATO, for example. I find it very difficult.
The explanation that SEATO is the origin of
his leaves me very cold. I am 'tory dubious
about the validity of these arguments about
our commitment. It is a commitmeid,
largely by reiteration of the word that we
are committed. It is a kind of a self.
generating commitment.
But there we are. And., therefore, I h 1.ve
i,o modify my feeling to the eatent thot
would like to cooperate in getting out of
this. It does me no good, really, to just say
We shouldn't have been there. I am trying
to explain Why there is so much feeling about
this that is very unusual under these oir-
CUM s Lances.
Mr. SEVAREID, Senator, Oa you feel that
whit President Johnson his lac on doing in
11-le last year in Vietnam IR inconsistent in
line with the so-cylled commitments of P1" 'St-
dents Eisenhower and Kennedy?
Senator FULDRIGHT. Well, President John-
son, in all honesty, inherited Ills situaton.
It bad become quite substantial when he
came onto the scene and he was presented
with a very difficult situation. There was as
many, as I recall it about 20,000 people of
Our people there at the time of the Tonkin
incident. That is substamdal but nothing
like, now.
I regret that the President ever started the
bombing and that much greater effort, his
offensive for petce which- ha; just been
held?I regret that it wasn't eiriAged in be-
fore we ever became involved.. But thin. is
hindsight. I don't wish to be too critical.
Goodness knows, that is a difficult job and he
did inherit a very difficult situation. And
I don't think it is profitable or helpful to
be too critical of that period :110W. Anil I
have to say myself that I have played a part
in that that I am not at all proud of, that
at the time of the Bay of Tonkin I should
lave had greater foresight in the considera-
tion of that resolution. That would have
been a good time to have precipitated a de-
bate and a reexamination, reevaulation of
our involvement. And under the influences
I hat existed then, it was during just the
beginning of the presidential campaign.
I was very much a partisan in that Cu un-
paign for ,Johnson, for the administration. I
disapproved of the statements of Mr. 0..1d-
water and I went along with the urging. I
may say, of the administration. I think it is
a terrible situation we are in. I am hoping
we can find an honorable way out of it. I
do not wish to see it escalated into a war.
T do not believe in the Secretary's theory
that this should be the proper place for a
confrontation to destroy forever ,he idea tnat
the wars of national liberation can succeed.
Thia seems to me not an appropriate place
for that. I think that if you in e ever going
to have it?I hope we don's ever have it. I
am not for any confrontation of that sort by
violence. But even if you should have it,
this is a very bad place and very had circum-
stances. That is why I think this history is
significant. We should never have a con-
frontation where there is any doubt about
the justification for our ir Artie alar part at
that time in that particular incident.
Mr. SEVAREID. The Secretary cri State, Sea-
l) for, seems to equate Communis; China w lIlt
ifitler's Ger:many of the thrties, that is, he
feels that this is basically an aggressive force
that unless one stops them in the early stage,
as ice Vietnam now, thinking again of Hitler's
course of action, you will end up with a great
big war. It will all get out of hand, Do you
subscribe to that analogy?
Senator PULBRIGHT. I am afraid I do imt.
T do not. This is a very complicated .at-
uation. In the :first place, I think we have
come to grossly exaggerate. at least the pres-
ent power, of China to carry a war beyond
her borders. I mean, from the logistical
point of view, naval, modern weapons and
so on. She has great vast armies arid it
would be a terrible mistake to invade her, as
the Japanese proved and nearly everyone else
has proved, I think, and agrees with that.
I do not equate her with Hitler. China
has a history that is quite different. Acta L-
ly, if you want to go into this, I think the
Chinese have every reason to hate the West.
I mean the history of Western treatment of
China beginning, certainly, with the opium
war is the most disgraceful period maybe
that I can think of in our history. They
have all of these furious feelings, hatred or
the West.
What we should be doing is to try to illid
ways to rectify the terrible wrongs that we
and nearly all the other Western countries
inflicted on China. This is inbred in them
It reminds rne a little bit of the feeling of
the South after reconstruction, if I may mai
an illustration. These things get in people's
blood. It taices time to get over it. And tile
Chinese talk very mad. They are very of-
fensive.
But, coming back to Vietnam, I don't want
to be too critical of it. As I say, I have ad-
mitted I made the mistake. I wasn't con-
scious of this. I am no expert on this area
and perhaps I have no business talking about
it. But you have asked me to come here and
talk about it and in my position as chairmen,
I feel I can't refuse. I don't profess to be
any great expert on it. When I am asked
to say something I feel I ought to. This is
inure a feeling than, it is an intellectual anal-
ysis of all these elements. There is much
about this I don't know.
When they say only the President has the
information to make a decision, in many re-
spects that is right. But we have to give
advice. I think the advice that the Consti-
tution contemplated from us is to reflect the
common man's feeling about what he does
know about these things. My instinct is that
the great United States, this enormous
powerful country, becoming involved on the
basis we did here, and taking it out on a
little country of?whatever it is, 14 million
people?to prove some vast point of the suc-
cess of the Communist plot, as they call it,
is not very becoming to us. If we want to
confront, if we really are confronting China,
if this is really a threat, why don't we attack
China or Russia and have it out with some-
one our own size?
Mr. AGRONSKY. You certainly don't advo-
cate that.
Senator FULBRIGHT. I do not, of course
don't. I don't even advocate attacking North
Vietnam. I don't at all. I think the whole
purport of our policy should be the other
way. I think we should try to find?because
we can afford this. This business of our
prestige to me doesn't appeal at all. If any
country could ever afford to withdraw, we
will say, or to mediate or conciliate--recon-
ciliating in this ease, we can. Nobody is
going to think we are a paper tiger because
we make a settlement here. After all, Rus-
sians have withdrawn in several instances,
and nobody thought they were no longer oh
any account in the war, that they are paper
tigers, as they say.
I don't know all the circumstances. They
withdrew. They got out of Austria after it
long travail. Then they got out of Azer-
baijan. They got out of Cuba. Why
didn't they stand up and say our prestige Is
involved. These Americans can't push in
around and, by gad, we will have it out.
am glad they did. I think they were wrong
in going there. But this has some bearing
on it. The United States isn't going to lose -
on the contrary, I think we would gain a lot
of stature if we were wise and magnanimous
in seeking a settlement of this and I hope it
will come out of the United Nations,
Mr. AGRONSKY. Senator, the whole thritet
of your observation seems to be that we
haven't been sincerely seeking a settlement.
Do you feel that we have been hypocritical
about that?
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Senator FULBRIGIIT: Well, you don't want
me to make personal comments about our
officials?I don't think that is a proper ques-
tion for me to say?hypocritical, I question
the wisdom and I think this is legitimate
always. I mean as a representative of the
people of Arkansas, it is my duty, with what
little information and judgment I have, to
try to use it. And I do question the judg-
ment in this instance. And I think we were
misled by this preoccupation with what has
been called so often the international con-
spiracy of communism. And many people
still use this, completely ignoring the split
between the various countries. They say
that is not true. It is just a trick, to trick
us and to mislead us. And we have much of
that left. And I don't minimize the danger
of a country like Russia. The eventual
danger?China. And now is the time to try
to get this back on the tracks so that when
China does become a very powerful country
with capacity for aggression beyond her
borders, she won't still be of the disposition
to do so. That ought to be our objective.
Mr. SEVAREID. Senator, you say you are
questioning only the wisdom of these policies,
but you have questioned more than that in
the past. You have said in connection with
the Dominican intervention that the Govern-
ment has not been candid with the American
people, they haven't come clean with us.
Senator Moms said the other day that if
the files of your Foreign Relations Commit-
tee were opened, people would be surprised
at what they had, I assume, not been told.
How do you feel about this?
Senator FULBRIGHT. Well, first these are
two different ones. I don't want to get gen-
eralizing too much. In the case of the Do-
minican Republic, I think it is very clear
that there was a difference in the announced
objective of the intervention and the real
objective of the intervention. That is the
closest that I can think of, being of a di-
version between the fact and the stated
fact.
In the case of the briefings that have
taken place over the years with regard to
Vietnam, my best guess is that those who
briefed us erroneously were themselves mis-
led and didn't understand the situation.
I mean I cannot believe that people like
McNamara, who is one of the principal brief-
ers, and Taylor?he is a man I think of the
highest integrity. I wouldn't for a moment
insinuate that they would try to mislead us.
I don't think so. I think they are very fine
men. I mean, and I have the greatest re-
spect for them. And I think that for rea-
sons I don't quite understand, what they
told us about the situation, the progress of
the war did not turn out to be accurate.
Mr. SEVAREID. But, Senator, this raises a
very serious kind of permanent question of
how our administration actions and con-
clusions on the facts of any moment to be
doublechecked. Maybe the press has failed.
You have come in well after the fact on the
Dominican Republic and said it was wrong.
You have come along now, 18 months after
the resolution--of the Tonkin Gulf and said
that shouldn't have been done that way.
Is there a way that the Senate, for ex-
ample, can be in at the takeoff?.
Senator FULBRIGHT. There is no possible
way for the Senate?we can't have a depart-
ment of our own, a CIA of our own, and all
of them. We have six overworked profes-
sional staff members on my committee and
we have always traditionally relied upon the
administration and I think we always will.
I don't think it is feasible to do this. And
our function isn't to duplicate the State
Department and the CIA.
You will recall that there was a great out-
cry by the administration against certain
journalists in Vietnam, saying they were
misleading the public.
No. 17-27
Well, the journalists proved to be right, I
think, by the course of events. The same
way in Vietnam?in the Dominican Repub-
lic. In my view many of the reports that
took place by journalists proved to be more
accurate than some of the official reports. I
don't know how this happens. Or why.
Mr. SEVABEID. Well, what is the advice of
the Senate if it is always well after the fact
then too late. Then what is wrong with the
mechanism.
Senator FULBRIGHT. It isn't much good, I
don't think. In many cases we usually go
along with the administration, as a say, as a
kind of general conscious of the people, I
suppose. I can't recall many great contribu-
tions made to the foreign policy of this coun-
try. I can recall the Senate's action on the
League of Nations, which I think was a dis-
aster. And they don't always do right and I
may not be correct in my judgment, either.
I try to be restrained about it.
Mr. AGRONSKY. Let's pause for a moment
and resume the questioning after this mes-
sage.
* *
Mr. AGRONSKY. Senator FULBRIGHT, North
Vietnam has declared today that it will con-
sider any resolutions of the U.N. Security
Council and Vietnam is invalid and it insists
that we must go back to the 1954 Geneva
Conventions.
Senator FULBILIGHT. Well, as a matter of
fact I have suggested, as others, that the re-
convening of the Geneva Conference under
the chairmanship of Great Britain and Rus-
sia would be an appropriate way to approach
this matter. President Johnson has from
time to time stated the Geneva Accords was
the basis for negotiation, the starting place,
at least, to see if we could reach a settlement.
So that if that is the way they wish it and
they are willing to participate and the co-
chairmen are willing to call it, this would
seem to me to be a very good recommenda-
tion of the Security Council.
The Security Council, as I understand it,
has sort of a free rein to recommend what-
ever they think might bring these parties to-
gether and have a negotiation. So I would
see nothing wrong with that. I regret that
they refused to come to the U.N. I would
prefer now that it has been started that they
come to the U.N. and znake -their own case
even if that is the result. But I think it is
terrible that they are so contemptuous of
the U.N.
I don't approve of that at all. But we are
dealing with a fact and if this is the only
way to get it, I see nothing particularly wrong
'because this has been advocated?in fact, we
urged the calling, the reconvening of it.
And the British, I think, proposed it and I
think the Russians refused. This was a year
or two ago, if my memory serves me right.
Mr. AGRONSKY. You have repeatedly called
for the involvement of the Vieteong. Do you
think they should be involved in this in-
stance again?
Senator FULBRIGHT. It would seem to me
that this is a purely practical matter, not a
theoretical one. They are the army in being.
We are told they have somewhere in the
neighborhood of 236,000 to 250,000 men which
Is the corps of the fighting in South Viet-
nam?so to speak, against the regime which
we support, the Ky regime. I would think
that they are a proper party to a negotiation
because you negotiate over their heads and
you arrive at agreements, if they are not
involved why they can keep on fighting.
And this could be a futile thing.
Mr. AGRONSKY. And you feel that we must
accept the Vietcong participation in this
thing?
Senator FULBRIGHT. It strikes me that it is
necessary because they are the boys doing
the fighting. They have the guns, they are
1859
killing our people and that is what you want
to stop. If you have a ceasefire, who do you
have the ceasefire with? You have it with
Hanoi or do you have it with the Vie tcong.
Who is directly?the theory of the adminis-
tration seems to be that Hanoi absolutely
controls it all. I am not sure that this is
clear, that these people that are doing the
fighting in the field, I am sure they are allied
with them, they are taking advice and orders
from General Diep because he is the su-
perior kind of director. But they also have
a being of their own. They have repre-
sentatives abroad. It could well be these
people, having tasted some degree of con-
trol of their own affairs might like it and
they might like to?in fact it might be wise
to try to develop a little more division be-
tween the Vietcong and Hanoi. I think it
might serve our purposes.
Mr. SEVAREID. Senator, the Russians ap-
parently are moving into North Vietnam a
little more all the time. Much talk of their
putting in sophisticated weapons. They
seem to want to get in a position politically
between the Chinese and Ho Chi Minh's
regime, to become the dominant foreign in-
fluence with Hanoi. Isn't it possible that as
enough time goes by this war is still in,
that settlement really is going to be made
between us and the Soviet Union?
Senator FULBRIGHT. They ought to be in-
volved. They are a great power in that area,
not only that area but the world, and I think
they ought to be involved. And, therefore,
I am very much in favor of that. I think
it would be a good thing. My guess is?and
it is purely a guess, of course?on balance
they would rather like to see this settled
before it gets out of hand. Why else did
they become?inject themselves apparently
successfully in the controversy between Pak-
istan and India. This was, some of our best
advisers in professional standards, said that
was utterly impossible that the Russians
could do anything. It was just a propa-
ganda gesture. But it worked.
Mr. SEVAREID. Senator FULBRIGHT, the Sec-
retary of State has said recently that he
thinks the world on the whole is further
away from the danger of nuclear war than
it has been in the past. I take it you don't
agree with, that.
Senator FULBRIGHT. I don't think human
nature has gone through any great change
in recent years. I think we are subject to
many of the same ills that has afflicted us
from the beginning. It is going to take a
very major and persistent effort on the part
of wise leaders to make a change in these?
in the kind of instinct feelings, emotions and
so on that have resulted in war before. This
is why I have had such great hopes that our
country, with this unprecedented economic
power, physical power, invulnerable in the
sense insofar as you can, except now the nu-
clear weapons, to so many things that afflict-
ed other countries.
There are no real ambitions for imperial-
ism, although we are accused of it. we
might play a real leading role in changing
the course of events that lead periodically to
these wars. But I don't see any ground Or
the optimism that you indicate. I didn't
know the Secretary thought that. He didn't
evidence great optimism before my commit-
tee the other day and I didn't realize he felt
we were in a much better state than before.
Mr. AGRONSKY. Might the optimism not de-
rive from the Secretary from his feeling that
the Russians also want peace?
Senator FITLBRIGHT. Well, I don't know. I
don't recall his having stated that. I really
can't read the mind of the Secretary of State.
I think I am not a very good authority there.
Mr. SEVAREID. Isn't it generally true, Sen-
ator, that people responsible for the conduct
of policy, like the President or the Secretary
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of State, just cannot afford the luxury of
pliblic pessimism?
Senator FULBRIGHT. Well, I don't know
about that. You see it seems to me that
we would all get along better if we say what
we think, whether it is pessimistic or opti-
mistic. And I mentioned a moment ago
Lula this thing troubles me about prestige
and the nations have always been afflicted
with saving face. I can see how a little
eountry which is on the make and hasn't
much to support it must be very conscious
of its dignity and so on and so on. But our
country, it seems to me, can afford to be
magnanimous, for a small country cannot
afford to, maybe in the eyes of the world.
And it is-----because we could do things that
no other country could do without people
Winking we were degenerate or soft or weak
or all that sort of thing.
We wouldn't lose faith, in my opinion. We
would gain face, in my opinion, if we would
act wisely and magnanimously and gener-
ously in these situations because we can af-
ford it.
Mr. SEVAREID. Sena tor FULERIGHT, I think
we have come to the end of our allotted time
here. You have been very patient, very re-
sponsive. We would both like to thank you
very much.
A N NOUNCER. ULBRIGHT : Advice and Dis-
sent was part of CBS News' continuing cov-
erage of the Vietnam conflict.
This program was prerecorded and edited
sAnder the supervision and control of CBS
News.
PROPOSED REPEAL OF SECTION
14(b) OF THE NATIONAL LABOR
RELATIONS ACT, AS AMENDED
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the motion of the Senator from Mon-
tana I Mr. MANSFIELD 1 that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of the bill
a.R. 17), to repeal section 14(b) of
the National Labor Relations Act, as
amended, and section '703 ( b) of the
Labor-Management Reporting Act of
1959 and to amend the first proviso of
section 8(a) (3) of the National Labor
Relations Act, as amended.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Arkansas is recognized.
Mr.. MeCLELLAN. Mr. President,
earlier today, immediately following the
morning hour, a motion was made by
my colleague, the chairman of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations, to permit
Chat committee to meet next Friday
while the Senate is in session.
I do not believe that it would be a vio-
lation of the rule of germaneness for me
to make brief comment upon why I voted
on that issue as I did.
The issue before the Senate at this
hour is a motion to take up a particular
measure for consideration. That mo-
tion is opposed. I am one of those who
oppose the motion. I oppose the motion
for many reasons. One of those rea-
sons--and it is sufficient within itself?is
that there is vastly more important leg-
islation that the Senate should be con-
sidering at this time.
I submit that anything whether ap-
propriations, authorization legislation,
or simply information afforded to Con-
gress and to the public as to the true
conditions and the problems that we face
in Vietnam is far more important than
the bill that is now sought to be taken
up for consideration by the Senate. The
Vietnam situation is far more important
and certainly should be given prece-
dence over the pending matter.
I felt that the Committee on Foreign
Relations should be given the opportun-
ity to meet while the Senate was in sess-
ion. I would not make that concession
to all committees. I believe that many
things can well be deferred un til this issue
is settled. However, the Committee on
Appropriations is meeting te consider a
request by the President for an appro-
priation with which to finance the war.
The Committee on Armed Services is
meeting, by consent of the Senate. to
consider authorization legislation that
may be necessary upon which to premise
the requested appropriatons.
I believe that the Committee on For-
eign Relations should be permitted to
meet. I am not offended because the
motion was rejected. I merely want to
clarify my position. While I oppose tak-
ing up the proposed measure, I would not
knowingly oppose, either on the floor or
anywhere else, any functioning of the
Senate with relation to the war effort
which could contribute either to a vic-
tory in that war or which ceuld make a
contribution to the bringing of the issue
to a conference table so that negotiations
could be pursued and an honorable
settlement and peace cculd possibly be
obtained.
The issue before the Senate has no
relation on earth to the war effort, none
whatsoever. It is completely foreign to
it.
The general impression is, and I have
not heard anybody deny it, taat this bill
is here merely to keep faith with a politi-
cal promise made during the last elec-
tion.
It has been claimed that we are at-
tempting to enact the legislation in or-
der to pay a political debt. I do not know
anything about that. If such an obliga-
tion was incurred by anyone during the
last campaign, or before or since, I am
not a party to the agreement. I am not
bound by it, and I am under no obliga-
tion whatsoever to anyone to perform
any duty in keeping with any such com-
mitment that might have been made.
I am here today free from any such
obligation, free as I want tae laboring
people of this country to be?and partic-
ularly those laboring people in my
State?free to Join, a union ii they chose
to do so_ or to decline to join if they
do not want to belong to a union.
I stated in my previous remarks that
believe in the position I am taking end
that; I am representing a great majority
of the citizens of Arkansas whom I have
the honor to represent.
am confident that I represent a great
majority of the laboring people of my
State, the workers in industry, and the
nonagricultural laborers in my State.
Ever since the enactment of the Na-
tional Labor Relations Act in 1935--
which I supported while a Representa-
tive?workers in industry a:ad workers
for wages and salaries throughout the
land have had an opportunity to join a
union if they wished to do so.
Not only have they the opportunity,
Mr. President, but hundreds of millions
of dollars have been expended by labor
organizations trying to persuade and
induce them to join the unions. Not-
withstanding such efforts, a great ma-
jority of the workers in my State have
declined to do so. So I think I am repre-
senting their viewpoint. I do not believe
anyone who has declined to join a union
would want me to vote for a law to make
him join a union, and therefore I shall
not do so.
A while ago I heard the minority leader
quote some poll statistics. I do not
remember the exact figures. I am not
familiar with those polls, and would not
undertake to say how reliable they are.
But if I remember correctly, he said that
some poll showed that 65 percent. of the
American people oppose this compulsory
unionism measure. I believe he said
another poll showed that some 44 per-
cent of union members throughout the
country opposed it, and an even lamer
percentage of the wives of union mem-
bers opposed it.
Mr. President, I do not know whether
such polls are accurate. If they are, we
are undertaking to do something here
that a majority of the American people
do not wish us to do. I shall not under-
take to speak for a majority of the Amer-
iean people, but I do say that I speak for
a majority of the citizens of my State.
I say that again, Mr. President, because
my State, by popular ballot, adopted. a
constitutional amendment embracing
the right to work?the right to work
without joining a union?and prohibit-
ing an employer from discharging some-
one or refusing him employment merely
because he belonged to a union. In other
words, we in Arkansas have taken the
middle course. We are fair to both sides.
We have left the decision to the man who
works.
That constitutional amendment was
adopted since I came to the Senate. I
believe it was adopted in 1944. A few
years later, as I recall, an effort was made
to repeal it by referendum. That ref-
erendum, by vote of the people, was re-
jected. They declined to repeal that
provision.
Last year, while the Arkansas Legisla-
ture was in session, it passed resolutions
entreating the Members of this Congress
from Arkansas to vote against the pend-
ing measure.
Mr. President, so far as I know, every
sign, every test, in Arkansas, indicates
that the people do not want their con-
stitution changed. It indicates that they
are unwilling to change it; and as I said
in previous remarks, I shall not do here
to them, at the behest of the labor lead-
ers of my State, what they are unwilling-
to do, nor shall I do here that which is
contrary to what they have done. I re-
peat that it is unfair for the labor leaders
of my State to ask me, or any other
member of the Arkansas delegation, to
vote to repeal this provision of the Taft-
Hartley Act.
It is unfair because they have a rem-
edy. The u_nions can, in the next elec-
tion?this year, :in November?by peti-
tion?and they have enough members
in Arkansas to sign such a petition if
their members want it?again have this
constitutional amendment referred to a
vote of the people. They elected not to
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Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent that I
may yield 1 minute to the distinguished
minority leader.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Without ob-
jection, it is so ordered, and the Senator
from Illinois is recognized.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I
point out to the Senate that if the Senate
agrees to this motion, any Senator can
come forward with a resolution provid-
ing that certain committees shall be en-
titled to meet during the Senate's ses-
sions, and then recite every one of the
standing, joint, special, and subcommit-
tees of the Senate?and there are 107 of
them. Then violence will have been
done to rule, and it will be thrown out
the windoW.
If the Senate sets this precedent, it
will rue the day it does it.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Louisiana yield to me
for 1 minute?
The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the
Senator from Louisiana yield to the
Senator from Arkansas?
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent that I
may yield 1 minute to the Senator from
Arkansas.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The Senator
from Arkansas is recognized for 1
minute.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, in
view of that, while Senators are in the
Chamber, I wish now to state that I will
call a meeting in the morning of the
committee at 9:30, to consider procedural
matters, and that if the committee is
willing, I will then try to make plans to
have a meeting outside the hours the
Senate would be in session beginning
next week; but, I believe that we might
as well vote on this question now.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I move to lay the pending motion
on the table.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I ask
for the yeas and nays on the motion to
lay on the table.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The VICE PRESIDENT. The question
is on agreeing to the motion of the Sena-
tor from Louisiana [Mr. LONG] to lay on
the table the motion of the Senator from
Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT.]
On this question the yeas and nays
have been ordered; and the clerk will
call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I announce
that the Senator from North Dakota [Mr.
BURDICK], the Senator from Alabama
[Mr. HILL], the Senator from North
Carolina [Mr. JORDAN], the Senator, from
New York [Mr. KENNEDY], the Senator
from Michigan [Mr. McNAmARA], the
Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. MON-
RONEY], the Senator from Oregon [Mrs.
NEUBERGER], the Senator from Rhode
Island [Mr. PELL], the Senator from
South Carolina [Mr. RUSSELL], the Sen-
ator from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS], the
Senator from Georgia [Mr. TALMADGE],
and the Senator from Maryland [Mr.
BREWSTER], are necessarily absent.
I also announce that the Senator from
Louisiana [Mr. ELLENDER], the Senator
from Arizona [Mr. HAYDEN], and the
iS
tOcgpINA4-lickf6A119(144k1NIV44p0020010-5February 2, 1966
Senator from Missouri [Mr. Lois's] are
absent on official business.
I further announce that, if present and
voting, the Senator from Florida [Mr.
SMATHERS] would vote "yea."
On this vote, the Senator from Louisi-
ana [Mr. ELLENDER] is paired with the
Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER]. If
present and voting, the Senator from
Louisiana would vote "nay" and the
Senator from Iowa would vote "yea."
On this vote, the Senator from Rhode
Island [Mr. FELL] is paired with the Sen-
ator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER].
If present and voting, the Senator from
Rhode Island would vote "nay" and the
Senator from Maryland would vote
"yea."
Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the
Senator from Iowa [Mr. MILLER] is
necessarily absent.
I also announce that the Senator from
Kentucky [Mr. MORTON] is detained on
official business.
On this vote, the Senator from Iowa
[Mr. MILLER] is paired with the Senator
from Louisiana [Mr. ELLENDER]. If
present and voting, the Senator from
Iowa would vote "yea" and the Senator
from Louisiana would vote "nay."
The result was announced?yeas 52,
nays 31, as follows:
[No. 23 Leg.]
YEAS-52
Allott Harris Pearson
Anderson Hickenlooper Prouty
Bass Holland Proxmire
Bayh Hruska, Robertson
Benne t t Inouye Saltonstall
Bible Jackson Scott
Boggs Jordan, Idaho Simpson
Byrd, Va. Kuchel Smith
Byrd, W. Va. Long, La. Stennis
Cannon Magnuson Thurmond
Carlson Mansfield Tower
Cotton McGee Tydings
Curtis McIntyre Williams, N.J.
Dirksen Metcalf Williams, Del.
Dominick Montoya Yarborough
Douglas Mundt Young, N. Dak.
Eastland Murphy
Fannin Muskie
NAYS-31
Gruenlng Moss
Hart Nelson
Hartke Pastore
Javits Randolph
Kennedy, Mass. Ribicoff
Lausche Russell, Ga.
Aiken
Bartlett
Case
Church
Clark
Cooper
Dodd
Ervin
Fong
Fulbright
Gore
Brewster
Burdick
Ellender
Hayden
Hill
McCarthy
McClellan
McGovern
Mondale
Morse
Sparkman
Symington
Young, Ohio
NOT VOTING-17
Kennedy, N.Y. Neuberger
Long, Mo. Pell
McNamara, Russell, S.C.
Miller Smathers
Monroney Talmadge
Jordan, NC. Morton
So the motion of Mr. LONG of Louisi-
ana to lay on the table the motion of Mr.
FULBRIGHT was agreed to.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I move to reconsider the vote by
which the motion to lay on the table was
agreed to.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was
agreed to.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
what is the pending question?
The VICE PRESIDENT. The clerk
will state the pending question.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. The motion of
the Senator from Montana [Mr. MANS-
FIELD] that the Senate proceed to the
consideration of H.R. 77, to repeal section
14(b) of the National Labor Relations
Act.
PROPOSED REPEAL OF SECTION
14(b) OF THE NATIONAL LABOR
RELATIONS ACT, AS AMENDED
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the motion of the Senator from Mon-
tana [Mr. MANSFIELD] that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 77) to repeal section 14(b) of the
National Labor Relations Act, as amend-
ed, and section 703(b) of the Labor-
Management Reporting Act of 1959 and
to amend the first proviso of section 8(a)
(3) of the National Labor Relations Act,
as amended.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield to me briefly?
Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that I may yield
to the distinguished senior Senator from
New York on the same terms to those I
previously yielded to other Senators.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Senator from New York is
recognized.
l-YVENT'S NEW FOREIGN AID
PROGRAM INADEQUATE
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I wish to
make a few comments on the President's
message to the Congress on foreign aid
and his message today on international
health and education.
The foreign aid message reveals a deep
cleavage and ambivalence between the
President's deep concern with the many
problems of developing nations and the
programs he asked Congress to approve.
If the President expects adequately to
cope with these problems he has the re-
sponsibility to present to Congress and
the American people a program that will
meet these needs?even if it involves
great new burdens. His foreign aid
message fails completely in that respect.
The principal failure of the U.S.
economic aid program is that the
total impact terms of public and private
capital is vastly below the requirements
of developing nations for development
capital. This is a failure in terms of in-
adequate government assistance, inad-
equate incentives to encourage the flow
of private capital to developing coun-
tries, and inadequate economic aid con-
tributions obtained from other indus-
trialized countries through the Develop-
ment Assistance Committee of the
OECD.
The gap between nations in the devel-
oping status and nations in the devel-
oped status is not narrowing but widen-
ing. We are not being told how it is to
be closed. This is the greatest barrier
to world peace and security that we
face.
The Advisory Committee on Private
Enterprise in Foreign Aid in its report of
August 25, 1965, estimated the "gap" be-
tween developing countries' needs for
capital and what they are likely to get
from all sources at between $5 billion and
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February 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE se."14443
'nee PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion
of the Senator from Tennessee.
'iThe motion was agreed to.
`Me PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Sera :Jant at Arms will execute the order
of the Senate.
After a little delay the following Sena-
tors entered the Chamber and answered
to their names:
Allott Hartke Pearson
Anderson Hickenlooper Prouty
Bay h Holland Randolph
loggi4 Itruska Robertson
Byrd, Va. Inouye Russell, Ga.
Cannon Jordan, Idaho Saltonstall
Carlson Kennedy, Mass. Scott
Case Lausche Simpson
Cotton Magnuson Smith
Curtis McCarthy Sparkman
>odd McGee Stennis
liorni nick McGovern Symington
Douglas McIntyre Thurmond
.Cartland Metcalf Tydings
Irvir Montoya Williams, N.J.
Wit] in in Moss Williams, Del.
Ming Mundt Yarborough
Gruening Murphy Young, N. flak.
litres Nelson Young, Ohio
thirt Pastore
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BAYH
in the chair). A quorum is present.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Louisiana.
Mr. BASS. Mr. President--
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent., I believe I have the floor. The
Senator from Arkansas
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senate will be in order. The Senator
from Louisiana has the floor.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, the Senator from Arkansas has
MOVeci--
M r. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, may
we have order so that Senators may
-understand what is being said?
'rqe PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senate will be in order.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
den a the Senator from Arkansas has
moved that the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations be permitted to meet
while the Senate is ill session on Friday.
A u oanimous-consent request was made
to that effect during the morning hour,
and it was objected to.
So far as I am concerned, I should be
balmy to have the committee meet, and
pleased to have the unanimous-consent
request granted. But, Mr. President, I
know a dilatory motion when I hear one.
We are now attempting to get H.R. 77
before the Senate upon a motion to pro-
ceed. Senators who wish to oppose that
motion are entitled to two speeches dur-
ing any one legislative day. A number
of such speeches have now been made.
If this motion for the Foreign Relations
Committee to be permitted to meet is
permitted to come before the Senate, it is
a debatable motion, and every Senator
can make two speeches on it. Further-
more, such a motion is subject to amend-
ment, which is not exactly the case with
a motion to proceed. Therefore, every
Senator would be entitled to offer
sanendments. There is no assurance
whatever, if this motion that the For-
eign Relations Committee be permitted
to meet on Friday is permitted to dis-
place the pending business, that the Sen-
,011.11
ate will agree to the motion before Fri-
day, because the motion is debatable as
well as subject to amendment; arid such
procedures could consume the time of
the Senate until next Monday or the end
of next week--merely debating whether
a committee is to be permitted to meet.
Mr. President, the leadership will coop-
erate with the Senator from Arkansas.
If it must be done, the Senate will recess
so that his committee can be called
together.
But, Mr. President, if this debatable
motion is permitted to displace the mo-
tion to proceed. to consider H.R. 77, we
might as well forget about the whole
thing, and lay 14(b) aside; because other
mations of similar merit can be made,
and the end result will be that we shall
spend all our time debating whether
committees should meet, rathea than
hearing the speeches which must be
heard before we finally come to a vote
on the motion to make the consideration
of H.R. 77 the pending business of the
nenate.
(The VICE PRESIDENT assumed the
chair at this point.)
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent that I
may yield to the Senator from Arkansas
for 3 minutes, without losing my right
to the floor.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob-
jection to the request of the Senator
from Louisiana? The Chair hears none.
The Senator from Arkansas is recog-
nized.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
did not make this as a dilatory motion.
All I want is permission for my commit-
tee to meet.
There have been suggestions that we
could arrange to have meetings after
hours; but I would like to have one meet-
ing of the committee at least to consider
the procedure, and to make a.:;range-
ments for meetings after hours, it we are
not to be permitted to meet while the
Senate is in session.
If the Senator from. Louisiana thinks
this motion is dilatory in nature, would
he entertain a unanimous-consent re-
quest that the Senate vote within 10
minutes after the motion is stated, or
that we have at least 10 minutes to dis-
cuss the reason for it?
There is confusion about this daestion.
If Senators vote to permit the committee
to meet on Friday, there is nothing dila-
tory about that, if we can get it RH a vote.
All the Senator from Arkansas is worried.
about is getting it to a vote within a rea-
sonable time.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Let us find
out.
Mr. President, I ask unanimoos con-
sent that debate on the motion of the
Senator from Arkansas be limited to 5
minutes, with the time to be equally
divided between the majority and minor-
ity leaders.
The VICE PRESIDENT. .Is there ob-
jection to the request of th.e ,3enator
from Louisiana?
Mr. COTTON. Mr. President, I object.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Objection is
heard.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, the
only simple question upon which I seek
a vote is, May my Committee on Foreign
Relations meet 1 day, on Friday?
The Appropriations Committee is
meeting today and every day, as is the
Armed Services Committee. I am ask-
ing for nothing but a 1-day meeting, and
that is all.
I do not wish to delay the considera-
tion of HR. 77 on this ground; I wish to
delay it upon its own merits, and I pro-
pose to do so. I do not need to delay it
by means of this motion. That was not
my motive in making it.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I have discussed this matter with
the majority leader, and we agree that
we will find a way for the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee to meet, notwithstand-
ing the objections which have been made,
to consider the vital matters pending
before it, and we will cooperate and work
with the Senator from Arkansas to that
affect.
We will cooperate with the Senator, of
course, to that effect. How we will do it.
I do not know. I hope that the Senator
will withdraw his motion. If he does
not, I am compelled to insist on moving
to lay it on the table.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. If the Senator will
yield, I wish to announce now, whether
this question is voted on or not, that I in-
tend to call a committee meeting at 9:30
in the morning, to consider certain pro-
cedural matters ; but I should like to have
a meeting next Friday to hear David Bell
and get the matter of the supplemental
appropriation underway. I am sitting
here and everyone is blaming me for
do:ing it, but they do not understand that
my committee cannot meet because of the
rules of the Senate.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, if
the Senator will yield, the only sugges-
tion I could make would be that the
Committee on Foreign Relations meet at
8 o'clock in the morning. It appears to
me that that would give them time to get
started. If the members are given suf-
ficient notice, they w:ill be present. But,
certainly, we cannot set aside section 14
(b) . There ha:; been too much going on
in the way of dilatory tactics in laying
this measure before the Senate. I do not,
of course, attribute any dilatory tactics
to the Senator from Arkansas. He is
really desirous of trying to conform to
the wishes of the administration. I
would assume that those who are opposed
to committee meetings know that a mat-
ter such as Vietnam should be considered,
and that is what the chairman of the
committee is trying to do. But, so far as
section 14(b) is concerned, it will not be
set aside until it is disposed of one way
or the other. The only suggestion I can
make would be for the committee to meet
earlier, before the Senate meets, or to
meet late in the evening after the Senate
has recessed.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I move to table the motion
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Louisiana yield?
The VICE PRESIDENT. Will the
Senator from Louisiana withhold his
motion?
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Febr?APPIROVed For Rel@MaitirligfeRAP Ifift1W13_0_04ffliOp40 0020010-5
$20 billion annually. The United State
is on record in full support of the Unite
Nations goal of having each industrial
ized country make available for develop
ment assistance the equivalent of
percent of its gross national product. I
1964, this would have amounted to tota
U.S. economic assistance to developin
nations of $5.8 billion, or 25 percen
above the actual level; and in 1966 ove
$7 billion or about twice what the Presi
dent is asking for. In contrast, the net
flow of public long-term U.S. capital to
developing nations in 1964 totaled $3.3
billion. Net long-term private U.S
capital to developing countries that yew
totaled $1.3 billion.
The remedy is twofold: a drastic shift
toward private sector participation in
foreign aid and a major increase in U.S
governmental aid. We are failing to
meet our obligations on both counts.
This is clear whether we use the Watson
committee's estimate of the "gap" or our
pledge under the 1960 U.N. "decade of
development" resolution.
I particularly regret the lack of em-
phasis on private enterprise coopera-
tion in the foreign aid message. The
report of the Advisory Committee on
Private Enterprise in Foreign Aid, which
resulted from my amendment to the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1963, has been
filed 5 months ago, yet I see little evi-
dence in the message that the recom-
mendations of that distinguished com-
mittee have yet been implemented. The
President states that many of the com-
mittee's recommendations are now being
put into effect. On January 17 I re-
quested David Bell, Administrator of
AID, to advise me the extent to which
the Watson Committee's recommenda-
tions have been implemented. Congress
has every right to get a full accounting
on that score before it approves any
aspect of the administration's foreign
aid program. A shift towards the maxi-
mum involvement of private enterprise is,
in my opinion, as vital as the 5-year
authorization for economic and military
aid requested by the President or the sep-
aration of requests for economic aid from
military assistance.
Funds provided for economic and
social development in Vietnam reflect
the continued failure of the administra-
tion to accord as high a priority to the
social, political, and economic aspect of
the Vietnam struggle as to the military
aspects. The resolution of social and
economic questions will, in the long run,
determine whether or not freedom really
wins out in Vietnam. For fiscal year
1967 the -President is requesting $648
million in economic aid including $98
million for Public Law 480 assistance.
In addition, substantial portion of $100
million requested on January 19 for the
contingency fund in the fiscal year 1966
supplemental, may be available for un-
foreseen requirements in Vietnam, in-
cluding economic. While this represents
a substantial increase over his original
request for fiscal year 1966?$330 mil-
lion, including $64 million for Public
Law 480?it is dwarfed by his request for
$10 billion to wage the military struggle
in Vietnam.
There are many features in the Presi-
d dent's message, however, which deserve
- support:
I favor the President's determination
1 to relate U.S. economic aid to self-help
n performance of aid recipient.
1 I am also pleased with the adminis-
g tration's strong support for regional and
t multinational approach to economic de-
Approved&V&AW(3-APROWiRth-RDA?311;k0p#46R000400034/06144,444J 966
1 .856
foram the New York 'nines, Jan. 18, 19661 erty?" rather than just am flier relief pro- sponsibility for their own fate." While
VALSE ECONOMY ON Am
gram. And he emphasizes bluntly the ne- recognizing the shortsightedness of isolri-
cessity for self-help by the recipient coma- tion," he declares, "'we do not embrace the
The
Johnson administration's report on tries, beginning with "hard, -unremitting, equally futile prospect of total and endless
ioreign aid makes the point that its $3.5- often thankless, work," and ranging from dependence."
billion program is in line shape. The only drastic agricultural reforms to strict birth It has perhaps been inevitable that a U.S?
rouble is that its beneficiaries, the develop- conWrol.
mg countries, are worse off than ever.
Under Mr. Johnson, the foreign-aid pro- Mr. Johnson seeks to boost agricultural aid
by more than a third, educational aid by a
gumhas been drastically revised. It is more half, and health assistance by two-third--
itreamlined and more efficient. As the Presi-
dent himself noted, it Las stinted from
":amply helping other countries to stay afloat
to helping them become more self-support-
ing," which indicates that the developing
,asintries have reached a new stage from
au hill they can take oil.
This may be true for a limited number of
-miintries?for Formosa, Israel and Spain.
lut it is still a dream for most. the fact
eu that conditions have deteriorated almost
everywhere. The developing coon noes are
Inn:defied with huge debts and soaring in-
terest rate payments. They are finding it in-
eetimengly difficult 1,0 maintain living stand-
, ii Is, much less to increase them. in India,
in Africa and in much of Latin America,
rapidly growing poptilations are out pacing
the available suppiies 0.1: food. The poor na-
tions, as George D. Woods of the World Bank
priinted out, are falling further behind
the rich and generating new and dangerously
tiriplosive tensions as their aspirations are
tr, istrated.
The aid program is not dealing with these
irul,lems. lb has otien given a new look that
Is mainly designed to correct sonic of the
mistakes of the past. But those mistakes
Are now being compounded by the very in-
adequacy or the program. At a Lime when
1,1a, poor countries are sorely in need of in-
-u eased assistance, the United States has
whittled down its help to a mere one-half of
1. percent if the Nation's total output of
eoats and services, winch is a fraction of
what was spent when the Nation was far less
prosperous. And the amount of economic
:Assistance act:omitted for just $2.1 billion,
with the remainder taking the form of mili-
tary aid.
Admittedly, aid is now administered nntre
efficiently. There is less waste and extrava-
eance, so that it is possible to get more for
every dollar spent. But as this is the case,
the administration should not be thinking of
retrenchment mei trying to convince itself
that the developing world is getting just
',bout all the help that it can make use of.
recommendations reflecting the advice of ex-
perts on social and economic growth in ihe
developing countries. He clearly recognizes
that United Nations and other ititernatimial
organizations can often assist economic de-
velopment more effectively and with less po-
litical friction than can the United Stu
acting on its own, and he renews American
pledges of support for the worthy goals of
regional development and ec000mic Inte-
gra Lion.
But, as usual, there is one thing basicatly
wrong with the foreign aid program: 11. is
not large enough. The $2.5 billion re-
quested for economic assistance for next year
would be only marginally bigger than he
amount Congress authorized for this ti cal
year. Mr. Johnson is asking. for only about
one-half of 1 percent of America's burge,m-
ing gross national product, far less than ihis
Natf.on provided when it was far less pms-
porous.
It is one of the most ominous facts alt out.
our work! that over the 1ast 5 years eco-
nomic conditions have deteriorated in many
poorer countries while the rich ones got
richer. Mr. Johnson's third straight "lyre-
shrunk" foreign aid request may be the
maximum Congress would tolerate, but it is
not enough to fulfill the American share
of a task vital to long-run hopes for world
peace and stability.
--
1From the ?Vashington Post, 2, 19661
FOREIGN' AID
The somber backdrop against which our
foreign aid program must be measured has
been drawn for us by World aink President
George D. 'Woods. Per capita income in the
United States, writes Woods in the current
Foreign Affairs, will spiral from its present
level of $3,000 per year to $4,500 by the end
of the century if it continues to grow at
current rates; in the 40 poorest developing
countries, by contrast, the figure will go at
best from $120 to $170 per year.
Warning that the "development dec:ide"
The fact is that the developing world can launched by the late President Kennedy may
1150 a great deal more money and food and become a "decade of disappointment,"
technical assistance it needs help from all. Woods deplores the "relatively low place
of the rich countries, and not only the United that development finance has hitherto been
ii ..'s But if the President means to cope accorded in their list of priorities" by Use
with political unrest, potential famine and industrial nations. Woods finds the develop--
tither problems his I. cause him "deep con- ing countries "growing in their abili1 y to
eclat," then he faces the necessity of mount- carry out investment." He cites a ?Bank
lug a more effective and expansive aid pro- study showing that "the developing coue tries
gram, something considerably bigger than could put to constructive use, over the next
I he ti"resent mininial effort. 5 years, some $i: to $4 billion more each year
than is currently being made available to
It the New York Times, .Feb. 2, 19661 them." And he urges Western statesmen to
Ap:V01151 IN FOREIGN AID press for inure loan capital on better 1,:rms.
Fre:adept Job ',son's message to Congress President Johnson, in his foreign aid Ines-
embraces two long overdue reforms in the sage, has now given his response to the
hamming of American foreign aid legislation. appeal by the World Bank president, mid it
Ito has agreed to separate economic from can only be described as a st unn.ing rebuff.
military assistance and to ask the Congress The President, makes scarcely a passing
for 5-year authorizations in both categories, gesture to the foreign exclvinge needs of
Instead of leaving the programs largely on a the developing countries and the importance
year - year basis. of expanding U.S. development lending Far
In these matters. as in his emphasis in the from conceding the need for an inc, eased
a to, ouil foreign aid message on working capital flow, he strongly implies that U.S.
I hrough .international agencies, Mr. John- development loans will be kept at present
sot at last has adopted the recommenda- levels?or reduced?while the country
tions of benator J. W. 101ELBRIGHT ?a belated launches instead on the "daring new "'Wert-
h indirect tribute to the wisdom of the For- Lion" of programs?mainly technical assist-
Mini Relations Committee chairman. ance?for the improvement of health, edu-
The President's message cites humani- cation, and agriculture. The "lesson of the
tartan American goals for the less fortunate past"as the President sees it is that the
of the world with warmth. But he also calls United States must remain on guard lest
tor an attack on "the root causes of pov- it "subsidize those who do not assume re-
President would eventually throw up Ids
hands in impatience and exasperation after
so many years of aid and so little evidence
that the intractable problems of food deficits
and runaway population growth are near a
solution. Year after year, aid budgets have
been oversold with glittering promises of an
early "takeoff" which have had little rela-
tion to the enormity of the development
challenge. Yet viewed in perspective, as
Woods makes clear, the aid programs of the
United States and the international agencies
have failed to achieve a breakthrough in part,
at least, because they have been far too small
in the light of the size of the problem. In
striking out on new paths, therefore, the
President should make unmistakably clear
that he is not simply turning away from the
costly road of increased development lending.
The President is clearly giving important
new world leadership in focusing attention
on the population problem and on the need
for more urgent action to bring population
and food resources into balance. His sep-
arate message on food aid policy will be
awaited with keen interest. In themselves.
the President's modest increases in the aid
budget of $125 million for agricultural de-
velopment, $67 million for education abroad
and $60 million in the health field are all wel-
come improvements in the aid field. 'Re-
grettably, however, these promising new de-
partures have been achieved not as part of
an overall budgetary increase but rather at
the expense of development lending.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Arkansas yield to me on
the same understanding that he does not
lose his right to the floor and the re-
mainder of the conditions he stated
previously?
Mr. McCLELLAN. If I may have
unanimous consent, I so yield.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none. The
Senator from Pennsylvania is recognized.
Mr. SCOTT. I thank the distin-
guished Senator from Arkansas for his
courtesy.
As regards the senior Senator from
New York, I have been immensely grati-
fied with his recent statements express-
ing his support of the course taken by
the- Commander in Chief of Vietnam
I know that he has done this notwith-
standing the fact that there may be some
dissent in his constituency, as there is in
mine on this matter.
I wish to congratulate him for the
courage he has shown in taking the posi-
tion which he has.
Mr. JAVrTS. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield so I can thank the Senator?
Mr. scum'. I yield.
Mr. JA'VITS. I thank the Senator very
much. I think very highly of the Senator
and his views and his concurrence in
these ideas is deeply gratifying
Mr. SCOTT. I thank the Senator.
The President must surely be gratified
with the stand taken by the loyal opposi-
tion which sharply contrasts with that
taken by his nonsupporters so noticeable
on the other side of the aisle both here
and in the other body.
Mr. President, the President once again
seeks to resolve the Vietnamese crisis by
calling on Ambassador Arthur Goldberg
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general search for peace, such as the United
States has already, informally, asked the
U.N. to undertake. This would include a
conference, with the objective of applying the
Geneva accords of 1954 and 1962 (the latter
concerned Laos) and of setting up and su-
pervising a cease-fire. Composition of the
conference is not spelled out; the door re-
mains open for mediation or arbitration, as
suggested by Pope Paul.
The effect of such a resolution would bring
pressure upon the Soviet Union to do what it
has thus far refused to do?sponsor another
session of the Geneva conference. It would
also, if adopted (or even if accepted by a
majority and lost through a Soviet veto)
furnish Security Council support for Amer-
ican peace efforts. And in any case, by ac-
companying the bombs with a resolution,
President Johnson dramatizes anew the
American position: to fight if necessary; to
negotiate if possible.
Resumption of Bombings
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OP
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
other side would join us in such a de
facto deescalation of the fighting, which
in turn could lead to some kind of cease-
fire with unconditional discussions of the
overall problems of peace in that entire
area.
Certainly, the President is to be con-
gratulated on his decision to bring the
situation in Vietnam before the United
Nations as an additional step in his effort
to explore every possibility of promoting
the cause of peace in that war-torn part
of the world.
But it seems to me that it was most un-
fortunate that the resumption of the
bombing of North Vietnam was not de-
ferred at least until there was some evi-
dence of the success or failure of the
President's outstanding effort to enlist
the help of the U.N. in finding a peaceful
and honorable settlement of the conflict
in Vietnam.
A Vanishing Breed: The Good Policeman
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 19, 1966
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to express my deep disappointment
and regret that President Johnson felt
it necessary this week to resume the
bombings in North Vietnam.
Some time ago I joined with several
of my colleagues in the House of Repre-
sentatives in voicing to the President our
considered thought on this vitally impor-
tant subject. In our letter, we enthu-
siastically endorsed the month-long
bombing pause over North Vietnam as an
imaginative and integral part in the
President's worldwide diplomatic peace
offensive.
