RESOLUTION ON VIETNAM ADOPTED BY THE GENERAL CONFERENCE OF THE MENNONITE CHURCH

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300190009-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 52
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 27, 2003
• Sequence Number: 9
• Publication Date: July 27, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

27
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17655
,
? There being no objection, the letters
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as i ollows:
AMATEUR ATALETic UNION
OF THE UNrr STA'TE,S,
New York, N.Y., July 20,1965.
lion, DANIEL B. BREWSTER,
U.S, Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SErSATOa BREWSTEE: I regret that my
busy travels for the development of physical
fitness and, amateur athletics has prevented
me from providing you with the materials
,requested in your letter of July 15. I did
return to New York on July 6, but was off
again before I got down to your letter. I have
.Just gotten back again today and am com-
piling some material for you.
Your statement before the Senate on
June 25, 1965, indicates an understanding of
the importance of international sports and
the values of amateur athletics for the youth
of our Nation. ,As a service organization of
volunteer workers for amateur athletics, we
appreciate your interest and understanding.
We believe we are discharging our respon-
sibilities in accordance with eptablished na-
tional and international rules. It is also our
firm copvlctlon that the discharge of those
responsibilities is done in a reasonable man-
ner `that is in. the best interests of the
deserving amateur athletes and amateur
athletic organizations of this Nation. Our
rules permit all amateur athletic organiza-
tions, including the NCAA, to have an op-
portunity for equitable representation on all
committees. Also under our rules, NCAA
athletes,, along with athletes from every other
amateur athletic organization in the United
States, have a fair opportunity to earn post-
tions on international teams.
I have enclosed some reprints of articles
written to explain the amateur sports strut-
tore. also enclosed is a cross-section of
articles from the Nation's press which our
president compiled for the AAU Board of
Governors. I have tried to pick out the key
facts and marked them in red for your easy
perusal.
Also enclosed Is a brochure "You and the
AAU" and "The Story of the Amateur
Athletic Union of the United States." I hope
these will be of assistance to you.
Please let me know if you desire more
prints of any of the above, or if I can be of
further help to you in your efforts to deter-
mine tl}e facts behind this dispute.
Sincerely,
DONALD F. FIVLL,
Executive Director,
THE NATIONAL COLLEGIATE
ATHLETIC ASSOCIATION,
Kansas City, Mo., July 21,1965.
Senatox,DANIEL B. BREWSTER,
U.S. Senate, .
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR BREWSTER: As I wired you
yesterday, It was necessary for me, upon my
return to the once July 7, to embark upon
another extended trip. This accounts for the
delay inmgy responding to your June 25 letter
and I apologize for this.
First, let me state on behalf of this as-
socation that we welcome and appreciate
your interest in this problem and look for-
ward to an opportunity to present our posi-
tion and the reasons therefor to, the Com-
merce Committee of the U.S. Senate.
The NCAA, along with the national organi-
zations representing the high schools, junior
colleges, and other agencies interested in
track and' field,` formed the U.S. Track and
Field Federation] (USTFF) for a worthwhile
purpose. The administration of track in this
Country needed reorganization. Those who
are the mayor contributors to the sport and
represent more than 90 percent of the track
and field, resources in this Nation feel they
deserve a voice and vote equal to their con-
tribution. There also is a place for the AAU
In the federation, but as a partner and not
a dictator.
The AAU was given the obligation, by the
Department of State, to select the track team
to compete against Russia. Should not the
AAU, then, abide by the rules of those or-
ganizations from which it expects to draw
the athletes? In short, if the AAU meet
at San Diego was to be the final tryout, and
the AAU wanted college athletes to compete,
why should it not follow established rules
of the colleges and obtain the necessary cer-
tification and sanction? The fact that col-
lege athletes did not show up in San Diego
in any appreciable number, in my judgment,
represents an AAU lockout rather than an
NCAA boycott. Let me emphasize, it is not
a question of the NCAA refusing to grant
certification-the point is that the AAU won't
seek it or accept it.
The Issueswhich divide the U.S. Track and
Field Federation (including the NCAA) and
the AAU are real and. meaningful and do not
reflect petty bickering. There are many
basic struggles going on in our world today
which are quite worthwhile; in fact, the
causes are absolutely necessary even though
the reasons for engaging in such struggles
get lost in the sometimes tragic, often mis-
understood, and many times frustrating
products of conflict. . Such is the case in the
school-college dispute with the AAU.
There are basic educational principles as
well as sound athletic standards involved in
this disagreement with the AAU. The school-
college system of athletics forms the founda-
tion stone for American athletic prowess in
most of our sports. We believe we have an
important and meaningful story to tell-
meaningful not only to athletics in general
but to the.United States as a whole. We
have long sought an impartial hearing board
and that Is why we have readily embraced the
invitation of the Commerce Committee to
appear at its hearing. I might observe that
President Barnes of this association-prior to
the AAU meet in Ban Diego-proposed bind-
ing arbitration to the AAU. The AAU de-
clined to participate.
I look forward to the opportunity of meet-
ing you at the time of the Commerce Com-
mittee hearings and, meanwhile, I am tak-
ing the liberty of enclosing publications
which I hope you will find to be interesting.
Cordially yours,
WALTER BYERS,
Executive Director.
Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, both
parties have thus shown themselves to
be cooperative and apparently eager to
reach a settlement. It may well be that
the Commerce Committee hearings will
result in a voluntary settlement.
But if the parties cannot or will not
resolve this dispute themselves, then the
Federal Government may be forced to
step in once again. It is my hope that
the NCAA and the AAU will be able to
establish an arbitration board of some
kind, on their own initiative. But if they
do not, Congress may very well decide
to do it for them.
I reiterate, Mr. President, that the
parties to the dispute appear to be ready
afid willing to resolve it. I certainly
hope that, this will be the outcome of
our hearings. We can ill afford to permit
the continuation of a pitched battle be-
tween our leading athletic organizations,
one which adversely affects the quality of
our international competitors and pun-
ishes those innocent young athletes who
happen to be caught in the middle. This
situation will not be allowed to continue.
DEATH OP
ERNEST S. BROWN,
FORMER
U.S.
SENATOR FROM
NEVADA
Mr. CANNON.
Mr. President, I know
my Senate colleagues share the sadness
of Nevada's Senators on the sad pass-
ing last Friday of Ernest S. Brown who
represented Nevada in the Senate for a
brief period in 1954.
Many Senators remember Senator
Brown, although he retired from public
life after serving 2 months in the Senate
during October and November of 1954.
Senator Brown was a valued friend
whom I held in the very highest regard.
He was a man of deep conviction, a true
leader, and a mainstay of the Republican
Party In Nevada.
Although I often disagreed with Sen-
ator Brown's political views, I always
held him in the highest esteem, as did
the many Members of the Senate who
served with him.
He was virtually a life-long resident
of Nevada, having moved there when
he was 3 years old. He graduated from
the University of Nevada in 1926 and
later entered the practice of law in Ne-
vada.
His life was one of achievement. He
served in the Nevada Legislature, as dis-
trict attorney of Washoe County, and
as an officer in the U.S. Army during
World War II.
Senator Brown's many contributions
Ispeak highly of him and he will be
sorely missed by those of us who had the
privilege of knowing him. I extend my
deepest sympatbytp-Ws family.
RESOLUTIO ON ;ETNAMADOPTED
BY THE GENERAL CONFERENCE
OF THE MENNONITE CHURCH
Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, the
General Conference of the Mennonite
Church at its 37th triennial sessions, July
10 to 16, 1965, adopted a resolution, in
which they expressed their views regard-
ing the military situation and our in-
volvement in Vietnam.
I ask unanimous consent that the reso-
lution be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
RESOLUTION ON VIETNAM
We, the delegates to the 37th triennial
sessions of the General Conference Mennonite
Church are deeply grieved over the course of
action being pursued in Vietnam. We note
the statements made by other church and
religious bodies such as the Mennonite Cen-
tral Committee in its letter of June 2, 1965,
to the President of the United States, the
Church of the Brethren In their resolution
adopted by the 1965 annual conference, June
22-27, and the Fellowship of Reconciliation
in its April 14, 1965, advertisement in the
New York Times. We are in general agree-
ment with their call for reappraisal of the
'U.S. Government policy in Vietnam. "We
believe that war is altogether contrary to the
teaching and spirit of Christ and the Gospel;
that, therefore, war is sin." I
From "A Christian Declaration on Peace,
War and Military Service" adopted by Gen-
eral Conference Mennonite Church at Port-
land, Oreg., August 22, 1953.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 27, 1965
We recognize that many countries, includ-
ing the United States, share responsibility
for the war in Vietnam, and we abhor the
subversion and aggression of the Commu-
nists in Vietnam. In the first place we call
on the U.S. Government and the other gov-
ernments involved immediately to halt and
disavow the bombing of noncombatants, the
torture of prisoners and other such acts of
war which are particularly abhorrent even to
many in the general public and which ae-
riously damage relationships to the peoples
of Asia.
Furthermore, as a conference, we appreciate
the efforts of the U.S. Government to nego-
tiate a settlement and urge that it continue
to explore every possible means to end the
war. Acknowledging the complex nature of
the problem and the ambiguities involved we
would propose consideration of the following
steps:
1. Use the United Nations and agencies of
government neutral to the conflict in nego-
tiating and controlling a settlement of the
war.
2. Use the reduction of military acts and
increased economic aid to demonstrate our
good faith and sincere desire to end the con-
flict.. We believe that intensified and in-
creased economic development in the Mekong
Delta would contribute to the resolution of
the total southeast Asian problem.
3. Initiate negotiations for a united Viet-
nam. arrived at by an internationally super-
vised system of elf-determination, without
insisting strictl} on our preference of a po-
litical, social, and economic order.
We have committed ourselves as a church
to expand our aid to Vietnam through the
agencies of the national churches there. We
are urging the congregations of the General
Conference Mennonite Church-
1. To study the situation in Vietnam and
discuss the issues involved in their con-
gregations;
2. To communicate our spiritual and moral
concern for Vietnam to the public and to
stimulate others to study and express their
concern over Vietnam;
3. To support faithfully by prayer and
through gifts the expanding work of the
Mennonite Central Committee in Vietnam;
4. To continue in prayer that the Govern-
ment leaders involved will be given wisdom
and understanding to fulfill their responsi-
bilities and that peace will come to Vietnam;
and
5. To pray for the welfare and safety of all
Christian workers in Vietnam, including our
own, and especially for Daniel Gerber, Dr.
Eleanor A. Vietti, an chie Mitchell, who
are being held capt a atekng.
A FLAG FOR M5,-RUTH VIETNAM
Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, a few days
ago I received a letter from two Amer-
ican servicemen who are among the
many Americans currently defending
freedom from Communist aggression in
Vietnam.
This brief letter from two of my con-
stituents reinforced my firm belief that
our cause in Vietnam is right and just
and., more than that, the attitude of
Americans involved in that conflict is
healthy and constructive.
The letter is from Pfc. David L.
Dethlifsen, of New Castle, Ind., and Pfc.
Roger W. Baser, of North Webster, Ind.
I believe, Mr. President, you will agree
that this note clearly indicates the re-
spect in which Americans hold their
South Vietnamese neighbors and the
desire to help these people reach the goal
of liberty and self-determination, free
from the wanton aggression of the North.
Mr. SENaToR: We are writing to you In re-
quest for an American flag which can be
presented to the city of Hue, South Vietnam,
for the strides they have made toward de-
mocracy and the stand they have taken
against communism.
We wish to show the people of Hue that
the American people as a whole, whether they
fight on Vietnamese soil or live peacefully
on American soil, admire and honor a city
with strength, courage, and the desire for a
better way of life.
It is particularly hard for these people
of Hue, inasmuch as the city is fairly well
separated from its center of government,
Saigon, and because Hue is very close to the
North Vietnam border.
Mr. President, I am pleased to inform
the Senate that a flag flown over the
Capitol of the United States will be
shipped as soon as possible to the city
of Hue, South Vietnam. I am equally
pleased that two young Hoosiers were
the individuals who thought of this way
of honoring their friends with whom they
are fighting side by side in defense of
freedom,
SOVIET AGGRESSION AGAINST THE
BALTIC STATES
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, this year
marks the 25th anniversary of the Soviet
aggression against the Baltic States.
This year also commemorates the 25th
year of the heroic struggle for freedom
by the Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian
peoples.
This anniversary acquires a special
meaning against the background of the
recent events " in Vietnam and the Do-
minican Republic as well as in view of
the almost total elimination of Western
colonial rule in the world, to which the
continued Soviet colonial entrenchment
in the Baltic States, stands in sharp con-
trast.
I ask unanimous consent that the
manifesto, issued by the Baltic States
Freedom Council, which sums up the
case for Baltic freedom, be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the mani-
festo was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
MArnFEsTo BY THE 25TH ANNIVERSARY OF So-
vIET AGGRESSION AGAINST THE BALTIC STATES,
BY FREE ESTONIANS, LATVIANS, AND LrrH-
IIANIANS
Twenty-five years ago, in connivance with
Hitler's Germany, the Soviet Union attacked
the Baltic States. Some 800,000 Red army
troops poured into Lithuania on June 15,
1940, and into Latvia and Estonia, on June
17, 1940. With the assistance of the occupa-
tion army, tlse emissaries of the Kremlin-
Dekanozov, Vishineky, Zhdanov-unseated
the legitimate governments of the Baltic
States. The Baltic countries were robbed of
their independence and transformed into
colonies of the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union's assault against its Bal-
tic neighbors initiated the Soviet westward
march against Europe. The beginnings of
today's international tension and threat to
peace may thus be found in the Soviet ag-
gression against the Baltic States in 1940.
By its aggressive acts against Estonia. Lat-
via, and Lithuania, the U.S.S.R. broke the
peace and nonaggression treaties it had
signed with those states as well as other in-
ternational agreements.
Expropriation, exploitation, papuerization,
slave labor, suppression of human rights and
fundamental freedoms. Russifloation, terror,
murder, mess deportations-these are the
marks of the Soviet occupation in the Baltic
States. In committing and continuing these
cots, the Soviets violated the United Nations
Declaration, the Atlantic Charter, the United
Nations Charter, the Convention on the Sup-
pression of Crimes of Genocide, and the Uni-
versal Declaration of Human Rights-all
these documents bearing the signature of
the U.S.S.R.
The Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian
peoples, historically and traditionally West-
ern in orientation and outlook, have con-
sistently placed their hopes In the Western
World. Their trust in the West was strength-
ened by the declaration of the U.S. Depart-
ment of State of July 23, 1940; the statement
of the President of the United States on
October 15, 1941; the Atlantic Charter; the
Yalta Declaration on Liberated Europe; the
repeated statements by the U.S. Government
about nonrecognition of the Soviet annexa-
tion of the Baltic States, the continued rec-
ognition of free Baltic diplomatic representa-
tives by the United States as well as many
European and South American governments;
and the proclaimed aims and principles of
the United Nations.
At the same time the hopes of the Baltic
peoples have been strengthened by the global
process of decolonization and the universal
acceptance of the right of self-determination
of nations. The liberation movement of the
colonial peoples in Africa and Asia has helped
to expose Soviet colonialism as well and has
raised the hopes of captive Estonians, Lat-
vians, and Lithuanians. They are convinced
that the tide of emancipation from colonial
rule will not stop at the borders of the Baltic
countries.
The Baltic peoples have given active ex-
pression to their determination to regain
freedom, and have resisted their oppressors,
thus contributing greatly to the continuing
struggle for freedom and justice being
waged by all captive peoples enslaved by the
Soviet Union. Despite heavy setbacks and
trials, our peoples maintain their faith in
the restoration of their freedom and inde-
pendence.
This summer the Soviet enslavers will un-
veil a macabre spectacle--a festive celebra-
tion of the 25th anniversary of the enslave-
ment of the Baltic States during which the
captive Baltic peoples will be coerced to
appear grateful to their conquerors.
We-free Estonians, Latvians, and Lithu-
anians-are conscious of our responsibility
toward our nations and to history. At this
25th anniversary of Soviet aggression, we feel
dutybound to give voice to the will and the
aspirations of our captive peoples:
We accuse the Soviet Union of committing
and continuing an international crime
against the Baltic States;
We demand that the Soviet Union with-
draw its military, police, and administrar
tive personnel from the Baltic countries;
We request that the governments of the
free world, especially those of the great pow-
ers, use all peaceful ways and means to re-
store the exercise of the right to self-deter-
mination in the Baltic countries and in the
rest of East-Central Europe;
We further request that the United Na-
tions' Decolonization Committee Immedi-
ately fulfill its overdue duty and take up
the case of Soviet colonialism in the Baltic
States;
We appeal to the conscience of all man-
kind to perceive the magnitude of the injus-
tice perpetrated upon the Baltic people and
to support the efforts toward the restoration
of liberty to these countries;
We convey to our people at home our pride
in their resolute resistance against the en-
deavors of the oppressor to destroy their
national and personal identity;
We share with our captive compatriots
their view that the recent Soviet economic,
political and ideological setbacks-inherent
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logic, countries must choose logical devel-
opment. Since we have resolved Mexican
social problems in theory with the 1917 Con-
stitution, since our generation has harvested
the first healthful fruits issuing from its
application, and since the principles are con-
secrated in practice by their efficacy, our mis-
sion now is to defend and protect our in-
stitutions with the energy and determina-
tion of those who defend and"protect what
is their own, vital, the very essence of na-
tionality.
The various groups of diverse opinion in
Mexico accept the general framework and co-
operate with our specific constitutional in-
stitutions. What is legitimate and open to
discussion is the question of how much out
of national income is to be devoted to rein-
vestment and new investment, and how much
must be'destined to works of social benefit.
A nation With. a mixed economy, Mexico
must have capitalization to progress and,
at the same time, carry out works of social
benefit according to the Constitution, which
result In consolidating economic progress
by enhancing the domestic market.
We live under a system of law and con-
secrated individual liberties. This social
progress under no circumstances is to be
lost. A regime under law with effective lib-
erties for only a select group and mere for-
malities for the majority, nowadays is
doomed. It is of the utmost urgency to rec-
ognize Individual liberty with an economic
content, based on equality and combating
all aspects of misery.
We have already witnessed how internally
our people must rapidly establish the indis-
pensable mechanisms for redistribution of
national Income, having as their goal the
raising of living standards of the population.
By so doing, besides complying with present-
day social demands, a vigorous domestic mar-
ket will be achieved, as the foundation of a
healthful industrial integration. As to the
internatiional scope, developing countries
such as I exico have been demanding an
indispensable revision of world trade, in or-
der to avoid interchange phenomena harm-
ful to their economies, and thus allow rapid
economic development as, the basis of their
social progress.
Commercial development in our hemi-
sphere, not to speak of other countries be-
longing to other economic areas, requires
constant revision of our commercial rela-
tionship,
It already is rather old fashioned to make
remarks about the dangerous fundamental
deteri6ration of interchange. We must avoid,
consequently, the drop in prices of raw ma-
terials, constantly downgrade, while having
a tendency to higher prices for capital goods.
This handicap impoverishes our peoples and
is one of the most important obstacles to
their sociopolitical development.
Irrespective of having considered a series
of instrumentalities to guarantee remunera-
tive prices for raw materials, the request has
been made, as for instance at the Geneva
meeting, that developing countries in stra-
tegic geographical locations be allowed to
furnish their tropical products to interna-
tional markets. . Under this project, sub-
sidies ought to be withdrawn from this type
of production in the United States, and in-
stead acquire from our countries tropical raw
materials. It' has been frequently stated
that, rather than loans, Latin America needs
fair prices for its exports.
The enhancement of domestic markets in
our countries Is achieved by securing pur-
chaswg power for the majority of our popu-
latign. 'he ellhai cement of foreign markets
must be,attained.by using all possible means.
For this purpose, the people of Latin America
must sell ever, larger quantities of interme-
diate and flnished, products, at more stable
prices, in order to purchase with that foreign
exchange capital goods for their more rapid
development. This is 'bound to result in
opening U.S. markets with more largess, and
not levying excessive tarig duties on mer-
chandise and products from our area.
Another aspect is that of credits for Latin
American economic development, which
should be extended preferably for the pur-
chase of machinery and equipment within
our own countries, rather than to continue
making them conditional to the purchase of
those tools for progress in developed coun-
tries.
A revision of "convention" cargoes is also
required, as they force higher rates on our
countries that have no merchant fleet, and
have just entered foreign markets. Rate dis-
crimination, on occasion, makes it impos-
sible for our products to compete with those
of highly developed countries protecting their
products with very low special cargo rates.
It is likewise harmful to our development
to subject to import quotas the entry of
our products into this huge United States
market. Drops in international prices ruin
our economies; and as soon as there is a
tendency to higher prices, the' establishment
of import quotas limits our income. It has
been recommended that preference in the
United States market be given to hemi-
spheric production, particularly now that
the world has been divided in areas for the
obvious purpose of favoring area produc-
tion. The European Common Market has
hurt Latin American exports, and its prefer-
ence for consumption of African products
has shrunk Latin American exports. To com-
pensate this actual loss, it is advisable to
give preference to hemispheric production in
what the United States consumes.
May I reiterate that the creation of mech-
anisms for domestic redistribution to raise
living standards of the majority of the
people, and a revision of international trade
with a view to legitimately protecting de-
veloping countries, are measures demanded
by the urgency of our times, which permit
no delay lest greater social upheavals, po-
litical instability, and economic stagnation
are to take place.
At the present hour of universal anguish
and of legitimate aspirations of impoverished
peoples, It is important to radically and ef-
fectively combat oppression, ignorance, sick-
ness, and all manifestations of the misery
of the people. Those who attempt to forget
these urgent pending duties, by attacking
or pretending to attack doctrines that are
incompatible with our democratic systems,
are only provoking an indispensable social
revolution among their own peoples. The
peace all of us are striving for is not secured
at the price of oppression.
We want democracy, and yet, we forget
that democracy is based upon liberty and
equality. As President Diaz Ordaz clearly
stated: "Liberty and equality cannot exist
side by side with poverty, if there is poverty,
there is neither equality nor liberty" and,
consequently, we may conclude that there
is no democracy wherever there is poverty.
The social problem of subjected peoples
must be resolved within the framework of
their own and fundamentally democratic
ideas. Then, and only then, shall peace be
17659
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. DODD. Mr. Cherne, who is per-
haps best known as executive director of
the Research Institute of America, has
for almost two decades now played a
leading role in the work of the Interna-
tional Rescue Committee, a nonsectarian
organization dedicated to the assistance
.of all those who escape from totalitarian
persecution.
Mr. Cherne has always believed that
in planning any refugee program there
is no substitute for on-the-spot inspec-
tion by the responsible heads of an or-
ganization.
Thus, in helping to organize the IRC's
Hungarian refugee relief program, he
became one of the first Americans to
enter Budapest after its liberation.
In his recent tour of Vietnam he heli-
coptered around much of the country-
side. Among other things he visited
Dong Xoai shortly after the terrible bat-
tle which took place there last month.
He describes the city as a smoldering
ruin, with streets filled with broken,
smashed bodies, many of them women
and children.
Mr. Cherne makes a basic point which
some of the critics of our Vietnam policy
ignore. He points out that the Viet-
namese people have given conclusive
proof of their hatred of communism in
the massive refugee flow from North to
South Vietnam, and in the flow from
Communist dominated areas to non-
Communist dominated areas.
Mr. Cherne also points out that there
are 100,000 war-orphaned children in
Vietnam and that the International
Rescue Committee has decided to make
this situation a special project. The
IRC is appealing to the American people
for a fund of $2.5 million to assist the
Vietnamese orphans and to provide med-
icines for the Vietnamese people.
I believe that all of us in this Chamber
are familiar with the truly heroic work
carried out by the International Rescue
Committee over the decades-first in as-
sisting the victims of Nazi totalitarian-
ism; then, in the postwar period, as-
sisting the scores of thousands of ref-
ugees from the Communist dominated
countries in Europe; then In assisting the
Hungarian refugees after the brutal sup-
pression of the Hungarian Revolution;
and more recently, in assisting refugees
from Cuba and the refugees from com-
munism In Vietnam.
I am sure that all of you who are
familiar with the work of this great or-
ganization will wish it every possible
success in raising the funds which it has
made its target for relief in Vietnam.
(
THE REFUG T/I`O'/\O;
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the RECORD, at the conclusion of my re-
marks, a nationally syndicated article
by Mr. -Leo Cherne dealing with the
refugee situation in South Vietnam, and
the efforts of the International Rescue
Committee to help alleviate the lot of
the refugees.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered..
SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM.--Vietnam has be-
come a nation of refugees. Some 380,000
peasants and villagers have crowded into the
coastal towns as a result of Vietcong harass-
ment.
Wherever the Vietcong have struck or
threaten to strike and this covers much of
the countryside right up to the edge of Sai-
gon-the Vietnamese people are often up-
rooted, homeless, ill or wounded, hungry.
They are in desperate need of the essentials
of life-food, clothing, shelter, medical care.
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VOTING WITH THEIR FEET _
The refugee problem is nothing new for
Vietnam. In the summer of 1954, shortly
after the defeat of the French and the sign-
ing of the Geneva agreement which parti-
tioned the country along the 17th parallel, a
massive 'flow of refugees from the Commu-
nist North had already begun.
The International Rescue Committee
(IRC) set up an emergency program to aid
these people who are voting for freedom in
the only way they could, with their feet.
Eventually almost 900,000 Vietnamese cast
their lot with freedom by making the trip
from the North.
The direction of the refugee flow clearly
contradicts the claim that the Vietnamese
do not understand the nature of the struggle
against communism or are indifferent to the
rule by the Communist North. Only about
10,000 Vietnamese crossed the 17th parallel
heading north and many of those were Viet-
cong cadre returning home for more training.
THEY MUST FLEE AGAIN
Many who escaped south 10 years ago, now
must flee again. They are the peasants and
the villagers of Vietnam, the very people the
Vietcong are supposed to have won to their
side. My observations and conversations
with Vietnamese and Americans here, have
convinced me that the Vietcong have so
savagely terrorized the peasantry that they
have made them their mortal enemies.
I helicoptered from Saigon to Dong Xoai
shortly after the siege which resulted in 33
American and 850 Vietnamese casualties.
The Vietcong had burned out a large por-
tion of the town. For it brief time they had
occupied the village. They entered every
household and stripped it of every scrap of
food and every piastre which could be used
to buy food.
When the Vietcong retreated they left Dong
Xoai a smoldering ruin and streets filled with
broken, smashed bodies (many of them
women and children) some dead, others
dying, still other condemned to live the rest
of their lives horribly maimed.
U.S. RESCUE MISSION
The dust of battle had hardly settled when
personnel from the U.S. operations mission
(IISOM) (our civilian aid program-rand the
U.S. Army Civil Affairs officers entered the
town to take an inventory of needs.
It was arranged to fly in 5,000 kilos of rice.
On behalf of the IRC I undertook to obtain
500 kilos of protein-rich fish and 50 pounds
of salt, also to be flown in by U.S. Army heli-
copter.
These supplies, together with some pow-
dered milk which the Vietcong somehow
missed, kept the people of Doug Xoai from
starving in a country in which starvation is
rare.
Emergency medical treatment was begun
Immediately.
I haveread much about our military in-
volvement in Vietnam. But at Dong Xoai I
could not help thinking that much of our
work in Vietnam is not military in the strict
sense, that much of our efforts are construc-
tive, even life sustaining.
The children are a very special part of the
tragedy of Vietnam. I have seen more hor-
ribly injured, broken, maimed children in
a week in Vietnam than in my lifetime.
There are perhaps 100,000 war-orphaned
children in Vietnam.
EMERGENCY FUND DRIVE
We in the IRC have set an emergency
fund goal of $2.5 million-the highest in our
33-year history. The majority of these funds
will go to aid the orphans. We also have un-
dertaken a program to provide an initial
$500,000 in medicines to aid the Vietnamese.
We hope to get a large measure of support
from the American people.
The task of raising this kind of fund is
herculean, but it is only a-small part of what
must be done to aid this nation of refugees.
If we fail to alleviate the pain and suffering
of these people, not matter what the outcome
of the war in Vietnam, we will have failed in
our purpose as Americans and as human
beings.
EASTERN AIRLINES PROPOSAL TO
ESTABLISH NONSTOP SERVICE
BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES
AND HAWAII
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, we of
Hawaii had good news yesterday when
we heard of Eastern Airlines' announce-
ment that it was proposing to link by di-
rect nonstop service some of the great
cities in the eastern half of the United
States with our continually developing
islands. We, of course, warmly welcome
Eastern's proposals not only because they
would link us more closely with the in-
dustrial centers of the United States, but
for their endorsement of our own faith in
the future of Hawaii and the Pacific and
for the growth that we all know that
direct air service would contribute to our
State.
