VIETNAM- SPEECH OF SENATOR HARRIS BEFORE THE STATE CONVENTION OF THE OKLAHOMA BANKERS ASSOCIATION, TULSA, OKLA., MAY 7, 1965
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Publication Date:
May 7, 1965
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11VJJ
igage in these activities make the de- Present coinage requirements alone States, have special responsibilities in the
land for coins a never-ending cry, and threaten to exhaust our Treasury stocks field of foreign affairs.
he fulfilment of that demand a bottom- in 3 years. Though each of us, you and I, is deeply
ass pit. The appetite with which these The price of silver rises each year- concerned about the Senate banking inquiry,
:oins'are devoured may be but one man!- but the price rise does not stimulate pro- aned South now transpiring the actions of our in southeast Asia
'estation of our affluent society. We duction. Since producers outside the Government an nmhent there, Vietnam, and may th have e far fax greater
sannbt ignore, however, that a significant United States account for 85 our lives Portion of the Nation's economy turns the total free world percent
they impact on tut lives than all the banking
on coins, production, they inquiries put together. would derive
The Congress will have to come to creased silver pricesajor benefit from in- Vietn Im. I support talk with you some about
grips with the 1965 realities of our coin- I hope the western Senators will now there. the President's policy
age system. I believe that we will over- take a good look at the worldwide and A respected member of the Senate once
come.the shortage that exists through long-range problem that silver proposes. myth a and ne realities. policy k like to
old
continued unlimited production of all Their local desires, and pride and pur- plate an new lte another I would subject,
coins which are in short supply. poses, have my sympathy and my re- Vietnam, turn that title around to call these
I also believe that Congress, through spect-just as I respect their present remarks new myths and old realities.
appropriate committees, should begin realization that only the speculator Many well-intentioned people, discussing
consideration of various measures which could profit from a piecemeal treatment the Vietnamese situation, have not been pos-
already have been introduced to discour- of the silver situation.
sessed of, or convinced of the facts there,
age hoarding, using coins as collateral Again I applaud my western colleagues consequently, some new myths have gained
on bank. loans, melting down the coins for their straightforward action and dee- currency in some sectors here at home'and
for their silver content, and other prat- larations today; and I am sure we can abroad.
tices which seriously aggravate our move together for the best interests of businessN eingsinvo vet ntsoutheast Asia."
monetary system. . the American people-American indus-
Above all, let us never succumb to the try and the American worker. French reality fois to rcedt out of rIndo esia a and
voices which would urge us to abandon Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I the Geneva Conference of 1954 divided it up
the use of silver from a time-honored yield 1 minute to the Senator from into Laos, Cambodia, and North and South
coinage system which has stood the test Alaska [Mr. GRUENING]. . Vietnam, the Communists have made this
Of time, dating back to 1792. This folly The PRESIDING OFFICER. The area. a principal arena of Communist
would indeed deal a tragic and fatal blow Senator from Alaska is recognized for over The last Communist attempt haky
to our coinage system, and would lead to 1 minute. Over a free country by conventional military
hoarding and speculating on a magnitude Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I join attack, Korea, failed.
which would make such practices today my western colleagues in commending Open and re attempting tounists
test have theory
ce then, the pale by comparison. them for the statements which they have of what they call wars of national libera-
Mr. PASTORE. Mr. President, I ap- made on silver, whit I heartily endorse. tion, which in free-world terms means Com-
Plaud my western colleagues for the munist aggression taking terror and subversion,
ng in the Senate VIETNAM-SpE using local guerrillas to achieve external
today on the minting of silver dollars. OF SENATOR communist ends. South Vietnam,
I appreciated their sincerity when pre- HARRIS BEFORE THE STATE CON- laxly, and southeast Asia, Partithe
viously-for the believed benefit of their VENTION OF THE OKLAHOMA generally, are the
States' economieselthey would wish the KLAHOMA g ground for this theory.
BANKERS ASSOCIATION, TULSA Control of southeast Asia ahas jo upon the in-
,
traditional silver dollar minted by the OKLA., MAY 7, 1965 tent of muny of history's maor powers. It
million. was for such control Japan started World a
They are equally sincere today in rec- Mr'NS'D Mr. President, I War IT. England fought a war for it. The
ogThey the practical difficulties, don- yield 1 minute to the Senator from fougamans t a fought a war for it t war fP it. The Dutch
gees; and he era icaes entailed difficulties, an- Wyoming [Mr. MCGEE]. it. The Portuguese f Wyo-
in the The PRESIDING OFFICER, The ma war for it, ing, has recently stated: "The hard fact is
minting program the Treasury might Senator from Wyoming is recognized for that it makes a difference who has southeast
have had in mind in carrying out the
expressed intent of the Congress. 1 minute. Asia, as to what kind of balance exists in the
We would
be of the MCGEE. Mr. President, I hold world." There are great resources there of
of the hg would ing
ing into the es nothing to help pockets in M' hand a copy of a speech delivered hordtin, oil, people bauxite, re, rubber. There are
commercial circulation-and do- by the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. and re are seas and entitled co be free,
log mercial coinage
harm to itionan do- HARRIS] before the State convention of ntialeto the Independence and geogrf na on s such
es-
pendent on the use of silver-and nd s the the Oklahoma Bankers Association, in as Japan.
Pendence of nations such
bread and nutter jobs dependent n those Tulsa, Okla., on May 7, 1965. China must not be allowed breatans. I have studied the speech very care- domination over this area with utta str ggle.
ind Today's discussion performs a toe- fully. It is addressed to the question The United States is a major world power
medisc It performs r the silver of Vietnam. The Senator explores a and must accept its responsibilities mendous s v ce. It poin that must a l r series of myths which have tended to Even this space t we cannot as t say
question by all Americans-East and say
confuse the issues at stake in this grave "stop the world and lt,a off." we We just
ust there
West, North and South. situation, in this world of modern weapons, caee
There North is not enough silver being His handling of those myths is so ar- are no impregnable wens or a fen es, puthour
produced
produced us the free eworld nough to meet all ticulate that I am convinced that a retreat hopes t o our
a new n s ores.m and attempt to
silver needs. reading of the speech by all Senators reality, own shores.
The free. world production is only 225 will benefit them, if they could share in ness being olthen, is ved in outheas tAsia because
million ounces of silver, The industrial the views the Senator from Oklahoma our own
qui n dun c are 300 million ounrial has expressed in his remarks, valved, andace preparedness and security aode adeq te,
These are divided among such employ- I ask unanimous consent to have the timely action in that area ofthe via are
ing industries as silverware and jewelry, speech printed in the RECORD, and will be required of us.
electronics, photographic film, batteries, There being no objection, the speech Myth No, 2; "'South Vietnam is not im-
missiles, and medical and dental require- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD; POrtant to the United States."
merits, as follows: The reality is otherwise. Testing their
There
There is a 25-percent deficit between SPEECH OF SENATOR. FRED R. HARRIS, BEFORE new theory of "wars of liberation," the Com-
coThere l
and produc THE STATE CONVENTION OF THE OKLAHOMA munists have made South Vietnam the prin-
cosum production ldt do There between
silver coin- BANxERs ASSOCIATION IN TULSA, OKI,A, tips, may for some aggression. South uteit
nor-and ode present Tress MAY 7. 1965 represents
15 nap may be some n0p miles away, but It
must be ury stocks I serve on the Subcommittee country, d million people to whom this
safeguarded to protect our ai Orat Na, and, solemn under three Presidents, has made a
ant coinage. pres- Security and International Operations, and, solemn as a Member of the Senate of the pledge of assistance in their
No. 94--2
contin- ued struggle for i}eedom and independence.
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11056 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
True, this present type of warfare is
against South Vietnam, but it is not re-
stricted to that country alone. Should South
Vietnam fall prey to communism, the impact
of such a Communist victory in lesser de-
veloped countries of the free world would
indeed be incalculable. New efforts of this
type would be mounted, not only in other
parts of southeast Asia, but in Africa and
Latin America.
The success of this type of warfare in South
Vietnam would also immeasurably strengthen
the world's most aggressive Communist
power, Communist China, in its twin theses
that aggression pays off and that the United
States is but a "paper tiger."
If we break the pledge of three Presidents
to South Vietnam, how can other Asian na-
tions and their peoples count on us in the
future?
We must not only study history but learn
from it. President Johnson on April 28 said,
"This is the clearest lesson of our time. From
Munich until today, -we have learned that
to yield to aggression brings only greater
threats and brings even more destructive
war. To stand firm is the only guarantee of
a lasting peace.'
How well we should remember the tri-
umphant words of British Prime Minister
Neville Chamberlain, In September of 1938,
when he returned to England after his Mu-
nich conference with Hitler and Mussolini.
He said, "For the second time in history, a
British Prime Minister has returned from
Germany bringing peace for our time. Go
home and get a nice quiet sleep."
I prefer, instead, the words of realism of
Winston Churchill, which proved so true:
"The belief that security can be obtained by
throwing a small state to the wolves is a
fatal delusion."
Myth No. 3: "We will eventually lose, and
Communist China will inevitably control
Asia."
I will not accept that as reality, and there
is no need to. Even the Communists wish
they could count on this myth as a reality.
Our actions have rudely jarred their firm
belief that it is s&
China has not actually controlled this
area for most of the past 1,000 years, and
will not, if free nations remain firm. Un-
questionably, our hardened actions are get-
ting results-in the morale and will to resist
on the part of the South Vietnamese-in
greater respect for America's will to do what
it says and follow its commitments. Indeed,
there are reports of new tensions in Hanoi
itself. Reports which commence to indicate
that the North Vietnamese themselves have
become more and more split due to the
'tighter pressure we have placed upon them
and there are increased and more serious
bickerings between Communist China and
the Soviet Union.
There is no question that China will con-
tinue to be influential, and increasingly in-
fluential, in Asia, but even dominance need
not and must not mean domination.
President Johnson has said in answer to the
myth of China's inevitable victory in south-
east Asia, "There is no end to that argument
until all of the nations of Asia are swallowed
But, to the pessimists and defeatists, I
would say that in the long view of history,
people who demonstrate their determination
to fight to achieve and to maintain their
freedom, remain free. We shall honor our
commitment to help South Vietnam defend
itself. With the free world's great strength
and with our equally great determination;
we shall remain free.
While holding out his offer for "uncon-
ditional discussions," the President has
nevertheless issued a clear warning against
Communist 'aggression. He said, "We will
not be defeated. We will, not grow tired.
We will not withdraw either openly, or under
the cloak of a meaningless agreement."
Myth No. 4: "Vietnam is a civil war."
This is myth, not reality. Even Hanoi
does not attempt to deny that it is actively
supporting, assisting, and abetting the Viet-
cong in South Vietnam. Even they, when
calling upon us to discuss peace terms with
the National Liberation Front, which in-
cludes a few non-Communists as window
dressing, but is overwhelmingly Communist-
dominated and controlled, have stated that
North Vietnam would have controlling num-
bers In any peace discussions. Most of the
National Liberation Front leaders are resi-
dents in Hanoi.
Our intelligence information, statements
of captured and defecting Vietcong mem-
bers, clearly show the stepped-up and heavy
infiltration of soldiers from North Vietnam
into South Vietnam. As a matter of fact,
in recent months Hanoi has begun to give
direct radio signals, orders to units operating
In South Vietnam, coordinating their num-
bers and concentration of targets.
Evidence shows that major regular army
units from Hanoi are now operating in the
south and that there has been wholesale
importation of supplies and armaments
brought in to the guerrillas. In recent bat-
tles, the Vietcong are found to be armed
with weapons, 90 percent of which come
from outisde, mostly from China and Czecho-
slovakia and nearly 100 percent of the larger
weapons from China. We stepped up our
efforts in South Vietnam as the efforts of
the North Vietnamese aggression were
stepped up on the other side.
New though its tactics may be, the situa-
tion in Vietnam is notcivil war, but outright
aggression. As President Johnson has said,
"The confused nature of this conflict cannot
mask the fact that this is the new face of
an old enemy. It is an attack by one country
upon another. And the object bf that at-
tack is a friend to which we are pledged."
Myth No. 5: "South Vietnam is incapable
of stable government" '
First, let me say that there are truly na-
tionalistic forces in South Vietnam who have
not supported some or all of the govern-
ments there in recent time-young Turks in
the military, some Catholic elements, some
Buddhist elements, and some students. No
one is happy with the "musical chair" ap-
proach which has beenprevalent recently in
South Vietnam's Government.
But let me say this: First of all, the only
government the people of South Vietnam
knew, before their own independent-govern-
ment was established, was that of France,
which, at that time, was almost a model in
its frequent changes for what has been tak-
ing place In the South Vietnamese Govern-
ment. Furthermore, the South Vietnamese
have had little chance for governmental
stability. The Communists never intended
to abide by the Geneva accord of 1954. They
were supposed to pull back to the 17th paral-
lel as the French left. Instead, they left arms
caches, infiltrators, and guerrillas in the
south, and took others to the north for
training and eventual reentry. Immediately,
they made plans for control of South Viet-
nam, which they felt was ready to fall like
a ripe plum, but it has not been so. At first
it was felt they would be successful in 6
months. Ten years have passed, and they
have not been successful.
What chance for governmental stability
Is there In a country where local and na-
tional officials have been systematically mur-
dered and kidnaped to the degree that, had
such terroristic efforts been carried on in the
United States in such proportion, it would
have been the equivalent of killing 6,000
mayors and kidnaping 20,000 mayors here?
The people of South Vietnam seek free-
dom and independence. They have proved
themselves courageous and hard working.
Equally important, they are among the most
persistent and determined people on the
face of the earth. Any people which has
May 25, 196,
taken so many casualties and gone on fight
ing, deserves the respect of the entire world
They are at least entitled to have their bord-
ers sealed off and achieve self-determination
without outside aggression. The Quat gov-
ernment, now In power, has lasted longer
than most. Every day it lasts, its chances
of continuing are greater. The people of
South Vietnam want to govern themselves;
they are fighting for that right and we must
help them.
Myth No. 6: "The people of South Vietnam
are in sympathy with the Communist Viet-
cong."
Our evidence is very much to the con-
trary. The South Vietnamese now have ap-
proximately 500,000--one-half million--of
their people as regular troops, fighting in the
field against the Vietcong. Does this sound
like support for the Vietcong? During the
last 5 years, the South Vietnamese forces
have suffered nearly 80,000 military and civil-
ian casualties in fighting the Vietcong. In
relation to their population, this would be
equivalent to more than 1 million casualties
for the United States. Does this sound like
support for the Vietcong?
Despite dissension in past governments, no
South Vietnamese Government leader has
ever advocated bringing representatives of
the Vietcong into the government.
Morale is clearly Increasing among the
people of South Vietnam because of our help
and planned escalation of hostilities, as is
plainly Indicated by a cross section of press
accounts from that area. There are other
indications of improved morale in the south.
More and more weapons are being captured
by the South Vietnamese. More and more
defectors are leaving guerilla forces to return
to their home and families. In many places
the efforts in the south on our side have now
shifted from offensive to defensive. And,
very importantly, in 1 week recently it was
reported that 8,000 South Vietnamese vol-
unteered for service in the South Vietnamese
Army. Not long ago we would have been
talking about South Vietnamese deserters,
instead of volunteers.
The South Vietnamese, by their own sacri-
fices, have so eloquently said that they do
not support the Vietcong or want Commu-
nist domination, that this myth should not
be given any responsible belief.
Myth No. 7: "The United States Is going it
alone in Vietnam."
This is not so. Thirty-three free world
countries, including the United States, are
providing, or have agreed to provide assist-
ance to South Vietnam. A 2,000-man South
Korean engineer battalion arrived in Saigon
in mid-March. Last week, Australia an-
nounced it would soon dispatch an 800-man
combat infantry battalion to South Viet-
nam. . Whese two recent efforts are small in
comparison to our own, more than 30,000
fighting men there, but they are most signifi-
cant because they evidence a growing aware-
ness by the people of Asia that this is basic-
ally their fight.
Many decry our efforts there and wish that
the United Nations or some other multi-
lateral organization might assume tifis heavy
burden. I say: "Easier said than done."
There has been criticism of American ef-
forts there without international organiza-
tion approval. First, let me say that I was
glad to see the approving action just last
Wednesday by the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization, and, second, let It be said that
in the words of Senator GALE MCGEE of
Wyoming:
"We have to live with our conscience. We
have to do what we believe In our best judg-
ment is right because it is right, not because
we are trying to win a popularity poll witb,
some of the governments of the globe. Those
who are the most powerful in the world are
rarely the most loved. We can never con-
duct our policies on the basis of trying to
be loved by everyone or trying to be the
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lay 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
and guy. In the recent history of man-
ind the only force which has been able to
eep international relations on a peaceful
plain has been that of balance of power."
The United States is, not. going it alone,
Ind .I believe that others will continue to
Join us. But, until the aggression is stopped
or until other resistance to aggression is
assumed by additional nations or by some
international organization, we must con-
tinue the great responsibility inherent in
great power.
Myth No. 8: "The United States has vio-
lated the 1954 Geneva accord."
The reality is that the United, States in-
creased its personnel and weaponry and its
planned escalation there only after con-
firmed Communist violations of the Geneva
accord, and our Increased efforts have been
measured and responsive to the increased
violations. We were and are in favor of
United Nations-supervised elections and ul-
timate unification of the two countries, but
the facts of life are that neither earlier, nor
now, do conditions exist for really free elec-
tions in North Vietnam or immediate re-
unification.
Every agreement is a two-way street.
Therefore, we have not and we should not
be bound by restrictions while the other
side is free to do as it pleases.
Myth No. 9: "The United States is con-
cerned solely with military actions In Viet-
nam and is the real block to peaceful settle-
ment."
The realities show there has been a long
list of accomplishments in the economic sec-
tor of South Vietnam, that it was making
steady progress toward economic soundness
and that it was experiencing steady growth
in its gross national product, prior to the in-
creased efforts against it by North Vietnam.
The President has indicated his desire in
no uncertain terms to turn our interests
there toward peaceful pursuits, rather than
toward war. He has Made it clear over and
over again, as he did in his speech at Johns
Hopkins University, that we remain ready
for "unconditional discussions." Yet, the
Communist response has been decidely nega-
tive thus far, although the offer remains
open.
All' that is necessary for peace to be re-
stored and for our military efforts to be re-
duced is for the North Vietnamese to stop
their aggression. Even Yugoslavia doesn't
believe this myth and has indicated that
Hanoi and Peiping are being unrealistic in
their demands.
So, finally, we come back to the reality
that the Communists have not changed their
goals, but only altered their. strategy. We
come back to the reality that this is old-
style aggression, dressed up in new clothes.
We come back to the reality that aggression
feeds upon itself and spreads unless met and
stopped when Its starts. We come back to
the reality that this is not a war over South
Vietnam, but over the peace and security of
southeast Asia and the world.
We come back. to the reality that there is
no dramatic way to bring things back to
normality in one fell swoop, but that pa-
tience and perseverance are required. We
come back to the reality that America's word,
its commitment has been given and accepted
and must be kept.
We cogne back to the reality that this
should not be a debate by the "hawks" and
"dovs," those who seek war and those who
seek peace, because all of us seek peace. But
We must take to heart the history-taught
reality that he who seeks peace, by taking
risks now in order to assure that such peace
will be just and lasting, is no less a peace-
maker than he who asks for peace immedi-
ately with_ no safeguard that it may not
have to b enforced or defended later at
much greater price.
We come back to the reality that only in-
creased pressure will stop this aggression
and only increased will and determination
will preserve the freedom and independence
of the countries of southeast Asia and the
world.
The ultimate reality is that the goal of
this country is and must remain, as Church-
ill set for his own people: "In war, resolu-
tion; in defeat, defiance; In victory, mag-
nanimity; in peace, good will."
(By unanimous consent granted sub-
sequently, Mr. YARBOROUGH'S following
statement was ordered to be printed in
the RECORD before the vote on cloture.)
GI BILL FAVORABLY REPORTED
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
this morning the Labor and Public Wel-
fare Committee favorably reported the
cold war GI bill, S. 9, to the Senate. It
is my hope that this body will not allow
the cold war GI bill to languish on the
Senate Calendar, as it did for more than
a year during the 88th Congress, but will
give the bill a fair and adequate consider-
ation on the Senate floor.
This bill is cosponsored by 41 Senators,
the most in its history, and it has ac-
cumulated a vast amount of support from
all areas of this country. If we are to
achieve the Great Society, it is essential
that we do not discriminate against the
40 percent of our draft-eligible young
men who defend this country. We can-
not create pockets of poverty by neglect-
ing these men and still expect this coun-
try to progress toward the Great Society.