Specifically, we declared:
While the response from the other side has
not been encouraging, we do not believe we
should yet assume that the door has been
firmly closed. We cannot expect that a con-
flict which has raged so bitterly for so long
will be quickly or easily resolved. Neither
can we ignore the alternative , to negotia-
tions, a prolonged and probably expanded
war with attendant costs in human suffering
and material resources. * * * We recognize
that there are those who urge a resumption
of bombings of North Vietnam and a pre-
mature abandonment of our peace efforts.
We are, however, concerned that unless we
can halt or reverse the escalation of the last
months it will become increasingly difficult
to achieve a further pause, a cease-fire, and
meanginful negotiations. We urge you,
therefore, to continue your present deter-
mined search for peace until such time as it
becomes clear that no reasonable hope re-
mains for a just settlement by peaceful
means.
Because of the great danger of con-
tinued escalation of the conflict in south-
east Asia, I had joined in the hopes and
prayers of millions of Americans that it
would not be necessary to resume the
aerial bombings in the North.
It was our fervent desire that the ini-
tial pause could be followed by a more
general reduction in hostilities both on
the ground and in the air?in the south
as well as in the north?and that the
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, there
are sinister forces at work throughout
the country attempting to undermine
basic respect for law and order, which
has been one of our fundamental na-
tional virtues.
Columnist John Vrtis, writing in the
Suburban Life, devotes attention to the
very crucial question, that of the main-
tenance of an effective police force by our
local communities. His direct comments
apply to communities in suburban Cook
County, Ill., but the overall question
under discussion is pertinent to all areas
of the country.
A VANISHING BREED: THE GOOD
POLICEMAN
(By John Vrtis)
Unless the trend is reversed almost imme-
diately, the current population in the west- upon police efforts to maintain order as a
ern suburbs is likely to be smothered by a challenge rather than a necessity. Elemen-
breakdown of law and order. tary schools, to the extent that they push
With the almost infinite stealth of a bur- youngsters to new educational peaks before
glar, an alarming situation has crept upon they have the maturity to wield their knowl-
us where quality policemen are a vanishing edgo responsibility, share in the blame. May-
breed, be proportionately more time should be
Examples are legion in Chicagoland and "wasted" on teaching youngsters a sense of
elsewhere, but one of the most dramatic ff.. responsibility.
lustrations can be found in Downers Grove (6) Parents and adults are failing in their
where eight positions in the force, over one- responsibilities. Discipline begins in the
fourth of the total complement, will soon home, but where parents abandon their chil-
be unfilled. droll night and day, or otherwise fail to give
Five patrolman positions have been open them the care and affection they need, it can
since January 1, 1965, a sergeant left in No- be no wonder that the kids will grow up with
vember, a patrolman left this month, and an "independent" mind. Ask any officer how
another officer has tendered a resignation many parents have said to them, "I never
which becomes effective this week. thought it would happen to my child." Will
There may have been others who have left, you be the next to say it?
but it is kind of hard to keep track of de- Of course, there is no pat answer to the
partures from a given police force these days. disintegration of respect for law and author-
Not so with the comings. Not one police- ity which confronts us, except perhaps if we
man has joined the Downers Grove force were to listen more to the pleadings of our
since January 1, 1965, and this situation is ministers and priests.
not unusual elsewhere. But it is safe to assert that recognition
Why? There is the irritating, but minor, of the problem and interest in its solution
case of a village police and fire commission will help. An avalance can be started by a
which refused to publicize a recent civil small piece of snow, once set in motion.
service test for police candidates beyond the Start the ball rolling. Set an example of
legal minimum, despite an obvious need, respect for authority, and instill it in your
The principal causes, however, extend far
beyond shortsighted officials and touch each
of us. Even in today's courts, few of us
could escape indictment on at least one of
the following six charges.
(1) Respect for law and order is out of
fashion. , Ask any cop and he will tell you
that today's youngsters and many adults
think more of Darwin's law of the survival
of the fittest than of the Ten Command-
ments. Where once the officer on the corner
was like a John Wayne with the kiddies, to-
day he is on a par with Mickey Mouse in
meaning, if not in amusement, among mem-
bers of the "beat" generation.
(2) Court and legislative support for po-
licemen is virtually nonexistent. Volumes
could be printed on this, but any conscien-
tious officer has got to be demoralized when
many of his best crime-fighting techniques
are inadmissible in court; when a single
technicality will overturn an "airtight" case;
and, where convictions are obtained, see light
sentences imposed that can only serve to en-
courage present and would-be criminals.
It appears that the present stream of legal
and legislative decisions protecting rights of
individuals is pushing the right of a com-
munity to law and order into the gutter as
just so much "rubbish." Police state meas-
ures can never be permitted under our form
of government, but neither can unbridled
individual freedom. Some balance between
extremes must be sought * * * and found.
(3) Policemen are often more on the de-
fensive than the offensive. Recall last year's
unfortunate incident in Chicago where a
much decorated officer was put "on the car-
pet" for defending himself against assault
by a prisoner.
Front-page publicity did manage to con-
jure a stream of protest, but the incident only
brought more clearly into focus the erosion
of self-respect and authority that once was
the hallmark of a police officer.
(4) Policemen are not paid enough. Al-
most any union man makes more than he
does, yet a police officer is called upon to have
the wisdom of Solomon, the mercy of Christ,
and the courage of a frontline marine.
If the cop ever does anything wrong, he
is held up for public ridicule like a Judas,
and when he does something right, it usually
goes unrecognized until he fails to do it in
the future.
Yet all of this time the same cop is packing
a gun to protect us and the quality of his
performance will surely reflect itself in the
community. His low pay does nat make
sense.
(5) Youngsters are "smart" enough to look
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bildren, Then let your municipal officia
linow how highly you regard the maintenan
of law and order in your community.
Would we (hi less if anything other tha
0 lack ef mffility policemen threatened th
,,fJ;y of our homes d, ?
. .
p 0 ons were not .rantastic at; all.
ce From a variety of reliable inteligence
sources comes the report that; portable atomio
n demohtion bombs have been under produc-
e tion in. the Soviet Union for tome time.
These reprrts are ly:ghly detalleO, The
rtoviets have one atomic demolition bomb
that weighs about 75 pounds, is less i in 20
Inches in length, and packs a walloo equi-
? valent to 100 tons of TNT. A far more
uowertm, bomb, with a yield of five tenths
of 1 kiloton (or 500 tons of TNT), is;; two-
part infernal machine. Eich part weighs
about 75 ponrids and can he nut tiiii,iether
in less than half an hour.
According to one intelliger ce sourer, there
partisan dire:-itorate aton-dc we, pore have
been stored in Cuba, foi ea.sit entry it to the
United States. Soviet embassies in several
Latin American countrles?includine Mex-
ico?have aliso become arsenals of these
hand-carried nuclear weapons. Tiny are
equipped with timing devices to protee; these
who plant them..
The poten t:ill of this partisan direetorate
ectivity can best be arresnial if one tecalls
an FM eel ma to of several sears ago. Ac-
cording to this estimate, there are some 5,000
trained age/Des of the Kremlin in the lInited
States With ;trady access to our critical in-
dustrial and military installations.
Bringing these nuclem demolition C' '1005
Into the country offers few problems 0 the
Kremlin. All shipments to the Soviel Em-
barsy in Washington are protected by diplo-
matic immunity. If the St to Department
succeeds in getting Congress to approve a
nrw consular treaty with the Soviet Union,
then there will be hiding Maces for these
bombs in the Nation's key cities. Several
of these bombs could devesl,ate New York
Harbor and the Golden Gate of San Fran-
cisco.
Even without the convenience of comollar
oliices, Portable nuclear bombs cc be
stashed away at secret locations purchased
by front men Inc the Communist appsiertus
in the United States and manned by partisan
directorate personnel. Intelligence eri ports
are reasonalibt sure that thete bombs have
not yet been 'Drought into the country - but
the operative phrase here is "not yet." Ob-
viously, the Krienolin will not begin to move
its nuclear demolition forces r t a time s. hen
it is trying to tUCO the A.merican Government
into accept:n:171(re of its pieaceful inten iims.
But it would be only a matter of day ; be-
tween a decis;on to may; thrm in and the
a''eompl ahi d f et.
'Lim Cocoon ii, don't was lie their tern-
power in so futile an exercise. 'Whin we
may have at any moment is an Ill-bomb eady
to blast where we lay our military an i in-
dustrial beads to sleep.
fs There an H-Bomb Under Your Bed
l!1-1%Z.-TENSION OF REMARKS
111,
EON. RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH
, INDIANA
Ig TUF, TlPr Ic OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wdrinesrian, February 2. 1966
Mr. ROUDEBUSTI, Mr. Speaker, the
qoviets are welting on it program under
.which US, military and industrial in-
stallations could be blown up by "pocket"
nuclear bombs planted by Communist
agents in our .eountry.
The Soviet :.!ecret Police, the KGB, are
in charge of this guerrilla nuclear bomb
operations through an organization
named the Pa; than Directorate. Their
weapons delivery system is called mul-
tiple ambulatory nucleonice?MAN for
short.
Under unanimous consent, I wish to
introduce in the RECORD an article de-
tailing this threat to our survival by
Columnist, Ralph dc Toledano, of the
King. Features Syndicate, and distributed
under the title "Is There an H-Bomb
Under Your Bed?"
The article ff Mows:
LS THERE AN -BOMB UNDER YOUR BED?
( By rbilph de Toledano)
"Peaceful coexistence" is a term which in
(dui Communist world translates as "sub-
versive warfare.'" No matter how much and
how often the Kremlin protests that it is
seeking peaceful competition with the free
world, it cannot deny that one of the most
important functions of its KGB ?successorto the IIKVD ci cret, police?is the partisan
directorate.
This may sound inocuous enough, but it
represents the ,Fientiet Union's major effort
against the West. Every guerrilla unit under
iommunist disci Hine gets its direction from
irm partisan dircifforate. Every Communist
Parry member may be tapped by this arm
Df the KGB for subversive work Fabotage,
Pt;iKrernith. sinends untold millions of dol-
lars on lam training of effectiver tor its in-
iairgeney program. Schools are run in the
lioviet Union to beach the One points of this
lizititt of undergrotind warfare.
What Vas t his; got to do with you and me?
We don't expect :in American -version of the
nr the Castro 20%11 of July move-
ment to taa,,,.in Operating in the Black Hills or
tUreerenokrie Swaim). And in amither era,
we could brush ataxic tlui possibility of h, iv-
Hg parn,an direetori-ite units at wi irk in the
ei Led States.
sinnothili fr r, DW htlr; hoer]. to, I'd .p-.
D:N WCA FAO./ ry, A DO that makes ail the dif-
rrince. `Clears in Wilford. Evans, recently
ii
it of tire At; mic Energy Commission,
.10 tic it port:CI-n(7.i compcments of a nit-
He?,r horn ho rut miiirri iv to the
'i iii Eltiitrs tc,t1 iisiientlileti hero. ThiS
omit timd, Tarim he:11111re: of our cities by
unn?-cesti:nry. Instend. time
Linn coin d he lip Md. exactly where they
,oidd tin tie ma!;:: damage and their (-i-to-
at, the will i the Kremlin.
Ev;ins rove, cod the sneers and
',1y or tor the librraitt for his effort.; to aiert
tioi American Government and people. But
Lees Ad Quickly on Vets Benefits Bill
1-
EXTPNeION OF REMARKS
CIF
PON. BOB CASEY
OF TEXA.
IN THI HOUSE OF REPaESENTATIll
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. CASEY, Mr. Spelker, during he
recent adjournment of illoneTe::ei, it :ens
my great privileee to viret with memhers
of our Armed Forces on the battleline in
Vietnam,
The most common eoestion. asken cf
me by these valiant younl. men was
whether, ill I if Opinion, ti is Cone sess
would enact a Veteran's boaeat bill to t
enable them .to pursue their educatinai, t
and ease the h. mden of readiustment 1;0 a
civilian life. I assured them that from
my personal conversations with many of
my colleagues, in my judgment this
Congress would not ignore the great
need to help the veterans who have sac-
rifled no much in the cause of freedom.
And I gave them my promise .that I
certainly would do all I could to help in
getting such legislation passed.
Today, I keep my promise to these val-
iant men who serve our Nation in our
Armed Forces,
Today, I have introduced a bill to pro-
vide edneational assistance for ad vet-
erans who served after January 31, 1955,
and to provide for loan guarantee Kovi-
sions for housing. This bill also makes
a number of miscellaneous provisions, in.
my judernent, long needed to assist the
veterans regardless of whether. their
service was classed as peacetime m war-
time. My bill is identical to that intro-
duced by my friend and colleague, the
gentleman from Texas, Representative
OLIN TEAGUE, the distinguished chairman
of the House Veterans' Affairs Commit-
tee.
This bill provides a permanent oro-
gram of education assistance for indi-
viduals serving after January 31, 1955, on
the basis of a month of training for each
month, or fraction thereof, of service, not
to exceed 36 calendar months. The
rates for full-time training set at $100
per month for a single veteran, $125 for
a veteran with one dependent, and $150
for a veteran with more than one de-
pendent, and proportionate rates for less
than full time.
The education provisions are effective
June 1, 1966, and education must be com-
pleted within 8 years of the date of dis-
charge.
This bill provides for guaranteed and
direct loans, with the VA guaranteeing as
much as a maximum of $7,500 of any
loan by private, lenders, and authorizes
direct loans where private financing is
not available to a maximum of $17,500.
Among the miscellaneous provisions of
the bill:
Extends presumptions on chronic and
tropical diseases.
Grants medical care for non-service-
connected veterans.
Provides job counseling and job 1)7s:ce-
ment assietance.
Authorizes a flag to drape the casket of
veterans of this service.
Grants preference in Federal employ-
ment.
Amends the Soldiers and Sailors Civil
Relief Act to increase the protection of
individual:3 who are renting homes when
they are called into service from the $80
monthly rental to $150.
Mr. Speaker, as my colleagues know, I
do not serve on the House Veterans' Af-
fairs Committee, and I certainly do 1-1:7:t
class myself as an export on vetereas
legislation. I introduce this bill teclay
because I have a deep concern for tli
sacrifice we are asking of our young neer
at a most critical time in their lives.
We have, as my colleagnes well kn. ,
enacted broad programs for those vet-
erans who served in wartime. But I say
o you that the wounds are just as de sp.
he blood just as red, and the grave just
s final a resting place in the Dominiean
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Republic, or in Vietnam, as it was on the
battlefields of a formally declared World
War II.
All of us here know there will be some
opposition to enactment of this program.
There are those, both in and out of the
administration, who will oppose it pri-
marily because of the cost.
But I say to you?if this Congress and
the American taxpayers can be asked to
underwrite the massive cost of educating
the ignorant of the world?then we have
the duty to see to it first that those vet-
erans who gave so much to protect the
world receive first consideration.
Mr. Speaker, no man in Congress is
more aware of the needs of our veterans
than our distinguished friend, "TIGER"
TEAGUE. He has earned the respect and
admiration of. all Americans for his able
and dedicated leadership, and under his
guidance, our program of veterans' bene-
fits has become a model for the civilized
world to follow. I strongly urge my col-
leagues to support the bill he has intro-
duced, and which I am proud to co-
author. It is my earnest hope that
Chairman TEAGUE'S committee and this
House will take swift action in passing
this legislation.
Wealth Can't Replace Freedom
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, the
Palos Regional, an independent publica-
tion serving southwest suburban Cook
County, Ill., has become known through-
out the Chicago area for its pertinent,
thoughtful, and progressive editorial
commentary. In the issue of January 27,
it carried a most timely, philosophical
commentary on the proper evaluation-of
freedom. It properly places freedom as
the most valuable heritage of our land:
WEALTH CAN'T REPLACE FREEDOM
We live, as every follower of the news media
has been told on innumerable occasions, in
an affluent society?perhaps the most ma-
terially affluent in history. Just about every-
thing has been going up and up, seemingly
without pause or end?family income, in-
vestment and savings, the gross national
product, the enormous sums devoted to in-
dustry expansion and betterment of facili-
ties, consumer spending and so on. This,
the economists in form us, has been a pros-
perity unparalleled both in its extent and
in the length of time it has continued with-
out a recession.
The Nation has cause to take pride in all
this. But it would be morally and practically
wrong to look only at the myriad dollar signs
and thoughtessly conclude that all is right,
and there is little for the majority of Amer-
icans to worry about.
In a far away nation that comparatively
few of us could spot accurately on map, we
are engaged in one of the cruelest wars in
our experience. It is a war which has grown
beyond all expectations and, unless every sign
is wrong, is destined to grow to a much
greater extent still. Soldiers of the United
States are dying in tragically increasing
numbers in that war. It is making heavy de-
mands on our wealth and our materials, and
far larger demands are yet to come. How
many of us here at home, during the past
holiday season in which every sales record
apparently was broken, gave more than pass-
ing thought to that war and the vast sacri-
fices it is demanding of the few? How many
of us feel, and share as best we can, the re-
sponsibilities that those few are discharging
for us all? How many of us realize that there
is small affluence?save an affluence of weap-
ons?in Vietnam?
And how many of us realize that, here at
home, the odds are heavy that we shall have
to abandon many an ambitious government
program if we are to maintain this Nation as
a bastion and arsenal of freedom in a world
where tyrannies are on the march.
The warning signs are up. The prospect of
more tax reduction, held out a short time
ago, has all but vanished. Informed talk
now is of possible tax increases. The wel-
fare state plans, whatever one may think of
their desirability, will, it seems certain, be
cut back. At the highest levels of govern-
ment, new and urgent fears of more inflation
have recently found a place--and there is
more and more realization of the fact that
protection of the dollar is absolutely essential
to this Nation's strength and even survival.
It is easy, in a time of general prosperity,
for a people to avoid problems?to look away
from clouds on the horizon. It is also fatal,
as history has proven over and over again.
The strength of the United States cannot be
measured merely in material gains. These,
in the long run, are the least of the story.
That strength must be measured in moral
and spiritual values that place freedom above
all things, and a determination to protect
our freedom whatever the costs. The mass
man is destined for a well-deserved ob-
scurity. Respect for the individual, a knowl-
edge that no two of us are precisely alike, a
profound belief in the worth and dignity of
each of us?these were the principles on
which this Nation was built. They must be
sustained if this Nation is to endure.
Let us enjoy our material advantages. But,
above all, let us put them in. perspective?
and never forget that a life of freedom means
infinitely more.
Howard Davis (Jack) Todd: Distingushed
Merchant, Civic Leader Retires
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. L. MENDEL RIVERS
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. RIVERS of South Carolina. Mr.
Speaker, an extremely capable and dis-
tinguished business executive turned the
tables on his employees when he retired
recently at Charleston, S.C.
Instead of permitting his devoted em-
ployees to give him the traditional "sur-
prise party," Howard Davis (Jack) Todd,
manager of Sears, Roebuck, honored a
number of his longtime workers at a
dinner. Perhaps this is an unusual twist
in retirement ceremonies, but certainly
it is typical of the devotion this esteemed
merchant holds for his fellow man. Well
known for his tireless efforts in behalf
of his firm and community, Mr. Todd is
an outstanding example of the kind of
man our free enterprise system breeds.
His interests and activities are exten-
sive?ranging from commercial to chari-
table and cultural projects. His career_
A477
is an example after which our American
youth could well pattern their lives.
Under leave to extend my remarks in the
Appendix of the RECORD, I hereby insert
an editorial and news story from the
News and Courier in tribute to a great
American:
From the Charleston (S.C.) News and
Courier]
FRIEND TO CHARLESTON
An able and tireless merchant, Howard
Davis Todd, during more than three decades
of residence in Charleston, has found time
and energy also for countless civic duties.
He has shown interest in zoning, commercial,
cultural, and charitable enterprises. His
good humor has made him a popular as well
as a respected citizen. In retiring Janu-
ary 31 after 32 years as manager of the Sears,
Roebuck store here, Mr. Todd intends to
keep his Charleston residence, though he
will spend much of his time traveling, or en-
joying outdoor life at his country place on
Edisto Island.
The Sears business has grown tremen-
dously at Charleston under Mr. Todd's man-
agement. When the company decided to
build a large new store, Mr. Todd insisted on
locating it in the heart of town rather than
moving, as the company frequently has done
elsewhere, to the outskirts. Thus he indi-
vidually has been a notable contributor to
the preservation of the business vitality of
downtown Charleston.
We have many reasons to like and admire
Jack Todd, but this alone is a monument
worthy of memory. The best part of it is
that the decision was also profitable for his
company.
For Mr. and Mrs. Todd we wish many years
of health and happiness, wherever they may
go?so long as they keep coming back home
to Charleston.
TABLES ARE TURNED?RETIRING STORE MAN-
AGER GIVES EMPLOYEES A DINNER
Retiring manager of Charleston Sears, Roe-
buck store, H. D. Todd turned the tables on
his employees last night by honoring them
with an appreciation dinner.
Store supervisors who have been associated
with the store for a total of 854 years were
guests of Todd and his wife last night at the
Francis Marion Hotel.
Employees at the dinner included persons
who had served 30-, 25-, 20-, 15-, and 10-year
tenures.
Mrs. Mary Todd Poore, Todd's daughter,
and J. E. Williams of Greensboro, retail zone
manager for 29 stores, were special guests.
Todd will have served Sears, Roebuck for 32
years when he retires January 31.
In civic affairs; he is a member of the city's
planning and zoning commission and the
board of adjustment. He is a member and
former vestryman of St. Phillip's Protestant
Episcopal Church. He joined Sears in Chi-
cago in 1929 and managed stores in In-
dianapolis, Montgomery, Tampa, and Sa-
vannah.
Peace in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 19, 1966
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, I want
to take this opportunity to express my
congratulations to President Johnson on
his decision to refer the problem of Viet-
nam to the United Nations as a further
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step in his effort to explore and exhaust
every possibility of bringing peace to that
war-torn area of the world.
We Californians, in particular, sup-
port the President in this new peace in-
itiative, because for both historic and
acne:rapine reasons we fully appreciate
the President's desire that America play
an important leadership role in pro/not-
-nig the cause of freedom and in building
the foundations for peace among the na,-
Lions of the world.
Located as we are on the eastern shore
of the Pacific Ocean, arid with many of
our citizens having close family, ethnic,
language and cultural ties with the peo-
ple of other Pacific nations, we have al-
ways been an outward-looking society?
a true melting pot of the strength and
diversity of backgrounds that have made
Simerica great?with an immediate and
personal interest in establishing good
constructive relations with our neighbors
in the Pacific community.
For these reasons, we can only ap-
plaud the President's action in seeking
the assistance of the world organization
in attempting to find the way to a peace-
ful and honorable settlement of the con-
flict in Vietnam.
Certainly every American endorses our
Government's proposed resolution sub-
mitted to the United Nations Security
Council calling for "immediate discus-
sions without preconditions * * * to
arrange a conference looking toward the
application of the Geneva Accords of
1951 and 1962 and the establishment of
a durable peace in southeast Asia."
In addition, we can all support the U.S.
resolution's recommendation that "the
first order of business of such a confer-
ence be arraneements for a cessation of
hostilities under effective supervision."
Finally, we welcome the broad lan-
guage included in our resolution sug-
gesting that the U.N. offer "to assist in
achieving the purpose of this resolution
by all appropriate means, including the
provision of aroitrators or mediators."
Mr. Speaker. I am personally very
proud and happy that President Johnson
has taken these affirmative steps to en-
gage the best efforts of the international
community of nations in our continued
search for meaningful negotiations and a
just settlement of the war in Vietnam.
I have this deep personal interest and
pride because 1 was one of several Mem-
bers of Congress who made similar sug-
gestions to the President some One ago?
and if ray en ?Its in this matter have
had even a small part in influencing or
reinforcing the President's determina-
tion to enlist the help of the United Na-
tions in calling a peace conference, in
proposing unconditional discussions, in
advocating an effective cease-fire, or in
iiiiggesting, use of the techniques of arbi-
bre lion and mediation?then, Mr. Speak-
er, my elf arts have been amply rewarded
elat I am extremely happy to have played.
it eanstimetive role in trying to move the
na,inelit; tititir in southeast Asia from
battlefield to the conference table.
am confident that I share the hope
Si We overwhelming majority of Ameri-
c:ilis that the 'United Nations act
promptly to Lake advantage of this op-
portunity to advance the cause of world
peace arid put an end to the war in
Vietnam.
If the U.N. should fail to assume its
responsibility In this vital matter, WO will
all be the losers. Then, tt: e chances of
a peaceful settlement of the present: sit-
uation will have been reduced, and the
future usefulness of the world body in
seAling international disputes will have
been diminisi.ed.
UkrEinian Independence
---
SPEECH
OF
HON. JAMES G. O'HARA
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HO'iTSE OF REPREENTATI
Tuesday, January 25, 1966
Mr. O'HABA of Michigan. Mr. Siealt-
er, for those of us who live secure in a
Nation where the Government is of our
own creation, governed by institutions
which are bound by the motto: "Of the
people, by the people and fcr the people,"
it is difficult to understand the national
frustration of peoples obliged to live
under the rule of a foreign power.
Since the eule of Catherine the second
la the 18th eentury, the Ukrainian peo-
ple have lived under foreign rule. Occa-
sionally their hopes have been rekiiidled
by a relaxation of the grip or a military
defeat suffered by their rulers, but in
every instanee, the Ukrainians have been
cast back under foreign control.
The great hope of the Ukrainians came
in 1917, when after two sudden n,volu-
tions, a new Russian Governmen t. as-
sumed the reins of power and proclaimed
the rights of all the nationalities of
Russia to self-determination. The
Ukrainians ',sere one of the first to take
advantage of the new policy and joy-
only proclaimed their independence.
They were able to enjoy it just long
enough to saijin a separate peace treaty
with Germ:cay as Russia left World
War I.
Unfortunately, the Bolsheviks he d not
been serious about the amonomy ef the
nationalities. They saw it as a means of
weakening toe unity of the imperial re-
gime. Once safely in control, the Com-
nranist. government of Russia de tamed
down on the nationalities, includia.g the
Ukraine..
To this day the Communist cantrol
over the Uaraine continues. The: rule
is imposed by the same aroup of men
who claim themselves the champions
ef national :iaciependence movemeits. It
is a tragic irony indeed. Yet, in all of
this, one light of hope continues to glow;
it is the uhswerving national identity
and dignity of the Ukrainian i:cople.
Despite the harsh attempts at Commu-
nist assimilation, the national cha racter
of the Ukrainian people stands
triumphant..
Let us pause, Mr. Speaker, to tafie this
moment to salute the proud people of
the Ukraine.
Washington Airport No Place for Jets
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SAMUEL N. FRIEDEL
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. FRIEDEL. Mr. Speaker, I am
very much concerned about the recent
decision of the Federal Aviation Agency
to permit jets to operate from Washing-
ton National Airport, particularly in
view of the proposal to spend $150 million
of the taxpayers' money to enable that
airport to handle such planes.
Many years ago when we were con-
sidering legislation to authorize the con-
struction of Dulles International Air-
port, I took the floor to warn my col-
leagues that the proposed airport could
not be built for the $34 million the ad-
ministration was requesting. History
proved that I was right because we have
already spent more than $110 million
on Dulles. But we were told then that
this new airport was to handle jet traf-
fic and that Washington National Airport
could never handle jets because it is
already overcrowded and because of the
noise factor. Now, the FAA has re-
versed its previous decision and has stated
that with $150 million Washington Na-
tional can be made to handle jets.
I am opposed to the use of Washing-
ton National by jets because I think it
is unsafe and because of the noise and
because I think it is a complete waste
of the taxpayers' money to spend an-
other $150 million on airport facilities
when we already have Dulles and
Friendship International Airports to
handle jet traffic. Neither of these fa-
cilities is operating at anything near
capacity and these two airports can
handle all the jet traffic for the Wash-
ington area for many, many years to
come because they both have plenty of
room for expansion.
One of our great Baltimore news-
papers, the News American, recently ran
a series of articles by Mr. Ray Abrams,
Jr., calling attention to the recent growth
of airports in the Washington area and
recommend that all of my colleaeues
give serious consideration to the prob-
lems outlined therein. The articles are
as follows:
[From the Baltimore News Armiriei, n,
,Jan. 23, 1966]
A/RFORT NIGHTMARE?JETS JOIN IN JAM AT
D.C. NATIONAL
(By Ray Abrams, Jr.)
(Because of the obviously short menim:ics
of Federal aviation authority officials,
more's Friendship Airport, once more facts en
uncertain future. Following the FAA's de-
cision to permit small jets to use fediirally
owned Wilshington National Airport, News
American Staffer Ray Abrams, Jr., cools tori
a study of the three airports servicing the
Baltimore-Washington area, Friendship, Na-
tional, and Dulles at Chantilly, Va. AL ems'
first of a three-part series, "rhe Airport
Nightmare," begins today.)
On a June morning in 1938, President
Franklin Delano Roosevelt awoke shudder-
ing from a nightmare.
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2, 1966
A460
Today Laney and other Quincy Shipyard
officials point with pride to the negotiated
contract that followed the work slowdown.
The Nation's first 4-year labor contract in
the shipbuilding industry, it gave a 32-cent-
an-hour pay raise over that period, nine an-
nual paid holidays, 2-week vacation after 1
year, and other benefits.
"We probably did do some injustice to
workers in the beginning, without a con-
tract," admits one General Dynamics official
(not Laney) today. "But based on our own
evaluation, it appeared a lot of the workers
were overrated. If wage rates were too high
at the start, we wouldn't have had a chance
of being competitive or making the thing
go."
Quincy had hired many men back in lower
classes and refused to take over all retirement
programs for long-term Bethlehem em-
ployees. But under the new contract, the
yard agreed to give seniority after 4 years
shipbuilding experience and also agreed to
review ratings on men with much more ex-
perience.
Generally labor is pleased with the 9-
month-old contract.
"We're satisfied with the outlook for the
future, though we're not satisfied with every-
thing," says George McPherson, executive
secretary of Local 5, Shipbuilders Union,
which represents most of the workers in the
yard. "Any grievances we have, we think can
be bargained out." He explains labor is bar-
gaining with management on about 300
grievances.
"We think this will turn out to be a top
yard. Things looked pretty grim after Beth-
lehem closed," he muses.
The yard is busy, the company is still hir-
ing, and work has not yet begun on $141
million worth of contracts the shipyard won
in 1965.
The contracts are for two ammunition
ships, one submarine tender, and two fleet
replenishment oilers. Ironically the ammu-
nitions ships' contract was won over Bethle-
hem Steel's Sparrows Point, Md., yard, al-
though a couple of weeks ago Quincy lost out
to the same yard for two more of the ships.
Last year Quincy workers also produced a
harbor hurricane gate for Stamford, Conn.,
a missile launching trainer for the Navy's
Polaris submarine crewmen, two new floating
heavyweight shock platforms and also trans-
ferred midbodies from the T-2 tankers under
conversion to two commercial tankers.
With 1966 just a few weeks old, Quincy
plans five key layings, two launchings and
possibly two deliveries In the next 12 months.
The plant also is going shopping for a share
of the Navy's $1.9 billion shipbuilding pro-
gram for the remainder of the current fis-
cal year and will keep its eyes open for the
fiscal 1967 list due to be announced at the
end of this month.
"We'll go after the big ones," says Laney.
The Quincy yard also is setting its sights
on an estimated $1.5 billion "total package"
contract for a fleet of new, fast Navy cargo
ships and already is developing proposals
for the job.
Whoever wins the contract likely could
hold the reins on future building of sur-
face ships. The new concept gives one ship-
builder a single contract to design, construct
and develop the new ships.
"We're determined to get the contract, de-
spite keen competition," emphasizes the tall,
slim yard manager. "It would make a big
difference in the yard, give us a chance to
plan ahead for several years. It would sta-
bilize the workload."
Laney, a man accustomed to measuring
success on a day-by-day basis, by no means
thinks the Quincy yard has turned the corner
toward success.
General Dynamics has put $1 million into
the operation; not a substantial sum in terms
of multimillion-dollar industrial invest-
ments, but substantial enough to show the
parent company's interest in its young
branch.
The single most important factor in
Quincy's upward swing thus far, believes
Laney, is the transfer from Groton of a
bright, young, aggressive and fresh approach.
"There is a belief in the future of the
yard. Many employees are working in the
same spot they were 2 years ago, but they
are producing more."
Yet, he cautions: "Our 6,700 employees is
better than 2 years ago when there weren't
any, but that doesn't spell success. Re-
member, we haven't completed our first ship
yet."
Quincy, however, has quite a few good
things going for it.
One of these, in Laney's view, is the 4-year
labor contract which gives the company a
firm springboard in seeking major contracts.
Serious labor problems and large labor de-
mands were reasons, and maybe the primary
ones, for the downfall of the Bethlehem
yard.
Another reason for the upswing might be
found in the two words "Cost Reduction."
Continually General Dynamics surveys the
yard, checking out and eliminating waste in
electricity, telephones, steam heat, and other
areas. Last year 116 million gallons of water
(enough for 900 families) was conserved as
a result of such a survey.
Laney himself daily walks through a por-
tion of the yard to see the operation first-
hand. Another top executive inspects the
entire yard from 5 to 7 a.m, each day.
"If we're going to be successful in com-
petitive bidding, we've got to cut all the fat
out of the operation," says Laney, a former
Navy captain, who has spent most of his life
in shipbuilding.
Still another reason for the positive out-
look at Quincy is its interdependent relation-
ship with its sister shipyard in Groton.
Quincy got its first boost in talent and
equipment from that yard and may draw on
that yard whenever needed. "Each yard has
a dominant interest, but each is capable of
working in the other field," says Laney.
"One of the most interesting things in the
development of the Quincy operation has
been the mixture of the shipbuilding and
submarinebuilding people. The difference in
building each is like the difference between
building an airplane and a submarine."
Half of the current workload at Quincy is
in submarine construction. The Whale and
the Sunfish are expected to be launched this
year, and the Greenling and the Gato are
being outfitted with equipment.
Little if any additional submarine con-
struction is planned at Quincy, though there
may be additional submarine repair work.
Quincy will concentrate as originally in-
tended, on surface ships.
Already the Vanguard, the first of the three
Apollo instrumentation ships, is scheduled
for sea trials later this month. The Red-
stone is being outfitted with electronic and
marine equipment and preliminary hull work
is underway on the Mercury.
And there are the contracts for those five
other surface ships.
Yet the Quincy shipyard is operating at
only one-third capacity, and that's the way
the company wants it.
Laney expects the current work force of
6,700 to remain steady for the next year at
least. He conservatively predicts a high of
8,000 employees for the yard. But, he hastily
adds, "It all depends on contracts.
"We won't be able to tell which way the
yard is going for at least another 2 or 3 years.
While contract price remains frozen and
fixed, other things can change during the
contract life. Dangers are escalation of
costs, bad weather and loss of employees."
The manpower situation, in fact, con-
stantly plagues the yard, It faces a critical
shortage of experienced shipfltters, electri-
cians and outside machinists and is con-
stantly advertising these positions. To curb
the crisis somewhat, it is training 105 young
men in 10 different trades in its own appren-
tice program and retraining another 50 un-
der the U.S. Manpower Development and
Training Act.
"Only the best shipbuilders can be suc-
cessful," say Laney. "Profits are sparse.
We're caught in an economic squeeze. Since
World War II, 20 private shipyards have
folded and most today are operating at half
capacity.
"Quincy will have to get a number of
major new contracts if it's going to turn
that corner toward success. But we're deter-
mined to get those contracts."
Management, labor and certainly the
South Shore and even Greater Boston com-
munities are in agreement on that philos-
ophy.
The rebirth of the shipyard has shown up
dramatically on the South Shore area where
75 percent of its $40 million payroll is dis-
tributed.
The Quincy Chamber of Commerce re-
ports an increase in apartment house con-
struction, hotel and motel business and re-
tail business. The Quincy Shipyard shares
in that impact with other growing industries
in the area.
Not bad for a 2-year-old toddler.
LI\N-1 A Marine's Views
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN V. TUNNEY
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. TUNNEY. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to place in the RECORD a letter from
Cpl. Lawrence Torrez, of California,
now stationed in Vietnam.
Corporal Torrez is the brother of Mrs.
Ray Inda. Mr. Ray Inda is the presi-
dent of the 0.1. Forum, which is a great
public service organization.
Two months ago, I traveled to Vietnam
and met with over 400 U.S. servicemen
there. The morale of our troops in Viet-
nam was excellent. I was never prouder
to be an American than to hear the
troops with whom I spoke declare to a
man that we must not leave the people of
South Vietnam to Communist domina-
tion.
I believe that the letter from Corporal
Torrez sums up very well the feelings ex-
pressed to me by most of the soldiers
I spoke with. They were all very con-
cerned about demonstrations here in the
United States and many asked if there
was not something which could be done
about them. I believe Corporal Torrez
expresses in his letter that a majority
of the people of the United States sup-
port our efforts to allow the people of
South Vietnam to determine their own
destiny.
Corporal Torrez is obviously a young
man of intelligence and dedication who
represents the best in the idealism of
American youth.
A MARINE'S VIEWS
(By Cpl. Lawrence Torrez)
EDITOR OF THE SUN-TELEGRAM:
My name is Cpl. Lawrence Torrez, and I am
a U.S. marine stationed in Chu Lai, Vietnam.
Along with me, there are 12 other marines
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Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
You served your country with honor and
ought,
u piloted the ship through chaos a:nd
strife,
;Safe in port you brought her through the
darkness of night.
With the election of '32 a brighter dawn was
brea king,
Clivaig new hopes to people who were for-
gotten before.
A ray of life began pouring forward,
You master conqueror of darkness forever
out ever route.
Now you lie in state and the Nation mourns
e'er their friend, protector and guider of
democracy ?cost what it may.
17. pride we call your mune,
loranklin Delano Roosevelt, who was Presi-
dent of the U.S.A.
I rom the Seattle Wash.) Observer.
Nov. 18., t9641
A SymeoL OF VISION
(ii3y Leo liipp)
honor of the-, anniversary of the death
martyr, President John F. Kennedy.)
Tfilectrifying were the words that pierced
Lhe hearts of men
Exclaimed by his wife, Jacqueline, "Oh, no."
Thronghout the world their sound re-
echoed.
People turned to each other, crying, "It can-
not be, it is not, se,"
Yet it was true: 'rhe President of the United
States was killed.
He fell a martyr at the ;hand of an assassin.
Why?
The -mllet which took his life left many
neeolatri?
Milliens believe as he tlid?this none can
Ile was taken away from in in the prime of
life
When he had so much to live for, and so
inuch to give
re the people of the world as well as of our
1? ation.
I his the reward for a humanitarian to
iTeeive?
We Inaird the solemn sound of feet marching
1.;) the beat of Army drums,
I to the avenue where he had walked not very
long ago:
We saw the casket, where his body realer',
;OKI the sad cortege.
America wept; mid made a silent pledge
Ii remember him in deeds
A happier world might know.
in AUL ngton .an eternal light is burning,
it avrnbra that the road to freedom must
i-over be dark.
'lirhell light is the guide VI human hiumi-
eces;
must turn with a penetrating
Wnivh will ignite the will in the minds of
I; en
Iii ti!t i tOWard. that light, for inspiration.
Kennedy lived lel died for mum
till ogra
tta kir all was true enuoleiipatiou,
yen
?Ile A rnazing Rebirth of Quincy Shipyard
L'istteENSI(-)NT OF P.,11.1WARICS
JArolES A. KIRKE
MA9SAC i
N HOUSE OF RE Pine :ENTeTleceds
lilediteSday, Fdbruari..! 3, 1966
iVIr. 1.1URIC..E. Mr. Flir-tIti-ey, thy United
states presently stands in 12th place
111
among the shipbuilding nations of the
world. The Soviet Union is building new
merchant ships at a rate 14 times greater
than ours and both Japan and Germany
are far ahead of the United States in
ship construction and registry.
As a result of long years of neglect,
our merchant mar no carries only 9 per-
cent of our foreign trade. We do have
a mothball fleet, and in the past 5
years have had to refit, at heavy cost,
more than 50 ships. These refitted yes-
are not the modern ships that we
should have. MOrP ships from. this
mothball fleet are being refitted, and
still there has been no positive decision
on a well-planned illipbuilding program
in American shipyards. In lieu of this,
our Departments cf Defense and Inte-
rior have sounded out the possibEities of
building ships in Britain and even. in
Poland. A decisior of this nature could
ruin an industry vital to national de-
fense and economic prosperity.
In my 11th Congressional District in
Massachusetts, there is the Quincy Ship-
yard, 83 years in existence and bought
by the General Dynamics Corp. from the
Bethlehem Steel Co. in 1963. Here is
one company in .the United States that
had foresight in the needs of American
shipbuilding and wos willing to gamble
in this purchase, that the United States
would see fit to expand the American
merchant marine in all categories and
in 2 years has put itself in a post ion to
assist in this neederi expansion. I take
this opportunity to include an article on
the rebirth of the Quincy Shipyard from
the January 14, 1966, edition of the Bos-
ton Sunday Herald:
TM: AMAZING REBIFITI: OF QUINC
(By Loretta Leone)
(No's:.. Shut down only 2 years ago, the
plant has bounced back under new, manage-
ment with $275 million i:n contracts and a
$40 million payroll. What's behind the
comeback?)
At the Quincy Shipyard on Fore River these
days smokestacks send black jets into the
sky. Steel-helmeted men climb ladders and
platforms, working on nuclear submarines
and ships. Giant ma mets move back and
forth carrying steel plates into welding shops
for molding into ship bulls.
The flurry of activity is quite a contrast to
i,ho scene 2. years ago ashen on a cold, snowy
and miserable day several hundred men
closed clown machinery at the former Bethle-
hem Steel Shipyard arid, desparingly, went
home?ainemployed.
As, the new General Dynamics Quincy
Shipyard enters its third year of production,
6,700 workers pass through its rfate s each
day and the help wanied sign is still out.
"She yard, holds abut"; $275 million ill con-
tracts for submarines and surface ships, has
1140 million payroll and employs one-third
of industrial workers ir. the Quiney area and
one-fifth of those on B.: e entire Snath Shore.
emeral Dynamics leraight the then. 80-
y:tar-old. shipbuilding f,icility from. Bethle-
hem. Steel December Cl, 1963, for an esti-
mated $5 million, fter several months of
tint its"-.
Under Bethlehem, owners for 53 years, the
fermer Fore River Shipyard boomed during
World Arar lI, peaking ii 24,000 empleiyees;
had a peacetime high of 13,000 only 15 years
Leo, and then quickly (1v,dndled in its last
'Iiibuut 800 men.
Leen in its waning years the plane had
pi educed the Nation's frst. nuclear ,tIzrface
511i1,C-' lie guided missile destroyer Bain-
bridge alW the gueded missile cruiser Long
Beach. Ye: it could not keep moving
How could General Dynamics expect to
establish a new operation at the same old
stand and make it work?
With a will to win, answered Quincy Ship-
yard Manager Robert V. Laney, the other
day. "It was the beginning of a new yard
with different purposes and motives and a
different spirit."
Laney managed the Bethlehem yard in its
final years, heading projects which produced
the Bainbridge and the Long Beach. He well
remembers the despair and discouragement
which settled on the men as production
petcred out.
General Dynamics already was successfully
building, the bulk of the Nation's Polaris
eubmarine fleet in its Electric Boat Division
in Groton, Conn. It foresaw a promising and
profitable future in the surface ship field,
and decided to distribute its eggs into two
baskets in a dual operation.
/t act out immediately on its new task,
alerting from scratch. It had bought only
the physical plant: 175 acres and 89 build-
ings, 4 outfitting piers, a 10,000-ton float-
ing drydock and 3 building basins.
First, General Dynamics closed the ship-
yard, severing all ties with the former parent.
Then it gave it a new name?the Quir.dY
Shipyard.
Forty keymen were brought up from Gro-
ton to assess the yard and start it moving
Laney still vividly recalls the hollow beat
of the footsteps of these men and some 50
maintenance and security men on macadam
and concrete as they walked through the
deserted yard during its 6-week shutdown
and reorganizational period.
Hiring for the new shipyard began in late
January 1964. Some 4,000 persons showed
up at the State employment office in Quincy
that first day, the long line stretching down
Parkway.
By mid-February, the first 200 new eel-
ployees walked through the gate on East
:toward Street and the yard began to conic
;dive again.
First order of business was cleaning and
'i- habilitating machinery and tools which.
had been idle for weeks and even years, and
redecorating the premises.
Some small production work was done on
rsid jobs around the yard, but it wasn't Un-
'it April when some 500 employees were on
,.h.e payroll that production really got un-
derway.
Quincy Shipyard had inherited from Beth.-
'ehem a $61.9 million contract to build two
Litelear attack submarines, the Whale and
Lhe Sunfish. The keel for the Whale was
id May 27, 1964. In addition, two nuclear
ettack subs, the Greenling and the Gate,
were towed up from the Groton facility into
I he Quincy building basins for lengthening.
The men in the yard began to feel the
i?hipyard stir.
Pour months later, in September. General
liynamics won a $65 million NASA contract
convert three world War II Navy re;
!I lleers into floating electronic islands for
; racking the Nation's astronauts on their
:ek to the moon. The bulk of the award
tr the Vanguard, the Redstone, and the Mer-
any went to the Quincy yard for hull struc-
eal work. Electronics and instrumentation
;f
being handled by two other G.D.
lIM
The future began to look brighter for
Guincy, but there were problems, too.
At is first birthday, in January 1965,
0.200 persons were on the yard's payroll. Hall'
the men in the yard were former Bethle-
I ran employees.
Since General Dynamics bought only the
peysical plant, the men began work without;
leelefit of a labor contract. From the start
they were disgruntled over pay and senior-
i ay.
The discontent erupted during contract,
negotiations and 3,000 production and cleri-
c:a workers walked off their jobs one day to
:etest lack of progress in negotiations.
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67600446R000400020010-5
AW, M amile,am
-raritiary 244itipied For FOGRATignEMLOWEL: EXGRANE67-BOCKNIRQ013100020010-5
from other parts of the United States, with
Sgt. Thomas W. Conrad from North Holly-
wood, who is in charge of our small group.
I am a resident of San Bernardino. I at-
tended school in San Bernardino all through
the years until I graduated from SBHS.
We read the Stars and Stripes newspaper
daily, and we have all discussed with each
other our feelings toward all the demonstra-
tions going on all over the United states
about the war in Vietnam. I would like to
let you know our personal opinions and what
we think of it.
It seems that our real enemies are back
home?not here in Vietnam. I have read
about communism and have seen what it does
just by looking at these people here in Viet-
nam, plus the fact there are people trying
desperately to leave Communist worlds like
East Germany, Cuba, Red China, and so many
more.
Do these college students feel they know
more than these people who have actually
experienced the ways of communism?
We heard of the welcoming our marines
have been receiving as they arrive in the
United States from Vietnam. They (welcom-
ing group) called our marines murderers and
a lot of other dirty names, not getting any
gratitude for what they had been through.
I'd like to see every one of those punks
drafted, but I'd hate to see them be in the
U.S. Marine Corps. But if they ever did come
into this outfit, I guarantee you this, the
Marine Corps would square them away?and
mighty fast.
I'm glad the real "citizens" of the United
States are on our side, and are giving us
their support in stopping communism from
spreading.
This letter is not intended to criticize all
the people of the United States?not by a
long shot. Only those few who have the
shoes that fit.
Mr. Truman's Gloom
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. THADDEUS J. DULSKI
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, the recent
comments made by our former President
on the state of the world are sad but true.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
wish to include a fine editorial which ap-
peared in the Evening Star, Washington,
D.C., on January 27:
M. TRUMAN'S GLOOM
Out in his hometown of Independence,
Harry Truman the other day made some very
poignant remarks about the state of the
world as it has become since his own active
efforts ceased.
Surveying things as they are and compar-
ing them with things as they were in his ad-
ministration, the former President said sadly,
"It all seems to have been in vain. Memories
are short and appetites for power and glory
are insatiable. Old tyrants depart. New ones
take their places. Old differences are com-
posed. New differences arise. Old allies be-
come the foe. The recent enemy becomes the
friend. It's all very baffling and trying."
It is very baffling and trying. Almost every
sentence in Mr. Truman's elegy is an accurate
statement of events In the world during and
since his administration. Except one: the
first. It has not been in vain.
Americans generally fought through World
War II with an expectation of permanent
peace to follow victory. It was a great
wrench to see Soviet Russia, our ally, arise as
a new threat to peace. Mr. Truman boldly
and decisively met that threat in Greece, in
Persia, and elsewhere. He met it, too, by
the economic aid which restored Europe to
health and made communism an ideological
curiosity in the West rather than a possible
alternative.
And then, yet another tyrant and new
difference arose in the East. Again, in Korea,
Mr. Truman met this new threat with deter-
mined resistance. He established a line and
the line has held.
The international relations of the United
States in the years since World War II have
been infinitely complicated and give promise
only of further complexity. But peace of
a sort has been preserved. The line has been
held.
The nature of life itself is to have one new
peril swifty replace an old one contained.
Mr. Truman did what had to be done, and
deserves freedom from sad second thoughts
in his twlight years.
Dr. William B. Edwards
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM E. MINSHALL
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. MINSHALL. Mr. Speaker, Lake-
wood, Ohio, which I represent, was
shocked and saddened Monday by the
unexpected, untimely death of Dr. Wil-
liam B. Edwards, nationally known edu-
cator and the superintendent of our
Lakewood school system since 1955.
Lakewood's young people are the finest
memorial Dr. Edwards could have to his
Intense concern for quality education.
His standards were the highest and the
city's schools reflect those standards in
outstanding curriculum and student
scholarship. In all his striving for aca-
demic excellence, he never lost the hu-
man touch which endeared him to those
who knew him.
Dr. Edwards was unsparing of himself
in his community interests. He was a
member of the Lakewood Chamber of
Commerce and Rotary Club, past presi-
dent of the South Euclid Kiwanis Club,
president of the executive council of the
Greater Cleveland Chapter of the Boy
Scouts and a member of the American
Association of School Administrators,
National Education Association, and the
Horace Mann League.
The Cleveland Press and Plain Dealer
have paid high editorial tribute to Dr..
Edwards' achievements in the decade he
served the Greater Cleveland area.
The editorials follow:
[From the Cleveland (Ohio) Press,
Jan. 31, 1966]
WILLIAM B. EDWARDS
The death this morning of William B.