I would hope that the Civil Aeronautics
Board will move promptly in their pro-
ceedings on this important matter. On
a more personal basis, I would also hope
that after the certification of these
routes, it will be even easier for my
friends in this Chamber to spend more
time with us in the 50th State.
Mr. President, as many Senators will
remember, it was only 6 short years ago
that the dream of statehood for Hawaii
was finally attained. And many of us
still hear in our hearts the echoes of the
words of those who argued against state-
hood for Hawaii. "Hawaii is not con-
tiguous with the mainland," they said.
And, in fact, when it took the most mod-
ern airplane then flying 20 hours, in-
cluding necessary stopovers on the west
coast, to carry passengers from New York
or Washington to Hawaii, our opponents'
arguments were more difficult to counter.
Six years later Hawaii is a State and
yesterday we were reminded it is less
than 9 hours away.
Mr. President, we of Hawaii welcome
these new route proposals and look for-
ward to the early day when the promises
therein will be realities.
AN INTERNATIONAL MONETARY
CONFERENCE
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, I was greatly encouraged by
Secretary of the Treasury Fowler's re-
cent speech which indicated the willing-
ness of our Government to participate
in a conference on our international
monetary machinery. Secretary Fow-
ler's speech marked a significant step
forward toward a solution of the bal-
ance-of-payments problem which con-
tinues to plague not only the United
States but other nations as well. Secre-
tary Fowler's comments were made in
the context of a marked improvement
in our balance of payments-an improve-
ment I might add due to the fine efforts
of President Johnson, Douglas Dillon,
and Robert Roosa. This new willingness
on the part of the United States is not
motivated by a new crisis in the strength
of the dollar, but rather by a farsighted
determination to improve our interna-
tional means of exchange in a calm
atmosphere and not during a future pay-
ments crisis.
The Evening Star for July 19 contains
a fine editorial praising President John-
son for his well timed call for an inter-
national conference. As this editorial
correctly points out:
It has been clear for 2 years or more that
reform of the free world's monetary system
will be needed to prevent a liquidity crisis
that could stifle the international economy.
But, until now, conditions for negotiations
have been wrong.
I am hopeful that an international
conference can be speedily arranged.
Now is the time to act when the nations
of the world are aware of the problem,
are seeking solutions, but are not driven
by financial panic to protect their own
interests at the expense of others. Mr.
President, I ask unanimous consent that
this editorial be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TOWARD MONETARY REFORM
A shrewd bargainer knows when to negoti-
ate and when to wait. After resisting pres-
sure to move faster, the Johnson administra-
tion finally has called for an International
Monetary Conference. The call is well timed.
It has been clear for 2 years or more that
reform of the free world's monetary system
will be needed to prevent a liquidity crisis
that Could stifle the international economy.
But, until now, conditions for negotiations
have been wrong.
Chronic deficits in the U.S. balance of pay-
ments poured a steady stream of dollars into
foreign countries. To a point, the dollars
were welcome. But the flow at length be-
came a glut, and in that atmosphere a short-
age of exchange was the last thing Europeans
felt inclined to worry about. There was
widespread skepticism about the ability and
will of the United States to stop the flow of
dollars. Proposals to expand liquidity
sounded like schemes to relieve the United
States of the need to balance its accounts.
The picture has changed radically since the
President launched an emergency campaign
in mid-February to eliminate the payments
deficit. Although the danger of backslid-
ing has not vanished, the campaign actually
yielded us a surplus in the April-June quar-
ter. It already has started to tighten the
supply of dollars abroad. The scarcity still
is spotty and mild, but it gives the Euro-
peans a foretaste of the real trouble they
could encounter. They now have an equal
stake with us in reform which would provide
for an orderly growth of liquidity.
In the negotiations that lie ahead, expan-
sion of credit mechanisms could help solve
the liquidity problem. Beyond credit, it
probably will be necessary to create addi-
tional reserves. One way would be to invent
a "composite reserve unit," or "CRU." Ma-
jor countries would deposit currencies in a
pool and would receive CRU's representing
their shares. The CRU's would be held in
reserves and used in settling international
accounts.
The detailed U.S. position on the shape of
monetary reform has not jelled, but key
principles are clear :
1.? American negotiators will not consider
devaluation of the dollar or a return to the
gold standard.
2. The International Monetary' Fund must
provide the framework for a revised monetary
system, and underdeveloped countries must
participate.
3. The dollar must be maintained in its
special status as a reserve currency.
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Negotlations will be slow and difficult. people who haven't the power to defend
But the growing strength of our dollar means themselves from the Chinese, colossus, and
at last that there iss to hope for a whose lives, safety, and freedom depend on
successful outcome, the strong arm of the policeman-which only
Mr. CQUENING. Mr. President, Wal-
ter LippmaiuM OEltrinternationally known
columnist, in his syndicated column
printed in this morning's Washington
Post entitled "Asian War," is saying pre-
cisely what I have been saying for nearly
a year and a half, starting with my full-
length address to the Senate on March
10, 1964.
I can'only wish that President Johnson
would follow the course that is clearly
Implicit in this appraisal of our unfor-
tunate, unnecessary, and unjustified mil-
itary commitment in, southeast Asia,
with its steadily mounting toll of Amer-
ican lives and its foreseeable disastrous
consequences.
I ask unanimous consent that Walter
Lippmann's column appearing in today's
Washington Post entitled "Asian War"
be printed in the RECORD.
There being-no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Post, July 27, 1965]
TODAY ANDTOMORROW: ASIAN WAR
(By Walter Lippmann)
We are about to pit Americans against
Asians on _the-cantlnent of Asia. Except fqr
the diminishing and disintegrating South
Vietnamese Army, we have only token or
verbal support from any Asian country. No
great Asian power, Japan, India, or Pakistan,
Is alined with us. None of our European
allies is contributing anything beyond scat-
tered verbal support. We have no mandate
from the United, Nations as webad.in Korea,
none from NAT, none from the stations of
this hemisphere.
The situation in which we find ourselves is
unprecedented, and the best the administra-
tion'has been able to achieve by way of ap-
proval and support from our own people is a
reluctant. and depressed acquiescence. For
there has been no proof, not even a real at-
tempt- to prove, that the security of the
'United States Is vitally threatened In this
war as it was, for example, when Hitler was
in sight'of the conquest of Britain and the
capture of the British fleet, or when Japan
with a great navy threatened to command
the whole Pacific Ocean Including Hawaii
and the coast of California.
Nations fight well when they are defend-
ing themselves, when, that is to say, they
have a vital interest. It is the lack of an
American vital interest which explains the
current mood of depression and anxiety,
which explains why our intervention in
southeast Asia has for 10 years been so
gingerly, so furtive, so inadequate.
There are in truth two main reasons why
we are becoming ever more deeply involved
in Vietnam. The first, must the more power-
ful of the two, is a proud refusal to admit a
mistake, to admit the failure of an attempt,
begun 10 years ago, to make South Vietnam
a pro-American and anti-Chinese state.
More than anything else we are fighting to
avoid admitting a failure-to put it bluntly,
we are fighting to save face.
There is a second reason which weighs
heavily with many conscientious people. It
is a respectable reason. As stated by the New
York lleraid Tribune on Sunday:
"We're in Vietnam at the express invita-
tion of .the Vietnamese Government; we're
fighting there for the Vietnamese people.
But, we're fighting also for the millions of
people in the other threatened lands beyond,
we can provide."
My own view is that the conception of our-
selves as the solitary policeman of mankind
is a dangerous form of self-delusion. The
United States is quite unable to police the
world, and it is dangerous to profess and pre-
tend that we can be the policeman of the
world. How many more Dominican Repub-
lics can the United States police in this hemi-
sphere? How many Vietnams can the United
States defend in Asia?
The believers in America as the world po-
liceman get around these practical difficul-
ties by making an assumption-that what
happens in Vietnam will determine what
happens elsewhere in Asia, that tvhat hap-
pens in the Dominican Republic will deter-
mine what happens all over Latin America.
This notion of the decisive test is a fallacy.
The Korean war, in which we successfully
defended South Korea, did not determine
the outcome in Indochina. What we have
done in the Dominican Republic will not
protect any other Latin American country
from the threat of revolution.
Revolutionary wars are Indeed dangerous
to order and it is baffling to know how to
deal with them. But we may be sure that
the phenomenon of revolutionary wars,
which is latent in all of the underdeveloped
regions of the world, cannot be dealt with
by American military. Intervention whenever
disorder threatens to overwhelm the con-
stituted authority. On the contrary, it is
more likely that in making Vietnam the test
of our 'bility to protect Asia, we shall in
fact provide revolutionary China with just
the enemy it needs in order to focus popular
hatred against us-a white, rich, capitalistic
great power. We are allowing ourselves to
be cast in the role of the enemy of the mis-
erable and unhappy masses of the emerging
nations.
DEATH OF ADLAI STEVENSON
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, at a time when our country
was caught in a tide of complacency,
Adlai Stevenson summoned the Demo-
cratic Party in 1962:
Let's talk sense to the American people
? ? " there are no gains without pains.
* ? - This is the eve of great decisions, not
easy decisions * " " but a long, patient,
costly struggle which alone can assure tri-
umph over the great enemies of mankind.
Despite the odds, Adlai Ewing Steven-
son never stopped talking sense. To a
nation parading its nuclear might, he
warned the dangers of atmospheric test-
ing. To a people already wearied by the
complexities of the cold war, he cau-
tioned against the easy panacea.
Yet, two election defeats never daunted
his courage, never dampened his devo-
tion to his country. As our Ambassador
to the United Nations which he helped
construct 20 years earlier, he took upon
his shoulders the criticisms directed at
all Americans, and by so doing, blunted,
and softened the accusations of our
critics.
Adlai Stevenson represented the finest
in our American heritage. In the forum
of world politics, he was at once our
spokesman and our ideal. We, and his-
tory, will mourn his loss.
AMBASSADOR ARTHUR GOLDBERG
Mr. gABBORQUQrH,.- Mr._ President,
yesterday Arthur Goldberg was sworn in
17661
as our Ambassador to the United Na-
tions. Very few times in the history of
this great land of ours has a man left
the security, quiet, and prestige of the
Supreme Court for a position as demand-
ing and soul-trying. I join my many
fellow Americans in praising the former
Mr. Justice and now Ambassador, Arthur
Goldberg for taking this courageous step.
All Americans can again feel at ease
that our country is being represented be-
fore the nations of the world by a man
who typifies the best attributes of our
people. We all felt this was true while
Adlai Stevenson was our representative
at the U.N., and I know that I, as I am
sure was true with the rest of my fellow
Americans, felt greatly reassured when
it was announced that then Mr. Justice
Goldberg had agreed to assume this awe-
some burden.
Ambassador Goldberg has a brilliance
of mind which made him a great private
lawyer, a widely respected Secretary of
Labor, and a greatly admired member of
the Court. Long before he reached such
high position, this brilliance was recog-
nized. My old friend and teacher, the
eminent professor of law, Leon Green,
of the University of Texas, has often
stated with pride that while he was dean
of the Northwestern University Law
School, his star pupil was Arthur Gold-
berg. My own acquaintance with the
Ambassador runs back more than 10
years.
Ambassador Goldberg throughout his
illustrious career has always been one of
those who advance the frontiers of
thought. As a jurist this has been
typified by his concern for the innocent
victims of crime. This is a field in which
I have long been interested, and was
greatly encouraged by Ambassador Gold-
berg's continued advocacy of a plan to
provide compensation for the victims of
crime. A man of his caliber, one who
becomes increasingly concerned with the
victims of crime while it is fashionable
jurisprudence to concentrate solely on
constitutional rights of the accused, is a
man who is excellently qualified to rep-
resent our Government and our people
before the nations of the world.
H.R. 79'84, HOUSING ACT OF 1965
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, the Congress in passing H.R.
7984, the Housing Act of 1965, has taken
another step in solving this Nation's farm
labor problems. Section 905 of this bill
increases from $10 to $50 million the total
appropriation authorized through 1969
for Federal assistance grants for the
construction of low-rent housing for
American farm labor.
As chairman of the Migratory Labor
Subcommittee, I have carefully studied
the problems of our Nation's agricultural
workers and have found that one of the
main reasons Americans are reluctant
to work in our Nation's fields is the lack
of adequate family housing.
The expiration of Public Law 78 has
brought about a massive interstate re-
cruitment program of American farm-
workers. Adequate housing facilities for
these American farmworkers who
travel with their families is at the pres-
ent time nonexistent. I realize that in
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CONGRESSI - S - 27, 1965
the past family type farm housing was broader overall social economic program
not in great demand especially in those to better the lot of our agricultural
areas of our Nation which were heavy workers.
users of foreign farmworkers. Foreign
farmworkers were either single males OUR PACIFIC TRUST TERRITORY-
or traveled without their families. They TIME FOR REAPPRAISAL
were often housed in barrack type struc-
tures dormitory style. These structures Mr. FONG. Mr. President, a timely
were equipped with three decker bunks and perceptive editorial on the political
as sleeping accommodations and lacked alternatives facing Pacific island peo-
family type sanitation and cooking fa- ples has been published in the Honolulu
cilities. For example, California, the Star-Bulletin. I offer the editorial as
Nation's largest user of foreign farm another useful item to add to the infor-
labor, in 1964 had 158,222 farm housing mation available for discussion among
units for single males as opposed to the growing number of those concerned
9,875 family housing units. Obviously, with the present and future status of
this type of accommodation is not suit- non-self-governing peoples of the Wes-
able for a worker who is accompanied tern Pacific.
by his family.
The farmer who employs American
farm labor has a unique labor problem
in that he generally must provide hous-
ing for his employees. This housing
is an extra item of labor costs; it has
no economic value to the farmer beyond
enabling him to attract employees and
is only occupied for short periods of the
year.
I realize that many farmers do not
tering the Trust Territory of the Pacific
Islands under a trusteeship agreement
with the United Nations Security Coun-
cil, the United States has an obligation
to promote greater self-government
among the 87.000 Micronesians who live
in the former Japanese mandated is-
lands. We are doing this with some suc-
cess despite many difficulties.
Nearly 20 years have passed since we
began administering the Pacific Trust
Territory. It is time to take stock of
our national policies and to seek a con-
sensus on the eventual destiny for the
peoples of the trust territory.
As the Star-Bulletin editorial cogently
noted:
Of one thing we may be sure. Colonial-
Ism under the cloak of United Nations Trust-
eeship is not the final answer.
have adequate financial means to build
family housing. The $50 million author-
ized by H.R. 7984 for Federal grants in
thisarea is an insignificant amount in-
deed when compared with the need for
such housing.
A recent study by the State of Cali-
fornia showed that there were 250,000
far:mworkers in that State who earned
less than $2,700 a year. A great major-
ity of these workers lived in dilapidated
and deteriorated housing. In the heart
of the California farm community an
eight-county survey reported that 80
percent of the farmworker housing vio-
lated minimum standards of health,
safety and sanitation. Sixty-five per-
cent of such housing was deteriorated
or dilapidated; 33 percent had inade-
quate sanitation facilities; 30 percent had
no bathing facilities and 25 percent were
without running water.
The lack of family housing is most
acute in communities which have high
seasonal, short-term labor demands. In
California's Monterey, Santa Cruz, and
Santa Clara Counties in the heart of
that State's strawberry-producing area,
there are only 183 family housing units.
The State of California estimates that
in order to provide adequate housing
for these farmworkers the cost would be
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD, the Honolulu
Star-Bulletin editorial of July 22, 1965,
titled "Too Poor for Independence."
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered- to be- printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Honolulu Star-Bulletin,
July 22, 19651
Too POOR FOR INDEPENDENCE
Pacific island leaders, meeting in New
Guinea, almost without exception indicated
that they do not want to be cut adrift from
their more powerful protectors: the United
States, France, Britain, New Zealand,
Australia.
The one exception is Nauru, rich with
phosphate, which is one of the few Pacific
islands with resources enough to be econom-
ically independent. But even Nauru realizes
that it would still have to depend upon
Australia, which administers it under United
Nations trust, for defense and some services.
None of the scattered island groups under
U.S. trusteeship is economically viable in
cannot be paid for by the farmworker today's world at anything beyond the barest
since his low family income limits his subsistence level. It is unlikely that the
opportunity of obtaining normal financ- people of those islands, having known a
ing. The States with their already higher standard of living than bare sub-
strained budgets cannot be expected to sistence, will want to revert to the primitive
pay the entire amount. ,economies they never knew.
A colonial status under the United States,
Federal assistance such as isprovided or any other power, is an anachronism not
in H.R: 7984 is needed in order to better sanctioned by today's enlightened political
the lot of our Nation's agricultural work- thought-or by the U.N. Charter. And yet
ers. I realize, however, that low-rent these small island groups are too poor to
housing cannot compensate for the ef- be independent. Their leaders for the most
fect of public policy which up until now part are well aware of this. While appre-
has excluded American agricultural ciative of the internal self-government that
is coming their way, they fear the conse-
workers from such basic social legisla- quences of being cast adrift on their own.
tion as minimum wage, collective bar- It is against this background that the
gaining and unemployment insurance. proposal to incorporate the Pacific Islands
Federal grants for the construction of in the State of Hawaii emerges as one prac-
farm housing must only be a part of a tical, if complex, way out. Senator Foxe has
placed the idea before Congress and a study
of the possibilities, if nothing else, may be
forthcoming.
Of one thing we may be sure, colonialism
under the cloak of United Nations trustee-
ship is note the final answer.
PUERTO RICO CELEBRATES 13TH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING
OF ITS COMMONWEALTH
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, on
Sunday, July 25, Puerto Ricans cele-
brated the 13th anniversary of the estab-
lishment of the island's Commonwealth.
It was a day of rejoicing, made notable
by addresses of the Governor, the Hon-
orable Roberto Sanchez Vilella, of Secre-
tary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall, and
others.
Because the establishment of the Com-
monwealth-an inaccurate translation
really of the political status of Puerto
Rico, a literal translation of its Spanish
nomenclature being "associated free
state"-has been so successful and has
set such a fine example of what can be
accomplished in eliminating colonialism
in consonance with the wishes and needs
of the people affected, I think it desirable
that the two principal addresses-those
of Governor Vilella and Secretary of the
Interior Udall--be inserted in the REC-
ORD, and I ask unanimous -consent that
they be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the addresses
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SPEECH DELIVERED BY Gov. ROBERTO SANCHEz
VILELLA ON THE 13TH ANNIVERSARY or THE
COMMONWEALTH OF PUERTO RICO, JULY 25,
2965
Honorable representative of the President
of the United States, distinguished guests of
honor, honorable visitors, members of the
three branches of government, friends, and
fellow citizens, today we commemorate once
again the greatest act of political creativity
which our people have accomplished. Ex-
actly 3 years ago, on a similar occasion, two
historic letters were made public. Former
Gov. Munoz Marin wrote to the late Presi-
dent John F. Kennedy that our people should
again be consulted on their political relations
With the United States of America. The late
President was in total agreement with this
aspiration. On that same occasion, we were
honored to have among us the man who is
now President of the Nation. Lyndon B.
Johnson said then that the exchange of let-
ters constitutes: "a historic reaffirmation of
our belief in the self-determination of peo-
ples, when exercised with the acceptance of
the responsibilities of freedom."
As a result of that exchange and that be-
lief, a commission was created--composed of
American citizens from Puerto Rico and
from the continent, and with representation
from all sectors of opinion-to study all the
aspects of our relations with the United
States of America. The commission is mak-
ing this study because we are proud of our
present relationship with the United States,
and because we want to improve it. It is
also making this study because we want
finally to liberate the energies of our people
from the narrow dilemma of political status.
We will succeed.
I am confident that the work of the com-
mission and the subsequent acts of our peo-
ple and of Congress will result in the re-
affirmation of our will, expressed time and
again in the ballots: the will to associate
with the United States on the basis of a com-
'pact of political equality. But regardless of
the deliberations and studies made by the
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we can offer hope where despair cable today as then, and we seek to deter--more American troops to Vietnam is
abounds, and to provide action where un- mine what public programs are appropriate really the answer to the Communist a
concern and delay have for so long been the and inappropriate for the Federal Govern- g-
prevailing theme, All too many of our cities, ment to undertake. Said Abraham Lincoln: gress
and some of our more populous States, have "The legitimate object of government is to I believe that other Members of Con-
not displayed the drive and dedication to do for a community of people whatever they gress will benefit from this thoughtful
help lift the people of urban America from need to have done, but cannot do at all, or so editorial. I ask unanimous consent that
the chronic despair which too often sur- well do for themselves, in their separate and it be printed in the RECORD.
rounds them. Look at our smog-filled cities, individual capacities. In all that the people There being no objection, the editorial
our cramped and clogged streets, our poor can individually do as well for themselves,
transportation, our unsafe sidewalks, our government ought not to interfere." was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
rundown, housing and schools. Look at the It was for succeeding generations to deter- as follows:
lack of job opportunities, crowded court mine the community to be served, and the [From the Appleton Post-Crescent, July
dockets, and inadequate parks and recreation level of government most appropriate to 25, 19651
facilities, meet those needs, it was for succeeding A LAND WAR IN ASIA
Look at the overcrowded schools and sub- generations to determine whether particular Secretary McNamara's recommendation
standard teaching; inadequate vocational needs of society might most appropriately be that a great many more American troops-
schools and outdated concepts of vocational met by the public or the private sectors of perhaps 100,000 combat forces-will be
education; narcotic addiction of young and our economy or by a combination of the two. needed in Vietnam to halt the deterioration
old, increasing at alarming rates; a ghetto Thus have ensued the struggle, the challenge, is just what so many Americans have feared
life where a fifth of those who live in our and the balance of federalism in America and warned about. Now it appears that we
urban areas live -under poverty conditions; and of a free economy regulated in the public are committed to fighting a ground war in
cramped, barely heated, unsanitary living interest. You-the women power of Amer-
quarters; a middle class escaping to the sub- Ica-can shape the outcome of this struggle, Asia on terrain that wmor for the guweip-
urbs, while largely unskilled and semiskilled this challenge, and this balance b the ons rather than our more advanced a
fellow Americans pock to the central city to by ns McNamara
seek something better than that from which own communities. 165,000
, man to of d the Vietcong forces supposedly
has been their lot; crowded hospitals and Today America stands at one more thresh-North abrth Vietnamese. The them South now Vietnamese
e
surging costs of health care; ever-increasing old. At home, it is the threshold of a new forces about 55 T nd there are somf
welfare rolls; public housing which is 10 era-an era of youth and urbanism, of 75,000 Americans to
are about Vietnam, t half of
years behind in meeting demand and which, greater educational and skilled job oppor- Which are combat In half la
after 10 years tends once again to become a tunities, and of cultural and racial enlighten- which on combat troops. n ant l e least
alum co 1 campaigns, the ratio should be at least 5
Is this the America you want your children into the Abroad world new n isew the threshold and small n tions to bringing the and tag the hit-and-run as high as
since
and their generation to inherit? It is not. freedom and in progress, o of f learning nations
-run to 1 jungle
how to attack advantage
is s with h the guerrillas.
These problems are not insoluble. We do not feed and meet the needs of hungry people. But we seriously question whether send-
have to tolerate them. An apathetic elec- In every hemisphere, totalitarian commu- ing more and more American troops to Viet-
torate is the only reason why they are nism continues its struggle to engulf man- nam is really the answer to the Communist
tolerated, kind and to establish its imperialism over
With the splendid luxury of citizenship every race and state. agT essoo in that area.
which all Americans enjoy goes a con- Across the seas, deadly serious problems The North Vietnamese Army has several
comitant duty which, too often, is not being confront our Nation in the jungles of South Chna t thousand
are d men under arms. In
fulfilled by our people. When good people Vietnam, in the weakened NATO Alliance, China there are millions available for both
stay home on election day through disin- and in the growing probability of ice. Is there any reason to believe that both
terest, be assured that those with a mission proliferat- fights will not eventually g thrown into the
and a political passion are bean nose- ing nuclear nations. Millions of fellow hu- fighting as far south as Saigon? g stepped to the polls in on r. Make no e_ man beings suffer from malnutrition. Dis-
ease and ignorance still stalk this globe. The "The size of the Vietcong has inceeated,s
take. Those who accept the luxury of bei
m Mamara reported. "The of
ng lust for power and domination is ever pres- has increased and the size ofe attacks have
American but who decline to assume the ent. From our own home communities to expanded. The disruption of lines of com-
burden, create a vortex on election day and the farthest corner of the globe, the eternal munications by rail, sea, and road has be-
every day, speedily filled by frantic and conflict between good and evil continues, come more intense. Terroristic attacks have
frenetic political minorities intent on bend- There is a place in the struggle for every one increased." And all of this since the last
ing government to the far left or the far of you, women from business and from pro- shipment of American ground forces, the
right. fessions, from the ranks of the governing
But the luxury of citizenship is not paid and from the governed: no, there is more marines and the 1st Division. for by casting a ballot at the polls. The price than simply a place, there is a duty station. The American strategy presumably is
of maintaining our free Republic requires I believe that freedom has been best pre- and t to make ii g tough for the Vietnamese suitable exertions every day of the year and served and human well-being best advanced and the infiltrating negotiations. North VisThis se that
in a variety of ways. The whole vast in the American society by utilizing the they will seek out s about This is not
panorama, of issues and questions which resources of our people to the fullest. If our only reasonable; it is But wt all are cen "-
confront our American society, at every level Nation and the free world are to survive, then unless we withdraw. But what are the pos
of government, and in every part of the high morals, good ideas, and hard work are sibilities for the future?
'Union, cries out for attention, not by the few, the basic prescription. This country urgent- Ho Chih Minh Is supposed not to want to
but by the many. ly needs your constant help. It needs your ask for any more Red Chinese help than
It, is not enough to work for bond issues active participation, simply as informed and arms and ammunition. If the Chinese send
for our schools to provide the bricks and the devoted citizens, doing their duty in Gov- troops, it is said that Ho fears they won't
mortar. We must work in our schools and ernment and community affairs. ever go home and he is probably quite right,
outside our schools to inculcate the values A great Governor of California, the late But if the Vietcong and North Vietnamese
of a free society and a sense of civic respon- Hiram Johnson, once said: "We are going are on the verge of defeat in South Vietnam
sibility. We must lend a hand and set a to forget for a moment how to make men and especially if there is the threat of South
better example, not of the "better off" to the richer, and we are going to think how to Vietnamese invasion of the north-some-
"poorer off," but on one human being to an- make men better." Hiram Johnson's re- thing now remote but which could happen
other human being. Bricks and mortar are marks were not limited to men, but compre- if the Vietcong are soundly beaten-it cer-
not enough. to assure education of the young hended mankind. By your efforts you can tainly is likely that Ho might turn to the
or the old. Let us remember that we must make the difference and determine whether Red Chinese for aid. It is also quite possible
be concerned with the quality of teaching we do have a bette merica and a better that the Chinese might not wait to be asked.
which goes on within each schnnl or ?mi""o
l
~
o
d
teachers alpne will not pay for their food ground troops?
hill.
keep and encourage experiencedv welfare Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, the we have. In retrospect it even appears that
our policy La
Workers, indeed, to keep and encourage all Appleton Post-Crescent is a forthright, for Vietnam. At
w
r lea tathe iLaotians on their
members of society who are working with independent newspaper with a fine tra- own now have brought about a somewhat
the people in our cities, then we must be dition of vigorous, intelligent commen- stable government out of chaos while ex-
willing to compensate them adequately for Lary actly the opposite has happened in Saigon
their ,efforts on the State and National scexie.
The Sunday, July 25, 1965, Post-Cres- despite or perhaps because of the presence of
Zt ws, f Up post Republican President, cent carried a particularly thoughtful American military "advisers."
`Abraham Lincoln, who in a speech in Spring- It may well be, as infantrymen have al-
fleld, Ill., 6 years prior to his election in 1860, and important editorial entitled "A Land ways argued, that in the long run wars must
provided this Nation and both political War in Asia." The editorial seriously be won on the ground. Our bombings of
parties with a ,criteria and a goal as appli- questions "whether sending more and North Vietnam have not as yet brought
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17668 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE y 27, Lao. Here
cadres the
last
the
who
hithertothe Cory t"neut alist Laotian Communist mo ementvthatg sought to take
them even to a consider moalterm tricwo r against against
bombid by are over postwar Malaya.
bombing open elties-at least' at this stage forces, with assistance from the Thais, P
of the conflict. We don't dare bomb R.us- attempting to block the Ho Chi Minh trails Nations and people of like minds in the
sian missile bases as we prefer to try to tone into South Vietnam. The fourth war, be- western and southern Pacific, it seemed to
growing common
Into opt rather than etween Taiwan and xcept for occasional air and naval brushes. out were finally realization beginning to come
down the them Russian involvement
mto force them further opposition.