The predecessors of the cold war GI
bill, the World War II, and the Korean
GI bill have proven to be two of the
most successful pieces of legislation ever
passed by Congress. Our choice is sim-
ple: We can either continue to neglect
these men and impede our progress as a
Nation, or we can provide them with the
effective and just educational assistance
they need, adding additional thrust to
the success of this country.
I believe the latter course is the only
wise position, and hope that this body
will consider this proposal in the near
future.
I ask unanimous consent that a letter
I recently received from Pfc. William
Iver Lessley, of the U.S. Army, be printed
at this point in the RECORD to emphasize
the need for this bill.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Hon. RALPH YARBOROUGH,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.O.
DEAR SENATOR YARBOROUGH: Recently, my
attention was brought to the bill which you
helped to sponsor that deals with the aid for
the education of cold war veterans, while I
was perusing a January 1965 issue of Harper's
magazine. The bill, as explained in your
article, proposes, in my opinion, a great good
for the country. The fact that the total out-
lay for the program each year would only be
a fraction of a percent of the whole defense
program, combined with the convincing ar-
gument which shows that the money spent
on the program would be more than paid
back during the next two or three decades in
higher taxes paid as a result of greater earn-
ing power through education, makes me be-
lieve that the bill, or one similar to it would,
indeed, be a positive good for the Nation as
a whole, and not a program that would just
11057
favor a very small portion of the population.
One must remember that money spent on
education is nothing short of an investment
in the future of the individual involved, and
therefore an investment in the future of the
Nation. In the long run, all citizens will
benefit from the passing of the proposed bill
for the assistance to the education of cold-
war veterans.
The very fact that most of the first-term
men in the services of the Nation are not in-
volved in a career, but, rather, interrupting
a career, or delaying the start of one for the
sake of their country-for the protection of
the country they love-seems to me to qual-
ify them for a little extra consideration by
their countrymen. When a man gives 6
months, 2 years, 3 years, or more of his life
to Insure the safety and security of his coun-
try and loved ones, is it too much to ask of
those for whom he has served so well, for so
long, for so little-is it too much to ask of
those who owe so much-is it too, much to
ask of those people such a relatively small
donation to help the men who have defended
the Nation that they love and have served so
well? Is it too much to ask this small deed
so that they (the cold-war veterans) may
further their own education and become more
responsible citizens who would be not only
willing, but able to help further develop and
improve the country and society that they
have served and protected by way of their
time in the military service? My answer, as
I am sure would agree with yours, to these
questions is an emphatic no. The men in
the services who have given up so much for
their country deserve a helping hand from
those whom they have served. It only seems
fair.
Although I am not a citizen of Texas, my
wholehearted support, both as a seviceman
and as a citizen of the United States of
America, is with you in your efforts to make
this bill to aid in the education of cold-war
veterans into law. Good luck in your diffi-
cult task.
Sincerely,
WILLIAM IvER LESSLEY,
Private, First Class, U.S. Army.
VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965
The Senate resumed the considera-
tion of the bill (S. 1564) to enforce the
15th amendment to the Constitution of
the United States.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the substi-
tute amendment No. 124, which is now
pending, be printed as amended, and
modified up until this hour.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
reserve the remainder of my time.
VIEWS OF RALEIGH, N.C., WOMAN'S CLUB MAKE
GOOD SENSE
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, I yield
myself 5 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from North Carolina is recog-
nized for 5 minutes.
Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, many
people who, like myself, believe strongly
that all qualified citizens should be able
to register and vote 'without regard to
race or color, nevertheless have strong
reservations about the pending voting
rights bill. Many of its provisions have
a disturbing potential for creating men-
acing problems out of all proportion to
the 'token contribution they might make
toward eliminating racial discrimination
in the administration of voting laws.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May ,25, 196,
Perhaps the provision which has been democratic government than a system with this statement which we all woul,
most severely criticized in this respect which grants the right of suffrage to the do well to keep in mind:
is the provision prohibiting certain illiterate and uninformed who are Un- Clearly the ability to read does not guar.
States from requiring passage of a lit- able to exercise the right intelligently 1t ie antes the ability ty to vote intelligently, but
eracy test as a precondition for voting. and who are more susceptible to influ- good beginning.
I recently received a letter from the ence and control. I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
board of directors of the Raleigh, N.C., Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- torial be printed in full at this point in
Woman's Club, raising objections to sent to have the excellent letter from the the RECORD.
that provision which make good sense chairman of the education department There being no objection, the editorial
and which merit careful consideration of the Raleigh Woman's Club printed In was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
by all of us. the RECORD. as follows:
I know that we are all familiar with There being no objection, the letter A PLEA FOR A RESPONSIBLE VOTE
the fine work of America's federated was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Legislation to protect the voting rights of
clubwomen in the area of teaching adult as follows: every American citizen is long overdue.
illiterates to read and write. The Ra- NORTH CAROLINA FEDERATION OF However, in its zeal to correct the wrongs
leigh clubwomen have been very active WOMEN'S CLUBS, RALEIGH woM- of the past, the administration may have
gone too far with the bill it has recam-
ti this area cin have been quite effec- AN'S CLUB,
Raleigh, N.C., April 27, 1965. mended. The new law, which would affect
tha in convincing many illiterate adults Hon. SAM J. ERVIN, Jr., those States with a history of disorimina-
fnda e talisy to read and write is a U.S. Senate, tion against Negro voters, contains a pro-
Washington, D.C. vision that would invalidate literacy tests
in
in this day and age Is made much more DEAR SENATOR EaVIN: The board of direr- in the States to which it applies. It is
difficult and infinitely less rewarding. tors of the Raleigh Woman's Club is con- obvious that several southern States have
The efforts of these dedicated women cerned about the possible passage of a voting used unreasonable tests for the sole purpose
and of other similar groups have helped rights law which would exclude literacy as a of disfranchising the Negro. We agree that
countless uneducated adults to acquire voting requirement and has asked me to ex- such tests should be abolished. But should
we abandon literacy tests? We don't think
the invaluable gift of literacy and, as a press their views to you. o, On the theory that an illiterate voter
byproduct, to take a giant stride toward First, there has been a great deal of time s s States, including
escaping from the cycle of poverty and and money put forth by federated club an New in-York, informed require voterproof, 18 that the prospecting
dependence in which many of these women in America to teach adult illiterates voter can read and write. Clearly, the abil-
a that
adults find themselves trapped. ability or to o read with and our write is a a fundamental conviction ity to read does not guarantee the ability
The experience of the Raleigh Woman's tool for living in this day and age. We have to vote intelligently, but it is a good begin-
Club has indicated that one of the most joined with others who have been seeking ning.
effective means of persuading illiterate methods of breaking the "cycle of poverty" Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, for the
adults to undertake the task of learning by providing a new opportunity to throw off Information of the Senate, I expect to
to read and write is to impress upon old ways of dependency and unemployment. offer several amendments quickly and
them the need to acquire that skill in It seems to us that removing the literacy will ask for the yeas and nays on them
order to satisfy the literacy requirements requirement from such activities as voting
and obtaining a driver's license is to remove at the appropriate time.
for such basic activities as voting and.. the incentive for many of the people who I believe that the Senate could facili-
obtaining a driver's license. The Raleigh need this basic skill the most and is a denial tate its work if, after a vote on the clo-
clubwomen make the compelling point of one of the initial premises of all anti- ture motion, regardless of how it eventu-
that passage of the voting bill with its poverty activity. ates, Senators would remain in the
literacy-test prohibition would have the Second, one of the major points of em- Chamber to complete action on my
inevitable effect of removing the most phasis for clubwomen in the area of legisla- amendments.
meaningful incentive of many of those tion and citizenship has been the need for The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
uneducated adults who most need to ac- an educated electorate. It is not enough,
of literacy. we have said, to simply "get out and vote" Senate Is not in order. The Senate will
quire the fundamental skill The strength of a democracy lies in the be in order.
The second objection raised by these voter knowing how and why he is voting in Does the Senator from North Carolina
ladies, Mr. President, is that proscrip- every election from dogcatcher to president. yield further time?
tion of the literacy requirement deprives This is an ambitious goal for an alert and Mr. ERVIN. Does any Senator wish
the states of their most effective means intelligent group and an impossible one for time?
of insuring an independent and intelli- the uneducated. A uniformly drawn, uni- The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does
gent exercise . of the franchise. Surely, formly administered code of requirements
an educated electorate is an indispensa- for the right to vote is a greater protection the Senator from Montana desire to
of the rights of the individual than an un- yield time?
ble element of our democratic form of restricted system which allows the votes of Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
government. Admittedly, literacy and the uninformed to be controlled by bosses, suggest the absence of a quorum.
intelligence are not synonymous, and precinct wardens, or others whose methods The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
some illiterate people may be more in- are not above suspicion. clerk will call the roll.
telligent voters than some literate ones. i hope that the depth of our concern is The Chief Clerk proceeded to call the
Nevertheless, in our society where news- evident here. I realize that voting rights in roll.
papers, magazines, books, and other general have become voting rights of the
printed matter canvass and debate myr- Negro in particular but we are disturbed that Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
iad and complex political issues, a State in trying to rectify the errors in this re- ask unanimous consent that the order
establish a potentially more for the quorum call be rescinded.
gard we menacing situation.
might legitimately presume that only
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
those persons who are literate. are quail- Sincerely yours, out objection, it is so ordered.
fled to exercise the franchise. KATHERINE H. HOLOMAN,. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
The Raleigh clubwomen have long rec- Education Department Chairman. yield a half minute to the distinguished
ognized the need for an educated elec- Mr. ERVIN. Mr. President, an edi- Senator from Illinois.
(orate, as have clubwomen everywhere. torial in the June 5, 1965, edition of the Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I sub-
These ladies have worked and studied to Saturday Evening Post, entitled "A Plea mit an amendment to S. 1564, to be in-
inform themselves on the issues and to for a Responsible Vote," criticizes the serted in the appropriate place in the
stir up similar interests in others. They voting rights bill on the same grounds bill, and ask that it be considered as hav-
have learned firsthand that knowing as the Raleigh Woman's Club; namely, ing been read.
how to vote intelligently is an ambitious that, in prohibiting literacy tests alto- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
goal for an educated and alert person gether, the bill goes much too far. Not- amendment will be received and consid-
and a well-nigh impossible one for an ing that 18 States, including New York, ered as having been read.
illiterate person. As the Raleigh club-
women require proof of literacy as a precondi- Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
so aptly note, a simple, objective, tion for voting--on the theory that an suggest the absence of a quorum.
and fairly y administered literacy require-
men( for voting would appear to be a illiterate voter is apt to be an ill- The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
greater protection of the strength of our informed voter-the editorial concludes clerk will call the roll.
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ESWi_Q1~I tL RECORD HOUSE
ferees, it was agreed that the DLGN should ductions. However, it recognized that in a
remain In the program. rapidly changing environment the military
The Senate recedes. services t be
mu
The House deleted $5 million from the
industrial facilities portion of the Air Force
aircraft program. Subsequent to this out
the Department of Defense furnished infor-
mation Act made available to the committee
at the time of its original consideration of
this program. The Department of Defense
in its later furnished information stated that
an attempt is being made "to achieve lower
procurement costs through a continuing pro-
gram of updating Government owned equip-
ment which has become technologically ob-
solete. We encourage the services to budget
5 percent of the value of their active inven-
tory for this purpose-representing turnover
of equipment only every 20 years. In the
fiscal year 1966 budget the Air Force request
of $27.5 million for this purpose is equal to
only 3.5 percent of the inventory value. Re-
duction of this request will hamper our ef
forts to reduce procurement costs through
modernization of our production tech-
niques."
On the basis of this additional Informa-
tion, the House conferees agreed that the
$5 million should be returned to the pro-
gram.
The House recedes.
Air Force (Missiles)
In Its consideration of the Air Force mis-
sile program, the House Committee out $25
million from the missile support equipment
and facilities program. Additional infor-
mation. subsequently furnished by the De-
partment of Defense indicates that this cut
could generate problems within the missile
program of the Department of Defense and
the conferees agreed that it should be re-
turned.
The House recedes.
Research, development, test and evaluation.
The biil.passed by the Senate reduced the
requested research and development budg-
et by $44 million, all of which was to be
taken from the military sciences budget ac-
tivity. The Senate then added.to the amount
requested $82 million, to be applied only for
the development of the advanced manned
strategic aircraft (AMSA), for a net addition
to the budget of $38 million.
The bill as it passed the House reduced
the research and development budget by
$121.3 million. The House added $7 million
to the` amount requested for the advanced
manned strategic aircraft. Thus, the ac-
tion by the House reflected a net reduc-
tion of $114.3 million to the total amount
requested for research, development, test and
evaluation.
The bill passed by the House contained
restrictive language for the $150 million au-
thorized for the manned orbiting laboratory
(MOL). This restrictive language was ac-
cepted by the Senate in conference.
Both bills included restrictive language
for the amounts added for the development
of an advanced manned strategic aircraft.
In conference the Senate receded and ac-
cepted the House language which added only
$7 million above the amount requested. The
total amount of new obligational author-
ity, $22 million, is available only for the de-
velopment of an advanced manned strategic
aircraft. Both the House and the Senate
continue to support the development of a
follow-osl manned ..bomber. However, the
conference committee, agreed that the addi-
tional $22 ;pillion in new obligational au-
thority is about the maximum that could
be expended wisely and effectively during
ments. Therefore, it was recommended that
the reductions could be taken in program
areas other than those indicated and could
be on the basis of military priorities of each
department.
Army
The House reduced the amount requested
for Army research, development, test, and
evaluation by $31.6 million. The Senate re-
duced $8.5 million from the amount re-
quested, The Senate recedes and accepts
the House reduction. Thus, the amount au-
thorized for Army R.D.T. & E. is $1,406,400,000.
Navy
The House reduced the amount requested
for Navy research development, test and eval-
uation by $33.4 million. The Senate reduced
$10 million from the amount requested. The
Senate recedes and accepts. the House ver-
sion. Thus, the amount authorized for Navy
R.D.T. & E. is $1,439,200,000.
Air Force
The House reduced $50.9 million from the
amount requested and then added on $7 mil-
lion for the advanced manned strategic air-
craft, for a net reduction of $43.9 million.
The Senate reduced the amount requested by
$8.5 million and then added on $82 million
for the advanced manned strategic aircraft.
The Senate recedes and accepts the House
version. Thus, the amount authorized for
the Air Force R.D.T. & E. is $3,103,900,000,
Defense agencies
The House reduced the amount requested
for research, development, test and evalua-
tion by the Defense agencies by $5.4 million,
The Senate reduced $17 million from the
amount requested, The Senate recedes and
accepts the House version. Thus, $495,000,000
is authorized for research, development, test
and evaluation for Defense agencies.
TITLE III
The House added six new sections to the
bill. Each of them is described and the
rationale explained below:
Section 301. Repeal of tonnage: The Vin-
son-Trammell Act and subsequent acts
created tonnage which now is in excess of
3,300,000 tons. From every practical stand-
point, the enactment of section 412(b) has
rendered existing tonnage authorizations
meaningless. Bookkeeping on this tonnage is
expensive.
Section 302. Alternate ship provision: Sec-
tion 301, in addition to repealing outstanding
tonnage also repealed the alternate ship pro-
vision of the Vinson-Trammell Act. It is
considered desirable that this provision be
preserved.
The Vinson-Trammell Act applied only to
"warships," Since that act, escort vessels
have become an important part of the Navy.
The House committee, therefore, in re-
enacting the alternate ship provision modi-
fled it slightly to include "warships and
escort vessels." In this year's bill alone the
change will embrace 10 destroyer escorts at
a price of $279.1 million.
Section 303. 65/35: Today at least 35 per-
cent of all conversion, alteration and repair
of naval ships must, under Appropriations
Committee language, be performed in private
shipyards. This section would eliminate this
requirement.
The Navy and the Secretary of Defense
strongly support this new section.
The Secretary of the Navy in a letter to
the committee stated, among other things,
that: "Cost studies show that there is no
approved by the Department of Defense to yarcrt Uun, and repair work (CAR) to private
datq. yards. In fact, annual savings can be
The House reduced specific achieved under present cost differentials by
p program ele- increasing the amount of conversion, altera-
ments in arriving at the recommended re- tion, and repair work assigned to naval ship-
e allowed the flexibility to
Air Force (Aircraft) cope with changing conditions and require-
" 1115'1
yards. If all factors involved in these as-
signments were to permit an increase from
the current statutory level of 65 percent to a
somewhat higher level, it is estimated that
an annual savings of several million dollars
could be achieved. This results from the
fact that the naval shipyards which must be
maintained for strategic and operational
reasons have a high fixed overhead cost which
continues regardless of. workload assigned."
Section 304. Inclusion of tracked combat
vehicles in 412(b): This section will require
procurement authorization for "tracked ve-
hicles" in addition to aircraft, missiles, and
naval vessels. For fiscal year 1966 about
$200 million would have been involved.
Section 305. Emergency fund: Each year
Congress makes available to the Department
of Defense an Emergency Fund for Research
and Development. It has varied between
$125 and $150 million. The House commit-
tee believes that this emergency fund should
be authorized in the same fashion as all
other funds for research and development.
Section 306. Changing name of MATS: The
House committee believes that MATS is too
important to be designated as a "service".
Military Airlift Command is both descriptive
of its true function and provides a recogni-
tion of its vital missions. The cost of mak-
ing this change is estimated at be $173,800.
This change in name is to be effective as of
January 1, 1966.
The Senate recedes with respect to these
six new sections.
SUMMARY
The bill as presented to the Congress by
the President totaled $15,297,200,000 (of
which $6,558,800,000 was for research, devel-
opment, test, and evaluation). The bill as
it passed the House totaled $15,303,400,000
(of which $6,444,500,000 was for R.D.T. & E.).
The bill as it passed the Senate totaled $15,-
283,800,000 (of which $6,596,800,000 was for
R.D.T. & E.).
The bill as agreed to in conference totals
$15,402,800,000 (of which $6,444,500,000 is for
R.D.T. & E.).
The agreement arrived at by the conferees
is $99,400,000 more than the bill as it passed
the House, $119,000,000 more than the bill as
it passed the Senate, and is $105,600,000
above the bill as it was presented to the
Congress by the President.
L. MENDEL RIVERS,
PHILIP J. PHILBIN,
F. EDW. HtBERT,
MELVIN PRICE,
0. C. FISHER,
PORTER HARDY, Jr.,
WILLIAM H. BATES,
LESLIE C. ARENDS,
ALVIN E. O'KONSKI,
Managers on the Part of the House.
COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND
CURRENCY
Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Committee
on Banking and Currency may have
until midnight Saturday night, May 29,
to file a report on H.R. 7105, the Export
Control Act, including minority and sup-
plemental views.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
Texas?
There was no objection.
CORREC'T'ION OF THE RECORD
Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, I de-
sire to make certain changes in the re-
marks of mine which appear on pages
10110 and 10114 of the RECORD for May
13, 1965.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE- ay
lief in the right of people to govern'them-
selves. 'Yet too often in the short run
we yield to other considerations and fail
to act decisively when free government
is threatened.
Mr. Speaker, if the United States had
made its intention to support restoration
of constitutional processes in the Domin-
scan Republic explicit at the outset, much
of the criticism directed toward our Gov-
ernment would have been avoided. It is,
nevertheless, a tribute to the wisdom and
understanding of our President that U.S.
policy is clearly emerging on the side of
the people of the Dominican Republic
and their right to govern themselves.
Mr. Speaker, we need to make this sup-
port of self-government a long-term
commitment. Such, a commitment will
require a reexamination of some of the
current ideas about intervention held
within the OAS and elsewhere.
Yet such a commitment is essential if
we are to preserve democratic govern-
ments in the Western Hemisphere and
ultimately throughout the world.
Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent
I insert a report published in today's issue
of the Christian Science Monitor:
WASHINGTON SHIFTS DOMINICAN POLICY
(By Saville R. Davis)
vindication in the Dominican Republic.
where the issue was more sharply defined
for the whole world to see. The direction
now has become one of vindication.
There has never been any question here
of relaxing the guard against Communist
infiltration, either in the Caribbean or in
southeast Asia. That remains the first aim
of the U.S. policy.
The question was whether a predomi-
nantly military action, such as stiffening
American military action in Vietnam and
using the guns of the Dominican Army to
restore order, was enough in itself to cheek
communism without also building a strong
middle-ground government and encouraging
it to make the reforms which would ease the
revolutionary pressures that feed commu-
nism.