Edwards, Lakewood's superintendent of
schools, removes from the scene one of this
area's ablest, hardest working, and most dis-
tinguished educators.
Edwards, 56, took over the Lakewood job
in 1955. At that time Omar Ranney, late
press staffer who was on the Lakewood School
A461
Board, said: "We feel we have obtained one
of the Nation's top school administrators."
Today Ranney's son Phil, who is himself
on the school board, said of Edwards: "What
made him such an excellent superintendent
was the fact that he didn't get bogged down
in details to the extent that he forgot that
the main thing he was dealing in was boys
and girls."
Edwards came to Lakewood after heading
the school systems in South Euclid-Lynd-
hurst and later in Peoria, Ill. He was known
for his leadership In civic affairs on a county-
wide basis and vigorously fought for school
levies against often-determined opposition.
Edwards was gregarious, articulate, and
likeable. His enthusiasm for his work and
his keen concern that boys and girls get the
best education possible made him a truly
outstanding educator.
His concern for education took many forms.
He was quick to offer Lakewood's facilities for
Ohio branch colleges in 1951. And just re-
cently he instituted a course of Afro-Asian
studies in the suburb's schools because he
thought youngsters need to know about cul-
tures other than those of the Western World.
There are not many William B. Edwardses.
He will be sorely missed.
[From the Cleveland (Ohio) Plain Dealer,
Feb. 1, 19661
D. WILLIAM B. EDWARDS
Dr. William B. Edwards was a creative and
deeply devoted superintendent of Lakewood
schools for more than 10 years. His sudden
death at 56 is a severe blow to Lakewood
and to the entire metropolitan community.
All Greater Cleveland is indebted to Dr.
Edwards for the enthusiasm and diligence he
brought to his work with the Boy Scouts, the
Young Men's Christian Association, the Com-
munity Chest and such important cultural
activities as the Great Lakes Shakespeare
Festival, which he served for a time as presi-
dent.
The Lakewood school system will miss him
not only for his fine qualities as a man but
for the spirit of useful innovation and the
emphasis on excellence that marked his
decade in the superintendent's chair.
Dr. Edwards knew that no school system
could be better than its teachers. He there-
fore gave great attention to in-service train-
ing. And he devised and won school board
approval for a plan that gave Career teachers
summer pay every fifth year for university
study.
Lakewood schools were among the first in
the area to offer foreign languages in the fifth
grade of elementary school. They were
among the first to pursue "modern math."
Lakewood High School was the first in the
State to require driver training of all its
students and this too was a step inspired by
Dr. Edwards.
Dr. Edwards' life was one of immense use-
fulness in a field he loved. The community
will miss him.
The 1964 Income of Male Cold War
Veterans
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
under leave to extend my remarks, I in-
clude further statistics provided by the
Veterans' Administration on the 1964
money income of male cold war veterans:
Approved For Release 2005/06/29 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000400020010-5
A462
APProveffNawssivavoitwowliwgq9mR0004001Y40.14-py 2; 19(56
TI TILE 2.-11loney income in 1964 of male cold mar veteran families, by age of head, in the United Slates
fAge of veteran family head in March 1965)
in 1064
N 01.er (thousands)
lereent, by 111(1] II
1 lIter $500
$500 I 0 $999
$1 ,0011 to $1,409
$1,501) is $1,1619
.02,000 o $2,4119 .
112,300 to $2,990
$1,000 I 0 $3,499
:83,500 to 83,990
$1,000 to 84,449
$1?500 1.0 $4,9911
0,000 10 $5,199
115,500 I 0 $5,999 .
$6,000 to $6,409
$6,500 10 96,999
$7,000 to $1,990
$8,000 to $8,909
$95000 to $91599 ________ .
$1. 0,000 to 811,999 . -------
9)1,0(0) lo $14,999
$15,060 to $24,999,
1125,000 and over
All family heads
All 20 to
ages 24
1 2, 279
100. 0
5
. 4
1. 2
. 4
1.3
2. 4
3. 6
4, 7
5. 1
5. 1
7.9
7.0
S. (1
5. 5
11.5
10.3
'1.4
0. 0
4. 5
2. 8
.3
25 to
34
431) 1,751
100.9 101).))
1. 7
. 6
2.6
2.6
4.
6. 7
8. 6
5.1)
12. 2
8.8
7.1)
5.6
11.2
3.6
3. 7
4. 9
2.2
.6
2
.3
'S
5
1.0
1. 9
:3. 0
4. 2
5. 0
(60
7.0
7. 3
8.2
6. 6
11.))
12. 0
9. 8
3, 0
3.1
. :3
35 and
over
2 45
All 20 to
ages 24
1 2, 732 426
1.00. 0 1)3.01
.
.11 1_ 9
4 . 7
1.2 2.8
4
1.4 2.11
2.4 4.
3d) 0.5
5.1 1.9
12.2
7.5 8.1)
1110 8.0
5.)) 1.4
II.': 11,11
10:3 3. 7
7. 3 ! 3.2
9.0 ?5.2
4.2 1.2
.4
$6, 620 $5, 450 $7, 000 5)1,600 $5, 400
1 Includes cold war veterans under 20 years of age.
1 Ustribution and median not shown wile)) base is less than 100,000.
Falily heads with wife present
11
Wife with earning.;
Wife with no earnit g
25 10 35, and
A I I
20 to
25 to
35 and
All
20 I 0
25 to ::
34
over
an s
24
34
over
ages
24
34
1, i 73
243
11, I)5
257
836
218
11.137
169
937
100. 0
1))). 0
100. 0
100. ()
100. 0
100 ()
100.1) .
1.5
4.4
.2
.3
. 2
. 3
.7
1.7
.3 _
.11.5
1.0
.
1.4
4.4
1,
? -
-
.1''
1 1
I 11
0.8
1.0
.
1. 6
3.9
9.0 _
.
i .9
_
_
2. 6
1.1)
2.11
6.6
2.0 _
3.1
'. 1
2.9
2.))
5.1
12.7
3.9
4. 3
:6. 1
2. 6
3. 4
fi. 2
02.7
6. 1 .
5.0
".7
10.9
5.3
4.7
5.5
4.7
4,9
s. 7
3.0
3.7
6.4
11.4
6.0
7.1
i. 3
14. 9
6. 5
7.11
8. 3
7. 6 .
7.2
-.1)
10.2
6.0
8.1
7.2
8.4
8.1
11 5
9.4
5.7
9.4
6.1
10.2
5.6
3.6
1.7
5.1)
8.3
5.5
11.7
H 7
14.2
11.0
11.5
7.2
12.3
11.1)
6.2
13.6
8.9
10.5
5.4
9.7
5.7
6.8
9.8
11.4;
7.3
11.4
7.6
1.0
8.4
4. 9
'I 9
1.8
7.1
2.5
7.9
3. 1
:1 6
1. 1
4. 3
1.0
2. 1
.3
.2
.2
.5---------4
$70110
$7120
$5,950
$7,600
$6,220
$4,310
$6,450
Com 'uteri from I nrotmded data, and rounded to the nearest $10.
NoTE.-- Rounds te 4ero.
5 and
over
1 27
TA OLE y income in 19(11 of male cold war veteran 'unrelated individuals an.' of cold was' veterans living in a relative's fatally,
by aye, in the United Mates
In March 111651
in 1064
NI nether I to usai Ms)
-------------
1ercent , by 1111-)111,`
1 ft Hier $500
$500 to $999
$1,000 to $1,499 _ _
$1.,.500 to 91.909
92,000 to $2,409 ____ _
$7,500 to $2.1619- - - -
$3,0011 to $3.499 _ _ _ _ _
83,500 to 83,999
$4,000 to $4,499- - -
:14,500 to $4,999.................
:$5,000 to $5.499. _
$5,500 to 95,999
721,1)11)11.1) $6,499. - -
16,500 to 96.999
$7,1110 to $1,999
$8,000 to 88,099_ - -
$9,000 to $11,999_ _ _ _
$1(1,000 to $1 1,999_ .
$12,000 to 914,999 - - -
$ 000 to 921,9119- - - ? - - - - - ?
$23,000..,a01 over..,..
\?11,11.111,..__ ? _ _
tllagos ,
1 840
100. 0
12.1)
5. 9
9. 9
8. 7
10.4
7.1
4.3
.1.)
6.
b. 5
4.5
3. 1
4.6
1.51
3.0
1 7
$2, 420
I If 1011111.5 C01(1 5010 0l'I1 01(Il5 under 20 years or age.
lstril 011.5011 alld II c,lian riot shown w hen basc is 005 I ltnn 100,C0C.
;f pini?CE AND ItEt.I.A1,11,1TY WA THE ESTIMATES
.;ource of du la: Information about the
11),74 ineome 01 male civilian noninstitu-
(-Annul cold war veterans in the United States
was derived from the Bureau of the Census
HIS) died .Plebruary-Nlarch 1965 Current Pop-
111.1 non Survey :aniple of approximately 25,-
000 households. The family relationship
ta were obtained for families headed by
..1:!171.1C cold war veterans, for cold war veterans
living alone or with nonrelatives, and for
mid war veterans living in the family of a
relative. The work experience data were
collected for year-round, fun-time workers,
part-year and/Ir part-time workers, and for
nonworkers. The income-family relation-
ves of family held
Unrelated individuals
20 to 24
465
25 to 34
;28
35 am I over
26
All ages
20 to 24
25 to 34
35 and
1 208
2 77
127
101 0
1011.0
___ - -- -
100.0
__ _
14.5
5.5
1.0
1.3
11.7
fi. 4
3.4
13.3
i. 9
3.1
9.9
8.5
6.7
3.8
14.5
II. 5
4.3
1.9
9.11
4. 3
5.3
3,2
4.))
4,7
8.2
6.3
3.8
1112
7.2
5.7
7.8
4.3
9,6
9.4
3.2
(1.1)
8.6
8.2
3.8
0))
'.7
3.9
2.9
8.6
3.1
1.6
9.2
5.3
(113
.6
li. 8
4.8
7.6
1.0
5. 9-------------11.1
06.1
.) _
4,3,5.0
.7
1.1)
1.3
L2 .
2.9
1.0
.
.7
1.9
_
3.1
_
$2,060
$3. 900
$4, 040
95,790
Coo poled Iron or uroun led data., and rounded to the nearest $10.
oun ds zero.
ship and, the income-work experienc dis-
tributions by age were applied to the inde-
pendent VA estimates by age of the male
civilian noninstitutional cold war vateran
population in the United States to ch?velop
the data presented in this rep-art. Alt,,ough
income and work experience data are ta the
year 1964, the age and family relationship
refers to March 1965. (For details of. the
survey see Consumer Income. Current Pop-
ulation Reports Series P--60, No. 47, Sept.
24, 1965, U.S. Bureau of the Census, 'Nash-
ington, D.C.)
Money income was the sum of money
wages and salaries, net money income from
self-employment, and money income other
ver
than earnings such as social security, vete-
rans' payments, interest and dividends. an-
nuities, etc. The income of families (table
2) was the amount received by all mem-
bers of the family. The income by work
experience (table 1), and the income of
cold war veteran relatives of the head and
cold war veteran unrelated individuals
(table 3) was that received by the veteran
alone. All fLmilies includes family groups
In which the cold war veteran was married
(wife present or absent), or he was widowed,
divorced, or never married, but still the head
of a family. Husband-wife families are only
those in which the cold war veteran was
married and his wife was present.
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February 2, PlitWpvedForftireatENWRIela9RgebilPP-67FeRALIgimp400020010-5
jean citizens, I oppose the violence and
extremism that has been characteristic
of the activities of the Ku Klux Klan
just as I resist the conspiratorial efforts
of the far left. The issue before us in
the recommital motion presented by my
Republican colleague from Massachu-
setts, the Honorable SILVIO CONTE, repre-
sents an effort to improve and make more
fair the .contempt proceedings of the
House of Representatives as these pro-
cedures will apply to all parties falling
within the jurisdiction of this House.
Pure and Simple Juggling in Budget
Preparation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH HARVEY
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Mr. Speak-
er, under unanimous consent, I wish to
insert the following article from the Fort
Lauderdale, Fla., News of January 25,
1966:
PURE AND SIMPLE JUGGLING IS THE PRIMARY
TALENT IN BUDGET PREPARATION
(By Jack W. Gore)
In attempting to analyze President John-
son's new budget, there are several points
which must be kept well in mind before any
firm conclusions can be drawn.
To begin with, it must be recognized that
Federal budgetmaking can hardly be termed
an exact science. At best, even the most
conscientious budgetmakers can only come
up with educated guesses in regard to Gov-
ernment income and expenditures, as they
can no more foretell the course of future
events than anybody else.
It should also be remembered that the
budget presented to Congress by the Presi-
dent yesterday covers a fiscal year that
doesn't start until next July 1 and doesn't
end until June 30 of 1967. Thus, any num-
ber of things can happen over the next 18
months to alter just about everything in
this massive estimate of Government revenue
and Government spending.
Another point to remember is that figures
can be juggled around to prove most any-
thing any President or his advisers want to
prove. Revenues can be overestimated and
expenses underestimated in such a fashion
as to make it appear the Government is only
going to operate on a minor deficit level
when just the opposite situation is almost
certain to prove true.
To emphasize this fact it is only necessary
to note that President Johnson asked the
Congress just a few days ago for some $12
billion more than had originally been re-
quested in his current budget to meet the
soaring costs of the war in Vietnam. Much
of this extra money will not be used during
the current budget year, but by requesting
the funds now Mr. Johnson has been able to
reduce next year's military budget suffi-
ciently to brag about the small deficit his
new budget predicts.
This is bookkeeping juggling pure and
simple, yet by resorting to this sort of thing
Mr. Johnson hopes to persuade the Congress
that this Nation can well afford not only to
fight a very costly war but also to greatly in-
crease the amount of money he wishes to
pour into the expansion of his Great Society
program.
The President is also hoping to achieve an-
other objective through his figure juggling
techniques. The prospect of just a small
budget deficit in the upcoming fiscal year is
nowhere near as frightening from an infla-
tionary standpoint as a great big deficit
would be.
And since the President has declared war
on inflation, he hardly wants to put himself
in a position of advocating such a tremen-
dous budget deficit next year as to give pow-
erful impetus to the inflationary cycle that
has already started.
In this respect it must be noted that Mr.
Johnson has carefully prepared an escape
hatch for himself should his present esti-
mates of spending an revenue prove to be
highly unrealistic. He has stated that
should higher expenditures become neces-
sary to carry on the war in Vietnam, or should
a strong inflationary trend develop, he will
not hesitate to ask Congress for additional
money or to seek higher taxes.
Thus, the President hasn't put himself so
far out on a limb with his new budget he
can't crawl back to safety should it start to
snap. If the figure juggling he has done
backfires on him later in the year, he can
then ask for more money and higher taxes
and still say it is in line with what he said
he would do when he presented the budget
to Congress.
In the meantime he can claim credit for
coming up with an almost balanced budget
without sacrificing either guns or butter. The
fact that this accomplishment was made pos-
sible through such sleight-of-hand practices
as speeding up tax payments to provide the
Government with an additional $4.5 billion
in revenue without actually raising taxes will
largely be overlooked for the present as most
people tend to look at results instead of how
such results are to be accomplished.
President Johnson has never been one to
give the American people bad news in one big
jolt. He likes to parcel it out a little at a
time in the manner he has done in regard
to the Vietnam conflict. Last summer, it will
be recalled, he permitted all kinds of stories
to circulate about how he was preparing to
declare a national emergency, call up the re-
serves, and greatly increase the draft call in
order to meet our added commitments to
Vietnam. Thus, when he took to the air-
waves to announce that a troop buildup had
become necessary but that it wouldn't yet
require the declaration of a national emer-
gency, calling up the reserves, or greatly in-
creasing the draft call, the collective sighs of
relief from our people just about obliterated
the full significance of what the announced
troop buildup would eventually demand in
the way of extra money, extra manpower, and
added risk.
Now the President is using the same soft-
sell techniques with his new budget. By
juggling figures, postponing tax cuts and
creating the impression we can fight a war
and still pour more money into the Great
Society, he glosses over the bad news in his
budget which is reflected in the fact that
even the President cannot say he won't have
to come back later and ask for new taxes to
cover the profligate spending he has asked
the Congress to approve.
South ietnam and Social Reform
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JACOB H. GILBERT
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. GILBERT. Mr. Speaker, I fear
that in our preoccupation with the mili-
' A473
tary aspects of the war in Vietnam, we
have forgotten that we are dealing with
what is essentially a revolutionary situ-
ation. The New York Post, in a percep-
tive editorial based on the experiences
of one of its writers in the field, reminds
us of the deep discontent that has made
the Vietnamese people vulnerable to the
penetration of the Vietcong. I commend
this editorial to my colleagues and ask
unanimous consent for permission to in-
sert it into the RECORD.
[From the New York Post, Jan. 28, 1966]
FROM OTJR MAN IN SAIGON
Post Columnist Pete Hamill's dispatches
from Vietnam have given us all a more con-
crete and human understanding of somber
Vietnamese realities.
His report yesterday brought into sharp
focus the underlying frustration of the U.S.
effort in Vietnam. Hamill's account of the
Vietcong doctor who defected to the south
only to discover that General Ky's officialdom
will not permit him to practice medicine in
an area starved for medical services led
Hamill to a grim conclusion about South
Vietnam's bureaucracy. It is a dreary lot
and "we find ourselves as a nation defending
the status quo in a situation that begs for
revolution."
Hamill added: "In a country that is 90
percent agricultural, where 45 percent of the
land is owned by 2 percent of the people,
neither we nor our allies will ever whisper
the words 'agrarian reform.'" Why?
U.S. spokesmen speak of "aggression from
the north." Certainly Hanoi has fueled and
fanned the flames of discontent in the south.
But they may become a raging bonfire be-
cause of the inability or unwillingness of
the privileged thin crust ruling Saigon to
accept the view that governments exist for
the benefit of their people. And this may
be the heart of the problem we confront?
larger than any debate over strategic military
moves.
Federal Tax Plan Would Erode State
Powers
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, January 19, 1966
Mr. SIXES. Mr. Speaker, I submit
for reprinting in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, an editorial from the Florida
Times-Union, on the subject of proposed
uniform tax systems set forth in H.R.
11798, entitled "Federal Tax Plans Will
'Erode State Powers." The editorial
gives a clear, but disturbing picture of
the effect of the proposed legislation in
Florida and elsewhere. In this connec-
tion, attention is called to the fact that
Florida State Comptroller Fred 0. Dick-
inson, Jr., appeared Wednesday, Febru-
ary 2, before a House Judiciary Subcom-
mittee in opposition to the measure.
The editorial follows:
FEDERAL TAX PLAN WOULD ERODE STATE
POWERS
The appearance of Florida's two top offi-
cials in the field of finance and taxation
as protesting witnesses as congressional
hearings tomorrow on a proposed uniform
taxation system bears testimony to the justi-
fiable concern with which Florida authori-
ties view the scheme.
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State Comptroller Fred 0. Dickinson, Jr.,
will appear as spokesman for the State gov-
ernment, and will be accompanied in his
presentation by State Revenue Commission
Director J. Ed Straughn.
the bill purports to eliminate multiple
taxation on businesses operating in several
States by setting up a system requiring such
farms to tile a single report with the Federal
Government, an the basis of which States
concerned would collect taxes due.
In attempting to relieve a relatively small
problem, however, the proposal would im-
pose new and far more restrictive limitations
on The taxing pover of the States beyond
those now accepted by the courts. It would
make mandatory sweeping changes in State
tax policies and practices, which officials esti-
mate would cost Florida taxpayers about $72
million a year. Finally, the bill is viewed
with alexin by btate officials as a further in-
trusion of Federal power into State affairs
winch would lead to the ultimate destruc-
tion of State fineal sovereignty through urn-
position of Federal controls.
Wider the bbl, for example, States would
he prohibited from imposing income taxes,
capital stock taxes, and gross receipt taxes
on out-of-State businesses operating within
their borders unless their legislatures
adopted the uniform tax system set up under
it.
kovernor Burns and the full cabinet have
formally gone on record in opposition to
the proposal, as has the interim State tax
study commission headed by Senator B. C.
Pearce, of Palatka.
The proposal is another notable example,
of using some ostensibly desirable reform.
as an appealing front to accomplish a pur-
pose winch the public would never willingly
accept if advanced forthrightly.
If the present system for collecting State
raises on out-of-State businesses imposes un-
due hardships on such businesses, it should.
be relatively simple to provide relief without;
wrecking the system and imposing shackles
on the States in the process. The provisions
oli the bill which extend beyond that stated
purpose, however, support the strong suspi-
cion that its real purpose is not to eliminate
inconvenience so a limited number of busi-
nOSSeS, but to drive another deep wedge to
separate the States from the administration.
of their own affairs.
Message of Confidence
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
1,
HON. BOB CASEY
I' '11.550
JN TIDE HOt thE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday. February 2. 1966
Mr, CASEY. Mr. Speaker, the entire
country was reassured when its President
expressed his view that this Nation and
its people are st,iing enough to meet our
commitments abroad and face up to our
obligations at home at the same time.
To his state of the Union speech, Presi-
dent Johnson made an expression of con-
fidence of the ability of this Nation.
The President said, quite simply:
believe we can continue the Great So-
ciety while we tight in Vietnam.
:The SAW() 01 his domestic proposals
was startling-, the Houston Chronicle
stated editorially.
The cditorial, one of many in praise of
the state of the Union message, will be of
interest to my colleagues, and I offer it
for the RECORD.
THE STATE OF THE UNION
President Johnson was eloquent :M. his
state of the Union address last night although
he offered the Nation no surprises in IT; as-
sessment of the war in Vietnam. OA the
domestic front, however, the sweep of his
proposals was startling. He tias askee Con-
gress for enough new legislal ion to keep its
second session almost as busy as wes the
frantic first session. Those 'who exp.:steel a
letup in the Great Society were put St aught
ibmost from the moment the .President aegan
to speak.
This -was Mr johrson's first full-sc. l ; tele-
vision address since early Oetober. he ap-
peared healthy and physically up ea the
I)3casion. His face seems d. meire deep]: lined
than usual perhaps. His demeanor yea; en-
thusiastic when he spoke of his chonestic
program; seiber end measured when he spoke
of Vietnam.
The Nation, perhaps, had hoped Mr .tohn-
son could reveal some dramatic new de velop-
ment in the Vietnam conflict. In that sense,
his words were disappointing, for ....Marty
nothing new has occurred since the Origin-
ning of his peace offensive to slustife high
hopes for a negotiated settlement. 1,1stead,
tem President reiterated the now femiliar
'C'S. at as soon as possiblii, but
peace only after aggression is halted.
"Let me be :absolutely clear," he add in
one of his most dramatic passages. "The
days may become months, and the months
may become years, but we will stay as long as
aggression commands us to battle."
Mr. Johnson clearly has rejected the guns-
or-butter choice which many have said has
been forced on the country.
"We will not permit those who fire on us
in Vietnam to win a victory over the desires
and intentions; of the American people. This
Nation is mighty enough?its society bealthy
enough?its people strong enough?to pursue
cur goals in the rest of the world while build-
ing a Great Society at home."
Few had expected the President U.; be so
ambitious in his request of Congress. In the
hold ol: civil rights, he was especially bold.
fie asked legislation to end discrimination
in jury selection?a highly controversial
issue; new laws to punish in Federal courts
those who murder, attack,, or intirnida: civil
rights workers; new legislati:;in to bar racial
eliscrimination in the sale or rental oi hous-
ing. There will be a battle, Curdle, over
hese measures.
He asked, also, for a new Cabinet-le eel De-
pertinent of Transportation; for 4-yea s terms
or Members of the House of itepreseni "'Lives;
for development of a supersonic to
airplan.e to ily three times the speed of
sound; for new measures to tteal with iitrikes
winch threaten the national interesieethis,
incidentally, to considerable applaure from
Congress; for a new attack on river and
it pollution; for Federal highwai, safety
legislation; and on and on.
Jul the foreign field, the President eitiks a
much needed "new and daring direct au" to
the foreign aid program and also an :ixpan-
elan ol trade between this 'Nation ane East-
ern E?tirope slid the Soviet Unio,;. The
former will he welcomed, no doubt, Mit the
latter will make the sparks lily.
And so will Mr. Joh:neon:it proposal to in-
erease taxes on telephone service tied new
eiirs----cid just 2 weeks ago. That eirease
would help finance the risine cost of tie: war,
hut it is evident that Mr. Johnson Sas no
desire for widescale tax is this
election year. He expects Dui Federal a eidget
to rise to $112.5 highesl ever?
.
DIAL he intends to hold the deficit Di a slim
$1.8 billion. If he can do this, he v. ii sur-
prise many doubting Thomisee.
In sum, it was an ambitious, ;citing
domeseic program which the Preside e I out-
lined, and a restrained, Liough siberight-
forward appraisal of the fubare in V
Bombs and Resolutions
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
or NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, Presi-
dent Johnson has made the only possible
choice in resuming the bombing of North
Vietnam. The United States pursued
every honorable means during the bomb-
ing lull in an effort to secure a cease-tire
and the negotiation of a peaceful settle-
ment.
We were answered with denunciations
instead of negotiations.
As pointed out in the following edi-
torial from the New York Herald Tribune
of February 1? 1966, President Johnson
has coupled the resumption of bombing
raids with a further effort toward peace.
I know his efforts will continue.
I commend the Tribune editorial to the
attention of our colleagues:
BOMBS AND RESOLUTIONS
In announcing the resumption of bomb-
ing attacks on North Vietnam, President
Johnson made it plain that this was the re-
sult of the considered judgment of the re-
sponsible military and political agencies oh
the American government. And that Judg-
ment can only be seriously contested on.
the assumption that the United Stales has
no business in Vietnam at all.
For the bombing pause failed to produce
any hint from Hanoi that it was willing -to
sit down :it the conference table. It not only
continued to insist on acceptance of its; orig-
inal four points (which would mean total.
victory for the Vietcong) but has added, as
the British Foreign Office terms it, "a new
and even more unacceptable prior condi-
tion"?recognition of the Vietcong as. "the
sole genuine representative of the people of
South Vietnam."
Since Ho Chi Minh insists on war or stir-
render, he must have war. No American can
feel happy at being presented with this
choice. But since it has been made so
abundantly clear by the rejection of Presi-
dent Johnson's peace overtures, few Ameri-
cans would want to endanger the lives of
their men in Vietnam by a continued with-
holding of the means to strike at North
Vietnamese supply routes, or allow lio to
work his wicked will from sanctuary.
At the same time, the United States is
fighting this war to end it, and the Presicienv
has given renewed evidence of American de-
termination in this respect by taking the
case formally to the United Nations.
'This has not been done before for several
reasons. In the first place, the only inter-
national body which had been seized oi
Vietnamese dispute was the Geneva cooler -
emcee of 1954. That body could be etealled
to discuss the problem; the British Govern -
ment, as one co-chairman, has been teeing
to do so. The Soviet 'Union, the oilier -
chairman. has refused.
There ik also the fact kil:a neither North
Vietnam nor Red China, the power priatIliog
Ho Chi Minh toward continued war, is a
member of the U.N., and both have repelitecliv
and explicitly denied that the U.N. has tin',
role to play in their atfaire.
The American resolution, howeveis does
not set forth specific terms for a settlemeo
or even outline, fixed steps toward a :iiettle-
ment which would almost certainly have
brought immediate rejection by :Hanoi.
Rather, the American proposal would place
the Security Council officially in hack of .1
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A456 Approved For ReleamMingbgAt-IWAVA449ffilkOAR9N0010-5 February 2, 1966
According to an editorial which ap-
peared in yesterday's Wall Street Jour-
nal, Secretary Freeman is wrestling with
the problem of a huge surplus of bu-
reaucratic paper created by his own De-
partment. It consists of 155,000 filing
cabinets, valued at more than $7 million
and occupying about 18 acres of floor
space. They contain "almost a million
cubic feet of paper records" and, to say
the least, "that is a lot of paper."
We do not know just how Secretary
Freeman proposes to reduce this paper
surplus. We are constrained to express
the hope that it will not be done in some
highly involved bureaucratic manner,
that so typifies the Agriculture Depart-
ment's operations, necessitating an in-
crease in the number of employees.
There is already a surplus of em-
ployees with the Agriculture Depart-
ment. They presently have 1 employee
for every 32 farmers, whereas in 1933
there was 1 for every 203 farmers. I
suppose we will now have a new division
created in the Agriculture Department
to dispose of the surplus paper records
created by a surplus of employees.
Under leave to extend my remarks I
am inserting the Wall Street Journal
editorial:
EIGHTEEN ACRES OF PAPER
Announcing plans for what he calls a
"cleansweep" campaign, Agriculture Secre-
? tary Freeman has disclosed that the farmers
are not the only people who can produce
surpluses. It seems the Agriculture Depart-
ment has been creating a rather remarkable
surplus of its own.
The targets of "cleansweep," says Mr. Free-
man, are 155,000 Agriculture Department fil-
ing cabinets. The cabinets themselves are
valued at more than $7 million. They occupy
'778,000 square feet of floor space, which is
equal to about 18 acres. And they contain
almost a million cubic feet of paper records.
That is a lot of paper, and evidently a good
bit of it is excess, for the object of the cam-
paign is to eliminate 20 percent of the total.
We don't know exactly how the Depart-
ment proposes to go about getting rid of its
glut, but it's interesting to speculate that the
agency might apply procedures it uses else-
where. It might, for example, assign each
of its many divisions a paper-acreage allot-
ment and penalize those that exceed it. Or
the Department might try direct payments to
division chiefs who hold down their paper
generation.
Perhaps such schemes might succeed. But
given the usual bureaucratic ingenuity in
paper production, they might not work any
better in the files than they have on the
farm.
Why the Reserves?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, it is
certainly difficult to get all the facts con-
cerning our situation in South Vietnam,
but one fact is more than evident and
that is that the enemy has greatly
strengthened its position during the ces-
sation of bombing by resupplying, re-
grouping, and bringing in additional
materiel which they could do without
molestation.
This view is set forth in Joseph Alsop's
column published in the Washington
Post on February 2. Since he is on the
ground in Saigon, his advice and report
on the situation are all the more im-
portant.
His column follows:
WHY THE RESERVES?
(By Joseph Alsop)
Ssmon.?The reasons the President ought
to be getting ready to call up the Reserves
for the Vietnamese war are grimly simple.
There are between 12 and 20 reasons already,
and some more are probably on the way.
In brief, this country has now been in-
vaded by a rock-bottom minimum of 12
North Vietnamese regular regiments, or the
equivalent of 4 divisions of the North Viet-
namese Army. This is not the official order
of battle figure, to be sure, for that figure,
so comforting to people in Washington, is
generally about 14 months behind the harsh
truth.
An invasion on a minimum scale of four
division equivalents is the reading of much
hard evidence by the Americans here who
have been most nearly right in the past.
There is a great deal of evidence, further-
more, not absolutely decisive but alarmingly
persuasive, that the real total of invading
North Vietnamese has now reached 15 regi-
ments or 5 division' equivalents.
Nor is that all. There is some evidence
for the even higher total of 20 invading regi-
ments, or close to 7 division equivalents
of North Vietnamese. These last indications
are pretty shadowy, as yet, but they deserve
to be noted and weighed all the same.
In comparable situations in the past, un-
fortunately, the absolute maximum guess of
the dimensions of the enemy buildup has
usually, in the end, proved to be the correct
guess. Furthermore, these acutely disturb-
ing estimates of enemy strength "in coun-
try," as they say out here, are not the whole
story, either.
Just north of the 17th parallel, on the very
edge of the demilitarized zone, at least one
additional North Vietnamese division is now
in position. And if a second division has
not moved up already, as seems most likely,
It is quite certainly on the way and nearly
in position. It may be added that the North
Vietnamese have regularly been sending
troops and cadres across the western end of
the allegedly demilitarized zone for some
time past.
Finally, the North Vietnamese have taken
frenzied advantage of the bombing pause to
accumulate very large forward stocks of mili-
tary supplies on the border of the demili-
tarized zone. In this respect, the pause has
een a golden boon to the enemy. Previ-
ously, there was no transport for such a
buildup, since the most southerly provinces
of North Vietnam had been under contin-
uous attack for 8 full months.
When and if these consequences of the
long pause hit the Marines at Phu Bat with
painful force, as seems all too possible, it
will be interesting to hear their reactions.
Perhaps they will send a little round robin,
beginning: "Thank you, Mr. President; thank
you, Senator MANSFIELD and Senator Fun-
BRIGHT; thank you, dear editors and analysts
who have never set foot in Asia."
Such are the facts. They may be denied
in Washington or even, on instruction, in
Saigon, as such unpleasant facts have been
denied in the past. But denials will not
make them unfacts.
These are the facts, it should first be
noted, primarily because the North Viet-
namese Communist Government not merely
called the reserves to the colors but also
ordered general mobilization some time ago.
Premobilization, the entire North Vietnam-
ese Army consisted of only five divisions,
plus enough independent brigades and regi-
ments to equal a bit more than five addi-
tional divisions.
Two of the original divisions, the 325th
and the 308th, were sent South in tact when
the decision was taken to invade South
Vietnam with regular units. Since then,
the units remaining in North Vietnam have
been rather rapidly giving off additional
regiments to join the southern invasion.
Thus the army in the North approximately
retains its original strength, less two divi-
sions.
The meaning of these facts is also all too
plain. The people who think the President
has an option to keep this war cozily un-
combative are talking through their hats.
The enemy has been rapidly escalating,
to use these peoples' favorite word. Since
there is .no evidence that the North Viet-
namese leaders are insane, it has to be as-
sumed that the aim of this heavy and in-
creasing invasion of South Vietnam by
Communist regular units is, quite simply, to
win control of South Vietnam by naked
force of arms.
Thus far, the invasion has had no openly
dramatic consequences, mainly because of a
brilliant series of spoiling attacks mounted
by General Westmoreland. But since the
enemy's purpose is so abundantly plain, and
since his buildup is so ominously heavy,
President Johnson has only two options.
He can get ready to retreat and to surrender.
Or he can get ready to fight in earnest, in
which case he has a clear duty to call up
the Reserves.
Men Against the Wall
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ANDREW JACOBS, JR.
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2,1966
Mr. JACOBS. Mr. Speaker, this edi-
torial from the Indianapolis Star of Jan-
uary 30, 1966, speaks well for itself.
I intend to introduce legislation re-
quiring the Internal Revenue Service to
grant to a delinquent taxpayer, against
whose income levy is being made, an ex-
emption to meet the indispensable needs
to maintain life.
I do not believe any tax delinquent
should, at the sufferance of the Govern-
ment, drink champagne and play the
ponies.
But, neither should he be denied daily
bread. Those serving life prison terms
are treated better than that.
MEN AGAINST THE WALL
Both the Federal and State laws making it
possible to confiscate entire paychecks or
seize all of a person's assets to collect over-
due taxes are harsh and unreasonable. They
are due for drastic revision.
The suicide of a 24-year-old auto plant
worker with a wife and child, whose pay was
confiscated by State authorities to satisfy
tax bills, brings an evil situation into sharp
focus.
It cannot be shrugged off justifiably with a
cavalier excuse that taxpayers who go deeply
into debt and are unable to meet their obli-
gations on time simply got themselves into
the fix and so deserved to be punished.
This is not to say that taxes should not be
collected or that anyone obligated to pay
them should not be forced by law to do so.
Nor is it to say that solvency and fiscal re-
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1966
firsthand of the accomplishments and
needs of resource development through-
out the area.
I wish to salute those farmers arid
ranchers in Kansas who make many
sacrifices to serve as soil conservation
district directors and to express the
thanks of generations yet unborn to
those who cooperate with the district in
tacking the proper use and development
of our rich resources of soil and water.
What these farmers and ranchers do
in establishing conservation measures on
their land beneflts all landowners and
operators.
The 15 counties in the Second District
of Kansas are completely covered by soil
conservation districts. District coopera-
tors number 15,021 and own and operate
more than 3.6 million acres of land.
They have installed about 34,000 miles
of terracing, 10,000 farm ponds, 80,090
acres of grassed waterways. They have
put 855,000 acres of range to proper use
and converted 44,000 acres of cropland
to grassland.
In addition, the local districts are ex-
tremely active in small watershed work
under Public Law 566. Construction has
been completed on two of the four proj-
ects approved for operations. These
projects not only halt destructive floods
but can also be developed for municipal
water supplies, recreation, and agricul-
tural water management.
Everyone within the water shed bene-
fits?rural and urban interests alike.
For example, in the recently completed
White Clay, Brewery, Whiskey Creeks
project, both rural and urban land is pro-
tected. Before the project was installed,
the city of Atchison stood in the shadow
of damaging floods. Yearly flood dam-
ages in the watershed averaged $260,000.
One disastrous flood in 1958 took three
Eves and caused damages in excess of $4
million.
Thanks to the new watershed project,
this should never happen again. Last
June, the project's effectiveness was
tested during a 3.6-inch downpour and
no damage occurred.
In addition to the four projects com-
pleted or under construction on 158,000
acres of land, six projects have been ap-
proved for planning assistance on 710,-
000 acres of land. There are an addi-
tional six applications on 378,000 acres
awaiting action.
These projects are local undertakings.
They are initiated and sponsored by local
people through their soil conservation
districts. I salute them for the work
they are doing in conserving and devel-
oping our land and water resources.
poverty and its effects can be marked
only loy area accomplizlunents.
Th e, Economic Opportunity Act is
founded on several significant purposes,
one of which is to provide programs
which will prepare our young people for
the responsibilities of citizenship. One
of the necessities of this preparation is
the evolvement of effective educational
backgrounds for our citizens. With this
neceEsity as its goal, the lighted school-
house project was undertaken in my
kome community of Rochester, N.Y.
I am pleased today to share a progress
report on this project with my collea-
Rues in Congress. The following article
iwaa published durine: adjournment in
the November 1965, issue of Greater
Rochester Commerce, the monthly pub-
lication of the Rochester Chamber of
Corn merce :
'I'TTF: LIGHTED ScHOr Ou SE PROJECT
111,i; lighted schoolhouse project, sponsored
by Action for a Better community, Inc., the
antipoverty agency of tile city of Rochester
aIld Monroe County, held what amounted to
a "crash program" in J. and August.
Nicholas R. Miiella, on loan from the city
school district, and Sister Jameretta, simi-
larly on loan from the Catholic diocesan
Nei Loci's, are codirectors of site lighted school-
lions, project. The Reverend William M.
1Loche. superintendent of schools for the
Catholic diocese, and flar Herman R. Gold-
berg, superintendent of -the Rochester public
schools, have given carte blanche invitations
to use the resources of their stairs and facili-
ties. Dr. Walter Cooper, Eastman Kodak Co.,
;mei Dr. Walter Lifton of the public school
aystem?both interim directors of ABC,
,Ine.?eneouraged and supported the- fledgling
projcct during the initial organizational
The directors think that the teachers who
received the nearly 1,000 boys and girls into
pit Mee and parochial schools this September
are li:nding the lighted schoolhouse students
"atti-indinally better" in these speciac ways.
(1 A greater feeling of security in his
eliiesroom--that school exists for him and
I,hit administrators and teachers are there
to serve him.
C21 That he has a more aggressive attitude
toward learning, for learning is an aggressive
process.
tOt That he is unafraid, for fear may be an
unsurmountable stumbling block to learning.
That he has acquired a feeling of self-
respect and worth as a person who can hope,
dream, and plan for a decent future as his
brother's equal.
15 , That he has caught on to the idea of
Involvement in school life, especially high
school students---as so many rind themselves
worked out to the periphery of all the school's
central activity. Once on the edge, these
eludents have pretty much reached the point
of U) return and the next step is to fade
iii I, of school altogether.
Mach center was stalled with a director, a
guidance counselor, a speech therapist, a
remedial reading teacher, a psychologist on
(alai, music and art teachers, and the teaching
sisal. to handle the basic instructional pro-
gram.
"r 'm 300 applicants for teaching routines,
70 well-qualified persons were selected. To
these about 25 volunteers, both professional
and. aonprofessional, were added. College and
high school students who were free to serve
in the summer program performed ably.
aegregate daily attemlance for the summer
totaled 23,591. The total cost of staffing all
centers this summer amountd to $39,609?
the oo8t per pupil for instructional staff for
weeks amounted to about $1.69 per day.
This low cost could not have been main-
tained if it had not been that nearly 5,000
1,11,111,0%
hours of contributed services were rendered
by volunteers. Cost for supplies aleeraged
about $2 per pupil for the entire sessicin.
Sister Jamesetta, SiS.J., codirector of the
lighted schoolhouse project, holds a Ph. D.
degree in educational psychology. She came
to the project from Nazareth Academy where
she was principal of this all-girl high school
of 1,500 studente.
Mr. Milella, Ii rifler principal of the Horace
Mann School, No. 13, emphasized the whole-
hearted nonsectarian cooperation in the
lighted schoolhouse project:
"The live major centers found at 21come
housing in the educational buildings of three
Protestant churches, the top floor of one
parochial school which was not being used,
and in the area of three storefronts and the
rooms te be found immediately aboiiie. All
the centers are situated in the deprived
neighborhoods as centrally as possibil e.
"The sidellite centers, which were usually
one- or two-room affairs, were used by pri-
mary children as the distance to a mAjor
center might prove too great for these
children to attend safely. An abandoned
concrete 'block building once 'need as :a small
printing establishment, a small house owned
by St. Lucy's Catholic Church, the Sunday
school rooms of the Atlantic Avenue Baptist
Church, and the library room of the Gen-
esee Settlement House were securiid. In
so selecting, centers within the neighbor-
hoods where the bulk of the target popula-
tion was to be served, we adhered. as closely
as possible to the philosophy that the mes-
sage mut be taken to Garcia in as ureperten-
Lions manner as feasible.
"It must be said that in talking to the
church ruling bodies or to the heads of
social institutions for space to operate the
lighted schoolhouse project, that Sister
J.imcstti and myself were most warmly wel-
comed and shown every courte;iy. It is most
enlightening and heartwarming to nate that
people M. all faiths joined in the effort to
help the less fortunate. Each group we
approached for help said in essence, 'Come
and use us and what we have in we vs that
you see fit.' The giant force for good to be
found represented in our great religious
faiths, are facing up to facts and are lending
a most helpful hand in ways of contribut-
ing talent and material resources so as to
aid in the fight to right the moral wrongs
which have perpetrated upon such a large
segment of our society."
Group guidance sessions helped the lighted
sehoolhouse students to sustain the idea
that they could learn, to be loved, and have
hope for a promising future; that learning
did not take place because of fear of failure,
but because of individualized instruction in
which :not knowing was not anything of
which to be ashamed, and small successes
received recognition.
Our Rochester community has benefitted
by this well-executed summer program and
is most grateful to the administrators, teach-
ers, and all who were responsible for iM help-
fulness and obvious success.
Conservation Districts Spark Re source
Development in Kansas
EXTENSION OF REMARLS
Or
EON. CHESTER L. MIZE
TCANSAS
IN TUE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. MIZE. Mr. Speaker, while in
Kansas during the month of January, I
had the opportunity to take a conserva-
tion tour within my district and learn
Paper Surplus-18 Acres
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
Os,
HON. LESLIE C. ARENDS
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 2, 1966
Mr. ARENDS. Mr. Speaker, surplus
fan m commodities is not the only sur-
plus problem confronting our Depart-
ment of Agriculture.
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RESOLUTION 236
Whereas the Florida Police Chiefs Asso-
ciation, Inc., do realize the very important
place the children of this Nation play in the
everyday function of our lives; and
Whereas the police departments through-
out this great country are ever on the alert
to warn parents and children alike on that
great menace, the child molester; and
Whereas the St. Petersburg Police Depart-
ment, with the great help of _Mrs. A. C.
"Pat" Hutchison and her charming child
dummy "Yabby," who both joined the St.
Petersburg police force, have been a great
help in deterring this great menace to soci-
ety; and
Whereas the above mentioned, with the
help of the Florida Federation of Women's
Clubs and many civic-minded people in the
city of St. Petersburg, have been responsible
in the production of the sound color film
"The Riddle of the Friendly Stranger," which
has become the most live teacher with
impact: So, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Florida Police Chiefs
Association, Inc., at a regular board of di-
rectors meeting in the city of Cocoa Beach,
Fla., on October 3, 1964, unanimously com-
mend the above-mentioned organizations
with a particular commendation to "Gabby"
and "Pat" who have been such a great help
to many law enforcement officers in the great
State of Florida as well as the entire coun-
try, and the board of directors of this asso-
ciation do highly endorse this film in recog-
nition of the worthwhile efforts of its cast.
WILLIS D. BOOTH, JR.;
President.
Attest:
KARL E. ENGEL, Secretary.
PUNXSUTAWNEY GROUNDHOG
(Mr. JOHNSON of Pennsylvania (at
the request of Mr. HALL) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. JOHNSON of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, each year on February 2, at
sunrise, the immortal Punxsutawney
groundhog emerges from his lair on
Gobbler's Knob. It is an important day,
not only for Punxsutawney but for the
entire Nation because what Mr. Ground-
hog encounters will determine the des-
tiny of the Nation for the next 6 weeks.
If he sees his shadow, he will rapidly
disappear into his burrow and we can
then expect 6 more weeks of winter.
But, if the groundhog fails to see his
shadow he will frolic and enjoy his new
emergence into the out-of-doors and
winter will gradually disappear and
warm and balmy spring weather will
prevail.
This year after some effort, as is his
custom, Mr. Groundhog appeared at sun-
rise and unfortunately his shadow was
plainly visible and he did not remain
very long in the outside world.
The people of Punxsutawney and
vicinity rely heavily on the groundhog
for this accurate weather forecast and
natives say that it is an infallible
weather vane. Business programs and
many projects and activities are held off
pending the arrival of Groundhog Day
and the decision of the weather prophet.
Punxsutawney observes Groundhog
Day fittingly and with great pride. A
celebration is held, a civic banquet is
staged, and all communications media in
the Nation give this remarkable occur-
ence tremendous publicity and recogni-
tion. But Mr. Groundhog takes it all in
stride and calmly goes on about his busi-
ness of the day. You see he is a very
aristocratic animal, ever conscious of his
lineage and shows that he is the only
real true groundhog and that other im-
posters and fakers trying to assume his
title are of inferior rank and should be
ignored.
I am sure that all Members of the
Congress join with me in extending best
wishes and warm felicitations to that
great city of Punxsutawney as they mark
the passing of another year and the
emergence from his den of their best
friend?the Punxsutawney groundhog.
(Mr. MOORE (at the request of Mr.
HALL) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. MOORE'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
POSTAL INSPECTORS LOOK AT MAIL
SERVICE
(Mr. LANGEN (at the request of Mr.
HALL) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. LANGEN. Mr. Speaker, I was
glad to note that the Post Office Depart-
ment has responded to my request for a
probe of mail service throughout the
Nation. I refer specifically to the news
that more than 200 postal inspectors
descended on the Nation's 72 largest post
offices a week ago in an effort to deter-
mine the cause of delayed and mis-
directed mail.
While this is an excellent beginning, I
only hope that these inspectors extend
their activities into the rural areas of
the Nation and take the time to hear
the complaints of the people at large
as well as the local postal officials who
must labor under a system that was not
of their own design.
I was particularly interested to note
that the teams of postal inspectors, part
of a 6-month task force study, are headed
by A. C. Hahn, Deputy Assistant Post-
master General for Operations. That
gentleman was in my office less than 2
weeks ago and assured me at that time
that the Post Office Department intends
to improve mail service across the entire
Natioh, including rural areas, following
the current study. It is hoped that this
probe of deteriorated mail service will
result in positive proposals for restoring
the postal service to at least the level of
performance formerly enjoyed.
I would also hope that the people of
the Nation will openly convey their prob-
lems and experiences to the postal in-
spectors when they visit. The views of
the patron public are every bit as im-
portant as the views of the postal per-
sonnel and I hope the public view will
be solicited by the inspection teams.
And if given the chance, I certainly urge
every person with a postal problem to
speak up and be heard.
1743
GUADALUPE MOUNTAIN?POTEN-
TIAL NATIONAL PARK SITE
(Mr. REINECKE (at the request of
Mr. HALL) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. REINECKE. Mr. Speaker, last
week I was tending to business in my
district and official committee business
of inspecting the Guadalupe Mountain,
potential national park site, near El Paso.
As such I was unable to be present for
rollcall No. 3 regarding House Commit-
tee on Un-American Activities. Had I
been here, Mr. Speaker, I would have
voted "yea."
VIETNAM
(Mr. DICKINSON (at the request of
Mr. HALL) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. DICKINSON. Mr. Speaker, on
the floor of the House Monday, my dis-
tinguished colleague from Wisconsin, the
Honorable MELVIN R. LAIRD, called for a
quarantine of North Vietnam. Cer-
tainly an embargo on all free world and
other shipping to North Vietnam is im-
perative. American fathers, sons, hus-
bands, and brothers are fighting and
being killed in Vietnam. This was not
the case when the late President Ken-
nedy ordered the American Navy and Air
Force to quarantine Communist Cuba.
Republicans support Mr. LAnues stand
In favor of a quarantine of North Viet-
nam. I feel most strongly, however, that
this should not be a partisan matter. It
obviously damages our prestige in Asia if
our Allies continue to ship vital materials
to our Communist enemies in Vietnam.
It is amazing that British flag vessels
are leading this parade of free world
shipping since Australian Common-
wealth troops are battling there along
with our Americans. Moreover, as I have
pointed out, we have cooperated fully in
the embargo on Rhodesia in Africa and
the least the British can do is reciprocate.
No public call for such reciprocation has
been made'.
Now, according to the Washington
Post, the latest Soviet MIG fighters, the
MIG 21's, are turning up in Vietnam to
oppose our bombings there. The Post
asserts these shipments may have come
by sea on Soviet ships arriving at North
Vietnam ports.
May I also state that the failure to
establish an embargo on even free world
shipments to North Vietnam must raise
a serious question as to the administra-
tion's wholeheartedness in conducting
the Vietnam war. Are our beloved ones
to risk their lives, and even die, in Viet-
nam because our friends trade with our
enemies?and theirs?