Sowe time ago Harrison inaSalisbury, mffi- (Until recently the anti-Communist pow- danger. A year ago the United States, Brit-
tary writer for the New York Times, warned ers in the Pacific have tried to maintain ain, New Zealand, Australia, and Malaysia
that this would be a most serious and dis- the fiction that their wars were separate. were pursuing their separate interests intthe
glances
couraging war and that we had to face up to Now, in a very real sense, the wars are be- Pacific with sidelong
the participation of a great many American ginning to flow together. it is plain that the to see how the other was faring. Then, in a f
aNew re
nths, the ground troops but that we had no alternative United States, its partners, and friends most matter ofs became theaAu tr Hansa and
except capitulation. Another Times writer rethink their Pacific strategy and allian. and insisted we must withdraw and recognize for the immense test in the making with now New ghti Zealanngdin Malaysia;
taken both Acrd ustralia
on
the future of Chinese domination of Asia. Red China's power.
And yet would not exactly the opposite be (Fortune Editor Charles Murphy has been to send combat troops into South Vietnam.
true? We cannot turn backward but if we making an extended tour of the South Pa- And so the alliances are converging.
were not so militarily involved, it is more cific. His report on New Zealand "Traveler There was no mystery about the circum-
likely that there would be more homegrown in a Small Utopia" and Australia "Traveler stances that had finally begun to pull the
opposition to the spread of Chinese influ- on the Rim of Asia" appeared in the May Pacific alliances together. It was, first, the
ence among Asians, even in Hanoi, and more and June issues. From Australia he flew on sudden appalling realization that the fragile
interest in vigorously opposing Communist to Singapore and Bangkok. A report on that structure of South Vietnam was on the verge
aggression by such Asian countries as the area will be detailed in an early issue. This of falling apart and, next, the spectacle of
Philippines, Japan, Thailand, and even letter begins with his reflections as he ap- the United States striking with its too long
Australia. proaches Saigon and the larger war in Viet- withheld airpower at North Vietnam and
Ambassador Maxwell Taylor has reported- nam.) moving tens of thousands of combat troops
ly strenuously and consistently opposed the There was not much to see from 30,000 across the Pacific into South Vietnam. But
commitment of massive numbers of Ameri- feet. In these near equatorial latitudes, the it was not simply the agony of Vietnam,
can ground troops in Vietnam. This may rainy season had begun rather earlier than heartrending as that is, that finally galva-
be! a major reason why he resigned as Am- usual, and much of the time the plane was nized the non-Communist powers into action.
bassador and is being replaced by Henry either in or over soggy, heavy cloud layers. What happened was that tardily but unblink-
Cabot Lodge. Whatever the chances of our Soon after takeoff from Bangkok, however, I ingly the politicians in power in these Pacific
present firm attitude persuading North noticed that the pilot angled southward over nations finally recognized and faced up to a
Vietnam to come to the conference table, the- Gulf of Siam, so as to skirt the Cam- still distant but ultimate danger.
Americans must recognize the risks we are bodian delta. Some few days before, the left- "THE TIME TO STOP MAO"
taking. Do we want to become involved in leaning, somewhat frivolous Prince Sihanouk Most certainly the danger does not rest
a major ground war in Asia with the obvious had noisily broken off such diplomatic bust- simply with a fear that if South Vietnam
heavy casualties? ..- the danger of Commu- nos as until then went on between Cam- should go down, then that wily septuagena-
nist control stn pa~rtant? dis and the IInited States. His displeasure e rian Ho Chi Minh will fasten communism on
braced Thailand as well, as America' good a primitive community that does not really
~- d helpful ally, and it was t th hereffore only want communism. The central danger is
THE VIETNAM commonsense for the Thai commercial pilots that if the Vietnamese social structure should
e ally dissolve, in the face of the now quite
Mr. THURMONLi, Mr. President, 11M to shy clear of the itchy-fingered gunners,
friends and foes alik, who man the Cam- desperate American efforts to hold it togeth-
tlhe August edition of Fortune' magazine, bodian-Vietnamese borders. er, then the Red Chinese will have stunningly
there is an article entitled Travel to At this stage of my travels I was well up proved the case for the so-called wars of stunningly
Pacific Wars," written by Mr. Charles what I had come to think of as the Pacific prose liberation, wars waged in the guise a-(to
J. V. Murphy. The author has just re- ladder of trouble, which stretches from the borrw the jargon of the original Soviet
turned from an extensive trip to the Antipodes through Malaysia and Thailand borrow the of oxnperihe rigin So et
Far East and Vietnam. His sober pros- into Taiwan and beyond to Panmunjom, ation movements.
entation contributes to much needed across some 10,000 miles of land and ocean It may come as a surprise to some, but the
perspective on the war in Vietnam. in allmight. in In modesty Borneo be I had described been as a shown VIP what view fact is that few understand this rising dan-
I ask
ask unanimous consent that the arts- of that other major Asian war-the so-called ger more acutely than do the politicians and
cle entitled "Travel to Pacific Wars" be confrontation war between the new British- intellectuals of the non-Communist socialist
printed in the RECORD at the conclusion protected state of Malaysia and Indonesia. left. In Auckland and Wellington, in Can-
of my remarks. It's a bona fide war all right, although for berra and Melbourne and Sydney, in Singa-
cost and killing it doesn't begin to compare pore and Kuala Lumpur, one man after an-
no obj, There being teer R with the one that we Americans are in for in other said as much to me. Their shared
was ordered to be e printed in in the the D, Vietnam, some 400 miles away, on the far reasoning went something like this: "You
as follows: shore of the South China Sea. Still, there Americans must never give up in Vietnam.
TRAVELER TO THE PACIFIC WARS were small but sharp running sea fights at Red China is the enemy. Now is the time to
(By Charles J. V. Murphy) night in Singapore Harbor while I was there, ' stop Mao. Only you Americans have the
(NOTE.-Viewed in the perspective of U.S. and shooting was going on in the rubber military power to do the job." Then, after
strategy in the Pacific, the present war in plantations of Johore and in the pepper a pause, this sotto voce apology: "Of course
groves of Sarawak and Sabah. you will appreciate why we can't say this
involvemenpart,t From Singapore, in due course, I had gone publicly. Politics, you know." All the politi-
of Vietnam much larargtr part, whale. though The a a crucial
of the e United States and its allies stretches on to Bangkok. Alone among the SEATO cians in the Pacific knew that even Prime all the way from the Antipodes to Japan and partners and the American allies in the Minister Morin the Shastri of American Indiaair, bom while bipu of publicly No Brte-
h
:Korea, and in fact four -wars are presently Pacific, Thailand occupies a physical bridge, Pg the had privately spoken ing ongly h
going on in the Pacific area. The biggest, in or link, between the British war to save for Vietnam, adm of
South Vietnam, engages on our side some the West the sea gate between the Pacific the American resolution. And the diplomatic
580,000 South Vietnamese fighting men, at and Indian Oceans and the American war grapevine vibrated with the news that even
least 75,000 U.S. troops, very substantial frac- to save for the West a political and military Prince Hihanouk and the somewhat anti-
tions of U.S. tactical air and carrier task lodgment on the Asian Continent. Though American Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yu of
forces, and Australian, New Zealand, and Bangkok itself is the capital of the SEATO Singapore were agreed in their private con-
Korean contingents. The other big war is alliance, Thailand is not yet formally a bel- versations in May at Pnompenh that Ameri-
the one launched by Indonesia against its ligerent in the Far East. Nevertheless, it has can military power had entered the battle
neighbor Malaysia-the so-called confronta- become in a studied way a de facto power in none too soon.
tion war. This strange term was invented both situations. It has bravely lent its geog- What the Pacific leaders are finally braced
by President Sukarno for his, so far, unavail- raphy to the Laotians and ourselves in man- for, while still flinching from openly acknowl-
ing effort to pitch the British out of Malaysia ners it does not wish specified for military edging its inevitability, is a decisive con-
and most particularly off their commanding pressures against the North Vietnamese de- test between the United States and Red
airfields and magnificent naval base at Singa- ployments that are a potential hazard to China. There can be no real peace in their
pore. This has drawn in some 50,000 British Thailand. It has also begun to give serious world of non-Communist Asians-a com-
(including 14,000 Gurkhas), about 50,0oo attention, for the first time, to the feasibility munity of 1 billion people--until the power
Malaysians (including internal security of a joint operation with the British and question has been settled one way or another.
forces), and small Australian and New Zea- Malaysian forces for the purpose of corner- I pondered what this judgment involves for
land forces. A war collaterally related to ing in the wild mountains of southern Thai- us: can the United States even hold on in
the Vietnamese one is being fought in Laos land a band of Peiping-oriented guerrillas Vietnam without pressing the war home di-
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,27, roved For Re~1v CKhII~~ p e6~j.7BO%~~ATE
Judy 19~ s~eec1xw~~~~1lU~~//~AL LT~l~l~
rectly against North Vietnam and the power
center in Hanoi itself? Judgment on this
was to be made soon enough on my arrival
in Saigon. What I was sure of, already, was
that a whole new experience, a test, a strug-
gle, possibly even some fantastic ordeal, is
unmistakably in the making for the United
States in the Pacific, and a new and formida-
ble chapter has opened in U.S. history. There
is no mistaking the character and meaning
of one fundamental happening. It is that
the U.S. strategic center of gravity has moved
west, of the 180th meridian, into the Asian
Pacific. It is almost certain to stay there
for years to come.
The pity, the folly, is that the famous
men who have been manipulating the Amer-
ican tactics and strategy in the struggle for
South Vietnam let the rot and collapse there
go on so long. Indeed, I was hardly back in
Saigon before I began to wonder whether all
of Lyndon Johnson's men have grasped the
full seriousness of the new situation. After
getting settled in the Caravelle Hotel in the
center of the city, and sharing a meal with
several colleagues in a tiny bistro run by
an expatriate Frenchman with a perhaps ex-
aggerated reputation for occasional murder,
I took a walk in the direction of the Saigon
River. My-path led me past the American
Embassy, which had been all but demolished
in March by terrorists' bombs. With the re-
construction not yet finished, it put me in
mind of the bridge structure of a battleship.
The outer walls had been heavily reinforced;
the once tall windows had been contracted
to narrow turret-like slits; shatterproof plas-
tic was.being substituted for glass, to reduce
the danger from lethal flying splinters in the
event of another bombing; and the street ap-
proaches to the building itself had been
closed of with upended sections of sewer
pipe weighted with concrete to form a
barricade.
These defensive dispositions I noted with
approval. Then I was taken aback to hear
my Companion, an officer of fairly senior
rank, say that on orders from Washington
construction of a new Embassy, to cost about
$1 million, was to be started immediately in
a residential area. The design had been
chosen some years ago, during the false lull
that followed the French defeat and with-
drawal; it calls for a handsome three-story
Office building with spacious windows and
wide entrances appropriate for a tranquil
garden setting. The site was further attrac-
tive at the time of its acquisition because of
its close proximity to the Premier's office. In
the current mood of Saigon, however, this
handiness no longer is an advantage. There
have been 10 changes of government since
November 1963-pr were there only 9?-and
the mobs have got into the habit od demon-
strating in front of their Premier's windows
every few months, usually in protest over his
supposed subserviency to the American Am-
bassador, To put up the new Embassy more
or less on, the direct line of the mobs' accus-
tomed march struck me as a heedless action,
Indeed, the whole scheme seemed most un-
timely; our diplomacy, my friend and I were
agreed, might be most prudently conducted
for the time being in the present bunker and
the million dollars invested in ammunition.
OAR.LOI GEST LOSING WAR., If,I appear cynical about the conduct of
American business in South Vietnam, it is
because in the course of my visit here I find
it hard to be anything but distressed and
shocked by' the American management of
what has become a large and costly war.
With the end nowhere in sight, it is already
the longest losing war that Americans have
been engaged in since the French-Indian
wars in the mid le 18th century.
Ill. President E%senhower's last year, U.S.
military aid to Vietnam came to only $65
million, and our military mission there to-
taled 773 officers and men.. Within a year
our military aid to that country was more
than doubled, rising as it did in fiscal 1962
to'about $144 million, and the military mis-
sion was increased some twentyfold, the
strength rising to nearly 17,000 men. As
this article went to press, early in July, some-
thing like 75,000 U.S. troops were already
deployed, in one role or another, in South
Vietnam. This figure does not take into
account some 27,000 fliers and sailors who
man Carrier Task Force 77 of the 7th Fleet,
and who are wholly in the fight. Nor does
it include the general support being pro-
vided the forward forces by the large perma-
nent Air Force and Navy establishments in
the Philippines, Japan, and on Okinawa.
Very substantial fractions of the Tactical
Air Command and the Navy's fast _ carrier
task forces have been concentrated in the
Pacific and the westward, or Pacific, tilt of
our military resources is generally much
more pronounced than most Americans
realize.
The capital input has also soared, al-
though its true magnitude has been to some
degree concealed. As the battle went against
"McNamara's war" (as he himself described
it), he was able to absorb the rising costs
without a stiff boost in the defense budget
by drawing upon the emergency-reserve
stocks of the U.S. forces and by reducing or
deferring their less urgent normal opera-
tions. As a former controller, the Secretary
appreciates, of course, the eventual perils
of such a practice for a defense strategy that
stressed a high degree of readiness for both
general war and simultaneous limited wars
oceans apart. The running costs of the
Vietnamese operation appear to have risen
to about $2.2 billion annually. These costs
break down roughly as follows:
Continuing economic aid to keep the Sai-
gon Government afloat and to pay the bu-
reaucracy: about $300 million annually.
Other economic support to the Vietna-
mese infrastructure: about $70 million.
Military assistance programs (weapons, pay
for the Vietnamese forces, overhead cost of
the U.S. military advisory establishment) :
about $330 million annually.
Indirect costs represented by other forms
of U.S. participation-including the combat
forces, day-to-day military operating costs-
that are absorbed by the U.S. defense budget:
an estimated $800 million annually.
Extraordinary additional U.S. military
costs, chiefly for port and airfield construc-
tion, and for replacing reserve stocks of am-
munition, fuel, and so forth: $700 million,
to be financed by the supplementary appro-
priation that President Johnson asked for in
May.
And we are in for an eventual bill for the
war that will be much stiffer than the Penta-
gon cares to divulge just now.
...THE 14ONSOON0"ENSIVE
Although McNamara has demonstrated his
ability as an administrator of a vast bu-
reaucracy, the primary job of the Pentagon
is to conduct war-and the only war Mc-
Namara has so far been called upon to con-
duct has gone very badly from the outset.
When President Johnson finally decided in
February to put North Vietnam below the
20th parallel under the U.S. air counterat-
tack, and to bring U.S. jets to bear for the
first time in the battle fcr villages and roads
inside South Vietnam, it was an act of des-
peration. The South Vietnamese Army was
actually distintegrating. To the extent that
a government remained in Saigon, it was the
thinnest kind of film over the American pres-
ence.
The U.S. air counterattack achieved all
that was expected of it, up to a point: it did
check the Communist offensive. It had the
effect of driving home barely in time a bolt
to hold a door that was swinging wildly on its
hinges. But by reason of the very limita-
tions that the political direction of the war
in Washington imposed upon the air coun-
terattack, the blows have only impaired,
17669
without paralyzing, the Vietcong's capacity
for further heavy fighting. There is excel-
lent reason to believe that the North Viet-
namese buildup was well advanced before
the February air attacks on the principal
supply lines to the Vietcong forces in the
battle zone. Enough trained troops were by
then already deployed inside South Vietnam,
and enough battle stocks had been laid by
or were within its reach, for the enemy to de-
cide that it could still continue to sustain
a powerful offensive by its standards through
the monsoon season-i.e., into our autumn.
Certainly, it is acting as if it had such
means.
The Communist guerrilla forces are the
lightest kind of infantry. Once armed and
equipped, they don't need much replenish-
ment other than ammunition. They live off
the country. U.S. Army intelligence meas-
ures the Communist military strength at
present inside South Vietnam, in terms of
organized forces, at more than 100 battalions.
It further hypothesizes that this force, with
a daily average aggregate consumption of
from 100 to 150 tons of supplies, could fight
from 20 to 30 sharp two-battalion-size ac-
tions every month. Ho's flitting battalions
don't need much in their supply wagons, be-
cause they are not required to hold ground.
The marines and the U.S. Army in their re-
doubts and strongpoints are not the targets.
The target is the exposed hamlet or district
or provincial capital, or the column vulner-
able to ambush.
So, the U.S. air counterattack notwith-
standing, the critical phase of the 1965
monsoon offensive remains to be fought. No
knowledgeable officer that I talked to in,
South Vietnam was sanguine about the out-
come of the summer's fighting. It is not a
question of our marines, or our airborne
troops getting overpowered. Ho Chi Minh
is too smart to send his light infantry for-
ward to be mowed- down by American fire-
power. The U.S. military problem at this
late hour consists in finding some way to
lift the pressure from the exhausted Viet-
namese village and district garrisons. And
if the struggle continues to go as badly
against the South Vietnamese in the rest of
the monsoon season as was the case in May
and June, a force of from 200,000 to 300,000
American troops will be none too many sim-
ply to shore up a sagging Vietnam Army for
the elementary tasks of holding Saigon, the
major ports and airfields, the strategic
provincial capitals, and the main highways.
AN OLD SOLDIER'S ADVICE
This is an outcome that was never meant
to be. U.S. ground forces fighting Asians in
Asia? Until the other day, the idea was all
but unthinkable. At the White House, for
example, whenever the question arose of how
U.S. military power might best be used in
Asia, President Johnson used to tell about
his last talk with Gen. Douglas MacArthur
at Walter Reed Hospital. "Son," the Presi-
dent quotes the dying soldier as saying to
him, "don't ever get yourself bogged down
in a land war in Asia."
MacArthur's view has been an article of
faith with U.S. military men and notably of
the Army Chiefs of Staff ever since the bloody
island campaigns against the Japanese. It
was a view shared by Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor
before he was sent to Saigon as special U.S.
Ambassador. Once there, and with Vietnam
falling apart around him, Taylor reversed
his position. He was not happy about it. He
was confronted with the testing of a military
policy by which he himself, as Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs, and McNamara had re-
shaped the Armed Forces over a period of
31/2 years: making a great point of preparing
U.S. troops for limited and counterinsur-
gency wars. The truth is the Army's invest-
ment in these particular skills was nothing
like what it was cracked up to be. Neverthe-
less, in the absence of decision in Washing-
ton to aim the U.S. air attack primarily at
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 Approved For RECORD D SENATE 6R0003001900Du-ly 27, 1965
North Veitnam, Taylor had no choice but to pened, while he was only 2 minutes or so
ask the President for combat troops to be away, our pilot saw a puff of smoke, then
As I looked around, I could not help feel- block-of B b7's-way fiercely ablaze, and the
lag that the condition of our forces left conflagration had spread to long files of light
much to be desired in the most elementary piston-powered bombers, the A-1's. My first
respects. One of the major military air bases thought was that the Vietcong mortar
in Veitnam is at a place called Bien Hoa, 18 specialists had done it again; then I realized
miles northeast of Saigon. At the time of that the recurring explosions were caused
my visit there, in May, jet operations were by bombs exploding in the racks of the burn-
possible only from three runways in the en- ing planes. A careful inquiry by the Air
Air Force, on a rubber plantation that occu- faulty stowing of an old 750-pound bomb
Saigon in half an hour over a new three-lane 'iron" bombs--started the chain reaction.
asphalt highway. Light-engineering plants 't'wenty-two planes blew up, more were dam-
have sprung up on both sides of the roads, aged; a loss of that magnitude in an air bat-
and racing along with the crowded buses and .tie would have been cause for national
the careening trucks and the honking and anxiety. The pennypinching that con-
hooting motorbikes, one has the sense of tributed to this episode and the timidity
passing through a thriving, prospering, that impelled experienced ofRcers' to endure
mushrooming suburb. This impression is
valid enough, as regards the construction a scandalous situation did credit to no one.
indexes. But the area is also a genuine no REFLECTIONS IN A HELICOPTER
man's land. Open to traffic and commerce The American officer corps is, needless to
with Saigon by day, it reverts to Vietcong say, a good deal more competent than this
control at night. The notorious war zone D incident may suggest. In Vietnam, though,
-a densely forested stronghold that the the Army is up against a slippery, slithering
B-52'a have been methodically bombing- kind of battle that it can't seem to get a
begins just to the north of the airfield and, hard grip on. Doubts about the Army's
every few days or so, black-suited Vietcong preparedness for such campaigning were
in their outposts take potshots at planes on amply confirmed--despite all the high-flown
the final approach. theorizing about counterinsurgency tactics.
When I came this way a year ago, the Air A morning's helicopter tour of a crucial war
Force contingent at Bien Hoa numbered only zone in the company of an intelligent, youth-
400 men and they operated 40 light planes. ful operations-planning officer, Brig. Gen.
When I returned this year, one blindingly William E. DePuy, was highly informative in
hot Saturday morning, it was to find the Air this respect.
Force unit swollen to about 2,300 men and A helicopter can't be beaten for enabling
they were operating 100 planes, including a a general Infantry to get around and to see
number of light jet B-57 bombers. And that what is going on beyond his headquarters.
was not all. On the same field were jammed On this particular morning, General DePuy,
another 100 U.S. Army planes, mostly hell- at the cost of being only 5 hours away from
copters, plus another 100 planes belonging his busy desk in Saigon as the senior U.S.
to the Vietnamese Air Force, mostly light, military planner, made a swing in his clat-
close-support, propeller-driven craft. This tering helicopter that took him into three
made a total of about 300 aircraft collected provinces, afforded him a grandstand view
around a single strip. It was the dirtiest, of a helicopter attackin company strength,
most slovenly, ramshackle air operation I brought him into a quick conference with
have ever visited. One can excuse a lot in the staff of a Vietnamese division engaged in
war, but the confusion, disorder, and dis- a "search and destroy" sweep on the edges
array here were beyond excuse. of a Vietcong staging area, and finally put
For one thing, more than 8 months earlier, him down at the heavily barricaded head-
in the early morning hours of November 1. quarters of a great French-operated rubber
1964, a handful of Vietcong mortar men who plantation for a canvass of the tactical situa-
had penetrated the base's outer defense sys- tion with the U.S. advisers to a Vietnamese
tem laid down a fast and accurate barrage battalion that was braced, behind its sand-
that destroyed, in a matter of minutes, five bags and slitted brick walls and barbed wire,
costly B-57 bombers on their hardatands. for a night descent by the Vietcong.
THE TROUBLESOME REDOUBT
The educational aspects of the flight in-
cluded a skirting of the zone D area north
of Bien Hoa. As described earlier, this is
reputedly the major Vietcong base for their
operations against Saigon itself. From the
air, it put me in mind of the Louisiana river
country, except that the forest here is much
more dense, with the tree canopy reaching in
places to heights of 200 feet. The forest re-
doubt covers about 150 square miles, and
from the accounts of defectors and prisoners
it is both a maze and trap made up of secret
trails, hidden strongpoints, and supply
dumps, and bunkers connected with deep
tunnels impregnable to air bombing.
None of this can be seen from the air. I
was shown a short, narrow gray swath in the
forest left by the Air Force in its forlorn ex-
periment some months ago to defoliate the
region by saturating the tree tops with a
mixture of napalm and chemicals. The
chemicals were expected to dry out the trees
and the napalm to set the forest ablaze. But,
for various reasons, the hoped-for conflagra-
tion never got going, and the experiment was
abandoned as being too costly and tricky.
Now, the Air Force is trying to reduce the
forest to matchwood with B-52's.
I doubt even the B-52's will make much
of an impression with TNT, unless McNa-
mara wants to make treefelling a new career
for SAC, or unless SAC has the extraordinary
good luck to pinpoint and smash the head-
quarters area. But it was equally obvious
that the job of prying the enemy out of
the forest tangle was hopelessly beyond the
competence and means of the troops
we had committed. In recent major engage-
ments the air attack has again and again
finally turned the tide of the battle.
But it must also be said that, for the
Vietnamese garrisons, the turn has usu-
ally come too late. Since the Vietcong time
their assaults at night, and in the monsoon
season at intervals when they can count on
cover from rain and clouds, the Air Force's
abilityto react quickly has been sorely lim-
ited on occasion, and in consequence bat-
talion after battalion of Vietnamese regional
troops were cut to ribbons before help came.
One doesn't have to look very far to observe
that, except for the introduction of the heli-
copter, there has been little new invention to
prepare the ground forces for the kind of
war they are now being asked to fight. In-
deed, the United States doesn't even yet have
a satisfactory airplane to support this kind
of action. We are therefore obliged to use
planes that are either obsolete (A-1's and
B-57's) or too valuable (F-105's and F-4's).
THE CASE FOR GOING NORTH
The chances of a return visit by the Vietcong Helicopter etiquette orders the seating of It is time that the E-ring in the Pentagon
were high and, indeed, shortly before my call, the noncombatant guest inside, between the stopped kidding the troops, and that the rest
a brigade of the U.S. 173d Airborne Division escort officer and the port and starboard rifle- of us stopped kidding ourselves. It makes
was hastily taking up positions around the men; their bodies are interposed between no sense to send American foot soldiers,
base to guard it from an expected attack in him and the open doors through which a rifles and grenades at the ready, into the
force. Yet even then, the costly planes, tens sniper could sensibly aim. The guest must rain forests and the rice paddies and the dim
of millions of dollars' worth of them, stood take his chances even Stephen, of course, mountain trails to grapple with a foe whom
wingtip to wingtip for want of dispersal with whatever ill-aimed shot might come they cannot distintinguish by face or tongue
room; and, incredibly, a dozen or so simple up through the floor. DePuy sat alongside from the same racial stock whom they seek
concrete and earth revetments to protect me, and as we flew west by north, he kept to defend. On every count-disease, tropi-
the planes had not been finished. Funds for up a running commentary on places and cal heat and rain, the language curtain-the
new construction, I presently learned, were events in the changing neighborhood in view. odds are much too high against their mak-
difficult to come by in Washington. So under I was familiar with the region, having trav- ing much of an impression. When the ques-
the very eyes of the two-star Air Force thea- eled over the same-area the year before. But tion arose last year of sending U.S. combat
ter commander, the four-star Army general I marveled again at how close the swirl of forces into South Vietnam as stiffeners, seri-
in command of the entire war, and even the battle remains to Saigon, and how vague ous consideration was given to the proposi-
former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs who sat and impalpable the enemy remains. From tion of forming them into a line, a sort of
in Saigon, the squalid, inefficient, and dan- our altitude one could see 40 miles or so, and cordon sanitaire, across the jungle and
gerous operation at Bien Hoa was tolerated in this watery domain, north and west of mountain approaches through Laos and
and left to an overworked Air Force colonel Saigon, given over to rice paddies, rubber and Cambodia, with the object of thereby sealing
to manage as best he could. tea growing, at least 1,000 sharp battles of off the Communist supply routes. This im-
The poor chap didn't manage very well. one kind or another--ambushes, night rushes practical scheme was discarded in view of the
Less than 24 hours later, from an angled dis- on sleeping hamlets, skirmishes--have been all but impossible cost of-supplying the Army
tans of maybe 2,000 yards and a height of fought during the past 3 years. To the west, at anything like its desired standards, and
4,000 feet, I was a chance eyewitness of Bien I had a fine view through broken clouds of the further consideration that nine-tenths
Hoa's second and far larger disaster. I was Cambodia and the forested waterways over of the force's energies and means would be
abroad a Navy plane, en route to Task Force which the Vietcong come and go in sampans. consumed merely in looking after itself. The
77 on station in the South China Sea. Our We flew at.5,000 feet. But I never did see a solution that was adopted and is being fol-
course took us past the base and, as it hap- Vietcong. lowed now is to settle the troops in garrison-
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July 27, 19~~~~AL~~R
like strongpoints along the coast. It has
been romantically suggested that these
places will in due course become sally ports
from which our troops will issue forth into
the hinterland, spreading in ink-spot fash-
ion stability and hope among the hamlets.
But such, a process could take a decade or
two short of forever. It also means military
occupation, the last thing Kennedy, McNa-
mara, Taylor & Co. had in their minds when
they resolved in 1961 to risk a stand in South
Vietnam. Taylor understood this perfectly,
and the dreary outlook, no doubt made it
THE U.S. ADVANTAGE
Is there an alternative strategy? There
certainly is. It is one, however, that revolves
around a, dlffgrent set of premises than the
McNamara- ylor strategy has so far favored.
most particularly, it means shifting the main
weight of the American counterattack from
a ground war below the 17th parallel
to an air offensive in North Vietnam, itself,,
accompanied by a blockade of the North
Vietnamese coast. Does this meal leveling
Hanoi? No. It means, if necessary, the de-
liberate, progressive destruction of the North
Vietnamese infrtructure-@he . plants, the
railroads, and electric-power systems, the
ports-to a point where Ho Chi Minh can no
longer support his aggression in the South.