RISKS COMPARED
On page 10110, column 3, line 24,
"January 29" should read "January 25."
Ol page 10114, column 3, the second
line from the bottom, the words "Mr.
STRATTON" should be inserted at the be-
ginning of the line, since these remarks
and those thatfollow on the subsequent
pages are my remarks, not the remarks
of the gentleman from Missouri [Mr.
HtNGATE.]
I ask unanimous consent that the
permanent RECORD be corrected accord-
ingly.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from New
York?
There was no objection.
PROGRAM FOR THE BALANCE OF
THIS WEER
(Mr. GERALD R. FORD asked
was given permission to address
House for 1 minute.)
and
the
- Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker,
I have asked for this time for the purpose
of inquiring of the majority leader con-
cerning the program for the balance of
the week.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will my
friend yield?
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. I yield to the
majority leader.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I appre-
ciate the gentleman's taking this time
for this purpose because I do want to
announce some additions to the program.
In the first place, we go on as previously
announced with the Department of Agri-
culture appropriation bill tomorrow.
Following that we shall take up S. 800.
There will be a rule on this bill waiving
points of order on the conference report
on that bill, which is the Armed Services
t Act We hope if we finish
n
In Vietnam the makings of such a govern-
ment exist, but it has not been a prime ob-
ject of U.S. policy. President Johnson has
looked chiefly to military measures to achieve
his purpose. In the Caribbean the ingredi-
ents of such a non-Communist government
were actually being liquidated by the forces
of the military junta.
To the more military minded advisers in
Washington the risks of this course seemed
less than the risks of working with popular
reform governments which seemed vulner-
able to the maneuvers of Communists and
of radicals who are willing to work with
Communists.
There are highly placed political advisers
to the President, however, who took the op-
WASHINGTON.-One of the historic turning
points in the foreign policy of the United
States may well have been passed in the past
few days. The United States now is acting
to check communism through the .forces of
popular, democratic government instead of
through military reaction.
Although the change of course has come
in the Dominican Republic, it is likely to
have a profound effect on the much more
important case of Vietnam, where a similar
problem exists.
Up until some time last week, President
Johnson and his advisers were backing the
p.rocureme
the appropriation bill and the confer- The best friends of the United States in
etice report that we may take up H.R. Latin America-those statesmen who repre-
5883, which is the bonding bill scheduled sent the forces of constitutional democracy
for Thursday. If we can complete those as against fascism of the right or commu-
we will expedite the handling of the nism of, the left-were urgently and even
business for the week. passiontely advising him behind the scenes
that this was a profound mistake.
Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will POSITION CHANGED
yield further, and while I have the time, The President then changed his position.
in order that Members of the House may His advisers then began the formation of the
be advised, it is our hope that we will prospective Guzman government from men
finish the legislative program on Thurs- who represent the constitutional tradition
day, that we will meet without legislative and were agreed to by former President Bosch.
business on Friday for the purpose of In so doing, it seems likely that President
adjourning over until Tuesday, as Mon- Johnson has emerged from his own "Bay of
day is a legal holiday. Pigs." It his present decision holds, if his
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman advisers are able to carry through with the
' Guzman government they have nearly com-
for yielding. pleted, a period of talking democracy and
t
U.S. POLICY ON THE SIDE OF
DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONAL
PROCESSES
(Mr. FRASER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, as a se-
vere critic of earlier U.S. positions in
the Dominican Republic, I want to com-
mend President Johnson for the current
policy which places U.S.. power and au-
thority on the side of democratic con-
stitutional processes. In the long run we
have no other choice because of our be-
or-
acting through a foreign military dicta
ship to crush it will have ended.
It is considered not too late to recover the
rapidly fading respect of the progressive
forces in Latin America and elsewhere in the
free world. Indeed the dramatic turn of
events is likely actually to enhance the
American position.
CREDIBILITY RESCUED
From Washington, it also appears that
something much more important now is pos-
sible. For the credibility of the United States
and of President Johnson, when he promised
to withdraw from Vietnam as soon as free
government was secure, had been severely
damaged.
It seemed for a while that American policy
in Vietnam might find its graveyard or its
Though in the minority, they have argued
that communism feeds on economic unrest,
plus the unpopularity of so-called strong-
arm regimes-or on weak though well-mean-
ing governments (like that of Saigon) which
are unable to bring about economic and po-
litical reform.
These advisers have insisted that com-
munism can best be thwarted by the maxi-
mum emphasis on the kind of people's gov-
ernment that the United States believes in.
Events now appear to have brought the
President around to this view.
The events included the mounting criti-
cism of the friends of the United States in
the free world, the action of the Dominican
military junta in discrediting itself, and a
swinging of the pendulum in argument with-
in the highest echelons of the Government
here.
It now remains to be seen whether the
President can stay on the new course and
what its influence n the restraint of com-
munism and the sfipport of the free world
THE POLIL5Y OF THE UNITED
STATES IN VIETNAM
(Mr. RACE asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker, my distin-
guished colleague from Wisconsin, the
senior Senator, WILLIAM PROXMIRE, re-
cently traveled to Reed College in Port-
land, Oreg., where he debated with the
very able senior Senator from that State,
WAYNE MORSE. The topic which they
debated was one which merits the con-
cern of all Americans-the policy of the
United States in Vietnam. Because of
the timeliness of this topic, I extend my
remarks at this point in the RECORD in
order to bring this debate to the atten-
tion of my colleagues:
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CUJ ,25 ,.1 R SSI NAL RECORD - HOUSE 11159
DEBATE ' BETWEEN THE HONORABLE WILLIAM Following that, we had the Geneva ac- The election was not held. Why? Because
PROXMIRE AND THE HONORABLE WAYNE cord of 1954. France made it clear she was the United States of America blocked the
MORSE, AT THE CONFERENCE ON AMERICAN, pulling out of Indochina. The Geneva ac- election. The United States of America goes
POLICY IN VIETNAM, SPONSORED BY THE REED cord of 1954 was. consummated, but the. down in history as the Nation responsible for
COLLEGE PUBLIC AFFAIRS BOARD United States did slat sign it, and the United the fact that this section of the Geneva ac-
Senator goasz. To understand my position States succeeded, and I speak advisedly, in cord was never carried out * * * President
on foreign policy during my20 years of sere getting its first puppet government in South Eisenhower, in his book, points out our posi-
ice in the U.S. Senate, one, must recognize Vietnam, the Diem government, not to sign tion in regard to that election and said that
that I am a disciple of Arthur Vandenberg, the accord. We haver never signed the Ge- our intelligence reports showed that if the
of Iltichian. Senator Vandenberg was, at neVa accord of 1954, yet we keep saying election was held, Ho Chi Minh would receive'
one timethe leading isolationist in the through our spokesmen, that one of the 80 percent of the vote in South Vietnam, as
Senate. Iebecane, in my opinion, the lead-' reasons we are carrying on military action well as an overwhelming majority in North
ing internationalist and the, greatest expert in South Vietnam Is because North Vietnam Vietnam. Many authorities on South Viet-
on foreign policy in the Senate. He left has been violating the Geneva accord. She nam would tell you that if an election was
with us a.texxet, "There is no hope for perm- has-and so has Red China, and so have held tomorrow in South Vietnam, Ho Chi
anent peace until all nations, not just some, the Pathet Lao and Laos. I think there is Minh would receive a large majority of the
not just those we like, but until all the na- - some evidence that on occasion Cambodia vote. He is still the most popular figure in
tions of the world are willing, to set up a has, too, but that has been no justification all of Vietnam. A * *
system of international justice through law." for American violation of the Geneva accord. Let me give you a statistic or two about
Every issue that, threatens the peace of the Articles 16 and 17 of the Geneva accord the problem that confronts us in South Viet-
World would be submitted to such ; system prohibit, by specific language, the United nam. The population is about 15 million, in
for a final and binding decision, to be en- States or any other country from sending round numbers, with 500,000 to 750,000 mili-
forced. by some international organization into South Vietnam a single soldier, a single tary personnel. How much money has been
such as the United Nations. tank, a single jetplane, a single bit of poured into that military establishment, in-
This is referred to as the call for a substi- military aid. The International Control eluding the one and one-quarter to France?
tution of the rule of law for the jungle law Commission, consisting of the Indian.repre- Six and one-half billion dollars, not including
of military force. The major premise of my sentative as chairman, a Canadian represent- the cost of our own military personnel.
position on Vietnam is that we should have ative, and a Polish representative, has found What is the top figure given to us by the
insisted upon a substitution of the rule of the United States and South Vietnam, as administration as to the Vietcong military
law for the jungle law of unilateral Ameri- well as North- Vietnam, in violation of the establishment? Between 25,000 to 3&,000, the
can action in southeast Asia, for we are act- Geneva accord time and time again, hard-core probably 20,000. Who now controls
ing outside the framework of international If we were going to keep faith with our be- better than 75 percent of the land area of
law. We have walked out on one of the lief in substituting a rule of law for the South Vietnam? The Vietcong-not the
greatest opportunities available to try to lead jungle law of military might, we should have forces of the government.
mankind to a lawful settlement of this laid this matter immediately before either a I have a little difficulty understanding why
threat of peace * * ?. Those [lawful] pro- reconvened Geneva Conference (and, Inter- it is necessary to have 28,000 American Sol-
cedures could have been used through a se- estingly, the Geneva accord makes provi-
g diers in South Vietnam to put down 25,000
ries of agencies. I urged that we try to do it sion for such a reconvening) or before the to 35,000 Vietcong, with a military establish-
through SEATO. _ I urged that we tr to do United Nations. I would have preferred the
try merit t the South Vietnamese Government
latter, for I think others should have asked
it through a reconvening of a 14-Nations of at least 500,000.
Conference, going back to the Geneva Accord for a reconvening of the Geneva accord * * ' This brings me to the white paper. There
Conference of 1954. the signatories should have asked for It, and is not anything in the white paper * * * ex-
When it became obvious that we had not a nonsignatory. The Geneva accord es- cept mention of one ship in which they found
passed by any chance of using those agencies tablished Laos and Cambodia; then it drew about 100 tons of weapons, that has not been
for the substitution of therule of law for a line in Vietnam at the 17th parallel to
. known the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
unilateral " American military action in develop what we refer to as North Vietnam mittee and the administration for r 3 3 years.
southeast Asia, I pleaded to take the matter and South Vietnam. But, the Geneva accord The white
to the United Nations. I have asked for did not set up separate governments to the tration paper
witnapersses bears testified out to what before our the our com-
morethan Frankli nnce.
north and to the south of the parallel. That mittee e within 3 years before its issuance.
for 20 years ago at Teheran and and asked when. is a false assumption that is contained in
much of the discussion on the Vietnam The record that committee is replete with
he proposed the establishment of an inter- m testimomony testimony that bears out these conclusions:
national trusteeshi. for all of Indochina. crisis.
p about In the northern 80 to 90 percent of the Vietcong are
Roosevelt pointed out that .there could not part of the country, Ho South Vietnamese and not North Viet-
be any peace in Asia if the powers were Chi Minh, a Communist leader during World
~- namese; about 80 to 90 percent of the weap-
in to resort to a balance of ower theor War II, was an ally of the United States as g p Y ons are captured American weapons and not
and were going to use military power for commander of the guerrilla forces in the war North Vietnamese, Russian, or Chinese weap-
the maintenance of peace. He recognized against Japan. The first leader of the gov- ons. The white paper is so full of holes in
that no longer will war produce peace; all ernment in the south was the French pup- regard to its allegations that student after
a war` will'do is produce more war, with an pet, Bao Dal. It soon became clear that he student has torn it apart (When I refer to
interim period between wars that some peo- no longer was going to be acceptable to the students, I refer to authorities on Asia.) In
ple mistakenly call peace. Great Britain Vietnamese who had gone south and to the fact, all one need do is read the account of
blocked Roosevelt at Teheran and Cairo, Vietnamese * who were already in the our recognized authorities on Asia, such as
Great Britain thought it could still hold its south Ngo Dinh Diem, a Vietnamese Hans Morgenthau, at the University of Chi-
colonial possessions in Asia. France, too, who had lived and who had been trained in cago, such as Commager, of Amherst, such as
thought it might hold its colonies. But the United States, became the first leader these great academic leaders who, as I have
Roosevelt answered Great Britain by point- endorsed by the United States to be placed said on the floor of the Senate, have forgot-
ing out that France had milked Indochina in charge of not a free government, but a ten more about Asia than Rusk and McNa-
for years and'Great Britain had no hope of police-state government in South Vietnam. mara and Taylor and the Bundys and Alexis
.maintaining colonies in that part of the The governments in South Vietnam have Johnson will ever know. I would that my
world much longer. Even then, colonialism been police-state governments just as the President would obtain at least the counter-
in Asia was dead, and a new colonialism government in North Vietnam, has been an advice of these recognized authorities on
in Asia, in my judgment, has no possible enslaved government of communism. These Asia,
hope of success, even a form of American have been military dictatorships; there is Let me point out that Cambodia, the Viet-
colonialism in southeast Asia. much talk, about supporting freedom in cong, North Vietnam, Burma, Indonesia do
We got into Vietnam in large part because South Vietnam * * * there has never been not happen to be pro-Chinese. And, in my
John Foster. Dulles, then Secretary of State, any political freedom in South Vietnam as judgment, they are Communist govern-
thought France should stay in Indochina, we know it. It has been a totalitarian gov- ments-most of them. What we are doing is
and we poured $11/4 billion into France, hop- ernment of a military policy type from the driving these Communists of a different
ing to keep France in Indochina. But thep very beginning. stripe right into the arms of Red China.
Dienbienphu occurred. Dulles went to Lon- The Geneva accord has a provision that For example, Ho Chi Minh was kept in prison
don, and he tried to persuade Churchill and deals with the matter of the type of govern- for a year in China. Ho Chi Minh is Russian-
Anthony Eden to commit British troops to ment that was to be established by the people oriented, and Russian trained; Ho Chi Minh
help France In Indochina, in return for of North and South Vietnam, since it was not is a Russian Communist. The great danger
which he would commit American, troops. contemplated when the Geneva accord was is that we are, by our course of action, go-
Then they were to go across the channel and signed that there should be a permanent ing to move these countries into the orbit
make the offer to France, hoping that this partition of Vietnam into North and South. of Red China.
would keep France in the war in Indochina. That was to be left to the people to decide We are violating article after article of the
Churchill turned him down, in the election to be held In 1956. United Nations Charter. So are other coup-
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tries. There are the commitments required that says to the United States and South Vietnam and that we should get out. The
under articles 33, 34, 35, and 51, and other Vietnam on the one hand, and to the Com- Secretary General of the United Nations,
articles of the charter, that place upon us munist groups on the other hand, "We beg U Thant, has said that our policies in South
the solemn responsibility of taking threats to you to now come to an international con- Vietnam involve us in a great danger that
the peace of the world to the United Nations ference table, in which the other nations not the American public does not appreciate and
for U.N. determination. Why have we not at wax will help find a settlement in honor that they should be accompanied, as he feels
done It? Of course, I am greatly disap- and consistent with security to the partici- they are not, by definite negotiations. Uni-
pointed that others have not done it, too. pants in this dispute." That is the kind varsity professors from coast to coast have
My plea is that If we continue this unilateral of settlement I want. If the leaders of man- been criticizing our positions. At Columbia
military course of action, we run the great kind do not face up to that great moral obli- University they had an all night teach-in on
risk of taking mankind to the brink of a gation as well as legal duty, the danger 1s Vietnam, beginning at 11:30 p.m. and going
third holocaust. That is why you find me that we shall move into a massive war in to 8 a.m., with professors speaking in relays
pleading In the Senate for us to try to get Asia. No one can dispute the ugly fact that against our being in Vietnam. Nobody spoke
other countries to come on in with us, to try I now give you: It is hoped by our Govern- for the administration. At the University
to carry out the objective of Roosevelt 20 went that Red China will not move, but it of Michigan the hat was passed and money
years ago at Cairo and Teheran. I have been Is recognized by our Government that if Red was raised on behalf of the Vietcong. Our
pleading for the United Nations to try to set China moves we cannot beat her with bomb- record has been attacked throughout the
up a trusteeship in South Vietnam for as ing, conventional or nuclear. We can do world. As a matter of fact, Kosygin, the
many years as it may take to make it pos- great damage. We can destroy her cities and Soviet leader, in talking about the white
sibie for them to develop a free society. * * * her industrial complex, we can kill millions paper, said "How in the world can the Amer-
When I put the question to the Secretary of her people, but she still will move on the leans ever categorize their acts in South
of State in the Foreign Relations Commit- ground and we could not beat her with Vietnam in a white paper? The dirty acts
tee, "Why don't you go to the United Na- American troops. The talk is 300,000 to of Americans should be in a black book."
tions?," he said, "I do not think it will work." 350,000 American troops to begin with, but What are these dirty acts? What is this
"But will you know until you try?" He re- that will be just a drop in the manpower dirty American policy they are talking about?
plied, "Senator MORSE, don't you think Russia bucket. We will have to send 3 million to Not only have we restrained our military
would probably beat it and put it In the begin with; half of them will come home in action, but our efforts in South Vietnam
Security Council?" And my answer was, coffins in the first 18 months, and this coun- have been very largely constructive and eco-
"Yes, I think so. I cannot be sure, but I try will be bogged down In Asia for 25 years. nomic. They have been exactly the kind of
think so. But I want to put Russia on the For generations of the future, Asia Is going economic program designed to build the
spot. I want to show who it Is who is un- to be controlled by Asia and not by Western seedbed of democracy, that the Oregon senior
willing to use the peaceful procedures by powers. I would plead that my Govern- Senator was talking about. Our economic
way of the rule of law provided for in the went really put Into practice that great moral assistance in South Vietnam has been well
United Nations Charter. But, Mr. Secretary, teaching that the President so often uses, over a billion dollars. Just in the last 2 years,
don't stop with the sections on the Security "Come now and let us reason together, say- $230 million has been allocated for food for
Council. If Russia follows that course of eth the Lord. Though your sins be as scar- peace for South Vietnam. There is no mili-
action, and she might not, then you still can let, they shall be as white as snow. Though tary threat to North Vietnam In this. It
take it to the General Assembly. * * *" they be red like crimson, they shall be as was food to help build the peaceful life.
:1 believe if brought before the General Wool. * * *" Our agricultural assistance to South Vietnam
Assembly, a minimum of 85 nations would Unless the nations are willing to sit down has not been confined to sending food. We
backup the sending in of a peacekeeping at an International conference table to rea- have recognized that the kind of technical
force. You say, "Mr. Senator, do you have son together, the great danger is that the assistance used in the Alliance for Progress
any precedent at all?" I want to mention United States will become the greatest threat can be used in South Vietnam, too. We have
three: does anyone really think that there to the peace of the world. A continuation of trained thousands of Vietnamese farmers in
would not have been a major war years ago our conduct in North Vietnam, in my judg- the marvels of modern agriculture. We have
In the Middle East if the United Nations' ment, is certain to lead to war. What we are trained them in irrigation, concentrates, ani-
peacekeeping force had not occupied the doing now is shooting fish in a barrel In North mal husbandry, and insecticides. We have
Gaza strip? Do you really think there would Vietnam, against a country with no naval or introduced fertilizer, we have introduced
not have been a major war in Africa if the air force, a country that has not yet moved corn and potatoes. This constitutes no mili-
United Nations had not taken the action in on the ground. I cannot square it with the tary threat, but it does build the peaceful
the Congo? My last precedent is in Cyprus. principle that I think ought to be morality, life, The economic program 'can eventually
Of course the United States and Great that should characterize the foreign policy of become the seedbed of political freedom.