In this connection, with unanimous
consent, I introduce excerpts from an
article in the Chicago Tribune by Walter
Trohan, its distinguished chief Washing-
ton correspondent:
RUSK PERSISTS IN H/S VIEW OF ASIAN REDS
AS AGRARIANS
WASHINGTON, January 30.?Once a Com-
munist Is identified as an agrarian reformer,
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he remains an agrarian to Secretary of State
Dean Rusk.
Twenty years ago, when he was Assistant
Chief of Security Affairs for the State De-
partment, Rusk was one of the dedicated
clique of appeasers in the State Department
who believed that Mao Tse-tung and his fol-
lowers were "agrarian reformers."
On January 21 this year an Australian re-
porter asked Rusk at his press conference
whether he didn't think there is something
incongruous in the fact that the British are
shipping munitions and other materials to
the Vietcong while Australians, who are part
of the British Commonwealth, are fighting
the Vietcong.
Rusk replied that he was not aware that
any munitions were being supplied by ship
to the Vietcong. Then he added that "free
world shipping to North Vietnam has been
very drastically reduced in the past several
months."
NORTH VIETS PICTURED AS TRUCK GARDENERS
"We know that strategic materials are
not moving into North Vietnam by ship,"
he continued. "Indeed, many of those free
world ships go in empty In order to bring
out fresh fruits and fresh vegetables and
other products for other countries."
This would seem to make it clear that it
is his idea that the Communist North Viet-
namese, and very likely the Vietcong, are
truck farmers and market gardeners.
At the Library of Congress it was reported
that the principal vegetables grown in
Vietnam are rice and sweet potatoes, for
home consumption. Fruits are not listed as
as major crop.
However, Mr. Rusk knows--as does every
American?that the Communist North Viet-
namese are sending bombs to the Vietcong
which are being employed by them to kill
Americans at the front in South Vietnam.
Lt could be that he confused these "pine-
apples" with fruit.
It would seem that Rusk doesn't know
his fruit or Communist political applesauce.
The Defense Department has reported that
free world ships entered North Vietnamese
ports in 1965. Rusk professes to believe all
of these were under charter to Communist
nations, but there is no law requiring free
world nations to charter their ships for
delivery of materials to kill Americans.
PHOSPHATE EX:PORTS VALUED IN MILLIONS
Husk said free world shipping to North
Vietnam has been "cut very drastically." Yet
his own information division reported on
January 11 that total imports by North Viet-
nam were $12,221,000 in 1964 and total ex-
ports, largely phosphates, were $23,400,000.
Beth could go into the making of a lot of
"pineapples."
Press Officer Robert J. McCloskey said on
.January 11: "Now a few of the countries
involved are recipients of United States aid,
and we are discussing this matter with them
through diplomatic channels, which I have
noted in the past: especially calling_ their
attention to recently enacted amendments
of the Foreign Assistance Act, which, in gen-
eral and under certain conditions, provide
Cur the termination of United States aid."
McCloskey estimated that there was a
reduction of 60 percent in free world trade
to North Vietnam in 1965.
One cent of trade from a recipient of for-
eign aid is too much, just as one drop of
Communist applesauce in a Rusk press con-
ference is too much.
CONTEMPT' RESOLUTION
(Mr. WALKER of Mississippi (at the
request of Mr. HALL) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
neMt in the REcorui and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
ffill11.41S1
Mr, WALKER of Mississippi. Mr.
Speaker,. today we are being called on
to vote for a resolution citing for con-
tempt several witnesses who failed to
produce documents before the House
Un-American Activities Committee rele-
vant to the Ku Klux Klan investiga-
tion.
Certainly, those who fail to produce
information demanded by a House in-
vestigating committee under a legal man-
date, should receive proper punishment.
To speak out against such a procedure
would be as unwise as to speak out
against our Nation itself. Such is not
my purpose here today.
My objection to the resolution before
this assembly does not question the right
and perhaps the duty of Congress to
recommend contempt proceedings for
those who fail to produce relevant infor-
mation before an investigating commit-
tee. Instead, the objection I raise goes
to a broader issue?]1 question the value
of citing these 7 men for contempt while
our Government is at this very same in-
stant allowing other persons, such as
Prof. Stoughton Lynd, of Yale, and his
cohorts, to blatantly boast of their trip
to Hanoi as self-styled peace negotia-
tors for the United States. In direct
defiance of the statutes promulgated by
this body.
When I am convinced that the present
investigation before the Un-American
Activities Committee will be broadened
to include investigations of such left-
wing enemies of our Government as Pro-
fessor Lynd and his crowd. I can whole-
heartedly support appropriate legislation
to punish those who fail to obey the legal
mandates of this body's investigating
committees.
On April 14, 1965, introduced a reso-
lution (H. Res. 336) which would au-
thorize the necessary appropriation for
an investigation of such radical un-
American groups as the Student Non-
Violent Coordinating Committee?SNCC,
and Council of Federated Organiza-
tions?00F0, which are constantly
demonstrating against our military ef-
fort in Vietnam as well as encouraging
young men to avoid the draft. My reso-
lution also included an investigation of
the Southern Christian Leadership Con-
ferenge?SCLC, headed by the notorious
Martin Luther King who recently stated
on a nationwide television program that
he should be able to choose which laws
to obey and which laws not to obey.
Such an investigation could be expanded
to include Professor Lynd's group as
well.
A number of my colleagues have seen
t: l; to offer a motion to recommit the
contempt resolution to a select commit-
tee to be named by the Speaker.
I do not believe this to be the proper
course of action since, in my opinion, it
would materially weaken the House Un-
American Activities Committee.
Even though the alternative course
iii to support the contempt citation
against the seven witnesses whom we
were furnished no information whatso-
ever until we enter the House Chamber,
it is our obligation to back the House
Un-American Activities Committee in its
recommendations. To do otherwise
would weaken its position when investi-
gating our real enemies, the Communists
and Communist-front organizations
which are so detrimental to our way of
life.
CAUSE FOR CONCERN
(Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of
Mr. HALL) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, indi-
cative of the pride which most American
citizens have in our servicemen fighting
in Vietnam is the following resolution
passed by the Council of the City of
Newark in the 17th Congressional Dis-
trict of Ohio. The members of the city
council are certainly to be commended
for their action in reassuring our troops
that their sacrifices have not been for-
gotten. I include Resolution 65-88 of
the City Council of Newark, Ohio, at this
point:
RESOLUTION 65-88
Resolution commending the armed services
of the United States for their participation
In the defense of our country in Vietnam
Resolved by the Council of the City of
Newark, State of Ohio (all members elected
thereto concurring):
SECTIOlg 1. That the armed services of the
United States be, and they hereby are, com-
mended for their defense of our country in
Vietnam.
SEC. 2. That certified copies of this reso-
lution expressing the appreciation of this
council speaking for and on behalf of the
citizens of the city of Newark, Ohio, shall
be forthwith mailed by the clerk to the
President of the United States, to the Con-
gressmen serving this city and to all area
servicemen in Vietnam and surrounding
areas.
SEC. 3. That this resolution shall take ef-
fect and be in force from and after the
earliest period allowed by law.
Adopted the 20th day of December 1965.
ROBERT W. WORTMAN,
President of Council.
Attest:
DOROTHY A. HOUDESHELL,
Clerk of Council.
Date approved by the mayor. December
21, 1965.
DAVID R. EVANS,
Mayor.
Approved as to form:
A. DAVID LIST,
City Solicitor.
Most American citizens will also agree,
I am sure, that every effort humanly pos-
sible must be made to guarantee our men
the supply of equipment, weapons, and
food necessary to carry out their vital
mission. Consequently, recent published
information that the unloading of sup-
plies in Vietnamese ports has been inade-
quate and long delayed and that respon-
sible recommendations for expediting un-
loading operations have not been imple-
mented give true cause for concern.
A news item from the New York Times
of January 22, 1966, illustrates the seri-
ousness of prevailing conditions. Presi-
dent Thomas Gleason, of the Interna-
tional Longshoremen's Association, after
two trips to Saigon, is reported as being
"truly disappointed" with the lack of
progress made in correcting the situation
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which he surveyed back in October of
last year.
The columnist Victor Riesel, in a re-
cent column, repeats the same theme;
namely, that efforts by knowledgeable
labor leaders to help correct present port
conditions in Vietnam have been ignored.
In the hope that any necessary correc-
tive measures are undertaken at once, I
wish to call to the attention of my fel-
low Members the two above-mentioned
items at this point in the RECORD.
[From the New York Times, Jan. 22, 1966]
ILA CHIEF UPSET OVER SAIGON JAM?SAYS
PROPOSALS To CLEAR PORT HAVE BEEN PUT
OFF
(By John P. Callahan)
Thomas W. Gleason, who has been to Sai-
gon twice to break the bottleneck of mount-
ing cargo and clear the congestion of in-
bound supply ships, said yesterday that he
was disappointed over the delay in imple-
menting suggestions for clearing the port.
"I guess it is the traditional impatience
of Americans," Mr. Gleason, the president of
the International Longshoremen's Associa-
tion, remarked in a news conference in the
union's headquarters, 17 Battery Place.
Mr. Gleason and four other senior long-
shoremen were in South Vietnam in Septem-
ber and again in December at the request
of harried officials of the State Department
and the Agency for International Devel-
opment.
INFLUX OF SHIPS
Food and other civilian supplies are pour-
ing in for a population, in Saigon alone, that
rose from 1 to 3 million in the last few years
Mr. Gleason said, and port facilities are in-
adequate. As a result of the influx of Ameri-
can merchant ships and the shortage of
equipment and trained waterfront man-
power, ships have been idle in the harbor of
Saigon for as long as 3 weeks, before being
unloaded.
Last October, after completing his first
visit of 15 days, Mr. Gleason made several
recommendations to the State Department.
These included the opening of hiring halls
(or employment centers) where dockworkers
could be assigned efficiently to certain work
areas. "This alone would have increased
productivity by at least 25 percent," he said.
He also urged registering the 5,000 long-
shoremen in Saigon with a waterfront com-
mission type of organization and assigning
the men to definite shifts, both day and
night. He said there was an extreme short-
age of pier equipment such as hi-lo vehicles
and other mechanized cargo-handling gear.
TRULY DISAPPOINTED
He also said that when he arrived in Sai-
gon on his second visit last month, he was
"truly disappointed that the report" sub-
mitted in October to the State Department
after his first visit, "including recommenda-
tions, had not been carried out."
With Mr. Gleason during the news con-
ference was George P. Delaney, State Depart-
ment Coordinator of International Labor
Affairs, who said that the Agency for Inter-
national Development was "in agreement"
with the recommendations made by Mr.
Gleason.
Mr. Delaney also said that the equipment
needed for efficient port operation in Saigon
was on its way from various Asian ports, in-
cluding Manila, Yokohama and Honolulu.
Mr. Gleason said that about 220,000 tons
of cargo were handled each month in Saigon
and that with an increase in efficiency, this
figure could be increased to more than
600,000 tons.
"Unless conditions are improved in a
hurry," Mr. Gleason declared, "the area faces
the risk of inflation and food panic. We
have every reason to assume that the corn-
bined effort to the State Department and
the Vietnam Government will avert such a
situation."
U.S. OFFICIALS ARE ATTEMPTING To CONCEAL
VIET SUPPLY TIEUP
(By Victor Riesel)
A brass curtain has been lowered by Penta-
gon and State Department officials around
the slow-motion Vietnam supply system.
The folds of that curtain are being used to
gag union officials, who have learned of
lethargy, lack of planning, corruption, and
rule-book inefficiency now slowing the flow
of equipment, weapons and food to our troops
and allies.
Because of ancient Army regulations, mil-
lions of dollars are being wasted weekly.
Cargo ships which should be speeding the
oceans are idling at anchor. Seamen who
could be working, and have volunteered and
have been rejected, are stewing on hot decks
in a steaming sun for 50 and 60 empty days
at a stretch. And troops go without ammu-
nition, food, and tools.
All this?and far more?has been learned
by waterfront union leaders. But the Navy
and the State Department this past week
forbade them to report their findings to the
public.
Since the Vietcong gets word of all this to
Hanoi long before U.S. intelligence gets its
reports to Washington, State Department
and Pentagon brass obviously are seeking to
withhold the story from the American public
and from President Johnson himself.
Unloading of vital cargo in South Viet-
namese ports is notoriously leisurely.
Though several years ago it became obvious
that huge supplies would have to pour into
the mudbank bays and ports, the military did
little planning. Even now slender women,
weighing less than 100 pounds, carry 200
pound bags of cargo. Corruption is more
rampant than malaria. But everybody says
little can be done.
Result is that the Army uses its own long-
shoremen gangs to unload supplies. They
are short handed. So they work one hatch
at a time. But they can get help?and not
from the South Vietnamese flesh peddlers,
either.
Crews, belonging to the National Maritime
Union (NMU), headed by Big Joe Curran,
have offered to help empty the holds of ships
they manned across the oceans.
Their assistance would be of gigantic help
in solving problems on which the Interna-
tional Longshoremen's Association (ILA)
president, Ted Gleason, and four of his
veteran ILA colleagues have been working in
Saigon for over a month.
But the Army says no.
The military turns down the American sea-
men because the regulations say that no
civilian shall unload the supplies.
Yet the American merchant sailors are
doing nothing on deck. Their ships are held
out in the harbor, or in Cam Ranh Bay or
Qui Nhon Bay or as far as Manila. The
vessels sometimes hang over, idle and fully
loaded, for 50 or 60 days.
The longer it takes to unload these ves-
sels, the longer the ever-arriving freighters
must stay on the hook. This is costing the
United States many millions of dollars. The
Government must pay an average of $5,000
a day for each ship while at sea. This is
a charge under the charter arrangement. So
if there are 50 or more ships idling in the
harbor or bay for 50 or more days at some
$5,000 daily, it comes to sorriewhat more
than the take on a charity bingo game night.
To take a first-hand look at the maze and
mess, Joe Curran has dispatched two NIVIU
officials to Saigon. With their experience
they may yet show the military how to tow
in World War II liberty ships, anchor them
and turn them into waterborne tool ships and
"reefer" vessels (refrigerator ships).
1745
Thus as in the last big conflict, there could
be fully equipped floating repair and as-
sembly shops, mammoth floating ice boxes
for perishable foods, floating warehouses into
which the other freighters could empty their
holds.
Then the ships need not idle for as long
as a month. They could return for new,
desperately needed cargo. And crews could
be consolidated on those craft which must
stay in the bays while skeleton crews take
some freighters home. Some could be flown
back to crew undermanned ships at this end.
It takes planning. There has been mighty
little.
Small wonder the brass' curtain has been
rung down on that corner of the China Sea.
THE PRESIDENT OF THE DISTRICT
OF COLUMBIA FEDERATION OF
CIVIC ASSOCIATIONS SAYS THE
DISTRICT'S POOR AREAS SUFFER
IN MATTERS OF SNOW REMOVAL
AND CLEANING AND BEAUTIFI-
CATION
(Mr. WIDNALL (at the request of Mr.
HALL) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, the poor
areas in the District of Columbia suffer
In the matter of snow removal, cleaning,
and beautification, as a result of the Dis-
trict's concentration on its more affluent
areas, according to Nelson C. Roots, the
new president of the District of Columbia
Federation of Civic Associations. Mr.
Roots told me today, and gave me per-
mission to release this statement, that:
It appears that where most of the money
is, most of the service and attention is given,
and this applies across the board not only
to snow but to services in general. Re-
cently, an organization I headed had a meet-
ing about this situation with an official of
the Division of Sanitation and cited the real
facts to him.
The District gives its best services to the
areas where the economic potential is high,
such as Georgetown, Cleveland Park, Spring
Valley, Foxhall Road, and the Chevy Chase
areas, especially west of Rock Creek Park.
This can be substantiated, I believe.
The federation is trying to change this
situation, but we are not having much suc-
cess. It seems like it i going to be a slow
process, one of education. It is the fed-
eration's position that if snow has to be
removed it ought to be removed all over,
and the District's low-income areas should
be kept just as clean of snow and debris, and
need just as much beautification, as any
other area. It takes more cleaning in a
poor area than in the affluent areas.
Mr. Speaker, the Evening Star today,
In its society section, carries an article
by Miss Betty Beale, its able and alert so-
ciety writer, which substantiates the
views of Mr. Roots. According to this
Star article, a well-to-do citizen in the
Cleveland Park area was able to have
the snow removed from in front of his
home in time for a party. This article
was called to my attention by citizens
who are of the opinion that the streets
In front of the city's police and fire sta-
tions and public gathering places should
be cleared before side streets are cleared
of snow to enable a party to get
underway.
A member of my staff reports that
there were an overabundance of snow-
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plows and attention on Foxhall Road on
Monday and Tuesday, going over the
same area again and again even though
it had been cleared. Another member
of my staff reported seeing at least 30
workmen in half a block on F Street on
the same sidewalk, and getting into each
other's way.
Thomas F. Airis, Director of the Dis-
trict's Department of Highways and
Traffic, gave this excellent snow order
the afternoon of February 1:
:Bona fide emergency situations in addition
to the approved programs will be specifically
handled as emergency situations, but an at-
tempt should be made to ascertain whether
a bona fide emergency situation exists, other-
wise it will be much better for the Highway
Department to proceed on an areawide plow-
ing basis without interference.
It may well be doubted that the situa-
tion described by Betty Beale in her col-
umn in the Evening Star of February 2
merited the special priority attention
given it by Thomas F. Airis of the Dis-
trict's Department of Highways and
Traffic. In fact, it seems to be complete-
ly out of step with the sensible policy
laid down by Thomas F. Airis which I
have quoted.
Officials of the Division of Sanitation
have advised my office that they invari-
ably give priority to bona fide cases in-
volving safety of life and limb, and that
a party such as that described by Miss
Betty Beale would not qualify.
Included is the Evening Star article
.referred to above:
IRAN'S :Ec. IIOSROVANIS FETED
(By Betty Beale)
"Charles de Gaulle never dined this well"
'said a guest at the Ralph Beckers' party last
evening in honor of the Iranian Ambassador
arid Mrs. K hosrovani.
Close to 40 peraons mushed their way
through the snow to attend a black-tie din-
ner prepared by the gourmet host, himself.
And after they had tasted the lobster vol-au-
vent, they knew the precarious trip to the
Becker house had been worth it. That was
before they had even sampled the fricandeau
de vau that was covered with a superb sauce
made with pate de foie gras and truffles.
The dinner also marked the unveiling of a
collection of Persian artifacts which Becker
acquired 3 months ago. With the help of
the head of Near Eastern Art at the Freer
Gallery, Dr. Richard Ettinghausen, Ralph
bought the entire beautiful collection, that
Included pieces slating back 5,000 years, in a
mere 30 minutes at the Hecht Co.
With the aid of Smithsonian experts, they've
been beautifully mounted on lighted glass
shelves in the library.
Setting on the shelves below the artifacts
was a small, beautiful blue and gold china
teapot which the patrician Mrs. Khosrovani
took one look at and exclaimed:
"That's mine. That belongs to my family."
The two miniature portraits on the little
pitcher were of members of the Qajar (Kajar)
dynasty, which ruled Iran in the 19th cen-
tury up until the beginning of the 20th cen-
tury. The lovely looking Farah Khosrovani
is a member of the Qajar family.
In his toast to the honor guests, Becker
mentioned her discovery of the teapot and
her connection with it, and he also revealed
that the Ambassador is distantly related to
the Aga Khan.
The dinner drew Kuwait Ambassador and
Mrs. Al-Ghoussein, Moroccan Ambassador
and Mrs. Laraki. the former ambassador to
Iran, Raymond Hare (who is now assistant
secretary of state for Near Eastern Affairs)
and Mrs. Hare; the two brothers-in-law who
have served as ambassadors abroad and are
now assigned to the State Department?
Lewis Jones and Bob Woodward?and their
wives; former Assistant Secretary of State
and Mrs. Andrew Berding, Dr. Ettinghausen
and his wife, who was wearing a 3,000-Near-
old necklace from ancient Amlash, .tran,
made of bone and green glass; former Am-
bassador and Mrs. Jefferson Patterson, Mrs.
John Farr Simmons, Mrs. Jouett Shouse and
the Hunter Drums.
T. Graydon Upton, executive vice president
of the Inter-American Development Bank,
and his wife also were among the guesss, as
were Ali Khosropur of the World Bank and
his good looking brunette wife, who is the
daughter of one of Iran's greatest pacts,
Malik Ash-Shuara.
Dinner conversation revealed that the
Beakers had left no stone unturned in pre-
paring against every eventuality the weather
might produce They had arranged to have
the street path widened in their block which
took no little doing, since the majority of
the city's snow-removing equipment was
being used by private parki:ag lots
Before they succeeded in 'widening the
paths, they had arranged for a bus to carry
their guests from the nearest available park-
ing space down the street to their house.
And, finally, they had set up cots and sleep-
ing bags to accommodate 22 persons in the
event the new snow fall should prevent some
of the guests' getting home. That is what
YOU might call the black-tie emergency plan
for the city that is annually never prepared
for snow.
? S ?
-Washington beauties abounded at the din-
ner-dance given in honor of Chief of Proto-
col Lloyd Hand Monday night. Not the least
of them was his own wife, but the dinner was
not in her honor, because it was a bin t hday
party for Lloyd. He reached the ripe age of
37 on Monday.
The party was given by Kuwait Ambassa-
dor and Mrs. Al-Ghoussein, and, despite the
deep blanket of snow that everybody started
out under, 29 of the 40 guests managsd to
get there.
The Hands, themselves, had to walk a mile
from their McLean (Va.) home in boots and
slacks, carrying their party clothes in suit-
cases, to change in town. They were
astounded that so many guests showeat up.
"I appreciated the fact:that anyone would
get out in that weather." he said.
Lloyd's sister, Bethlyn Hand, came ad the
-way from California for the party and for
the weekend to celebrate his birthday and
her own. It seems their parents managad to
have her born on January 30 and Lloyd on
January 31.
The good-looking young women who ....at at
the four tables for eight in the decorative
loggia of the new embassy on Tilden Street
were the wives of presidential assistants,
Congressmen and other men who figure on
the Washington scene.
There was Moroccan Ambassador and Mrs.
Laraki?she in a pink Parisian evening ,;own
instead of her usual native Moroccan cress;
Senator and Mrs. Frank Church; attractive
Representative Scam ToNNEy, of Calif, mnia,
and the lovely looking, Dutch-born, blond
Mrs. Tunney in a beautiful gold brocade
evening dress; Texas Representative JACK
BROOKS and his beauteous brunette, Char-
lotte; Florida Representative PAUL Rooms
arid the lovely, fragile-faced Becky; Presi-
dential Assistants Jack Valenti and Joe
Callfano and their good-looking resp(ctive
spouses-.-.Mary Margaret and Trudy; SCC
Chairman Bill Henry and his chic Sherrye;
Woody and Mary Mien Woodward and World
Bank Representative Omar .Dajany and. his
pretty blond Betty.
Rita Tazy, the Moroccan beauty whose
husband is with the World Bank, came with-
out him as he was unable to get into Wash-
ington from the s.kiing resort where he spent
the weekend. And Venezuelan Ambassador
Enrique Tejera-Paris came without Pepita,
who is expecting and was overtired after
their weekend in Palm Beach as house guests
of Marjorie Post.
Talaat Al-Ghoussein, the host, also was on
that weekend in Palm Beach, but his very
beautiful wife Bassima could not go because
she was recuperating from her recent appen-
dectomy.
No matter how great their effort to get
there, looking at the pulchritude around the
room, the men must have felt it definitely
worthwhile.
FISCAL AND MONETARY POLICY
(Mr. ELLSW()RTH (at the request of
Mr. HALL) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, last
Thursday I introduced a concurrent res-
olution (H. Con. Res. 567) expressing
the sense of the Congress with respect to
the full and free interchange of views
and information by agencies of the CrOV-
ernment shaping fiscal and monetary
policy. A companion measure (S. Con.
Res. 73) has been introduced in the other
body by the ranking Republican Mem-
ber on the Joint Economic Committee,
Senator JACOB K. JAVITS, of New York.
Senator JAVITS has presented a thor-
ough and succinct analysis of the reasons
for strengthening the coordination be-
tween the administration and the Fed-
eral Reserve Board. I agree with the
views expressed by Senator JAVITS, and I
would like to take this opportunity to re-
emphasize and reiterate some of these
points.
In our complex and dynamic economy
It is mandatory that our fiscal and mone-
tary policies be closely correlated. For
this to occur, the Federal Reserve Board,
which is our chief monetary authority,
and the three agencies of the administra-
tion?the Treasury Department, the
Bureau of the Budget, and the Council
of Economic Advisers?which, along with
the President, largely determine fiscal
policy, must work hand-in-hand. I am
In complete agreement with Senator
JAV/TS and several of my other colleagues
on the Joint Economic Committee, in-
cluding the Senator from Wisconsin, Mr.
PROXMIRE, who has introduced a similar
resolution, that the present state of co-
ordination and cooperation between
these agencies is unsatisfactory.
This fact was brought to the forefront
last December during the hearings the
Joint Economic Committee held on the
Federal Reserve Board's decision to in-
crease the discount rate. One of the big
questions was whether the Board had
discussed its decision with the adminis-
tration and whether as a general rule the
Federal Reserve is in close contact with
the administration.
The hearings showed that while the
Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board
meets fairly regularly with the President
and his economic advisers, there is
little, if any, coordination between the
other Federal Reserve Governors and
the administration. This in itself in-
dicates an immediate need for action to
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Improve the coordination procedure.
With only one of the seven Board mem-
bers on so-called speaking terms with
the administration, it is hard to believe
that the Fed's ultimate decisions can be
fully coordinated with the Government's
fiscal authorities. Beside this, any con-
tact which the Fed Chairman does
have with the President and the other
members of the Quadriad, that is, the
Secretary of the Treasury, the Director
of the Bureau of the Budget, and the
Chairman of the Council of Economic
Advisers, Is on a strictly informal basis,
or, as Senator JAVITS put it, on an "I
will take you out to lunch" basis?quote
from CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, January 28,
1966, page 1333. In fact, just this Mon-
day, while testifying before the Joint
Economic Committee on the Economic
Report of the President, Gardner Ackley,
Chairman of the Council of Economic
Advisers, stated, in response to a ques-
tion from the ranking House Republican,
my distinguished colleague from Mis-
souri [Mr. Cuaris], that the Quadriad
had not met since December 6, even
though the informal rules of the group
call for a meeting every month.
The resolution which I introduced last
week would set the record straight. It
would present a clear formula for reg-
ular meetings and orderly procedures.
Again, in the words of Senator JAInTs,
it would put Congress on record as
favoring:
First. Regular meetings?at least six times
a year?of the Chairman of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve System,
the Secretary of the Treasury, the Chairman
of the Council of Economic Advisers, and
the Director of the Bureau of the Budget.
Second. Procedures which would require
key administration economic advisers to
keep the Federal Reserve Chairman fully
apprised of any development or informa-
tion of which they are respectfully aware
and which should be brought to the atten-
tion of the Board for the effective discharge
of its responsibilities.
Third. Procedures requiring the Federal
Reserve Chairman to keep all members of
the Federal Reserve Board fully apprised
of any information he receives from the
executive branch which has relevance to
the effective and informed exercise b
y the
Board of its responsibilities.
Mr. Speaker, I respectfully request
that my resolution be given every con-
sideration and that this body take speedy
action in correcting an imperfection
which 'has too long gone unnoticed
?
WHO TOOK THE SILVER FROM THE
SILVER LINING?
(Mr. GURNEY (at the request of Mr.
HALL) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. GURNEY'. Mr. Speaker, through
the cloud of mystery that surrounds the
administration's fancy footwork in jug-
gling budget figures, there are at least
two facts that shine through bright and
clear: that Government spending and
the national debt are increasing stead-
ily and that we are not being told the
whole story. I am introducing legisla-
tion today to assure the American peo-
No. 1.7-13
pie that some of the money they are n
hearing about?the profit from minti
the new silverles,s coins?will be used
pay off the national debt.
The Treasury Department is manufac
turing from one-fifth of 1 cent wort
of metal, a coin which they sell for
cents. Even including the manuficu
lag expenses, the new dime costs le
than a penny to produce. The new red
edged quarter costs a fraction over
cents and the new half dollar, which ha
some silver in it, costs just under 2
cents. That is a profit of 100 percen
on half dollars and over 900 percent o
quarters and dimes. I think we had a
like to be able to turn that kind of
profit on a business.
The east of the silver coins used to b
about 95 percent of their face value, s
the Treasury came out about even. Bu
now, with costs a fraction of the sellin
price the Treasury will be turning ove
a tidy profit to the administration.
There are already 670 million of th
new quarters in circulation, with a fac
value of $167.5 million. The cost to th
Treasury was only about $13 million?
a profit of just under $154 million. An
they have just begun.
The Treasury Department estimate
that the net profit, or "seigniorage" on
the new coins will be anywhere from $1.5
billion to $2.5 billion during 1966 and
1967.
Where in the budget did we see this
new windfall for the administration? It
was not emphasized. The President did
not bother to mention that along with
the money from reinstated excise taxes
and faster tax collecting methods he
plans to make a tidy billion or two by
giving us coins that do not jingle.
He did not point out that these Great
Society programs were costing more than
the deficit showed and that he was mak-
ing up the difference with profits from
this new money, which many people are
now calling funny money.
Although the main profit is a one-shot
revenue, it will be followed by an esti-
mated $200 to $300 million a year. In
addition, as the Treasury gets back worn-
out
si ver coins, it can melt them down
or about $3.6 billion.
This tremendous one-shot profit, and
he continued annual income of about a
uarter-billion a year is not a windfall
money to be used for the President's
Great Society experiments. It is money
hat the American people deserve to hear
bout and get an accounting for.
Under the legislation I propose today,
his Money would be used to pay off the
ational debt, rather than be put in the
ands of the Johnson administration's
ig spenders. It would require that all
e "seigniorage"?profit from the new
oins be applied to the retirement of
he national debt.
This debt has climbed steadily under
the heavy spending of the Kennedy-
Johnson administration?Congress has
raised the ceiling 10 times in those 6
years, from $293 billion in 1960 to $328
billion just last year. The cost in inter-
est on this giant debt is now $11.6 billion
a year?over 111/2 percent of the national
budget.
ot
ng
to
10
r-
SS
2
5
11
a
a
th
1747
It is time for the American taxpayer to
demand a halt to this fiscal irresponsi-
bility that is costing them so much. To
the taxpayer, the Great Society's prom-
ises have been a costly disappointment_
like its new coins, the silver lining has
turned out to be copper.
POVERTY AND SECRECY
(Mr. RUMSFELD (at the request of
Mr. HALL) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, an
editorial in the January 24, 1966, edition
of the Washington Post points up very
well the danger to the American people
when Government "throws the cloak of
secrecy over the expenditure of public
funds and the distribution of public of-
fices." The editorial refers to the Post
Office Department's concealing the
names of youths who worked in the De-
partment during the summer of 1965
under a program described by the Post
as "two-bit patronage peddling."
The Post editorial appropriately
praises Congressman ALBERT H. QUIE,
of Minnesota, for his efforts in obtaining
public release of the names of these post
office employees. I want to add my sin-
cere thanks to my able colleague for his
diligence in behalf of the public's right
to know what its Government is doing.
The Post editorial follows:
POVERTY AND SECRECY
Representative ALBERT H. QIIIE, of Min-
nesota, has performed a public service by
obtaining the names of the youths who
worked in the Post Office Department sum-
mer program. It discloses what everyone
knew?that many of the jobs did not go to
youths in need, as President Johnson had in-
tended.
The impropriety of using these funds to
pay off the friends and relatives of Congress-
men and Senators is exceeded only by the
cowardice responsible for the decision to
conceal the names. This decision, moreover,
has made suspect the allocation of jobs even
when justifiable under the terms of the
proposal.
The country ought to be alarmed by the
power and the willingness of the Government
to throw the cloak of secrecy over the ex-
penditure of public funds and the distribu-
tion of public offices. If the citizens of a
free country have any right at all to know
about the operations of their own Govern-
ment they have the right to know the names
of those who occupy public offices paid for
by their taxes. The funds here involved
were not great but the incident gives thereby
even more occasion for alarm because it
suggests that a Department willing to em-
ploy secrecy to conceal such two-bit patron-
age peddling would exert even more effort
to conceal larger finagling.
BATTLEGROUND U.S.A.?THE AD-
MINISTRATION'S TRAGIC FAIL-
URE EVEN TO SEE, LET ALONE DE-
FEND AGAINST, HO CHI MINH'S
MOST DEADLY ATTACK
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Cali-
fornia [Mr. HosmErt] is recognized for 25
minutes.
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i 748 CONGRESSIONAL REEDR
Mr. HOSMEft. Mr. Sit'eaker, the civil- familiar pattern to anyone who watcned The SPEAKER. Under previous order
ions who manage the Vietnam war?the the will of France falter and disintegrate of the House, the gentleman from Cali-
President, Secretary Rusk, Secretary Mc- a dozen years ago. There are the peace fornia [Mr. HOLIFIELD] is recognized for
Namara, and other top administration placards, parades and demonstrations, 15 minutes.
officials--appear to have made a deadly the antiwar speeches and pamphlets, the [Mr. HOLIFIELD addressed the House.
miscalcuiation PS to the actual existence defeatist intellectual discussions. We His remarks will appear hereafter in the
and location of one of the war's most hew' of the "futility of American boys Appendix. I
crucial battlegrounds. As a consequence dying in the jungle." We see the pitiful
of this war mismanagement the enemy pictures of Vietnamese women and chil-
MENACE OF DRUG
effort is prospering and Ho Chi Minh sees dren captioned "poor peasai its who eeek THE GROWING
no reason at all to come to a peace table. only peace and freedom cruelly killed ADDICTION
There is a way for a two-bit 10th and maimed." There are hints of heir- The SPEAKER. Under previoas order
-ate country to beat a 1st-class major derous sadism amongst troops who of the House, the gentleman from New
tower and he knows what it is. Twelve "mercilessly bomb, mortar, and burn- the York iMr. HALPERN] is recognized for 15
years ago he won a war against a great "huts and villages" of "blameless by- minutes.
power using it. His proven success? slanders who only want to be let alone." Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, early in
coupled with our failure even to see, let There are expressions of piims fear ...hat
the 39th Congress I introduced four bills
alone expose What he is up to and take "Ja]terican policy" is "mistuided," and dealing with the acute problem of nar-
action against ii,---iIs excellent reason for that "nothing in this distant, backward cotIcs addiction. This legislation reflects
110 Chi MUM 's udgment that this time it Pail(' possiblY could be worth the life of
a long-standing and profound concern.
will bring him victory again?and defeat even crie American boy." There are For several years now I have been spon-
ale United States. known, little known, and unknown enm- soring leWslation on this matter; the four
The administration?and, indeed, most mittees and individuals?in and ol it of measures I now advocate were substan-
Americans because they have not been office?beating a steady drum for nego- tially revised in order to incorporate
told otherwise----seem to believe the Viet- Litton even in the face of the enemy's numerous important recommendations
nam war is being fought exclusively in contemptuous refusal to consider doing of the President's Advisory Commission
Asia, halfway around the world. True, so. on Narcotic and Drug Abuse.
the bloody battles are being fought there, Whether those who carry on the ac-
. Last July I was privileged to appear
-1 0
but equally critical and important enemy tivities--and those who ate t en a
offensives are being mounted right here gets?know it or not, all this is just as
at. home on battleground U.S.A. much a port of the Vietnam war as the
Efo Chi Minh won his previous war attacks with guns, mortars, and plastic
against a great power on battteground explosives against American forces in
Prance. That country was not brought uniform in Vietnam itself. It is just as
to its knees in humiliating defeat at much an integral part of Ho Chi Minh's
Dienbienphu in 1954, but far away in the aggression now as it was at an earlier
homes and hearts of Frenclunen. In the time in France when and where he em-
cities and on the farms of France that ployed the same strategy and tactics of
nation's will was broken to continue its psychological war to vanquish a large,
resistance to Communis takeover of the rich, and powerful country..
Far East. The defeat of French military Yet who in the administration hs ex-
forces at Die]
ho was serioni?but e I lei tly to Id the American people of this
..
Prance still had the resntirces and capa- I tittle asainst them in their midst?
nt
bility to rally and pursue Ho Chi Minh Preside Johnson has not. Secretary
to his destruction. She lacked the will to McNamara and Secretary /?,iisk have not.
do so. T in
hat will was undermined and
, Vice President HUMPHREY and other ad-
broken by a clever enemy. Instea' ministration leaders have not. Instead
France used the military misfortune as they have dignified the defeatists and
an excuse to pull out and ignominiously legitimized thorn by carrying on a silemn
abandon to others the free world need and sust a ined d alog with them. Are
and responsibility to halt expansion of these leaders not wise enough to see that
the Bamboo Curtain. the enemy is using a proven technique?
In the end, Ho Chi Mtnh's fifth column .,ho they eee, butignore its potency '? Are
in F pr rance oved more powerful and -
hey so naive n
they do et recognize this
more decisive than his guerilla, columns
in Asia. His clever and determined psy-
chological war against the French on
their own soil utilized many allies. The
French Communist Party and all it well-
oiled apparatus went into action. Front
groups sponsored public demonstrations
against "the lighting and the killing and
the horror." Families of French soldiers
away lighting were harassed. Ample
funds were supplied to publicize and
!ionize the speeches and writings of dupes
a Ltracted to the cause "in humanity's
no me." Leftist and liberal newspaper
a:ilumns hail-Erns:eel away at, the "Asia for
Asians" II win e. Opportunistic and
"Weeding licart" podt'can.s jumped on
Ii. ! antiwar bandwagon. Step by delib-
erate step French public opinion was
manipulated hrst to question, then to
noubt. then. to oppose France's resist-
ance to Communist demands- she get out
and surrender this strategic part of the
world to them.
what we see around us ia the United here in the United States upon American
States today adds up to a recognizably will, resolve, and morale.
as oae of the important ways Commu-
nists waga wor Do they not sec a need selves fully with the many elements of
to defend against it? TI-sir condi wend- this problem, I include Mr. Leonard Vic-
ing toleration of the "Vie Imiks," demon- tor's articles at this point in the RECORD:
strators, and defeatists and the .oropa- [From the Long Island Press, Jan. 4, 19661
ganda they spew fails to indicate sails- KIDS FROM FINE FAMILIES AMONG THOUSANDS
factory answers to these question;. HOOKED
If our national purpose is to avoid (By Leonard Victor)
indignity, dishonor, and defeat at the "Whey a will you be 5 years from now?"
hands of a 10th-rate aggresor ::md to "Dead I hope."
preserve the vital interests of the United The goodlooking l9-year-old who gave me
States and of freedom in. Asia?as we did that answer is a drug addict. A prostitute
by fighting World War II in the Pacific toos,hteo, support her drug habit.
not from the slums of Harlem or
and the Korean war?then the highest Bedford-Stuyvesant.
officials of our Government who a ee run-
Her part-time home is still her parents'
fling the current war must come tn real- beautiful house in Roslyn. So for, her very
ost
ize where one of its m crucial battle- ..
respectable mother and father don't even
grounds is. They must make universally know she's a week-end "hustler." ad
known just exactly what the enemy is I talked to dozens of other young dicts
up to in our very midst?and why and from equally fine homes as I traced a deadly
how?and enlist the aid of every patio- new wave of drug, narcotics, and marijuana
otic citizen in a counerattack against addiction across Long Island.
the insidious assault being made right They all came from the "good addresses"
in Forest Hills, Great Neck, Huntington,
Lawrence and Hollis?not the slums.
before our Judiciary Committee in sup-
port of major new laws in this field.
The objectives of my four bills are to
provide more research, greater financial
assistance, expanded facilities, reformed
treatment, and better law enforcement.
Addiction cannot be cured, nor can
law enforcement be perfected, without
a comprehensive program directed to-
ward better treatment as well as the
tragic criminal repercussions among
youth. Today we still lack that intel-
ligible combination. Without it, I fear
that all other disparate efforts, however
well-intentioned, will fail to stem the
ominous trend.
Recently, Mr. Leonard Victor under-
took an intensive investigation of the
addiction problem among youth on Long
Island, N.Y. His very cogent survey led
to a series of articles appearing in the
Long Island Daily Press. Mr. Victor's
keen insight into the complex circum-
stances of juvenile addiction serve to
illuminate this whole, tragic situation.
So that Members may acquaint them-
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1764 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE* February 2, 1966
In conventional mortgages, the interest
rate fluctuates with money markets. There-
fore, conventional mortgages are usually at
par (lenders pay 100 or give the full face
amount of the mortgage).
By regulation of the Federal Housing Ad-
ministration and Veterans' Administration
the buyer cannot pay the points or discount.
Therefore it must be paid by the seller or
owner. A property owner can avoid the prob-
lem (and save money) by instructing his
broker to sell on a conventional mortgage
basis if at all possible.
(Mr. PATMAN (at the request of Mr.
EDWARDS of Louisiana) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
[Mr. PATMAN'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
A VERY LAUDABLE "FIRST"
(Mr. BURTON of California (at the re-
quest of Mr. EDWARDS of Louisiana) was
granted permission to extend his remarks
at this point in the RECORD and to in-
clude extraneous matter.)
Mr. BURTON of California. Mr.
Speaker, the San Francisco Sun Reporter
in its January 22, 1966, issue ran an
editorial entitled, "A Very Laudable
'First.'" The editorial commends the
President's appointment of Dr. Robert
C. Weaver as Secretary of the newly
created Department of Housing and
Urban Affairs.
I have early expressed my pleasure
over the appointment of this outstand-
ing man and at this time place the full
text of the editorial in the RECORD:
A VERY LAUDABLE "Frasr"
The pledge, given by President John F.
Kennedy, that a Negro would be named to
the President's Cabinet, was fulfilled this
week in the appointment of Dr. Robert C.
Weaver. The appointment is historic and
cogent, carrying with it the greatest signif-
icance for our domestic economy and the
broadest ramifications toward the solution
of the Nation's frustrating housing problems.
Dr. Weaver, the first Negro Cabinet member
and first Secretary of the newly created Hous-
ing and Urban Development organization,
has before him a monumental task. Presi-
dent Johnson, himself noted for taking
monumental tasks in stride, grinning at
Weaver during his press conference, said,
"May the good Lord have mercy on you."
Weaver returned the grin, an expression of
solid satisfaction in having attained this
high point of his ambitions in Government
and politics.
Dr. Weaver's qualifications overshadowed
those of 300 names submitted to President
Johnson as candidates. Following Weaver's
nomination the Senate speedily confirmed
his appointment by unanimous voice vote.
Fresh out of Harvard with two degrees
in 1933, Weaver went to work under Harold
L. Ickes in the Department of the Interior.
He earned his doctor's degree in economics
from Harvard in 1934, then worked as a spe-
cial assistant in the Federal Housing Author-
ity from 1934-37, 1937-40 and with the War
Production Board and the War Manpower
Commission during World War II. After the
war he taught at Columbia and New York
Universities. Dr. Weaver established another
"first" when New York Gov, Averell Harri-
man selected him as the first Negro to sit in
a New York Governor's cabinet. His position
was that of State rent administrator.
Dr. Weaver's trek to Cabinet rank began
5 years ago when President Kennedy ap-
pointed him Administrator of the Housing
and Home Finance Agency. Twice during
that period Weaver was denied the Cabinet
position because Congress, strengthened by
opposition from southern Congressmen, re-
fused Kennedy's request for establishment
of a Department of Urban Affairs, to be
headed by Weaver. Last year Congress finally
authorized the plan.
Meanwhile, Weaver had given further and
impressive evidence of his qualifications.
Senator A. WILLIS ROBERTSON, chairman of
the Senate Banking Committee, who voted
against Weaver when he was named Federal
Housing Administrator, said the other day,
"Although I thought he was going to be
prejudiced, I have seen no evidence of preju-
dice." Democratic and Republican Members
of Congress vied in praise of Weaver and his
record.
As head of the new Department, Dr.
Weaver would receive $35,000 annually, an
Increase of $5,000 over his HHFA salary. He
will be in charge of overseeing multibillion-
dollar operations in low-rent public housing,
community facilities, mass transportation,
slum clearance, and a staggering variety of
other Federal programs, many of them new.
His job will continue to be one of the most
difficult and frustrating in the Federal bu-
reaucracy. This includes establishing some
authority over a vast assemblage of special
Interest groups, all of them competing for
special attention or funds. These include
the mayors of our cities, the hornebuilders,
the real estate agents, and the bankers who
lend money, the planners, and various minor-
ity groups.
Negroes are proud of Dr. Weaver's appoint-
ment, and equally proud that he so adroitly
fought for this position. He most earnestly
desired it and reportedly turned down two
very attractive academic job offers while im-
patiently awaiting action on his appointment
by the White House.
One of the most hoped for changes in the
housing picture is a new approach to slum
clearance, which will give responsible con-
sideration to reasonable compensation and
humane resettlement of those dispossessed
by the clearance program.
The President, Members of Congress, and
the vast and complicated agencies and de-
partments, all deeply concerned with hous-
ing, are now convinced that Dr. Weaver can
do the job. America is indeed fortunate in
having a completely dedicated official at the
head of the agency which concerns the very
heart of our Nation?the homes of America.
Negroes have a new confidence and a new
pride in this new member of the President's
official faiyiily.
THE PRESIDENT'S CLEAR DUTY
(Mr. CALLAN (at the request of Mr.
EDWARDS of Louisiana) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. CALLAN. Mr. Speaker, on Mon-
day the President announced that he
was forced to resume the bombing at-
tacks on North Vietnam. This was an
agonizing decision, as is well known.
That it was a decision he fervently sought
to avoid has been well demonstrated by
the withholding of these attacks while
he sought an alternative way to peace.
It has now been well documented
throughout the world that the President
has sought every opportunity to persuade
the enemy to meet with us and discuss
the issues in Vietnam. It has been
equally well documented that these ef-
forts have met with naught but hostile
rejection.
There appears in yesterday's Wash-
ington Evening Star an editorial which
sums up the background of the Presi-
dent's decision and touches upon the
doubtful contribution of those who have
criticized it. The editorial declares that
there "should be an end to aimless
speeches and protests which serve no
better purpose than to undermine the
President and to encourage the eneniy."
, This is a sentiment in which many of
us in this House concur. I have asked
consent, therefore, to have the entire
text of this editorial printed in the REC-
ORD where all may read it; and it follows
herewith:
1-13S CLEAR DUTY
In deciding to order a resumption of bomb-
ing of military targets in North Vietnam,
Mr. Johnson did what had to be done. As
President and as Commander in Chief, con-
scious- of his responsibility to some 200,000
American troops as well as the soldiers of our
allies, who are under attack by a relentless
foe, he could not have done otherwise.
Obviously, it was not an easy decision to
make. And the President, even while giving
the order for the bombers to take off, renewed
his pledge that the search for a just settle-
ment will go on. One aspect of the quest
Is the arbitration proposal which Ambassa-
dor Goldberg has put before the U.N. Se-
curity Council. There is no occasion, how-
ever, for soaring hopes on this score. .Dur-
ing the bombing pause, which lasted for 37
days, the Communists not only pressed
ahead with the fighting; they also used the
opportunity to redeploy their soldiers, bring
up supplies, and repair the damage done to
their transportation system. To have per-
mitted this to go on indefinitely, as some
urged, could only have resulted in heavier
American and allied casualties. To his cred-
it, his critics notwithstanding, the Presi-
dent was unwilling to pay this price. As
he put it, it is our clear duty to do what we
can to limit the casualty rolls which, in any
event, will be long.
What is to be said of the critics, especially
those in the Senate?
In 1776 Thomas Paine wrote that "these
are the times that try men's souls." He
also paid his respects to "the summer soldier
and the sunshine patriot" who, in the crisis
of that day, shrank from the demands of the
war for freedom. If Paine were living now
he might have something to say about sun-
shine Senators.
It is not our purpose to be invidious in
suggesting this. But last week's spectacle
in the Senate was nothing less than aston-
ishlin thng.
e course of a 4-hour grilling of Secre-
tary of State Rusk, one Senator after an-
other came forward to wring his hands.
Senator FuLaraairr couldn't recall any issue
about which there is so much apprehension.
Pennsylvania's Senator CLAIM was scared to
death that we are on the way to world war
III. Senator Mumn offered the profound ob-
servation that there is a developing uncer-
tainty among the American people "about
what thLs is all about." (Little wonder, if
the people have been listening to the sena-
torial critics.)
One theme which runs through the criti-
cism is that Congress, when it approved in
1964 a joint resolution supporting the Presi-
dent's policies, did net quite realize what
it was all about, didn't quite intend to au-
thorize the President to do precisely what
he now is doing. Yet the language of the
resolution is unambiguous. It puts Con-
gress squarely on record as authorizing the
President, as he may determine, "to take
all necessary steps, including the use of
armed force," to assist South Vietnam in
defense of its freedom. Pretty hard to
wriggle out of an endorsement like that,
Senator MORSE was one of two Members of
Congress who voted against the resolution.
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Fe ruary 2, 1966 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-- HOUSE 1763
equipment that could be used in disaster
work, In response to local requests for as-
sistance, generator sets were obtained and
distributed to provide emergency power in
:stricken areas and high-capacity pumps
were acquired and installed to pump out bn-
poueded floodwaters. In addition, large
dredges and pump barges were obtained by
the corps and deployed to assist in pumping
flemied areas dry. Emergency base radio
etations were also installed in southeast
igansiana to provide temporary communica-
tenis until normai coennunications could be
oslored.
lei the immediate posthurricane period,
r,,rryi personnel in New Orleans began ne-
gotiating with contractors for removal of
debris from streets, highways and other pub-
lic facilities and areas, and for supplies and
lettipment essential En rehabilitation work.
According to the record, 118 contracts were
ca erect into in rapid succession. Within an
amost unbelievably short time contractors'
dump trucks, with capacities up to 15 tons,
went moving in a near endless line hauling
debris to dumps for burning. Over 1,500
In tics with mechanical sawing equipment
;mei loading devices were used in this op-
eration. At the same time broken limbs
were being removed from trees by trimming
erews so as to eliminate public safety haz-
ards. In many areae tele work augmented
iiiat of local agencies and soon all local traffic
at ,cries were opened and in use..
ea official ot the city of New Orleans had
in ?angled that it would take a year to ac-
eompiish this and aeon up the city. This
wee accomplished in some 2 months. All
iii all, corps contractors removed and dia-
l), sod of some 223,900 truck loads of debris
.roughout Louisiana. Additionally, houses
ul at had been blown or washed onto roads
w removed and drainage facilities im-
paired by Hurricane Betsy restored,
nuildings in the New Orleans area ren-
dered structurally unsafe by the hurricane
were demolished wbile individual trailer
sites and parks were being constructed to
readve G.SAi trailers supplied for those
residents left homeless by the storm.