Will this ,cause Ho to capitulate? Not nec-
essarily. Ho is an elderly Asian revolutionary
whose education in communism . began in
Europe after the Bolshevik revolution. More
of his adult .life has been spent outside Viet-
nam than inside. His government will prob-
ably be wherever he chooses to hang his hat.
But if his capacity for mischief is reduced,
then our object is served. That object, it
seems to me, is to lift from South Vietnam,
at all possible speed, the terrible pressure
on its hamlets. Because that tads is, mani-
festly beyond the competence of the Army
and Marine Corps, except in a prolonged and
Costly test of endurance, then we must pick
up our Weapons of technological advantage-
the air arms, both sea and ground based.
What, has ma4e.the American fighting man
better than, his enemies is higher techno-
logical proficiency. It seems folly for us to
fight in Asia without drawing on this tech-
nological advantage. It might be highly de-
sirable, for instance, to use our seapower
and ground troops to a limited extent to
establish a beachhead near Haiphong, thus
threatening the enemy's main supply lines
and forcing it to pull its troops out of south-
ern Vietnam. Such tactics were immense-
ly successful in Leyete Gulf and later at In-
chon and had a salutory effect on equally
stubborn enemies.
Would s a truly stern attack on the North
bring China into the war? Expert opinion
splits sharply over the answer. High value
would certainly have to be given to that pos-
sibility in any plan for enlarging the theater
of action. We are already in an undeclared
contest of power with Red China and the
question that the President has to face up
to is whether in_ the months, immediately
ahead he settles for a partial defeat or failure
in a war one fully removed from the major
enemy, or risks a clash with Red China in
order to bring the secondary war under con-
trol. My own view is that Mao, should he
elect to engage, will do so relutcantly and
within cautious limits. He is certainly not
likely to force an engagement on terms that
will compel the United States to, employ its
technological advantages a outrace (to use
an old-fashioned, term). And I find it hard
to believe he would dare to send his in-
fantry masses over wretched roads to do,
battle in southeasat ,Asia, while Chiang Kai-
shek wait., Watches hopefully close by
on the. spa Ralik, with a spirited army of
400,000 on and the sharpest, most experi-
enced, small air force in the world.
THE BIG BLUE-WATER CHIPS
It is, I suggest, the looming struggle with
Red China that we Americans must keep
in the forefront of our minds as we grope
for the right mixture of political and mili-
tary strategy for ending the mischief in
Vietnam. This is why the map shown at the
start of this report now grows luminous with
meaning. Now, while hoping for a satis-
factory outcome in the going war, we should
be sensibly preparing the dispositions we
shall need if it turns out badly.
The huge naval base at Subic Bay with
its fine runways and the Air Force's runways,
repair shops, and storage facilities at Clark
Field in the Philippines are indispensable
for any forward strategy in the Pacific. It
stands to reason that the British air estab-
lishment and truly superb naval base at
Singapore, all greatly refurbished in the past
decade, are also crucial for the control of
the Pacific sea routes and the approaches
to Australia and New Zealand. Hundreds
of millions of U.S. dollars have been invested
in air and sea facilities in Okinawa and
Japan. And Japan must itself be persuaded
to become the north hinge of any grand
strategy scheme in the Pacific.
Then, too, there is Thailand, which has
generously opened its geography for new jet
airfields. This to me is the most stuning
recent development of all. It could have the
effect of transforming Thailand from being
a weak ground flank on the U.S. position
in South Vietnam into becoming the main
air-strike position, of which South Vietnam
becomes the weak ground flank. And, finally,
there are South Korea .and Taiwan, the only
other friendly countries in the are with large,
ready, experienced forces. It seems to me
our diplomacy should be cultivating this vast
garden with more assiduity than it has
shown.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not, morn-
ing business is closed.
NATIONAL AMERICAN LEGION BASE-
BALL WEEK-LEGISLATIVE RE-
APPORTIONMENT
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the unfinished
business be laid before the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A joint reso-
lution (S. Res. 66) to provide for the
designation of the period from August 31
through September 6, 1965, as "National
American Legion Baseball Week."
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Sen ill resume the con-
,
sideration of th tG,t\ solution. In recent history, by the members of our
-eJ college faculties. All across the Nation
ACA EDOM see the results of this interest, this
17671
what course will serve the United States
in the Near East in the next decade. The
outcome of the debate will undoubtedly
shape the future of the entire world for
years to come.
As in any great debate, there is an
unfortunate tendency for arguments to
polarize, for rhetoric and bombast some-
times to replace logic and reason, and
for the development of feelings of dis-
trust and alienation for those who dis-
agree with the viewpoint you happen to
hold. This is probably a natural devel-
opment given the nature of human be-
havior, but it can have some very
unfortunate repercussions. In this con-
text I would like to examine today what
I believe are the beginnings of a protest
movement that may have serious conse-
quences for our American traditions and
for free inquiry in our society. This has
to do with academic freedom.
In the past few years, much to my per-
sonal gratification, the university and
college students of the Nation have be-
gun to take an increased interest in the
state of the Nation around them. For
the years following the Korean war, 15
years ago, it had been difficult to interest
students in the affairs of the Nation.
They were interested in their personal
surroundings and in the search for a job
with status and security. But in recent
years-sparked in large part, in the be-
ginning at least, by the magnetic per-
sonality and shining example of the late
President John Kennedy, and continued
by the leadership of President Johnson,
the younger generation of students of
America have become interested in the
world around them. They have worked
long and hard in the civil rights move-
ment, in helping to teach and train the
dropouts and the children of the poor
and neglected minorities, and in projects
too numerous to mention which aim at
the improvement of society. It is from
the ranks of our college students that we
have drawn the majority of the recruits
for the Peace Corps. And in that en-
deavor they have justly earned and re-
ceived the acclaim not only of a great
portion of our people at home, but, in-
deed, of the world.
And now, in the great debate on Viet-
nam, the students have entered these
lists with the enthusiasm typical of all
their endeavors. And on this issue, they
have been joined
again as seldom before
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, for. the new word-"teach-in"-signifies a tactic
next few minutes, I shall address myself to generate interest and enthusiasm and,
to a question of deep concern to many I hope, instill knowledge. To this fer-
of us. It relates to the crisis in Vietnam ment I add my wholehearteded and com-
and to academic freedom. As far apart plete support, even though in many of
as those two subjects might seem to be the teach-ins, I hasten to add, I have
at first glance, they have indeed become been the object of much criticism be-
joined. cause of my position that the United
Since February of this year, the Na- States should stand firm and strong in
tion has been engaged in what may Vietnam. Yet in endorsing this new
truly be described as a great debate. The flurry of activity on the campus, I am
subject of this great debate is our future well aware that this movement and its
course of action in southeast Asia and manifestations across the country repre-
the Far East, in general. Indeed, the sent no Arcadian discourse with student
basic question really is not really the and teacher contemplating the problems
propriety of our action in Vietnam, b'lt of state in the calm surroundings of the
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 17672 Approved FfftMJB(31I1/9&CW-DP?JR06R0003001900Y#1Q 27, 1965
Halls of Ivy. I know full well that this
debate has taken on many of the aspects
of a protest movement on the campus,
that in this movement there are profes-
sional revolutionaries and malcontents
as well as bona fide academics and stu-
dents. I realize that perhaps there are
even a few persons who might think they
take orders from Moscow or Peiping and
are working to turn this activity to their
advantage. And, too, there may be
found in this movement on the campus
a few individuals whose mode of dress
and whose lack of enthusiasm for bath-
ing cause concern among more tradi-
tional members of society. These are
all facts which I acknowledge.
But emerging from the emotional ex-
tremes of the controversy on Vietnam
have been harsh charges and even more
dangerous assumptions from fringe
groups on both sides. There have been
certain groups on a few campuses, for
example, who sought to shut out debate
and controversy and to conduct a mon-
olog their way. As these critics have
attacked our Nation's policies in Viet-
nam, they have described the policy-
makers as "new imperialists," "power-
mad militarists," and "warmongers" out
to conquer the world.
In the Senate earlier this year, I sug-
gested that the campus debates would be
better received and would better serve
the traditional concepts of the academic
world if dissent on this issue among the
academics was not only tolerated but
even encouraged and promoted. What-
ever else, in the realm of human knowl-
edge, there has surely emerged full ap-
preciation for the right to be wrong and
the right to think "otherwise."
Likewise, I expressed the fear that, if
the campuses did not make a conscious
effort to maintain a dialog rather than
a monolog, the consequence would be a
distortion of the true face of the modern
American college campus today. In all
fairness, the voices from the campus
have not been nearly as one sided as the
headlines in the newscasts would suggest.
We all know that protest often gathers
more attention than support. Willfully
or otherwise, there has been a distortion
of the state of mind in the Halls of Ivy.
The fact remains that the vociferous-
ness of the protests from both students
and faculty have succeeded in exciting
those who peddle patriotism profession-
ally as well as those who may be wrong-
fully disturbed by the origins of the dis-
sent.
What concerns me is that this normal,
if sometimes wrongheaded, ferment on
the campus is already being seized upon
as an excuse to launch new witch hunts,
new predatory forays into the realm of
academic freedom-all in the name of
Americanism, of course, but with the
purpose of stifling the differing points of
view. It threatens, in fact, to shut the
doors on free inquiry and free expres-
sion.
Given then the reemergence of ex-
tremist groups in our country during
the past few years, it should not be
especially surprising that the anxieties
engendered by Vietnam, when added to
the already existing atmosphere of hate,
smear, and fear should increase the
tempo of fringe groups both to the left
and the right. The classroom in par-
ticular has always been an area of sus-
picion in their lexicon of conspiracy, and
thus It is not unusual-and certainly not
unexpected-that it becomes a prime tar-
get now. The cases of new attacks being
launched against the campus are becom-
ing numerous enough, however, to 'cause
us all to become concerned lest it get
out of hand.
It is more than a little disturbing that
a teach-in on the campus of the Univer-
sity of Miami in Florida not long ago
should evoke the use of one of the newer
weapons of the extreme rightwing. This
is the recorded telephone message. Re-
portedly begun by a medical doctor, Dr.
W. C. Douglas, of Sarasota, Fla., this de-
vice plays back messages from a program
entitled "Let Freedom Ring" and can be
connected to any telephone exchange
around the country-and, in fact, is so
connected. It has become a tool of ex-
tremists coast to coast with the advan-
tage that, until now at least, it has not
been the subject of regulation by the
Federal Communications Commission.
In the University of Miami case, people
throughout the community were called
by unnamed voices the night after the
teach-in and asked if they knew what
was going on on the campus and that if
they did not know, to dial 221-6767.
Upon dialing that number, a woman's re-
corded voice said, in part, as follows:
This is "Let Freedom Ring." Last Tues-
day night, at Miami's own little red school-
house, there was a strange assortment of
pinks, punks, beatniks, and leftwing edu-
cators assembled for the unashamed pur-
pose of pleading for a soft line against the
Communists.
An extended diatribe then proceeded
to link anyone who had participated in
the affair with specifically named indi-
viduals who were accused of being So-
cialists, Communists, pacifists, and odd-
balls. A U.S. Senator who participated
was likewise singled out for attack and
described as being "shoulder to shoulder
with a Marxist who advocates selective
assassination."
Finally, the feminine voice concluded
the canned message with, "Thank you
for calling. Call us Monday for a new
weekly message. 'Let Freedom Ring."'
Needless to say, this sort of irrespon-
sible and reckless mish-mash of charac-
ter assassination and name-calling read-
fly excites the fears of otherwise well-
meaning citizens and sometimes triggers
additional actions which threaten to im-
pinge upon fundamental freedoms.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, will the Senator yield?
Mr. McGEE. I yield.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, as the Senator knows, these tech-
niques are not limited to this particular
kind of situation. Rightwing organiza-
tions havebeen using this technique for
some time.
It seems to this Senator that we should
take a look at this matter and require
people who would use the telephone to
transmit recorded messages in this irre-
sponsible manner to identify themselves
and make themselves available to be sued
for libel and slander, or we should require
that the company should assume respon-
sibility for permitting that kind of mes-
sage to be transmitted over their wire.
Mr. McGEE. I agree. As the Senator
well knows, this is a practice which has
been followed rather widely. The tech-
nique was originated by Dr. Douglas, of
Sarasota. The use of this technique in
a case such as I have mentioned is less
known and understood than is its general
use. In general usage a telephone num-
ber is given, whether on the radio, TV, or
in the newspaper. When one dials that
number, he is furnished with weather, or
other information.
When I addressed a group on this sub-
ject at a college in California a couple of
weeks ago, I recommended that the Sen-
ate ought to have a voice in the control of
this relatively new development in the
peddling of hate and fear without a pub-
lic consciousness or awareness that it
was going on.
I believe that perhaps the appropriate
committees of the Senate should take a
hard and close look at this procedure.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, in my own case, I recall that some-
time ago I had urged that this Nation
might recommend certain changes in the
structure of the United Nations.
Someone put such a recorded message
over the New Orleans telephone, adver-
tised in the newspaper to dial a certain
number, to "find out about your Sena-
tor," or some such thing. The advertis-
ers turned it into propaganda, as though
I were trying to turn the United Nations
into a part of the Communist conspiracy.
In this particular case the people did not
identify themselves at all. There were
many smears and misrepresentations
that came over the telephone wire by
means of a recorded message when a
person dialed the certain number.
Mr. McGEE. Yes; and I understand
that the use of such a recorded message
in that way can be obtained for as little
as $40 or $50 a week.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. It seems to
me the telephone company should be re-
quired to be responsible in that matter.
I have had familiarity with a situation in
which the telephone company had
tapped its own wires to catch someone
who might be using the company's wires
to engage in gambling activities, and
matters of that sort. If the telephone
company can do it in such a case, which
is invading the right of privacy to some
extent, whenever it leased a wire for use
of recorded messages it seems to me it
could be held responsible in that regard.
Mr. McGEE. That might be one ap-
proach to the problem, without regard to
the question of whether that step should
properly be taken by the Federal Com-
munications Commission, which has jur-
isdiction over these matters. Otherwise,
I think Congress could enter into the
problem by clarifying the situation.
What the Senator has suggested might be
an approach.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. It appears to
this Senator that the telephone company
first has the responsibility for looking in-
to these matters and seeing whether it
should permit the use of its telephone
wires for repeated calumnies by means of
a recorded message.
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Mr. MCGEE. My first reaction to that of any Federal involvement in education of ideas, on the university campuses of
suggestion is that I doubt whether the that such participation did not, should our country.
telephone company could turn down such not, and must not involve any attempt . Our entire society has been enriched
a request on the ground of context, lest to influence the thought or direction of and blessed by our free university com-
it be_ the judge of such context, We the inquiry. To demand political con- munities. Therefore, we can take heart
would then be faced with the problem formity before hiring whatever talent from the vigorous defense and definition
of someone in the telephone company and training a man may possess to me of the academic community that the
judging that something which was re- would establish a precedent which con- Senator from Wyoming makes this
quested to be sent over its wires was tains the potential for the destruction afternoon.
defamatory or was not good in the na- of our system of higher education and I especially commend the Senator for
tional interest. So I believe some other of the academic freedom central to it. his defense of the teach-ins and the dis-
judgment should be made, but it would Even more recently another Member cussions on university campuses of the
be well to look a,t all the suggestions as of the Congress took up "Let Freedom issue of Vietnam, because I believe that
a po
ssible basis to get at the problem. Ring's" old cliche about "the little red the Senator from Wyoming in one or
Mr.
to the LO of broadcasting facilihes, this d schoolhouse is redder than you think." two instances has been unfairly attacked
Senator has had occasion to challenge campuses where, situation
c ous enough to defend he Is now gra-
the right of broadcasting companies to nis,ic beatniks and "foreign-born, fuzzy Although the Senator from Wyoming
refuse to broadcast election. material, professors" are destroying the pillars of and I have not agreed in all instances
The argument was made that some- true Americanism. While I carry no on the issue of our involvement in Viet-
one might play a scurrilous, last minute personal brief for the beatniks, I would nam, I have never for one moment
trick during the election contest. That remind this man that among the great doubted his sincerity and his good faith.
has been known to happen. What I rights dear to our traditions is the right Yet in a few instances colleagues in the
said was that while khebroadcasting to err, the right to be different, or even academic profession have not treated
company could, in good conscience, de- the right to be a crackpot. And surely the Senator from Wyoming with proper
cline to accept such live messages be- this same Member of the Congress ought respect, and have not given him credit
cause it did not Dhow what the. messages to recall the many instances in which our for the sincerity and good faith that I
might be, nevertheless when some organ- Nation has profited immensely from the know he has on this issue.
ization hands the company recorded arrival of foreign-born professors- Thus, I wish especially to commend
material, the company could say that either fuzzy ones or otherwise.
It made a proper appeal to persons who Our history breadth for the spirit which he graciousness and
the
felt the same way replete with instances a about supporting a rich returns from newly arrived immi- mi- breadth
displays in
the Senate today.
candidate; that "it was completely logi- grant scholars like Louis Agassiz, Charles In various periods in our past, we have
cal to accept such material; and that Steinmetz, Carl Schurz, James Audu- all deplored the failure of our young
those who, felt the same way about the bon, and later Enrico Fermi, Justice Felix college people to speak out on public
candidate ,should,,have an opportunity Frankfurter, Werner von Braun, and Ed- issues. It was not so many years ago
to go to the polls and vote for the man ward Teller. Another who comes to mind that we were talking about the "lost
they supported. In that particular case at once, of course, was the absentminded generation," because of its cynicism, in-
I prevailed. It was felt that people could professor who spent a lot of time doodling difference, and lack of conscience about
listen to that material and that those formulas on the blackboard and came up public issues. Some years later, the cur-
who shared that opinion could agree with with one which read, E=MC'. I refer, of rent generation was referred to as the
it. course, to Albert Einstein.
Mr. McGEE. In other words, they To those who are concerned that-as b"' generation " because it seemed to
elsontimid, having been somehow in m-
had a choice, and not,an echo. . one editorial writer put it-"the cockeyed idated about public issues to the point
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. The Senator professors and pacifists and anarchists" that it lapsed into silence.
is correct. are destroying the Nation and the cul-
Mr. iifcGEE. A former Member of ture that has given them sustenance, I about In mthe recent beat ygene we have heard
this body, Senator Harry P. Cain, who would suggest that while we should not uptry gocernowit wublic
now lives In Florida, took occasion to glory in the fact that some dissent on the supposedly, has no concern with public
issues
say about this incident: "The attack on campus is erratic and irresponsible, to .
the jl'niversity of Miami and its-enoour- seek to enforce conformity-"thought ator se saying onithe floor of he Senate
agement for debate and free inquiry control" is a better term-upon our in this afternoon is cause for hope in that
among its students and faculty was stitutions of higher learning would do he invites attention to the genuine con-
cowardly, scurrilous, distorted, mislead- far more damage to our civilization and cern of the young people on our college
ing, and inaccurate." I would add that our Nation than can the fulminations of campuses today over national and inter-
those shortcomings, however, never de- the most radical of students and pro- national issues. Of course, there will be
ter, or slow down .the extremist groups. fessors.
times when judgment ll be III-
In fact, they become more often than not Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, will advised, but heiImport nt things that
their stock in trade, rather than unusual. the Senator yield?
they of con-
But not all, of the outbursts of late Mr. McGEE. I am glad to yield to the sciences,e from speakingtheiroutminds, Land from
have come from little-known spokesmen Senator from South Dakota. - their hearts on issues which affect their
for secret spcieties.. The temptation to Mr. McGOVERN. I have had an op- lives, perhaps more than any of the rest
find col)spirators_ and ploters in the midst portunity to read the excellent speech the of us. I personally believe that the cur-
of our complex problems has spilled over Senator from Wyoming is delivering. I rent college generation is the best in-
into the Hails of Congress. Just recently commend him for a most thoughtful and formed, most intelligent, and most
a Member of the other body questioned timely discussion of this problem. The concerned generation in our history. I
whether a professor who had engaged in Senator from Wyoming is a former col- commend the Senator from Wyoming
a teach-in and was critical of the ad- lege professor, and a highly respected once again for his articulate and effec-
ministration's Vietnam policy should be member of the profession. He holds a tive defense of academic freedom.
allowed to conduct. research supported doctoral degree from one of the world's Mr. MCGEE. The Senator from South
in part by the Federal Government. To great universities. He discusses one of Dakota knows whereof he speaks. He
that Congressman, for a professor to the most precious rights we have in this has earned a Ph. D. in history from one
continue, to receive Federal aid under country, and one of the most valuable of the great institutions of higher learn-
those circumstances was a "shocking in- institutions. That is the tradition of ing in this country. He is also a pro-
Consistency." Mr, President, the only academic freedom. Some of the great fessor of history.
thing about this that is "shocking" to ideas in the field of science that relate Academic freedom is a phrase that
me is that the Congressman should ques- directly to the security of our country takes on deep meaning to him as being
tion the grant in-the-first place-and on and the success of our arms in earlier fundamental to the cause of all freedom
such grounds. It b s always been part conflicts have grown outof the interplay and free inquiry.
He has long remained
No. 138-4
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17674 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE. July 2 ?', 1965
a stalwart on the floor of the Senate in The PRESIDING OFFICER (ivfr. NEL- ouS that it need hardly be said at all-
defense of the kind of basic, deep-run- soN in the chair). Does the senator that all of us should be reminded that Lord
vested
never
one ping sort of inquiry which academic from Wyoming yield to the senator from group of persons or party or rap oxr c creed
freedom demands at all times. Wisconsin? g right; Mr. McGOVERN. I thank the Sena- Mr. McGEE. I am happy to yield to onall iyhtruism that has emthe erged in that the
for from Wyoming. the Senator from Wisconsin. our ow
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, it is no Mr. PROXMIRE. I join in commen- national history is that the nearest ap-
comfort to believe that the current at- dation of the distinguished Senator from proach to truth and the closest approach
tacks against the campuses are mere nit- Wyoming for his excellent speech, and to right is the freedom to disagree, and
picking assaults that will soon fade away. especially for its timing. That is the to hammer out the best possible solutions
As our past history long since should reason I asked him to yield at the point to the complex problems of our time on
have taught us, such small beginnings where he said, "If I may predict, this the anvil of reason. This is where we
readily explode into dangerous and dis- tendency will intensify rather than abate test tide s and omocCtipyure of the ground
torted assaults on everyone's freedom. in the months ahead."
Already the campus is being selected not Only just the other day, the majority I thank the Senator from Wisconsin
only for those targets of anti-Vietnam leader said that in his judgment there for his own contributions and measures.
advocates, but also for all other suspi- was a possibility that we might be in- They have been invaluable as we have
cious persons and groups convenient to voived in war in southeast Asia for 5 sought the path of unlimited freedom.
the needs of professional patrioteers. Years, 10 years, or even longer. As Americans, we are required once
From Vietnam it is a short hop, skip, It is clear, on the basis of the confer- again to take fresh stock of our heritage
and jump into looking for all kinds of ences now being held at the White House, of freedom and all that it means. To
conspirators, spies, and traitors. that developments in Vietnam are going destroy freedom in the name of protect-
On one State university campus in the to become more serious, that the casualty ing it does not preserve our national
West, a professor-identified at one time lists will grow, that the draft may well traditions. It betrays them. Yet, there
with SNICK and who has remained an be intensified, and that Reserve callups have always been those who would-in
outspoken critic of our Vietnam policy- are quite possible. There is every pos- the name of liberty-seek to deny it to
is under attack from certain self-ap- sibility that it will have an effect on the their opponents. License is no substi-
pointed patriots. Some of them are even economy. Witnesses before the Joint tute for liberty. We dare not forget
demanding that he be fired. On another Economic Committee recently indicated that ideas, no matter how unpopular or
cabimp s, a 2-year-old law against leftist that the prospect of a tax cut next year unwanted, cannot be legislated out of
speakersis currently the source of much has been greatly reduced. Of course, existence. They cannot be silenced by
This statute, enacted by that is not much of a sacrifice compared resolutions of a veterans' conventioner,
antagonism. the North Carolina Legislature in 1963, to the sacrifices being made in South The only way to defeat an idea is with a
of Vietnam, but we can expect sacrifices in better idea. Moreover, neither patriot-
did prohibit Communists and pleaders America to grow. ism nor loyalty can be revoked by legisla-
the fifth amendment from speaking at The war in Vietnam will not become tive edict, nor decreed by administrative
any State educational institution. Its more popular but will become less popu- order, nor achieved by oath. If they are
substance brings squarely into focus the tar. Perhaps, also, there will be an to endure, they must be inspired, rather
right of an esteemed faculty and student exacerbation of tempers and tempera- than commanded. In sum, it is impera-
representatives to invite and to hear ments, and of attitudes-and, I am tive that we not convert the campus into
speakers at open forums for assessing afraid, of a tendency on the part of our another tinderbox of vengeful hatreds
all points of view, including the extremes people to become less tolerant of those bent upon destroying the freedom of dis-
of the right, the left, and the middle; who disagree. sent. The halls of ivy must ever remain
conservative, liberal, and moderate, all Therefore, I believe that the speech the repository for free and unfettered
subject to the tests of truth and the being made by the Senator from inquiry. The professors call this aca-
scrutiny of cross-examination. Such Wyoming Is vitally important. There Is demic freedom. For all of us it remains
public forums it. themselves are an integ- nothing more important in democracy the heartbeat of all human freedoms.
rai part of the educational process for than freedom of speech and freedom of Mr. President, although its longevity
preparing students to understand their expression. might deny it, academic freedom has
own democracy and the meaning of our The Senator from Wyoming Is ideally never enjoyed sound health. Through-
national and personal freedoms. suited to make such a speech. He has out Western history it has been subject
As a distinguished former member of been a strong supporter of the adminis- to frequent attack and has all but suc-
this body, Dr. Frank Graham, had oc- tration, but at the same time has spoken cumbed on many occasions either from
casion to say recently when speaking up-not just now, but many times In the assault from without or from weakness
about the Carolina law: past-urging a national debate on the within. Most of us with campus back-
The free market of ideas in the historic matter, and defending those who wish to grounds remember only too well the.
American view is a basic part of the American speak their minds. nightmare of the Joseph McCarthy era,,
tradition of free enterprise. "Gag laws" re- I believe that his contribution today Is when self-appointed thought-police
pressing the freedom of assembly and speech very useful. It is especially important swarmed across the Nation labeling any
are expressions of the totalitarian way and that, unless those like the Senator from one who disagreed with their outlook on
are contrary to the American way. Wyoming and others are willing to speak life as a Communist. Many innocent
Then, former Senator Graham con- out frequently in defense of those who persons were subject to merciless and
tinues, disagree with the administration, and un-American persecution for having the
The "gag law" is a reflection on the Intel- who speak critically of it, that the situa- effrontery to have ideas of their own for
iigenee of youth and the responsible freedom tion will become much worse. making judgments independent of those
of students in the States' colleges and an The President of the United States has of the grand inquisitors. Mr. President,
expression of a lack of faith in the robustness taken the same position that the Senator I hope that it will be a long time before
of democracy. from Wyoming takes today, by saying we have to live through another such era
The North Carolina case is by no that he welcomes criticism; that while of suspicion and distrust, of smear and
means the end of the line. Only last he is as human as any other individual, character assassination, and of human
week, just across the border in neigh- and does not enjoy being criticized him- rights and constitutional rights being
boring Virginia, the Virginia department self, nevertheless he recognizes, in this ignored or even ground under foot.
of one of our larger veterans organiza- free democracy of ours, that the critic Colleges and universities have always
tions adopted a resolution urging the plays an enormously important role. had to contend with those who wish to
State assembly to ban Communist I commend the Senator on his ex- proscribe teaching and research with
speakers on the campuses. If I may pre- cellent speech, one that is most impor- limits reflecting the political and cul-
diet, this tendency will intensify rather tant, especially at this time. tural convictions of the time. But I
than abate in the months ahead. Mr. McGEE. I thank the Senator agree with the Supreme Court of this
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, will from Wisconsin for his thoughtful re- Nation in the thought that "if there is tar
constitutional
our
con the Senator from Wyoming yield at that marks.
sobering reminder-andt hisois them the any fixed so obv - stellation,s it is that no official high or
point?
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petty, can order what shall be orthodox But this is no reason to suspend liberty. Second. The strengthening of the most
in politics, nationalism, religion, or other Clich46s about "anticommunism" must belligerent leadership elements in the
matters of opinion or force citizens to never be permitted as a substitute for Communist world and the weakening of
confess by word or act their faith there- thinking. Intolerance, be it of the left the moderate forces.