Britain got kicked in to the United Nations my Government. We have helped to equip or build 10 big
over Cyprus * * * 10 days before France Senator PeoxiniE. I am here because, on vocational schools; 7,000 students are actual-
and Russia showed their hands on the Cyprus this issue, I feel very strongly; because on ly enrolled. We have built four teacher-
issue, I made a major speech in the U.S. this issue, even the Senator from Oregon is training schools; right now we are training
Senate calling for a change of American wrong. He is wrong in Vietnam. He is 2,000 Vietnamese teachers. The fact is that
policy and urging that the United States wrong about the course that President John- in the years since 1955, the number of South
support the United Nation's jurisdiction son and this administration is pursuing. Vietnamese children going to elementary
over Cyprus. At that time the United States We have used power, let's face It. We have school has increased from 350,000 to 1,400,000..
and Great Britain were trying to have the used direct, overt military power. We bomb, It is almost a miraculous increase and it
Cyprus issue brought under NATO and of we strafe, we burn. That is true. We have would not have been possible without Amer-
course NATO did not have a scintilla of basis attacked in North Vietnam and defended ican assistance. This causes no military
for being placed in charge of Cyprus. But in South Vietnam. War is a dirty business. threat to North Vietnam, but it does build
the United Nations did. We did not know It is a terrible business and it is a cruel the prospect for peace, and it does provide
at the time that Russia and France were business. the seedbed of political freedom. We have
busily at work. The State Department ap- From the first, we have responded to established and stocked first aid centers in
parently did not know it either, but that is proven aggression. We must recognize, in 12,550 villages and hamlets in South Viet-
nothing new for the State Department; they all fairness, that we have been in Vietnam nam. In 5 years, we have cut malaria from
have that kind of intelligence. They did not not just 2 or 3 months. We have been in an incidence of 7 percent of the population
know, as we subsequently discovered, that South Vietnam for 10 years, and for years down to less than 1 percent.
France and Russia were at work around the our presence In South Vietnam has been These are the kinds of things you do not
world and they presented us with an accom- carefully, painfully designed to avoid mill- read about in the newspapers, because they
piished fact that a huge number of nations ta.y action by American soldiers. Even fol- are not spectacular. They do not involve
were joining them in asking for United lowing the Tonkin Gulf and the Pleiku in- violence, conflict, bombing, or troops. This
Nations jurisdiction. Then, to the everlast- cidents, the attacks on Americans, we con- is what most of America's efforts in South
ing credit of our Government, we changed fined our military targets. We limited our Vietnam have been. We have helped build
our course and the U.N. went into Cyprus. retaliations. Most important of all, we have 1,400 wells to provide clean, fresh water for
I do not know whether it is going to be able designed our military strategy not to secure 750,000 rural inhabitants. We have made
to prevent a war or not, but it has so far. unconditional surrender by Hanoi, not- to fresh water available to one-half million
That is the way you build up a system of engage China or Russia, but simply and urban dwellers and 35 cities. And this
international law, as every lawyer knows, clearly to secure a cessation of aggression by constitutes no threat to North Vietnam. It
precedent by precedent, instance by instance. North Vietnam. Yet this restrained, lim- is building the basis for political freedom
I think that bilateral negotiations between ited policy has been attacked: Senator and independence. We have built an entire
the United States and North Vietnam are MORSE has been attacking our policy in South road system. We have financed the purchase
now impossible. We have gone past that Vietnam for many, many montlis-at least of railways and equipment. We have built
time, and now must have multilateral nego- for 2 or 3 years. Lately he has been joined a big powerplant south of Saigon, not as a
tiations. A third force, consisting of non- by other leading American citizens. Walter threat to North Vietnam but to build for
participants, must be brought into the pie- Lippmann, perhaps the most brilliant and peace. The U.S. Government has built 50
ture, a third force based upon a resolution profound commentator we have on the scene factories in South Vietnam that now em-
of the United Nations taking jurisdiction today, agrees that we are losing in South ploy 13,000 people. We have put a textile
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
industry In South Vietnam, built a national Moscow. The Canadians report that their land to say that the United States would be
network of seven major radio stations. None officials cannot even get in to see the Commu- willing to have the United Nations, specifi-
of this constitutes a real threat to Vietnam, nist leaders in North Vietnam. Until very cally U Thant, act in negotiations in Viet-
but is for peace. recently, if one is talking realism and not nam.
Consider this American record and ask, some nice theory that we would like to have,
"What does America get out of this?" Peo- there has been only one basis on which we It true we because, not ga tt the Senator before.
pie talk about America's bad record, people could stop, and that is withdrawal. Or did not us s a hs the Senator from
not
talk about our imperialism-the Communists if we withdraw, what happens in South Security Oregon Council, implied, franns the veto in
talk about our Imperialism-why have we Vietnam? Thousands and +h us ds f , and kly, we could not
ifi
sacr
ced hundreds or our young men who
have died in South Vietnam? Why have we
risked the lives of thousands of others? Do
we Want Vietnam's money? Do we want oil?
Do we want any food? Do we want an eco-
nomic advantage? Not even the Vietcong
can charge us with that. Our hands are
clean.
What do we want? What we want is very
simple: (1) We want the, independence of
South Vietnam-what is wrong with that?
(2) *e want peace and freedom In Asia and
in the world, and what is wrong with that?
(3) We want to stop Communist aggression,
and what is wrong with that? American
policy is not reckless. It is not an all-out
military policy, just as it is not withdrawal.
In this controversy, the real division Is not
between those who want to withdraw and
those who., would blast North Vietnam and
China off the face of the earth, Our policy
Is more realistic than either of those. Our
policy is to measure and restrain military ac-
tion, to build for peace, and to stay in South
Vietnam for years and years no matter how
long it takes to out-work, to out-educate,
out-serve, and if necessary, but only if neces-
sary, to out-fight. To pay any price. It has
been said this is too much * * * this is too
big a burden * * * we cannot afford it. Our
responsibilities all over the world are too
Widespread.
Can we afford it? Is It too big a burden?
The fact is that this Nation has just had
the biggest tax out in our history, an $11 bil-
lion tax out. Can. we afford it? The defense
budget is less this year than it was last
year, and less last year than It was the year
before. Can we afford it? The President
has just submitted the lowest foreign aid
program since the beginning of this program
15 years ago. Can we afford it? Bureau of
Labor Statistics show unemployment is at
the lowest level in 8 years. This is the
greatest prosperity in all of American his-
tory. We have never had so much income
after taxes, even allowing for inflation. Can
our will to defend freedom be so feeble that
this rich country cannot afford a fraction
of what we spend on cosmetics to stand up
to communism? And, of course, military
and even economic assistance is not enough.
All the time it is true that we must press
night and, day for conditions permitting a
basis for egotiations that will bring inde-
pendence.for South Vietnam.
What has been President Johnson's posi-
tion on peaceful negotiations? I know
President Johnson, and I have disagreed
with him far more than I have disagreed
with my distinguished colleague, Senator
Moasg. Senator MoasE and I both know
President Johnson well. He speaks honestly
and sincerely when he says that he will go
anywhere at any time, see anyone, If he
thought it could serve the cause of peace.
Until very recently there was simply no evi-
dence that the Communists were Interested
in negotiating a settlement in Vietnam.
Before we began to use our power in the
last .few weeks, the principal foreign offices
In. the worth said negotiations were impos-
sible. The British Foreign Secretary at the
White House recentiytold the President that
the Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko
had said In London a few, days ago that it
was useless, to talk about negotiations. The
French, who have been the principal agita-
tors for a pegotiated settlement, now con-
cede that tl}eir explorations have been fruit-
less; they have been rebuffed by Hanoi and
rest of the world? You do not have to list ,, muy Go, Leos, "i. reef that the situation
res rest of the areas of the world, just to list in southeast Asia is such that I have my own go to
China. Just last week, Mao told the Lon- doubts regarding the competence of the
don Observer, "After a Communist victor United Nations to undertake the task which
y is being advocated by some members of the
in South Vietnam, the conflict will be ag- United Nations." The Secretary General of
gravated." The Communists do not look the United Nations said that the U.N. could
forward to peace after South Vietnam. not act under these circumstances and, it
They say, "This is a beginning. If we win has been clear that when the United States
here, then we really aggravate the con-
flict * * * " of America clashes directly with countries
What makes this situation very difficult for like North Vietnam and Red China, which
Americans to understand, or Americans to are both outside the United Nations, there
i
aggression. These people are not just walk-
ing across the border as clearly and simply
and obviously as the Hitler march. This is an
invisible, subtle, and apparently indigenous
kind of aggression. We fall into the trap
that this is civil war, and wherever this ter-
rorist Infiltration tactic is developed in the
future, we will take It to be a civil war.
These are the types of terror tactics the Com-
munists have perfected, tactics involving kid-
naping of officials, deliberate murder of
mayors and leaders of villages, the murder
of thousands of Vietnam exofficials. If the
Communists win here, If this kind of action
can prevail, there is no reason why the Com-
munists should not use it elsewhere-in
Asia, in Africa, and in South America.
,This is a far crueler, tougher war. It seems
as though we are losing or have. lost. The
fact is that we can win. The military situa-
tion Is bad. I think it is true that this ad-
ministration and the last administration
were very wrong in not telling us the true
situation about how we were losing in South
Vietnam. But It is a fact, as every reporter
I have heard has reported, that morale in
South Vietnam is now rising. Not only do
the Catholics and the business communities
support our position, but the Buddhists, the
students, and the labor people are supporting
recent developments in Vietnam. Most
promising of all, now that we have shown
that we not only have the greatest power in
the world, but that we have the will to use it,
North Vietnam seems to be taking d different
view of negotiation. The New York Times
recently reported that diplomats of the non-
alined countries said privately that North
Vietnamese officials might be willing to agree
to a new Geneva conference on Indochina.
The indications were private-publicly, the
North Vietnamese officials indicated with-
drawal of U.S. officials mandatory before ne-
gotiation. There were no conditions in the
private approach: The British Foreign Sec-
retary declared that there is more hope of
negotiation than even a day ago, that there
has been a change in the attitude of the
Communists toward negotiation. Mean-
while, the President maintains the posture,
*hich he sincerely believes, that this coun-
try must persist with all Its might to resist
aggression in South Vietnam, and to de-
fend freedom there with its military strength.
But far from being inconsistent, it seems to
me that the posture the President has as-
sumed is essential to finally creating peaceful
negotiations. This is the same administra-
tion that has made proposals for economic
development of all southeast Asia, including
perhaps North Vietnam, in the event of
peace. This is the same administration
which indicated there would be no direct
reprisal for the bombing of the U.S. Embassy
in Saigon, specifically no attack on Hanoi.
This is the same administration that directed
Assistant Secretary of State Harlan Cleve-
s no precedent. The precedent of the Gaza
strip, the precedents of the Congo and Cy-
prus are terribly different. This is the same
administration that had Secretary of State
Dean Rusk give a respectful reception to the
proposal of 17 so-called nonalined nations
that petitioned us to negotiate. All of this is
good. It indicates that we do not have a
policy of simply pounding away hoping some-
thing will happen. We are carrying an olive
branch in one hand as well as arrows in the
other. But We have those arrows, and the
fact is that vinegar is just as essential as
the oil of peace. We stand prepared to con-
tinue bombing if defense requires it. Not
only do we have a massive, awesome power,
but we have the will to use It. The Presi-
dent pledged that we will stay In South
Vietnam for 10 or 20 years, if necessary, to
stop communism.
This resolution may be as significant as
President Truman's resolve in Berlin in 1948,
in Greece, in Korea, when against criticism
and under very different circumstances, he
decided to stand against the Communists.
It may be as significant as John F. Kennedy's
resolve in October of 1962, when we discov-
ered that the Soviet Union had planted mis-
siles in Cuba. This resolve, which has been
so denounced, could stabilize the last great
front of Communist aggression, and I predict
that this U.S. persistence in South Vietnam
will drive Hanoi to the bargaining table. On
the other hand, had President Johnson
chosen the withdrawal option, and that is
the realistic option, peace as well as freedom
would be in far greater danger throughout
the world. He has chosen the tough course,
the painful course, but the right course.
You do not need a graduate degree to under-
stand what, basically, is going on: this is
aggression. This is the kind of aggression
the free world, at its terrible regret, failed
to meet in Austria; and the Sudetenland and
Manchuria, the kind of aggression that re-
sulted in the violence and death and the
agony of 4 long years in World War II. In
South Vietnam we are meeting it. We are
meeting it with military force, but with re-
strained force. We meet it with military
force at the same time that we're building an
economically stronger and better future in
South Vietnam, as I documented. And, we
meet it with the olive branch of negotiations
In the other hand.
Let us not forget that it was not Lyndon
Johnson who 4 years ago stepped up our mili-
tary commitment to South Vietnam. It was
the same John Fitzgerald Kennedy who gave
the finest speech on peace of this generation
at American University in May 1963-the
same John Kennedy whose greatest monu-
ment is a test ban treaty that begins the first
hopeful step toward the control of nuclear
destruction of the world. It was the same
John Kennedy who, however, recognized that
the price of peace and freedom can some-
times be cruel and terrible, that there are
times when We, must face aggression, and
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that a cruel and terrible price must be paid. move out of Vietnam and allow the South summer, I made the point that the SEATO
And John Kennedy, with all his intelligence, Vietnamese Communists to take over the allies were not helping us-we were doing it
with all the massive information only the country? If not, how do we' justify interveFrance, alone. You coGreat uld not Britain, gge help of out of
President of the United States can have, saw ing in a civil war on the side of a very un- e, not get out New
could aof get out Senator, of fny of
that South Vietnam is the place that this popular government? Zealand, yout ou of
generation must pay it. Senator PROXMIRE. We have made it clear them. "its commitment just n I in ."
opinion, has President Johnson not asked to stop aggression. As a matter of fact, said, SEATO
t. Secretary, you just insulted my inI
Congress for a declaration of war following Adlai Stevenson has said in the United Mr. Now, before jyou ust isulte the in-
constitutional procedure, instead of using Nations that if North Vietnam will stop its sailg"ce of the eye committee, would rest the last summer's Senate resolution author- aggression, we will do our best to remove telliou genenc to have me tell them what tuld
ization for action in Vietnam?" our military presence. Of course there are y
Senator MORSE. As you know, I have taken indigenous Communists in South Vietnam. understanding you involved?want" to d (He eny, did not know
know
the position over and over again in the Sen- That is a well-known fact. It is also well that this Australian co eny, Mr. Secre is B-mmitment
ate, that if we are going to make war we known that tens of thousands have in- tartyts mcto South
30 men to commitment
ought to first declare it. There is not the filtrated from the North, including the of- increase nVietnam e from manpower
60 men, but with
near
slightest justification under the Constitu- ficer cadre, including the plans, and lately, the understanding 30g that they won't but
tion of the United States for our making war including most of the weapons. That was tundersrant i Do you want to deny, Mr.
in South Vietnam. Under the Constitution, not true some years ago, but it certainly is the hbat tyou got a commitment out Mr.
next
the President of the United States has the true now without any question. The New Secretary, that gfew commitment o they month responsibility and power to proceed imme- York Times has reported that something them mthat ake within
fnex t six cargo s they
available four
diately in the defense of this Republic to like 90 percent of the replacements for the might from
into S meet an emergency which has occurred by Vietcong are coming from the North. At to tnkemmat The s d, ugustra alia is thato th the
way of an attack on the United States, as any rate, if the North Vietnamese cease Vi" Franklin Roosevelt did at Pearl Harbor. But, their aggression, then we feel that our mili- SEATO nations have left us cold. * * * Tell
he does not have the right to make war in tary job is done, and the South Vietnamese it to Burma, tell it to Tfact Indonesia, tell ell at to AAus-
the absence of the declaration of war. Under will be able to handle the situation them- tralia, New Zealand.
and New Zed. The the is in t have Aus
article No. 1, section 8 of the Constitution, selves. tralia concerned Zealand, about the press have been
the power to declare war is vested in the Con- Moderator JONES. Senator MORSE, would greatly
gress of the United States, and not in the you care to comment? in North Vietnam. * * * I never thought I
President. Senator MORSE. I want to point out that, would read in American history of the drop-
Who voted * * * I was one of two Senators ping of napalm bombs on jungle towns, kill-
but against what I considered to be although oobjective is perfectly cleax that the psi- civilians-men, women and children.
bu.t a scrap of paper under the Constitution, marar of the the administration is to Ing
TUnited States is guilty, ahistory will
when last August the Congress passed a ref- seek to prevent the advance of communism The fus States is condemn and
n u I navel
ever
olution to authorize the President to take on a unilateral basis, it cannot be done by thought find i ht s guilty and ed us. soldiers
am, and would have send the pictures
whatever steps he deemed necessary to pro- the United States, because you are dealing South t my country
the Foreign Res
tect the security of this country. The Con- here with a population that is involved in that have been s nd hue taken
gress, in my judgment, has the duty to de- a civil war. They (the administration) does
not like to talk about a civil war, but if I lations Committee, of American soldiers
gone whether or not American boys were standing by when the most horrendous bru-
should to be sent to the battlefield, and they marched a hundred Vietnamese across this talities re committed upon the Vietcong.
should not send them to die in battle in the platform, 50 North and 50 South, you could
absence of a declaration of war. I think not tell the difference. You are dealing in And nd a reign what's thhe ans ant erwer? " chWhy, th the a Vietcong
ietcong
s
that it is a great mistake that we have not a war in South Vietnam with a father on ses brutalities t upon South Vietnamese.
had a public declaration, one side and some of his sons on the other; They r do. But, we are a outh to i tname e."
of
Moderator JONES. Senator PROXMIRE, would brothers on one side and brothers on the nt use our force to prevent this when
Secre-
you like to comment on that question? other; uncles on one side and some of their dd o not use of the rt to r vent. The kind
Senator PROXMIRE. The fact is that the Con- nephews
i With a war among Vietnams e, and thea17th tary of State tried to justify the use of gas
cress of the o United ed States Senator MORSE RSE at on
that the usewomen
of gas s
the implied, did act a resolution last August. parallel is a perfectly . O roc roblem ishto child en.roLetd me it protects
The resolution was as a gi Bide e C Con ngress tot our hiv t is country. P a clear violation of the convention of 1925,
will because it violates the Articles of War. Why
portunity to on ietnad. for or against ding what- w our have e them set their own system . It gov- actions i n South Vietnam, including ternment, whatever they choose. It will
ever military action the President decided probably be some form of communism or wasskaelkgas preven
g st that wha utre in? This
was necessary. That resolution passed 512 socialism or totalitarianism. But, that of World
to 2. It was greatly to his credit that Senator raises the fundamental issue: whether or War I, along lethal gas, because makes this gas the
tot incapacitates kill while o di Biercey its influence. them
foe set
and MORSE had the courage to be one of the two not the United States is now going to
men who voted against it. But the fact is itself up on a unilateral basis to po to My
alibi
tryin
at Is
. If
m
frequenttly.
w
rld
Was
Sta
that the
that at co suited, the Cress of ongress of= the Unit dtoSt tes to obe ouraposit on we have neither the man aught and we have been caughwhich it got
our ernment lo-
did act, and it seems to me that under these power nor the resources to do it * * * we Dazo e you th n k a our if Govthat American would apt had
cline if
we s hat is whyItam to g to Cabod plane
not been shot down within Cambodia after
circumstances our course in South Vietnam are writing our own de T
ti clear. Wherever sat in a hostile ed, altua- make that approach. multilateral
I. notes ecessaryn to litoways have a declaration hoped SEATO might do this job, but SEATO town, killing i ill ns? It islpretty hard for
of war. This is a bad situation-there have has become apaper tiger. SEATO countries us to face up to ugly realities, but the sad have d
our
not
ands are
main-
toge
act
that th
atest agree
ar a of tthe wer in orld n they are dris, our ippinghwith blood in Asian to ourl a er-
the
or 3 0. 1That taining peaceein thisld
and countAwas rsomething like 316ied;
is a terrible situation. At the same time, I wrote in certain words of art t,t a which lasting discreJoNES. Senator MORSE, that was
think must recognize that under three known as protocol aEiIea
ricircumstances, traditionally, , we we have not re- the signatories thereto considered Vietnam a long and extended answer-I am there-
quired a declaration of war. The action an area of vital concern and of mutual in- fore going to alter the procedure for a mo-
taken by the Congress of the United States terest. Of course, what your Government ment to give Senator PROXMIRE an opportun-
was not only overwhelmingly passed, but is not telling you is that there was a sleeper ity to respond.
since that time there has been only one by way of a side agreement, and if the Senator PROXMIRE. What Senator MORSE has
other resolution entered and modified, that sleeper was to have a concerted action, there just said is that we cannot stop commu-
by Senator JAvrrs. That resolution sup- had to be a unanimity among the signatories nism throughout the world. The next thing as I
tha
understand
we can ported the a Saying. t a hat the administration Who area theeyy?Te Australia, NATO ew pZealand, note count on SEATO or -others tot help us.
of that to me is no-
line, simply saying
say we , Great The
should at the same time seek negotia- BPkistan, Thailand, ra tain, and France. the con of get them bodyi is going to stop commun sm. that
tions. to come in to be of as sistance to the United can stop communism, and we will. We have
to be Question: some confusion n in your there seemed the States. not begun to feel the burden in this coun-
same confusion which has appeared in the The Foreign Minister of Pakistan spoke at try. Now, about this situation of using
the world
easier nothing in
gression i or ago. When asked if Pakistan, into which that is there is
he our of the is Government,
whether to make
of an attack on the weapons of war; I think
to stop ag
ogoal s top sm hundreds
indigenous millions of dollars for military bur dup, was it serves a good purpose to do so, and I think
whether es ioIs to Stop n as you call it, communism.
the aggression--80 you to come in and help us, he said: "No. It should be done. I agree that we made a
South VouthVienam percent is being done b going
Sienarnese. if we could get, by force e That is a U.S. problem. Our problem is with tragic and stupid blunder by using gas in
or by agreement, the North Vienamese to India" When the Secretary of State was South Vietnam. There is no question about
stop assisting the Vietcong, would we then before the Foreign Relations Committee last that. But let's be fair about it. While it
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0
25,
1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
was stupid, and it gave the Communists a
propaganda victory, let us recognize the
circumstances under which that gas was
used. I have a clipping from today's news-
paper. "London, April 1, Colonial Secretary
4nthony Greenwood told Parliament today
that British colonial police used nontoxic
gas 124 times in the last 5 years.', That
doesn't make it right, but I imagine that
tear gas could be used here in Portland.