At the same time the Corps of Engineers
contracted for 111;ITSh cranes for local
aeencies to use in cleaning out canals and
ether facilities. They also assisted local
interests by furniehing men, material, and
equipment as necessary to make emergency
repairs to damaged lucid levees in the vicinity
4.1 New Orleans and areas to the south.
cerps at Engineer crews also reinforced local
ni,terest levees elsewhere with sandbags so
a to provide immediate interim protection
lend in one area coostructed a 420-foot
emergency levee sei hack opposite a damaged
ftWal levee.
'The same hurricane-induced tidal surges
tat wreaked havoc on the land mass of
eeatheast Louisiana also exacted a heavy
irom the marine industry. Many ves-
sels, ranging from email lishing boats and
pleasure craft to oceangoing vessels, were
tern from tneir moorings and sunk. Some
176 others were grounded on the banks and
levees of the Mississippi River by the rise
end fall of the Meal surges. Following the
passage of Hurricane Betsy, the Corps of
Engineers began it detailed survey of
channels iii lie interest of determin-
ate obstructions to navigation and delineat-
ing clear channels. This work was rapidly
end effectively accomplished and marine
traffic quickly began moving safely out of
-Lnd into the ports of New Orleans and Baton
isouge. Investigations into the ownership
ei grounded vessels were conducted and 142
of these vessels have been removed by their
owners under the direction of the Corps of
Engineers.
The marine lose of barge MTC-602 in the
Mississippi River at Baton Rouge, Lan pre-
:tented the most serious potential of any
No. 17---15
ri-,1,411rNI,
marine loss resulting from Betsy. This
barge, loaded with 600 tons of fiqudel chlo-
rine, had been moored in Baton Rouge prior
to the hurricane. On September 11 this
barge was reported loot and presumably
sunk. The Corps of Engineers immediately
established an emergency operations center
in the area to begin a search for the barge.
The 4th Army, Navy, and Coast Guard were
also engaged in the operation. The Office of
Emergency Planning subsequently directed
the Corps of Engineers to coordinate search
efforts for the barge and remove it when
located as a hazard to public safety. Some
16 submerged objects were located and
buoyed during the search. On September
16 a Corps of Engineers survey boat, on
which was mounted a Honeywell precision
profiling sonar system, loaned to the United
States by the Tennessee Gas Pipeline Co., of
Houston, located MTC-502 lying sunk in 60
feet of water.
The corps immediately undertedk a de-
tailed survey of the barge, utilizieg divers
and underwater survey equipment. Its ex-
act positioning and condition were deter-
mined. Simultaneously, a study was made
into the construction features, strength, and
condition of the barge. Utilizing the in-
formation gained from the surveys and
study, the corps negotiated a contract for
removal of the barge. Plans of the, contrac-
tor were reviewed in detail. Following ap-
proval by the corps, work preliminary ei
actual lifting operations was begun under
corps supervision. This necessarily slow and
detailed. work was completed on November
11. AL 8 am? on November 12 lifting
operations were started. Within 2 hours the
barge broke the surface of the water. The
mission had been carried out by the Corp;
of Engineers without flaw. The fear and
anxiety which had gripped the populace of
Baton Rouge, La., and much of the Nation
disappeared with this accomplishment.
Over the years the Corps of Engineers has
constructed levees and flood control atm
tures in the lower Mississippi Valley to pre-
tect the area from devastating floods. That
these flood control structures were well and
properly constructed is now well established.
Despite being overtopped by Betsy's tidal
surges and having vessels, houses and other
debris cast upon them, the levees held.
Many of them, however, were seriously dam-
aged. Along with other emergency work, the
corps has undertaken rapid restoration of !.11
Federal levees so as to provide fule protectien
in the event of a coming high water. Addi-
tionally, the Corps of Engineers has and is
busily engaged in restoring locally con-
structed levees to their prehurricane coali-
tion so as to protect from flooding from I tie
rear.
Throughout hurricane Betsy operatinos
the Corps of Engineers has devoted Maxi-
mum effort toward assisting, roordinatieg
and cooperating with local, parish, State and
Federal agencies and the public at large. At
the same time every effort has been toward
protecting the best interests of the United
States.
POINTERS ON MORTGAGE POINTS--
BANKS PROFIT FROM FED'S
TIGHT MORTGAGE MONEY MAR-
KET
(Mr. PATMAN (at the request of 1),Tr.
EDWARDS of Louisiana) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the Reie011111 and to .include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, the Fed-
eral Reserve action last December, rais-
ing the discount rate and mgulation Q,
has been defended as a tool for restrain-
ing inflation. As the months go by, this
uncalled for action is proving to be a
heavy burden for the individual taxpayer
and citizen.
Last December, Mr. Speaker, I warned
of the dire effects that would result from
the Fed's action in forcing a rise in in-
terest rates. Saturday's Washington
Post has an interesting article pointing
out the ensuing hardships that higher
interest rates have forced upon the new
homeowner.
Since the money market is SO very
tight, due to the Federal Reserve actions,
mortgage loans are more costly. As we
can see from this article, even the fixed
FHA and VA mortgages do not remain
'fixed, but are subject to "points" or dis-
counts. Lenders, banks, savings institu-
tions, and insurance companies, offer less
than the 100 percent for these FHA and
VA mortgages meaning that the home-
owner must pay more for his mortgage,
even if the rates are guaranteed stable
by the FHA and VA.
Legally, these two agencies cannot pay
these points or discounts on mortgages.
so that it must be passed on to the home-
owner or seller. The penalty has been
passed to those who can least afford to
pay.
Instead of halting inflation, the Fed
has hit the small homeowner with a
stinging penalty and offered the banks
an opportunity to get richer. Again we
see the Fed's efforts are directed more
to help the moneylending banks than.
to help the homeowning public.
The article follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Jan. 29,
19661
POINTERS ON MORTGAGED "POINTS'.
(By Bernard C. Meltzer)
Recently, the Federal Reserve Bank :raised
the bank discount rate by one-half of 1 per-
cent. Overnight, property owners then found
themselves required to pay extra sums iii
points or discounts when they sold. Many
have written asking for an explanation of
this development in real estate.
"Dear Mr, Meltzer: The constant topic
in the monthly meetings of our civic group
used to be taxes and schools. Now it's pole is
and discounts on mortgages. One property
owner told. of being charged 5 percent or
$1,000 on a $20,000 mortgage obtained by the
buyer.
"This is something new. We would like
to know what suddenly has brought about
this situation. Second, would you please es-
plain why banks and real estate brokers all
of a sudden have decided to get rich at tee
expense of property owners?
"AsKugc."
Answer. A property owner will not sell Ms
house for $15,000 if similar houses in the
area are bringing $20,000. A bank, likewise,
will not sell its money (mortgages) at 5,",
percent when the market rate is 53,,e percent.
The recent action of the Federal Reserve
bank raising discount rates by one-half per-
cent has suddenly caused a change in mort-
gage interest rates and emphasized the phe-
nomena of points and discounts.
FHA and VA mortgages have fixed interest
rates (now 51/4 percent). If the money mar-
ket rate is higher than the F1-1A, or VA
fixed rate, lenders offer less than 100 for
these mortgages or buy at a discount. A 5
percent discount (or 5 points) means lhat
mortgage lenders pay $9,500 for a $10,000
mortgage. In this way the market rate ad-
justs to the fixed rate of the FHA or VA,
mortgage.
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Fe ruary
So he at least is entitled to be heard as he
protests now. The Oregon Senator has been
intemperate, even savage, in his criticism of
the President. But he is also the only one
to come forward with a proposal which goes
beyond mere handwringing. The 1964 res-
olution provides that Congress may termi-
nate it by another joint resolution, and Sen-
ator MORSE urges that this be done.
Perhaps this should be brought to a test.
Let us find out how many Members of Con-
gress, in the face of Ho Chi Minh's adamant
refusal to discuss peace except on his own
terms, would vote to rescind the authority
previously given the President. Let us find
out what those who might vote for revoca-
tion propose to do about the war, about the
200,000 American troops who are fighting the
battle, and whether they intend to welsh on
our Nation's commitment to a free choice
for South Vietnam.
Our guess is that such a resolution could
not muster a corporal's guard in Congress.
If this is so, there should be an end to aim-
less speeches and protests which serve no
better purpose than to undermine the Presi-
dent and to encourage the enemy.
THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS
(Mr. BRADEMAS (at the request of
Mr. EDWARDS of Louisiana) was granted
Permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, Presi-
dent Johnson's foreign aid message this
week emphasizes the obvious need for an
increased foreign aid program in Viet-
nam. But the President also points out
that we cannot let Vietnam obscure from
our vision other programs of equal im-
portance elsewhere in the world.
Among those other programs is the
Alliance for Progress with our friends
in Latin America.
The President's request for funds for
the Alliance in fiscal year 1967 is $543
million. This is some $13 million more
than was appropriated for fiscal 1966. It
represents one of the best investments
the United States can make today.
For through the Alliance for Progress
we have given notice that we will fight
the hunger and illiteracy, the disease and
deprivation, which are the conditions of
life for so many in this half of the world.
We have linked our own energies and
resources to the aspirations and determi-
nation of the men and women in Latin
America who are striving to bring better
lives to their people and to maintain
peace in this hemisphere. By lending a
further hand to peaceful development,
we weaken those who, like Castro in
Cuba, would turn legitimate demand for
change into violent upheaval.
ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROGRESS
The Alliance stands for economic and
social progress?for the dignity of man.
This Alliance is little more than 4 years
old. In that time: 300,000 new houses
have been built or are under construc-
tion; 9,000 miles of road have been built,
expanded or improved; 10 million new
school books have been provided; 13 mil-
lion schoolchildren now participate in
school lunch programs, with 12 million
adults benefiting from regular food
shipments; hundreds of thousands of
Latin Americans can now find relief from
suffering in 850 hospitals, health centers
and mobile medical units added under
the Alliance; more than 100 million peo-
ple are now protected against malaria.
SCHOOL AND HOUSES
In some nations, more schools or houses
have been built since the Alliance began,
just over 4 years ago, than were built in
the past 200 or 300 years. Cooperatives
and loan associations are enabling bor-
rowers, for the first time, to obtain credit
or capital at reasonable rates. In many
areas, children are not receiving better
textbooks: they are receiving their first
books of any kind.
LATIN AMERICANS HELP THEMSELVES
What have the Latin Americans, in
those 4 years, done to help themselves?
All of the 19 Latin American nations
have improved their administration of
taxes, and 14 of them have produced
major tax reforms.
Fourteen countries have instituted
or speeded up land reforms.
Fifteen countries have established self-
help housing programs.
Nine countries have enacted laws fa-
voring growth of savings and loan asso-
ciations.
Eight countries have new private and
public development banks.
In the past 3 years, the Latin Amer-
ican nations have allocated about $8 bil-
lion of their own resources each year to
development programs, and this amount
is expected to reach $12 billion shortly.
They have increased education bud-
gets by 13 percent.
A 5-nation bloc in Central America has
established a common market which has
made dramatic economic progress, ex-
periencing economic growth at the high
rate of 7 percent per year.
These changes did not just happen.
They came about because men of vision
and practicality instituted them, both
here and in our neighboring nations to
the south.
Bbt, Mr. Speaker, I do not want to
paint an easy or rosy picture, for there
is still an immense amount to be done if
the peoples of Latin America are to con-
tine to make progress. The way ahead
will not be easy and it will not be without
difficulties and failures.
Yet it is clear this joint effort must go
on. And to continue this effort toward
the development of a strong, peaceful,
free, and democratic hemisphere, I be-
lieve that we in Congress must lend our
support to the request which the Presi-
dent has made for adequate funds for the
Alliance for Progress.
We are no longer faced with the ques-
tion of whether the Alliance will work or
not. It is working. Our task now is to
continue it, to strengthen it, and to move
with its gathering momentum.
THE INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION
ACT OF 1966
(Mr. BRADEMAS (at the request of
Mr. EDWARDS of Louisiana) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, I rise
today to introduce the International
Education Act of lass.
11
0400020010-5 1765
During the 88th and 89th Congresses,
we have immensely strengthened this
country's commitment to the enterprise
of education.
Yet as President Johnson said in his
message to Congress today in connection
with the International Education and
Health Acts of 1966:
We would be shortsighted to confine our
vision to this Nation's shorelines. The same
rewards we count at home will flow from
sharing in a worldwide effort to rid man-
kind of the slavery of ignorance and scourge
of disease.
In his message, President Johnson
indicated his strong support of four ma-
jor purposes in international education:
1. To strengthen our capacity for inter-
national cooperation in the field of educa-
tion.
2. To encourage exchanges with students
and teachers of other countries.
3. To lend support to education in the
developing lands.
4. To construct new bridges of interna-
tional understanding.
Mr. Speaker, the President is propos-
ing a series of measures to achieve these
several purposes. The legislation I am
today introducing is aimed at only two
specific objectives: First, supporting pro-
grams of international scope in smaller
and developing countries; and second.
strengthening centers of special compe-
tence in international research and
training.
Mr. Speaker, like a number of my col-
leagues, I have had the good fortune to
visit many schools, colleges, and univer-
sities here in our own country as well as
abroad?in Buenoi Aires and Berlin,
Moscow and Djakarta, Oxford and
Warsaw.
In 1961 as a member of the House
Committee on Education and Labor, I
went with my distinguished colleague,
the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr.
Gimmo], to Argentina for the purpose of
studying the contributions which Latin
American universities could make to the
Alliance for Progress, and on our return
we published a report with a number of
recommendations for U.S. aid policy to
higher education in Latin America.
During the same year, along with sev-
eral other colleagues, led by the distin-
guished gentlewoman from Oregon [Mrs.
GREEN], I had the valuable experience of
visiting schools, colleges, and technical
institutes in the Soviet Union.
In 1963, together with my distin-
guished colleague from Connecticut [Mr.
DADDARIO], I was a delegate to the Asian-
American Assembly on Cultural Affairs
and International Understanding at
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
These and similar experiences which
I know other Members of this House have
had cannot fail to impress all of us with
the increasing significance of education
in international affairs.
Section 3 of the International Educa-
tion Act of 1966 authorizes grants to col-
leges and universities for the establish-
ment, strengthening, and operation by
them of graduate centers which will be
national and international resources for
research and training in international
studies.
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In addition to the centers for advanced
international studies authorized by sec-
tion 3, this legislation, in section 4, pro-
vides for grants to strengthen under-
graduate programs in international
studies. For example, such grants could
be used to support faculty planning in
undergraduate international studies,
training faculty members in foreign
countries, student work-study-travel
programs, and programs of visiting for-
eign scholars.
Mr. Speaker, in May 1961, before
assuming his present position, President
Johnson succinctly expressed the cause
he is urging that we serve in the Inter-
national Education Act. He said: "Arms
can never make us invulnerable nor our
armies invincible, but the support we
give to education can make freedom
irresistible."
Mr. Speaker, I hope this measure will
receive the full and careful consideration
of this House and of the Senate and that
it will be enacted into law.
Mr. Speaker, I include at this point in
the RECORD the text of the International
Education Act of 1966:
R. 12452
A bill to provide for the strengthening of
American educational resources for inter-
national studies and research
Be it enacted by the Senate and the House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That this
Act may be cited as the "International Edu-
cation Act of 1966".
FINDINGS AND DECLARATION
Sec. 2. The Congress hereby finds and de-
elares that a knowledge of other countries is
of the utmost importance in promoting mu-
tual understanding and cooperation between
dations; that strong American educational
resources are a necessary base for strengthen-
mg our relations with other countries; that
this and future generations of Americans
should be assured ample opportunity to de-
velop to the fullest extent possible their
intellectual capacities in all areas of knowl-
edge pertaining to other countries, peoples,
and cultures; and that it is therefore both
necessary and appropriate for the Federal
Government to assist in the development of
resources for international study and re-
search and to assist the progress of education
m developing nations, in order to meet the
eequirements of world leadership.
,-!ENTERS FOR ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
SEC. 3. (a) The Secretary of Health, Edu-
cation, and Welfare (hereinafter referred to
zis the "Secretary") is authorized to arrange
through grants to institutions of higher edu-
cation, or combinations of such institu-
tions, for the establishment, strengthening,
and operation by them of graduate centers
which will be national and international re-
sources for research and training in inter-
national studies. Activities carried on in
such centers may be concentrated either on
specific geographical areas of the world or
on particular fields or issues in international
affairs which concern one or more countries,
or both.
(b) Grants under this section may be
used to cover part or all of the cost of estab-
lishing, strengthening, equipping, and op-
erating research and training centers, in-
cluding the cost of teaching and research
materials and resources and the cost of pro-
grams for bringing visiting scholars and
faculty to the center, for the training and
improvement of the staff, and for the travel
of the staff in foreign areas, regions, or
coiantries with which the center may be con-
cerned. Such grants may also include funds
for stipends (in such amounts as may be
determined in accordance with regulations
of the Secretary) to Individuals undergoing
training In such centers, including allow-
ances for dependents and for travel here and
abroad. Grants under this section shall be
made on such conditions as the Secretary
finds necessary to carry out its purposes.
GRANTS TO STRENGTHEN UNDERGRADUATE PRO-
GRAMS IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
SEC. 4. (a) The Secretary is authorized to
make grants to institutions of higher educa-
tion to assist them in planning, developing,
and carrying out a comprehensive program
to strengthen and improve undergraduate
instruction in international studies. Grants
made under this section may be for projects
and activities which are an integral pert of
such a comprehensive program such as--
(1) faculty planning for the development
and expansion of undergraduate programs in
international studies;
(2) training of faculty members in foreign
countries;
(3) expansion of foreign language courses;
t4) work in the social sciences and hu-
manities which is related to international
studies;
(5) planned and supervised student work-
study-travel programs; and
(6) programs under which foreign teachers
and scholars may visit institutions as visit-
ing faculty or resource persons.
(b) A grant may be made under this sec-
tion only upon application to the Secretary
at such time or times and containing such
information as he deems necessary. The
Secretary shall not approve an application
unless it?
(1) sets forth a program for carrying out
one or more projects or activities for which
a grant is authorized under subsection (a);
(2) sets forth policies and procedures
which assure that Federal funds made iesail-
able under this section for any fiscal year
will be so used as to supplement and, to the
extent practical, increase the level of funds
that would, in the absence of such Federal
funds, be made available for purposes which
meet the requirements of subsection (a) , and
in no case supplant such funds;
(3) provides for such fiscal control and
fund accounting procedures as may be neces-
sary to assure proper disbursement of and
accounting for Federal funds paid to the ap-
plicant under this section; arid
(4) provides for making such repoO? in
such form and containing such information,
as the Secretary may require to carry os i; his
functions under this section, and for keeping
such records and for affording such access
thereto as the Secretary may find necessary
to assure the correctness and verification of
such reports.
(c) The Secretary shall allocate grants to
Institutions of higher education under this
section in such manner and acording to
such plan as will most nearly provide an
equitable distribution of the grants through-
out the States while at the same time giving
a preference to those institutions which are
most in need of additional funds for pro-
grams in international studies and which
show real promise of being able to use addi-
tional funds effectively.
METHOD OF PAYMENT; FEDERAL
ADMINISTRATION
SEC. 5. (a) Payments under this Act may
be made in installments, and in advance or
by way of reimbursement with necessary ad-
justments on account of overpayments or un-
derpayments.
(b) In administering the provisions of this
Act, the Secretary is authorized to utilize the
services and facilities of any agency of the
Federal Government and of any other public
or nonprofit agency or institution, in accord-
ance with agreements between the Secretary
and the head thereof.
FEDERAL CONTROL OF EDUCATION PROHIBITED
SEC. 6. Nothing contained in this Act shall
be construed to authorize any department,
agency, officer, or employee of the United
States to exercise any direction, supervision,
or control over the curriculum, program of
instruction, administration, or personnel of
any educational institution.
APPROPRIATIONS AUTHORIZED
SEC. 7. For the purpose of making grants
under sections 3 and 4 of this Act, there are
authorized to be appropriated such sums
as may be necessary for the fiscal year end-
ing June 30, 1967, and each of the four suc-
ceeding fiscal years.
AMENDMENTS TO STRENGTHEN TITLE VI OR"rnt
NATIONAL DEFENSE EDUCATION ACT OF I 958
Removing requirement for area centers quit
adequate language instruction not be
readily available
SEC. 8. (a) (1) The first sentence of section
601(a) of the National Defense Education
Act of 1958 is amended by striking out 1) "
ad by striking out ", and (2) that adequate
instruction in such language is not readily
available in the United States".
(2) The first sentence of section 601(c)
(as redesignated by section 102(a) ) is
amended by striking out "(with respect to
which he makes the determination under
clause (1) of subsection (a) )" and inserting
in lieu thereof "(with respect to which he
makes the determination under subsection
(a) )".
Removing 50 per centum ceiling on Federal
participation
(b) The third sentence of section 601 (a)
Is amended by striking out "not more than
than 50 per centum" and inserting "all or
part" in lieu thereof.
Authorizing grants as well as contracts for
language and area centers
(c) Section 601(a) is amended by :inserting
"grants to or" a:fter "arrange through" in
the first sentence, and by inserting "grant
or" before "contract" each time that it ap-
pears in the second and third sentences.
THE PRESIDENT'S INTERNATIONAL
EDUCATION PROPOSALS PRAISED
BY CHAIRMAN POWELL
(Mr. POWELL (at the request of Mr.
EDWARDS of Louisiana) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. POWELL. Mr. Speaker, I wish to
warmly commend President Johnson for
offering today one of the greatest con-
tributions to international understand-
ing in the history of this country.
The President's legislative proposals
are a Magna Carta of international edu-
cation which reaffirm man's right to
knowledge and the free use thereof.
Not only do these recommendations
significantly widen America's responsi-
bilities and commitments to the free
world, but they help to harness the intel-
lectual resources of all nations in the
global fight against ignorance and
illiteracy.
That our country will join in this his-
toric international educational partner-
ship to exchange ideas, techniques, and
materials is a happy reminder that
knowledge knows no national boundaries.
The exciting diversity of the Presi-
dent's proposals all merit serious consid-
eration. Together, all of these proposals
will provide the needed stimulus to im-
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A further thrust of the legislation in
this area has been the recognition of the
need for grant assistance for the smaller
communities of the country?those hav-
ing a population of less than 125,000. To
meet this need, dollar limitations were
imposed on the Federal grants and a por-
tion of the appropriated funds was set
aside for the smaller communities, where
smaller project costs are involved. In
these ways, the relatively limited annual
appropriation is assured of being more
equally distributed between large and
small communities and projects.
The amendments I am proposing in
legislation today are consistent with the
spirit and intent of the prior legislation,
while, I believe, offering the much-
needed incentive formula for the States
to meet their responsibilities.
The Water Quality Act of 1965, Public
Law 89-234, amended the Federal Water
Pollution Control Act and provides the
following program of grant assistance for
the construction of treatment works:
First, a grant is limited to 3 per-
cent of the estimated reasonable cost
of the project with a dollar limitation on
the grant of $1,200,000, for an individual
project, and $4,800,000, for a joint proj-
ect in which two or more municipalities
join.
Second, the dollar limitations imposed
shall not apply in the case of grants
made from appropriated funds in excess
of $100 million?the current authoriza-
tion is $150 million?if the State agrees
to match equally all grants made from
this allocation for projects in the State.
Third, in addition, the Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare may in-
crease the amount of a grant project cer-
tified by designated bodies as being in
conformity with a comprehensive plan
for the municipality.
My amendment would make the fol-'
lowing changes:
First, if a community is eligible for a
full 30 percent Federal grant with-
out any State machinery, the Secretary
may increase the amount of the Federal
grant by up to an additional 30 percent,
provided that the State match any addi-
tional amount, dollar for dollar.
Second, if there has been State match-
ing of the initial 30 percent Federal
grant, the Secretary may increase the
amount of the Federal grant by up to an
additional 15 percent, provided that the
State also match the additional amount,
dollar for dollar.
My amendment would increase the
Federal share in the cost of construction
of local community pollution control fa-
cilities, but only to the extent that the
States themselves are willing to par-
ticipate.
Under present-law, a community must
shoulder between 37 and 67 percent of the
total cost of such projects, depending on
which section of the act applies. My
amendment would reduce these amounts
to 4 and 5.5 percent, respectively, pro-
vided the States went along to the extent
provided in the amendment.
Maximum Federal share under each
phase would be increased from the pres-
ent limits of 33 percent under both phases
to 66 and 49.5 percent, respectively.
State participation would be required for
an increased Federal share, of course.
Under the present law, no requirement
exists for State participation under the
provision covering small community
projects, and only 30 percent for projects
over the dollar limitation. My amend-
ment would encourage a State share of
up to 30 percent under the former pro-
vision and up to 45 percent under the
latter.
I invite all of my colleagues to read and
analyze the bills I introduce today. I feel
they offer the most responsive and mean-
ingful proposal so far for the kind of
assistance and stimulation which will
bring results where they are most needed,
at the local community level.
I might point out in conclusion, that
these bills are the result of a long and
exhaustive study of the problem and of
the solutions put forth to date. I wel-
come the opportunity to discuss them in
more detail with the distinguished Mem-
bers of this body.
It is my hope that they will be acted on
as swiftly as possible in order to generate
the necessary action in our States and
communities.
PARTIAL PAYMENT OF "PRINCIPLE"
TO THOSE WHO RISK THEIR
LIVES IN OUR INTEREST
(Mr. WOLFF (at the request of Mr. ED-
WARDS of Louisiana) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
. traneous matter.)
Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, this body
has seen numerous bills over the years
to partially repay, through educational
benefits, our fighting men for the time
lost to their careers by military service.
Today I am intro"ducing a bill in sup-
port of that placed before this distin-
guished body on January 31 by my
friend, the gentleman from Texas, [Mr.
TEAGUE].
The Congress has seen numerous bills
over the years to partially repay, through
educational benefits, our fighting men
for the time lost to their careers by mili-
tary service.
Some legislation has proposed that
such benefits be limited to those who
actually served in areas of special haz-
ard. Others prescribed specific time
periods for eligibility. There has been
opposition to every proposal.
Now Congressman TEAGUE has intro-
duced legislation that would go all the
way back to where the Korean GI bill
was arbitrarily cut off on January 31,
1955. This bill provides benefits that are
surely not incommensurate with what
our servicemen have done for us. This
bill is the product of much thought and
accommodation of divergent views. I
believe it is a good bill, and I believe it
is high time our Nation began meeting
its responsibilities to those we ask to give
up to and including their lives for our
national purposes.
Mr. Speaker, as I have noted before in
this House, we in Congress must meet our
responsibilities to our returning veterans
as earlier Congresses have done. The
Veterans' Readjustment Benefits Act is a
1761
partial payment at principle to those
who risk t ' s in our interest.
THE PRESIDENT'S FATEFUL
DECISION
(Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr.
EDwAttris of Louisiana) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, one man
alone, the President of the United
States, knows the deep agony and an-
guish that lay behind the fateful deci-
sion on Monday last to resume the bomb-
ing of Communist military targets in
North Vietnam.
Yet all of us here, and I believe all
Americans, know the significance of this
decision for the future course of our
Nation. The President has done what
had to be done. He has done what had
to be done because of the intransigence
of the enemy we face. He has done what
had to be done if we were to learn from
the lessons of history.
Yesterday there appeared in New
York's Journal American, and in all the
Hearst newspapers across the country,
an outstanding editorial which pointed
out that we could not permit the enemy
the privilege of a sanctuary from which
to attack the defenders of freedom.
In pointed eloquence this editorial de-
clared:
The wagers of aggressive war in North Viet-
nam must know that the wellsprings of their
policies are as much a target as the streams
they produce.
This is an editorial which expresses
the sentiments I hold, and sentiments I
feel are shared by many Members of
this House. I ask permission for it to be
inserted in the RECORD where all may
read it:
[From the New York (N.Y.) Journal-Amer-
can, Feb. 1, 1968]
The decision to resume the bombing of
North Vietnam was made to a very high
degree in Hanoi and Peiping as in Washing-
ton. The leaders in both Communist capitals
are aware that even the slightest response
on their part to President Johnson's pro-
digious peace efforts since Christmas could
have stayed the onslaught that now ranges
the skies of North Vietnam.
But no such response was forthcoming, and
indeed no sign was given that the premedi-
tated aggression in South Vietnam had abated
or would abate. The aggressors in short,
threw down the challenging gauntlet to the
United States sworn to defend South Viet-
nam's freedom, and this Nation had no
option but to pick it up.
The acceptance of this challenge moreover
is motivated by the intransigence of Ho Chi
Minh and Mao Tse-tung. It is motivated by
history?when a similar decision was faced
by the United States in the bitter and costlier
Korean war. During that conflict there came
a time when our enemies took full advantage
of a sanctuary?north of the Yalu River?
which we ourselves had proclaimed, to pursue
their aggresion and to peril great numbers of
American troops.
Indeed it is now a fact of history that the
Red Chinese Army Command of that day ad-
mitted that it never would have advanced
south into Korea had it not been certain that
its bases in the north would remain immune
from American attack. These bases did re-
main immune and the result is known to
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racury 2, 1966
history. The lesson is clear. There can be no
sanctuary for aggressors. No one must be
permitted to conduct such operations with
impunity again. Thus the wagers of aggres-
aive wax in North Vietnam must know that
the wellsprings of their policies are as much
a target as the streams; they produce.
But the way out is still open for those who
have brought down such punishment on their
heads. The Johnson administration, has for
example, endorsed the proposal by Pope
;Saul VI for arbitration of the Vietnam prob-
tem by neutral nations. In addition, the
United States has called for a full-scale
United Nations Security Council debate on
the matter. We seek, in short, to talk and
parlay even as the bombers fly.
But it takes two to talk.
ItEPORT OF EXTENSIVE ACTIVITIES
FOLLOWING THE DEVASTATION
WROUGHT BY HURRICANE BETSY
(Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr.
ED WARDS of Louisiana) was granted per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, the deva-
station wrought by Hurricane Betsy to
south Louisiana last September was
tremendous, as every Member of this
douse knows. Death and destruction
were left in its wake, but not for long.
The various agencies of the National
Oovernment, working with the State and
parish governments, and coupled with
the herculean determination and efforts
of the people of Louisiana, restored the
communities of south Louisiana more
rapidly than anyone thought possible.
The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers,
directed by Col, Thomas J. Bowen, the
corps' district engineer stationed in
New Orleans, did a magnificent job
above and beyond the call of duty to as-
sist the people of New Orleans and the
ilurrounciing parishes in returning their
communities to normal operations. The
army Engineers worked around the clock
l'or days and days following the hurri-
cane, which swept through southeast
Louisiana on the night of September 9-
10.
The Engineers surveyed damages; they
evacuated hundreds of stranded, and
temporarily homeless citizens; they pro-
vided emergency power in stricken areas;
ihey pumped out the high waters in
many areas; they contracted for the
clearance of debris, and more than
223,800 truckloads of debris were cleared
away under the direction of the corps;
they surveyed all waterway channels to
determine whether there were obstruc-
tions to passage; they - restored those
Federal levees under their purview, and
lelped to restore and strengthen those
levees built by other governing bodies.
All in all, the Army Corps of Engineers
performed many difficult tasks in an ex-
emplary manner, and I am happy and
proud to salute all the engineers and
Colonel Bowen for their service to the
people of New Orleans and the State of
Under the Federal Disaster Act. as
mended, the Corps of Engineers are di-
"noted to survey damages; perform debris
clearance; provide protective measures
or other emergency assignments, and in-
spect completed disaster projects.
,,.q.,,,q,""vrqsvmirrsralmava,a ? -a.
Following Hurricane Betsy, Mr.
Speaker, the Army Engineers did all
arid much more, and I am pleased to
commend them for a job well done. The
Carps of Engineers has long, served the
people of the United States faithfully
arid well in peace and in war; and their
employees, both military and civilian, are
deserving of the highest tributes from
their fellow citizens.
The New Orleans District of the Army
Engineers has provided me with a full
report of their extensive activities, be-
fore, during, and after Hurricane Betsy
and I would like to commend this report
to my fellow colleagues in the House and
the Senate. The detailed report follows:
ilURRICANE BETSY ACTIVITIES, NEW ORLEANS
DISTRICT, CORPS OF ENGINEERS
in the early evening of August 26, 1905, a
tropical depression was located in the South
Atlantic Ocean 675 miles east northeast of
Trinidad. By the following evening this de-
pression had spawned a full blown hurriaane
destined to be remembered as "Betsy"? -one
of the most destructive storms of record.
With the inception of the hurricane the
New Orleans District, with other gulf and
Atlantic coast Districts of the Army's Corps
of Engineers, began plotting the path of the
storm from weather bureau advisories. Long
established emergency operations plans and
the availability of assigned corps personnel
were verified. The period of watching and
waiting for where and when had begun.
Members of the corps plotted Betsy's,nth
as she moved westward, then northwestward,
over the Windward and Leeward Islands,
then north to the east of Puerto Rico, Shen
again northwestward, aimed ;it the Virginia
coastline and the city of Washington, D.C.
Suddenly, during the night of August 30,
while some 350 miles north of Puerto Moo,
Betsy buttonhooked and headed south, then.
west, then northwest in the direction of the
Carolinas. The populace of the gulf coast
heaved a sight of relief. The sigh was pre-
mature for, during the night of September 4
while some 325 miles east of Daytona Beach,
Fla., Betsy again button.hooked, headed
south, then southwest, then west toward the
southern tip of Florida. On September 7
Corps of Engineer personnel in the New Or-
leans District were alerted for possible ener-
gency action. During the morning of Sep-
tember 8 the hurricane roared across the
Florida Keys and into the Gulf of Medco.
Here she continued a generally westward
course for approximately 24 hours and then
on September 9 veered to the northwest and
toward the Louisiana coastline.
On the morning of September 9, Col.
Thomas J. Bowen, the corps district engi-
neer in New Orleans, directed precautionary
action throughout the threatened portions
of his 47?000-scmare-mile district so as to
protect Government installations, property
and personnel A preplanned emergency op-
erations center was activated on a 24-hour
basis in the New Orleans office. The un-
usually high forward speed of the hurri sane
and its erratic course limited the time a sail-
able for prestorrn activities to hours rather
than days. Regardless, by Thursday sight.
September 9, all possible precautionary and
protective measures had been taken and a
continuous radio liaison with district in-
stallations established. The Corps of Engi-
neers was ready.
In the early evening of September 9. the
eye of Hurricane Betsy moved across the
Louisiana coast just west of Grand Isle.
Winds in excess of 160 m.p.h. were :recorded.
These winds, damaging enough by them-
selves, induced tidal surges up to 16 feet
above mean sea level. These surges moved.
across the low-lying marshes to the east and
north of the Mississippi River below New
Orleans and overtopped main line levees on
both sides of the river in the lower parts of
St. Bernard and Plaquemines Parishes. Back
levees built by local agencies for reclamation
and protection against tidal flooding were
overtopped and breached in numerous places.
Severe flooding occurred in portions of
Orleans, St. Bernard, and Plaquemine& Par-
ishes. All In all, some 4,800 square miles
were inundated. Transportation, communi-
cation, and utilities services were severely
disrupted. The known dead count even-
tually reached 81 in number.
Fortunately, advance warning by the
Weather Bureau had enabled thousands of
people to flee their homes before the hurri-
cane winds and waters struck. Many others
were not so fortunate. Rapidly rising water
trapped them in their homes, on roofs, on
tops of cars, and anything else above the flood
level. Evacuation by boat was their only
salvation. Early on Friday, September 10,
Corps of Engineer personnel and boats were
ordered into the stricken area to join others
in rescue operations. These were the first
personnel from any Government agency to
participate in this operation. By nightfall,
over 1,200 persons had been rescued by the
corps.
Also, early on the morning of September
10, Corps of Engineer employees of the
New Orleans District, despite the fact that
many of them had suffered severe damage
themselves, came through water, wind, rain,
fallen power lines and debris to report for
work and emergency assignments. A pre-
planned disaster recovery center was acti-
vated and a well trained, highly capable, ef-
ficient organization of dedicated people
swung into action. In anticipation of things
to come, plans were initiated to send dam-
age reconnaissance teams into the 35
Louisiana parishes laid waste by Betsy. Ap-
proximately 500 New Orleans District per-
sonnel were assigned to disaster work. Due
to the extensiveness of the damaged area
and the multiplicity of tasks that would
have to be performed, this was not enough.
A call for assista,nse from other corps in-
stallations throughout the country went out
through corps channels. In a comparatively
short period some 240 employees came pour-
ing in--ready, willing and able to work.
They came from Seattle and Baltimore,
Vicksburg, Memphis and St. Louis, San
Francisco and Jacksonville, Huntington and
Los Angeles, Galveston and Kansas City and
points in between. Every corps division in
the continental United States responded
well and rapidly.
In the cloning of September 10, the Presi-
dent of the United States, with members of
the Louisiana congressional delegation and
officials of pertinent Federal agencies, flew
into New Orleans to survey hurricane dam-
ages. The President promptly declared
Louisiana a major natural disaster area and
pledged all possible Federal assistance. The
Office of Emergency Planning was directed
to coordinate the relief and rehabilitation
activites of all Federal agencies. As had
been done on previous occasions, the Office
of Emergency Planning assigned the major
part of the rehabilitation work to the Corps
of Engineers.
Already 35 Corps of Engineers assista nee
teams, each headed by a fully qualified engi-
neer, had fanned out into Louisana's dam-
aged parishes. 'Their job was to survey
damages and to determine the extent anol
type of rehabilitation work necessary, to ad-
vise local officials of Office of Emergency Plan-
ning's authority and procedures under Public
Law 875, to supervise Corps of Engineers'
emergency work in their respective areas, to
give technical advice to local interests and
to do all else necessary to render assistance
and hasten a return to normalcy.
In the hours following the hurricane, the
Corps of Engineers alerted the construsnion
industry for mobilization of all possible
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and technology and the information ex-
plosion?is one in which specialized
knowledge is crucial to decisiorunaking.
Legislators responsible to the people must
have that knowledge and be able to apply
that knowledge for the benefit of the
people.
The requirements for our profession
have been upgraded through the years?
in response to the new problems and
new opportunities rising from those
years. The arguments earlier advanced
in favor of a 2- or 3-year term for Mem-
bers of the House of Representatives have
been strengthened with the passing of
each and every year. The arguments
have never been stronger than they are
for a 4-year term today.
The lessons of our constitutional be-
ginnings are relevant in a second respect.
At the Constitutional Convention,
Hamilton shrewdly observed that "Fre-
quency of elections tended to make the
people listless to them." But today there
are probably more elections occurring at
more frequent intervals in the United
States than in any nation on earth. The
people do not insist on this great flood?
many in fact find it wasteful, confusing,
or irritating. A recent Gallup poll con-
firms that a substantial majority of
Americans, regardless of political affil-
iation, favor changing the terms of
Members of the House of Representatives
from 2 to 4 years. The people are al-
ready what we must become?sensible
people. They want Members to spend
less time campaigning for reelection, and
more time concentrating upon the peo-
ple's problems and meeting the people's
needs.
We can start now. The time is now.
The 2-year term for Members of the
House is, in my opinion, an anachronism.
It should be abolished for reasons the
President and the people have given us?
good, strong, sensible reasons that are
even more compelling today than they
were 175 years ago.
RESUMPTION OF BOMBING
NORTH VIETNAM
Mr. McINTYRE. Mr. President, in all
that has been written and said since the
resumption of air strikes in North Viet-
nam, no explanation has been more logi-
cal or more compelling than the one ad-
vanced by the New York Journal
American of February 1.
In a strong editorial, that paper put
into words what we all know: "The de-
cision to resume the bombing of North
Vietnam was made, to a very high de-
gree, as much in Hanoi and Peiping as it
was in Washington."
I submit that in the light of a complete
lack of cooperative response from the
other side, President Johnson could have
made no other decision.
I also submit that the record is open
for all to see, and I think the Journal
American summed it up very well when
it said:
The leaders in both Conununist capitals
are aware that even the slightest response
on their part to President Johnson's prodi-
gious peace efforts since Christmas could
have stayed the mighty onslaught of power
that now ranges the skies of North Vietnam.
The President made his difficult de-
cision, as the editorial declared, because
"no such response was forthcoming, and
indeed no sign was given that the pre-
meditated aggression in South Vietnam
had abated or would abate. The aggres-
sors, in short, threw down the challeng-
ing gauntlet to the United States, sworn
to defend South Vietnam's freedom, and
this Nation had no option but to pick
it up."
This editorial adds substantially to
what the world knows. I believe that my
colleagues will want to study its logic
and I therefore offer it for inclusion in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE BOMBERS TALK
The decision to resume the bombing of
North Vietnam was made, to a very high
degree, as much in Hanoi and Peiping as it
was in Washington. The leaders in both
Communist capitals are aware that even the
slightest response on their part to President
Johnson's prodigious peace efforts since
Christmas could have stayed the mighty on-
slaught of power that now ranges the skies
of North Vietnam.
But no such response was forthcoming,
and indeed no sign was given that the pre-
meditated aggression in South Vietnam had
abated or would abate. The aggressors, in
short, threw down the challenging gauntlet
to the United States, sworn to defend South
Vietnam's freedom and this Nation had no
option but to pick it up.
The acceptance of this challenge, more-
over, is motivated by more than the intransi-
gence of Ho Chi Minh and Mao Tse-tung.
It is motivated by history, when a similar
decision was faced by the United States in
the bitter and much more costly Korean
war. During that conflict there came a
time when our enemies took full advantage
of a sanctuary?north of the Yalu River?
which we ourselves had proclaimed, to pur-
sue their aggressions and to peril great num-
bers of American troops..
Indeed it is now a fact of history that
the Chinese Red Army command of that
day later admitted that it would never have
dvanced south into Korea if it had not
been certain that its bases in the north
would remain immune from American attack.
These bases did remain immune, and the
result is known to history.
NO SANCTUARY FOR AGGRESSORS
The lesson is clear. There can be no sanc-
tuary for aggressors. No one must be per-
mitted to conduct such operations with
such impunity again. Thus the wagers of
aggressive war in North Vietnam must know
that the well-springs of their policies are
as much a target as the streams they produce.
But the way out is still open for those
who have brought down such punishment on
their heads. The Johnson administration
has, for example, endorsed the proposal by
Pope Paul VI for arbitration of the Vietnam
problem by neutral nations. In addition,
the United States has called for a full-scale
United Nations Security Council debate on
the matter. We seek, in short, to talk and
parlay even as the bombers fly.
But it takes two to talk.
SENATOR RIBICOFF ADDRESSES
UNITED JEWISH APPEAL IN DAL-
LAS
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
the people of Dallas were pleased and
privileged to play host recently to the
1839
distinguished junior Senator from Con-
necticut. The able Senator RIBICOFF,
former Secretary of Health, Education,
and Welfare, addressed the opening ses-
sion of the United Jewish Appeal South-
Southwestern regional conference at Dal-
las on January 22, 1966, and gave an
informed and inspiring talk on the out-
standing efforts of the U.S. Jewish com-
munity in supporting philanthropic ac-
tivities. I am pleased that our distin-
guished colleague visited and spoke in
my home State.
I ask unanimous consent that an ac-
count of Senator RIBICOFF'S talk appear-
ing in the January 23, 1963, Dallas Morn-
ing News, be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
RIBICOFF PRAISES EFFORTS OF JEWS
U.S. Senator ABRAHAM A. RIBICOFF praised
supporters of the United Jewish Appeal here
Saturday night for keeping faith with two
great traditions?"the age-old Jewish tradi-
tion of caring for the needy and the Ameri-
can tradition of voluntary philanthropy."
The Connecticut Democrat, addressing the
opening session of the United Jewish Appeal
(UJA) South-Southwest regional conference
in the Stotler Hilton Hotel, lauded local UJA
organization workers for recognizing "the
duty to allocate funds to support Jewish cul-
tural and welfare needs on a national and
international level
"They accept the voluntary duty of shar-
ing the fruits of well-being and freedom they
have found in this blessed land with their
uprooted and destitute brethren in all parts
of the world.
"And I am proud to say that the same peo-
ple who participate with time, effort, and
money in aiding Jewish philanthropies, give
in equal measure to the philanthropies of the
community at large."
In this vein, he cited Max Fisher, UJA gen-
eral chairman and president of the Detroit,
Mich., United Fund.
Ribicoff also applauded the sense of re-
sponsibility taken on by UJA supporters.
"They do not shrug their shoulders at the
plight of the less fortunate and say, 'Let the
government take care of the situation.'
They accept a personal responsibility to help
care for those who need assistance.
"And in every town and city throughout
our country, the local Jewish community
doesn't wait for some governmental bureau to
take care of the sick, the aged, the orphaned,
or the distressed people among them. It or-
ganizes its own systems of aid to meet these
problems.
"And it is supported by most of the mem-
bers of the community on a voluntary
basis?the basis of individual conscience and
individual acceptance of that sacred duty to
be his brother's keeper which is embodied in
Judaism."
More than 500 community leaders from 10
States are attending the Dallas conference
which will make plans for mobilizing support
in the South and Southwest for the UJA's
1966 nationwide drive to raise $73,420,000.
The funds will go to Jewish immigrants in
Israel and 30 other countries.
Speaking with RIBICOFF at the first session
Saturday night was T.IJA General Chairman
Fisher who cited the group's major tasks in
1966 as:
Moving 55,000 Jewish immigrants and refu-
gees from distressed areas of Europe, North
Africa, and Asia to Israel "and other lands of
freedom."
Make up the loss of $17,500,000 as the re-
sult of the end of German reparations for
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aid and rehabilitation programs on behalf of
the surviving victims of Nazi persecution.
Speed absorption of 382,000 immigrants
already in Israel.
And provide increased aid for more than
400,000 indigent jaws in various Moslem
countries and Europe.
Principal speaker for the conference's
closing session Sunday noon will be Michael
Comay, Israel's Ambassador to the United
Nations. Also speaking Sunday will be Mrs.
Jack Karp of Los Angeles, Calif., U.JA chair-
man.
STOP MURDER BY MOTOR
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, today
in New York City the American Trial
Lawyers Association, of which I am
proud to be a longstanding member, is
launching a broad-scale national attack
on what it has truthfully named, in the
title of a brochure already widely dis-
tributed throughout the Nation, "Mur-
der by ailotor."
Members of the American Trial Law-
yers Association, as its president, Joseph
Keiner, says in his introduction to the
white paper or monograph, have "a vast
storehouse of knowledge and experience
acquired in investigation, preparation
and trial of injury and death cases in
the courts of our land." In issue after
Issue of the bimonthly publication, Trial,
the association has expressed concern
for the problems of traffic safety. Re-
cent issues have followed the hearings
which I chaired in the Commerce Com-
mittee on the tire safety bill by Senator
NELSON, of which I was a cosponsor.
They have reported on the hearings by
Senator RIBicoEE, which were resumed
this week, in the Government Opera-
tions Subcommittee. The organization,
and its 20,000 members, has a long-
standing interest in auto safety.
The 16 pages of "Murder by Motor"
discusses, among other things, what it
terms "the inadequate Government
role."
It is an undeniable fact that the Fed-
eral Government has no comprehensive
plan in existence or in contemplation
to cope with this frightful problem,
which constitutes a major economic
threat to our national economy and an
ever-present hazard to the life and limb
of our people.
am most hopeful that we shall
shortly be able to remedy that de-
plorable situation. I hope we may do
It through the bill which I intend to
introduce in the Senate tomorrow, and
which Congressman JAMES A. MACKAY
intends to introduce in the House on the
same day. It is not my intention to dis-
cuss this bill in detail today, but it will
be titled the National Traffic Safety Act,
and it will provide a National Traffic
Safety Agency with a center to include
accident, engineering, and traffic studies
of various kinds as a new national re-
source for an operating center to spear-
head the attack on murder by motor.
It will aim at the promotion of uni-
formity among the various States in a
variety of traffic matters among which
there is a sad lack of uniformity today,
and one which contributes to our prob-
lems. It will empower the specification
of safety standards and certification of
vehicles for roadworthiness, in a manner
Thu
similar to that by which the Federal
Aviation Agency certifies the airworthi-
ness of planes before they become a
regular part of our air traffic. In short,
it will be a new and important center for
study, for coordination, for Federal focus
in the fight which we all must join, the
crusade against public aoathy toward
traffic fatalities.
Throughout the Trial Lawyers bro-
chure there is discussion of the four main
elements which contribute to highway
accidents. These four are first, the
driver: second, the automobile; third,
the highway; and fourth the pedestrian.
A panel of 2,000 lawyers from all 50
States has been set up to broadcast and
lecture on these questions, which the as-
sociation believes will be "one of the most
ambitious and, hopefully, effective pro-
grams designed to focus public attention
upon this monstrous problem."
But the "Stop Murder by Motor" cam-
paign being launched today has more
than an incidental tie to the Ma ckay-
Ilartke bill. The white paper not, only
presents the alarming and challenging
facts of our highway carnage. Some of
them are most striking? such as that
while our military battle deaths from
1775 through 1964 totaled 605,000, our
motor vehicle deaths from 1900 through
1964 came to 1,510,000. But it also pre-
sents a number of specific recommenda-
tions.
Among these are recommendations for
Federal and State laws to require tire
safety standards and. uniform labeling to
dispel the confusion we have seen in the
testimony on the Nelson bill. There is
also this specific recommendation on
page 15:
Congress should enact a National Highway
Safety Act providing for a National Director
of Highway Safety with authority, personnel,
and funds to act effectively.