!n." or the right, is still intolerable. Third. The growing conviction in Asia
While l: realize that, in some circles Even as discipline and restraint are whether justified or not that the United
to quote,, from the Supreme Court is the hallmarks of the effective advocate, States is a militaristic power with a low
ipso facto an admission of an un-Amen- and indeed of civilized man, so devia- regard for the lives of Asiatics and an
can thought in itself, I would further tion from those hallmarks reflect human excessive concern over other people's
quote from two members of the Court frailities. Thus, as there have been ideologies and political struggles.
to buttress my argument that there is abuses until now, there will inevitably Fourth. The derailment of efforts to-
no freedom more essential to our way be more; and with the resumption of the ward world peace and the improvement
of life than academic freedom. Mr. new school year scarcely a month from of life in the developing countries, to say
Justice Frankfurter, who had academic now, these abuses will multiply. But nothing of its impact on our own hopes
experience at Harvard, noted in a fa- these divergencies and excesses will for a better society.
mous decision that "it.is the business of a survive as long as the constant pursuit The proponents of a large U.S. mill-
university to provide that atmosphere of truth remains the high standard to tary effort in Vietnam base their case on
which is most conducive to speculation, which we repair, without regard for risks, the domino theory and their fear of the
experiment, and creation. It is an at- without concern for costs. Paper tiger charge. This theory, first
mosphere in which there prevail `the As we pick our way along the tortuous propounded by the late John Foster
four essential freedoms' of a univer- and troubled pathways into the future, Dulles more than a decade ago, has been
sity-to determine for itself on academic let us hark back to a bit of the eternal the guiding light of the foreign policy
grounds whQ may teach, what may be wisdom which flowed so generously from establishment ever since.
taught, how it shall be taught, and who the pen of Thomas Jefferson when he According to the domino theory, if
may be admitted to study.", wrote in his first inaugural address: South Vietnam goes Communist, this will
To this analysis should be added a Error of opinion may be tolerated where topple Thailand or Cambodia which will
statement by Chief Justice Earl Warren. reason is left free to combat it. then topple Burma, Malaysia, and so on
Justice Warren, as I do, believes that Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, I through the list of Asiastic powers in-
to impose any straitjacket upon the suggest the absence of a quorum. eluding the Philippines, India, Pakistan,
intellectual leaders in our. colleges and The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk Australia, New Zealand, and Japan.
universities would imperil the future of will call the roll. It is not always made clear whether
our Nation * * * Scholarship cannot The legislative clerk proceeded to call the dominoes are expected to fall because
flourish in an atmosphere of suspicion the roll. of Chinese aggression or because each
and distrust. Teachers and students Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, - ask country in turn infects its neighbor with
must always remain free to inquire, to unanimous consent that the order for the virus of communism. Be that as it
study and to evaluate, to gain new ma- the quorum call be rescinded. may, as the theory goes the United States
turity and understanding; otherwise The PRESIDI OFFICER With- must stand firm in South Vietnam to
our civilization will stagnate and . die." out objectionde ed. prevent the dominoes from falling no
But even as it is essent.ia.l for ?. r. ~.'
+uaul-1 wiiaL Lne cost.
guard against any restrictions on aca- The related paper tiger theory holds
damic freedom, the academic community HOW TO VE L S AND POLITI-`'what unless the United States stands firm,
itself must remember that this is a two- CAL FA IN VIETNAM we will lose face in the eyes of Asiastics
way street. Academic freedom must be Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, it and American power in the Pacific will
balanced with academic responsibility, now appears that the United States is collapse.
How best to strike that wise balance must faced with the distinct possibility of a This was the rationale that led Mr.
ever remain within the province of good major land war in Asia. Seventy-five Dulles and President Eisenhower to take
judgment, but surely it will continue to thousand U.S. troops are already there, up the French mantle after France was
provoke continuing disagreement and and it is reported that this number may expelled
Minh rom French Indochina. U.S aid contention-as well it should. reach 200,000 by the end of the year and Ph Mini 19 to and other -C ad to
Nowhere is this put better than in the perhaps many more than that by next President Diem to build an antiommu
1940 Statement of Principles of the spring. That would be a force on the nist barrier in South Vietnam.
American Association of University Pro- scale of the Korean war with the added Despite the fact that numerous gov-
fessors, abortion of which read: as, fol- dimension of a much more elusive enemy. ernments have come and gone in Saigon
lows: We do not know whether or not such a since the fall of Diem in 1963, we have
The college or university teacher is a citi- major American campaign would draw been holding on to that bastion at a
zen, a member of a learned profession, and in the main body of the North Vietnam steadily mounting cost ever since until
an officer of an educational institution. Army-a well-equipped, disciplined force land now stand on the brink of a major
Shen he speaks or writes as a citizen, he of 350,000 men. If that army were to The land The qr s Asiations now should be, free- from, institutional censor- become involved in the war in the south,
ship or discipline but his special position in ueo we continue before us are:
the community imposes special obligations. a much larger commitment of American First. toward Do r to accelerate the
Asa man of learning and an educational of- forces-perhaps a million men-would struggle Da major war?
Leer, he should remember that the public be required if our side were to prevail. Second. Do we call it off and withdraw
may judge his profession and his institution Also unpredictable is the reaction of our forces? or,
by his utterances. Hence he should at all China and Russia. Neither do we know Third. Do we consolidate our present
times be accurate, should exercise appropri- what kind of political system would position, keep our casualties at a mini-
ate restraint, should show respect for the emerge even if we were somehow able to mum and hold out indefinitely for a
opinions of others, and should make every wear down the guerrillas and their allies.
effort to indicate that he is not an institu- negotiated settlement?
tional spokesman. We are talking here, however, of a A POLICY OF MODERATION-HOLDING THE LINE
major war invol
i
h
v
ng t
ousands of Amer-
As a longtime member of the Ai-UP,
1' subscribe completely to that declara- ican casualties, the expenditure of bil-
tion. lions of dollars, vast bloodshed and de-
Even as that principle may be ac- an uncertain t utcome.anThere are other
oepted, surely we are realistic enough to possible side results of such a war that
know that all freedoms are sometimes may be even more serious in the long
abused and that. men of every station run than the war itself, including:
and occupation tend in moments of ex- First. The worsening of relations be-
citement and crisis to_say things with tween the world's two major nuclear
greater recklessness and impetuosity powers, the Soviet Union and the United
~,~_~__
than with imnartia.lity and dis
i
p sc
on
I urge that we stop the bombing attacks
in both North and South Vietnam
.
Bombing is largely Ineffective in a guer-
rilla war and more often than not kills
the wrong people. We should also stop
the jungle land skirmishes which subject
our soldiers 'to ambush. Instead, let us
consolidate our troops in a holding ac-
tion in the cities and well-defended en-
claves along the coast. We can hold the
cities and, the coastal enclaves with few
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17676
casualties and with little likelihood that government in Saigon aid consisting of designed not only to hold the casualties
the Vietcong will attack frontally. Such military advice and presumably some of our troops at a minimum, but to hold
a plan would provide a haven for anti- economic and technical assistance, but the losses among the people of Vietnam
Communist progovernment citizens in- that the commitment was conditioned to a minimum.
eluding the religious groups. It would on the carrying out of reforms on the In a few moments I shall elaborate on
demonstrate that we are not going to be part of the government in Saigon. the point that we ought not to contend
pushed out, thus giving consolation to Mr. GRUENING. The Senator is that the fate of the world hangs on the
those who hold the domino theory and quite correct. It was conditioned upon outcome of events in Vietnam.
fear the paper tiger label. We would by reforms. Those reforms never took Mr. GRUENING. The Senator is cor-
this policy respect our commitment to place. Instead of reforms, brutal tyr- rect. I take it that he has read Walter
the various governments in Saigon that anny resulted-the imprisonment of Lippmann's column in this morning's
have held power since 1954. It is the many persons without trial, the execu- Washington Post?
best strategy for saving both lives and tion of others, and widespread suppres- Mr. McGOVERN. I have and I greatly
political face-the two most sensitive sion-which alienated the possible sup- appreciated the point of view which he
factors to be considered now. port which a friendly, progressive, en- expressed so well.
Furthermore, it is based on the real- lightened government, carrying out the Mr. GRUENING. In effect, Mr. Lipp-
ities of the present political and military reforms which President Eisenhower had mann expresses what I have been saying
map of Vietnam. While we are in con- in mind, would have secured. on the floor of the Senate and elsewhere
trol of the cities and the coast, the guer- it might be helpful if the Senator for the last year and a half. He disputes
rillas control most of the rural and vil- would include in his remarks the text of the basic assumption on which our pres-
lage areas. To dislodge them would be that letter. I shall be glad to furnish ent policy is predicated; in other words,
to destroy in the process thousands of him a copy of it. It shows that the offer he asserts that our security is not in
the innocent civilians we are trying to was tentative in nature. In it President jeopardy by what happens in Vietnam;
save. Eisenhower stated that he would send that we are, in effect, going it all alone;
A recent news report described the our Ambassador to explore with Presi- that nothing that happens in Vietnam
despair of American officers who arrived dent Diem, who was then President of imperils the safety of the United States;
in the village of Bagla which our forces the Council of Ministers, how aid could that the freedom we are allegedly pro-
recaptured from the Vietcong after 3 be rendered to make the Government tecting fails to exist.
days of U.S. bombing, machinegun, and viable so as to resist aggression. There I would add that it seems to me we
rocket attacks. What the officers found was no firm commitment whatsoever to could comply with such commitments as
were weeping women holding their dead send our troops there. we made, assuming we made them, with-
children or nursing their wounds and This historic fact is important to bear out a military force. If a peacekeeping
burns. The village church - and the in mind, because this administration has arrangement could be made in Vietnam,
school had been destroyed; the people escalated the commitment. I do not the killing on both sides could be stopped.
who had been considered progovern- share the view of President Johnson that Then plans could be worked out to hold
:went were filled with bitterness toward our honor is at stake. "Honor" is a an election, which was promised by the
'their rescuers. Meanwhile, the handful highly emotional word. It is a challenge Geneva accords but has never been car-
of Vietcong guerrillas in the village, to all Americans who naturally do not ried out. We could keep alive the hope
who were responsible for our attack in want our national honor violated. There of a united South Vietnam and North
the first place, had melted into the jun- is nothing in the history of the original Vietnam without killing countless people.
gle and were never found. Surveying commitment, which Is what President We cannot succeed in persuading the
the human tragedy in this village an Johnson referred to when he said that people of Vietnam that we are their
American officer said: three Presidents have promised this aid, friends after we have bombed them with
This is why we're going to lose this stupid to Indicate that the commitment was napalm to the extent that we have. It
damn war. It's senseless, just senseless. other than a tentative offer of explore- will now be next to impossible to create
A policy of restricting our military ef- tion of aid, depending, as the Senator the feeling that we are their friends or
forts in Vietnam to a holding action in from South Dakota has said, on "stand- that our intentions are what we said they
the cities and the coastal enclaves will ards of performance" by the South were in the beginning,
avoid this kind of self-defeating jungle Vietnam Government and on reforms. Mr. McGOVERN. I appreciate the
Those reforms have not taken place. comments of the Senator from Alaska.
wart, b which we are ilrside -equippis - ed best st Therefore, it would have been perfectly He will observe, as I outline my ideas, othe edt which the We can feed reasonable, when the Diem regime failed that they are very much in line with
fight,
and deftend d the fight. Wurban e and can supply, coastal y, arreas to carry out any of those reforms, and what he has just suggested.
and def when, in addition, it was overthrown- THE POLITICAL HAZARDS
with a modest effort and minimum loss I will not say overthrown with our as- The strategy I have suggested-the
of life. or This is a intaand that ace prig sistance, but we were not unwilling to tightening of our defenses in South Viet-
thuuntil see the Diem government overthrown- nam and the holding of the cities and
such t tl for
as the theVietcong andetcong get it through patience
su and since that time, has been followed the enclaves in the coastal area-is a
their heads that we will not be pushed by one administration after another, policy that involves primarily political
. I have been in Vietnam. eour u think none of which had popular support, to patience and military restraint. It re-
era involvement
the original mcommitment and I its h- assume that whatever commitments had quires that we put the issue of Vietnam
the ow comms a atce been made could have been considered in a more reasonable perspective. We
the commitment, as was a and I mistake. But we made voided. It is a source of regret to me must stop talking about it as though the
the dto support the kind of holding of holding g pre- that that has not been done. It is one honor of America and our stature in the
actin ouelined above the weaknesses in the administration's world depend upon South Vietnam. Our
action ssary to outlined above for as many years re positions, and its reiterated assertions top officials ought to quit preaching that
se is rent of the reach struggle. acceptable about our solemn commitments are not the fate of the human race and the cause
settlement borne out by the facts. of all mankind centers in Saigon. In the
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, will
the e Senator yield.? Mr. McGOVERN. I agree with the first place, it is not true. American miIi-?
Mr. McGOVERN. I am glad to yield. Senator from Alaska that the nature of tary power in the Pacific is largely in the
Mr. GRUENING. Is the distinguished our commitment today is drastically dif- firepower and maneuverability of our 7th
Senator from South Dakota familiar ferent from what it was 10 or 11 years Fleet plus our island air bases. That
with the original commitment, with ex- ago, or even 1 or 2 years ago. But hav- enormous firepower, the mightiest mili?-
actly what was promised and not prom- ing made those commitments as recently tary force in the Pacific, will remain no
ised, by President Eisenhower in his let- as a few weeks ago, it is difficult at this matter what goes on in Vietnam.
ter of October 23, 1954? point to see how we can easily back Second, exaggerated talk, front page
Mr. McGOVERN. My understanding away from them. news reports of almost daily bombing
is that in President Eisenhower's letter What I propose today is that we try missions, B-52 raids, and daily jungle
he stated, in effect, that the United to respect those commitments with a forays focus excessive attention on the
States was prepared to give to the Diem minimum loss of life and with limitations Vietnamese issue both at home and
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17677
abroad. This has the effect of diverting Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I com- now urging the President to step up the
attention from much more important mend the senator from South Dakota bombing attacks may be speaking with
issues related to our national interest for the position he has taken. I hope sincere motives. But it is not without
such as.the strengthening of the Atlantic that his speech will be widely read and passing interest that President Johnson
Community, the Alliance for Progress in soberly reflected upon by those in the rolled up a landslide victory over Sen-
Latin America, Soviet-American rela- States Department and White House ator Goldwater last fall in considerable
tions, the control of nuclear weapons, and who direct our foreign policy.
other steps toward peace that promise a Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President I of part because majority
Americans favored thempol cy of re-
better life for the people of the earth. It thank the Senator from Idaho for his straint advocated by the President. The
also wastes energy and talent and plan- encouraging and thoughtful remarks, not voters rejected Senator Goldwater's pre-
ning that, we need to concentrate on such only because he is a distinguished and scription for bombing raids and a
crucial countries in Asia as India and highly regarded member of the Commit- stepped-up war in Vietnam. It is hard-
Japan. tee on Foreign Relations, and a recog- ly a political favor to the President at
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, will the nized voice in the field of foreign policy, this point to urge him to appease the
Senator yield? but also because the Senator, perhaps minority and disappoint the majority by
Mr. McGOVERN. I yield. better than any other Senator, has con- a still larger and larger war effort. Yet,
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I want sistently enunciated a policy of common- recent public opinion polls indicate that
t
he Senator from South Dakota to know, sense with reference to our responsibil- the minority, who supported Senator have
first of
rea
s
prepared spee h. aI Ithat him tt his time only It The southeast sateet Asia. by the distin- with our accelerating Goldwater last fall, are more pleased
because I have a luncheon engagement guished Senator from Idaho-first for nam than is the majority who votedeso
with constituents which requires me to the New York Times magazine and then enthusiastically for the President.
leave the Chamber soon. on the Senate floor-in which the Sen- Stopping the bombing raids and the
The Senator has my deep admiration. ator warned against the dangers of an daily battles in the jungles, quietly con-
He was one of the first to register his overextension of American power in Asia solidating and holding the enclaves along
disagreement with the general thrust of is one of the finest statements made on the coast and in the cities, and reducing
American policy in southeast Asia. The the larger issues of American foreign the number of exaggerated statements
Senator has had very little company policy, about the importance of Vietnam-these
these past months, during which there I appreciate the comments of the Sen- steps will help to quiet much of the
has been,so much hesitation to speak ator this afternoon.
out, even among those who clamor and publicity associated with the
privately Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I thank issue and will help to put it in a more
question the wisdom of our course. the Senator for his kindness.
The Senator from South Dakota real- Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, I reasonable perspective.
istically points out that we are deeply agree with the remark just made by the RESULTS eS b antTai nECOesults on such a ACTION
involved in southeast Asia, that commit- distinguished Senator from Idaho that Thion results such a policy
ments have been made-whether wisely the President is searching for a way to ur moderation and restraint re these: e: I have
or unwisely-and that the question be- peace in Vietnam. He has always been urged this afternoon are thef
fore us at this, time is, Where do we go a man of peace and he wants with all his foe alike It that will demonstrate have ve the he to staying p and
from here? -heart to find an honorable settlement to m hithou need-
It
It is with that question that the Sen- the war in Vietnam. However, the over- to keep our commitments without need -
at-or concerns himself in the remarkable emphasis on the need for our growing less fanfare and unnecessary bloodshed.
address which he_is making on the floor military presence in southeast Asia by Second. It will enable us to conduct
of the Senate this afternoon. those who insi that the our commitment according to the guide-
His address is in line with the general Nation rests on the future ofoViet am
lines that are most practical for us,
purpose he has sought to serve. His places a very hazardous political founda- rather than prayeng the game according
objective has been to avoid an American tion under the administration effort. It to guerrilla rules, which include the
involvement in a full-scale land war invites the American people and the jungle ambush, at which they are the
against Asians on the mainland of Asia. world to watch most closely the very area admitted masters.
Perhaps it is still possible to avoid such where the chances of a happy outcome Third. It will take the Russians out of
a war. I believe that the President wants are most questionable. This not only a dilemma that is pressing them back
very much to avoid it. distorts an issue of secondary importance into a more belligerent alliance with the
The course of action which the Senator beyond its real significance, but it is poor Chinese.
from South Dakota has suggested today diplomacy and even poorer politics. If Fourth. It will ease the pressures on
commends itself strongly to me as a way we keep insisting that the image of such friendly allies as the Wilson govern-
in which we might still avoid a tragic America in the world depends on the ment in Britain.
American involvement in a full-fledged politicians and generals of Saigon, we are Fifth. It will remove much of the dip-
war in southeast Asia, the cost, extent, going to be in bad shape. lomatic and political hazard for the ad-
and consequences of which defy assess- President Johnson has a legislative ministration both at home and abroad.
ment., and administrative record that is virtu- Sixth. It will reduce the necessity of
I know that the position of the Senator ally unprecedented in American history. calling up our Reserves and stepping up
has often been a lonely one. I am happy It ought to be the pride of our country the draft while saving countless millions
that newspapers in his own State have, and the envy of the world. But unless of dollars that can be used to improve
to some extent, realized this and have members of the foreign policy establish- our society and our economy here at
paid him proper credit for his courage. ment who do not have to face the elec- home.
The people of South Dakota have rea- torate quit making Vietnam appear as Seventh. It will reduce the danger of
son to be very proud of Senator the top concern of the administration, world war III and improve the chances
MCGOVERN. With his consent, I ask they will create grave political hazards for further steps toward peace.
unanimous consent that there be printed for a great President and his supporters Eighth. Finally, and most significant
inthe e RECOR , following remarks of in the Congress-to say nothing of of all, it is the practical way of saving
cere the Senator, an
published editorial entitled "Sin- weakening our country in the eyes of the political face while at the same time
town Public Opinibli h of in April the the 19, Water- erworld. holding to a minimum the loss of human
to editorial ,entitled "Stand for Peace 1965; The Korean war, rightfully or not, de- life-the lives of our soldiers and the
stroyed the confidence of millions of Vietnamese people.
,. pul~lished'in,the Daily Republic of March Americans in the peacekeeping capacity Mr. President, in accordance with the
b, 1965; and an editorial entitled "Time of the Truman administration. General suggestion of Senator GsumNiao, I ask
To Review Our Vietnam Policy," pub- Eisenhower capitalized on that anxiety unanimous consent that the text of Pres-
lished in the Sioux Falls Argus-Leader and wrecked the presidential bid of Gov- ident Eisenhower's letter to the presi-
Of April 25, 1965, ernor Stevenson by pledging to go to Ko- dent of South Vietnam pledging U.S. aid
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without rea and negotiate an end to the fighting. on October 23, 1954, be printed in the
objection, it is so ordered. Those opposition politicians such as the RECORD following the editorials inserted
(See exhibit 1.Z minority leader, of the..House who are at the request of Senator CHURCH.
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 17678
Approved For Release ?~~R/1'l[/04~ F-FP6?PR00030019004$~y 27, 1965
!`l1N D Ti Q A
The PRESIDING OFFICER.
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 2.)
rr El
er
e
xB
['.From the Watertown (S. Dak.) Public nam, with local autonomy; economic ties
opinion, Apr. 19, 19651 and railroad links between the two nations;
SINCERE DISSENTER U.S. financial aid in developing the Mekong
There are many degrees of political cour- River Basin; neutralization of both countries,
age, but South Dakota Senator GEORGE MC- withdrawal on both sides of outside troops
and advisers, and no effort made to dictate
the u p one of the greatgreat political ideology; establishment of a U.N.
espous is exhibiting
espousal s ere unpopular side of a gtry Commission to guarantee national borders,
natshut nal is him up. even as his political peers try provide police protection, and guarantee fair
to shut up. treatment for tribal groups.
The n rea Should the United States be- The U.S. effort in South Vietnam has been issue: come increasingly I nvolved in South Viet- discouraging ever since President Eisenhower
nam as the dangers of an escalated. war loom permitted Secretary of State John Foster
greater? Dulles, the late, great advocate of brink-
MCGovnRx's stand: No. i Dulles, p, and the CI under his brother,
He stands fast on this line and hasn't Alan to intervene fR-roUgh the back door.
so, Alan twhen e s as the St. Louis Post-Dispatch observed re-
Epeen cal fr iends about sd , such
HUBERT H MP and in fl McGeorge big names as cently, it will be Eisenhower "who will be
have urged him to and Bundy charged by history with the initial responsi-
nationa. urged him to keep Rsilent on N keeps right gon bility for our Vietnam military adventure,
opposing ere U thetU.S. role in Vietnam Vi ketnam and doing g wherever it may lead."
so out where lots of people see and hear him. president that we must Johnson remain has made involved in the decision
the on-
Senator McGovERx early this week out-
lined what he called his "minimum terms"
for a settlement in a talk at the University
of South Dakota. Hecalled for: Closer con-
ation between North and South Viet-
d
f
Chicken? Appeaser malcontent? By no flict, indeed, we must pursue the enemy with
men either McGost nor points out that he 1s more vigor, and carry out reprisals for at-
ply, "I a pacifist belt ht isolationist
military can be used used tacks allegedly engineered by North Vietnam.
ro
ply, "I believe military aid d can He could hardly do otherwise in view of the
roblems
Th
e p
effectively ely in southeast Asia.
there are ones of internal political revolu-
tion: '
in other words, in the McGovern book,
America is charging along a jungle path In
Vietnam that is not only militarily futile but
very costly and extremely dangerous. He re-
cently told Bucknell University students, "It
seems clear that we are now on a spiral of
blows and counterblows which could lead to
a major war under the worst possible con-
ditions for the United States"
He has recalled his food for peace days and
reflected, '"The extensive traveling that I did
In Asia and Latin America convinced me that
the basic problems in these areas are ones
of hunger, illiteracy, and bad government.
These are the problems we should attack.
In South Vietnam we inherited the hostility
and mess that came from 50 years of French
misrule and exploitation."
MCGovERN obviously is under no illusions Korea af terhe took office. It was neither
ti to the phet junior hazard Senator of frohism a own prairie e a victory nor a defeat for us. Korea re- on. For the junior mains split as Vietnam is now, and a U.N.
State to so adamantly oppose a major policy commission patrols the buffer zone between
and commitment of his own party and ad- North and South. The same course of ac-
ministration, and to do it repeatedly, while tion today is as valid today as it was in
spurning big brother attempts to shush him, 1953, and MCGOVERN'S group rates public in-
takes a ese days, nerve oar d it see very couragement for their pursuit of a peace-
often these days, particularly not ot in politics. ful and honorable settlement.
d
And to compound it, McGovrRN displaye
something of the same independent attitude
when he openly expressed his disappoint-
ment over some facets of the administra-
tion's new farm program and vowed to work
to correct them.
MOGOVERN's views have not prevailed, and.
it is unlikely that they will. But whether
they do or not, the man who endorses them
and does so most effectively, has increased
his stature among many people for his sin-
cerity, his steadfastness, and his willingness
to go for broke in behalf of an Ideal he hon-
estly believes is right.
[From the Daily Republic, Mar. 5, 19651
STAND FOR PEACE
aea,- -??? pity, Deicre It oroaueu
South Dakota, and a small handful of col- Many like to believe that the Vietnam epi- It is entirely possible that the same step
leagues have taken a courageous stand for sode will end similarly. But there's doubt, can be taken in respect to Vietnam. With
a negotiated settlement of the war in South plus bewilderment, accentuated by the real- proper negotiation, very likely something cp at an estimated cost of $664,000;
and channel improvements. period of years on a sound fiscal basis Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I ask
All are in the interest of navigation, compatible with other needs of the unanimous consent that the amendments
flood control, hydroelectric power, beach country. may be considered en bloc.
erosion control, and other multiple- The bill contains works of improve- The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
purpose water uses. ment for construction In 38 States of objection, the amendments are consid-
They will provide needed flood protee- the Union. ered en bloc and, without objection, they
tion to our cities and towns, as well as Surveys leading to future projects will are agreed to.
agricultural areas of the country. be made in a number of other States, in Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I join
They will enhance the use of the navi- accordance with language that the com- the distinguished Senator from Michi-
gable waterways of our Nation which, as mittee has seen fitto Include in the bill. gan, Senator McNAMARA, the chairman
we all know, has one of the best harbor Section 104 of the bill grants the con- of the Committee on Public Works, In
and inland waterway systems in the sent of Congress to construction of a dam asking that S. 2300 be passed by the
world. by the State of Pennsylvania on the Sus- Senate.
They will provide additional water for quehanna River. This will result in no As the Senator from Michigan has
domestic as well as industrial uses, aug- cost to the Federal Government. said, the bill has been the subject of
menting the supply which in many sec- Section 204 would authorize the Sec- long and thorough consideration over a
tions of the country is becoming critical. retary of Commerce to make loans to period of 4 months. The Committee on
Hydroelectric power will also be gen- those local interests-located in desig- Public Works gave the bill close scrutiny
crated at some of the projects recom- nated depressed areas-who are unable in comprehensive hearings.
mended in the proposed legislation. to meet the required local contributions This year the chairman of the com-
Recreational activities will be en- toward the cost of construction of water mittee initiated a new system of hear-
hanced by the adoption of these projects. resource projects. ings, which I believe was helpful and
All in all, the projects contained in This will be a valuable provision to enabled the committee to give fuller con-
this bill will go far in promoting and de- assist those communities located in eco- sideration than was possible for each
veloping the Nation's water and land nomically depressed areas of the coun- project in past years. The chairman
resources. Cry established four subcommittees dealing
The projects recommended are the re- Section 206 as well as 207-would pro- with specific projects in the Atlantic re-
sult, in many instances, of requests made vide for needed comprehensive water re- gions, the central regions, the Missis-
by the Members of this body for studies source surveys throughout the Nation. sippi-Plains regions, and the Pacific re
of water resource problems In their in closing -I especially wish to thank gions.
States. the members of the Public Works Com- After the hearings in these special sub-
The committee asked the Corps of En- mittee who devoted long hours to the committees had been completed, the full
gineers to look into these problems, and consideration and formulation of this committee went over r the bill, item by
to advise the committee on the best bill. item, and it was
nani
the d tic Works Committee.
course of action for remedying the situ- Also, my appreciation is extended to
ation. Gen. Jackson Graham, the Director of As the chairman has noted, the omni-
The projects contained in this bill are Civil Works of the Corps of Engineers, bus authorization bill is usually brought
the answers to these problems. and to his able staff for furnishing the before the Senate biennially, but it has
Highlights of the bill will be of interest committee with details on the various been years since a
bill has regular om ibus
to the Senate. projects and matters. been before
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 Jutz 27, 1 proved For R"t J tC fb7BOgf 0300190009-0
and floods aggravated by or due to wind or
tidal effects, to be made under the direction
of the Chief of Engineers, in drainage areas
of the United States and its territorial pos-
sessions wfiich include the following named
localities: Provided, That after the regular
or formal reports made on any survey are
atlbmitted to Congress, no supplemental or
additional report or estimate shall be made
unless authorized by law except that the
Secretary Of the Army may cause a review
of any examination or survey to be made
and a report thereon submitted to Congress,
if such review is required by the national
defense or by changed physical or economic
conditions: Provided further, That the Gov-
ernment shall not be deemed to have en-.
teredupon any project for the improvement
of any waterway or harbor mentioned in this
title until the project for the proposed work
shall have been adopted by law:
Watersheds of etreams in the North At-
lantic region draining northward in New
York toward the Saint Lawrence River below
the international boundary and draining di-
rectly into the Atlantic Ocean above the Vir-
ginia-North Carolina State line with respect
to a framework plan for developing the
water resources of the region.