You can buy it. Any police force can have
it and does use it. When this gas was used,
and it Was used on three occasions, it was
totally ineffective on every single occasion.
It was used so that it would not be neces-
sary to use other weapons' that are far
worse-so that we would not have to use
napalm, so that we would not have to use
machine guns, so that we would not have
to kill people. Civilians were being used as
shields, and it was thought necessary to pro-
vide solve method of saving the lives of
civilians so it would be possible to step in
and overpower the others. Nevertheless, it
was stupid for one other reason. In a mili-
tary situation, you can count on escalation.
We use a gas that is a tear and nausea gas.
They-the enemy-use a gas that is a little
worse; we use gas which is little worse; and
the first thing you know you have bac-
teriological warfare-you have mustard gas,
you have some weapons which, fortunate-
ly, have not been used since World War I.
It was a bad mistake, but at the same time,
I think it should be put in perspective.
Question.. "Senator MORSE. assuming that
SEATO and the United States do not want
to assume the responsibility in southeast
Asia, should the United States at any time,
along a unilaterial basis, stand against Com-
munist aggression in southeast Asia? If so,
where do we draw this line?"
Senator MORSE. We will not know until we
take it to the United Nations, first through
the Security Council, and then to the Gen-
eral Assembly. I am satisfied that at least
85 nations, and probably not more, would
vote to take jurisdiction if given the oppor-
tunity to take jurisdiction, because they are
scared, too. They know what this great
threat in Asia means for all the rest of the
world. They know that if you start a
massive war with Red China it will not be
over for a quarter of a century. I am satis-
fied, also, that basic in the philosophy of
many of our military, is the sincere convic-
tion (but I think-dead wrong from every
standpoint), that you have got to fight China
sooner or later, and this is the time to fight
her. I am satisfied that we are following
the course of action of a provocateur, and
that we are going to step it up until finally
China makes a misstep. And when China
makes the misstep, get ready for the bomb-
ing of China. The first target will be the
nuclear installations, but do not forget, they
can be rebuilt. .It may take 10, 15, or 20
years to rebuild them, but when they are
rebuilt, they will be rebuilt with a vengeance,
and we will leave a heritage to future genera-,
tions of American boys and girls of the hatred
of the Chinese for the next 1,000 years. That
is why I want to take my country out of the
unilateral course of action-that is why I
want to bring in others to help maintain the
peace. China is not going to stop for us,
but line up 85 to 90 nations around this
world against her, and in my judgment, she
will think a long time before she follows a
course of action of nonnegotiating an
'honqprabPle settlement.
Ii~e11eve that the fundamental purpose of
our policy in Asia is to establish an American
foothold, * * * It goes right back to Dulles
"wanting France to get out of Indochina, to
his wanting Great Britain to come in with
us-back to his refusal to sign the Geneva
accord of 1954, although he said we would
.live -,,up to its tenets-and we have violated
one after another ever since..e.. * +- I cannot
give you any assurance that, if the U.N. does
not take jurisdiction, you ' are not going' to
have very serious trouble in South Vietnam,
but I will face the ugly question. If we are
put to the point where we, and we alone,
are going to have to fight a war in Asia, then
the first thing we should do is try to work
out an arrangement where the people would
not be massacred. Then, and only then,
would I have the United States withdraw, be-
cause South Vietnam is not in the perimeter
of America defense. If we got into a war
with Russia tomorrow, we would not leave an
American boy in South Vietnam any longer
than it took to get him out, because South
Vietnam is not vital to the United States in
time of war. * * * Western nations better
face up to the fact that Asians are not going
to allow them to stay in Asia.
Senator PROXMIRE. The United Nations is
now paralyzed. As Senator MORSE said, we
have to go to the General Assembly. The As-
sembly cannot meet until next September.
We have to draw the line against the Com-
munists. We can say, "Take it to the United
Nations"-I do wish this were a practical
solution, but the fact is that the U.N. is not
in session, and will not be in session. The
Secretary General has indicated that this
was a question that was, in his estimation,
probably too big. Furthermore, if we try
to get the United Nations involved on the
basis of having to take jurisdiction between
North Vietnam and the United States of
America, there is about as much chance that
North Vietnam would stand still for that as
there is that the Oregonian is likely to name
the Senator from Oregon as mediator in its
next labor contract. The fact is that North
Vietnam was invited to sit in on discussions
by the Security Council at the time of the
Tonkin Gulf episode. North Vietnam was
urged by the Soviet Union, by the United
States, and by members of the Security Coun-
cil. She flatly refused, and said that she
would have nothing to do with it, and would
not be bound by any decision of the Security
Council. Under these circumstances, how
in the world can we get the U.N. involved?
Question: "Senator PROXMIRE, you said
that the aggression in South Vietnam is of
a subtle kind, and is invisible, and I would
agree with you. What can Congress do if
the terroristic attacks against Americans in
the last few months turn out to be inside jobs
by those who disagree with the policy of
restraint that you advocate and the Presi-
dent hopes to carry on?"
Senator PROXMIRE, We are acting in North
Vietnam militarily. We decided to take overt
military action very recently. It has been
stated over and over again by President John-
son by Secretary Rusk, by Secretary McNa-
mars, and others, that we have done so be-
cause of the infiltration and invasion from
North Vietnam. This is not just a pipe-
dream-this is not a guess. It is true that
this is a subtle kind of war, but the fact is
that the invasion has been documented. The
International Control Commission has found
that there has been aggression from the
north. They have said so-they have found
it-it is a fact of life, and this is what we are
trying to stop. Furthermore, it is my under-
standing that the man who planted the bomb
to blow up the Saigon Embassy admitted that
he had been paid by the Vietcong to do it.
.It is true that the evidence, under war cir-
cumstances, is never the kind of thing that
one would like to have in court. However,
we do know that there is invasion from the
north, and that is what we are trying to stop.
Senator MQRst. There is nothing that stops
the United Nations from being called into
session from within 1Q to 15 days. Just read
the charter. It calls for an extraordinary ses-
sion of the United Nations, and we ought to
call for an extraordinary session of the U.N.
immediately. As to aggression in South Viet-
nam, within 3 weeks of the filing of the white
paper, witnesses before the Foreign Relations
11163
Committee continued to testify that this was
primarily a war from witthin in South Viet-
nam, by South Vietnamese, using American
weapons. In recent weeks there have been
some weapons coming in from the north, but
there is still no showing of any substantial
number of North Vietnamese military men
out of the North Vietnamese Army. Of
course, there has been some training of South
Vietnamese up in North Vietnam, but we are
the last country in the world that ought to
talk about training soldiers of another coun-
try. We have been doing it all around the
world, and we have been doing it in South
Vietnam for a long time.
What we do need to face up to is that,
in South Vietnam, we have been guilty, time
and time again, of aggression on our part.
Take the Tonkin Bay incident. The first
propaganda of the administration was that
the American ships were 75 miles from those
North Vietnamese islands 3 to 6 miles off
the coast of North Vietnam, which were
bombed by South Vietnamese vessels-ves-
sels which we equipped, which moved with
the full knowledge of our Embassy and Of
U.S. Navy ships in Tonkin Bay at the time.
Our administration said they were 75 miles
away. Well, if Russia had a destroyer 75
miles from Key West, for example, and Castro
sent over a destroyer to bomb Key West, you
know what we would do to that destroyer
75 miles away. We would give it one chance
to come into port, and if it did not come to
port, we would sink it, because we would
know that it was there for a cover. The 75-
mile issue blew up in their face, because we-
the Foreign Relations Committee-got the
log of the ships, and when the bombing of
the islands took place, that American vessel
was within 13 miles of the islands. That is
why I say we acted as a provocateur. Of
course, our ships were on the high seas, and
had the right to be where they were, as far
as the high sea laws were concerned. But,
we had no right to be there as a cover to
those South Vietnamese vessels. Time and
time again, we have been participants in a
violation of the borders of Cambodia, of the
borders of North Vietnam, and, as is usually
the case when you get into a dirty war, both
sides play dirty. We have been playing dirty
along with the Communists.
Moderator JONES. In accordance with the
procedures of debate, each Senator will have
an opportunity to make a brief summary
remark.
Senator PROXMIRE. My good friend Senator
WAYNE MORSE is a great Senator and a great
debater, but it seems he has failed to distin-
guish the difference between our action in
South Vietnam and that of the North Viet-
namese. We are there because we were in-
vited by the duly constituted and recognized
Government of South Vietnam, a Govern-
ment that has been recognized by over 100
nations in the world. Although there have
been five successive governments, each one
has wanted us to stay, and every element in
this Government today has asked us to stay
there. On the other hand, the North Vietna-
mese are there to subvert that Government,
to overthrow that Government, to destroy
that Government. I think there is all the
difference in the world on that basis. Sena-
tor MORSE has offered us an alternative, but
what an alternative. He has said the U.N.
Charter indicates that we can call the United
Nations together in 10 or 15 days-but .why
is the U.N. paralyzed? It is paralyzed because
the nations cannot vote. It is paralyzed be-
cause the problem of the Russian dues to the
U.N. will not be solved until September. I
wish it were not so-I wish we were living in
a different kind of a world. Oh, how I wish
we had an international court of justice, and
that we could take the Communists to that
court. How nice it would be if we could get
.85 nations to join us in South Vietnam. But,
as the Senator from Oregon has pointed out,
we cannot even get the SEATO nations "to
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join us in South Vietnam. if communism is
going to be stopped, we have to stop it.
Finally, the position of the administration in
this perplexing, complex, and difficult situa-
tion., is that negotiation, and the will to try
and hope and pray and work for a peaceful
solution through negotiation, is important.
But that is not the only important element.
When dealing with the Communists, in the
kind of real world in which they are operat-
ing, you have to have two other legs to this
stool, too. One of those legs is the kind of
hard, tough, grinding assistance we are devel-
oping in Vietnam so she can develop her in-
dependence, so that she can have the seed-
bed of political freedom. The third leg, and
the one that is so hard for Americans who
live peace to accept,- is that of force and
power-the force of military muscle and the
will to use that military muscle. What the
administration is doing is to use our military
force, use our economic ability, and at the
same time sincerely and honestly work to cre-
ate a situation in which negotiations will be
possible, but negotiations that can permit a
free and independent South Vietnam and
stop Communist aggression.
Senator MORSE. When my very close friend
Senator PROxMIRE talks about our being in-
vited into South Vietnam by the Government
of South Vietnam, I would ask him, "Which
one?" "When?" No government has been
set up by the people of South Vietnam. We
saw to it that that did not happen in 1956.
We stopped the government from being set
up in South Vietnam. We set up our own
puppet, and a whole chain of puppets. Sen-
ator PROxMIRE says a hundred or so nations
have recognized that government. Well, we
have spent $100 billion now in foreign aid
to some 100 nations and they are not going
to offend us very quickly. I want to say that
it is pretty difficult for this great power of
the United States to find very many people
taking positions that they will not recognize
a puppet. $ * * We never have been called
in by a government of the people of South
Vietnam. I am for a procedure that will give
the people of South Vietnam their own gov-
ernment, not an American-imposed govern-
ment, which they have had ever since 1954.
The United Nations is in a position to work.
Read the charter. Who is responsible for the
fact than the U,N. went out of session? It
was what Ambassador Stevenson called a
procedural vote on article 19, the most sub-
stantive vote that could be cast in that gen-
eral session. That is why the students of
the United Nations are severely criticizing
the United States for our course of action on
article 19, and they should criticize. That is
why your Senator led the fight in the Senate
against the policy of our Government, backed
up by a surprising number of Senators, when
I said "You should hold the nose of Russia
and France to the grindstone in the United
Nations-not let them out of it, and insist
on a vote on article 19." But I am talking
about an extraordinary session of the United
Nations, an extraordinary session called for
the nations to carry out their responsibility
to keep the peace. I have no doubt what the
General Assembly would do if reconvened, if
there was any hope of maintaining the peace
by the United Nations sending whetever
number of divisions of the U.N. troops neces-
sary to enforce the peace in southeast Asia.
They would quickly waive any obligations
regarding any money if they could get this
matter decided; then they could go back to
the debate on article 19.
:1 did not come here, and Senator PROxMIRE
did not come here, to ask for agreement. We
came believing that what is needed in this
country on this critical issue is the thought
of the American people-to get the American
people away from their dogmas and their
slogans. Remember, you, too, have a respon-
sibility of statesmanship. Yours is the re-
sponsibility of citizen-statesmanship. Never
forget that foreign policy under our constitu-
tion does not belong to the President of the
United States. That is one of the myths or
bubbles that needs to be burst. Foreign
policy belongs to you, the people. The
President is the administrator of the people's
foreign policy, subject to the checks of Con-
gress. We now have to think about American
bQys and girls 100, 200, 500, and 1,000 years
from now. It is my deep conviction that
if we follow this course, we will never leave
a heritage of freedom to our grandchildren.
Moderator JONES. Thank you, Senator
MORSE, and particularly for that final word.
It has been our privilege to listen to a discus-
sion of truly historic proportions this eve-
ning, for which we thank both of our guests
very warmly.
SIGNIFICANT AMENDMENT TO THE
VOTING RIGHTS BILL
(Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute, to revise and extend his remarks
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, last Thurs-
day the Senate adopted a most signifi-
cant amendment to the voting rights
bill. The amendment, sponsored by Sen-
ator KENNEDY of New York. will enfran-
chise thousands of Spanish speaking
citizens. Senator ROBERT KENNEDY de-
serves the gratitude of all those dedi-
cated to equality in voting for directing
his great abilities to the passage of this
amendment.
This amendment would prohibit the
denial of the right to vote in any elec-
tion of any person because of his inabil-
ity to read, write, or understand English
if he has successfully completed the sixth
grade in a public or accredited private
school in any State, territory, the District
of Columbia, or the Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico in which the predominant
classroom language was other than Eng-
lish.
The amendment provides:
No person who demonstrates that he has
successfully completed the sixth primary
grade in a public school in, or a private
school accredited by, any State or territory,
the District of Columbia, or the Common-
wealth of Pirerto Rico in which the predomi-
nant classroom language was other than Eng-
lish, shall be denied the right to vote in any
Federal. State, or local election because of
his inability to read, write, understand, or
interpret any matter in the English language,
except that in states in which State law
provides that a different level of education
is presumptive of literacy, he shall demon-
strate that he has successfully completed
an equivalent level of education in a public
school in, or a private school accredited by,
any State or territory, the District of Colum-
bia, or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in
which the predominant classroom language
was other than English.
Mr. Speaker, Congress certainly has
the power to pass this literacy test
amendment under the enforcement
clauses of the 14th and 15th amend-
ments.
The 14th amendment to the Constitu-
tion guarantees that no State shall "deny
to any person within its jurisdiction the
equal protection of the laws." In New
York State thousands of American citi-
zens have been denied the equal protec-
tion of the laws.
New York State requires a prospective
voter to take an English language liter-
acy test or to establish his literacy by
showing an eighth grade education at a
school conducted in English. As a result
of this requirement thousands of Amer-
ican citizens of Puerto Rican origin do
not register to vote. Senator ROBERT
KENNEDY estimated that there are ap-
proximately 7:30,000 Puerto Ricans in
New York, of whom approximately 480,-
000 are of voting age. Less than one-
third-about 150,000 are registered to
vote. While it cannot be said that all
the other 330,000 are not registered be-
cause of the literacy test, there is no
doubt that a substantial number do not
register for this reason.
The New Yorker of Puerto Rican origin
has every opportunity to be as well in-
formed a voter as his English-speaking
neighbor. There are Spanish-language
newspapers, televisions, and radio. The
schools in Puerto Rico teach civics and
American history. The English-language
literacy test is an arbitrary requirement
for voting and should be abolished.
I have sponsored legislation through-
out my service in Congress to abolish the
literacy test completely. In this Congress
my bill to eliminate the literacy test is
H.R. 2477. I testified at length before
the House Committee on the Judiciary on
this question. I believe the least we can
do in this session is to adopt the literacy
test amendment sponsored by Senator
KENNEDY of New York.
Unfortunately, this amendment is not
included in the voting rights bill which
has been reported out by the House. In
view of the action taken by the other
body, I hope the House will adopt it, and
I urge the distinguished Chairman of the
Committee on the Judiciary to accept the
amendment when the voting rights bill
is on the floor. I urge all my colleagues
to join with me in this fight to bring full
rights of citizenship to thousands of
Americans who speak Spanish.
COMMUNITY SERVICE SOCIETY
AND THE HOUSING AND URBAN
DEVELOPMENT ACT OF 1965
(Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I wish to
bring to the attention of my colleagues
the testimony of Mrs. Barbara Reach
before the Senate Subcommittee on
Housing of the Committee on Banking
and Currency. Mrs Reach is staff asso-
ciate of the Community Service Society,
the oldest and largest voluntary family
service agency in the country. We will
shortly be debating the administration's
Housing and Urban Development Act of
1965, and I believe that this testimony
will add to our deliberations. There-
fore, I urge all my colleagues to read the
following testimony:
STATEMENT PRESENTED BEFORE THE SENATE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON HOUSING OF THE COM-
MITTEE ON BANE.ING AND CURRENCY ON S.
1354; H.R. 5840, APRU. 9, 1966
(By Barbara Reach, committee on housing
and urban development)
My name is Barabara Reach and I repre-
sent the Committee on Housing and Urban
Development of the Community Service So-
ciety of New York.
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May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- HOUSE 11173
Ing severe sales declines in anticipation of
reduced prices resulting from tax reduction.
Sincerely,
F. W. Miacis,
.Vice President,
FORD MOTOR CO.,
. June 9, 1964.
HOn. CHARLES E. CHAMBERLAIN,
Houle of Representatives,
Congress of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN CHAMBERLAIN: Your
letter of May 22 arrived while I was away
from the office and I understand our Wash-
ington office indicated to you in my absence
that this reply would be forthcoming soon.
We were pleased to learn from your letter
that you will be continuing your efforts to
reduce or repeal the discriminatory 10-per-
cent excise tax on automobiles.
You asked in your letter if the present
position of Ford Motor Co. continues to be
the same as in the past on the subject of
passing on any reduction in the excise tax
to its dealers.
In response to similar inquiries in 1958, I
stated that our company would immediately
pass on to our dealers the full amount of any
reduction in the excise tax. That is still
our position. The suggested retail price
shown on the price label would also be low-
ered by the amount that the excise is re-
duced. We have no doubt that competition
for the consumer's dollar would insure that
our dealers, in turn, would pass a reduction
on to their customers. You realize, of
course, that the company has no authority
to commit what the dealers' decision on this
matter would be, however.
Thank you for your efforts over the years
in support of reduction or elimination of
.the passenger car excise tax.
Very sincerely,
HENRY FORD II,
Chairman.
GENERAL MOTORS CORP.,
Detroit, May 28, 1964.
Hon. CHARLES E. CHAMBERLAIN,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR CONGRESSMAN: Thank you for
your letter of May 22 concerning my views
on whether the removal or reduction of the
present 10-percent excise tax on new auto-
mobiles would be passed along to the cus-
tomer by the automobile companies.
As you know, our new passenger cars are
sold by General Motors to franchised dealers
who, in turn, sell to the customer. The price
at which this final sale is made is one that
is agreed to by the dealer and the customer.