As one who has long had a deep inter-
est in auto safety and as the sponsor both
of several bills now pending and of the
Mackay-Hartke bill to be introduced to-
morrow, it is a double pleasure to note
the efforts of the American Trial Lawyers
Association, which are being launched
today in its national campaign. It is a
double pleasure because I am myself a
member of the organization, the only
raember of the Senate who is on the rolls
of the Washington chapter. I hope its
campaign will awaken the public con-
science and jolt the public lethargy
which has so much handicapped our ef-
forts. I hope it will help to pave the way
for not only acceptance of but demand
for a national attack on the problem
such as the Mackay-Hartke bill will pro-
vide.
Mr. President, the Washington Post of
yesterday took editorial note of the trial
lawyers' efforts, at the same time noting
Congressman MACKAY'S announced in-
tention. I might add that although the
Congressman's careful and prolonged
work had already resulted in a prelimi-
nary draft before our collaboration, the
bill which we shall introduce is the re-
sult of active cooperation between Mr.
MACKAY and myself and between our
staffs. I hope that when it is introduced
there will be not only cosponsors in the
House who are already prepared to join
Mr. MACKAY, but others who will wish to
join me in the Senate.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that at this point the editorial of
the Washingto:n Post "Question of Sur-
vival," may appear in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD. I also ask that an editorial en-
titled "Highway Death Probe Needed,"
which appeared in the Franklin, Ind.,
Evening Star recently, may also appear.
Finally, as a further contribution of sig-
nificance to discussion of the traffic
safety problem in general and to the
background for the Hartke-Mackay bill,
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of "Stop Murder by Motor," single copies
of which may be secured in its original
format from the American Trial Lawyers
Association, 6 Beacon Street, Boston, may
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Post Feb, 1, 10661
QUESTION OF SURVIVAL
President Johnson's call for national high-
way safety legislation in the present session
of Congress is being widely echoed. Con-
gressman JAMES A. MACKAY is about to intro-
duce a bill that would set up a National
Traffic Safety Agency with broad powers of
research and testing and a mandate to seek
"a more uniform traffic environment." The
American Trial Lawyers' Association is spon-
soring a snore sweeping Federal effort in the
safety field. It would have Congress pro-
vide minimum standards for automotive de-
sign and seek uniformity in the licensing of
drivers.
The magnitude of the problem is illus-
trated by the trial lawyers' estimate that
the human slaughter resulting from motor
accidents will reach a total of 100,000 a year
by 1975 if nothing is done to arrest the pres-
ent trends. It was nearly half that :figure
last year. In addition, some 3 million per-
sons were injured and $8 billion worth of
property was destroyed. It is truly a shock-
ing price to pay for our mobility?a price
that could at least be greatly reduced by
safety devices, rational driving habits and a
banishment of alcohol from the highways.
A report issued by the trial lawyers" esti-
mates that shoulder harnesses, automobile
doors that will not open in a crash and col-
lapsible steering posts can virtually elim-
inate fatalities in accidents occurring at less
than 35 miles an hour. And this, the report,
asserts, would include 87 percent of all motor
accidents. We surmise that this optimism is
overdrawn, but it is clear that much can be
done by making cars safer, by requiring pen-
odic examinations of both cars and drivers,
by greater use of driver schools and the con-
struction of better highways.
We think the time has come for Congress
to take a hand in this campaign against
slaughter on the highways. If construction
standards are to be prescribed, they must
necessarily be nationwide. Much could
also be done to make driver requirements
and rules of the road uniform. The close
relationship of these remedial measures to
human survival should give the proposed
legislation a high priority.
[From the Franklin (Ind.) Evening Star I
HIGHWAY DEATH PROBE NEEDED
By any test of sanity, the top priority items
on the agenda of the reconvening Congress,
after national defense, should be an investi-
gation into the carnage on our highways.
This is, in fact, a matter of national de-
fense against an internal enemy which?
Killed more Americans (1,780) in the 10-
day span that included Christmas and New
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BATTLES RANGE WIDELY
Most important public issues are fought
not only at the polls, but in parliamentary
chambers, in cloak rooms, lobbies, executive
offices, forums, newspapers, radio and TV,
your mailbox and your living room.
Still in what other field of endeavor can
one human being accomplish more for his
generation and generations unborn?
What higher privilege can an individual
receive than to be entrusted by thousands,
millions, tens of millions of voters?with the
future of this Republic, indeed, of this
planet?
This generation, Arnold Toynbee has said,
will be remembered as the first to dare to
make the benefits of civilization available
to the whole human race.
In administrative posts, too?in local,
State, and National Government?you can
help carry out an immense range of policies
and programs. Whether it is implementing
atoms for peace or the ZIP code for post
office efficiency, you can help meet the needs
of 195 million. Americans and still greater
numbers in the America of tomorrow.
A lifetime career in civil service has the
full benefits of the merit system of recruit-
ment, advancement, and protection.
Youth?and youthful idealism?are play-
ing a more important role in these times than
ever before. In the Peace Corps, in VISTA
(Volunteers in Service to America) the vol-
unteer generation is making its mark for
mankind.
Interested in public service? Great. Give
it a real try.
THE PRESIDENT'S PROPOSAL FOR
A WORLDWIDE PROGRAM OF
MALARIA ERADICATION
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, I welcome
the President's proposal for a worldwide
program of malaria eradication. Today
we know what needs to be done to wipe
out every vestige of this disease. We
can wipe out the hiding places of the
carrier mosquito; we can destroy the po-
tential of its growth; and we can prevent
the parasite from ever being transmitted
again. We have the tools and the chem-
icals and the knowledge.
Malaria is the cause of great suffering
In a large part of the world. It poisons
the body, bringing sickness and death,
and it saps initiative and energy.
I urge passage of the International
Health Act. More can be accomplished
by the eradication of malaria than by
the building of great hospitals. More
lives can be saved, more progress can be
made, and more friends can be made for
this Nation.
Having the power to control this
dread disease, we sjkuld delay no longer
In using it u the globe.
RESUMPTION OF BOMBING OF
NORTH VIETNAM
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, in the
aftermath of the President's decision to
send our bombers back over North Viet-
nam, the Washington Evening Star
doubtlessly summed up the conclusions
of literally millions of Americans when
it said:
As President and as Commander in Chief,
conscious of his responsibility to some 200,-
000 American troops as well as the soldiers
of our allies, who are under attack by a re-
lentless foe, he could not have done other-
wise.
No. 17 24
Studied from any angle and from an
quarter, the Star's editorial makes soun
sense.
The American- people should not b
sold short if and when attempts ar
made to assess their "reaction." Th
people of this country have the facts
They know what has been done by thi
administration to seek any signs tha
would lead to the conference table
They also know the outcome of tha
search, for the outcome has been mad
crystal clear.
The people across the length and
breadth of this land know the whys and
wherefores of the President's decision,
and the Star's editorial, to which I re-
fered earlier, makes their case when it
said, and I quote:
During the bombing pause, which lasted
for 37 days, the Communists not only pressed
ahead with the fighting; they also used the
Opportunity to redeploy their soldiers, bring
up supplies, and repair the damage done to
their transportaiton system. To have per-
mitted this to go on indefinitely, as some
urged, could only have resulted in heavier
American and allied casualties. To his
credit, his critics notwithstanding, the Pres-
ident was unwilling to pay this price. As
he put it, it is our clear duty to do what we
can to limit the casualty rolls which, in any
event, will be long.
I suggest that my colleagues will want
to study and restudy this editorial. It
brings into proper perspective what
needs to be said and what is being said
all around this country.
To this end, I ask permission for it
to be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
y It is not our purpose to be invidious in
d suggesting this. But last week's spectacle
in the Senate was nothing less than
astonishing.
In the course of a 4-hour grilling of
e Secretary of State Rusk, one Senator after
e another came forward to wring his hands
His CLEAR DUTY
In deciding to order a resumption of bomb-
ing of military targest in North Vietnam,
Mr. Johnson did what had to be clone. As
President and as Commander in Chief, con-
scious of his responsibility to some 200,000
American troops as well as the soldiers of
our allies, who are under attack by a relent-
less foe, he could not have done otherwise.
Obviously, it was not an easy decision to
make. And the President, even while giving
the order for the bombers to take off, re-
newed his pledge that the search for a Just
settlement will go on. One aspect of the
quest is the arbitration proposal which
Ambassador Goldberg has put before the
U.N. Security Council. There is no occasion,
however, for soaring hopes on this score.
During the bombing pause, which lasted for
37 days, the Communists not only pressed
ahead with the fighting; they also used the
Opportunity to redeploy their soldiers, bring
up supplies, and repair the damage done to
their transportation system. To have per-
mitted this to go on indefinitely, as some
urged, could only have resulted in heavier
American and allied casualties. To his
credit, his critics notwithstanding, the Presi-
dent was unwilling to pay this price. As he
put it, it is our "clear duty" to do what we
can to limit the casualty rolls which, in any
event, will belong.
What is to be said of the critics, especially
those in the Senate?
In 1776 Thomas Paine wrote that "these
are the times that try men's souls." He
also paid his respects to "the summer soldier
and the sunshine patriot" who, in the crisis
of that day, shrank from the demands of
the war for freedom. If Paine were living
now he might have something to say about
sunshine Senators.
Senator FULBRIGHT couldn't recall any issue
about which there is so much "apprehen-
sion." Pennsylvania's Senator CLARK was
"scared to death" that we are on the way to
world war III. Senator MUNDT offered the
profound observation that there is a "de-
veloping uncertainty" among the American
people "about what this is all about."
(Little wonder, if the people have been
listening to the senatorial critics.)
One theme which runs through the
criticism is that Congress, when it approved
in 1964 a joint resolution supporting the
President's policies, did not quite realize
what it was all about, didn't quite intend to
authorize the President to do precisely what
he now is doing. Yet the language of the
resolution is unambiguous. It puts Con-
gress squarely on record as authorizing the
President, as he may determine, "to take
all necessary steps, including the use of
armed force," to assist South Vietnam in
defense of its freedom. Pretty hard to
wriggle out of an endorsement like that.
Senator MORSE was one of two Members of
Congress who voted against the resolution.
So he at least is entitled to be heard as he
protests now. The Oregon Senator has been
intemperate, even savage, in his criticism
of the President. But he is also the only one
to come forward with a proposal which goes
beyond mere handwringing. The 1964 reso-
lution provides that Congress may terminate
it by another joint resolution, and Senator
MORSE urges that this be done.
Perhaps this should be brought to a test.
Let us find out how many Members of Con-
gress, in the face of Ho Chi Minh's adamant
refusal to discuss peace except on his own
terms, would vote to rescind the authority
previously given the President. Let us find
out what those who might vote for revoca-
tion propose to do about the war, about the
200,000 American troops who are fighting the
battle, and whether they intend to welsh on
our Nation's commitment to a free choice
for South Vietnam.
Our guess is that such a resolution could
not muster a corporal's guard in Congress.
If this is so, there shOuld be an end to aim-
less speeches and protests which serve no
better purpose than to undermine the Presi-
dent and to encourage the enemy.
EDUCATION POLICY FOR A
NONCONFORMIST AGE
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, we
must be ever vigilant to new concepts of
education which compliment our surging
economy and our swift moving techno-
logical progress.
Such a new concept I would call the
Senate's attention today which is being
proposed by a Kansas education ad-
visory committee.
Mr. John H. Colburn, editor and pub-
lisher of the Wichita, Kans., Eagle and
Beacon, recently addressed himself to the
needed changes in education in a speech
he presented to the Kansas State School
Board's Association at Topeka, Kans., on
January 18, 1966. Mr. Colburn's state-
ments, I believe, are prophetic and I
would urge all interested in orderly prog-
ress of education to read this speech by
Mr. Colburn.
I ask unanimous consent that Mr. Col-
burn's address be printed in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD at this point.
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'There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
EDUCATION POLICY FDIC A NON CONFOILMIST AGE
(By John H. Colburn)
Nonconformism has many facets. In dis-
cussing "Education Policy in a Nonconform-
ist Age," I view nonconformism in the frame-
work of new ideas, of new concepts, of inno-
vation, creativity You see many examples
iii our space program, our scientific and med-
ical progress, the automation that started on
the farm and has spread to business and
industry.
You hear more about a different type of
beatnik nonconformism. Young men wear-
ing bobbed hair to their shoulders, jean-clad
young women marching with bearded ones
who burn their draft cards, girls in wading
boots, their hair allotted in rope, who dance
as if possessed of a terrible itch?cubes Sc,
Far out as to be positively lunar, as the cool
teens would describe it.
Nonconformity Can be dangerous, it can be
silly, and it can ee challenging and exciting.
Dangerous because new ideas imperil the sta-
tus quo and always appear frightening to
some people, silly because of what people
will do to attract attention and seek status,
challenging because of the tremendous stim-
ulus new ideas can provide those exploring
the frontiers of change.
Today the twin revolutions of technology
and communications have swept away all
certainty about the landscape of 'tomorrow.
We cannot educate for the unpredictable to-
morrows. But education can?and must--
train pupils to be creative, imaginative in
their thinking, ono to encourage them to be
constructive, thought-provoking non-con-
formists embracing 'levy modes of thought
and action. Uniformity of thought and com-
placent performance are trademarks of a so-
ciety that fears the unknowns, one that has
always resisted new ideas. These are the
types of groups who regarded the greatest
teacher of them all?Jesus Christ -as a radi-
cal and subversive because his ideas were
new?nonconformist and consequently dan-
gerous.
Now is the time to implement, radical, new
approaches to education. And the impetus
for change must come from far-sighted lead-
ers in education, in business, in the profes-
sions and from politicians dedicated to better
serving the public welfare. The impetus is
not likely to be forced on the schools from
man-controlled satellites transmitting im-
ages through computer signals picturing a
barren lunar surface man may be exploring
within 5 years.
These are harbingers of dramatic new
methods of transportation. By the early
eighties commercial travelers may be zooming
from the United States to any point in the
world by rocket ship in 45 minutes. The
rocket ship will be 7 times faster than
the supersonic transport, with takeoffs and
descents at 3 times the pull of gravity
providing the thrill of riding a gigantic :roller
coaster.
From pony express to rocket trave.--all
within the span of a century, which hae wit-
nessed marked sociological and behavioral
as well as technological changes in every
segment of society, the liberation or the
common man, the search for the uncoil mon
man who can cope with the levees. of reeolu-
tionary change. and don't overlook the for-
gotten man, the victim of change.
There is nothing new about change As
long ago as 513 B.C., the Greek Philosopher
Heraclitus voiced the eternal truth, there
is nothing permanent except change.- Our
problem is that knowledge has been gen-
erated at such a rate that change is 'being
produced faster than people and communi-
ties can absorb it.
And within the next 10 to 20 years we will
witness change of a magnitude never known
or dreamed of before. It will be a world so
different from what we knew that i . will
seem that we jumped a century into the
future. Here are some of the highlights
forecasters predict for you and your children:
By 1984 a system of sophi stica ted
teach-
trig machines that will provide more oppor-
tunities for fast learners and give teacher's
more time to devote personal attention to vocational and highly educated professional
slow learners. Automated libraries and in- classes.
formation retrieval systems will aid sehools Thus you can see from this outline, the tie-
to take better advantage of the flood ef new cessity of making the proposed educational
information. amendment to the Kansas constitution a
There will be a permanent exploratien base document tailored to the future, as well as
on the moon. the present. It must be a document basic
Personality control drugs will be used enough to endure but flexible enough l. cope
widely?and generally a,ceepted--al; hough with the future magnitude of change
some scientists fear the effects on society may through statutory provisions.
have repercussions comparable to the soul- Obviously outdated is the present section
searching that has followed .developreent of providing for a uniform system of Common
nuclear power. schools and schools of higher grade, embrac-
Genetic scientists may be able to eontrol ing normal, preparatory, collegiate, and 'urns
the personality and sex of a child?a socio- versity departments, as it is described in the
logical power that few people today live the present constitution. We no longer have
wisdom to utilize intelligently, normal and preparatory schools. Collegiate
Then by the year 2000, only 34 years from departments have disappeared. Junior high
increased 5,000 or so since I was introduced.
Instead of 64 nations we have 115?estab-
lished, emerging, peaceful, quarreling, sub-
merging, big, little, viable, stillborn, co-
herent, incoherent?and some comic opera
operations.
A quarter of a century ago we flew at
100-plus miles an hour and Lindbergh
hadn't yet flown the Atlantic?let alone any
more dreaming our jet set could breakfast
in Paris and have a second breakfast cup
of coffee in New York the same morning.
Few here would want to return to those
days * * and your grandchildren 50 years
from now---in 2016?will they be content
with the times of 1966?
Hardly. That is why, in our educational
outlook, we must penetrate the minds of
future ages. If our goal is to enable man
to realize his maximum potential, obsolete,
inefficient educational procedures must be
scrapped and a new program and philosophy
implemented.
No young man or woman should be al-
lowed to leave our educational system with-
out being prepared to do something useful
in society. Man must be taught how to be
more than the soulless adjunct to a machine.,
to learn more about the great social, moral,
and psychological issues. Otherwise he will
become the victim of an era of cybenintion
where factual situations fed into electronic
brains will drive out our culture in the same
way that cheap money drives out sound
money?a victim of greater conformity.
We can't waste human resources through
lack of proper education, as we are doing to-
day. We must see that a substantially
smaller number of workers are in the un-
skilled and semiskilled categories; that a
much larger number are in the highly skilled
cause they know no criteria for a better sys- foods---will come from colonies and farms schools, high schools, vocational. sr, ioo -
people satisfied with the present system be- now, new mineral raw material?and new
tem. 'They fail to realize that better sys- established in the ocean depths. technical institutes, community junior col-
toms attract better people and lead to more Permanent, unmanned research stations leges, and extensive university systems are
now a part of slur educational structure.
prosperous communities. will have been established after man' land-
A society that is promised relief from ing on Mars. The proposed amendment recognizes these
everything from tired blood to tired floors Weather manipulation will be posreble. changes. For the first time, it gives local-
needs relief from the everybody sameness. And by the year 2100, or before, completely elected school boards constitutional status.
the look-alikes, think-alikes, act-alikes. 11 ;automated highway transportation -will end ' '
making them responsible for the opera Ii m el
you want to explore the horizons of the the carnage resulting from human ireespon- local public schools. A State board of edu-
future, don't be the first on your block t,o sibility on our roads
cation and a State board of regents also are
hop on the bandwagon of coniormity. Get Chemical techniques will .xini?rol our aging g-. ? .
uaranteed the people' providing constitu-
off the bandwagon. Better still, move off the p , , , e s S. tional protection against the growing en-
block and reignite the spirit of individual Man-machine symbiosis, whereby a person croachment of the National Government.
freedom that existed a century ago when the can raise his intelligence through a tie-in Another paramount change would make
Leavenworth Times headlined this story: of his brain with a computer, will be in wide vocational education an integral part of the
"Great Express Enterprise?From Leaven- use, educational system. For nearly 40 years the
worth to Sacramento in 10 Days?Clear the Experiments with personality control State has administered academic and voca-
Path and Let the Pony Come Through." drugs to try to predict and influence the be- tional programs from separate offices ---one
in those days, man governed his speed by haviar of individuals are now underway, of three such States to have such an obso-
bow fast he could motivate his horse to run, and military reserachers are trying to de- lete system. The other 47 States have
The locomotive cracked the oats barrier to termine the practicality of mindreading. found--as our committee foundasthat a
progress and in 1910 the early airplane hit Some comment that "most mind-- aren't combined administration is essential Oa stir-
the fantastic speed of 42 miles an hour. worth reading" and this may well be be- dent welfare and for sound, efficient Simi-
Contrast this with astronauts circling the cause the average person 'utilizes only about istration.
earth in 90 minutes, walking through space 2 to 5 percent of his potential brainpower. Regardless of what happens to the pro-
at 17,000 miles an hour, jockeying two rocket To get some idea of how these changes posed amendment, the scope of vocational
ships to a cozy rendezvous 180 miles above relate to the past, what was life like 40 education and its administration must On
the earth. years ago? improved. Our committee met this after-
These are products of our nonconformist Sixty-four nations divided a world of noon to give this subject No. 1 priority in
hechnological and communications revolu- 2 billion humans. Now the worhe's pop- phase II of our study for the legislative
tions?spacemen conversing with earthlings, ulation. is up to 3,218,000 plus and probably council.
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was the domain of the fierce Mescalero
Apaches and was crossed also by the great
war trail of the Comanches.
In the autumn of 1854 the Army estab-
lished a stronghold in the heart of Apache
country, a short distance west of the
Comanche war trail. The site was 475 miles
northwest of San Antonio, 220 miles south-
east of El Paso by wagon road. They manned
the outpost with six companies of infantry-
men and named it Fort Davis, in honor of
Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, who had
authorized its establishment. In a box
canyon, near Limpia Creek, the soldiers built
60 crude structures of log and lumber, cut-
ting pine from the surrounding Davis Moun-
tains and sawing it at their own mill.
From this isolated post they supplied es-
corts for mail and passenger coaches, res-
cued wagon trains attacked by the Indians
and on occasion mounted mules to follow
raiding Apaches through the mountains on
punitive expeditions. From time to time
cavalry troops sent out from the lower coun-
try used Fort Davis as headquarters for war
against the tribes. Slowly the Army drove
the Mescaleros into Mexico and forced the
Comanches to use other routes.
From 1857 to 1860 Fort Davis was one of
the centers for testing War Secretary Davis'
idea of using camels for military purposes
In the desert regions of the West. Late in
June of 1859 two dozen camels, under the
personal supervision of a picturesque char-
acter named Radii Ali, were at the fort for
several days. They were on a "test run"
from San Antonio into the Big Bend. Sol-
diers and settlers gathered around to view
the strange awkward animals and their
stranger guardian, whom they promply
dubbed "Hi-Jolly." The swarthy little fel-
low, with his red fez and rainbow-hued
pantaloons, seemed as out of place in far
west Texas as his charges.
The camels performed well, traveling in
apparent comfort up to 4 days without drink-
ing and proving immune to the bite of the
deadly rattlesnake. They ran into trouble
in the Big Bend, however, where the thorny
ground cover and sharp rocks damaged their
tender feet. An answer to this problem
might have been found if the approach of
the Civil War had not removed Jeff Davis and
his projects from Federal favor.
During the war the fort was briefly occu-
pied by Confederates, then abandoned to the
tender mercies of the Indians and elements.
Between them, these destructive forces wiped
out the place. In 1867, when Federal troops
returned, they built a new fort, of rock and
adobe, in the present location.
Fort Davis became a major installation,
with quarters for 10 troops of cavalry and 2
companies of infantry. Many of the enlisted
men were Negro, or "buffalo soldiers," as the
Indians called them. They waged a persis-
tent bitter war against the Indians through-
out the Davis Mountains and the rugged
Chisos of the Big Bend. When the Coman-
ches were beaten by other troops under
Ranald McKenzie, at the Palo Duro, in 1875,
one of the threats to the travelers was re-
moved.
The Mescalero Apaches fought on for an-
other 5 years, retreating into the mountain
vastness of Mexico when hard pressed, but
returning from time to time on desperate
bloody raids. Finally, in 1880, the tribes
under daring Chief Vic torio were soundly
defeated and driven across the Rio Grande
for the last time. In the next 10 years Fort
Davis duty was easier. There were occa-
sional Indian raids from across the river and
more frequent forays by Mexican bandits,
but nothing to test the mettle of field-hard-
ened fighters. In June of 1881 the country
was declared safe and the fort was aban-
doned.
This large military installation stood
empty and desolate for years, slowly disinte-
grating. The land on which the fort stood
had always been private property, only leased
by the Government. For years the better of
the officers' quarters were rented by landown-
ers to citizens of the town which had grown
up beside the fort and taken its name. Later
the houses were regularly rented to summer
visitors from Houston, Galveston, and Aus-
tin, who came to enjoy the comfort of the
"air-conditioned" summers. In the late
1920's an Oklahoma oilman leased the fort
and restored a few buildings, using it as the
setting for a series of "horse operas" featur-
ing the movie star, Jack Hoxie. The depres-
sion put an end to that.
Fort Davis citizens made a valiant effort to
raise money to buy the site and save the old
fort in the early 1940's, but World War n
intervened. The great genuine relic of our
frontier Indian wars and migrations west-
ward seemed doomed to oblivion until 1963,
when it was named a national historic site
and put under the care of the National Park
Service.
Today many of the original buildings have
been restored, the site has been cleaned up
and plans have been made for further res-
toration. The rocky wagon trails of the past
have been replaced by hard-surfaced high-
ways and tourists from all over the country
come to enjoy a peep into the past.
IS THERE ANYTHING
NEGOTIATE?
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, the peace
offensive which we have been conduct-
ing raises the question in everyone's mind
about what we hope to accomplish
through negotiations and what kind of
settlement could possibly emerge. These
are difficult questions, and we must
ponder them carefully.
In this connection, I wish to commend
to my colleagues a recent essay in Time
magazine entitled "Is There Anything
To Negotiate?"
This essay begins by quoting a state-
ment Jonathan Swift wrote in a different
time and place, but which is relevant
to our situation today. He wrote this
of negotiations:
Supposing the war to have commenced
upon a just motive; the next thing to be
considered is when a prince ought in pru-
dence to receive the overtures of a peace:
which I take to be, either when the enemy
Is ready to yield the point originally con-
tended for, or when that point is found
impossible to be ever obtained.
Time points ou.t that the United States
is not yielding the point for which it is
contending; namely the independence,
freedom, and self-determination of the
people of Vietnam, and has certainly
not concluded that this goal is im-
possible to attain. Likewise, the enemy
does not appear ready to yield his point,
that the United States must be driven
out of Vietnam, and thus far does not
seem persuaded that this goal is unat-
tainable.
Under such circumstances?
The essay states?
it is highly questionable just what negotia-
tions could accomplish. * * * In fact, it is
hard to see what the United States and the
Communists could find to negotiate about
at the present time with any expectation of
results.
These troubled times must be consid-
ered in the light of our history and the
principles for which we stand. Compro-
mise with aggression has never brought
forth an end to aggression before, and
there is no reason to suspect that it
would do so today.
I request unanimous consent to insert
this thoughful and most timely essay in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the essay
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IS THERE REALLY ANYTHING To NEGOTIATE?
"Supposing the war to have commenced
upon a just motive; the next thing to be
considered is when a prince ought in prud-
ence to receive the overtures of a peace:
Which I take to be, either when the enemy
is ready to yield the point originally con-
tended for, or when that point is found im-
possible to be ever obtained."
That is how Jonathan Swift defined the
necessary conditions for ending a war. There
is no sign that these conditions have been
reached in Vietnam. The United States is
certainly not yielding the point it is con-
tending for?the independence of South
Vietnam?and has certainly not concluded
that this goal is impossible to attain. Con-
versely, the enemy does not appear ready to
yield his point either?that the United
States must be driven out of Vietnam?and,
as far as anyone can tell so far, has not been
ersuaded that this goal is unattainable.
Under the circumstances, it is highly ques-
tionable just what negotiations could accom-
plish. Amid the current U.S. peace over-
tures, there is a widespread, hopeful feel-
ing that if only both sides start talking,
peace will follow. In fact, it is hard to see
what, if anything, the United States and
the Communists could find to negotiate about
at the present time with any expectation
of results.
Hanoi has spelled out its aims in four
points, and they add up to outright with-
drawal of U.S. troops and the seizure of
South Vietnam by the Vietcong. Washing-
ton counters with its own 14 points, which
actually go a considerable way toward cre-
ating areas for negotiation?but which are
easily misunderstood, 'unless the fine print
and the implicit qualifications are kept in
mind. The rockbottom, irreducible U.S. aim
is that South Vietnam must be independent.
Under every conceivable point of negotia-
tion?provided both sides mean what they
say?this U.S. minimum goal conflicts head-
on with the Communist demand. Neverthe-
less, there is considerable interest in the
principal topics that could come up at a
bargaining table. They add up to six:
(1) When to stop fighting. Despite the U.S.
proposal that "a cessation of hostilities could
be the first order of business at a conference,"
high American officials in Saigon and Wash-
ington warn that the United States should do
just the opposite, maintaining and perhaps
increasing military pressure until discussions
are successfully concluded. In his book,
"How Communists Negotiate," Adm. C.
Turner Joy (retired) the U.N.'s chief negoti-
ator in Korea, charges that Washington's
early agreement to a truce line at the Pan-
munjom peace talks in 1951, "was the turning
point of the armistice conference. There-
after, we lacked the essential military pres-
sure to enforce a reasonable attitude"?and
70,000 American casualties were sustained
under Communist attacks while the talks
dragged on for 2 years. In Vietnam, warns a
top U.S. diplomat in the Far East, to ease up
on the battlefiled would be "to insure a loss
at the bargaining table." Furthermore, if
talks broke down after a cease-fire, it would
be difficult to regain the momentum to start
the war up again. Some U.S. diplomats also
insist that any talks should have a time
limit and not be allowed to go on indefinite-
ly, and that a system for supervision and in-
spection of whatever measures may even-
tually be agreed on should be nailed down
first.
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Question. Doesn't the Supreme Court de-
talon deal only with reapportionment of
State legislatures, not with the Federal Gov-
ernment?
Answer. But the Court has upset a balance
between the Central Government and the
States by intruding to tell a State what it
must do with its legislature. In doing so,
they have violated the whole principle of fair,
balanced representation, which it has taken
centuries to achieve, and that makes the
situation a crisis in our governmental scheme.
Het's spell it out a little to see how these
things grow: Almost immediately atter the
iaourt's decision in June 1964, a suit was filed
Kent County, Mich., to reapportion the
-:a-tard of supervisors on the basis of one man,
, me vote.
A suit has even been filed by the dean of
'De 'Paul University in Chicago to force reap-
aortionment of the Supreme Court of the
atilt? of Illinois to carry out the edict of the
US. Supreme Court,.
Now, how far do you go? There's no end
to what that rolling decision can finally do.
They talk about "rotten boroughs" and
shout a State senator who may represent 20
times as many constituents as another State
senator. Look at the Senate of the United
States. There are 2 Senators from New York
state with a population of 17 million, and '2
Senators from Nevada with a population of
265,000. Just figure out the discrepancy in
representation there.
PROTECT] NG STATES ROLE
Question. Those who favor the reappor-
tionment decision say that you are opposing
e, shift that will bring government closer to
a pure democracy--
Answer. Ours is a representative republic.
1 believe it is within the domain of a State
hr give representation and balance to the
interests in that State.
Look at how control in many States will
shift completely to urban areas. In Illinois,
;ook County?which includes Chicago?has
more than half the population of our State.
That means that, ii they so desire, reprc-
tientatives of one county can do pretty much
or they please with respect to the other 101
enmities.
What's involved in the other 101 counties?
These are the areas where you have rural
schools. You don't have rural schools in
(thicago. What about farmland? Not much
of that in Chicago. This one county con-
trolling the situation may decide to put a
,atate tax on farmland.
There's no end to what might be done. 1
itnade a list three pages long of the things
that would be of importance. All those will
he subject to an urban-controlled legislature
under the one-man, one-vote principle.
Question. Do you think the result would
Ii a dictatorship of the majority that could
iteny the minority its rights?
Answer. Yes. But there's another aspect
Ii all this that is overlooked:
Those who are organized to resist my
atnendment anti who want to perpetuate
tIris one-man, one-vote ruling are smart.
Mr. Meany (George Meany, president of the
AFL-CIO) said he would rather give up
ou repeal of 14th) forever than surrender
on reapportionment. Why? Because labor
traders know that they can control both
branches of many State legislatures under
this Supreme Court decision. Lack of that
con trol has been their problem.
1:11 Illinois, for example, labor could get
things through our general assembly, but
when it came to the State senate there was
a chance to take a look and cool things off.
Question. What does your amendment on
reapportionment provide?
Answer. It would require one branch of a
Stale legislature to be apportioned strictly on
the basis of population. The other branch
eoind be based on factors other than popu-
No. 17 - 23
latioh. The apportionment plan developed
by the State legislature would be submitted
to the voters in a referendum. On that
referendum ballot, you would have to put
on the one-man, one-vote plan,. also. Now
they say: "Well, it's too late. The boat has
left the pier."
Question. Too late-to reverse the Supreme
Court action?
Answer. Not to reverse it, hut to meet it.
They say too many States have already re-
apportioned on the basis of one man, the
vote.
They miss the point. Let us assume that
we get this amendment passed and the
States ratify it so that it becomes part of he
Constitution. My State might not want to
do anything about it. Tennessee might not
?
want to do anything. The point is that I
want to have available to the people of
States a weapon that they can use if they
warn to. Today, there is no weapon.
We want to go back to the people. They
are the sovereign in our form of govern-
ment. In my amendment, we have said that
after every decennial census the State legis-
lature must again submit an apportionment
plan to the people. So once every 10 years,
the people have a chance to vote on the
matter.
Question. Do you look for the Democrats
to push for an increase of the minim um
wage in this new session?
Answer. Yes. They have tat Iced about as
much as $2 an hour, and extended cm er-
age. And, from my earlier excursion into
that field, when I was on the Senate Labor
Committee. I know that this would have
great impact. It would involve a lot of small
establishments?restaurants, laundries, gro-
ceries, notions stores, etc. Such an :increase
in the minimum wage, coupled with ext en-
dive new coverage, would be quite a burtten.
It would, as I see it, liquidate a great many
little businesses that simply can't take it.
Question. Looking forward to the Novem-
ber elections: Would you be willing to esti-
mate the extent of the Republican gains you
expect?
Answer. No, because you still have 10
months to go. In 10 months, all sorts of
things can happen. Who shall say, beta een
now and November, what will take place with
all the uncertainties in the world? All 01 a
sudden, for example, we find ourselves wi -11 a
finger in lthe pie over in Rhodesia.
Question. Should we have a finger in ,?hat
pie?
Answer Frankly, that's a long way from
home, and, after all, what we're trying to do
is to give some aid to Wilson (Harold Wilson,
British Prime Minister). But, now, here are
the-se African countries running out on Wil-
,son. So what's going to be the upshot of this
master?
:13:ere we have the Dominican Republic.
That's as far from being peaceful as it was
the day we sent the boys down there.
And who knows what the Cubans are go-
ing -to do? Chile wants to put up the price
of copper. Brazil has been converted into a
virtual dictatorship. Who knows in what di-
rection President de Gaulle is going to go?
Or whether Chancellor Erhard was sati :died
with his conversations here?
On top of everything there's the population
increase-65 million more people in the world
every year, with 15 million more in Red China
alone. How will Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-
lai feel when they get a, billion people in
1980?
DECISIONS UNITED STATES MUST MAKE
Question. What moral do you draw from
all this, Senator?
Answer. The moral is that we will be
plagued with headaches, and at long last we
are going to have to answer for ourselves.
Exactly what is our capacity to redretEs all
the ills, problems, and grievances of the
world? At what point must we draw the line
in our own interest and for the sake of our
own security and our own solvency? To me,
that line has to be drawn sometime in the
not too distant future.
THE GHOSTS OF FALLEN APACHES
AND TROOPERS HAUNT OLD FORT
DAVIS, TEX.
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
Fort Davis, in the trans-Pecos section
of west Texas, has been the scene of
many memorable and colorful moments
in the history of the Old West. Built
in 1854 and named after Secretary of
War Jefferson Davis, the fort was origi-
nally an important outpost for protection
from the Mescalero Apaches and the
Comanches. It later became the test
site for Secretary Davis' proposal to use
camels for military purposes in the des-
ert. After having been abandoned dur-
ing the Civil War, it was a major instal-
lation from 1867 until it was abandoned
when the surrounding country finally
became safe from Indian attack.
The fort stood empty and slowly dis-
integrated during the years that fol-
lowed, until it was declared a national
historic site in 1963. I was honored
to be the Senate sponsor of the legisla-
tion that resulted in the preservation
for the people of this remarkable part of
our western heritage.
Last year scores of thousands of vis-
itors came to Fort Davis to see for them-
selves this last outpost of the frontier.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that an article written by R. Hen-
derson Shuffler, director of the Texana,
program of the University of Texas, and
appearing in the Texas magazine of the
January 23 Houston Chronicle, be print-
ed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
CAMELS ONCE TREKKED HERE, Too
From 1821 to 1846 Texas was the end of
the rainbow for land-hungry frontiersmen.
Then came the war with Mexico, ending with
the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848.
Suddenly the rainbow's end jumped half a
continent west anti old man Sutter found the
pot of gold at its California tip.
In the mad scramble to the gold fields, the
most obvious shortcut from the south lay
through Texas. This route also avoided the
bitter winters and raging rivers of the north-
ern Rockies, in which many earlier travelers
had died. But the southern route had its
problems, too: a scarcity of water and a sur-
plus of Indians.
The slow-moving wagons covered only 12
to 15 miles a day. If waterholes were more
than 1 day's drive apart, men and stock were
inconvenienced; when they were forced to
dry-camp more than 2 nights in a row, they
suffered. The Army surveyed a route from
San Antonio to El Paso which promised sur-
vival for both man and beast. There were
42 waterholes on the trail, and only three
of them were more than a 2-day drive apart.
Immigrant and freight wagon trains
pushed over this trail, followed soon by
stagecoaches carrying passengers a:nd mail.
Stage stands were established along the
route, to supply fresh mules, food and some
semblance of safety. But in the vast reaches
of the trans-Pecos there was no safety. This
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(2) Who participates? In suggesting ne
gotiations a year and a half ago, Charle
de Gaulle proposed that talks be Carrie
on by the reconvened 1954 Geneva Confer
ence, which was attended by France, th
United States, Great Britain, Communist
China, Russia, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam.
Washington would go along with this, but
there has been little indication that such a
disparate group would even sit down to-
gether today. Moreover, the United States is
concerned that a large conference might
degenerate into a Communist-dominated
mob scene that would attempt to stampede
Washington into undue concessions. A more
important issue is Hanoi's insistence that
the National Liberation Front, the political
arm of the Vietcong, be seated as an equal
participant. This the United States has re-
jected because it considers the front the
pawn of North Vietnam, and feels that seat-
ing it would confer on the subversive orga-
nization that the United States has been
fighting the status of a legitimate political
power. However, Washington suggests that
the Vietcong "would not have difficulty hav-
ing their views represented" if the front at-
tended as part of the North Vietnamese del-
egation. Says Secretary of State Rusk: "We
don't care a bit who sits behind Hanoi's
back at a conference table."
(3) The Vietcong's future. The question
of the Vietcong's status at the conference
table leads directly to the far larger question
of the Vietcong's future status in the country.
Hanoi flatly demands that "the internal af-
fairs of South Vietnam be settled by the
South Vietnamese people themselves, in ac-
cordance with the program of the National
Liberation Front." The United States rejects
this, arguing that it would in effect mean
handing over South Vietnam to the Vietcong
and hence to Hanoi. Some critics of U.S.
policy disagree, asserting that the Liberation
Front is, in large measure, a genuine nation-
alist movement and would sooner or later
be independent of Hanoi. While the front
certainly includes many non-Communists
and nationalists, every reasonably well-in-
formed source agrees that it is an integral
part of Hanoi's Communist apparatus. Com-
munists themselves like to compare the front
to the Asian crane?"a big bird with a large
white and a small? red head." Since the
Vietcong now hold at least two-thirds of
South Vietnam's territory (though mostly
the least populated areas) , it is difficult to
see how or why they should allow themselves
to be excluded from any future political role.
On the other hand, the United States minimal
demand for an independent South Vietnam
would be reduced to sham if the Vietcong
were to have a leading role in a future
coalition government, which they obviously
would seek to subvert and dominate.
(4) Elections. The country's political fu-
ture, says the United States, should be deter-
mined by free elections in South Vietnam.
In genuinely free elections, Washington feels
that the Vietcong would not do nearly so well
as thought by some observers who underes-
timate the genuine anti-Communist senti-
ment in South Vietnam. However, free elec-
tions are obviously impossible while the
Vietcong retain their arms and their whole
apparatus of terror, and before a measure of
security, stability, and free political life has
been restored to the war-torn country. Much
the same applies to Hanoi's demand for "the
peaceful reunification" of North and South
Vietnam. The United States concedes that
this should be determined through free deci-
sion of both people, the key phrase being
"free decision." The United States would
want a genuine vote both in the South and
in the North (which, of course, has never had
a free vote under Communist rule). Hanoi
would want a plebiscite engineered and dom-
inated by the Communists.
(5) The presence of U.S. troops. Hanoi de-
mands the withdrawal of U.S. troops and the
- dismantling of U.S. Military bases. Wash-
s ington replies that "we want no U.S. bases in
d southeast Asia" and "do not desire to retain
- U.S. troops in South Vietnam," but adds the
essential qualification "after peace is as-
sured." In other words, the United States is
perfectly willing to get out of South Vietnam,
but only when and if the country is made
really secure, which would obviously take a
long time. As a Washington observer ex-
plains: "It is not U.S. policy to seek or main-
tain bases in southeast Asia merely for the
purpose of having such bases. The bases will
remain in the area only so long as they are
essential for the protection of countries."
Hanoi, of course, does not concede that Viet-
cong infiltration or subversion is a form of
aggression from which South Vietnam re-
quires protection. An international control
commission or peace force to supervise and
police a possible settlement has been sug-
gested as a way out, but hardly any serious
observers believe that this would work in the
long run. The possibility is also being ad-
vanced that the United States for the time
being hold on to the one-third or so of South
Vietnam's territory that the Americans and
the Saigon government currently control?
the cities and coastal enclaves?and abandon
the rest to the Vietcong until it could be lib-
erated by a United States backed hidden
war, in which United States and South Viet-
namese troops would wage a quiet guerrilla
campaign in reverse against the Communists.
But this, too, would in effect temporarily
hand the Vietcong control of most of the
country.
(6) Neutralization. There have been vari-
ous suggestions for a neutralized setup, not
in Vietnam alone but in the whole area?a
series of buffer states between Red China and
the West. Laos, Of course, is formally neu-
tral already, and highly unstable, but cur-
rently leaning toward the West. Cambodia
Is also technically neutral, but leaning
heavily toward China. For these countries,
and perhaps Burma, a regional neutrality
system might make sense from the Western
point of view. Thailand, on the other hand,
is the most stable country in the area,
stanchly anti-Communist and pro-West, and
its neutralization might well be unac-
ceptable to its own people. On this, the
U.S. position is that "the countries of south-
east Asia can be nonalined or neutral; the
United States wants no new allies." But it
would have to be true neutrality, meaning
genuine independence?and it is virtually
impossible to see what military or political
force could insure this.
Washington is not trying to push Ho Chi
Minh into an agreement formally admitting
defeat. After all, he has not yet been de-
feated. But for negotiations to yield an
real results, the Communists would have to
admit tacitly that they cannot force the
United States out, and thus conclude that
they might as well cut their losses under some
face-saving formula. Should the Commu-
nists ever reach that point, it is entirely
possible that it would not lead them to the
conference table at all, but that the war
would end in a military stalemate and the
gradual petering out -of guerrilla attacks?
as they petered out without ceremony in
Greece, the Philippines, Malaya, and the
Congo.
THE FUTURE OF FRIENDSHIP
AIRPORT
Mr. BREWSTER, Mr. President, the
recent announcement by the Federal
Aviation Agency that they would begin
permitting jet flights to utilize Washing-
ton National Airport has prompted a
storm of protests from those who are con-
cerned with the safety of the public in
the air and on the ground; those con-
cerned with the impact of jet landings
and takeoffs on. Washington residents
and visitors; and those concerned with
the wasteful duplication of expenditure
in the construction of Dulles Interns,
tional Airport and the subsequent open-
ing of Washington National for jets.
Recent editorials from the News
American and the Maryland Gazette
point up the inconsistencies and blunder-
ings which have characterized public
policy with respect to the operation of
Washington National and Dulles Airports
by the Federal Aviation Agency.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the editorials be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Baltimore (Md.) News American,
Jan. 26, 1966]
THE FUTURE OF FRIENDSHIP
The most recent threat to the future
prosperity of Friendship Airport has been
chronicled in a series of articles, "The Airport
Nightmare," by News American staffer Ray
Abram, Jr.
Charles Crane, chairman of the Friendship
Airport Board, calls the decision of the
Federal Aviation Agency to allow small jets
to use Washington's National Airport start-
ing April 24 "another declaration of war."
Mr. Crane has made it clear that he intends
to respond to this new challenge with
the same vigor with which he met, and over-
came, the threat to Friendship posed by that
$120 million Federal "white elephant," Dulles
Airport at Chantilly, Va.
Friendship has a number of things going
for it. It is a young airport, with plenty of
room to expand. Its long runways are already
capable of handling any known or conceiv-
able jets. Its facilities are up to date, and,
as the Abrams series points out, it is able
to offer "creature comforts" undreamed of
at the crowded Washington National Airport.
We have no doubt that Friendship, under
Mr. Crane's capable guidance, will meet the
challenge.
But the fact that it has been posed should
instill new vigor into a legislative drive to
divorce the regulatory functions of the
Federal Aviation Agency from its role as an
airport manager. A Federal agency has no
business wearing both hats. The sooner this
unfortunate state of affairs is ended, the
better.
From the Maryland Gazette, Jan. 20, 1066]
AIRPORT FACES NEW FIGHT
Friendship International Airport, which
won the battle for jet flights after Dulles
International Airport opened in 1962, has
another fight on its hands.
The stakes are the same?jet flights. The
enemy is the same?the Federal Aviation
Agency. But this time, the going probably
will be rougher.
A massive public relations and advertising
campaign by Friendship enabled it to counter
the novelty of the white elephant Dulles Air-
port and get back many of the flights airlines
had been pressured into transferring to the
Virginia facility by the brazen FAA.
But Friendship's campaign was aided by
Dulles' location-37 miles from Washington
as compared with the less than 30 miles to
Friendship. Government officials wanting
jet flights preferred Friendship because it
was closer.
The new threat to Friendship, situated in
Anne Arundel County but owned and oper-
ated by Baltimore City, came in an
announcement last week by the FAA that
National Airport was being authorized to
handle certain types of jet aircraft.
Where these aircraft are involved, National
will have the advantage of convenience over
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Friendship, at least for jet passengers
traveling to and from Washington. With its
advantage of convenience undermined,
'Friendship?it is safe to assume?will find it
virtually impossible to regain any flights it
loses to the facility at Alexandria.
Maryland Members of Congress reacted
angrily to the announcement of the highly
suspicious decision, sizing it up as another
low blow to Friendship. They also cited the
greater danger of airplane accidents in the
Washington area.
For many years. National's runways-6,870,
5,212, and 4,724 ileet long?were considered
to be dangerously short to accommodate jet
aircraft. Coupled with the air traffic con-
gestion at National, one of the Nation's
busiest airports, the short runways?it was
[un--would pose a serious danger to densely
copulated adjacent areas and Government
buildings across the Potomac River in Wash-
ington.
Now, years later, the FAA has decided that
National's facilities are adequate.
This would justify a charge of bureau-
cratic stupidity if it were not -tor certain
other facts:
The FAA owns and operates both National
and Dulles International Airports. Dulles,
which cost American taxpayers $110 million,
has been a big best, losing $6 million a year.
The FAA decided it could recover some of
this loss by opening National to jet traffic.
'rhe FAA could not have studied the matter
without realizing that some of National's
gain would have to be Friendship's loss. It
shapes up, therefore, as a deliberate attempt
Ltil entice jet airlines away from Friendship
to National Airport.
We are waiting now for Friendship Inter-
national Airport officials to announce, as they
did when Dulles opened, that airlines are
being pressured oy the FAA into moving their
operations to National.
if FAA bullishness manifests itself again,
we hope Maryland Members of Congress will
see to it that a tull-scale investigation is
made of that Agency's operations.
PORT CLINTON, OHIO, DAILY NEWS
CRITICIZES SCHOOL MILK CUT-
BACK
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I
am glad to say that the press is now be-
ginning to take notice of the recent school
milk cutback. On Monday of this week
3 inserted in the RECORD an article from
the Washington Star which criticized in
no uncertain terms the Bureau of the
Budget's action witholding $3 million in
I From the Port Clinton (Ohio) ,, Daily News,
Jan. 25, 1966]
GUNS FOR Mrut
(By Steve Esrati)
The Federal Government has been reim-
bursing schools for milk the schools dis-
tribute under a special program. The result
had been that children got milk at much
lower prices in school than the price charged
in stores.
'I'he obvious advantage of such a program
is that the children of the Nation's poor were
able to get milk. In some school districts,
the schools picked up the tab for the pcswest
of the poor.
Well, it all over. The Bureau 01 the
Budget, without authorization from Con-
gress, has withheld $3 million which (.on-
gress had allocated to the school milk
program..
The effects of this unwarranted Budget
Bureau action are manifold:
Less milk will be consumed under the pro-
gram because local school districts will have
to pay more of the costs of the progra m or
pass the added costs to the children.
More milk will have to be bought bs the
Federal Government under the price support
program because less milk will be used in
the school program. "This means," said
Senator Wiraiam PROXMIRE? Dethoera 7, of
Wisconsin, "that the $3 million saved by
depriving the schoolchildren of nature'. per-
fect food will be paid out by the Federal
Government for purchasing and storing milk
under the price support program * '. In
other words, instead of going into chit lien's
stomachs the millk will be powdered and
stored in warehouses at Government, ex-
pense."
The poor children who benefit most :from
the special milk program will be the Inst to
drop out of the program if the increased cost
created by the reduction in Federal ptrtici-
pation is passed on to the children.
It is not -known who ordered the iaireau
of the Budget to cut back the milk money.
it. may, however, have done so as part of
II ie President's overall directive to cut non-
defense spending. In that case, wu have
guns without milk, a development one can-
not call a Johnsonian improvement m er the
inassic guns-or butter choice.
At the same time, the Federally a e.isted,
school lunch program is also in difficulty with
the ultimate effect again being felt in the
stomachs of the Nation's poorest school-
children
Our farm surplus has been shrinking.
The school lunch programhas been one of
the major outlets for surplus food Our
I
armers are told not to grow as m ich as
appropriated funds from the special milk
filk
;
Thus, on two domestic fronts, :lie Na-
tion's schoolchildren are the frontline sol-
diers of the Vietnam war. If this is the
Great Society's way of improving domestic
programs without "new taxes," you can have
the Great Society. I prefer to think that
we are fighting the war in Vietnam to pro-
tect the very children who are being made
the first home-front victims of the war.
Why should they be deprived of milk and
wholesome food?
they might, despite famine in large areas of
program for schoolchildren, the world, so that the commodity prices will
now invite my colleagues' attention stay up.