All streams flowing into the sounds of
North Carolina between Cape Lookout and
the Virginia line except those portions of
the Neuse, Pamlico, and Roanoke Rivers
above the, estuarine reaches.
Watersheds of streams in the South At-
lantic region draining directly to the Atlantic
Ocean below the Virginia-North Carolina
State . line and draining directly into the
Gulf of Mexico east of Lake Pontchartrain
with respect to a framework plan for de-
veloping the water, resources of the region.
The. Rio Grande River and its tributaries
with respect to a framework plan for flood
control and other purposes.
Watersheds of streams, washes, lakes and
their tributaries, which drain areas of the
17709
expressed as to the implications for wa- cast printed in the RECORD. I also ask
ter resource development inherent in the unanimous consent to have printed in
November 20, 1964, directive of the Chief the RECORD following the text of this
of Engineers regarding criteria to be em- broadcast, an important excerpt from
ployed in evaluating new improvements. Whittaker Chambers' monumental lit-
Several river valley associations have erary work, "Witness." This excerpt
joined together in expressing views on was printed with the "Manion Forum"
this subject to the Chief of Engineers. broadcast, and I feel that this excerpt
He has responded in detail. entitled "Why Does Communism Con-
A representative of the Ohio Valley tinue To Exist-Even in America?"
Improvement Association, Mr. William J. should likewise be studied by all Mem-
Hull, also represented the Arkansas Basin bers of Congress.
Development Association, the Inland There being no objection, the inter-
Empire Waterways Association, Inter- view and excerpts were ordered to be
connecting Waterways, Inc., the Missis- printed in the RECORD, as follows:
sippi Valley Association, and the Tennes- COMMUNIST ESPIONAGE AND SUBVERSION-Ex-
see-Tombigbee Waterway Development PERT TESTIMONY REVEALS ITS BREADTH AND
Authority, in testifying June 10, 1965, DEPTH IN THE U.S.A.
before an ad hoc group of the Public (Interview with J. G. Sourwine, chief coun-
Works Committee over which I presided. eel, Senate Internal Security Subcom-
In essence, the joint position of the or- mittee)
ganizations was one of commending the Dean MANION. For many years the Com-
intent of the Chief of Engineers in seek- mittee on the Judiciary of the U.S. Senate
ing sound and conservative standards of has had a subcommittee for the investiga-
project evaluation. But the belief was tion of the administration of the internal
expressed that generally the Corps of among security oth h the
things. United This suubb stscommcommitttee Is
amg
tee is
Engineers' traffic estimates in project composed of nine U.S. Senators, and for
evaluation under previous standards have many years, as its chief counsel, it has had
been fully justified by experience and Mr. J. G. Sourwine. Throughout the years
that there is basis for concern first, lest of his service, Mr. Sourwine has acquired a
the newly promulgated standards for great fund of experience about subversion
traffic estimates result in serious under- and subversive activities in the United
statement of project potentials; and sec- Sues.
ond, lest these standards introduce an I take you now to Washington, where
element of subjective conjecture into J. Gas urwine, counsel l ofinterviewing t the Se ate s br-
project evaluation which would obstruct committee to investigate the administration
meaningful review of Corps of Engineers of internal security in this country,
reports by the cognizant committees of MARILYN MANION. Mr. Sourwine, to begin
Congress. our discussion, I'd like to ask you a very
vada, Utah, Idaho, and Wyoming with re- stated by the several associations andau-
spect to a framework plan for flood control thorities represented that the Chief of
and other purposes. Engineers review the criteria for traffic
The Colorado River and tributaries above estimates under the instructions of No-
Lees Ferry, Arizona, with respect to a frame- vember 20, 1964, in the light of the con-
work plan for flood control and other pur- ditions cited above and in the light of
poses,
The Colorado River and tributaries below the emphasis on economic growth and
Lees Ferry, Arizona, with respect to a frame- development called for by the "Report
work plan for flood control and other pur- on Policies, Standards, and Procedures
poses. for Formulating and Evaluating Water
Watersheds of streams in the Pacific North- Resource Projects," approved by the
west region which drains directly into the President in May 1962 and published as
Pacific Ocean along the coast lines of Wash-
ington and Oregon with respect to a frame- Senate Document 97, 87th Congress, 2d
session.
work plan for developing the water resourc
es
of the region.
Watersheds of streams in California which
drain directly into the Pacific Ocean and of
streams, washes, lakes, and their tributaries,
which drain areas 311 the eastern portion of
the California region with respect to a
framework plan for developing the water re-
sources of the region.
Kaneohe-Kailua area, Oahu, Hawaii.
SEC. 208. Title II of this Act may be cited
as the "Flood Control Act of 1965".
Mn McNAMARA. Mr. President, I
move that the vote. by which the bill was
Passed be recpnsidered.
Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, I move
that the motion to reconsider be laid on
the table.
The motion to ],ay on the table was
agreed to.
PI OCEDU .9S AND CRITERIA FOR
FOR NAVIGATION IMPROVEMENT
STUDIES
Mr. RANDAI,PH, Mr. President, a
considerable amount of concern has been
COMMUNIST ESPIONAGE AND
SUBVERSION
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, one
of the best and most informative weekly
radio broadcasts in this country is the
"Manion Forum," which is produced by
Dean Clarence Manion, of South Bend,
Ind. Dean Ma;gion was formerly dean
of the Law School at Notre Dame Uni-
versity.
In the "Manion Forum" broadcast of
April 25, 1965, Miss Marilyn Manion,
Dean Manion's very able and dedicated
daughter, interviewed Mr. J. G. Sour-
wine, the distinguished chief counsel of
the Senate Internal Security Subcom-
mittee. The interview was on the sub-
,fect of Communist espionage and sub-
version.
Mr. President, I have been very much
impressed with this interview and feel
that it should be studied by every Mem-
ber of Congress. Therefore, I ask unani-
inous consent to have this radio broad-
basic question, Since we shall be discussing
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee,
what is the purpose of the subcommittee?
Why does it exist?
Mr. SouRwINE. The Internal Security Sub-
committee was created because at the time
of passage of the Internal Security Act, Sen-
ator McCarran, who was the father of that
act, and other Senators thought there should
be in the Senate a committee charged with
the dual responsibility of legislative over-
sight of that act and other internal security
laws, and charged also with investigating
the activities of the Communist Party and
other subversive organizations of a totali-
tarirn nature in the United States.
The committee was authorized initially by
a resolution of the Senate passed at the end
of 1950, and activated in early 1951. The
committee has a very specific charter which
gives it several responsibilities: those I have
mentioned, and the further responsibility of
a continuing investigation with respect to
propaganda by the Communist Party or any
other subservise organization which threat-
ens the internal security of the country. To
use the words of our basic resolution, "in-
cluding but not limited to espionage and
subversion."
MARILYN MANION. Is there really a sub-
versive threat to America today; and spe-
cifically, is there a strong Communist threat?
And is there Communist espionage going on
in the United States at the present time?
Mr. SOURWINE. Those are three questions.
They are interlocked. The answers are "Yes"
in every instance. There is a threat to the
internal security of the country just as there
is a threat to the internal security of every
free country in the world as long as the world
Communist conspiracy exists and has as its
objective the communization of the world.
The Communist Party is a definite danger
to the security because the Communist Party
USA is an arm of the world Communist con-
spiracy, responsible to Moscow, whose tactics
and strategy in many instances are directly
dictated by Moscow. And because this is a
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group of hard-core Communists, Which And as a result of this control over a period
means dedicated, disciplined and able. of 20 years and more, they succeeded in con-
Now with respect to espionage, we must ditioning the thinking of the American peo-
accept as a fact that there is espionage in the pie, not only the mass of the people, but the
United States, unless we wish to take the scholars in the field, until nearly everyone in
position that the Communists are treating this country was ready and willing to
the United States, their main enemy, differ- accept a number of false theories about the
entry from the way they are treating every Far East, incuding the theory (which thank
other country on earth. We have additional goodness has now been exploded) that thhee
evidence with respect to espionage in testi- Chinese Communist movement was j
moray which has been given back through a bunch of agrarian reformers. They did
the years by persons who had been members this-the Communists didthis- invo wit at of
of the party-parties to the conspiracy, and time more than 500 persons
who have told us what the Communist plan whom at no time were more than 200 party
and program Is and how they operate. members.
For Instance, several espionage networks MARILYN MANION. I see that the subcom-
have been disclosed. The network which was mittee has recently issued a report which de-
headed at various times by John Abt and scribes extensive Communist activities in
Harold Ware and Nat Witt was one Which was Latin America, including Communist infil-
exposed. We know that there was another tration among students there. But what
at that time which was not exposed then and about Communist influences on students
has'not been exposed since, because we have right here in the United States?
are ac-
i
t
s
s
the sworn testimony that an effort was made Mr. SoURWINE. The Commun
conceive of
to recruit Alger Hiss into the Abt-Ware-Witt tively working in that area. A new drive on puter that the mind Of man oar break down
group of the party but that the word came 'youth was begun a little over 3 years ago, will give wrong
through from topside to leave him alone, that and between 2 and 3 years ago there was in- if false data is fed into it, at least until the
he was working with another group. creased emphasis by the party on the cam- computer has been given a sufficient amount
uses as targets. of true data to develop within the computer
Now we know that the in , dual manner. pMAIULYx MANION. We hear a lot about an ability to reject that which is false. The
set their o in a dual manner. academic freedom whenever the American human mind is the finest computer that was n pendent pitwo each other side by sidthe e, same e student community is being discussed. And ever made. The same thing Is true of the
and don't the usual question is: Why shouldn't a Com- human mind, however. If false basic prem-
objectives. of each you but with
find its opposite When nuyomuber, you number, souk know one and that dhere munist be allowed to teach in a school? ises are fed into it, and it works properly.
find i SovaweNE The reason for this is beat false answers will come out.
uncered Mr. S one that in hasl s o age netwo. Also, the explained, I think, by a simile. When a man If false premises are fed Into it in contra-
is to
iug under th had espionage aches of its g v- buds a granary, he builds into the granary diction to truth which is already there, at a
ng under three different
naval and re p gav- every protection he can think of against time when the mind as a computer has not
We have uncovered ,naval and country pmfce. rats because he knows if the grain is there had enough data to achieve enough sophis-
We have uncovered in this country more the rats will try to get in; and if they get tication to make the choice and reject the
than one teeret police neework We have one In they'll spoil the grain. He knows this false, the result is confusion or even mental cvered netwv r at le the least Abel one So netwwororkmili military espionage because of the nature of rats with grain. breakdown--just as a computer would break
He doesn't have to find a particular rat down. And it's by reaching for the youth
uncovered a network. have never
wEven a Soviet
case aval espionage top lespoiling a particular grain of wheat in order at a time when they are particularly vul-
Even in the cthere of is our top level gerpf to need protection for his granary or know nerable that the Communist Party hopes to
gent- agencies, always a danger of that he needs it. make major gains through its campaign ad-
someryears The head ice the CIA told know Now every member of the Communist dressed to college campuses. ile he some years ago that oa ion in isd not know Party has been Indoctrinated, has been put MARILYN MANION. Thank you, Mr. Sour-
co Commune infiltration about i agency-of he wouunder discipline, has been accepted by the wine. As chief counsel for the Senate In-
course, !e it did know about the ha would party as loyal and reliable, and has accepted ternal Security Subcommittee, you know of
tion ha the operated been assump- as one of his personal obligations to the what you speak. And. I know that you've
Apra that agency had beInfiltrated. party the responsibility of using any post- enlightened the members of our radio au-
defector dfroe recent level position was that of a tion he gets for the furtherance of the party's dience in this interview. Ladies and gentle-
a high level dIn a Com- purposes and objectives, on his own initia- men, I return you to my father, Dean
muni country who bad himself
espionage activi that he knew tine where he is not given instructions and Manion, in South Bend, Ind.
that every agny o told o eha en knew In strict accordance with party instructions DEAN MANION. Thank you, Marilyn, and
been every agency with our Government had when he is instructed. A Communist teach- thank you, Mr. Sourwine, for this informa-,
FBI. infiltrated with the exception not een er Is by definition incapable of exercising tive and helpful ,.iatera4aw about caommu-
SI He didn't know that it had not been academic freedom because he is not per- nism and other rags.
art
he
t
t
y ._._.' --
11CCaa. - - ....,...........-_ ___ .. -- Leach anything con
p
ra y
o
INFILTRATION BY FEW INFLUENCES MANY to take any action which would help to in- FR 1E POSTA R OUR AMERICAN
MARILYN MANION. Yes, it is, Mr. Sourwine. duce an independent state of mind or a free- TROOPS IN VIETNAM
You have told us how active the Commu- dom of choice or a capacity for clear think- Mr CART RON. Mr. President, there
nists are in the areas of Infiltration and ing in his students. His whole job is to ..-------
espionage. What specifically have they ac- do those things and to teach those things are se'e3al-~ITd young American
complished by this? What goals have they which will help the party obtain its objec- boys Wservingg their be escalating rag Vietnam.
rapidly.
reached? tive of gaining the minds of the students,
Mr. SoraweNE. Well, the Communist Par- gaining control over them where possible, I have visited with some of the return-
ty's goals in this country have been many. advancing its propaganda and making new ing troops-and have also received
Many of their goals involve conditioning the recruits for the party. indicates that one thing
people of the country to accept some Com- MARILYN MANION. What about Communist mail-which
really idgive them a great deal
munist theory or to act in some Way that the speakers being allowed to appear on college th
encouragement would be for reat deal
Communists want them to act. Perhaps the campuses?
'best -way to answer your question would be to Ws.SOnRWINE. A Communist has the same to vote them free postage while in Viet-
give you a single illustration of one Com- right of free speech in this country that you nam.
munist operationwhich has been fully docu- or I have. But that right of free speech We can well imagine what happens to
mented by our committee. Would that do? does not embrace an obligation to make pub- these boys when they come out of the
MARILYN MAAIION. That certainly would. Iic funds available to the Communists, nor Jungle mountains, dripping with perspi-
Mr. SorRwINE. All right, then, take the case public facilities available to a Communist of the Institute of Pacific Relations. This for the purpose of spreading his message ration, and run down to the canteen to
among youth. On the contrary, the fathers buy a few stamps, which they put in
was a non-Communist organization formed and mothers who pay taxes for the educa- their pockets, which are damp, 'so that
in Hawaii, infiltrated and taken Over by the tion of their children have a right to be they will have enough stamps to write
Communists wide it was still small. They assured that their tax money will not be letters to their loved ones.
gained control In the 1920's. They built the used for the purpose of teaching those chil- It seems to me that this Is one thing
organization. And they made It eventually dren things which are wrong.
the top authoritative Organization for schol- EXPLOIT NAIVETE OF YOUTH we should be taking prompt action on.
arsand historians in the area of Far Eastern COMMUNISTS It is not an unusual procedure. It was
affairs. They published the most authority- MARILYN MANION. Approximately how followed in World War II and in the
Live magazine in this area, which was edited many tax supported schools and colleges
saKorean me thing nowt-and we should do the for Affairs.
by Owen Lattimore, a magazine called Pacific hvebeen ~ u i to last speakers? years as plat-
Mr. SOURWINE. I can't give you a precise
number but I think it's sate to say not less
than 200 and probably not more than 400,
although I think the total number of ap-
pearances by Communists on college cam-
puses may have exceeded 400 substantially.
-MARILYN MANION. Why is it that this
Communist propaganda among our young
people is so effective? Is there any possi-
bility that these students are being condi-
tioned beforehand-made vulnerable for
Communist recruitment?
Mr. SouRwINE. I think a categorical
answer would be "no," but it would be a
misleading answer. A great deal of the
Communist purpose in its activity on the
campus is to condition the students. And
in a sense, students are preconditioned by
their youth, by their natural youthful ag-
gressiveness, by their natural youthful
idealism, and by their youthful naivete,
their lack of sophistication.
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I have been told that . mr boys in Viet-
nam are more concerned :about getting
free postage than they are in receiving
additional financial help. It is little
things like this which can give a great
boost to their morale. It seems to me
that in view of, that fact, and because
everyone wishes to be helpful, we should
do so at once.
A bill is pending before the Subcom-
mittee on Post Office and Civil.. Service,
introduced by the Senator from New
Hampshire [Mr. COTTON), S. 2315, which
would provide this free postage.
The distinguished chairman of the,
committee, the Senator from Oklahoma
[Mr. l4QNRONEY], is in the Chamber at
the present moment, and I would urge
that in the very near future we have a
committee,,, meeting and report the bill
along this line.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, will the Senator from Kansas
yield?
Mr. CARLSON. I yield.
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. I join
the Senator from Kansas in urging,
prompt consideration of this measure.
As be has pointed out, we did the same
thing' for World War II veterans and
also for veterans of the Korean, conflict,
Therefore, if not from the standpoint of
,finances, from the standpoint of con-
venience this is certainly something that
we can do to help our boys in an area
where we know they cannot always have
access to postage and find an opportunity
to write their friends and loved ones.
I Join the Senator from iansas in ex-
'pressing the hope that the committee
will promptly report the bill, and that
the Senate will give it immediate con-
sideration.
Mr.. SIMPSON. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Kansas yield?
Mr..CARLSON. I yield.
In SIMPSON. I, too, wish to join
the distinguished Senator from Kansas
and the distinguished Senator from Del-
aware with respect to the bill introduced.
by the Senator from New Hampshire
[Mr. COTTON].
This is a timely piece of legislation, one
which would be-,a great morale booster
for our troops in Vietnam.
Let me add that it would also be an
additional boost to their morale if my
bill, Senate 2230, could be voted on, which
provides for an increased pay, rate for
the Arined. Forces. It is a duplicate of
the Rivers bill in the House of Repre-
sentatives which is being considered at
the present time.
I compliment the Senator from Kan-
sas for.bringing this matter to the atten-
tion of the Senate. I assure him that
I shall work toward its passage, and I am
sure that it will be given prompt con-
sideration by the Senate.
Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Kansas yield?
Mr. CARLSON, I yield.
Mr. MONRONEY. Let me say to the
Senator from Kansas that the bill of the
Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. Cox-
TON] providing, for free postage to veter-
ans iTi'Vietnam was referred., yesterday
to the Subcommittee on Post Qtflee and
Civil Service and will be expedited and
brought to the floor of the Senate at the.
earliest possible moment.
I thank the distinguished ranking Re-
publican Member for his statement in
support of the bill.
Mr. CARLSON. I appreciate very
much the comments of the distinguished
chairman of the committee. I am con-
fident that, with his support, and that
of the other members of the committee,
there will be no difficulty in getting ac-.
tion on this particular piece of legisla-
tion.
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Kansas yield?
Mr. CARLSON. I yield.
Mr. MURPHY. I congratulate the
Senator on this very important legisla-
tion, and also congratulate the chair-
man of the committee for bringing it to
the attention of the Senate.
It is my hope that the bill will be
promptly enacted. I am pleased that
both sides of the aisle are in complete
agreement on it.
SOCIAL SECURITY AMENDMENTS OF
1965-CONI'ERENCE REPORT
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I submit a report of the committee
of conference on the disagreeing votes
of the two Houses on the amendments of
the Senate to the bill (H.R. 6675) to
provide a hospital insurance program
for the aged under the Social Security
Act with a supplementary health bene-
fits program and an expanded program
of medical assistance, to increase bene-
fits under the old-age, survivors, and
disability insurance system, to improve
the Federal-State public assistance pro-
grams, and for other purposes. I ask
unanimous consent for the present con-
sideration of the report.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The re-
port will be read for the information of
the Senate.
The legislative clerk read the report.
(For conference report, see House pro-
ceedings of July 26, 1965, pp. 17527-17536,
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.)
The PRESIDING OFFICER. is
there objection to the present consider-
ation of the report?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the report.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, if the
distinguished acting majority leader will
yield, there has been colloquy about what
his intentions are with respect to action
on the conference report tonight.
There are some complications; and I
uttered the hope that he would an-
nounce to the Senate that any statement
any Senator wished to make on the con-
ference report tonight could be made,
with the clear and explicit understand-
ing that there would be no vote tonight,
and that when the Senate reconvene to-
morrow there will be a request for a
limitation of time.. I shall be glad to join
with the acting majority leader in se-
curing a limitation on. time. insofar as it
lies within my power to do so.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I discussed this matter with the
distinguished minority leader. I will not
seek to press this matter to a vote-to-
night, in view of certain problems which-
exist with respect to Senators who wish
to be heard on the conference report at
. I would hope very much that Sena-
tors who are available to discuss this
matter would make their speeches before
the Senate recesses or adjourns tonight,
as the case may be, in view of the fact
that there is urgency to this piece of
legislation.
In my judgment, the bill should be
signed before the end of this month be-
cause of effective dates relating to money
which many people will need.
The bill contains effective dates for the
second month after it is signed. If it
is signed this month, it means that some
of the benefits will commence in Sep-
tember; if it is signed in August, the
benefits will not commence until October.
In my judgment these effective dates
should be September, instead of October
I very much hope that we can act on
the bill and have it available for the
President to sign before the month is
over, which means by July 31.
. Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I am
not unaware of the problems of enrolling
a bill of this size. Of course it can be
done, and extra talent can be employed.
However, there is ample oppportunity to
have it properly enrolled and ready for
the President's signature. I shall put no
stone in the way of my distinguished
friend from Louisiana in attaining his
objective. I would be more than glad to
cooperate with him in obtaining a time
limitation tomorrow.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I thank the
Senator. He always makes his position
very clear. He always does a fine job in
speaking for all of those on the other side
of the aisle, and sometimes even for
some of us on this side of the aisle.
Mr. DIRKSEN. I thank the Senator.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I salute him
for the fine work he does. I shall work
with the Senator to conclude action on
the bill as soon as-possible. I shall not
insist that the Senate vote on the confer-
ence report until tomorrow. -
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. I yield.
Mr. THURMOND. I wonder if the
Senator would ask for a yea-and-nay
vote?
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. If the Sena-
tor wishes to insist upon a yea-and-nay
vote on the conference report, I shall
seek to accommodate him when the vote
occurs tomorrow. Some Senators have
indicated that they did not care to have
the yeas and nays ordered. Others have
indicated that they wished a yea-and-
nay vote. My position is very clear for
the RECORD.
Mr. THURMOND. Several Senators
would like to have a yea-and-nay vote.
Mr. DIRKSEN. There would be no
trouble about obtaining a yea-and-nay
vote.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. If the Sena-
tor from South Carolina cares to have
the yeas and nays ordered on the adop-
tion of the conference report, I shall be
glad to cooperate with him to have that
vote. However, I have told some Sena-
tors, who have now left the floor, that
I knew of no request for the yeas and
nays. That being the case, I would prefer
to have him make his request tomorrow.
At that time I shall be glad to second
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17712
Mr. THURMOND. That Is satisfac- to people against the march of our ex- today are, then, a reaffirmation in the
tory. I wonder if a quorum call could be panding economy. In the year 1950, midsixties of the 20th century of a long
had, and in that way have me notified to when social security payments amounted heritage of concern, in this country, that
be on the floor. If It is determined at to $960 million they represented less than our youth and Our aged shall have their
that time that a yea-and-nay vote is de- one-half of 1 percent of a total personal fair share of the abundance in our land,
sired, I am sure the Senator will co- Income for that year which totaled $228.5 and shall be protected against the loss
operate in obtaining such a vote. billion. With the improvements in the of the necessities of life. First, let me
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Yes. social security system made by amend- discuss a few of the many differences In
Mr. President, after a full week of oon- ments in the 1950's total social security the bills which were reconciled in con-
sideration your conferees are ready to re- payments had, by 1957 moved up to $7.4 ference.
part that we have reached agreement billion-or about 2 percent of the total HOSPITAL INSURANCE
with the House conferees on the most personal income for that year of $351.4 The provisions which emerged from
significant social security and public wel- billion. Last year, with total personal the conference committee relating to the
fare legislation ever passed by the Con- income climbing to the unprecedented basic hospital program represent a rea-
gress. Realizing full well the awesome heights of $491 billion, total social secu- sonable compromise between the House
responsibility which was ours we went rity payments of $16.2 billion represented and Senate versions of the bill. As to
through the 409-page bill line upon line Just about 3 percent of our people's total the number of inpatient hospital days
and section by section to reach agreement personal income for 1964. Moreover, as- the Senate had provided an unlimited
on some 513 Senate amendments, In- suming an increase in personal income in duration to take care of the catastrophic
eluding some minor and technical the next 7 years, paralleling that of the case. As you know, I felt as strongly as
amendments. last 7 years, these payments in 1972 will any Member of this body as to the de-
The conference bill now before the equal 5 percent of total personal income. sirability of this provision. Needless to
Senate marks a new era in our effort to It is then still a relatively small but say, the House conferees had equally
promote the general welfare. It rec- climbing segment of income. Yet, as we strong convictions as to the wisdom of
ognizes the fact that a dynamic demo- have found through the years the social their legislation, which provided only 60
cracy changes as the country grows. It security segment not only constitutes a days of care. The conference agreement
recognizes that we are a great-and ques- growing guarantee that most of us will provides an additional 30 days of care
tioning-country. It is a reffirmation, In find a measure of self-sufficiency and using the coinsurance provision which
a time of prosperity, of our concernfor dignity in our older years, but these pay- was included In the Senate bill. This
our aged and our children which, almost ments-which go directly to purchase legislation will take care of about 98
exactly 30 years ago, in a time of deep the necessities of life-are also an im- percent of the cases. I think I am safe
depression, led to the adoption of our portant means of helping to stabilize the in saying that we have not heard the last
country's first social security system. economy since they are paid regularly about the unfortunate 2 percent. A
Building on a great "cornerstone"--es and in fixed amounts. complete solution of this problem, how-
President Franklin D. Roosevelt de- When I spoke of this bill some days ever, will have to wait until a future year.
scribed the 1935 act-we are proving ago as the most significant social secu- As to the coverage of the physician-
again today that the American answer rity and public welfare legislation ever specialists under the basic program, the
to disease and despair is to respond with passed by Congress in the history of our House conferees were insistent that
dedication and with deeds. Much has country, I noted an editorial which ap- physicians services should be placed in
been demanded of our country in these peared in the great Washington news- the voluntary supplementary program
three decades since 1935, from many paper, the Washington Post, referring to where the private sector will play a
parts of the world and from the reaches what I said in this regard as a "modest greater role as a buffer between the doc-
of outer space. Now, at their close we exaggeration." tor and the Government.
have recognized that there comes a I admired the editorial, and I thought The Senate prevailed as to the 100 days
time--and the time Is now with us- it was well taken and well done. How- of extended care killed nursing home-
when a man must look to his own house- ever, I would take issue with that great but the House version of the home health
hold and it is In this spirit that the newspaper when it describes my state- benefit was taken both as to the require-
Congress has acted. mentas a "modest exaggeration." ment of hospitalization and the duration
We can get some idea of the scope of What bill ever passed by Congress of 100 visits. Some question was raised
the 1965 act by comparing it with the brought more cash dividends or did more as to whether there were sufficient facili-
historicSocial Security Act of 1935. At good to more people immediately and ties to warrant the 175 visits a year and
that time it was estimated that, by 1980, even more so within 1 year than this bill? the House believed the home health
a full 45 years later, social security pay- It cannot be said of the Social Security visits in the voluntary supplementary
meets would total $31/a billion. Act of 1935. That act planted good program afforded sufficient backup
If my recollection serves me right, hopes. But then so do the Social Secu- protection.
during the first 5 years of the Social rity Amendments of 1965. Not only does SUPPLEMENTARY PLAN
Security Act of 1935, no benefits were this bill plant good hopes, but it nurtures of the more significant decisions
the more
paid. Under the bill now before us the to a flowering maturity the hopes of 1935 One
additional payments alone will greatly and succeeding years. We expand exist- was date the ado t 1, 1966, n of the he House effective, eff ct ns
supplemen-
And this amount in the first full year. ing benefits and inaugurate great, new
And by 1972-8 years earlier than 1980, benefits. tary plan. The conferees believed it was
it is estimated that social insurance pay- The new benefits for the first full year important that both the basic program
ments-including the health and disabil- of operation under this bill would be $6.5 and the supplementary start together
ity features-will be running about $31 billion. and this consideration overrode the
billion a year. I emphasize the fact that While no one likes to vote for taxes, administrative convenience of a starting
these expenditures refer only to trust Congress also has the responsibility to date of January 1, 1967. The Senate
fund payments for hospital and medical vote the taxes to pay for the benefits pro- inclusion of the services of dentists per-
care insurance, and for cash payments vided in the bill. In doing so, we have forming dental surgeon functions was
to the some 20 million people now en- brought to the Senate in the conference adopted, but the House prevailed in the
titled to social security benefits and the report one of the largest tax bills ever exclusion of chiropractors and podia-
millions more who will qualify in the fu- passed to provide medical services for trists.
ture. In addition to these expenditures, people in this country. INCOME TAX PROVISIONS
the bill includes $1.3 billion in money Both as a revenue bill and as a bill The conference accepted the Senate
from the General Treasury for the first providing services, this is a great and sig- amendment eliminating all maximum
full year. Thus, as finally approved by nificant bill. limitations on the medical expense
the conference the social security bill of It is not "modest exaggeration," it is deduction for all taxpayers.