The manufacturer is not a party to this
transaction and of course the dealer is' free
to sell at any price agreed to with the cus-
tomer.
passenger cars should be reflected in lower
prices to the new car buyer."
I am enclosing a copy of the full AMA
statement from which this quotation is
taken. You will note that the association
is proposing that Congress not extend the
3-percent increase in the excise tax author-
ized in connection with the Korean wartime
emergency, and is further urging affirmative
congressional action to reduce or eliminate
the remaining 7 percent of this discrimina-
tory excise tax. In order to minimize the
disruption of the market during the period
such a reduction is under review by the Con-
gress, the association is ouggesting that pro-
vision be made in current tax legislation for
the retroactive application of the reduction
to the date hearings begin on specific legis-
lation.
I very much appreciate your continued
active interest in removing this discrimina-
tory excise tax. I hope you will feel free to
call on me at any time that I may be of
assistance in this matter.
Very truly yours,
JOHN F. GORIIk~ON,
Pr4sident.
VIETNAM
(Mr. MICHEL asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute and to revise and extend his re-
-marks.)
Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, a short
time ago I received a letter from the
Reverend Patrick Morison, pastor of the
Hanna City and Limestone Presbyterian
Churches, together with a copy of a letter
he had addressed to the President. I
asked the reverend if I might use that
letter and read it into the RECORD and I
have his approval to do so.
His letter addressed to the President
reads as follows:
HANNA CITY AND LIMESTONE
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES,
Hanna City, Ill., April 19, 1965.
President L. B. JOHNSON,
White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: You have received or
will soon receive a letter from the Clergy-
man's Emergency Committee for Vietnam of
the Fellowship of Reconciliation. This letter
has been circulated among American clergy-
men to gain their signatures of support. The
letter will petition you to seek a peaceful
solution to the Vietnam crisis at all costs.
As a Christian clergyman and citizen I
oppose this letter for three reasons. First,
it vastly oversimplifies a complex cultural,
political, and military problem. Second, it
perfect and not always most just, but this
does not obligate us to surrender to com-
munism nor to trust it.
Yes, I am dismayed by the war in Vietnam
(and in Congo and elsewhere) and I long for
peace, but to betray ourselves or allies into
Communist tyranny and designs will bring
neither peace, nor freedom, nor honor, nor
godliness. Only Jesus Christ can bring last-
ing personal, social, or world peace, He "Who
is coming in power and great glory."
Yours truly,
PATRICK MORISON.
(Mr: O'HARA of Illinois asked and
was given permission to address the
House for 1 minute and to revise and
extend his remarks.)
[Mr. O'HARA of Illinois' remarks will
appear hereafter in the Appendix.]
THE PEGASUS B
(Mr. MILLER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, I wish to
report another major success on the part
of the National Aeronautics and Space
Administration in the exploration and
conquest of space. At 3:35 this morning
the Saturn booster placed into orbit the
Pegasus B meteoroid technology satel-
lite. This is the ninth straight success
of the most powerful operational launch
vehicle in the world, a remarkable
achievement that bodes well for the fu-
ture of our entire space program.,
The Pegasus satellite exposes more
than 2,000 square feet of instrumented
panels to register meteoriod impacts in
the region near the earth. The 3,200-
pound spacecraft, attached to the last
stage of the Saturn, is in an orbit with
a predicted lifetime of over 3 years-
the instruments are designed to operate
for about 1 year. The achieved orbit
with an apogee of 740 kilometers and
perigee of 513 kilometers, is within
1 percent of the planned values-
an example of the Nation's increasing
capability for high-precision space oper-
ations. The total weight in orbit is over
23,000 pounds, making it one of our
heaviest successful payloads.
The information we will receive from-
this mission will be important to our
total capability for operations in space,
both manned and unmanned.
The actual deployment in space of 100-
foot panels was televised by a camera
mounted on the booster; I am sure many
of you will see it before long on your
own TV sets.
Mr. Speaker, I wish to commend the
National Aeronautics and Space Admin-
istration and the industrial and scientific
team responsible for this mission for
another step forward in the power and
prestige of the United States.
Since preparing these remarks, I have
been informed that throughout the day
the three television networks will show
pictures of the Pegasus B.
assumes that peace is possible If only the
-United States would
ull out
f Vi
t
p
o
e
nam
It is for this reason that I cannot speak _ and sit down to confer on Communist terms
for General Motors dealers. However, I think .in good faith. This letter contains one of
that there are good grounds for believing the most arrogant and clerically irresponsible
that the savings would be passed along to judgments I have ever read: "The United
the customer. In this connection I_ would States is actively responsible for the rain
like to quote from a letter recently sent by of fiery death poured out on a helpless
the Automobile Manufacturers Association peasantry." Such a perversion of the facts
to Representative MILLS, expressing a view could have been written in Moscow, Peiping,
to which I fully subscribe: or Hanoi.
"Any excise tax imposed by the Federal Third, the writers of this epistle fail to
Government on new cars is passed through count communism as an implacable, vicious,
to the car dealer by the manufacturer. This cunning, satanic enemy of freedom, democ-
is a matter of long historical record. A re- racy, and above all, Christianity. The
view by some of Our member companies of cruelty, treachery, and conscienceless aggres-
the various changes in excise tax rates on sion of communism ought to be obvious to
U.S. passenger cars which have taken place all but the wilfully blind or stupid.
since 1926 shows that the changes in excise God may indeed use communism to bring
tax amounts were reflected both up and judgment upon the West (even our United
down in the billing prices to car dealers. States), but we cannot make such judgment
There is no reason to expect any different for Him, and clergymen have no right to
.treatment of tax changes, in the future., "play prophet," speaking authoritatively on
Under the intense competitive pressures ex- that about which they know little and have
fisting in the retail automobile markets today, no revelation. Furthermore, to pervert the
and stimulated by a reduced suggested retail picture for purposes of propaganda is dis-
price, the reduction in the excise tax on new honest. I am sure our Nation is far from
PECULIAR TREND OF TEXTILE MILL
MARGINS
(Mr. FINDLEY (art'the request of Mr.
QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this. point in the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE May a
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. FINDLEY. Mr. Speaker, I today
asked the Federal Trade Commission to
determine whether the prices of cotton
textiles are being fixed in restraint of
trade.
The trend of cloth prices and textile
mill margins has been so peculiar since
the enactment of last year's cotton legis-
lation that a thorough inquiry is in the
public interest.
Text of my letter to the Commission:
The trend of cloth prices and cotton mill
margins since the enactment of the one-price
cotton legislation of last year is so peculiar
that I strongly urge that you make an in-
vestigation to determine whether the prices
of cotton textiles are being fixed in restraint
of trade.
The statistics enclosed herewith, provided
by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, show
a steady upward trend in cloth prices despite
the drop In cost of raw cotton made possible
by last year's legislation. You will note that
mill margins jumped sharply when the lower-
cost cotton became available. There is no
indication that consumers have benefited
from this legislation, despite official assur-
ances Congress received last year that it
would save them more than $700 million.
Clearly, cloth prices have not responded
to substantially lower raw material costs.
This of course does not necessarily mean
that a conspiracy to fix prices exists, but It
is highly unusual in a supposedly competitive
industry. Consequently, it seems to me that
a thorough inquiry would be in the public
interest.
I enclose herewith:
1. A table showing cloth and raw cotton
prices and mill margins by months begin-
ning with 1962, together with a chart reflect-
ing these same statistics.
2. A copy of a letter dated January 31,
1964, from the Secretary of Commerce to the
chairman of the Senate Committee on Agri-
culture and Forestry giving assurances to the
Congress that the proposed cotton legislation
would save consumers more than $700 mil-
lion.
This has special interest for me because
I ain a member of the Cotton Subcommittee
of the House Agriculture Committee, We will
soon be considering a revision of the present
legislation.
Below are copies of two of the docu-
ments I enclosed:
Cloth and raw cotton prices and mill margins
by months beginning with 1962
[Cents per pound]
1962
January---------- 60.63
February-------- 60.76
March------------ 61.07
April------------ 61.23
May------------ 61.19
June--- ------ 61.24
July-------------- 661.29
1.12
August ------- ----
September -------- 60.93
October---------- 60.71
November-------- 60.68
December- ----- -. 60.67
1963
January---------- 60.55
February --------- 60,47
March------------ 60.49
Apn60.26
May------------- 60.00
.June-------------- 660.11
0.28
July -------------
August ----------- 60.60
September----_-_ 60.9999
October ----------
November ------ -.. 82.00
December-------- 62.29
Unfinished
cloth
prices
Cloth and raw cotton prices and mill margins
by months beginning with 1962-Con.
[Cents per pound]
Unfinished
cloth
prices
Raw
cotton
prices
(Mr. SCHWEIKER (at the request of
Mr. QUILLEN) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)-
Mill [Mr. SCHWEIKER'S remarks will ap-
margins pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
1964
January
-----
62.32
35.47
26.85
-----
February
----
62.37
35.65
26.82
-----
Al arch
-
--
62.37.
35.58
26.79
--------
-
--
April
62.00
35.63
128.37
-----------
May
------
61.62
35.67
125.95
-------
------
June
-
60.87
35.76
126.11
------
-
-
July
60.95
35.60
125.35
-------------
August
61.00
27.64
33.36
-----------
September
----
61.02
26.82
34.20
----
October
----
61.26
26.80
34.46
------
November
---
61.48
26.98
34.50
-----
December --------
62.68
27.30
35.28
1965
--------
January
63.24
27.30
35.94
-
-_
February
63.28
27.26
36.02
------
March-----------
63.42
27.26
36.16
1 Does not include the 6.6 cents per pound cotton
all bales iopened beginning to domestic cotto
a.m. April users 964.
ii SDA made no adjustment for these payments prior to
August 1964.
Source: "Cotton Price Statistics," Cotton Division,
Consumer and Marketing Service, U.S. Department of
Agriculture.
(Extract from hearings on cotton program
before the Committee on Agriculture and
Forestry, U.S. Senate, 88th Cong., pt. II,
p. 510, Jan. 28, 29, 30, 31, and Feb. 11,
THE SECRETARY OF COMMERCE,
Washington, D.C., January 31, 1964.
Hon. ALLEN J. ELLENDER,
Chairman, Committee on Agriculture and
Forestry, U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: It is my understand-
ing that during the course of your current
hearings on the need for emergency cotton
legislation, the question continues to arise
as to whether or not a reduction of 81/s cents
per pound in the cost of cotton to domestic
mills would be reflected in savings to Amer-
ican consumers of cotton textile products.
When similar legislation was being considered
by the House Committee on Agriculture,
Hickman Price, Jr., then Assistant Secretary
of Commerce, testified in behalf of this De-
partment that savings to consumers would
amount to about $90 million for each cent
of reduction. A reduction of 81/2 cents per
MIZE QUESTIONS BILL "RIDERS"
(Mr. MIZE (at the request of Mr.
QUILLEN) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.) -
Mr. MIZE. Mr. Speaker, it has been
my privilege to appear before the Joint
Committee on the Organization of Con-
gress to express my concern about the use
of omnibus bills. Often these bills com-
bine new concepts with established pro-
grams and thus bring into being a new
area of Government spending which
probably would not be authorized if the
new concept was presented as an in-
dividual bill.
I have had a bill drafted which I plan
to introduce to ban bills and amend-
ments dealing with more than one sub-
stantive matter. I realize that this is
a far-reaching reform, but the reception
I had before the joint committee indi-
cates to me that many other Members
share my same concerns about the
abuses in omnibus bills.
During the time that this proposal was
in the talking stage as far as my office
is concerned, the Topeka (Kans.) State
Journal editorialized in favor of this ap-
proach.
I appreciate this support by one of the
leading and influential dailies in Kansas,
and under leave to extend my remarks,
I include the editorial, "MIZE Questions
Bill Riders," in the RECORD:
Mhos QuE5TIONS BILL RIDERS
Representative CHESTER MIZE, Republican,
of Kansas, is on the right track in question-
ing the fairness and feasibility of omnibus
bills and in starting a movement to limit
each bill considered in Congress to one sub-
stantive matter.
MIZE said this week he has asked that a.
resolution to that effect be drafted while he
conducts research to see if such an approach
to legislation would be feasible. If it is, he
said, he hopes someone in the Senate will
join him in introducing the measure.
In question are two types of bills--
omnibus bills and bills onto which riders
are attached.
An omnibus bill is one which makes a
number of miscellaneous provisions or ap-
propriations. The other type usually con-
tains fewer provisions but can be even more
deceptive than the omnibus bill.
Granted, these types of bills have at times
served worthwhile purposes by making it
possible to enact necessary legislation when
it was too late, or for some other reason it
was impossible, to do it any other way. But
often, Miss believes, they have served as
expedients to slip through measures which
likely would have been killed if they had
received the undivided, unclouded attention
of Congress.
An example of what he is talking about,
MIZE said, was the recent education bill,
"where the new expanded idea of Federal
assistance to public school students and in-
direct aid to nonpublic schools was tied to
the existing programs of aid to impacted
areas. ,
"We saw it in medicare, where compulsory
hospital and medical care for the aged was
pound would thus result in a saving to con-
sumers of more than $700 million.
This saving, Mr. Price said, would come
with a lag of from 3 to 8 months, the time
from first consumption at the mill to ulti-
mate consumer, and would be reflected in
either lower prices or higher quality of the
merchandise.
Speaking with personal knowledge from
many years in the manufacturing and mar-
keting of cotton textiles, I agree that such a
raw material cost reduction in the highly
Competitive tetxile and apparel manufac-
turing industries would generate a chain
reaction of savings to consumers. It is the
best estimate of our Department that these
savings would be of the general order of
magnitude indicated by Mr. Price.
Sincerely yours,
LUTHER H. HODGES,
Secretary of Commerce.
(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of
Mr. QUILLEN) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. DERWINSKI'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
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Raw
cotton
prices
35.78
35.82
35.98
35.85
36. 13
36.34
36. 19
35.89
36.23
35.08
35.10
36.30
35.45
35,66
35.95
36.08
36.16
35.86
35.57
35.33
35.19
35.11
35.27
35.37
Mill
margins
24.85
24.94
25.09
25.38
25.06
24.90
25.10
25.23
25.70
25.63
25. 58
25.37
25.1
24.81
24.64
24.18
23.84
24.25
24.71
25.27
25.80
26.23
26 .73
26.92
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May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD.-..APPENDIX
bitrary acts no less vicious .than the edicts
of dictatores who, have suppressed democracy
in the world. The tyranny of the majority in
a legislature, supported by a judicial oli-
garchy, can be as harmful to free government
as the autocracy Of an individual despot.
Our written Constitution has been vanish-
ing, presumably in accordance with the spirit
of the times. An impression prevails at pres-
ent in both Houses of Congress that the Su-
preme Court will at any time amend the
Constitution, by judicial flat to conform to
ideological or sociological doctrines of the
day.
'Our forefathers provided us with a legal
method of changing the Constitution. It has
been used 24 times and is still available to
meet the wishes of, the people and the spirit
A Blessed Event
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GLENN CUNNINGHAM
OF NEBIRASKA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. CUNNINGIjAM, Mr. Speaker, as
a longtime advocate of an. improved
mail service for our country, I was
pleased to-learn- that plans have been
approved for a congressional investiga-
tion into the Post Office Department's
sectional plan for mail processing and
the effect it will have on employees and
mail service.
The sectional center concept, which
will lead to the elimination of many of
the railway post offices, is not the an-
swer to improved service in my opinion.
I am not alone in this opinion and would
like to call to the attention of my col-
leagues an editorial which appeared in
the Bennett County Booster II, Martin,
S. Dak,, on May 13, 1965:
A BLESSED EVENT
People in western South Dakota were
blessed Monday, April 26, with their first
installment of "Progressive Postal Service."
For the benefit of readers who are unfamiliar
with the term, it is a fancy name for bureau-
cratic bungling.
It seemed as though the Metro mail serv-
ice, which was established a few years ago,
was doing a pretty good job of getting mail
.in and out of area post offices with a reason-
able amount of service. That's probably what
was wrong.
Somewhere, someone got the idea that
mail forwarded to sectional centers could be
handled in greater volume and faster than
through the local area post offices. This plan
has been tried in other areas prior to coming
to western South Dakota, and apparently is
achieving about the same results.
One of these sectional centers has been
established at Pierre. And as of April 26,
all mail in this area is to be routed to this
sectional center.
As a result mail going from Martin to Pine
Ridge can no longer go the 45 miles over
U.S. Highway 18. It is to be sent from Mar-
tin to Kadoka, to Pierre, to Presho, to Rapid
City, to Hot Springs and back east, again,
to Pine Ridge-a distance of at least. 500
miles. Also, mail returning from Pine Ridge
to Martin goes back around the same route,
instead. Of coming across U.S. Highway 18.
.Somg,.ow, mail service between Martin
frond Plilellidge isn't quite as good as it was
prior tp April 26, 1965.
In orde;. to test this new modernized serv-
iee, press time at the Booster, was moved
ahead in time to catch the 5 ~p.m. mail
Wednesday out of the post office at Martin.
Copies of the Booster now have been getting
to Pine Ridge Friday morning where as they
previously got there Thursday morning.
This is not an isolated example.
Prior to the change, a letter could be
mailed at 5 p.m. at Kadoka and it would be
placed the next morning on the Kadoka truck
arriving at Martin at 6:30 a.m. Now, before
the letter can get on that truck, it must first
go into Pierre, back to Presho and back to
Kadoka to get on that same truck.
., The sectional center idea has hit other
areas of the country, too. The Pioneer Press
of Mott, N. Dak., points out:
"The Bismarck mail bus stops at Burt
now and we get all our mail from Dickinson
post office. In the past, the Bismarck mail
bus came to Mott and laid over until evening.
Not true now-the Dickinson bus picks up
our mail, hauls it to Dickinson (85 miles)
then it goes by train to Bismarck (102 miles)
then it is loaded on a bus and hauled to
towns east of Mott, to Burt (95 miles). The
point is: Burt is 8 miles east of Mott."
The trouble with the postal service, says,
the head of the General Accounting Office,
Is too much modernizing.
The mail flo system is one example cited
by GAO. Under mail flo letters and packages
were supposed to flit through big city post
offices virtually untouched by human hands.
The trouble was, said Comptroller General
Joseph Campbell, it didn't work.
But before finding out that the pilot ex-
periment in Detroit had serious deficiencies,
Mail-Flo was installed in Philadelphia and
Denver, where it increased the costs of postal
service by hundreds of thousands of dollars
and decreased labor productivity.
Why should adequate service at reasonable
cost be an impossible job for the Post Office
Department?
Public utilities solve the problem of in-
creasingly complex operations to serve an
expanding population. The Post Office does
not.
Utilities, whether publicly or privately
owned, give adequate service at lower or
stabilized rates as their customers increase.
The Post Office does not.
Utilities put money aside for improve-
ment, and most privately owned utilities
manage to pay dividends to their stock-
holders. The Post Office does neither.
Why, we repeat, can't the Post Office do
its job?
The fault cannot be blamed on the 500,000
men and women-our friends and neighbors
and fellow citizens-who deliver the mail.
It has to lie at the very top where decisions
are made. And we wonder just how bad the
postal service has to get before the public
stops bawling out the people behind the post
office window, and starts directing its anger
at the fumblers in Washington.
The 275th Anniversary of Philadelphia's
21st Ward
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HUGH SCOTT
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I wish
to call attention to the special June sup-
plement of the Review, the community
newspaper of Philadelphia's 21st ward,
which is celebrating its 275th year in
1965:
Amid buildings constructed long .. be-
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A2Q19
fore the Declaration of Independence, the
people of Roxborough, Manayunk, and
Wissahickon have preserved a commu-
nity as unique as the one that saw the
British march up the ridge early in the
morning of May 20, 1778.
Although the little village of Rox-
borough, which once consisted of a few
houses scattered down the road, is now
fully grown, one can still see signposts of
the past. For instance, Roxborough is
one community where you can still see a
horse on the street. Many riding stables
serve patrons who like to gallop up and
down the trails of the Wissahickon.
It is true that there are now more
houses and people in the community,
which was once known as Roxborough
Township. There are also more
churches and schools. Television, auto-
mobiles, and the Schuylkill Expressway
have brought a new era to the formerly
isolated ridge of land between Wissa-
hickon Creek and the Schulykill River.