1, The
to a story appearing in the Port Clinton:, also earmarked fo aso, r purCh by the Armed decreasing supply of surplus loods is
Ohio, Daily News criticizing the Budget Forces and, with the increase of hostilities
Bureau's action. This is one of the most in Vietnam a,nd the growth of our Armed
thoroughgoing critiques of the cutback Forces, greater food supplies are healed for
that 1 have seen. It succinctly outlines the Defense Establishment There it. noth-
the three points that I have been trying mg wrong in saving the taxpayer money by
to make day after day on this floor: using surplus food for the military.
First. This move will mean a reduc- But there certainly is something wrong if
the first Americans who must feel the effect
lion in milk consumption. -of our increased war effort are the Nations
'Second. It will result in increased costs schoolchidren.
to the Government under the milk price In most Ohio school districts, surplus food
support program. dictates the variety of the menu and keeps
Third. The poor children who benefit school lunch prices fairly reasonable. As the
most from the school milk program will supply dwindles, the lunches will either have
be the hardest hit, to cost more or be less and less varied. The
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- end result of this will be that the lunches
sent that the article be printed in its en- must either go up in price or become tedi-
ously uniform from one day to the other. In
tirety at this point in the RECORD. either case, those children who get their only
`L 'here being no objection, the article balanced meal in school?again the poorest
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, of the poor?will be the first to notice the
as follows: effects.
EDWIN C. SCAHILL'S BELLAMY
AWARD ADDRESS
Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, most of us
are very familiar with the National
Bellamy Flag Award program which was
established in 1942 to honor Francis
Bellamy, author of the Pledge of Alleg-
iance to the flag of the United States
of America. On October 15, 1965, the
24th National Bellamy Flag Award was
presented to Pierre S. DuPont High
School of Wilmington, Del. Sharing in
the award presentation were student
ambassadors from the 23 schools which
previously won the award.
This year, for the first time in the his-
tory of the program, the student am-
bassadors were judged on the excellence
of their participation, and Honor Medals
for Americanism were awarded to the
three outstanding students. I am very
proud that the 1965 Gold Medal winner.
Edwin Carl Scahill, was from my State
of Indiana.
Edwin is a student at the Arsenal
Technical High School in Indianapolis,
which won the Bellamy Award in 1948.
Edwin, who is president of the student
affairs organization, won his medal on
the basis of attitude, cooperation, cour-
tesy, interest in the program, associated
activities, merit, personality, promptness.
the fulfillment of all outlined obligations.
and the initiative which he showed as
an ambassador of his school, his com-
munity, and his State.
I ask unanimous consent that Edwin's
excellent address, which was made on the
occasion of the presentation of his wx.-ard.
be printed at the conclusion of my re-
marks.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the R,Ecosa,
as follows:
Arsenal Technical High School, establisheo
in 1912 to relieve congestion at tvv e other
city high schools, is actually a tribune to
peace. Utilizing an active arsenal of
Civil and Spanish American Wars, the 76.
acre campus, boasting 60 species of treers.
is one of nature's beauty spots in the t"art
of the city.
The actual Arsenal building, one el in
original structures and celebrating its 100th
anniversary this year, now houses the ad-
ministrative offices of our school: 19ESS also
marks the 50th anniversary of Tech 's first
graduating class. Nine of the sixteen dpionia
recipients were honored guests at the al ume
celebration held in May.
The collegelike campus satisfies the edu-
cational needs of nearly 5,000 day 81 laients
3,500 evening school students, and 1,650
summer school students, with a "cart cur-
riculum of academic and vocational courser.
Two major additions have been male is
recent years to the ever-growing list oi op-
portunities at Tech. An in-plant high seho +1
education program has been instituted ill
conjunction with three Major Indianapolis
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1831
industries. This educational opportunity,
designed for those employees who were un-
able to complete their high school education,
permits them to attend courses in classrooms
within the plant, yet under the supervision
and with teachers provided by Tech.
The second addition is the offspring of
current transformation to pushbuttons in
the business world. The data processing
instructional program of the Indianapolis
public schools is located at Tech High School.
Key punches, collators, interpreters, and
verifiers are included in the initial equip-
ment, with future plans to offer computer
programming and machine operation.
Our school has received 27 Freedom Foun-
dation awards, more than any other school
in the Nation. Our ROTC unit has received
44 consecutive honor rating awards in an-
nual Federal inspections.
It is indeed a privilege and honor to rep-
resent Arsenal Technical High School at this
annual Bellamy Award presentation. I come
from the crossroads of America to the chemi-
cal capital of the world to welcome the Pierre
S. DuPont High School to our distinguished
family.
AN Llb-rtairANIZATION ENTITLED
"AMERICANS FOR REAPPRAISAL
ON FAR EASTERN POLICY"
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, recently a
group of concerned Americans, largely
academicians and students, launched an
organization called "Americans For Re-
appraisal of Far Eastern Policy."
This group urged that an immediate
cease fire be established in Vietnam. It
called for American readiness "to nego-
tiate toward the recognition of the Peo-
ple's Republic of China," and toward the
admission of Communist China to the
United Nations.
An excellent letter was sent to this
group by an American who also ex-
pressed his desire for a reappraisal of
American Far Eastern policy.
Michael Lindsay asked the group
whether it would "propose to formalize
the present situation in large areas
where the Saigon administration con-
trols by day, and the Vietcong by night?"
While stating that current American
policy could indeed undergo some
changes with regard to China, Mr.
Lindsay criticizes this group for simply
accepting an approach with the same
implicit restrictions of current policies.
Mr. Lindsay sums up his criticism this
way:
? My main criticism of your proposals is that
they are likely both to encourage the more
doctrinaire elements in the Chinese Com-
munist leadership in their delusion that, if
they persist long enough in an intransigent
policy, the American people will eventually
force the U.S. Government to a settlement
on their terms, and also to encourage
a delusion among the most conventional
and unimaginative elements in the U.S. ad-
ministration that no changes in present pol-
icy need to be considered because its critics
are too confused and irresponsible to take
seriously.
Mr. Lindsay makes a number of in-
teresting points which I would like to
share with my colleagues, not as either
my conclusions or those of Mr. Lindsay,
but simply as subjects for careful
thought and consideration.
I request unanimous consent that this
statement be included in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
To: Americans for Reappraisal of Far Eastern
Policy
From; Michael Lindsay
I have read the material which you sent
me and I feel considerable sympathy for more
discussion of Far Eastern policy and con-
sideration of possible alternatives. I also
agree that discussions and exchange of in-
formation between people in the United
States and people in the Chinese People's
Republic would be highly desirable. How-
ever, when someone asked me how your or-
ganization proposed to change present U.S.
policy, I replied, "Apparently by assuming
away all the serious problems." And I think
that this was a fair eight-word summary of
the material in your brochure and your
"Statement of Purpose."
Your first proposal, on Vietnam, is a good
illuatration of unwillingness to think about
the difficulties of giving an operational mean-
ing to nice sounding generalities. "* * *
an immediate ceased-fire by both sides."
sounds very nice, but who would be left in
control? Would you propose to formalize
the present situation in large areas where the
Saigon administration controls by day and
the Vietcong by night? "* * * administered
through the United Nations * * *." also
sounds very nice, but the U.N. finds it hard
enough to administer cease-fire agreements
even where there is a definite front. The
people of South Vietnam might benefit from
a U.N. administration replacing both Saigon
and the Vietcong, but it is most unlikely that
either side would accept a U.N. trusteeship.
When you propose that, "The United States
should announce its readiness to negotiate
toward the recognition of the People's Re-
public of China", you offer no suggestion
at all to deal with the difficulties caused by
the present attitude of tbe Peiping authori-
ties. The Chinese Communist leaders have
repeatedly, explicitly and vehemently an-
nounced their refusal to accept diplomatic
relations except on terms which recognize
their claim to sovereignty over Taiwan.
Given the U.S. treaty commitment to Tai-
wan, and given the strong evidence that even
those inhabitants of Taiwan who dislike their
present regime do not wish to exchange it
for Communist rule, this present position of
the Peiping authorities seems to rule out
U.S. recognition of,the Chinese People's Re-
public as a practical policy alternative. Your
proposal seems disingenious when it pre-
sents an announcement of U.S. readiness to
negotiate towards recognition as something
more than a meaningless propaganda ges-
ture unless you have some suggestions to
resolve this problem. And there is nothing
in your material to show that you have even
thought about it.
Again, your proposals are very misleading
in their implicit assumption that diplo-
matic recognition, and U.N. membership for
the Chinese People's Republic are necessarily
related to increase contacts. If you had
taken any trouble to examine the evidence
you would have realized that this assumption
was false Effective contacts between main-
land China and Canada, which has no diplo-
matic relations, seem to be rather greater
than those with the United Kingdom, which
recognizes Peiping. And the United King-
dom does not seem to have any advantage
in contacts over Australia, which has diplo-
matic relations with Taipei. Japan, which
has diplomatic relations with Taipei, has
probably had more contacts with mainland
China than any non-Communist country
which has diplomatic relations with Peiping,
The statements in your brochure by John
Bennett, David Reisman, John K. Fairbank,
and John Hersey in favor of more con-
tacts and discussions completely ignore i
the restrictions imposed by the Chinese
Communists on the type of contacts likely
to promote the mutual knowledge and
understanding which you profess to de-
sire. These Chinese restrictions have
varied and were at a minimum during the
period of maximum internal liberalization in
1966-57. Since 1957, however, the ex-
perience of countries which do not restrict
contacts with mainland China shows a fairly
consistent pattern: The Peiping authorities
have been willing to admit foreign Commu-
nists and people who can be relied on to pro-
duce favorable reports and to avoid any
awkward questions in discussions or inter-
views. They have also been willing to allow
conducted tours with official interpreters and
visits by people whose primary interest is
in trade or noncontroversial technical sub-
jects. (People who do not know Chinese and
have no background knowledge of China
seem to have better chances of getting a visa
and even visitors who are fully competent in
spoken and written Chinese have to employ
an officially appointed interpreter.) They
have very seldom been willing to allow the
type of visit by the type of visitor which
could yield reliable independent information
about the situation in China, or to give in-
terviews and engage in discussion with people
likely to ask searching questions and to
challenge demonstrably false answers. For-
eign visitors of high enough status to rate
a meeting with members of the top Chinese
leadership can obtain some private discus-
sion; but the ordinary visitor finds that his
Chinece contacts are very reluctant to go
beyond polite small talk or repetitions of the
official propaganda line.
This unwillingness of the Peiping author-
ities to allow the type of contacts which
could promote mutual knowledge and under-
standing is not a random caprice. Such
dislike of meaningful outside contacts is
characteristic of Stalinist regimes which are
quite logical in believing them to be sub-
versive. The view of the world presented by
Chinese Communist statements is highly dis-
torted and could not be defended in reasoned
argument with an informed non-Communist.
On the few occasions when the Chinese Com-
munist leaders have engaged in such dis-
cussions they have only been able to escape
from embarrassing positions by pointedly
changing the subject. To allow discussion
with people likely to press serious questions
would, therefore, weaken the prestige of the
present leadership. (I am not claiming that
the present U.S. position is entirely defensi-
ble, but the situation is not symmetrical.
The United States does not make the same
claims of infallibility for the thought of
President Johnson as the Chinese People's
Republic makes for the though of Chairman
Mao.) Similarly, it is very likely that mu-
tual knowledge would be very damaging to
the present Chinese Communist leaders by
showing that the system for which they have
demanded immense efforts and sacraflces
from the Chinese people does not really have
the advantages which they claim for it.
(E.g., the available evidence indicates that
the agrarian collectives and communes of
the Chinese Communist programs have been
much less successful in raising food produc-
tion than the reformist land policies of Tai-
wan and Japan.) Thus, any practical pro-
posals for promoting contacts and discussion
of a kind likely to produce mutual under-
standing and knowledge should reckon with
the opposition of those who now dominate
the Chinese Communist leadership. There
is nothing in your material to suggest that
you have thought about this problem.
All this does not mean that nothing can
e done to improve present U.S. Far Eastern
policy, but any useful suggestion of alter-
natives must be based on much more serious
hinking than you have apparently been wili-
ng to give to the subject. A curious feature
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of your material is. that you seem to accept
without question the same implicit limita-
tion as those responsible for present policy,
that the United States can only act in con-
ventional ways. All your proposals are
within the framework of conventional diplo-
macy although, given this limitation, the de-
fenders of present policy have a better case
than you.
its fact, even at the purely technical ad-
ministrative level there is a strong case for
sleinging conventional procedures. For in-
stance, the United States missed an im-
portant opportunity in 1956 when the
Peiping authorities announced their will-
ingness to admit American correspondents
alai the State 'Department did not agree to
validate passports until at the Chinese
Communist line had changed with the anti-
rightest campaign in 1957. The only defense
I have heard of the administratien is that
present procedures require such elaborate
consultations that. a quick policy change was
not possible. But this is really an excuse and
sot is defense. it is quite likely that the
United States may need to respond to sud-
den changes in the Chinese situation within
the next few years. The death of Mao Tse-
Lung (born 1593) might well produce changes
as great anu as unforeseen as the death of
Stalin did in Russia. I would suggest that
an organization lor a reappraisal of Far
Bastern policy should give a very high prior-
ity to a proposal that the policymaking
process in the U.S. Government should be
changed in such is way that the United States for many Chinese Communists.) Now, how- gress, which give new approaches o e
can respond to isew situations offering new ever, there has been a transposition of means age-old problem of starvation in emerg-
opportunities with less than 6 months' delay. end ends accompanied by increasing dogma-
tism. Chinese publicity urges the Chinese ing nations. Today I would call the
Again, the case for removing present U.S.
restrictions on contacts with the Chinese people to accept four or five generations of Senate's attention to an idea developed
People's Republic can be argued without
sacrifices and austerity, guided by the by my colleague in the House, Repre-
thought of Mao Tse-tung, in order to serve sentative BOB DOLE, of the First Con-
the revolution. In effect, the Chinese
Chinese COMM Ulust response. The strongest
Cunist leaders now regard the Chinese gressional District of Kansas, who sug-
gests the Nation should establish a
bringing in doubtful assumptions about the
"Bread and Butter Corps."
Representative DOLE has received
widespread recognition for this sugges-
tion and will personally present the pro-
posal to the House Committee on Agri-
culture, of which he is a member. An
example of the recognition is contained
in an editorial printed January 3, 1966,
in the Wichita, Kans., Eagle. I urge all
Senators interested in the problem of
starvation and the means by which. this
tragedy of mankind can be averted to
read and absorb this editorial.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial entitled "DOLE Scores With an
Idea" be inserted in the text of the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD at this point.
scholars or correspondents whose qualities- heads of their rulers, partly because they
tions would enable them to get accurate in- tend to be uninterested in policies likely to
formation, If the Peiping authorities mein- produce results in years rather than months,
tabled their restrictions, such publicity could but mainly because they have not had an
seriously damage their image in countries adequate theory of totalitarianism which
where they are seeking influence and could,
in time, have repercussions in China it-elf.
Finally, I would argue that the most se-
rious defect of present Far Eastern policy is
the lack of any adequate theoretical anas Neils
of totalitarian systems in general and of
Chi :nese Communist mentality in partici dar,
because effective action can only be besed
on adequate theory. But you offer less [Ian
nothing to remedy this defect. Present piney
seems to be based on the view that nothing
can be done about totalitarian regimes ex-
cept to follow a policy of containment while
hoping that internal developments will
eventually cause them to change. While I
would argue that this view is inadequate ills
far superior to your position which seems
simply to ignore the existence of Chinese
totalitarianism and Chinese Communist fa-
naticism, just as Ambassador Joseph Grew in
the 1930's refused to face the reality of
Japanese military fanaticism.
The real tragedy of the Chinese revoltion
is the change in men who, at one time, gave
their loyalty to the Communist Party and THE PROBLEM OF STARVATION IN
worked for the revolution as means to un- EMERGING NATIONS
prove the conditions of the Chinese people.
(On the basis of fairly close and prolonged Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, many
contacts in the early 1940's, I would judge suggestions have been proposed through-
that this motivation was then important out the Nation, and specifically in Con-
could guide them in the choice of techniques.
You can see from this that I agree with
you in wishing for a reappraisal of U.S. Far
Eastern policy, but you can also see that I do
not consider that your organization is mak-
ing any useful contribution to a reappraisal.
On the contrary. It seems to me that your
efforts are likely to promote confusion rather
than clarity in the thinking of the American
public. My main criticism of your proposals
is that they are likely both to encourage the
more doctrinaire elements in the Chinese
Communist leadership in their delusion that,
if they persist long enough in an intransigent
policy, the American people will eventually
force the U.S. Government to a settlement on
their terms; and also to encourage a delusion
among the most conventional and unimagi-
native elements in the U.S. administration
that no changes in present policy need to be
considered because Its critics are too con-
fused and irresponsible to take seriously.
reason for removing the present restrictions
e
on travel to mainland China is that they
peomm
;ople primarily as a means to be u ed
confuse the American public. Defenders of Tier to realize their dreams of the Mture
Communist utopia. And anyone who retains
the U.S. Government argue that the a.dminis- Its critica.l. faculties must consider it unlikely
tration is now, in practice, prepared to that their program will actually produce
validate passports ior people who can obtain
visas from the Chinese People's Republic. a utopia; an oppressive despotism would be a
But this only shows their continued failure much less surprising outcome.It seems to me unduly pessimistic to sup-
to realize that the U.S. Government needs the pose that this change from thinking of the
support of an :informed public opinion--a revolution as a means to serve the Chinese
failure that was responsible for much of the
people to thinking of the Chinese people as
confusion in Far Eastern policy in. the 1940's.
a means. to serve the revolution is necessarily
So long as American restrictions on contacts irreversible for all members of the Chinese
with mainland China formally remain, the
American public is bound to be confused Communist leadership.
about the relative responsibility of Peiping I believe that it is possible to make an
analysis (which satisfies the standards :for a
and Washington I or preventing useful con-
tacts. Consequently, even intelligent and :reasonable scientific hypothesis) of the logi-
cal, psychological and social processes which
:fairly well-informed Americans attach quite
produce totalitarian systems and the rigid,
unwarranted importance -to the reports of the
few people from the United States who are fanatical totalitarian mentality. And I be-
able to travel to mainland china, even lieve that it is possible to deduce from such
though it is unlikely that they could obtain an analysis the sort of action which would
mainland China visas unless the Peiping be likely to weaken the hold of a totalitarian
authorities felt reasonably certain that their system over its subjects and even, Ii some
reports would be highly favorable. There cases, to assist a breakdown of the dogmatic
seems to be tar reason to suppose that the totalitarian mentality. (The large number
removal of American restrictions would, by of defectors from totalitarian system: shows
itself, lead to any wider contacts with main- that such a breakdown can occur spontane-
land China than those now available to the oUslV
British. (If anything, the Peiping authori-
ties would be likely to impose even greater
restrictions on Americans.) It would, how-
ever, become c,ear that the responsibility for
preven ting use Cul contacts rested with
Peiping and not with Washington.
Also, the removal of American restrictions
on contacts would give the U.S. authorities
the opportunity for making an effective,
though unconventional attack on the
Chinese restrictions. If the granting of
mainland Chinese visas followed the normal
pattern, U.S. publicity could stress that the
Chinese Communists did not dare to discuss
their policies except with those who already
largely agreed with them and did not dare
to allow their claims about conditions in
mainland China to he checked by American
?
The message that needs to be put over is
something like this, "If the rulers of main- a "Bread and Butter Corps." It would be a
land China are genuinely concerned with the counterpart of the Peace Corps, but it would
welfare of the Chinese people, they they have concentrate on aiding free world countries
no cause of quarrel with the U.S. 4:40Vern- in developing their agricultural industries.
meat. DOLE believes it is obvious that American
A strong, independent and prosperous agriculture cannot feed the hungry world.
China has been an objective of U.S. pulley for and it is evident that most of the emerging
the past century. So long, however, as they nations cannot feed themselves. His Bread-
insist on demanding sacrifices from the Chi- and Butter Corps would be composed of
nese people to impose Communist forms of highly trained agricultural technicians--
government on people who do not want them, many of them probably from the land-grant
the United States, by its democratic princi- colleges like K-State. These would teach
ples, is bound to oppose them." Those re- farmers abroad how to get the most out of
sponsible for U.S. policy have been unduly their land.
pessimistic about the possibility of putting The Federal Government would subsidize
over such a message, partly because it is un- the colleges in providing and training the
conventional to appeal to the people over the technicians. DOLE doesn't say anything
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the REcoRD,
as follows:
[From the Wichita Eagle, Jan. 3, 19661
DOLE SCORES WITH AN IDEA
Representative Bois DOLE, who represents
western Kansas' big First District, has. conic
up with what looks like a good idea.
DOLE wants the United States to establish
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1808 Approved For ReleaseMailafflogilkIRR?eMB4_4_AMO.A1020010-5 February 2, 1966
will have to be met by the private sector.
Both public and private sources are go-
ing to be hard pressed to meet the out-
door recreation activity which is expected
to triple by the year 2,000, but public
expenditures can be reduced by encour-
aging private investment. The most ef-
fective way to accomplish this is by a
technical service extension as envisioned
by this legislation.
The proposed program would authorize
the Secretary of the Interior to enter
into cooperative agreements with appro-
priate officials of the 50 States, and the
District of Columbia, Puerto Rico, and
the Virgin Islands, Guam, and American
Samoa to provide technical assistance in
outdoor recreation to private enterprise
and to local governments. The States
would hire the technicians to carry out
the work. The Federal Government
would share up to 50 percent of the cost
of such services. Thus, the pivotal role
of the States in the outdoor recreation
field would be maintained.
In certain cases where local govern-
ments have the capabilities, the States
would be authorized to transfer Federal
funds to local governmental units to
enable such local bodies to provide the
technical service to the private sector.
This may be desirable for highly urban-
ized areas.
The cooperative agreement with each
State would spell out in advance the pro-
cedures and criteria for carrying out the
work in that State. It would include
such things as the extent of Federal
financial participation up to 50 percent
of the total cost, how the work is to be
done, agreement that competent tech-
nicians would be assigned to the work,
character of the services to be provided,
extent of services to any one recipient,
what precautions are to be taken to
avoid competition with private consult-
ants in outdoor recreation where such
services are available and similar points.
Within the framework on the legislation,
the cooperative agreements may be var-
ied to fit particular State needs or con-
ditions.
Apportionment of Federal funds among
the participating States would be deter-
mined only after consultation with a
committee of not less than five State offi-
cials selected by all the participating
States.
In large measure, the prdPosal is pat-
terned after the existing and highly suc-
cessful cooperative forest management
program.
It is estimated that an average of 5
employees would be needed in each State
at the State level and an average of 15
employees per State at local governmen-
tal levels, or a total of about 1,100 em-
ployees to carry out the program. Thus,
the annual cost of the work in the States
using State and local government em-
ployees would amount to about $15 mil-
lion, at least half of which would be
borne by the States. In addition, about
20 employees would be needed for admin-
istrative purposes at the Federal gov-
ernmental level, or about $400,000 an-
nually.
The proposed legislation carries an
authorization limitation of $10 million
for the Federal share of the program.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be received and appropriately re-
ferred.
The bill (S. 2864) to assist the States
in-providing technical recreation service
and advice to private landowners and
local public agencies relating to the man-
agement and development of areas for
public outdoor recreation, and for other
purposes, introduced by Mr. Moss, was
received, read twice by its title, and re-
ferred to the Committee on Interior and
Insular Affairs.
YN
ACCELERAiTED ECONOMIC, SOCIAL
AID FOR VIETNAM
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I send to
the desk a joint resolution and ask unani-
mous consent that it lie on the desk for
1 week for additional cosponsors.
I introduce this joint resolution on
behalf of myself and the Senator from
West Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH]. The
resolution is intended to trigger a for-
mal, full-scale congressional debate, in-
cluding committee hearings, on what is
now a new United States-Vietnam pol-
icy.
It would support current administra-
tion policy, but call for an accelerated
program for economic and social de-
velopment of South Vietnam.
I invite the attention of Senators to
the fact that the Senato: from West Vir-
ginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] and I first intro-
duced a joint resolution seeking to bring
this about in June 1965. Since that
time, in and out of session, I have done
my utmost to bring about Senate discus-
sion on it. I believe this is long over-
due, and that the Committee on Foreign
Relations, which has been reluctant to
give hearings on it, ought to hold hear-
ings as soon as current developments with
respect to the Security Council at the
United Nations is over, which will be
within the next few years.
For more than a year, the administra-
tion has not come to Congress for a sup-
port resolution on our Vietnam policy,
and as a result this struggle in Asia
seems to many people to be without nec-
essary congressional sanction. It is the
duty of the President and the Congress
to face in public debate the consequences
of the vast changes that have occurred
since the Bay of Tonkin resolution of
August 1964. The old resolution is now
outdated by events. The sense of Con-
gress on Vietnam should be established
as clearly before the Nation and the
world as is the position of the President.
I have no doubt that such a resolution
would result in unification of our policy
with the overwhelming support of the
American people.
More than a year and a half
has passed since the congressional reso-
lution of August 10, 1964; since our ships
were attacked in the Bay of Tonkin. We
can hardly recognize the Vietnam of
today from the picture then.
Then, it seemed the Saigon govern-
ment, wracked with internal dissention
and lacking in popular support, would
not outlast the monsoons. Today, there
is, at least, a measure of stability in the
Saigon government.
Then, the Vietcong seemed able to de-
feat South Vietnamese units, take their
arms, and live off the land. Now, they
have been joined in large numbers by
North Vietnamese regulars and both are
dependent on Hanoi for supplies; and
the South Vietnamese forces have shown
great ability to fight.
Then, the United States was unclear
in its objectives and uncertain as to how
to achieve them. More soldiers and
more speeches, however, did not provide
an answer. Today, our goals?freedom
of choice for the South Vietnamese, eco-
nomic advancement and social reform, a
stable peace, freedom from fear, return
to the Geneva accords, and preventing
the overthrow of governments by terror
and force?are clear; our means, uncon-
ditional discussions and honorable ne-
gotiations?are unmistakably sincere
and serious to all who will listen.
Then, the United States only had
21.000 advisers in South Vietnam. Right
now, there are approximately 200,000
American soldiers fighting in that coun-
try and this number, it is predicted, will
almost double in a few months.
It is the duty of the President and the
Congress to face in public debate the
consequences of the vast changes that
have occurred since the Gulf of Tonkin
resolution. The President should know
the sense of Congress on Vietnam.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, may I
proceed for 2 additional minutes?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Senator may proceed for
2 additional minutes.
Mr. JAVITS. The country and the
morale of our troops in Vietnam would
benefit from a unified policy of the Presi-
dent and the Congress on Vietnam.
Committee hearings and debate should
be employed to bring this about.
The argument is made that a substan-
tive debate may give false indications of
irresolution on the American position on
the Vietnamese struggle. In this respect,
I believe far more serious results could
follow from isolated statements which
even distort the meaning and intent of
those who make them. A considered de-
bate, especially if it is designed to result
in a deliberate question?duly voted on?
is much the preferred way to proceed.
Any question about military security
In the course of the debate should cer-
tainly be fully answered by the outstand-
ing record of the Congress in the past
and by the record of joint committees
and committees of both Houses, handling
on a daily basis information of the high-
est security classification.
The President has no reason to fear
such a debate; indeed, I have every con-
fidence that consideration of the resolu-
tion we propose today would greatly
strengthen his position. It would, I be-
lieve, also put the Congress on record as
favoring the large-scale, coordinated
programs of economic and social con-
struction that are so vital if the Vietna-
mese people are to be able to establish
a viable and stable government of their
own choosing.
The Congress has been discussing U.S.
policy in Vietnam only in a sporadic way,
and I believe, focusing on transitory
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Angoon from the debt they owe for the
canr.ery.
The people of Angoon have other very
heavy indebtedness for individual loans
to the fishermen of the community for
purchase of the fishing boats which are
their only means of making a living. A
fishing boat is a necessity for the men of
Angoon and in order to acquire their
boats the Angoon Community Associa-
tion has become indebted in an amount
of $539,252.09 to the Bureau of Indian
Affairs, in addition to the debt owed on
the disastrous cannery project.
The people of Angoon cannot, in the
foreseeable future, be expected to pay
the federal Government the total indebt-
edness estimated at nearly $1 million. I
suggest this fact of life might as well be
recognized by the Department of Inte-
rior :and by Congress and that the neces-
sary authority be conferred upon the
Seer etary of Interior to release the part
of Angoon's debt attributable to the cost
of the unfortunate cannery.
ask unanimous consent that a reso-
lution of the Angoon Community Asso-
ciation dealing with this matter be in-
serted in the RECORD at the close of these
remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be received and appropriately re-
ferred; and, without objection, the reso-
lution will be printed in the RECORD.
The bill (S. 2862) to release the com-
munity of Angoon, Alaska, from certain
indebtedness, introduced by Mr. GREEN-
ING, was received, read twice by its title,
and referred to the Committee on the
judiciary.
'Vice resolution presented by Mr.
GREENING is as follows:
ire it resolved by tire Angoon Community
ANsociation, That Congress pass legislation
to relieve the Angoon Community Association
of the obligation to pay to the Federal Gov-
ernment loans made for the operation of a
cannpry which was destroyed by fire and for
the purchase of fishing boats.
Sc of the last fiscal year, on March 31,
1965, the Angoon Community Association
owed the Federal Government $467,543.28 for
the Hood Bay Salmon Cannery. This can-
nery was destroyed by tire on February 16,
1961. It is now of no value to the people of
in addition, the Angoon Community As-
sociathin, as of March 31, 1965, owed the
Federal Government $539,252.09, which was
used for the purchase of boats. Most of the
boats are now old and in need of repair.
due the Federal Government is
$1.006.795.37.
lbs requirement of iepaying these loans
wilts interest places a heavy burden on the
iIngoDn community and its people. Work is
seasonal in the community, since most of
the men are fishermen and earn their liveli-
hood from fishing in the summer for salmon.
The men and women must make enough in
the iiummer to carry them through the
winter.
'So illustrate how onerous this burden can
become, last summer the Bureau of Indian
Affairs required the Hawk Inlet cannery to
whom all Angoon fishermen took their
catches to deduct from the payment for
fish a total of VA shares. Payment for fish-
ing is based on a share system. The captain
receives 11/2 shares, and each member of the
crew, usually five to seven men, receives one
Aram. In a six-man beat this would total
shares for captain and crew, as against
the 71/2 shares retained by the BIA.
The people of Angoon earnestly appeal to
their Representatives in Congress to help
them; and to pass legislation to relieve them
of this obligation to the Federal Government,
to allow them to make enough to repair
their boats and equipment and to have a
better chance to make an adequate living for
themselves and their children.
CHARLIE JIM, SR.,
President,
Angoon Community Association.
JANUARY 24, 1066.
OUTDOOR RECREATION BILL
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, I am today
introducing a bill to authorize a joint
Federal-State program?financed on a
50-50 basis?to provide technical serv-
ices and advice to private landowners,
enterpreneurs, agencies, organizations
and local governments in developing and
managing outdoor recreation areas.
State and local employees would provide
the services with the Federal Govern-
ment sharing the cost.
This bill has been recommended by
the National Association of State Park
Directors as a supplement to the Land
and Water Conservation Act of 1965.
This act, as you all know, assists States
and Federal agencies to develop pro-
grams which will meet the need of the
American people for more present and
future outdoor recreation facilities.
In preparing proposals to take- ad-
vantage of the grants offered in the Land
and Water Conservation Act; ma:ny
States have found that there is a gap
in the technical assistance available to
local governments. This has been true
in my State of Utah. Mr. F. C. Koziol,
director of the Utah State Park and
Recreation Commission, has advised me:
Our experience in developing a State mas-
ter plan for Utah has convinced me that ad-
ditional support at the Federal level for
technical assistance is necessary. Outside of
the larger and more populated counties in
our State, technical assistance for counties
for planning their outdoor recreation oppor-
tunities is woefully lacking. At present, ex-
cept through the limited facilities of our
commission and the Agriculture Extension
Service, counties and municipalities have no
opportunity to get the benefit of professional
planners in the development of their recrea-
tional services and programs. .
The "technical assistance gap" as it
has been called, needs to be closed since
implementation of the Land and Water
Conservation Fund Act is necessarily
somewhat slow. It is dependent upon
funds available from recreation receipts,
and how quickly and comprehensively
States can make their recreation plans.
As of January 18, 44 of the 55 States
and territories eligible had submitted
proposals for planning, acquisition or
development of outdoor recreation fa-
cilities. The majority of the proposals
were for planning grants. About $3 mil-
lion had been allocated. Some few
States had progressed into the acquisi-
tion or development stages, but some had
not even completed their statewide plan.
My State of Utah was one of these. This
all mea:n.s, of course, that it will be co:n-
siderable time before any substantial
number of outdoor recreational fa4-nlities
will actually become available to the
American people under the program es-
1807
tablished by the Land and Water Con-
servation Act. The bill I am introducing
today would give counties and munici-
palities the benefit of professional plan-
ning and help them to coordinate their
planning with that of the State agency.
It also has the broader purpose of en-
couraging local governments and the
private sector to provide additional rec-
reational opportunities, particularly in
the parts of the country where popula-
tion density is high and public resources
are limited. This was intended by the
Outdoor Recreation Resources Review
Commission, which pointed out:
Individual initiative and private enterprise
should continue to be the most important
force in outdoor recreation, providing many
and varied opportunities for a vast number
of people, as well as the goods and services
used by people in their recreation activities.
The National Association of State
Park Directors believes that many pri-
vate landowners and investors would be
interested in helping to meet the grow-
ing outdoor recreatio:n demands if they
felt they had a reliable source of tech-
nical assistance and information to
guide them in the establishment of a
commercial outdoor recreation enter-
prise where demand is sufficient to re-
turn a profit. Present technical assist-
ance programs to the private sector are
inadequate because they are limited in
scope and to a large degree are oriented
toward helping only the farmer, the
rural associations and rural landowners.
The association analyzes the problem
this way:
A program of technical assistance is needed
that will make available to the investor es-
sential information on the potential market
for the type of enterprise he expects to de-
velop. Only by a sound analysis of existing
and potential factors such as the size of the
market; competition from existing suppliers;
possible complementary or competitive pub-
lic areas or facilities; quality and suitability
the site under consideration; capacity and
type of structures and facilities desirable;
most of construction, maintenance, and op-
eration of the enterprise; and expected re-
turn on the capital investment can the en-
trepreneur attract risk capital. This kind of
technical assistance is not now available.
Much of the needed information is specific
in nature and peculiar to the needs of areas
or localities within each State. For exam-
ple, it would be impractical, if not impos-
sible, to provide the specific, detailed assist-
ance required on zoning ordinances, sanitary
codes, facility design, liability laws, insur-
ance requirements and the like, at the
Federal level. However, Federal support is
needed to assist States in providing technical
recreation services and advice to private
landowners, entrepreneurs, agencies, organi-
zations, and local governments with respect
to the management and development of
areas for public outdoor recreation.
You will remember that this need was
recognized by the Senate Interior and
Insular Affairs Committee and mentioned
in the Senate report on the Bureau of
Outdoor Recreation Act?Public Law 88:
29.
Exclusive of Alaska, approximately
three-fourths of the Nation's land is in
private ownership. Near population
centers, less than 5 percent of the land
is privately owned. If the Nation's out-
door recreation needs are to be met,
therefore, a large proportion of them
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1,-*TbruCtry APPSONed For Re
&mirdig2??1bils?AnUtialti3
rather than basic issues. Debate should
now center on two overriding points:
First, the need for greater attention to
the social and economic revolution in
Vietnam and our identification with the
aspirations of the Vietnamese people for
economic and social construction, ade-
quate care of the refugees and for a
stable, responsive, and just government;
and, second, the size and character of
the total military effort in Vietnam and
where it is taking us.
We urge our colleagues to join us in
making such a debate possible through
consideration of the resolution we intro-
duce today.
We believe the more support the joint
resolution has in the way of cosponsors,
the more likely it will have the attention
of the committee and assure debate on
the floor of the Senate.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the joint resolution be printed
in the RECORD.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution will be received and ap-
propriately referred; and, without objec-
tion, the joint resolution will be printed
in the RECORD and will lie on the desk, as
requested by the Senator from New York.
The joint resolution (S.J. Res. 134) to
promote the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security in southeast
Asia and to supplement Public Law 88-
408, introduced by Mr. JAVITS (for him-
self and Mr. RANDOLPH) , was received,
read twice by its title, referred to the
Committee on Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
S.J. RES. 134
Whereas the Congress by joint resolution
approved August 10, 1964, declared that it
"approves and supports the determination of
the President, as Commander in Chief, to
take all necessary measures to repel any
armed attack against the forces of the United
States and to prevent further aggression"
and further declare that "The United States
regards as vital to its national interest and
to world peace the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security in southeast Asia"
and "is, therefore, prepared, as the President
determines, to take all necessary steps, in-
cluding the use of armed force, to assist any
member of protocol state of, the Southeast
Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting
assistance in defense of its freedom:" and
Whereas the deliberate and systematic
campaign of aggression that the Communist
regime in North Vietnam is waging against
its neighbors and the nations joined with
them in the collective defense of their free-
dom has risen in intensity and constitutes
a threat to international peace and security;
and
Whereas the people of South Vietnam con-
tinue to desire the assistance of the United
States in protecting their freedom and their
right to be left in peace to work out their
own destiny in their own way; and
Whereas the United States, without ter-
ritorial, military, or political ambitions of
its own, has labored continuously and dili-
gently for unconditional discussions and ne-
gotiations, but has received no positive re-
sponse for these efforts from North Vietnam
or its allies; and
Whereas North Vietnam has used the ces-
sation of bombing in the North to intensify
aggression against South Vietnam, requiring
the United States so materially to increase
the means for defense against such aggres-
sion, including the use of the Armed Forces,
as to make advisable a further joint resolu-
BiostwpR400020010-5
tion of approval and support by the Con-
gress: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That the Congress ap-
proves and supports the determination of the
President as Commander in Chief, in con-
tinuing the role of the United States in pro-
moting and maintaining international peace
and security in southeast Asia.
Sac. 2. The United States declares its de-
termination, consonant with the Constitu-
tion of the United States and the Charter
of the United Nations and in accordance with
its obligations under the Southeast Asia Col-
lective Defense Treaty, to take all necessary
steps, including the use of armed force, as
the President determines for the purposes
set forth in section 3 to assist any member
or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Col-
lective Defense Treaty requesting assistance
in defense of its freedom.
SEC. 3. The United States affirms that the
objectives of the 'United States are to bring
about the cessation of hostilities by cease-fire
or other appropriate means and the restora-
tion of peace, tranquillity, and security, and
the observance of international treaties and
agreements in South Vietnam, and to assist
South Vietnam in obtaining a full oppor-
tunity for self-determination, religious free-
dom, economic and social progress, the es-
tablishment and strengthening of free
institutions, and the enjoyment of friendly
relations with its neighbors.
SEC. 4, The United States declares that it
is prepared to engage in unconditional dis-
cussions and honorable negotiations, when-
ever and wherever there is any willingness
by the other appropriate parties to do so.
SEC. 5. The United States recognizes the
real struggle in Vietnam must center around
the needs and desires of the Vietnamese
people for economic advancement and social
change, and that to these ends, the Congress
declares that it will support accelerated, en-
larged, and coordinated efforts by the people
of South Vietnam with the aid of the United
States to care for the refugees, and to attain
the benefits of land tenure reform and uti-
lization, education, health, housing, roads,
markets, and the administration of justice.
SEC. 6. The United States regards inter-
national action to assure conditions of peace,
security, freedom, and self-determination in
South Vietnam to be most desirable and is
ready to join with other appropriate parties
in assuring the maintenance of international
peace and applying within that area the
principles and provisions of the United Na-
tions Charter, through the utilization of the
United Nations, of other international orga-
nizations, or otherwise.
SEC. 7. This resolution shall expire when
the President shall determine that the peace
and security of the area is reasonably as-
sured by international conditions created by
action of the United Nations or otherwise,
except that it may be terminated earlier by
concurrent resolution of the Congress.
Mr. JAVITS subsequently said: Mr.
President, this morning, on behalf of
myself and the Senator from West Vir-
ginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] , and at the very
close of the morning hour, I introduced
a joint resolution on Vietnam which I
hoped would result in the President's re-
questing authority which I felt he should
request from Congress.
I ask unanimous consent that the joint
resolution may lie at the desk for 1 week
to permit other Senators who may wish
to do so to become cosponsors.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. JAVITS. Because the President
has not sought such authority, the Sen-
ator from West Virginia and I have in-
troduced the joint
form as we believe
sented.
Unavoidably the
Virginia was not in
1809
resolution in such
it ought to be pre-
Senator from West
the Chamber at the
moment the resolution was submitted.
I now yield to the Senator from West
Virginia.
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, I am
deeply appreciative of the comments just
made by the distinguished Senator from
New York.
The senior Senator from New York
has noted from time to time in the
Chamber?and recalled again last Fri-
day in a thought-provoking and infor-
mative report on Vietnam?that he is
an "ardent advocate of a full-scale con-
gressional debate on Vietnam."
The Senator from New York stated
that he and the Senator from West Vir-
ginia now speaking introduced in June
of 1965 Senate Joint Resolution 93. We
offered it with the suggestion that it be
a focal point for reasoned debate of which
I, too, am an advocate.
We jointly requested the Foreign Re-
lations Committee to hold hearings an
the resolution we offered, but without
success. I share the view of the senior
Senator from New York that it is un-
derstandable if the chairman and mem-
bers of the Foreign Relations Committee
feel that they should not engender hear-
ing and debate on such a sensitive issue
unless the President wishes such debate
to take place. Our currently proposed
resolution is a newly suggested focal
point.
But, because I am as convinced as is
our colleague from New York that the
country supports the President, I feel no
hesitancy in cosponsoring the new Sen-
ate Joint Resolution 134 "to promote the
maintenance of international peace and
security in southeast Asia and to supple-
ment Public Law 88-408."
Even among citizens supporting the
President on the Vietnam issue there are
questions and misgivings susceptible of
being mitigated or overcome. Hence, I
believe, as Senator JAVITS has declared,
that "if Congress is brought into closer
partnership with the President on this
issue, it is likely that the country will be
very much more in favor of our policy."
Congress joined the President in pass-
ing the resolution he requested in Au-
gust 1964. In the light of the many sig-
nificant subsequent developments, we feel
the provisions of that resolution?Pub-
lic Law 88-408?need supplementation.
Certainly there should not be repeal of
the August 10, 1964, resolution, as has
been proposed in one measure introduced
In this body last week.
The late U.S. Ambassador to the United
Nations, Adlai Stevenson, said:
Let's talk sense to the American people.
Let's tell them the truth, that there are no
gains without pains.
The President certainly has made this
clear. I believe debate of the issue in
Congress through consideration of such
a resolution as we offer?although not
developing unanimous agreement?would
reflect a more overwhelming congres-
sional and public consensus for U.S.
policy than now seems on the surface to
prevail. The differences over tactics and
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strategy and in degree of support too
often discolor the picture and in some
instances indicate more splinters than
consensus. What is needed is a rallying
point?a real focal point for a meaning-
ful debate. I do not believe this would
weaken the position of the Commander
in Chief, nor do I believe it would result
in any substantial deviation from the
policies he has ordered and proclaimed.
If I did not believe hearings and de-
bate on the issues inherent in the pro-
posed joint resolution would strengthen
support for our President and for U.S.
policy in Vietnam and southeast Asia,
and if I did not have faith that the un-
derstanding and resolve of our citizens
would be improved by debate in the best
traditions of our democratic way of life,
1 would not be a cosponsor. But I do
not shun this joint resolution through
negativism; I embrace it with an affirma-
tive attitude.
Lt is my judgment that the time has
come for the Senate to enter into rea-
soned debate because there have been so
many diverse opinions expressed by so
many individual Senators that the Sen-
ate as a body is somewhat in a posture of
disarray and presents a blurred image of
itself as a deliberative body and of the
Government's Vietnam policy. There is
a need for both clarification and a greater
degree of unification of the people's
Government. We are sorely in need of
unity of purpose. If there ever was a
Lime when the executive and the legis-
lative branches needed to be in harmony,
it is now.
Mr. President, I am very happy to join
the diligent and knowledgeable senior
Senator from New York [Mr. SJAVITS I in
introdueing Senate Joint Resolution 193.
As I conclude, I invite attention to an
editorial and a column written by Rich-
ard Fryklund, both published in the
Washington Evening Star of yesterday,
February 1, .H66. They are pertinent
Lu our discussion and reflect a degree of
optimism that is worthy of attention and
consideration. I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD excerpts from the editorial, en-
titled "His 'Clear Duty,'" and Mr. Fryk-
lund's column entitled "Viet Buildup
May Be Nearing End."
There being no objection, the editorial
and article were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
From the levelling Star, Feb. I, 19661
lir; ilniaR DUTY
:fa deciding to order a resumption of bomb-
ing of military targets in North Vietnam, Mr.
Johnson did what had to be done. As Presi-
dent and as Commander in Chief, conscious
of his responsibility to some 200,000 American
troops as well as the soldiers of our allies,
who are under attack by a relentless foe, he
could not have done otherwise.
Obviously, it was not an easy decision to
make. And the President, even while giv-
ing the order for the bombers to take off, re-
newed his pledge that tne search for a just
aettlement will go on. One aspect of the
quest is the arbitration proposal which
Ambassador Goldberg has put before the U.N.
Security Council. There is no occasion, how-
ever, for soaring hopes on this score. Dur-
ing the bomting pause, which lasted for 37
days, the Communists not only pressed ahead
with the fighting; they also used the oppor-
tunity to redeploy their soldiers, bring up
supplies, and repair the damage done to behind the present buildup and its projected
their transportation system. To have per-
mitted this to go on indefinitely as some
urged, could only have resulted in heavier
American and allied casualties. To his
credit, his critics notwithstanding, the Presi-
dent was unwilling to pay this price. As
he put it, it is our "clear duty" to do what
we can to limit the casualty rolls which, in
any event, will be long.
What is to be said of the critics, especially
those in the Senate?
In 1776 Thomas Paine wrote that 'these
are the times that try men's :souls." He also
paid his respects to "the summer soldier and
the sunshine patriot" who, in the crisis of
that day, shrank from the demands et the
war for freedom. If Paine were living now
he might have something to say about sun-
shine Senators.
It is not our purpose to be invidious in
suggesting this. But last week's spectacle in
the Senate was nothing less than astonishing.
One theme which runs through the criti-
cism is that Congress, when it approved in
1964 a joint resolution supporting the Pres-
ident's policies, did not quite realize what it
was all about, didn't quite intend ot author-
ize the President to do precisely what he
now is doing. Yet the language of the reso-
lution is unambiguous. It puts Congress
squarely on record as authorizing the Presi-
dent, as he may determine, "to take all neces-
sary steps, including the use of armed I ores,"
to assist South Vietnam in defense of its
freedom. Pretty hard to wriggle out of an
endorsement like that.
The 1964 resolution provides that Congress
may terminate it by another joint resolution.
Perhaps this should be brought to a test.
Let us find out how many Members of Con-
gress, in the face of Ho Chi Minh's adamant
refusal to discuss peace except o,n his own
terms, would vote to rescind, the authority
previously given the President. Let us find
out what those who might vote for revoca-
tion propose to do about the war, about the
200,000 American troops who are fighting the
battle, and whether they intend to weesh on
our Nation's commitment to a free choice for
South Vietnam.
Our guess is that such a resolution could
not muster a corporal's guard in Congress.
If this is so, there should be an end to aimless
speeches and protests which serve no better
purpose than to undermine the President
and to encourage the enemy.
[From the Evening Star, Feb. 1, 19661
WASHINGTON CLOSE-UP?VIET BUILDS r' MAY
BE NEARING END
(By Richard Fryklund)
conclusions a few months from now:
The plans grew out of the dashed hopes
of last summer. The Pentagon thought
there was a chance then that a demonstra-
tion of allied ability to win battles would be
enough to induce the Communist side to
fade away.
The battles were won as the American
Forces grew to 100,000, then 125,000, but the
Vietcong just fought harder, and North Viet-
nam increased its infiltration of regular army
troops.
By fall it was clear that our side had to
base its plans on the enemy's maximum
capability and not assume that lie would
have the good sense to give in before he was
defeated.
Calculations of an enemy's potential are
difficult, but the logisticians on our side be-
lieve now that North Vietnam and the Viet-
cong cannot man, equip, and continue to
supply a fighting force that numbers more
than about 300,000 men.
The plan here is to organize an allied force
that can handle that kind of enemy.
"Handle" does not mean a quick victory.
It means rather that our side would be
strong enough to carry on large-scale offen-
sive operations without a letup.
Right now our side can only guard its own
bases and throw hit-and-run raids at the
enemy.
Only one-half of the American servicemen
in South Vietnam have combat as their pri-
mary job?although almost all of them have
to fight at least part of the time in order
to hold on to their enclaves.
More than half of the combat specialists
are needed to protect the bases. Only a
quarter of the American force, then, can go
out on "search and destroy" operatiolis in
areas thought to hold enemy bases.
Search and destroy is a vital part of the
military operation. It makes the Vietcong
run and it destroys. a lot of Vietcong equip-
ment. But it does not seize and hold any
new territory.
What is needed is an occupation of Viet-
cong areas. To achieve this, our side must
have enough troops and supplies to main-
tain a steady flow of equipment and rotat-
ing soldiers in endless offensive operations.
As the Vietcong are pushed and harassed
and shooed, they will have to leave parts of
the roughly one-half of South Vietnam
which they now control. As they move out,
local government units would be created be-
hind the military shield.
This has been their preferred grand strat-
egy since it was discovered last fall that
mere demonstrations of proficiency would
not be enough.
But before it could be implemented, a vast
logistics base had to be created. American.
construction crews, military and civilian,
have been building and expanding ports,
supply depots, airfields, barracks, rOads, and
air-transport networks.
When the construction is largely finished
this spring it will support a force big enough
to carry out the sustained offensive opera-
tion.
As the logistics base is completed, some of
the construction soldiers can go home and
more fighting men can come in.
Exactly where the buildup will level of
cannot, of course, be predicted accurately.