1965 contains almost $61/2 billion in addi- a fact that this bill does more to meet The House insisted that there be some
tional benefits which extend to every more human problems than any other mechanism for recovering the $3
part of our population. measure ever passed. monthly premiums for the supplemen-
To put these amounts into focus, it is The Social Security Amendments of tary plan which are paid from the gen-
well, perhaps, to measure these payments 1965 which the conferees present to you eral funds of the Treasury, from those
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the distinguished chairman of the sub- Mr. HALL. Mr. Speaker, I am con- example of our reliance upon adequate
committee had talked with me and with strained not to object. and efficient passenger transports for
the leadership on this side on the mat- The SPEAKER, The Chair hears no potential defense purposes. During the
ter of coming in at 11 o'clock and we :objection. Cuban missile crisis of 1962, privately
Indicated that that would be. perfectly owned passenger ships of the merchant
satisfactory, provided that there was a marine were placed on standby alert
.general understanding that since there CRUISE LEGISLATION by the Defense Department. Yet with
are only 5 hours of debate on this very (Mr. MAILLIARD (at the request of - the demonstrated need for a modern and
important uncontroversial measure, Mr. FINDLEY) was granted permission substantial passenger fleet, our flag ships
when we on our side would like to have to extend his remarks at this point in have declined to number to 13 with no
had 6 or 8 hours of general debate, that the RECORD and to include extraneous program of replacement, let alone ex-
there would be no effort tomorrow when matter.) pansion, envisaged.
we get under the 5-minute rule to un- Mr. MAILLIARD. Mr. Speaker, last To help solve this problem, my bill
duly restrict or limit Members in seek- year nearly one-half million U.S. citi- would permit more U.S. cruise business
Ing recognition and speaking under the zens departed from the shores of this for U.S. ships and since over 20 percent
5-minute rule,. I think that we have a country on ocean cruises. Nine out of of our total foreign passenger traffic con-
general agreement that a vote would not every ten boarded foreign-flag cruise sists of cruise business, It can substan-
come until late tomorrow or late in the ships, which received over $150 million tially assist our ailing passenger liner
afternoon, surely sometime around 5 in revenue from our traveling public. trade.
o'clock ''or., so, which would give Me'm- st I cite these figures to indicate the sub- It is ironic that with our continuing
hers adequate time to seek recognition antial amount of American passengers concern over our international balance
and to speak under the 5-minute rule. and dollars involved in the lucrative of payments and the drain on U.S. gold
Mr. HALL. I am constrained to listen cruise business and, more importantly, reserves, American passengers spend
to the gentleman because he is a mem- to emphasize that this profitable market each year over $170 million for travel,
ber of the same committee that cut off has attracted foreign-flag vessels to the almost 90 percent of which goes to for-
debate last Thursday evening rather sur- point of predominance. I am not op- eign-flag operators. Unless remedial ac-
reptitiously and unexpectedly. posed to foreign-flag cruise operations, tion is taken now, I can only visualize
Does the gentleman have more faith but our Government presently lacks the a greater drain on our reserves as an in-
in commitments at this time than other authority to demand that these vessels creasing number of foreign-flag vessels
minoritymembers of the committee had comply with our high safety standards engage in our burgeoning cruise traffic.
last Thursday when that legislation was and maintain adequate financial re- With more money and leisure time
bottled up completely when there were sponsibility. As a result, thousands of available, an estimated one-half million
about 11 . amendments, all of which I our citizens have either unsuspectingly Americans will embark this year on
listed, which were considered in less than jeopardized their lives aboard substand- cruise ships-most of which are foreign
15 minutes and . not. one word was Said and foreign-flag ships, or suffered flnan- owned. My first concern is for their
In explanation of any one other than the cial loss when voyages were cancelled by safety, which makes passage of my bill
reading after the debate had been cut irresponsible cruise operators. of paramount Importance. But I am
off by a motion on the majority side? Realizing this dilemma, I introduced a also concerned with the security of those
Certainly the gentleman would agree bill last January which will require for- who stay ashore, of all Americans who
with me. that no one can say that we eign-flag vessels engaged in cruises from depend upon the adequacy of our defense
have "bob-tailed" debate, as we would U.S. ports to be licensed by the Secre- programs, and more specifically upon the
say down on the Ozarks, here tonight, tary of Commerce. It established maintenance of a modern and sufficient
Mr. GItIF'IN. I ,appreciate the gen- guidelines under which the Secretary passenger fleet for potential military op-
tleman's concern and. I am glad he is would be authorized to license foreign- erations; nor is the future of our pas-
concerned, I want the gentleman to be flag Operators who con'form to American senger liner operators and the men they
satisfied before he withdraws his reset- standards of safety and demonstrate employ of any less importance to me.
vation, if he sees fit to do so, that there financial responsibilty. I realize that my bill will not guar-
will be adequate time tomorrow. I hope Since then, it have invited comments antee the safety of each and every Amer-
the leadership on the majority side will from representatives of our maritime lean passenger, nor will it eliminate our
be able to convince the gentleman that industry on how this legislation might balance-of-payments deficit, nor is this
that Is the procedure to be expected., be clarified and improved. With the bill a panacea to revitalize this Nation's
I would like to ask the majority leader benefit of their suggestions, I am now passenger fleet. It is, however, a sig-
a question, and yield to him for an an- introducing a revised version which in- passenger step toward achieving these
swer to this question; How much time eludes two specific changes: first, the
1-_-- licensing authority is vested in the See- objectives. I urge your support of this
he ee+im
t
il tak
A--; A-
it
t
a
es
w
e
t
o
Wednesday and the balance of the week, sultation with the Secretary of c:om- 'L
some of which, of course, have 2 hours merce; and second, the new version ' THE POWE OF CO RESS TO
more clearly indicates the area involved DECLA WAR
of debate under an open rule, as listed
,
but I would imagine, based on my expe- in U.S. coastwise cruise traffic which (Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
rience in the House, they will whiz would be subject to this bill. FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex-
through like sauce through a widow I must emphasize that my intention tend his remarks at this point in the
woman, is not to prohibit foreign-flag cruise op- RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
Mr, ALBERT. I cannot say how much erations from American ports, but rather ter.)
tiMe it will take to dispose of the legis- to provide protection for the lives and Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, recent edi-
lative program. earnings of our citizens who sail on these tonal opinion around the country has
Mr. HALL. Does the gentleman know vessels. I do not deny that there are questioned the lack of public debate, and
of any additional conference reports to many responsible foreign-flag liners in especially the lack of congressional ac-
come up other than the ones we expe- the trade. My bill is not directed to tion, in the growing American involve-
dited through the House today? them. On the contrary, I seek their ment in the war in Vietnam. The St.
Mr. ALBERT, There may be confer- support for this measure which would Louis Post-Dispatch asked, editorially:
ence reports. 'I intended, to announce preserve the reputation of those sea- How can the President take America step
other legislative business. The gentle- worthy foreign-flag vessels which qualify by step into a major Asian land war withot
man from Arkansas [Mr. MILLS] has for licenses under my bill. action by Congress? Does not the Constitu-
advised he might call up by unanimous There are other reasons which merit tion give Congress, rather than the Presi-
consent two bills unanimously reported the passage of this legislation: Last week dent, the power to declare war? What can
by the Committee on Ways and Means, the Department of Defense announced the plain citizen do about it?
There will be additional business, to American shipowners that it would The Post-Dispatch goes on to suggest
The SPEAKER. ;s there objection to employ over three dozen ships, including that, among things, concerned citizens
the request of the, gentleman from Okla- I understand troopships for military can write to their Senators and Repre-
homa? operations In Vietnam-the most recent sentatives. But does this really answer
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE July 27, 1965
the question? I think not. The Con-
gress has not yet developed the proced-
ures and mechanism to deal with the
type of limited or unconventional war
situations that we had in Korea in the
1950's and that we have today In south-
east Asia. We still think of war in a
19th century frame of mind.
I firmly believe in the vitality of our
Constitution and of - our basic c6ngres-
sional structure. Yet I am concerned
that we have not updated the power of
Congress to declare war to the needs of
the latter half of the 20th century. I am
concerned that Congress has not taken
the leadership in a full and constructive
public debate of our objectives in Viet-
nam and southeast Asia and in the ap-
propriateness of our policies to the basic
economic and political, as well as mili-
tary, requirements for stability in the
area. Unless Congress does discuss
these issues, how can the American
people begin to understand the nature
of our commitment? Thi, in my view,
was one of the major reasons for giving
Congress such powers--to assure popular
review and understanding of the steps
that would commit us to war.
It is my hope that scholars of Congress
and the Joint Committee on the Orga-
nization of the Congress will study this
question as we seek to make the Congress
a more vital institution.
Ut me call the attention of my col-
leagues to the testimony of Congress-
man DONALD RUMSrELD; of Illinois, before
the joint committee, which dealt in
part with this question. I also call to
your attention recent editorial comment
from the New York Times and the St.
Louis Post Dispatch:
CoNCRms si D U.S. 'Fos,HGN POLICY
(Excepts from statement before the Joint
Committee on the Organization of the
Congress, by Representative DONALD RTmss-
>3Eiii, 13th Congressional District, Illinois)
Mr. Chairman, in the mid-1800's. Alexis
de TocqueviIle acid: "We have seen that the
Federal Constitution entrusts the perman-
ent direction of the external interests of
the Nation to the President and the Senate,
which tends in some degree to detach the
general foreign policy of the Union from the
direct control of the people. It cannot
therefore be asserted with truth that the
foreign affairs of the state are conducted
by the democracy."
This quotation and events of recent years
raise the question as to whether the balance
In our system of government would be more
perfect if the Congress as a whole, and
particularly the House of Representatives,
had a larger legislative role in the area of
foreign policy. Areas for possibleconsidera-
tion in this connection include:
1. The proposal to amend the Constitu-
tion to give the House of Representatives,
along with the Senate, authority to ratify
treaties. This problem was brought to mind
with the recent consideration of the Inter-
national Coffee Agreement which came about
as a result of the treaty which had never
been considered by the House of Representa-
tives, and yet House action was required
to enact the implementing legislation to
fulfill U.S. treaty obligations.
2. The proposal to strengthen the role of
Congress in the field of national security and
foreign policy by the creation of a per-
manent Joint Committee for National Secu-
rity with authortty to make findings and
recommendations to the appropriate legis-
lative committees.
Finally, I am of the opinion that it might
be appropriate at this point In history for
a study of the nature of the constitu-
tional authority granted the Congress with
respect to foreign and military affairs. For
example, at the time the Constitution was
drafted, the meaning of the word "war" was
reasonably well understood. The U.S. posi-
tion with respect to World War I and World
War II was clear. However, more recently.
and particularly in Korea, Vietnam, and the
Dominican Republic, the United States has
pursued military actions which by any rea-
sonable definition constitute warfare. These
actions were at the direction of the President
and without any official declaration of war
by the Congress.
Our Constitution created separate
branches of Federal Government and at-
tempted to establish checks and balances
between these branches. Undoubtedly,
the Congress was given the power to declare
war for a reason. Today the United States
is engaged in an undeclared war in Viet-
nam. This, I believe, raises a number of
questions:
Does the concept of declaring of war need
updating?
What was the original constitutional
intent?
Should Congress hold additional hearings
on such matters, or merely let the "teach-
ins" serve as a platform for debate on
foreign policy?
If hearings should be held, which com-
mittees should be involved?
What is Congress proper role today In
these areas of foreign policy and undeclared
war, in view of the advent of nuclear weap-
onry and the modern technology of war-
fare and the need for centralized control
and decisionmaking?
Is the normal authorization and appro-
priation process sufficient and/or is It be-
ing utilized adequately, to fill the desirable
congressional role in this area?
Is Congress effectively exercising its power
of appropriation to involve sufficiently the
representative branch of the Federal Gov-
ernment in the basic issues underlying our
foreign commitments-and a declaration of
war is only one point on the spectrum in this
regard?
Is the congressional check on executive
action in the increasingly Important area of
intelligence, counterinsurgency, and covert
military operations adequate?
With the improbability of wars on the
scale of 19th and early 20th century con-
Meta and the increasing likelihood of so-
called cold war wars, and the resulting use
Of programs of counterinsurgency, do we
need to define the various war situations
that we are likely to face and evaluate the
desirable congressional role-which might
vary considerably-in each?
Mr. Chairman and members of the com-
mittee, the world is constantly changing.
Even meanings of words are continuously
changing. I do not pretend to know the
answers to the questions I have raised. Nor
do I make any specific observations or rec-
ommendations with respect to current U.S.
foreign policy. Rather, I am raising these
questions in the sincere hope that your
committee will consider, and hopefully shed
some light on this question of Congress and
Its role in the foreign and military activities
of the Federal Government-a matter I be-
lieve to be of great significance to the Nation
and our system of Government.
[Prom the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
June 10, 1965]
THE PEOPLE CAN BE HEARD
An anguished voice on the telephone posed
questions often. heard: How can the Presi-
dent take America step by step into a major
Asian land war without action by Congress?
Doesn t the Constitution give Congress,
rather than the President, the power to de-
clare war? What can the plain citizen do
about it?
The Constitution does, of course, reserve
formal warmaking power to Congress, but it
also grants the President authority to con-
duct foreign policy and it makes him Com-
mander in Chief of the Armed Forces.
Especially in modern times, he thus has
power to create a war situation, whether
Congress "declares" war or not.
The real question is not a constitutional
one. Granting that the President has author-
ity to do what he is doing, plain citizens can
still oppose it, and demand an alternative
,policy. If they will make their opposition to
escalation of the war overwhelming, and un-
remitting, they can create a body of public
opinion not to be ignored by any President.
Too many citizens who are distressed by
involvement in an immoral and unjustifiable
war feel helpless. They are not helpless.
By writing to the President, writing to Sen-
ators and Representatives, talking to their
friends, supporting antiwar organizations
like the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy
(which sponsored the huge New York rail,
Tuesday night) -in short, by using all forms
of expression open to a free people, they can
be heard.
The latest Gallup poll shows that at least
54 percent of the people oppose the Vietnam
war in one degree or another. That is wh-.y
the White House backed away so sharply
from the State Department's disclosure this
week that American troops have been given
a new role of active combat at the discretion
of local commanders. Public opinion proved
not "ready" for that disclosure, and so it was
glossed over with ambiguities. Yet we can
be sure that this phase of escalation will be
undertaken, and others as well, unless public
opinion against them becomes irresistible.
Sincere Americans support the President's
policy. We think they are tragically mis-
taken.
Many fear the threat of a totalitarian, im-
placably hostile Red China; and nobody need
have any illusions about the dangers of the
aggressive ideology for which China's present
rulers stand. It does not follow that Ameri-
can Involvement in a Vietnamese jungle war
best serves our national interests as against
China. We are in fact serving China's inter-
est instead.
We are dissipating our military resources
In. a peripheral conflict while China conserves
hers intact. We are waging a white man's
war against Asian victims of colonialism, and
thereby making allies for Red China through-
out the ex-colonial world. We are disrupting
the West's hopeful reconciliation witla
Russia, driving Moscow into an unwanted
partnership with Peiping. What more could
China ask?
Sincere Americans feel that, right or wrong,
the Vietnamese commitment has been made
and must be carried out to the end. This is
to say that once on a wrong road you must
stay on it even if it leads you over the
brink-a rule no sensible-person would Im-
pose on himself.
Some feel we would lose prestige, or "face,"
by adopting a new policy. France fought the
Vietnamese people for 10 years and gave it
up as hopeless; France's prestige in south-
east Asia today is far greater than ours.
De Gaulle liquidated the war in Algeria over
protests from French patriots, and France
is a stronger power than she was when fight-
ing the Algerians. In today's world, nobody
loses face by making honorable peace.
Some feel that unless we stamp out
communism in Vietnam all Asia will fail
Ike dominoes to China. Stamping out any
idea, however, is beyond the power of guns
and bombs. The future of Asia will, be
determined not by any automatic signal but
by the history, economic c ondition, social
progress, and traditions of each individual
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y CONGRESSIONAT. RF('nPm - unTTCC
country. In Asia, as in Europe, national visers, but they have to win It, the people terstate and Foreign Commerce Com-
Identities, cultures,, and interests erect the of Vietnam, against the Communists."
most effective, barrier to external conquest, Coming after futile months of bombing mittee, and the Judiciary Committee.
no matter what ideological development North Vietnam, the current build-up seems Each of these Committees deals with
each nation follows. to recognize that the war cannot be won in problems in its own peculiar province
Some reel that expanded war is unavoid- the North, but could be lost in the South. and a comprehensive approach is lacking,
able since the North Vietnamese have re- Ironically, it was the bombing of the North The same sort of fragmentation occurs
jected Mr. Johnson's offer of peace talks. that set off the build-up, for initially its in the other body. With the increasingly
The plain citizen can test that proposition aim was simply to protect Danang, the key interrelated nature of our economy, this
by consulting his own experience. If he airbase for the attacks against the North
.
wanted to induce an enemy to negotiate, In this manner, one furious upward whirl on
would he expect to succeed by clubbing the the escalation spiral has led into another.
enemy over the head? Can a warring nation Only yesterday it was announced that Ameri-
expect to obtain negotiations by refusing to can destroyers have been shelling the Viet-
deal with the forces actually fighting on the namese coast.
other side? Marine and paratroop battalions now have
There is an alternative to the present been landed in five areas, ostensibly to pro-
policy in Vietnam, and public opinion can tect airbases and the ports that supply them.
insist upon it. Without surrender, without But some of these units have begun to move
crav@n retreat, without abrupt withdrawal, out of their role of passive defense into
the United States can take its stand on exercises beyond their air base perimeters.
President Johnson's statement of March 25 There are reports that aggressive patrolling
that "we seek no more than a return to the is beginning and that this will give way to
essentials of the (Geneva) agreements of the more extensive kind of clear and hold
1954." counterinsurgency operations hitherto car-
It can say, as the President did on May ried out only by South Vietnamese forces.
13: "We know, as our adversaries also should The hazards go beyond the obvious. Even
know, that there is no purely military solu- those military officers in Washington who be-
tion In sight for either side." lieve the Communists can be defeated with
It can propose, therefore, that the interna- the aid of a large buildup reportedly recog-
tional conference which arrived at the nize the difficulty American troops have in
Geneva agreements of 1954 be reconvened, distinguishing the enemy who fades into
and that a. subcommittee composed of na- the civilian population.
tions not involved in the Vietnamese fight- Earlier this month Mr. Johnson said that
ing be appointed to draft a peaceful settle- the war in Vietnam had "no purely military
ment that will carry out the essentials of solution in sight for either side." He indi-
those 1954 agreements. cated that his aim was to maintain the pres-
It can announce that we are ready for an ent stalemate until the Communists agreed
immediate cease-fire and a military and to a negotiated settlement.
political standstill during such talks. It If this aim is being abandoned, if the
can affirm our willingness to accept an hon- country is being taken gradually and almost
orable settlement which guarantees, as the surreptitiously into a large-scale land war on
1954 pact sought to do, military neutraliza- the continent of Asia, the time has come
tion, self-determination, and the end of all
foreign intervention for North and South for the Nation to be told what is happening-
Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. and why.
If the plain American citizen wants that
kind of, policy in southeast Asia, rather
than a. steadily escalating war, he will have CONCENTRATIONS OF POWER AND
to let his Government know it in unmis- THE NATIONAL INTEREST
takable terms.
(Mr. CURTIS (at the request of Mr.
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, May 28, FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex-
The steady buildup of American combat
troops in South Vietnam raises questions
that deserve forthright answers. Only a
month ago reports of a projected buildup
In ground forces were officially denied in
Washington. Since those denials, there has
been a 59-percent increase in American mili-
tary personnel in Vietnam.
In the past 10 weeks, while the adminis-
tration has reported continuity of policy,
American troops in Vietnam have been
doubled to more than 46,500. Indications
that the total will rise above 60,000 this
summer have been accompanied by reports
that the pbjective is a force exceeding
190,000, including 3 full Army and Marine
combat divisions.
What is involved is not simply an increase
in. personnel but an apparent change In the
fundamental character of the American in-
volvement. What began as American aid in
a Vietnamese war Is in danger of becoming
an American war against Asians, with the
South Vietnamese relegated to a subsidiary
role.
Whether this shift would be wise can be
debated, But what can, hardly be debated
is that such an evolution would represent
a complete break with the policy enunciated
matter.)
Mr. CURTIS. Mr. Speaker, the eco-
nomic well-being of our country is
threatened when centralization and con-
centration of power, capable of para-
lyzing whole industries, are permitted
which can flaunt the public interest
without fear of legal culpability. Just
'as business concentrations of power were
found to require certain legislative con-
trols over their activities, so today should
it be recognized that labor monopolies
have long passed the point at which leg-
islative action should have been initiated.
Industrywide bargaining in the trucking
and the railroad industries are examples
of the concentration of power by labor
monopolies. The result of these indus-
trywide negotiations lead to industrywide
strikes and lockouts which paralyze the
entire Nation.
Contributing to the problem is the fact
that the Congress has failed to deal with
the individual problems as they arise be-
cause of a splitting of authority in the
1963, he said: mittee on Education and Labor, the
"In the final analysis, it is their war. They seemingly obvious body to deal with this
are the ones who have to-win it or lose it. problem of power concentration shares
We can help them, we can give them equip- Its jurisdiction with the Committee on
ment, we can send our men out there.as ad- Merchant Marine and 1'isheraes, the In-
No. 136-18
1965] tend his remarks at this point in the
WAR WITHOUT CONSENT? RECORD and to include extraneous
gress to deal with these problems, should
be rectified.
Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I am re-
introducing a proposal which calls for
the establishment of a joint congres-
sional committee to study and report on
problems relating to industrywide bar-
gaining and industrywide strikes and
lockouts. This committee would consist
of eight Members of each House of the
Congress with the membership split
equally between the majority and minor-
ity parties.
I have advocated that such a commit-
tee be established with the sincere hope
that this would provide an atmosphere
for intensive study of these problems that
would be free from the intense pressure
of special interest groups and partisan
politics. This committee would have
power to recommend legislation after its
studies that would reflect reasoned and
deliberate congressional thinking on the
matter.
Too often in the past have solutions of
expediency been made in national crises
because of the aura of emergency sur-
rounding a dispute calling for reasoned
consideration. The long-range effects of
such solutions are barely touched upon
in such situations.
I believe that the measure which I am
introducing today offers excellent pros-
pects for taking into account the needs
of all parties involved-management, la-
bor, and the public-and developing a
mechanism whereby the Congress could,
in the future, deal effectively and com-
prehensively with these situations before
they reach the stage when the danger to
the Nation from inaction or unhurried
action is acute.
POOR MAIL SERVICE IN
SOUTH DAKOTA
(Mr. BERRY (at the request of" Mr.
FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point In the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. BERRY. Mr. Speaker, I would like
to bring to your attention my views on
the poor mail service in the State of
South Dakota.
I have received hundreds of protests
from all over the State of South Dakota
concerning this problem, from people of
all walks of life and all types of busi-
-nesses. The postal department must
perfect their new system at once or go
back to the old plan.
The harder the Post Office Department
tries to improve service, the more erratic
the service becomes. Each change seems
to be more confusing and less desirable.
The day-to-day problems created by
the present mail service are no joke. It
is now time for the Post Office Depart-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1965
merit to take a good look at its mail serv-
ice in South Dakota.
REPORT OF THE BOARD OF VISI-
TORS TO THE U.S. AIR FORCE
ACADEMY
(Mr. TALCOTT (at the request of Mr.
FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.
Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, the
Board of Visitors to the USAF Academy,
pursuant to Public Law, title 10, United
States Code, section 9355(a) , and the fol-
lowing, visited the Academy during May
6-8, 1965, and on July 8, 1965, duly filed
its report with the President. This year,
for the first time, three congressional
members of the Board filed additional
views in conjunction with the report.
This seems to have caused special inter-
est and a demand for the report which
has not yet been made available to Mem-
bers of Congress or the public. To avoid
speculation about, and misrepresenta-
tion of, the report before it is finally
made available to the public, under
unanimous consent, I include the report,
verbatim and in total, at this place in
the RECOIM:
REPORT OF THE BOARD OF VISITORS TO THE
U.S. AIR FORCE ACADEMY
The PRESIDENT,
The White House, -
Washington, D.C.
1. APPOINTMENT TO THE BOARD OF VISITORS
The Board of Visitors to the U.S. Air Force
Academy was appointed under the provisions
of 10 U.S.C. 9355,
2. COMPOSITION OF THE BOARD
Appointed by the President
Three years effective 1963: Gen. Thomas D.
White, USAF' (retired), former Chief of Staff,
U.S. Air Force, Washington, D.C.; Mr. John
Lawrence, chairman of the board and presi-
dent, Dresser Industries, Inc., Dallas, Tex.
Three years effective 1964: Mr. Harold Cut-
liff Stuart, former Assistant Secretary of the
Air Force, Tulsa, Okla.; second appointment
not made before Board convened.
Three years effective 1965: Appointments
not made before Board convened.
Appointed by the Vice President
Senator GORDON ALLOTT, Colorado; Senator
DANIEL B. BREwsTrn, Maryland; Senator
RALPH W. YARBOROUGH, Texas.
Appointed by the Speaker of the House
Representative JOHN J. FLYNT, JR., 6th
District, Georgia; Representative MELVIN R.
.LAIRD, 7th District, Wisconsin; 'Representa-
tive BYRON G. ROGERS, 1st District, Colorado;
Representative BURT L. TALCOTT, 12th Dis-
trict, California.
Er-officio members
Chairman, Senate Armed Services -Com-
mittee Senator RICHARD B. RUSSELL,
Georgia; designee: Senator STUART SYMING-
Chairman, House Armed Services Commit-
tee: Representative L. MENDEL RIVERS, 1st
District, South Carolina; designee: Repre-
sentative MELVIN PRICE, 24th District, Illinois.
3. CONVENING OF THE BOARD
The Board convened at 8:30, May 6, 1965,
and elected Representative BYRON G. ROGERs
as its chairman. The Board completed its
iner;tings at 12:30 on May 8, 1965.
Those present were: Gen. Thomas D.
White, I SAF (retired); W. John Lawrence;
Mr. Harold Cutliff Stuart; Senator GORDON
ALLo!T; Representative JoAN J. F'LrNT, JR.:
Representative BYRON G. ROGERS; and Rep-
resentative BURT L. TALCOT'.
4. COMMENTS OF THE BOARD
Procedural considerations
The Board is cognizant of the provisions of
section (e) of 10 U.S.C. 9355 which reads as
follows:
"(e) The Board shall inquire into the
morale and discipline, the curriculum, in-
struction, physical equipment, fiscal affairs,
academic methods, and other matters relat-
ing t-) the Academy which the Board decides
to consider."
In order to make the Board visitations and
future reports of more value and signifi-
cance, it recommends for future guidance.
1. That the leadership of the House of Rep-
resentatives and the Senate assume respon-
sibility for the appointments to the Board
membership in the first month of each calen-
dar year.
2. That the President be informed of the
importance of early selection of the Presi-
dential appointees to the Board, which also
should be announced by February 1.
3. That the senior congressional appointees
of each House of Congress arrange jointly for
preliminary meeting of the Board in Wash-
ington, D.C., to determine:
(a) Time of the annual visitation.
(b) Particular items for special study dur-
ing the annual visitation.
(c) Proposed agenda for the annual visita-
tion.
(d) III equirements for assistance to the
Board support of preliminary studies and
during the visits of the Board;
4. That the Board when convened at the
Academy should:
(a) In addition to participating in group
sessions, pursue such independent inquiries
as the individual members desire, including
private conferences with individuals or
groups of cadets, faculty and staff members.
(b) Determine if more than one visit, as
authorized by sections (d) and (f), 10 U.S.C.
9355, is advisable.