Yet the 21st ward is still an exciting
place. Although concrete has covered
the fields and pastureland, and shopping
centers and parking lots have come to
the vales and valleys of Roxborough,
Shawmont, and Wissahickon, the un-
usual loyalty of the people of the 21st
ward for their community is one signpost
of the past that will never come down.
The Intellectual and Vietnam
HON. EL MO A. CEDERBERG
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. CEDERBERG. Mr. Speaker, this
country is witnessing a new development
in the arena of higher education. Al-
though it is not listed in the catalogs of
some of our leading colleges and univer-
sities, and neither is it listed in the calen-
dar of sporting events of these schools,
a clique of professors have; invented
teach-ins. The goal of these is to at-
tempt to persuade anyone willing to lis-
ten that this country, in its efforts to
stay the advance of communism in Viet-
nam, has gotten off its course.
Stewart Alsop, writing in the Saturday
Evening Post, says:
It is mysterious that so many American
intellectuals look forward with compla-
cency-even positive relish-to Communist
victory in Asia, which they regard as
inevitable.
Mr. Alsop makes a good presentation
of this new development in his article
which follows:
THE INTELLECTUALS AND VIETNAM
WASHINGTON.-The war in Vietnam has
brought to the surface again a mysterious
phenomenon. This is the. Peculiar fatuous-
ness which the profoundly antiintellectual
Communist system seems to inspire in a good
many American intellectuals and would-be
intellectuals.
At least until 1948, it was fashionable
among many intellectuals to admire, or find
excuses for, the system presided over by that
ferocious enemy of the free intellect, Joseph
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX May 25, 1965
Stalin. This fatuousness of an older genera-
tion of intellectuals provided useful ammu-
nition for the homegrown antiintellectual
yahoos, like Senator Joseph McCarthy. Now-
adays it is becoming fashionable to proclaim
that Mao Tse-tung's version of communism
is the wave of the future in Asia, and to
castigate the American Government for its
blind refusal to permit the future's wave
to roll over South Vietnam.
From Berkeley to Harvard, the chic thing
for the politically aware professor to do is
to conduct teach-ins on the iniquities of
American imperialism in Vietnam, or to
march in protest demonstrations, or, for the
less dashing, to sign open letters to the
President, like the remarkably silly open
letter of protest recently signed by 149 Yale
professors.
Surely this is a mysterious business.
Logically, liberal-minded intellectual persons
should hate and fear Mao's communism as
instinctively as they hated and feared Hit-
ler's nazism. For as an idea killer, an ene-
my of the free mind, Mao outdoes Hitler and
Stalin combined.
The anti-intellectual campaign in Com-
munist China, which began in earnest in
1963, is now reaching a peak of Intensity.
Chinese intellectuals have been bluntly
warned that they are suspect, not only indi-
vidually, but as a class. Some months ago
Hu Yao-pang, secretary of the Communist
Youth League, announced that "intellectuals
always belong to certain social classes and
serve the interests of these classes."
Warnings to intellectuals are now con-
stantly reiterated in the Communist press.
In January of this year, for example, Red
Flag, the Chinese Communist theoretical
journal, thundered against "intellectuals who
refuse thought reform, refuse to integrate
with the masses, and become 'spiritual aristo-
crats' perched proudly high above the toiling
masses."
According to a leading Government expert
on. Communist China, the idea that Mao
wants above all to kill is "the concept of
humanism-i.e., the fraternity of people
human dignity, happiness, and individual-
ism." Humanism has become a respectable
concept among Soviet intellectuals since the
post-Stalin thaw. Therefore Tse-tung is de-
termined to "wall off Chinese intellectuals
from any contact with currents of relative
moderation in the Soviet bloc," and the whole
concept of humanism is now denounced in
China as a bourgeois distortion of Marxism-
Leninism.
The attack on humanism has its super-
ficially amusing aspects. For example,
Ma Yen-sheng, of the Chinese Academy of
Sciences, recently published a long letter
of abject "self-criticism." Professor Ma
wrote that he had found himself of late in-
creasingly filled with bourgeois sentiments.
He began to have strange notions about the
idea of universal love, and even to dream
of a world filled with friendly love, and
forever at peace. Thus was his mind in-
creasingly infected with bourgeois senti-
ments.
And how did the infection start? Largely
as a result of listening to the degenerate,
Western, bourgeois work, Beethoven's Ninth
Symphony.
A fondess for bourgeois music is deeply
suspect, and instantly marks an intellectual
as a candidate for a "mental-reform-through-
labor camp." Debussy, against whose music
Mao is said to have conceived a particularly
violent prejudice, is -even more dangerous
than Beethoven. The periodical Peoples'
Music recently anounced that the music
of the Chinese patriotic oratorio, "The Long
March," had been completely rewritten be-
cause in its original form it recalled De-
bussy's degenerate bourgeois style.
Writers must be especially waxy of the
taint of bourgeois influence and humanism.
The Chinese Journal of Literature and Art
has warned writers that the "writing of mid-
dle-character stores" is proof of such taint.
A middle character is someone not perfect
and not totally bad. In Chinese Communist
literature, middle characters (i.e., human
beings) no longer exist. All characters must
be either perfect toilers and peasants, or
wholly evil class enemies.
In last October's issue of China Youth
Daily, the following sharp warning to a lead-
ing Communist Chinese philosopher ap-
peared: "The kind of life advocated by Com-
rade Feng Ting, which would provide good
things to eat and wear, good places to live
d
in, and cordial relations between husban
and wife and between parents and children
does not accord with the Communist ideal."
On the contrary, the Communist ideal de-
mands that the youth of China make a class
analysis of their parents, granparents, aunts,
uncles and other relations. Deviationist
ideas are to be reported immediately to the
local block officer or farm party secretary.
Even. jokes may smack of deviation-a Pei-
ping newspaper warns that some jokes savor
strongly of feudalism and capitalism.
Nor are the dead immune. China Youth
tells its readers that "we should make a class
analysis of there who have died." Such a
class analysis seems likely to lead to the re-
moval of the famous and beautiful tombs of
Eugene H. Breitenberg, U.S. Army, re-
tired, who served as Department of De-
fense Civil War Liaison Officer to the
National Civil War Centennial Commis-
sion. Captain Breitenberg is now a mem-
ber of the faculty of the Annandale, Va.,
High School.
A taped message from former Presi-
dent Dwight D. Eisenhower was included
in the presentation, which was entitled
"The Character of Lee."
In view of the national scope of the an-
niversary observance, I think this trib-
ute to a great American should be made
a part of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. I
ask unanimous consent for its publica-
tion in the Appendix.
The presentation was made by Cap-
tain Breitenberg, on April 9, 1965,
before the principal, the faculty, and
the students of Robert E. Lee High
School.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE CHARACTER OF LEE
It is a distinct honor to be privileged to
speak to you and especially so on this day,
the 100th anniversary of the meeting of Gen.
Robert E. Lee and Lt. Gen. Ulysses S. Grant
in the McLean house near present day Ap-
pomattox, Va. The surrender of General _
Lee's army of northern Virginia, for all
practical purposes, ended a war that had
pitted father against son, brother against
brother, American against American.
it would seem most apropos to the oc-
casion, consistent with a Presidential procla-
mation and a public law, if we took stock
for a few minutes of the character of Robert
E. Lee, especially in light of the fact that
this school, your school, is named after that
illustrious gentleman, soldier and noble
American. ,
Sir Winston Churchill, proclaimed already
by many historians as the one most likely to
be honored as "man of the 20th century,"
had this to say of Robert E. Lee in book 11,
chapter 10 of "A History of the English
Speaking Peoples": he was "* * * one of the
noblest Americans who ever lived, and one
of the greatest captains known to the annals
of war."
Such is the esteem in which Robert E. Lee
is held by practically all historians. Such
esteem is further enhanced in the thousands
of books written about the Civil War period
and by the men who fought in that so called
"irrepressible conflict." Said Churchill of
the Civil War "* * * the noblest and least
avoidable of all the great mass conflicts
fought up to that time."
During my tour of duty as Department of
Defense Civil War Centennial Liaison Officer
to the National Civil War Centennial Com-
mission, with the primary duty of coordinat-
ing Armed Forces participation in centennial
commemorative events, I often was asked to
speak to military, civic, school and other
groups. It occurred to me that my talks
would be more meaningful if the proclama-
tion could be heard in the President's own
voice, rather than quoted. Accordingly, I
requested and received the following taped
message from former President Dwight I).
Eisenhower:
"The years 1961-65 will mark the 100th
anniversary of the American Civil War.
Hangehow. For these tombs "are the graves
of poets, scholars, and courtesans, and are
therefore * * * serving merely the purpose
of spreading the foul odor of the reactionary
ruling classes * * * and must be removed."
How is one to avoid being sent to a "Men-
tal-Reform-Through-Labor Camp" as a re-
sult of a negative class analysis? Very sim-
ple:
"[We must] use the thought of Mao Tse-
tung to analyze * * * events.. If they cor-
respond with the thought of Mao Tse-tung,
they are right. We must support, believe,
praise them. If not, they are wrong * * *
we must expose and attack them." George
Orwell's big brother asked for no more total
an abdication of man's right to think for
himself.
Perhaps the "Thought of Mao Tse-tung"
is indeed the wave of the future in Asia,
and the American effort to Contain Asian
communism is therefore futile, as such intel-
lectuals as Dr. Hans Morgenthau preach.
But it does seem mysterious that so many
American intellectuals look forward with
complacency-even positive relish-to the
Communist victory in Asia, which they re-
gard as inevitable. For they are looking for-
ward, of course, to the rapid spread of a
system which means the murder of the free
mind.
"The Character of Lee"-Address by
Capt. Eugene H. Breitenberg
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD
OF VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. Presi-
dent, the military brilliance of Gen.
Robert E. Lee is historically documented.
The genius and gentleness of Lee, the
man, are worthy of emulation. His char-
acter was, indeed, inspiring.
The character of Lee was the subject
of a presentation at the Robert E. Lee
That war was America's most tragic ex-
perience. But like most truly great tragedies,
it carries with it an enduring lesson and a
rofound inspiration. It was a demonstra-
p
High school, at Springfield, Va., in ob- tion of heroism and sacrifice by men and
serving the 100th anniversary of the women of both sides, who valued principle
close of the War Between the States. above life itself and whose devotion to duty
The presentation was made by Capt. is a part of our Nation's noblest tradition.
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May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
meats that are needed to keep a normal,
healthy household functioning, but there is
never 'a note pf fear in their voices.
When we are in school, we are taught to
observe the rules, of silence for the sake of
an orderly system, and not in fear, of what
might have been said. Our subjects of his-
tory, . languages, and mathematics are not
colored by propaganda to make America
seem always right. We are taught to admit
our mistakes, and we are taught to correct
them,
Each afternoon I come home from.sohool
and enter the house to find my baby sister
happily playing, and my mother busy with
household chores. Dad is out working to
support his family, in his own chosen field
of work. My older sister's career will be her
choice, not the state's, When she decides to
marry, her marriage will be made for her
happiness, and the license will be the only
legal paper provided and needed. My brother
speaks of becoming an electronics engineer.
If, as he grows older, some other .field will
lure him, only his talents and ambitions will
have to be considered. My little sisters, liv-
ing in _ their child's world of, coiWoxt and
happiness, are too little to realize their ad-
vantage of being American children. They
will grow in the love of their. parents, not in
the paid lgve of a state nursery school
teacher.
In the evening, when my father reads the
newspaper, the facts in the articles are writ-
ten as they happen,, not as the state would
like them to happen. As in almost every
American home, the family is drawn to the
TV set. Programs are selected for the fam-
ily's enjoyment. Some evenings the choice
involves a rather heated family discussion.
However, when the program is finally chosen,
we know that it is governed by the manu-
facturer of perhaps a famous soap product,
and not a ministry of propaganda. And
when, at times, the family decides to go out
for entertainment, we choose our own place,
and time for return is not governed by a
set curfew.
In -attempting to show what my country
means to me,. I have expressed in words the
freedom in my -everyday life. It is the same
freedom every American experiences, and we
must fight to keep, so that every future
American will experience it.
Tabulation of Results of a Questionnaire
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JACK EDWARDS
Or ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May ?,5, 1965
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, we have just completed an ex-
periment in the First Congressional Dis-
trict of Alabama in order to learn more
about the opinions of the district's cit-
izens regarding important national and
international issues of the day.
A2627
We have been overwhelmed by the tre-
mendous number of persons who took
the time to respond to a written ques-
tionnaire which we mailed to every home
in the district. More than 16,000 per-
sons responded.
This is a great tribute to the First Dis-
trict because it shows that our people
want to make their ideas on important
issues known to their elected representa-
tive in Congress.
In order that representative govern-
ment can be effective it is important that
elected officials know the views of the
voters. This is one way that I can be in-
formed as I proceed to serve the First
District.
I want to call particular attention to
2 of the 10 issues raised in the ques-
tionnaire. Of those responding to the
questionnaire fully 86.2 percent oppose
President Johnson's proposal to repeal
section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act
and thus they favor continuing the State
authority to enact right-to-work laws.
On the other hand, 73.5 percent of
those responding believe that our na-
tional security is at stake in the conflict
in Vietnam, giving support to the admin-
istration in its determination to help
South Vietnam resist outside aggression
from the north.
Following is the complete tabulation
of results of the questionnaire:
1. Do you favor `medicare" for the aged financed by an increase in social security taxes? -------------------------------------------------------------- 2. Would you approve of a Federal law repealin
State "ri
ht t
k" l
?
-
20.5
70.5
g
g
o wor
aws
_____________________
---tr
oul the Feder
s------------------------------------------
l G
t
13
8
86
2
eam
a
overnmen
undertake a program for controlling pollution in lakes, rivers, and streams?______________________________
4
Do you believe th
t
ti
.
75
9
.
24
1
.
a
our own na
onal security is at stake in the Vietnam conflict?__________________________________________________________________
5
Would
ou favor
h
i
'
.
73
5
.
26
5
.
y
a c
ange
n our immigration laws to base a person
s admittance to the United States on skills rather than on country of birth?--- ___
6
Do you feel an
State
h
ld L
h
.
61
2
.
48
8
.
y
s
ou
ave t
e right to apportion 1 house of its State legislature on factors other than population if a majority of the State's
voters agree___
7. Do you support Federal aid to education? ----- --- ------------------------------ ----------------------
.
74.0
.
26.0
WW ------ ---- ---- ----------------------- --- ---
8. Would you support a constitutional amendment to provide fora 4-year term for the U.S. House of Representatives with % of the House Members
eleeted every 2y r ? ---------- - --------- ---- ---- --------------------------------------------------------------------
9
Do you favor the
l t
i
45.6
74
4
64.4
25
6
.
proposa
o g
ve a tax credit to individuals for the costs of higher education?__________________________________________________
10. Would you su r
y spot a program of Federal rent subsidies to low- pad rziiddle-income families?-__ ----------- _____ ___________
.
74.1
18.2
.
26.9
81.8
The Presidenes, Position on the IV ietnam
Situation
HON. WILLIAM A. BARRETT
or PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HQUSE.OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, may 25, 1965
Mr. BARR9TT. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my, remarks in the REC-
ORD, I include the two following- articles
on the President's position on the Viet-
nam situation,
Both editorials are excellent and again
demonstrates Mr. Johnson's humanitar-
ianism and leadership.
[From The Philadelphia (Pa.) Inquirer,
May 14, 1965]
JoHNSON's.yT5ATEGY IN ASIA.
Pgesidel;t j..phnson;s televised address from
the White Ifoz3.se.,Thursday had a ring of
similarity to other Speeches he has given
recently, on the subject of Vietnam, but
there were notable, and significant differ-
ences.
Heretofore, the President had discussed
southeast Asialrom the standpoint of Amer-
ican policy. On Thursday he talked mostly
not of policy but of strategy.
He did reiterate, it is true, the basic U.S.
policy of defending South Vietnam against
Communist aggression, by whatever military
action is necessary, and of making every
effort to achieve a satisfactory settlement by
negotiation. However, he went on to indi-
cate in considerable detail some of the stra-
tegic devices which may be employed in im-
plementation of that,policy.
The strategy is complex but it boils down
to this: Prevail upon Communist North
Vietnam to break away from the dominance
of Red China and chart its own course in
foreign affairs. Or, to put is,another way,
the North Vietnamese are being encouraged
to stop allowing themselves to, b@_,used as
pawns of Peiping and to start acting in their
own self-interest.
An essential part of this strategy is to con-
vince the North Vietnamese that their self-
interests lie in peaceful settlement rather
than in continuation of the war against
South Vietnam to further Red Chinese am-
bitions of conquest.
"It would clearly be in the interest of
North Vietnam to come to the conference
table," President Johnson said. "Commu-
nist China apparently desires the war to con-
tinue, whatever the cost to - their allies.
Their target is not merely South Vietnam.
It is Asia,"
The President went on to portray elabo-
rately the bright economic future that is
possible for all the Vietnamese people-to be
established primarily by U.S. financial and
technical assistance to promote progress in
agriculture, in industry, in education, in
health, in housing. He made a point of em-
phasizing that "when peace has come * * *
all the people of Vietnam, North and South
alike," will share in the economic bounties.
Noteworthy, also, was the President's
specific invitation to the Soviet Union to
join the United States in helping to "create
a better life for the people of southeast
Asia."
One exceedingly large question, as Presi-
dent Johnson well knows, is whether the
North Vietnamese Communists have suffi-
cient power and mastery of their own house
to end the war in South Vietnam against
the wishes of Red China. As the air raids
on North Vietnam intensify, and the price of
aggression rises steadily, the political leaders
in Hanoi may well be asking themselves the
same question.
[From the Christian Science Monitor,
May 14, 1965]
JOHNSON UNDERLINES IDEALISM IN VIETNAM
POLICY
(By Richard L. Strout)
WASHINGTON.-Firmness, compassion, and
Conciliation are the watchwords of the great
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A2628 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX
drive that President Johnson has launched that American support has brought only war
to win support for American policy on Viet- and destruction.
nam. The President gave support to an Asian
Rarely has the country seen anything like Development Bank to help finance economic
it. progress.
His speech before the editorial cartoonists lie spoke in the East Room of the White
here May 13 was the 12th time in 2 weeks House to an audience of about 300, many of
that he has made public utterances on for- them cartoonists who draw his picture on
eign policy. In addition, so-called truth editorial pages.
squads of top administration officials have "I call on every industrialized country, in-
been sent out to counter opposition. This cluding the Soviet Union," he said, "to
opposition centers in the academic and in- create a better life for the people of south-
tellectual world. east Asia.
TALKS FAVORED "Surely the works of peace can bring men
With a kind of grim patience President together in a common effort to abandon
forever the ways of war."
Johnson makes these three points: The critical point in administration argu-
We are not fighting in Vietnam because we meats is that the war in Vietnam is due to
want to but "to make aggressors understand aggression from the North. It would end
that force will meet force" and that "ag- promptly, according to this view, if outside
gression is not only wrong, 'but it will not support ended.
work." Critics of the, administration assert that
We know that "there is no purely military the war is a civil war, and that the Commu-
solution in sight for either side." Repeating nist guerrillas, or Vietcong, are indigenous.
his earlier Baltimore phrase, the President While undoubtedly aided from outside, the
May 25, 1965
Tuthermore, we deplore and urgently seek
to eradicate from our minds and hearts and
from our churches and society any feelings?
attitudes, and actions which represent or
perpetuate injustice to any man because of
his creed or race.
Furthermore, we support and urge the
immediate passing of such legislation as may
guarantee the franchise to all qualified per-
sons and express our considered opinion that
such legislation shall in no wise equivocate
or compromise the moral and Christian prin-
ciples of both church and state.
This resolution was passed at the annual.
spring assembly of the Student Christian
Movement in New York State, Cazenovia,
N.Y., April 11, 1965.
(Signed) MISS SHIELA STANLEY,
Communications Secretary.
Republicans : Another Chance
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
said here, in his latest nationally televised Vietcong, these critics say, would carry on
broadcast, "We are ready for unconditional the struggle without such aid.
discussions. Most of the non-Communist Mr. Johnson in his latest speech returned
nations of the world favor such discussions. to his critics.
And it would clearly be in the interest of "flow incredible it is," he said, "that
North Vietnam to come to the conference there are a few who say the South Vietna-
table." mese do not want to continue this struggle.
Why then, aren't there discussions? Presi- They are sacrificing and dying by the thou-
dent Johnson directly charges that "Corn- sands."
muntst China apparently desires the war to He cited "their patient valor" as an inspir-
continue whatever the cost to their allies." ing example for Americans. He quickly
He adds: added praise for American civilians Who have
"I am continuing and increasing the search been working in Vietnam. "They toil, un-
:for every possible path to peace." armed and without uniforms," he said.