The final orders to move have not been given
to many units at home already alerted for
duty in Vietnam. But 300,000 is now con-
sidered to be a guess on the high side.
If the enemy surprises us with a substan-
tially larger effort than is now thought pos-
sible, our base will be able to deliver quickly
and support indefinitely several more Amer-
ican combat divisions (the equivalent of
about five are there now).
But if present estimates work out. the war
could start showing progress this summer.
Victory, though, would be a long grind away.
The end of the American buildup in South
Vietnam could be a lot closer than most :peo-
ple think, both in time and in numbers.
If Communist China does not enter the
war, and. if Pentagon calculations of poten-
tial enemy strength are right, it could level
out this spring or early summer consider-
ably below the 300,000 mark.
There are now about 200,000 American
military men in South Vietnam. Sonic; Con-
gressmen have predicted a buildup to more
than 400,000.
But the Pentagon believes that fewer than
300,000 will be enough?along with the 7th
Fleet at sea, the South Vietnamese forces
and South Korean, Australian, and New Zea-
land units?to push back the biggest armies
the Vietcong and North Vietnamese can field
m the south.
If that calculation proves wrong, however,
the planned 'force will have provided a base
able to support a quick, massive buildup.
Plans do change in Washington, and calcu-
lations go wrong. But here is the reasoning
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Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I wish to
express my admiration for the fine state-
ment made by the Senator from West
Virginia. 'It is my great pleasure and
honor to be associated with him in this
endeavor.
Mr. RANDOLPH. I hope we shall be
successful. I believe we shall within the
membership of this body many Senators
who will wish to cosponsor the joint re-
solution. I hope that affirmative action
can be forthcoming.
Mr. JAVITS. I thank the Senator
from West Virginia.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILLS
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the names of
the following Senators be added as co-
sponsors of the bill (S. 2783) to amend
the Tariff Schedules of the United States
to permit for a temporary period the
duty-free entry of bona fide gifts not ex-
ceeding $50 in retail value from members
of the Armed Forces stationed outside
the United States, at the next printing:
Mr. ALLOTT, Mr. DOMINICK, Mr. MC-
CARTHY, and Mr. SALTONSTALL.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, at its
next printing, I ask unanimous consent
that the name of the Senator from Mary-
land [Mr. TYDINGS] be added as a co-
sponsor of the bill (S. 2722) to amend
chapter 235 of title 18, United States
Code, to provide for the appellate review
of sentences imposed in criminal cases
arising in the district courts of the United
States, introduced by me on October 22,
1965.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, at its
next printing, I ask unanimous consent
that the name of the Senator from /%1'ew
York [Mr. KENNEDY] May be added as a
cosponsor of the bill (S. 622) , the Ap-
palachian Trail bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF
JOINT RESOLUTION
Under authority of the order of the
Senate of January 27, 1966, the names of
Mr. BENNETT, Mr. BREWSTER, Mr. COOPER,
Mr. DIRKSEN, Mr. EASTLAND, Mr. FONG,
Mr. GRUENING, Mr. HARRIS, Mr. HART, Mr.
INOUYE, Mr. JACKSON, Mr. JAVITS, Mr.
KENNEDY of New York, Mr. KUCHEL, Mr.
MAGNUSON, Mr. METCALF, Mr. MONDALE,
Mr. MONTOYA, Mr. MORTON, Mr. NELSON,
Mr. PELL, Mr. PROXMIRE, Mr. RANDOLPH,
Mr. ROBERTSON, Mr. SYMINGTON, Mr.
YARBOROUGH, and Mr. YOUNG Of North
Dakota were added as additional cospon-
sors of the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 130)
to provide for the designation of the week
of May 8 to May 14, 1966, as "National
School Safety Patrol Week," introduced
by Mr. RIBICOFF on January 27, 1966.
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE
APPENDIX
On request, and by unanimous consent,
addresses, editorials, articles, etc., were
ordered to be printed in the Appendix, as
follows:
? By Mr. BYRD of Virginia:
Address delivered by Dr. Frederick S. Klein,
professor of history, Franklin and Marshall
.College, Lancaster, Pa., January 22, 1966, on
159th birthday anniversary of Robert E. Lee.
Article entitled "Year of Crisis or Year of
Opportunity," published in the Covington
Virginian of Covington, Va., on October 30,
1965, written by Rev. Richard W. Bucking-
ham, of the Epworth Methodist Church,
Covington.
? By Mr. YARBOROUGH:
Articles dealing with the dedication of a
U.S. hospital in Tanzania and tribute to
Americans by the President of Tanzania.
RESIDUAL FUEL OIL CONTROLS
SHOULD BE ABOLISHED
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, for many
years I have been deeply concerned with
the residual fuel oil import quota pro-
gram and have, on repeated occasions,
fought hard for the complete elimination
of these controls. These controls cause
great hardship to millions of New York-
ers and others living on the east coast
of the United States. The Director of the
Office of Emergency Planning, first in
1963, and then on December 18, 1965,,ad-
vised that control of these imports could
be relaxed without impairment to the
national security. Yet the administra-
tion refuses to lift its controls, even
though the level of imports have been
raised modestly for the current fuel oil
year. In addition to the anticompetitive
situation caused by these controls, they
have also resulted in increasing the fuel
oil costs of millions of city dwellers,
schools, hospitals and many Federal and
State installations, who have no alter-
nate choice of fuel. These consumers,
who have been bearing the brunt of U.S.
Government sponsored price premiums,
now find themselves faced, by even
higher prices, caused by the setting up of
price controls in Venezuela, with the re-
sult that for New York State alone, the
additional cost may be as high as $25 mil-
lion per year.
In my view, and in the view of my col-
leagues from east coast States, the best
solution to the whole residual fuel oil im-
port problem would be the removal of
controls.
I am pleased to note that several Con-
gressmen and Senators from various east
coast States have arranged to met today
with the heads of interested departments
to urge removal of these controls. I fully
support their action. I also understand
that a committee composed of Senators
and Representatives from New England
and other east coast States is being
formed to deal with this problem on
the broadest possible basis. I fully
support this move as I believe that only
through a concerted effort can we make
our concern felt.
We are about to start a new fuel oil
year. I strongly urge the President, the
Attorney General, the Secretary of In-
terior, the Director of the Office of Emer-
gency Planning to review once more the
overwhelming evidence developed over
the years against residual fuel oil import
controls and to abolish" these controls
prior to the start of the new fuel oil
year?April 1.
1811
SUPPORT FOR LAW AND ORDER?
RESOLUTION OF SAN JACINTO
DISTRICT BOARD OF THE TEXAS
FEDERATION OF WOMEN'S CLUBS
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, the San
Jacinto District Board of the Texas Fed-
eration of Women's Clubs recently
adopted a resolution of support for law
and order in this Nation. Since this
group is so representative of our women's
clubs in Texas, I ask unanimous consent
that a copy of the resolution be inserted
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
"The members of the San Jacinto District,
Texas Federation of Women's Clubs in ses-
sion October 21, 1965, deplore the ugly image
that is being presented to the world by law-
less demonstrations, marches, and riots.
This is indicative of the lack of patriotism
and devotion to our country. As loyal Amer-
icans we wish to impress upon our Repre-
sentatives in Washington our desire to firmly
stand behind them in their enforcement of
law and order. We cannot stress too strongly
the need for stamping out this seditious
ugliness that is growing in the United States
of America. We strongly urge investigation
of this communistically inspired attack that
is growing more vicious each day. We ask
that the Texas Federation Of Women's Clubs
and the General Federation of Women's Clubs
take similar action in demanding enforce-
ment of law and order as presented by this
resolution."
Signed by Mrs. George P. Kelley, trustee,
San Jacinto District TFWC; Mrs. Paul Lamp-
ley, national legislation chairwoman; Mrs.
Ralph Morgan, resolution chairwoman.
EDITORIAL IN DEFENSE OF PRES-
ENT 2-YEAR TERM FOR MEMBERS
OF THE HOUSE
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, the Fort
Worth Star Telegram of January 23,
1966, carried an excellent editorial in
defense of the present 2-year term for
Congressmen.
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of the editorial be printed at this point
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editor-
ial was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
FOUR-YF.AR TERM NEEDS LONG STUDY
President Johnson's proposal for an
amendment to the Constitution giving
Members of the U.S. House of Representa-
tives 4-year terms, instead of 2, should be
considered long and cautiously.
What is at issue here is a part of the basic
structure of American government?a part
included in that structure by the Founding
Fathers purposely and with good reason.
President Johnson has offered reasons for
changing it as he proposes. But there are
arguments for not doing so, and there are
many unanswered questions as to how the
altered system would function and whether
It would better serve the interests of the
Nation and the people.
Since all Members of the House, under the
administration proposal, would be elected at
the same time as the President, one fault
in the proposed new system is immediately
apparent. The winning presidential candi-
date would tend to sweep his party's House
candidates into office with him. Almost
Invariably, the result would be control of
the House and the executive branch by the
same political party. This could serve to
stifle the voice of the opposition and under-
mine the two-party system.
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The 4-year House terms would mean that
the favorable House that came in with the
President would be at his disposal through-
out his term. The so-called midterm elec-
tion would automatically be canceled.
In planning the structure as it now exists,
the framers of the Constitution incorpo-
rated an ingenious system of checks and
balances. The '2-year House term gives the
President the probable benefit of a coopers-
Sive House during the first half of his term.
hit it also compels him, in effect, to return
to the people at the halfway mark for ap-
proval?or disapproval---Of his conduct of
he executive branch.
Accountability of public officials to the
people is a fundamental principle of repre-
sentative government. Mr. Johnson pointe
out that communications are better now than
when the Constitution was drafted and says
She midterm election is. not needed for con-
veying the will of the people to Congress.
lint communication and accountability are
quite different things, and it is the latter
that would suffer most under the proposed
change, though truthfully nothing commu-
nicates more effectively to a politician than
a constituent's vote for the opposition.
Mr. Johnson's four basic reasons for pro-
posing the 4-year change are: (1) to provide
;louse Members a sufficient period to work
ott the great questions before Congress; (2)
to free Members from the pressures of cam-
paigning, thus allowing them more time
for their work; (1) to reduce the cost of elec-
tion to congressional office; (4) to attract the
hest men into competition for House
membership.
It has been proved that Members who do
heir work in a manner pleasing to their
constituents can be returned for Many terms.
in fact, several present House Members have
:airved longer than any Member of the Senate,
where the term is 6 years.
the President's other three reasons have
merit. But in the case of each, there are
ninny alternatives for accomplishing the
: i:L111.11 objective. These alternatives, and
ninny other questions raised by the proposal,
should be meticulously explored before there
is any decision to alter the basic structure of
our Government in a way that could weaken
U.ie system of checks and balances and, con-
ceivably, result in one-party rule. Such
thoroughgoing study scarcely would leave
time for action on the subject at this con-
gressional session.
PROPOSED 4-YEAR TERM FOR MEM-
BERS OF THE: HOUSE OF REPRE-
SENTATIVES
Mr. '1 OWE R. Mr. President, the
Wichita Falls Times of January 21, 1966,
carried a very excellent editorial on the
subject of the 4-year term. I ask con-
sent that this editorial be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
"Mere being- no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Wow?... YEAR TERms
loam-year terms for Members of tile House
of Representatives of Congress will provide
one of the livelier topics for discussion this
year.
'those who bMieye that the Constitution
provided the perfect framework of govern-
ment will oppose any tampering with the
historical 2-year term which emerged from
the Constitutional Convention of 1787 and
hasn't been changed.
'those who also take the Constitution lit-
erally, and particularly its preamble, which
begins, "We, the people of the United States,
in order to form a more perfect Union" will
carefully consider the proposal in the light
of present-day conditions and the foresee-
able future, and make up our minds record-
There are good arguments on both sides of
the issue which the suggested constitutional
amendment provokes.
President Johnson, calling for adoption of
the amendment, has recited familiar argu-
ments in favor of the longer term: need of
Congressmen to devote more time to Con-
gress and less to campaigning, the growing
complexities of legislative work, the induce-
ment to political careers of persons ol the
highest quality.
The opposition also is well armed. It was
the theory of the Constitutional Fathers, in
compromising on the 2-year term, that Mem-
bers of the House should closely reflect pre-
vailing public opinion and trends. The
short term also acts as a curb upon both the
legislative and executive branches of the
Government by affording the people the op-
portunity to repudiate at midterm unpopu-
lar administrative and congressional actions.
Actually partisanship has been carefully
sidestepped in the proposal that Johnson has
made. President Eisenhower favored 4-year
terms for Members of the :Rottee, and in 1954
during his administration such a plan was
approved by the Senate Judiciary Subcom-
mittee. There are proponents on both sides
of the aisle,
ft should be noted that President Johnson
removed himself and his administration from
any conflict with the plain by mentioning
19'72 as the suggested effective date of the
proposed amendment. That is sufficiently
distant to be disconnected with the present
administration and the present Congress.
In partisan politics, 6 years is a long time
luso the future.
One crucial decision, it seems to the
Times, can provide a 'compromise that will
go a long way toward preserving the advan-
tages of the 2-year term arid still satisfy the
arguments for the reform.. That would be
to provide the 4-year terms for half of the
43.5-Member House in 1972 and the other
half in 1974.
The plan of having only half of the House
subject to election every 4 years was not
suggested by President Johnson; neither was
is rejected.
Throughout the Nation, longer terms for
public office at the local, county, district,
and State level are becoming snore popular.
Staggered 4-year terms for Members of the
House of Representatives of Congress might
be the logical extension cf this trend into
_Federal offices.
THE BUDGET FOR THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA'S PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Mr, MORSE. Mr. President, the budget
for the District of Columbia public
schools sent to Congress lby President
Johnson last week must be viewed with
mixed emotions. In my judgment, while
this budget is an improvement over pre-
ceding ones, it still does not properly face
up to the most important need confront-
ing our Nation?in particular our Na-
tion's Capital?the securing of our fu-
ture through an adequate investment is
the education of our young people. The
proposed District school budget is a step
toward better schools and should in my
judgment be approved, but it should not
be considered a prototype for future
budgets.
T ask unanimous consent to have
printed at this point in my remarks the
proposed model school budget for the
District of Columbia, which was pre-
sented by Dr. Carl F. Hansen, Superin-
tendent of District of Columbia Public
Schools to the House Committee on Edu-
cation and Labor in response to a request
by Representative ROMA.N C. PIWINSKI.
There being no objection, the proposed
budget was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
JANUARY 10, 1966.
Hon. ROMAN C. PlICINSKI,
Longworth Office Building,
U.S. House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN PUCINSKI: I appreciate
your invitation to submit a model budget.
Your requests indicate that the purpose of
inquiry into the District of Columbia public
schools is to be constructive.
My report is analyzed under the following
main headings: (1) administration; (2)
school services; (3) improvement of instruc-
tion; (4) special programs; (5) food serv-
ices; (6) operation and maintenance; (7)
higher education; (8) capital outlay; and
(9) application of plans.
The estimates for each element must be
understood to be tentative and subject to
considerable change as programs are phased
in and special facilities are identified.
1. ADMINISTRATION
The proposed increases in funding for ad-
ministration are based on today's organiza-
tion.
The School Board plans a study of admin-
istrative organization to determine what
changes should be made In alinement of staff
persons and assignment of duties.
It is proposed to use a part of title V
money from the Elementary and Secondary
Education Act to conduct a study of the
design for administrative reorganization.
When this is accomplished, it is inevitable
that the costs of administration will differ
from the current estimates.
2. SCHOOL SERVICES
The Superintendent's staff has premised
staffing schedules for model school units at
the elementary, junior high, and senior high
school levels. The model unit for the ele-
mentary school and the junior high school is
a school of 1,000, and for the senior high
school a school of 1,500. The description bf
staff services, and supplies has been developed
for each unit for each level.
The salient features of the model elemen-
tary unit are as follows:
An increase for staffing in counseling, social
work, subject fields, shop and home eco-
nomics, and speech and reading.
Supplying supportive services to teachers
as clerks, assistants, and aids.
Staffing for community services to enable
each school to serve as a community center
with a director Of community services to co-
ordinate and initiate neighborhood activi-
Ries with lull use of school buildings.
Reduction in class size in grades 1 to 6 from
a current ratio of 30 to 1 to a maximum of
25; in the special academic curriculum to
a maximum of 15; and in the social adjust-
ment classes to a maximum of 8.
Establishment of a preschool program with
is special staff.
Funds for equipment not now usually sup-
plied, such as typewriters, or fully supplied
such as record players, television sets, film
projectors.
Increases in funds for textbooks, supplies,
and library books, and allocations of f unds
for cultural experiences, out-of-school learn-
ing activities for pupils, and field trips for
members of the staff.
The chief improvements for the secondary
schools are as follows:
Pupil-Leacher ratios reduced from 25 to 1
to a maximum of 25 in the academic classes,
with a special provision that in English the
number shall be no more than 20 per class.
Ratios in other services will be set at 200
pupils to 1 counselor; 500 pupils to 1 librar-
ian; a full-time speech correctionist for
junior and senior high schools, and 1 full-
time social worker for senior high schools.
In addition teacher aids and other para-
professional will be set up at the rate of 1
such employee for each 50 pupils.
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We can resolve the whole question very
quickly. It can be done by withdrawing
the motion to take up. It is that simple.
There is this question to consider: Is
compulsory unionism more important
than the young men who are slogging
among the insects and the slime and the
mud of Vietnam? If Vietnam is impor-
tant, good; then let the President come
down to us and ask us to withdraw it.
It is that simple.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. DIRKSEN. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I am looking at the
calendar. I see nothing on it relating to
Vietnam. I see on it a joint resolution
authorizing the President to invite the
States of the Union and foreign nations
to participate in the International Petro-
leum Exposition to be held at Tulsa,
Okla. I see on the calendar a concur-
rent resolution recognizing the 50th
anniversary of the chartering of the Boy
Scouts of America.
I believe the minority leader has the
emblem on his lapel.
I see on the calendar a joint resolution
authorizing an appropriation to enable
the United States to extend an invita-
tion to the World Health Organization
to hold the 22d World Health Assembly
In Boston, Mass. in 1969.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. One reason there
Is nothing on the calendar is that the
committees cannot meet.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I would like to see
the committees meet?all of them.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I beg Senators to
let the Foreign Relations Committee
meet. I have not mentioned other ur-
gent matters that need to be considered.
For example, the Panamanian Treaty,
which has been a source of much contro-
versy and conflict, ought to be consid-
ered. There are a dozen matters to con-
sider if the Senate is to act on them. We
ought to let the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee meet.
It would be easy to have it done and
have it done under the rules.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I have no control
over that.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. There are two
ways to bring this to a conclusion.
Mr. DIRKSEN. In response to the
majority leader, it was the Senator from
Arkansas who in the course of mention-
ing bills before his committee said that
there was a request with respect to Viet-
nam.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. They did that, too.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I did not say there
were bills. The Senator made that state-
ment and I made my response.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The Senator is
correct.
Mr. President, is there objection?
Mr. DIRKSEN. I shall object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. There is
objection.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
should like to make a parliamentary in-
quiry. Is it in order for me to object to
the meeting of the Armed Services Com-
mittee this morning even though it is
under the guise of the Appropriations
Committee?
Mr. MANSFIELD. There is no such
request before the Senate.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I would like to ob-
ject and to express my objection. I do
not think it is appropriate that the For-
eign Relations Committee be prohibited
from meeting while other committees are
allowed to meet.
I do not believe that the military ac-
tivities there are a bit more important
than the military or civilian activities
designed, we hope, to prevent the esca-
lation of war.
The Senate is reaching the point where
the only thing that is important is the
production of a bigger and better war.
I do not understand the procedure
whereby they are allowed to continue
regardless of the business of anybody
else. My committee is criticized in the
press as being ineffectively operated, and
yet the committee is not permitted to
meet. This is an intolerable situation.
Mr. President, is there any way that I
can bring before the Senate the question
of the continuation of committee meet-
ings when my committee cannot meet?
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. When
the 3-minute limitation is over the Sen-
ator may make a motion that is debat-
able. -
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The motion that
they not meet. Therefore, I object to
the committees' meeting.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the request?
Mr. MANSFIELD, Mr. President, I
object.
May I say before I start on the re-
marks I would like to make that I would
object to a request made by any Senator
to prevent the Armed Services Commit-
tee from meeting or any other commit-
ted from meeting. But as I understand
the motion, the Armed Services Com-
mittee, even though it is meeting in con-
junction with the Committee on Appro-
priations for Armed Services, is within
Its rights, due to the fact that the trans-
action of morning business has been
agreed to, and will be within its rights
until the morning business is concluded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, may
I violate the first rule of the morning
hour and ask to proceed for 3 additional
minutes?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears no objec-
tion.
THE AM CONF ICT
Mr. MA SFIELD. resident, on
yesterday it s reported in the press
that the North Vietnamese Foreign Min-
tstry made the following statement:
The Government of the Democratic Re-
public of Vietnam reaffirms that, on the in-
ternational plane, consideration of Vietnam
falls within the competence of the 1954 Gen-
eva Conference on Indochina, and not of the
United Nations Security Council.
On yesterday, also, the distinguished
chairman of the Foreign Relations Corn-
1781
mittee, Mr. FULBRIGHT, stated that we
call the suggestion of North Vietnam for
the reconvening of the Geneva Confer-
ence, and today I should like to join him
in that request. I do so because it rep-
resents my own view and because I know
this is also the viewpoint of the adminis-
tration. Both the President and the
Secretary of State have repeatedly said
that they would agree to discussions on
the basis of the Geneva Accords of 1954
and 1962 and further they are prepared
for a reconvening of the Geneva Confer-
ences. The latest statement to this ef-
fect was made by the President in his
state of the Union address of January 12,
which I will refer to later.
As I stated on Monday, the President
is to be commended for referring the
question of a possible settlement of the
Vietnamese conflict to the United Na-
tions. He is also to be commended for
the considerate and sympathetic atti-
tude with which he welcomed Pope Paul's
proposal to seek an end to the Vietnam-
ese difficulty through the arbitration of
neutral nations.
It gives me much reassurance and en-
couragement that a man of the caliber
of Ambassador Arthur Goldberg repre-
sents us at the United Nations at this
critical time and that he is making, on
the behalf of the President, the principal
presentations of our policy on the Viet-
namese situation before the U.N. Secu-
rity Council. I do not know of anyone
who is better qualified to speak for the
Nation on the matter than this outstand-
ing and judicious American.
I am further heartened and encour-
aged by the fact that the United States
has proposed, through Ambassador
Goldberg, that both North Vietnam and
South Vietnam be invited to take part in
any discussions of a conference to seek
peace in Vietnam. Obviously, there is
a need for the participation of all those
who, in the last analysis, must be parties
to understanding if the peace is to be re-
stored and maintained.
Mr. President, I regret to note that,
according to the press, North Vietnam
has already declared that it will consider
as invalid any resolutions of the U.N.
Security Council on Vietnam. This re-
port is attributed to Tass, the Soviet news
agency. Tass states further in its dis-
patch from Hanoi that the North Viet-
namese Foreign Ministry has declared
that "only the 1954 Geneva Conference
on Indochina is competent" to deal with
the Vietnamese situation.
One would hope, Mr. President, that
no possible contribution to peace, from
the United Nations, the Vatican, or what-
ever would be rejected out of hand by
Hanoi or any other nation. Neverthe-
less, it is true that the 1954 Geneva Con-
ference was very specifically convened to
deal with the situation in Indochina.
That conference rather than the United
Nations did set the line of demarcation
between South Vietnam and North Viet-
nam as well as, of course, establishing
the national freedom of the kingdoms of
Cambodia and Laos, all four areas having
been an integral part of what was pre-
viously French Indochina.
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Hanoi is technically more accurate,
therefore, in proposing that questions on
Vietnam come before the Geneva con-
ferees of 1954. I would suggest, Mr.
President, that no time be lost in giving
consideration to this proposal from
North Vietnam, as announced in the So-
viet news agency, Tass. Indeed, I recall,
'resident Johnson not on one occasion
but on many occasions, has stated that
the United States would be willing to
agree to a conference based on the 1954
Geneva accords and Secretary of State
I kali. Rusk has reiterated that state-
ment many times. Most significantly, in
the state of the Union message to Con-
gress on january 12, the President again
elated the position with great emphasis:
'there arc no arbitrary limits to our search
or peace. We stand by the Geneva agree-
ments of 1951 and 1962. We will meet at any
,onference table, dIscuss any proposals-4
points or 14 or 40?and consider the views
of any group 4' *
underscore the term "the Geneva
Agreements of 1954 and 1962," the phrase
"any conference table," and the refer-
ence to "any group." If the Toss state-
ments, to the effect that Hanoi wishes
the Vietnamese conflict discussed by the
Geneva Conferees, is accurate and I see
no reason to doubt it, since both radio
Hanoi and Paiping'S New China news
agency have carried similar reports, I
trust that it means that while North
Vietnam is unwilling to have the U.N.
brought into the matter, Hanoi is pre-
pared for a reconvening of the 1954
Geneva Conference and is willing to sit
down at the conference table with the
United States and with the Geneva Con-
ferees of 1954 to consider negotiations
based on the Geneva accords. I would
hope that these press statements form
the nucleus for a negotiating conference
and I would suggest the cochairmen of
the Geneva Conference of 1954; namely,
the Soviet Union and the United King-
dom, to act immediately on this state-
ment by the North Vietnamese Foreign
Ministry. I would urge them to convene
all relevant participants for the purpose
of getting to work on ways and means
of settling this question which confronts
not only southeast Asia but the rest of
the world directly or indirectly.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to proceed for 1
additional minute.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. If North Vietnam
means what it says, then I think the
time is right for the Geneva Conference
to be reconvened and would recommend
that the effort be made to reconvene it.
Mr. PULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Montana yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD I yield to the Sen-
ator from Arkansas. I
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President,
wish to associate myself with the state-
ment of the Senator.
It seems to me, in view of the develop-
ments, that this is the proper way to
proceed. I hope that they mean what
they say when they say the 1954 Geneva
Conference has jurisdiction and tha
1111111kM
they will come and attend and part ici-
pate.
commend the Senator for his state-
ment.
Mr. MANSFIELD. At least the initia-
tive comes from North Vietnam.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time
of the Senator has expired.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President:, I
ask unanimous consent to proceed for
1 minute.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. In this respect I
think we should take up their suggestion
and if it is a challenge, accept it.
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I yield if I have
time.
Mr. GORE. I suggest to the majority
leader, with whose suggestions I wieh to
associate myself, that this announce-
ment on the part of the Government of
Hanoi, attributed to Tass and other
agencies, may very well be the fruit of
the reference of this issue to the United
Nations.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I should say that
there is much merit in that suggestion,
because it required a Presidential call,
through Ambassador Goldberg, to the
United Nations Security Council to elicit
this comment or reply from Hanoi, which
may well work toward a possible recon-
vening of the Geneva Conference.
Mr. GORE. So even though the pros-
pects in the United Nations are not so
happy as we would prefer, it may have
already been a very fruitful move.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Montana yield?
Mr. MANSFIELD. I will yield if I
have time.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may proceed
for 3 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none, and
the Senator from Pennsylvania is recog-
nized for 3 minutes.
Mr. CLARK. I wish to associate my-
self with the views of the majority leader
and to ask him this question: As he
knows, the cochairmen of the Geneva
Conference were Great Britain and the
Soviet Union. Great Britain has, on
many occasions, attempted to persuade
the Soviet Union to issue a joint call for
the reconvening of that Conference.
What is the thought of the majority
leader as to what could be done to per-
suade the Soviet Union to join Great
Britain in calling the Geneva Conference
back into session?
Mr. MANSFIELD. There have been
occasions when the United Kingdom has
suggested the reconvening of the Geneva
Conference, but the Soviet Union has
declined to join its cochairman. There
also have been cases in which the Soviet
Union has indicated that it would like to
reconvene the Geneva Conference, spe-
cifically, in one instance, on the basis of a
question raised by Prince Sihanouk, of
Cambodia, with respect to the independ-
ence and integrity of that country,. But
on the other side, it took too long to bring
t about assent, and when finally a grudg-
ing assent was made to the request it was
too late.
I would hope that some of the great
powers, which seem to act like small
boys more often than not, would consider
the difficulties which confront, not this
country especially, but the world as a
whole, would meet and put their heads
together, and issue a call for the recon-
vening of this Conference. Then all that
the United Kingdom or the Soviet Union
would have to do would be to issue a
declaration.
Furthermore, if those two countries do
not wish to take that action, any member
nation of the 1954 Geneva accords can,
on its own initiative act to reconvene the
Conference. I hope that in some way
that will be done, and that this sug-
gestion, request, or challenge by North
Vietnam, issued through its foreign
ministry, may be accepted.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, since
we are discussing Vietnam, it is worth
noting that on Monday of this week,
President Eisenhower, in a telephone in-
terview, said that the President "unques-
tionably made the right decision in or-
dering a resumption of bombing in North
Vietnam."
Further, he said that any other course
would have given "sanctuary to those
responsible for sending guerrilla forces
and supplies into South Vietnam."
President Eisenhower went on to re-
mark:
Indefinite suspension of bombing would
only make certain that we would have to
face the Communist aggression on other bat-
tlefields elsewhere in southeast Asia.
Then he called attention to the fact
that we were in South Vietnam by the
invitation of the Government of that
country. He placed particular emphasis
on this subject when he said:
I am for winning the battle here and not
in some more remote place not of our own
choosing.
He rather scoffed at the contention
that we were playing brinkmanship all
over again. He said that the enemy had
used the pause to strengthen its forces in
South Vietnam and to send in more
equipment, and also had continued to
bomb nonmilitary targets.
He said that there was nothing else
the President could do in the circum-
stances "but o:rder a resumption of the
bombing." He rejected the suggestion of
General Gavin that U.S. forces with-
draw to coastal enclaves along the South
China Sea or the Gulf of Tonkin, so as
to limit the war while pursuing peace.
I believe that as a former President of
the United States, as a former Com-
mander in Chief of the Army, Navy, and
Air Force, as a General of the Army, and
as the grand captain of our forces in
World War II, his views certainly merit
real consideration.
I am confident that the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, the Security Council, and every
other responsible person will attach great
weight to what the former General of
the Army has had to say with respect to
the resumption of the bombings.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, it was my hope, when the President
decided to call upon the Security Coun-
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cil, that some useful contribution might
be made by the Security Council.
I predicted that it would be a rather
frustrating experience. So far, I have
seen nothing to alter the prediction I
made along this line.
I hope that the suggestions of the ma-
jority leader will lead to an honorable
peace. My impression is that this Na-
tion has been ready at all times to urge
the reconvening of the Geneva Confer-
ence, in the event that there were some
disposition on the side of the Communist
bloc to try to find an honorable solution
to the difference between this Nation
and the Communist aggressors.
I suspect, Mr. President, that we shall
find our problem to be that the Commu-
nists think they can take over a country
that does not wish to become a Com-
munist country, and that a great many
people who do not want to be subjected
to Communist rule can be put under such
a rule. That probably will be the dif-
ficulty that will have to be resolved.
When there are large numbers of free-
dom-loving people who do not desire to
be taken over by the Communist con-
spiracy, either by Hanoi, Peiping, or
Moscow, it seems to me that this Nation,
once having sent its troops there, has a
duty not to surrender those people to
communism, and, having undertaken to
encourage those people to fight in their
own defense, we have a duty to stay by
their side and see them through.
If a Geneva Convention were con-
vened and this Nation were to send its
representatives there for a face-saving
surrender, millions of people would be
left to the will of the Communists. It
seems to me that we should not have been
involved in the first place if that were
our purpose.
If an honorable peace could be arrived
at, I should like to see it arranged. I
should like to see our Nation negotiate
on any basis whatsoever that might lead
to an honorable peace. I should dislike
to see our Nation surrender, if it is our
intention to go to the conference table
for the purpose of surrender.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President,
parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, is
a motion in order that the Committee
on Foreign Relations be authorized to
meet all day on Friday?
Mr. LAUSCHE. I reserve the right to
object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER, The
Senator's request would not be in order
until the conclusion of the morning busi-
ness.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I understood a
moment ago that the Senate was in
the morning hour.
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, is the
Senate in the morning hour of a period
of time assigned for the transaction of
routine morning business?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is
technically morning business.
Mr. HRUSKA. I thank the Chair.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, does
the Senator from Arkansas contemplate
that if permission is granted for the
Committee on Foreign Relations to
meet, only those measures which he
identified earlier this morning will be
considered by the committee?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Under the rules,
the committee can meet only 1 day. I
assure the Senator that we shall have to
spend far more than 1 day on the sup-
plemental bill that is before the Senate.
I propose to move, after the morning
business is over, that the Committee on
Foreign Relations be authorized to meet
all day on Friday next.
Mr. LAUSCHE. The Senator has not
answered my question.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The only business
that will be taken up is the pending
business, the supplemental appropria-
tion authorization and two nominations
which the Senator knows about.
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I
have no objection.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I am not asking
for unanimous consent.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I yield.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I call
the attention of the distinguished Sen-
ator to the fact that the Senate presently
has 107 standing, select, joint, and
subcommittees.
If we make a dispensation by motion
for one committee, whether a standing
or select committee, why should not
every committee and subcommittee
which may have witnesses from out of
the city move that it be authorized to
do likewise because the Committee on
Foreign Relations had been authorized
to meet?
Mr. FULBRIGHT. As the Senator
has already pointed out, we have done
it for the Committee on Appropriations
and the Committee on Armed Services.
Why should it not be done for the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations?
Mr. DIRKSEN. The Senator from
Arkansas is the one who objected to the
unanimous consent request. I pointed
' out that, for some 10 or 11 years, I
served on the House Committee on Ap-
propriations. That committee had such
dispensation. I served for a good many
years on the Senate Committee on Ap-
propriations. It had such dispensation.
It has been a custom of long standing.
And there was a very good reason for it.
There are normally about 13 regular
supply bills, aside from deficiencies and
supplementals. There is a parade of
Government witnesses before the sub-
committees. The committees could not
get their work done.
June 30 is the end of the fiscal year,
and, as a matter of course, we have
always expected that all appropriations
would be completed by the end of the
fiscal year. I cannot remember when
we have not done that. We have had
interim resolutions to carry over the ap-
propriations so that salaries and wages
could be paid. There is a very good
argument for this being done for the
Committee on Appropriations because of
the work volume that it undertakes.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Am I to under-
stand that the Senator means that this
matter is much more important than is
the war in Vietnam and the world nu-
clear war with which we are faced? Is
that a very incidental matter, that the
Senate should not be concerned about?
Mr. DIRKSEN. I ask the Senator
from Arkansas whether compulsory
unionism or freedom of choice or com-
pulsory membership in a union is more
important than the youngsters over
there.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The Senator knows
what I think about that. I believe this
bill ought to be taken down. I agree
with what the Senator said. Either that
should be done or cloture should be in-
voked.
I am perfectly willing to vote to take
it down. However, I cannot control that.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, a parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. It is my un-
derstanding that a motion that a com-
mittee meet during the session of the
Senate is not in order under the unani-
mous-consent request under which the
Senate is operating.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. When the
morning business is over, the pending
business will be laid before the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
Is there further morning business?
The Senator from Oregon is recog-
nized.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, a parlia-
mentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. MORSE. Would it be in order for
me to make a statement on the procedure
of the Senate during the morning hour?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator has 3 minutes.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I desire
to make a statement while my good
friend the Senator from Arkansas is on ?
the floor.
As one member of the Committee on
Foreign Relations, I want the Senator
from Arkansas to know that it is the view
of the senior Senator from Oregon that,
although we cannot meet while the Sen-
ate is in session, we can meet at 8 o'clock
in the morning and have breakfast. I
suggest that we start having meetings of
the Committee on Foreign Relations at
8 o'clock in the morning. If we are to
keep banker's hours and not make an ef-
fort to break this filibuster, and if we
continue to go home at 4:30, 5, 5:30, or
6 at night, even before the Riggs National
Bank president leaves his office, we shall
never be done. I suggest that we sched-
ule public meetings at 6, 7, and 8 o'clock
at night.
The people are entitled, may I say
most respectfully, to have the Committee
on Foreign Relations meet whenever it
can meet under the rules of the Senate.
The rules do not apply after adjourn-
ment or recess.
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I believe that we ought to start hav-
ing evening meetings and public meet-
ings. The American people are entitled
to know where the Committee on For-
eign Relations stands.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Can the Senator
aiye me any indication of his belief that
we could get the Members there? Speak-
ing for myself. I am perfectly willing to
do that if I think I can get a quorum
present to hear the witnesses.
Mr. MORSE. I believe that people are
i..mtitled to know who the members of
the Committee on Foreign Relations are
in this hour of crisis who find it incon-
venient to attend a meeting, no matter
what hour of the day or night the Sen-
',tor calls the meeting.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I believe I am correct that, if Sen-
ators care to do so. they may call a group
of Senators together. There is no rule
that states that a group of Senators can-
iot meet to talk about a matter.
A s the Senator from Illinois has point-
od out, if the committee meets and seeks
to keep a transcript or record of such
meeting, the committee chairman can
be made to pay the cost of the record.
fowever, if a record is not kept and
:Senators merely meet and discuss mat-
ters, they can later make their action of-
Ucial They meet at a time when
the Senate is not in session.
As a member of the Committee on
Voreign Relations, if the Senator from
.arkansas cares to call a committee meet-
Mg after the Senate completes its busi-
ness or before it meets tomorrow morn-
ing, I shall endeavor to be present. I
aannot promise to deliver the other
nodies, but I can promise to give to the
Senator whatever cooperation I am able
to make available to him.
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, a par-
ia,mentary inquiry.
PRESIDING OFFICER. The
13enator will state it.
Mr. TOWER If the distinguished
Senator from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT 1 ,
at the conclusion of the morning busi-
ness, were to request that the Foreign
Relations Committee be permitted to
meet, would he not, in effect, be attempt-
ing to suspend the rules; and would such
a request be in order?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
rules of the Senate provide that the
oommittee may not meet during sessions
without leave of the Senate, except
under certain conditions and it it has
held that an attempt for a leave can be
out in the form of a motion under the
rules. It has been ruled by the Chair
that it is debatable and privileged.
Mr. TOWER. It would be a privi-
leged motion, then, and would need to
aarry only by a simple majority to ac-
oomplish the end desired by the Senator
trorn Arkansas?
retie PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
Mr. TOWER. That motion would be
debatable, and the rule of germaneness
would apply?
The :PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct..
Mr. TOWER. And any speeches made
un that motion would not be charged
as debate on H.R. 77?
mqn
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is correct.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, for the information of the Senate,
I believe the leadership would feel
obligated to move to table such a motion.
We have before us a motion which in-
volves a very important matter, which
the leadership feels should come to a
vote. The leadership recognizes and well
knows that a motion for committees to
meet could indeterminably extend the
debate in which we are presently
engaged.
Speaking as one Senator and as the
chairman of a committee with similar
problems, I should very much hope that
the chairman of the Foreign Relations
Committee would not insist upon making
such a motion to meet while the Senate
is in session. As a member of his com-
mittee. I would do what I could to help
provide for the presence of Senators and
assure him of my own presence at the
meeting, if he sees fit to call a meeting
of his committee after the Senate has
concluded its session today or before
the Senate meets on tomorrow.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. In response to the
statement of the Senator from Louisiana,
in the first place, I have riot enough time,
now, to arrange it today. I would like
permission for the committee to meet
during the session of the Senate on Fri-
day. I see no reason why such permis-
sion should not be granted, because I
submit that under the present conditions,
with the administration urging us to give
them a supplemental authorization of
$415 million?and I can assure the Sena-
tor that they have urged Me; I assume
that they need it, that they have run out
of money?this is not a mere routine
matter upon which I am asking permis-
sinn for the committee to meet .
Such permission has already been
granted to the Armed Services Committee
and the Appropriations Committee. I do
not believe this is a normal, ordinary
matter. I think it is of sufficient im-
Portance to justify allowing the commit-
tee to have one meeting during the Sen-
ate session. One reason why I should
particularly like to have one meeting?
for which I think I can get the members
of the committee together?is even to
discuss the matter raised by the Senator
from Oregon, as to whether we can rea-
sonably hold meetings in the evening,
To my knowledge, it has never been done.
If the members would agree to come in
and we can obtain the witnesses and told
meetings, that would suit me; but I
should like to have a meeting in which
we can determine whether or not it is a
feasible way to proceed. If so, I shah try
to accommodate to it.
I ask permission for only 1 day; I am
not asking permission for the entire year,
which was given to the Committee on
Appropriations.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana, Mr. Presi-
dent, if need be. if it cannot be done any
other way, the Senator from Louisiana
would urge the majority leader to con-
sider recessing the Senate while the
Senator from Arkansas calls his com-
mittee together.
But I have known occasions, when a
committee was pressed to get work done,
when evening sessions were held. When
the Committee on Labor and Public Wel-
fare was rushing to report an amendment
to the Taft-Hartley bill in 1949, that the
committee met following Senate sessions
until late every night. I recall an occa-
sion, when one member of the Finance
Committee was strenuously opposed to
the reciprocal trade bill, and that com-
mittee sat until after midnight every
night for a week in order to conclude its
hearings and hear all the witnesses who
had been scheduled.
I urge that the Senator from Arkansas
discuss the matter with the majority
leader on a personal basis, and that we
try to find a way to accommodate the
Senator, because I realize his problem. I
assure him that I personally will coop-
erate in any way I can.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Of course, any
Senator would definitely be within his
rights to move to table such a motion.
I wish to make it clear to my critics, on
behalf of the committee and for myself
personally, that we are not being dila-
tory on the matter; we would like to
move on.
Mention has been made of the im-
portance of the Appropriations Commit-
tee. For the past 2 or 3 years, our com-
mittee has been blamed for difficulty in
connection with foreign aid. It is true
that the foreign aid bill, and that bill
alone, delayed the adjournment of the
last session of the Senate; and that is
another reason why I think the Foreign
Relations Com:mittee should not be
thwarted in its efforts to dispose of this
business, which is extremely important
at the moment; it is not routine business.
Our being allowed 1 day would be fully
justified, so that I can get the members
together and we can make plans, and
determine whether it is at all possible to
meet during the evenings. We are not
trying to dispose of routine executive
business; we are talking about witnesses.
As the Senators knows, we cannot always
get a witness to come in at 8 o'clock in the
morning or at night, but perhaps such
arrangements could be made.
Mr. DIRKSEIsT. Mr. President, a par-
liamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Is there a motion
presently before the Senate?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. No
question is pending.
Is there further morning business?
Mr. GORE. Mr. President, since a
motion to table is not available. I wish
to use the 3 minutes permitted under the
present parliamentary procedure to com-
mend the chairman of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee [Mr. FULBRIGHT1. As
he has stated, the administration has
urged our committee to expedite consid-
eration of the resolution pending before
it for additional funds for aid to South
Vietnam. I am not advised as to the
degree of urgency, but the administra-
tion seems to think it is very urgent.
We are caught in a filibuster; let us
acknowledge that fact?a filibuster not
on repeal of 14(b) but upon a motion to
take it up for consideration.
I suppose that the senior Senator from
Tennessee is about the most reluctant
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available. Let it be invoked. Let us
determine the issue.
Mr. LONG of I,ouisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, I yield
the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Louisiana.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, all the arguments made today have
a familiar ring -to me. I have heard
them all before. During the 17 years I
have served in the Senate, I have been
both with the filibusterers and against
the filibusterers. I understand the argu-
ments on both sides. I have used them
at much greater length myself. I have
made the same argument that my friend
the Senator from Nebraska has just
made. Therefore, I understand the ar-
guments on both sides of this issue.
The Senators who are trying to move
for repeal of section 14(b) are not going
to set this matter aside. We are going
to pursue it. We are not going to bring
up debatable motions. We will find some
way to deal with the problem stated by
the Senator from Arkansas. We will find
some way to work it out; either to urge
him to get his committee together when
the Senate is not in session, before or
after; or if need be, we can recess the
Senate so that he can call his committee
together. Therefore, we will find some
way to work out the problem. There is
nothing new about this situation, because
Senatars who are engaged in extended
debate to prevent the matter from com-
ing to a vote have every right to object
to any committee meeting. We respect
that right. That is a right under the
rules. We have to accord them that.
Mr. BASS. Last year, as I remember,
the Senate was considering a baseball
resolution. Was there not some ex-
tended debate about Baseball Week? I
believe that committees met during all
that time. I do not know whether that
issue prevented committees from meeting
when extended debate was indulged in
on such an important issue as the ques-
tion of Baseball Week.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. The Senate gave
us permission to meet.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I have the floor, but let me say
that Senators who are engaged in ex-
tended debate have every right to object
to any committee meeting while the
Senate is in session. It is entirely with-
in our right. Inasmuch as the rules make
it presently debatable, we do not wish to
bring in another debatable motion while
a motion to take up section 14(b) is being
debated.
Mr. BASS. I wish it understood that
I do not question our rights under the
rules. All I am saying is that the RECORD
should show who is holding up progress.
It is not those who wish repeal of sec-
tion 14(b) at all. All that has to be said
is this: An important measure which has
passed the other body, and which has
been reported by the committee in this
body, could now become the business of
the Senate. But our opponents are even
preventing the Senate from deliberating.
All they have to do is say: "We will vote
on the isstte." It would then all be over.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. It seems to
me that the arguments on both sides have
been clearly stated, and I therefore hope
that the Senate will now get on with its
business.
Mr. HART. Mr. President?
Mr. BASS. Mr. President?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair recognizes the Senator from Mich-
igan.
Mr. HART. Mr. President, would I
be out of order to transact routine busi-
ness?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator would be in order to do So.
Mr. HART. I thank the Chair.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I object, if that goes beyond the
unanimous-consent request,
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair has allotted 3 minutes to the Sena-
tor from Michigan.
Mr. HART. Mr. President, am I in
order to proceed?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator is in order to proceed.
VIETNAM
Mr. HART. Mr. President, Mr.
Erwin D. Canham has written an article
in the Christian Science Monitor of yes-
terday entitled "World Larger Than
Vietnam," and I believe that he has made
his point very clear. It would be pru-
dent for all Senators to read the article
and I therefore ask unanimous consent
to have it printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
WORLD LARGER THAN VIETNAM
(By Erwin D. Canham)
Vietnam is important. But it really should
not overshadow the world. There are other
problems, other challenges, other successes.
The nations have other work to do.
The United States has plunged into a di-
vision over its policies in Vietnam which is
deeper and more troublesome than in any
similar crisis for many years. The division
is deeper than it ought to be, and probably
appears deeper than it is in fact.
To hold the Vietnam issue in something
like its true proportions, a number of affirma-
tions can be made:
The United States has no intention of
permitting itself to drift into a war with
Communist China. It would only engage in
such a war if grossly provoked.
Probably, it is equally true that Commu-
nists China has no intention of permitting it-
self to drift into a war with the United
States. It evidently seeks to harass the
United States to to its fullest ability, draw-
ing American forces into deeper and deeper
involvement in Asia, but always short of di-
rect United States-Chinese war. Peiping's
policies have at all times been cautious. It
is interested in inexpensive victories, not
costly ones.
NO SURRENDER
The United States has no intention of sur-
rendering in Vietnam. It is eager to with-
draw under tolerable terms, including terms
which might lead to Communist rule if it
turns out to be the wish of the Vietnamese
people. But it does not intend to be driven
out. It is in Asia for the sake of the free-
dom of Asians.
It is also probable that the United States
has no intention of escalating the Viet-
namese war beyond the bare minimum
needed to maintain a reasonable position
leading to negotiation. It is likely, too, that
with the resumption of bombing it will be
in ways directly supporting U.S. forces and
Inhibiting direct North Vietnamese penetra-
tions into South Vietnam. It is most un-
likely to include attacks on Hanoi or Hai-
phong.
Beyond these affirmations, some other basic
situations should be noted:
American-Soviet relations are in no crisis.
The world's two greatest powers have come
to understand each other fairly well, with
certain policies more or less in parallel.
There is no crisis over Berlin or Germany.
Such a crisis could be infinitely more dan-
gerous than a crisis in southeast Asia.
EEC RESCUED
The European Common Market has again
been rescued from collapse. The British
Government has won an unexpectedly
successful by-election, promising greater
strength and stability for the period ahead.
India's Government has passed into prom-
isingly capable hands, although it is too
soon to draw many conclusions. The Tash-
kent agreement is still intact. There are no
immediate threats of great Communist pene-
tration in the various southeast Asian states,
each of them vulnerable to pressure, but still
holding on. Communism has suffered a mas-
sive setback in Indonesia.
In Africa, though military takeovers are
disappointing and assassinations dismaying,
the alternative of extreme leftwing or Com-
munist revolutions would be even more
threatening.
FOOD NEEDED
Beyond doubt, the greatest problem in the
world is not the pesky guerrilla war in Viet-
nam, but the famine or threat of famine in
many lesser developed parts of the world.
Hunger is great in India, is growing apace
In Latin America and Africa. All the more
developed nations, not just the United States,
will soon have to take more seriously than
ever before the need to support the expan-
sion of food production, and other necessities
of life, both in their own nations and in the
raw materials countries.
It is tragic that so much of the world's
atmosphere has been poisoned by the Viet-
nam riddle. It Is distracting. Commu-
nism's penetrations in Africa, Latin America,
and some other parts of Asia are frequently
being set back. But in Vietnam a combina-
tion of circumstances gives communism its
greatest advantages and the United States
its greatest handicaps.
Such things happen sometimes in the af-
fairs of individuals and families, as of na-
tions. The United States and its thoughtful
friends, should not lose their balance and
commonsense. The issue can be resolved.
TRUTH IN PACKAGING
Mr. HART. Mr. President, since the
truth packaging bill was first introduced
3 years ago, the number of words it has
generated?in favor and in opposition?
could doubtlessly provide a ladder to the
moon, if propertly joined and fitted.
It can be safely stated, I believe, that
the words from both sides have not di-
minished?either in number or inten-
sity. As I see it, this debate has helped
the consumer in two ways?it has made
him increasingly wary in the supermar-
ket and it has reassured perceptive shop-
pers that they are not alone in their
desire for a clear presentation of rele-
vant information.
In total number, the consumer move-
ment is an impressive one?some 60 mil-
lion family shoppers wind their way up
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