Finally, President Johnson emphasizes the
constructive and idealistic aspect of what he
sees as the basic American goal in Vietnam.
It is this nonmilitary aspect that he develops
in his latest talk; not what the South Viet-
namese are fighting against, but what they
are fighting for-food, education, and health.
President Johnson's educational campaign
is keyed to the idealistic aspirations of young
people. It is chiefly in the colleges that pro-
tests against the Vietnam war have centered.
He does not sound a martial or belligerent
note in his latest talk. He does declare the
United States unwavering purpose to meet
what he charges is North Vietnamese aggres-
sion.
But the whole emphasis is on the Idealistic
side, with reference to American cooperation
to bring material improvement to the South
Vietnamese. Such improvement has come,
he declares, even in spite of the war. He lists
such gains at length, remarking In passing
that since 1954 the United States has spent
$2 billion in economic help for the 16 million
people.
COMMON EFFORT SOUGHT
Mr. Johnson boldly challenges not only the
idealistic aspirations of his own citizens but
of other countries, including the Soviet
Union.
Mr. Johnson painted the struggle as one
where the United States is developing food,
health, education, and housing for the South
Vietnamese but where Communist terrorists
are raiding these very improvements in a
deliberate campaign.
His speech contained homely details of rice,
corn, and pig production, and of an improved
sweet potato that promises a "sixfold in-
crease" in yield.
Wistfully at the end he spoke of the hope
of peace, when "we can share that gracious
task with all the people of Vietnam-North
and South alike."
Mr. Johnson's speech was available by TV
satellite for broadcast all over Europe.
it was another example of diplomacy by
satellite. He sought to draw attention to
many constructive things done in Vietnam
that are obscured by the war. He tried also
to refute two assumptions-that the Viet-
namese have no interest in the struggle and
Resolution of New York State Student
Christian Movement in Support of the
Pending Voting Rights Legislation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
F
HON. SAMUELS. STRATTON
or NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. STRATTON. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I wish to
include the very fine resolution on the
pending voting rights legislation which
was approved recently by the annual
spring assembly of this movement.
I might first point out, Mr. Speaker,
that this organization has a membership
which includes 72 colleges and universi-
ties in New York State, and is affiliated
with the New York State Council of
Churches. The president of the organi-
zation is Mr. Thomas Genne of Syracuse
University. The vice president is Mr.
Richard Schafer of Colgate University.
The communication secretary is Miss
Shiela Stanley, a sophomore at Keuka
College at Penn Yan, N.Y., and a con-
stituent of my district.
The resolution follows:
RESOLUTION OF THE STUDENT CHRISTIAN MOVE-
MENT IN NEW YORK STATE
Acting In accordance with the conviction
that the Church of Christ to be truly the
church must continually reaffirm and Im-
plementits traditional role of reconciliation
among men, we seek and urge an elimination
of all social, political, and economic influ-
ences which deny or restrain the full expres-
sion of human worth and dignity to any of
our citizens.
HON. SILVIO 0. CONTE
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to bring to the attention of the
House a recent statement by our distin-
guished colleague from the State of
Maine, Representative STAN TUPPER, the
full text of which appeared in the Port-
land Sunday Telegram May 16, 1965.
Congressman TUPPER, in his compre-
hensive and forceful statement, has
placed In proper perspective the prob-
lems of the Republican Party; moreover,
he advances some provocative proposals
for the party's course in the future.
I wish to commend the gentleman
from Maine for his contribution to the
cause of strong two-party government.
If the Republican Party is to correct the
damaging imbalance that exists in the
strength of cur two-party system, there must
be abrupt and bold changes made within the
minority party; another year may be too late.
We now have at best a one-and-a-half
party system in Washington,'lRth the specter
of one-party government in the Nation in-
creasingly before us. The responsibility for
this serious imbalance rests squarely with the
Republican Party.
If honest with ourselves, Republicans must
admit that our party has abjectedly failed to
capture the imagination of the voters for
well over three decades. Our victories have
nearly always been victory of the individual
rather than of party. The only Republican
presidential victory since1928 was a reward
to a war hero. General Eisenhower could
have just as easily been elected as a Demo-
crat, and often gave the impression that he
wished he had been.
While it grieves me to say so, the Repub-
lican Party is still looked upon by the aver-
age run-of-the-mill voter as the party of the
wealthy, rather stuffy and lacking in imagi-
nation. Despite the considerable efforts of
a handful ofRepublican governors, senators,
and Congressmen to change this unfortunate
image, it still persists.
It is disquieting to read comments scorn-
ing the idea that there is danger of the
Republican Party declining to a splinter
party status simply because It has manages.
to survive in the past. This is but wishful..
thinking; with little better than 20 percent
of the registered voters now preferring the
Republican Party, we face the ultimate loss
of many of these loyal partisans unless we
give them a better reason to vote Republican.
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May 25, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
In sum, the Republic of Korea proposes to
utilize 1965, the year of hard work, most
meaningfully so as to move toward prosperity
and progress at an ever-increasing speed.
Vietnam: Digging In and Pitching
EXTEI'SION OF REMARIV
or
IRON. CLEMENT J.. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, if U.S.
policy in Vietnam could be summed up in
two short phrases, they would be "digging
in" and "pitching in."
Today in Vietnam our marines, our
paratroopers, and our South Vietnamese
allies are digging in against an offensive
from the Communist Vietcong that is al-
most certain to come with the inception
of the monsoon season.
It will be a long, wet summer in Viet-
nam and the inclement conditions will
favor the guerrilla actions of the Viet-
cong. The Communists may be hoping
to obtain a swift and decisive victory
during the coming months in order to
force the withdrawal_of American sup-
port from the South Vietnamese.-
We are determined to blunt this at-
tack, to deny victory to the Vietcong, and,
thereby, hasten the day when the conflict
can be taken off the battlefield and into
the conference room.
At the same time that we are making
military preparations, we also are pitch-
ing in to assist the economic progress of
South Vietnam, and to help the Viet-
namese people to better lives.
In his recent statement to the Nation's
editorial cartoonists, President Johnson
described the achievements in develop-
ment which have resulted from our
financial and technical ' assistance-de-
spite the state of crisis in Vietnam.
It is clear that in Vietnam the United
States is pitching in to help defeat those
age-old enemies of man-hunger, igno-
rance, poverty, and disease-just as we
are digging in militarily against a 20th
century scourge of humanity: Communist
aggression and tyranny.,
At this point I am pleased to insert
four recent newspaper editorials com-
menting on U.S. policy in Vietnam, in-
cluding two from the Milwaukee Journal,
These editorials point up both the
digging in and the pitching in aspects of
the struggle in Vietnam, and I commend
them' to the attention of my colleagues: .
[Prom the Milwaukee Journal, May 14, 1965]
THIRD FACE OF VIETNAM
Another picture of the Vietnam struggle
emerged from President Johnson's statement
Thursday to a group of editorial cartoonists.
It depicted the steady task of development
that continues amidst the shooting and
terror.
"It is the most important battle of all,"
the President said. "For a nation cannot be
built by armed power or political agreement.
It will rest on the expectation by individual
men and, women that their future Will be
better than.theirpast."
The progress outlined by the President is
amazing, considering the turmoil that has
engulfed the country. Since 1954, the
United States has spent more than $2 billion
in economic aid for South Vietnam. This
has helped double rice production and In-
crease corn output and has brought modern
farming techniques that otherwise might
never have been introduced.
The United States has helped vaccinate
more than 7 million people against cholera
and millions more against other diseases.
We have helped build 12,000 hamlet health
stations. A new medical school is under
construction that will graduate as many doc-
tors in a single year as now serve the entire
South Vietnamese population.
American money has gone into the con-
struction of more than 4,000 classrooms in
the last 2 years; 2,000 more schools will be
built in the next 12 months. Our funds have
been used to purchase 8 million textbooks
and to increase elementary school capacity.
Total enrollment, 300,000 in 1955, now stands
at 1.5 million.
The struggle in Vietnam has three faces,
the President said-armed, conflict, diplo-
macy and politics, and the Job of develop-
ment. The last existed before hpstilities be-
gan and will be there when peace has come.
"Then perhaps," he added, "we can share
that gracious task with all the people of
Vietnam-north and south alike." That was
the most hopeful comment of all.
[From the Milwaukee Journal, May 20, 1965]
BACK TO THE BOMBING
The lull in American bombing of North
Vietnamese targets is ended, apparently with-
out any response by Hanoi to indicate a will-
ingness to begin negotiations.
The 6-day suspension did, however, serve
several purposes: It indicated a response to
critics in Congress, In the intellectual com-
munity, and among our allies who have been
exerting pressure for a negotiated settlement
in Vietnam. It demonstrated that President
Johnson Is not inflexible in the course being
followed in the war. It. provided an oppor-
tunity for a direct approach to Hanoi through
a third party-an effort which has so far
proved fruitless.
The refusal of North Vietnam to give any
positive response to President Johnson's dis-
play of good faith is interpreted as evidence
of the influence of pro-Peiping elements in
the Hanoi government. The Communists
are said to hope for a quick and decisive vic-
tory during the monsoon season between
June and August.
The Americans and the South Vietnamese
are preparing for such an effort, hoping that
its repulse will bring the Reds to the con-
ference table.
It appears now that the bombings will con-
tinue on much the same scale as in the past
until such time as developments bring some
meaningful response from the north and
another bid for negotiation appears to have
some chance.
[From the Knoxville News-Sentinel,
May 14, 1965]
L.B.J. MAKES His CASE-ELOQUENTLY
President Johnson never has done a more
persuasive job on an issue than he did Thurs-
day morning in his TV appearance to detail
again the whys and hows of U.S. policy in
Vietnam.
Some seem to think the President is mak-
ing these repeated enunciation of our pur-
pose in Vietnam because a few vociferous
professors and others keep ragging him on
the subject, L.B.J. Isn't going to reverse this
particular brand of nonthinking-but ad-
dresses such as"Thursday's can do a lot to
solidify national understanding.
Moreover, this puts it up to the Commu-
nists once .A}ore....They show no more sign
of relenting than the college hecklers. But
there are other people in the world who do
have open minds.
A2643
Our policy, the way Mr. Johnson stated it
Thursday, is positive, not merely defensive.
Our preferred priority is on helping the
South Vietnamese (and others in southeast
Asia) to improve their lot. Since 1954, for
instance, rice production has been doubled,
new crops introduced, industrial production
developed. This all would be much more
meaningful, and farther along, except for the
Communists who murder and pillage and
force the Vietnamese and the United States
to concentrate on military defense.
Americans would much rather devote some
of their resources to helping others with
their economy and their standard of living.
Our heavy expenditures on weapons are not
by choice, but through necessity.
All the same, the President is still willing
to sit down and talk it out.
The North Vietnamese obviously are hard
to convince. Probably because for so many
of the years this war has been going on they
have been getting off easy, giving them the
idea the United States was merely a paper
tiger and that eventually they could over-
whelm the South Vietnamese.
The President's purpose is to disabuse them
of both notions-meanwhile being ready to
negotiate and even readier to get on with
peaceful ways to better life in southeast Asia,
a program which would be far more useful to
us and to the Asians than fighting.
There is nothing new or strange In this
double-edged policy. This Is what we did
during and after World War II. We went all
out to win and when the military job was
finished we turned an enormous share of our
effort and resources toward peaceful develop-
ment around the world.
[From the Bridgewater (S. Dak.) Tribune,
Apr. 29, 1965 ]
There are diametrically opposed points of
view as to what we can do and should do in
Vietnam. But there can no longer be any
dissent to one fact: this Government is
totally committed to using whatever force
and whatever tactics are necessary to pre-
serve South Vietnam from a Communist
takeover. The President went all out when,
at a conference of Governors, lie declared
that this would be the policy even if it takes
"20 or 50 years." He has also said that he is
always ready to negotiate an honorable peace
but has found no signs of any willingness on
the part of the Communists to move in that
direction.
Intelligence Digest, a British publication
which deals in world affairs and has a repu-
tation for prescience, quotes one of its spe-
cial correspondents as saying:. "It is now
obvious that the United States has worked
itself into a monstrous dilemma in Vietnam
and finds itself, so to speak, suspended be-
tween the devil and the deep blue sea. What
is so aggravating to America and her allies Is
the fact that there do not seem to be any
alternatives for the solution of the situation
but the following three courses of action:
(i) An indefinite prolongation of the present
situation; (ii) a negotiated neutralization
of Vietnam and subsequent American with-
drawal; or, (iii) an expansion of the war at
the risk of a conflict with Red China and/
or Soviet Russia."
This is a widely held point abroad. And
certainly no one can any longer believe that
there is a simple solution to the Vietnam
problem. The President, it seems absolutely
clear, has made his decision and there will
be no back tracking. That decision, as U.S.
News & World Report sums it up, "is to be
generous if the Communists end their ag-
gression, but brutal if they choose a test of
military strength." The magazine adds
that Red China has been informed that she
will be subject to attack with all weapons,
including nuclear, if she enters the fight.
In other words, it is up to the Communists
to decide whether the war is to grow hotter
or not. And in this country, the President's
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ----APPENDIX May 25, 1965
position is being given the most powerful
kind of bipartisan support within and with-
out Congress. For instance, Barry Gold-
water, in one of his newspaper columns,
writes that the Johnson policy "has worked
wonders ~'in turning the war from a hopeless
morass into a sharply focused issue." Go-
ing on, he suggests that this country issue
a "target ultimatum" to the Hanoi govern-
ment. This would consist of naming a series
of targets of increasing importance that
would be hit successively until Hanoi accedes
to peace terms. He also proposes that we ask
our Asian allies such as the Philippines, to
enter the Vietnam ground war.
There is another important facet to the
picture. Newsweek sums it up this way:
"For the time being, at least, Washington's
newfound decisiveness has stolen the in-
itiative from the Communist camp. In
sharp contrast with the recent, past, it is
now the leaders in Moscow and Peiping who
seem uncertain and confused, who are grop-
ing for a way to answer the U.S. challenge."
So far as anyone can see now, they don't
want to risk direct warfare, on any scale,
with the United States, while, at the same
time, they are vitally concerned with saving
face.
No one knows what the future will bring.;
But the United States is demonstrating th79
it is not a paper tiger.
The President's Decisia
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EMILIO Q. DADDARIO
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. DADDARIO. Mr. Speaker, the
activity of the United States in mov-
ing into the Dominican Republic to pro-
tect the lives of our citizens has had a
serious effect upon our people, who have
followed this operation closely. The
Hartford Times, which is one of the ma-
jor newspapers in Connecticut, recent-
ly commented on the forthright nature
of the President's actions, and I believe
it deserves the recognition of all Mem-
bers of the House. I offer the editorial
for the RECORD:
(From the Hartford (Conn.) Times, May 3,
1965]
THE PRESIDENT'S DECISIONS
The decisions made by President John-
son in Vietnam and the Dominican Repub-
lie-to defend our commitments and respon-
sibilities-is bound to have salutary effect.
The firming exposition of our attitude will
arouse criticism; there always is "another
way" to act.
:But we think that the President has made
our position more creditable, in this way
carrying on in the direction taken by Pres-
ident Kennedy at the time of the Cuban
missiles crisis.
An overriding disposition to defer, to stand
on the beach and talk about rescue when
diving in and effecting the rescue Is re-
quired, always leaves at question whether
one can, or will swim.
President Johnson is distinguishing be-
tween occasions-the time to talk, and the
time to act. And in national affairs such
distinction is as important and laudable
as is our basic disposition to negotiate or
compromise.
One senses an opinion hsd formed that
the U.S. endorsed negotiation and deferment
even when that constituted a retreat into
words rather than an advance toward a so-
lution. Events in Vietnam and at Santo
Domingo have corrected any such misap-
prehension.
We champion peace, but also we champion
responsibility and our commitments. Peace
is weakened when we veer off from the job
of making our Will believable.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JEFFERY COHELAN
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, May 25, 1965
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, Ameri-
cans will do "stoop labor" if they are
paid for it.
This statement of Ralph McGill, writ-
ing in the New York Hearld Tribune of
May 18, clearly supports the position cf
Congress in terminating Public Law 78
and the insistance of the Secretary of
Labor that domestic workers can be
hired if competition is permitted to re-
turn to the farm labor market.
At a time of frequent charge and
countercharge, and in a further effort to
set the record straight, I include Mr.
McGill's remarks for our colleagues'
information:
No FOREIGN LABOR
(By Ralph McGill)
It is claimed that "Americans won't do
stoop labor." The answer seems to be that
they will do it if they are paid for it.
Public opinion in California appears to be
rallying behind a congressional act and the
Secretary of Labor whose job it is to enforce
it. The Congress barred importation of
cheap foreign labor to harvest crops.
The outcry from growers in California was
loud and angry. They insisted Americans
won't do stoop labor-picking vegetables,
fruit, and lettuce. They demanded the gov-
ernment allow the import of cheap Mexican
labor.
The position of the growers was, to persons
outside the State, untenable and somewhat
shocking. The growers were among the loud-
est in their support of free enterprise. Yet,
in a State where 400,000 Americans are job-
less, growers put themselves in a position of
demanding that the Government provide
them with labor that would not merely work
for wages below the competitive level but
would also accept living conditions that all
too often involved squalor and misery. In-
vestigations revealed that some growers had
provided good working and living conditions
for the contract laborer. A majority had not.
Secretary Willard Wirtz, in carrying out
the congressional legislation, suggested that
jobless Americans would respond if the wages
were adequate and the living conditions im-
proved. The contract under which foreign
labor was imported guaranteed work for
three-fourths of the contract period. The
Department of Labor suggested this be tried
with U.S. workers. It was. The lettuce crop
was harvested in the Imperial Valley. Statis-
tics here indicate the work was done more
efficiently.
Some growers continue their demands to
bring in foreign labor while their own people
are without work. Some canning represent-
atives, in a recent meeting With the Secre-
tary, threatened to move their operations
into Mexico, thereby throwing thousands
more Americans out of work.
There are indications that American in-
dustry leaders outside California are holding
up a warning finger to the growers who make
free enterprise seem ridiculous by insisting
on avoiding the competitive labor market and
retaining the special privilege of importing
noncompetitive labor with Federal help.
The Secretary of Labor has been consist-
ent. He argues that adequate domestic work-
ers can be hired from the 400,000 unemployed
if competition is permitted to return to the
farm labor market. Reasonable wages, decent
housing and food for field hands, he insists,
,will bring the workers. Mr. Wirtz summing
up included these points:
"Treat your domestic workers right, and
you will never lack for them. If you don't
treat them right, there will be no certifica-
tion of foreign workers to ease the transition.
Higher wages may mean some slight increase
in retail prices, but the American housewife
should be willing to pay a half-cent more for
a head of lettuce to improve the lot of farm
labor."
Mr. Wirtz has been heard to say that the
economy of the great factories in the fields
resembles the industrial development of the
years following the Civil War when millions
of immigrants were brought in to fill the new
factories and mills, to lay the rails west, to
dig the canals, and so on. There no longer
is any reason for U.S. agriculture to be al-
lowed special considerations in a State where
some 400,000 Americans are outof work.
California's farm economy is the most
prosperous in the Nation. Public opinion in
the State-and over the Nation-supports the
congressional act and the Secretary whose
job it is to enforce it.
U.S. Cancels Grand Jury Probe in Social
Security Fee Dispute
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. H. R. GROSS
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 24, 1965
Mr. GROSS. Mr. Speaker, in the in-
terest of acquainting other Members of
the House of Representatives with a sit-
uation involving social security claims,
I have obtained permission to have re-
printed in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an
article which appeared in the May 16,
1965, issue of the Des Moines, Iowa, Sun-
day Register.
While this article deals only with a
situation in Iowa, there is evidence that
highly questionable practices in the han-
dling of social security claims may be
much more widespread. If it does be-
come apparent that an appreciable num-
ber of social security beneficiaries have
been the victims of sharp practices in
the establishment or maintenance of
their claims it may be necessary for a
proper committee of Congress to delve
into the matter.
Following is the newspaper article:
U.S. CANCELS GRAND JURY PROBE IN IOWA FEE
DISPUTE
(By Nick Kotz, of the Register's Washington
Bureau)
WASHINGTON, D.C.-A scheduled Federal
grand jury investigation of two Iowa at-
torneys was called off after the attorneys
agreed to refund several thousands of dollars
they charged social security applicants.
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