Fulfillment of Academy mission
Despite the cheating incident which in-
volved a small percentage of cadets and de-
spite the always present room for improve-
ment, the Board of Visitors considers the
U.S. Air Force Academy to be an outstand-
ing national asset successfully fulfilling Its
stated mission which is, "To provide instruc-
tion, experience, and motivation 'to each
cadet so that he will graduate with the
knowledge, character, and qualities of lead-
ership essential to his progressive develop-
ment as a career officer in the U.S. Air Force."
Academy expansion
The Board noted the orderly progress in
the expansion of the Academy which was
authorized by Public Law 88-276. The
planned expansion of facilities was endorsed,
The Congress has authorized and appropri-
ated funds for the first increment of addi-
tional cadet quarters and an adjacent for-
mation area, minor alteration of the dining
hall and a portion of the required utilities.
Additional facilities programed in fiscal year
1966 include an addition to the academic
building, a fleldhouse and a small addition
to the gymnasium; in fiscal year 1967, the
second increment of cadet quarters, an ad-
dition to the dining hall, finishing of addi-
tional athletic fields, and a second incre-
ment of utilities, and in fiscal year 1968,
a formation area adjacent to the new cadet
quarters, alteration of the cadet social cen-
ter, an addition to the medical facility and
paving of parking areas. The Board recog-
nizes that the construction of facilities has
been progamed to match a phased increase
in the size of the cadet wing to reach the
full authorized strength of 4,417 late in
fiscal year 1971, and recommends the authori-
zation and appropriation of funds as required
to meet the stated program.
It is apparent from visual examination
that there have been excessive repair costs
on comparatively new construction and that
defects in construction could have been pre-
vented by close inspection during construc-
tion and before acceptance. In the forth-
coming expansion program, as it specifically
is related to new construction, the Board
recommends that the engineers and archi-
tects be Instructed to prevent the acceptance
of substandard construction.
If and when a program for construction of
additional family housing for staff person-
nel is undertaken, it is recommended that
more adequate ground space per unit be pro-
vided than was provided at the time of the
construction of family housing in the Doug-
lass Valley and Pine Valley areas. It is
further recommended that such construction
generally be in conformity with generally
accepted modern building codes and zoning
practices.
Morale and discipline
On the day that the Board assembled, the
Secretary of the Air Force made public the
report of a special advisory committee which
dealt extensively with these subjects. There-
fore, and in view of time and other limita-
tions imposed upon it, the Board of Visitors
does not comment on these specific aspects
of that report. However, the Board com-
mends the members of the special com-
mittee for their thorough investigation and
constructive suggestions concerning this
subject, and commends the Secretary of the
Air Force for his promptness both in ap-
pointing the committee and in making pub-
lic its findings.
The curriculum
The Board continues to be favorably im-
pressed by the extraordinary academic ac-
complishments of the Air Force Academy
during its relatively short history. When
all available objective criteria are considered,
the Academy compares favorably with the
best colleges and universities in the United
States. Credit for such a superior record
must be shared by the cadet wing, the fac-
ulty, and the staff. That the young men of
our country are well aware of these accom-
plishments is indicated by the expression of
college preference from those students iden-
tified as being the most able among National.
Merit Scholarship competitors. The merit
semifinalists and recipients of letters of
commendation as identified during 1961,
1962, and 1963 (the top 2 or 3 percent of
high school juniors in academic ability),
ranked the Academy 25th among the colleges
most preferred as first and second choices.
All of the more preferred colleges were
founded at least 65 years previously, in con-
trast with the 1955 founding of the Air
Force Academy.
The Board commends the Academy for
introducing as innovations in service acad-
emy curriculums the enrichment and aca-
demic majors programs which challenge the
cadets to progress profitably as far and as
fast as they can in academic areas best
suited to their capabilities afld interest.
The Board believes that cadets who are
qualified should be encouraged to partici-
pate; however, no pressure, direct or indi-
rect, should be permitted upon cadets to
take overload courses in order to gain com-
petitive advantage.
Equally impressive to the Board is the
Academy's physical education program
which clearly reflects concerted efforts to ac-
complish the Academy's assigned mission.
The program includes instruction, intra-
mural participation and varsity competition.
All of these are oriented toward the develop-
ment of leadership, positive attitudes toward
competition and physical fitness, active and
continuous body conditioning, and strong
interest in carryover individual sports. In-
struction is provided in 17 different aspects
of physical education which Include coln-
batives, swimming and water survival,
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 July 27, 19 CONGRESSIONAL . RECORD -HOUSE
to host and, conduct tours, then I suggest This report only serves to emphasize
the ,sslgnment of an additional general what I have been saying all along. We
officer tq the Academy for that purpose and
let the Superintendent perform his executive are willing to spend taxpayers' dollars to
res
n
ibiliti
i
po
s
es g
ve aid to anyhtth o
.one wo srecesut
Pentagon officials, both civilian and uni- their hand. Only last month, I pointed
formed, should leave administrative details out the fallacy of our $37 million food
and press releases. alone and let matters of gift to the United Arab Republic.
that kind be handled by administrative ofn- I want to commend the General Ac-
cials of the Academy. If this policy had been
co
followed, the image of the Air Force Academy Office on their alertness. I
would not have. been tranished as it was hope pe their their report opens some eyes in
during January 1965, through no fault of Washington. If it does not, it seems
Academy officials or Air .Force Academy we will continue to help a country that
cadets, openly degrades the United States and
41WhUe I sgbscribe generally to the is critical of our policy.
recommendations of the white Committee Perhaps what is needed is action by
Report, I believe that the timing of its re- Congress demanding that any future
lease,,,on_the.date of the convening of the
1965 meeting of the Board of Visitors was grants be made only when it is assured
a serious error in judgment. that all the aid goes for the purpose that
Respectfully submitted, it was intended to. Apparently, the
JoRN J. FLYNT, agencies are not able to do so on their
Member
-
of Cong
(Mr. COLLIER (at the request of Mr. '" VI A RISIS
INDLEY) was grantdii
e permsson to ex- (Mr. REINS (at the request of
tend his remarks at this point in the Mr. FIND~C I rated permission to
RcoRD and to include extraneous mat- extend his remarks at this point in the
ter.) RECORD and to include extraneous
[Mr. COLLIER'S remarks will appear matter.)
hereafter in the Appendix.] Mr. REINECKE, Mr. Speaker, this
Nation an d the elfin, fr a world are ap-
proaching a crisis of major proportions.
GIVEAWAY ;BUNGLING it is known that the President is con-
(Mr. LANGEN (at the request of cerned about the Vietnam crisis height-
FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex- ened only last Friday by the use of sur-
tend his remark at this point in the face-to-air missiles against our airplanes.
RECORD and to include extraneous The missile charges have not been de-
matter,) nied and must therefore be true. So
Mr. LANGEN, Mr. Speaker, when are now we see that our unnecessary delays,
we going to wake up and realize that we excuses, changing of U.S. military ad-
are being taken for a ride? The United ministrators, and behind the scenes
Arab Republic is, doing a neat job of changing of South Vietnam heads of
m
ki
a
ng a fool Outf th U
oenited States.
Less than a month ago, Egypt's Nasser
took full .advantage of the U.S. willing-
ness to hand out free wheat. Now
we find out that we gave them over $23
million worth of corn in 1961 on the
basis of an out-and-out misrepresenta-
tion.
It Was a General Accounting Office
report to _Congress that disclosed that a
shipment of 186,000 metric tons of corn
to the United Arab Republic under the
auspices of the Agency for International
Development was obtained under false
pretenses. The grant was made on the
basis of reports from the Communist-
sympathizing country of a potential
famine because of a serious crop failure.
It was later disclosed that no crop fail-
ure occurred and much of the corn had
been sold by the United Arab Republic.
Our giveaway bungling really showed
up this time. AID officials found out the
United Arab. Republic was selling some
military strategy-the initiative: v v+
These missiles are not of North Viet-
nam manufacture. They must be-Chi-
nese or Russian-and I am told that they
are undoubtedly Russian missiles-
manned and fired by Russian technicians.
Mr. Speaker, this Republican has, for
some time, supported the President in
his general policies of a firm military
posture, but are we to continue tinkering
with ground troops in an air war? Are
we to continue our limited air offensive
knocking out trees, swamps, footbridges,
and isolated vehicles on highways?
When, Mr. Speaker, Mr. McNamara, and
Mr. President, are we going to face the
facts? When are we going to declare
war on all military targets? When are
we going to start fighting to win? How
many more American boys must die in
a war of undefined objectives? Is it
17789
member that the Constitution clearly
states that it is the power of Congress-
not the Secretary of Defense-to declare
war.
(Mr. MOORE (at the request of Mr.
FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. MOORE'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.] '
(Mr. MORTON (at the request of Mr.
FINDLEY) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. MORTON'S remarks will appear
hereafter In the Appendix.]
ADDITIONAL LEGISLATION THIS
WEEK
(Mr. ALBERT asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, the gen-
tleman from Arkansas, the distinguished
chairman of the Committee on Ways and
Means [Mr. MILLS], has advised that he
will call up some time during the re-
mainder of the week two bills unani-
mously reported by the Committee on
Ways and Means: H.R. 7502, income tax
treatment of casualty losses attributable
to major disasters, and H.R. 6431, sus-
pension of duty on certain forms t f
nickel.
The SPEAKER. Under previous or-
der of the House, the gentleman from
New York [Mr. PIRNIE] is recognized for
60 minutes.
[Mr. PIRNIE addressed the House.
His remarks will appear hereafter in the
Appendix.]
TRADING STAMPS AND THE RISING
COST OF FOOD
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
HARRIS). Under previous order of the
House, the gentleman from New York
[Mr. WOLFF] is recognized for 30 min-
utes.
Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, 2 weeks
ago Wednesday I posed a series of ques-
tions In this Chamber about the possible
interconnections between rising food
pricesl and the widespread use of trad-
not he
d
d th
?._..
e
e
e warnings of the mili- must under V1 L all
was shipped. With over $11 million tary American consumer, must stand all
worth still in the hands of the U.S. offr- materiel in Vietnam to do the j b? hHowar
w of the ,Parameters because that affect retail fcan nly vials, AID apparently made no attempt about our air strength; do we have suf l- not overlook And because is connect can
to hold the, shipments until the matter cient not one that i connected to
planes of the required type? $38 billion n in in retail sales a year-the $38
could be ,investigated. When, Mr. Speaker, will we be asked to billion figure is ours, arrived at by mul-
The GAO report charged that the take planes away from our Air National tiplying the $950 million stamp com-
Agency for International Development Guard because of our experts deciding panies make by the appropriate numbers
did not check on distribution of over 85 that manned aircraft is no longer so that 950 million equals 2.5 percent of
,percent_of_the corn,. It has been sub- necessary?
.stantiated that at least 80,000 tons have MrSpeaker, it is time we face the I
sales; $95 million from the nside Fact About Trading Stmps,Tby
been sold by the United Arab Republic facts-,-it is time we debate these issues Calvin Train, page 3. Book given you by
Government., and,, above all, Mr
S ake
r let
s
.
u
re- FTQ and saysft
, so 4>3..lx's,page--certainly
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17790 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 27, 1965
not one that affects at least 43 percent the National Food Marketing Commis- asking and that answer, though it has
of all the food sold in the United States-- sion, the commerce Department, the been insistently flaunted by the stamp
from "Changing Times" for April 1962, Office of the President's Adviser on con- companies as answering our questions,
"Why Don't They Just Cut the Price,"
sumer, the mal hB e sinesssl Adminisi tra- rare ba breaking new~grounditoday tithe
page 9.
I posed these questions in good faith- Linn, the Department of Labor, and other questions we are asking are valid; the.,
because I just did not know the answers interested Government agencies-to ask Government does not know the answers
and felt that we as legislators should. each of them to investigate this problem and it should.
I further suggested that I would be hold- within the confines of their statutory au- That article, however, in parenthetic
ing informal meetings between Members thority, preparatory to having my staff remarks, did raise some significant
of Congress, representatives of the food turn over all of the information we have points, and since it is the most current
retailing business, and the trading stamp acquired, as well as these reports, to the Government publication on the subject,
companies. The first of those meetings Consumer Affairs Subcommittee of the I will belabor it for just a moment more.
was held yesterday morning between six House Banking and Currency Committee. It stated that as recently as July 1963,
Members of Congress and representatives An investigation must be held. We must trading stamps ere alreaasy used in 65
of the food industry. The men who par- begin at once. markets-see first reference at the be-
mended in that meeting are to be com- Now, are not all the answers readily
mended for their public spirit and con- available? Are we merely resurrecting a ginning of my remarks. It remarked Labo gratulated for their dedication to the dead horse in asking these questions? I that a6 B indicated tar Sonly tatist ha f oSurvey f the
American principle of free and open In- maintain the answer is "No." The last in 195 quiry in a free society. These men gave time the FTC made any authoritative grocers
surveyed vg felt th cover their astamps in-
up up their time, came to Washington at statement on trading stamps was 1957-8 creased o
their own expense, and presented us with years ago; the last time any authorita- In another survey only 10 percent of 304
a very learned and erudite discussion of tive government study of the connection grocers felt that stamp costs were being
the trading stamp business as seen from between prices and trading stamps was wcovasered when tncr number volume of stamnd dit ns
their end. I am also grateful to the published was 1958-"Trading Stamps s
todayconsiIf ably less
ributed gentleman from Wisconsin [Mr. RAcE], and Their Impact on Food Prices," U.S. than half an nualit is was
the gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Agricultural Marketing Service, Market-hat . increased er the
cost JOELSONI, the gentleman from Califor- ing Research Division, Department of volume does n excove states as much
nia [Mr. DYAL], the gentleman from New Agriculture, you have copy-and that
York [Mr. GILBERT], and the gentleman study covered the years 1955-57. There fortt~ee present situation:
argue (tae article states)
from South Carolina [Mr. GETTYS] and was a rash of interest In trading stamps that greater sales advantages argue (the in the
the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. and food prices-but it was while stamps that a stages e al stamp programs, u the
FORD], who took the time out of a busy were just beginning to enter the picture; in area is nearly saturated with ttamps,
Schedule in an especially busy week to while the effect of stamps was to divert retailers may not be able to secure the addi.-
exemplify once again their concern for customers away from nonstamp stores tional sales volume required to offset their
the American consumer. and thereby increase volume at a par- costs.
The_ second of these meetings was to ticular store enough to be self-liquidat- Now, if food stores operate with a one-
of held this morning between Members ing. But that required an increase in half to 2 percent margin on sales, and
of Congress and representatives of the volume of from 10 to 25 percent and with half to cost 2 percent 3 percent of sales-and
stamp companies. It was not held. It stamps almost everywhere-from various st cannot color the cost sf swas not held because a veil of silence, estimates-this includes about 90 percent ti hrough increased volume-who does
a "stamp curtain," was dropped over the of the estimates-it is impossible to in.. for stamps and how?
affairs of the stamp companies. Perhaps crease food consumption everywhere by pay The meetings yesterday went a long
answer
the most dangerous, and certainly the that much. Who is paying for stamps wtoward beginning to yid went
most damning action possible in an open now? way that question. A rg to findaanenter
society occurred-the companies unan- As recently as April 1964, the Legisla- second largest food chain at n the United
talk y refused to lower themselves to tive Research Council of the Common- States unequvo food aint the cost of the talk to .'members of Congress about the wealth of Massachusetts wanted to find stamps nee reflected in higher food
welfareof the American consumer. out-you have with you, page 4. But in prices-man from Safeway. Where
p
They told its they could not "justify the frustration it had to admit, "Many of the his ehain has discontinued using stamampe
additional expense of time, manpower, best reports on the price impact of he hs een discon to cut rood s
and money" to come to Washington and stamps are now outdated in light of the for the consumer. Apparently the stamp
participate .sou have the letter. No; vast growth of stamps in the past 3 years for the cos not want to contest this
they could not afford to participate to- alone. Most of these reports were made ctme companies they were therein enough
day, but they' could afford to have three prior to current saturation in the key stateme t; they was made.
listening. siin the audience, yesterday just report is overcall aiPaost mp p bl cat on. Further research has brought out the
us`splve a problem could not but they could to help afford Since 1964, little has been published following salient information: Though
,
to send their legal counsel, the head of on stamps that is convincing either way. the basis stamp 95 percent r companies ed pay emption, taxes t on he the
he
their research department and other men Such reports as were published have basis figures pof a ercent re em ti the he ac-
into my office to try and dissuade me from been the result of emotionalism or spe- stamp company appears a to
even giving a speech on the floor of the cial interest. The only exception being st mp percent, which m earto to & be c clofsrr er to
House. Those same men at an open an article in the April 1965 issue of the y90 ou have-if true, almost $50 million tax
meeting, discussing with Congressmen Monthly Labor Review that attempted free accumulated have -If a year 5 these co ax
the problems of the American housewife, statistically to discuss whether the Con- panics. I will call on the Internal Rove-
would have been more than sufficient. sumer Price Index was affected over a nee S. I will justify and real Reve-
But they preferred to use them as lobby- 15-year period by the use of trading their determinations in this regard.
Isis. It is a sorry' description of a billion stamps. But we are not interested in a Since determinations
stamp companies leg have re-
dollar, Industry; a terrifying exhibit of 15-year period-we are interested in the served almost l a bilion drin tae-
morality and bad. taste. time since stamp saturation; and we are interest-free reserves dollars
against ax
an against 384
I wanted a meeting where we could sit not today interested in the Consumer free, billion cr stamps that rs
have. What,
aroltn , be informed and our questions Price Index-but in food prices-which deemed st & s fihat youmain
answered in a congenial and friendly at- make up considerably less than one- what happeav to this
mosphere-by their actions, the trading third of that figure. Stretched out over has money, to
whom does it lawfully belong,
atap?p companies are telling us they will a 15-year period and including myriads it not similar to other escheatable
only answer-to an investigation. of other items than food, a 2-percent is property?
As a direct result of these actions, I increase in the price of food due to Stamp companies seem to operate
am calling for a meeting of represents- stamps would appear statistically insig-
tives of the Federal Trade Commission, nificant-but that is not what we are with a very low ratio of invested capital
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July 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Confounding forecasts that the American
consumer would be the ultimate victim of
this program, the wheat certificate plan is
bringing stability to an inherently erratic
situation.
It would be more to our liking if a free
market could be given play in wheat pro-
duction. But American overproduction in
this commodity is a premise on which we
must build our planning. And in that con-
text, the wheat certificate scheme seems to
be as good a solution as any.
:Conservation Awards
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. JOHN P. SAYLOR
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. SAYLOR. Mr. Speaker, this
spring dedicated men and women from
all sections of the country came to Wash-
ington to participate in the White House
conference designed to gain public rec-
ognition of the need for conserving and
beautifying our country. They left here
in a highly enthusiastic and determined
mood, and I am convinced that America
will profit by this commendable spirit.
A lady from a small country town told
me at the close of the meeting:
Since our Children married and left home
I am afraid that my contribution to society
has amounted to little or nothing. Now I
think that I can do something worthwhile
in the few years that I have left on earth.
I almost feel important, and I know that
what I will be doing from now on in get-
ting my friends and neighbors interested in
this program Will be very important.
A laudatory objective, Mr. Speaker,
and my observation was that this atti-
tude was general among those who took
part in the conference. Yet you and I
know that the success of the program
to conserve and to beautify our country
will depend largely upon the interest that
is generated by the press and other com-
munications media. For this reason I
am especially pleased that the National
Wildlife Federation and the Sears, Roe-
buck Foundation have joined in formu-
lating a program of National and State
awards to recognize and encourage out-
standing contributions in conservation
and the preservation of natural beauty.
The program has been explained by
Louis D, McGregor, of Flint, Mich., pres-
ident of the federation, and James T.
Griffin, of Chicago, president of Sears
Foundation:
We believe this new awards program will
stimulate efforts at the local, State, and na-
tional level to more wisely use all our natural
resources, as well as preserve or restore the
natural beauty.of our countryside.
Financed by grants from the Sears-Roe-
buck Foundation, the awards program will
encourage renewed dedication and action
among professional and citizen conserva-
tionists throughout our land. We trust this
recognition of conservation leaders will like-
wise stir a new awareness among all Amer-
icans of the need to conserve and wisely man-
age our soils, waters, forests, rangelands,
plant life, and wildlife upon which the Na-
tion's economic and social well-being are
based.
This new program will also recognize out-
standing contributions to conservation being
made by public communications media, for
without public interest and understanding
conservation efforts cannot succeed. Awards
will be made to newspapers, radio and tel-
evision stations, magazines, broadcasters,
outdoor writers, and other communicators
who help spread the conservation message
throughout America.
Although this cooperative program has
been in the planning state for many months,
it has been initiated in immediate response
to the President's White House Conference
calling for public recognition of the need to
conserve and beautify our country.
The awards program will be conducted
on both State and National levels. Each
cooperating State affiliate of the National
Wildlife Federtion will establish its own
awards program, with recognition of in-
dividuals, groups and organizations for
outstanding effort in 10 categories:
First. State Conservationist of the
Year.
Second. Wildlife Conservationist of
the Year.
Third. Soil Conservationist of the
Year.
Fourth. Water Conservationist of the
Year.
Fifth. Forest Conservationist of the
Year.
Sixth. Youth Conservationist of the
Year.
Seventh. Conservation Educator of the
Year.
Eighth. Legislative Conservationist of
the Year.
Ninth. Conservation Communications
Award of the Year.
Tenth. Conservation Organization of
the Year.
Mr. Speaker, the details of this meri-
torious program should be circulated as
widely as possible. It is my intention to
send that portion of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD covering this message to every
newspaper and radio and television sta-
tion in my congressional district, and I
invite you to do likewise. I shall also
send copies to the White House and to
the Secretary of the Interior in hopes
that they will help in making the news
available to all interested parties. -
I congratulate the National Wildlife
Federation and the Sears, Roebuck
Fountain for undertaking this important
and exciting awards program.
Vietnam: Four cps to Peace
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following address delivered by the
distinguished Secretary of State, the
Honorable Dean Rusk, before the Ameri-
can Foreign Service Association at
Washington, D.C., on June 23, 1965.
Secretary Rusk's address reaffirms the
threefold objectives of U.S. policy in
Vietnam as set forth by President John-
A4079
son, to wit: "determination against ag-
gression, discussion for peace, and devel-
opment for the human hopes of all."
The address follows:
VIETNAM: FouR STEPS TO PEACE
(Text of an address made by Secretary of
State Dean Rusk before the American For-
eign Service Association at. Washington,
D.C., on June 23, 1965)
It is a very great pleasure for me to be
here. It is a privilege for me to salute my
colleagues, present and retired, of the For-
eign Service and to express to you the grati-
tude of President Johnson and of the Ameri-
can people for a service which is marked by
so much competence, dedication, and per-
sonal commitment.
Two and a half months ago President
Johnson spoke to the world about Vietnam
at the Johns Hopkins University in Balti-
more. Today I wish to talk to you on the
same subject-to you who know that such
problems have deep roots, to you who have
lived through and worked upon such prob-
lems before, and to you who know that such
matters can gravely affect the future of our
Nation and the prospects for general peace.
The struggle in Vietnam has continued
since April and indeed has grown the more
severe. The harsh resistance of the Com-
munists to any form of discussions or nego-
tiation continues. The effort to destroy the
freedom of Vietnam has been expanded. The
trial by fire of the people of Vietnam goes on.
Their own resistance has been courageous,
but the need for American resolution and for
American action has increased.
AGGRESSION FROM THE NORTH
The root of the trouble in Vietnam is to-
day just what it was in April and has been
at least since 1960-a cruel and sustained
attack by North Vietnam upon the people of
South Vietnam. Now, as then, it is a brutal
war-marked by terror and sneak attack, and
by the killing of women and children in the
night. This campaign of terror has contin-
ued throughout the spring.
Those of us who have not served in Viet-
nam may find it hard to understand just
how ugly this war of aggression has been.
From 1961 to the present date the South
Vietnamese Armed Forces have lost some 25,-
000 dead and 51,000 wounded. In propor-
tion to population, these South Vietnamese
losses are 10 times as great as those suf-
fered by Americans in the Korean war, and
larger than our losses in World War II.
Even more terrible than these military
losses are the cruelties of assassination and
kidnaping among civilian officials and ordi-
nary citizens. In the last 18 months, for ex-
ample, more than 2,000 local officials and
civilians have been murdered. When an offi-
cial is not found at home, often his wife and
children are slain in his place. It is as if in
our own country some 35,000 civic leaders or
their families were to be killed at night by
stealth and terror.
These are the methods of the Vietcong.
This is the test to which the people of Viet-
nam have gallantly responded.
Meanwhile, from the North, heavy infiltra-
tion has continued. Intelligence now shows
that some 40,000 had come down before the
end of 1964. Toward the end of that year-
well before the beginning of our own air
operations against North Vietnam-the infil-
tration of regular North Vietnamese army
units was begun, and important elements
of that army are now known to be in place
in South Vietnam and Laos, where they have
no right to be.
And so we face a deliberate and long-ma-
tured decision by a persistent aggressor to
raise the stakes of war. Apparently this was
their answer to our own repeated affirmation
that we ourselves did not wish a larger war.
Apparently a totalitarian regime has once
again misunderstood the desire of demo-
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A4080 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
erotic peoples for peace and has made the
mistake of thinking that they can have a
larger war without risks to themselves. And
hence the airstrikes against military targets
in North Vietnam.
These actions have made infiltration
harder. They have increased the cost of
aggression. Without them South Vietnam
today would face still stronger forces from
the North.
These measured air operations have done
what we expected them to do-neither more
nor less. For air attack alone cannot bring
peace, I cannot agree with those who think
it wrong to hit the logistics of aggression.
It is the aggression itself that is the wrong.
Those who worry about bridges and barracks
and ammunition dumps would do well to
give their sympathy instead to the daily
victims of terror in South Vietnam.
EFFORTS TO NEGOTIATE
The other side is obviously not yet ready
for peace. In these last months, the friends
of peace' in many lands have sought to
move this dangerous matter to the confer-
ence table. But one proposal after another
has been contemptuously rejected.
-? We and others, for example, have sought
to clear a way for a conference on Laos, and
a Conference on Cambodia-two neighbor-
ing countries where progress toward peace
might be reflected in Vietnam Itself. But
these efforts have been blocked by North.
Vietnam and by Communist China.
Twice there has been an effort at discus-
sions through the United Nations-first in
the Security Council after the August at-
tacks in the Tonkin Gulf, and later this
April, when Secretary General U Thant con-
sidered visits to Hanoi and Peiping to ex-
plore the possibilities of peace. But in Au-
gust there was a refusal by Hanoi to come
to the Security Council. And in April both
Hanoi and Peiping made it clear that they
would not receive U Thant, and both regimes
made plain their view that the United Na-
tions is not 'competent to deal with that
matter.
Repeatedly our friends in Britain, as a
cochairman of the Geneva Conference, have
sought a path to settlement-first by work-
ing'toward a new conference In Geneva and
then by. a visit of a senior British states-
man. But the effort for a conference in
Geneva was blocked, and the distinguished
British traveler was told that he should
stay away from Peiping and Hanoi.
Twice in April we made additional efforts
of our own. In Baltimore the President of-
fered unconditional discussions with the gov-
eiriUnents concerned. -Hanoi and Peiping
called this offer a "hoax" At that time the
17 nonalined nations had appealed for a
peaceful solution, by negotiations without
preconditions. This proposal was accepted
on our side. It was rejected by Hanoi and
by Peiping. And some of its authors were
labeled "monsters and freaks."
The President of India made constructive
proposals-for an end of hostilities and an
Afro-Asian patrol force. To us this proposal
was full of-'interest and hope. But by Hanoi
and Red China It was rejected as a betrayal.
Our own Government and the Govern-
ment of South Vietnam, in May, suspended
air attacks on North Vietnam. This action
was made known to the other side to see if
there would be a response in kind. This
special effort for peace was denounced in
Hanoi as a "wornout trick" and denounced
In Peiping as a "swindle. " To those who com-
plain that that so-called "pause" was not
long enough, I would simply report that the
harsh reaction of the other side was fully
known before the attacks were resumed.
And I would also recall that we held our
hands for more than 4 years while tens of
t Ousands of armed men invaded the south
and every attempt at peaceful settlement
galled.
HANOI'S RESPONSE
Reports in the first half of June have con-
firmed that all these violent rejections are
in fact what they appear to be-clear proof
that what is- wanted today In Hanoi is a mili-
tary victory, not peace, and that Hanoi is not
even prepared for discussions unless it is ac-
cepted In advance that there will be a Com-
munist-dominated government in Saigon,
and unless too-so far as we can determine-
American forces are withdrawn in advance.
So this record is clear. And there is sub-
stance in Senator FujaRIG1rT's conclusion
that "It seems clear that the Communist
powers still hope to achieve a complete vic-
tory in South Vietnam and for this reason
are at present uninterested in negotiations
for a peaceful settlement." For the simple
truth is that there is no lack of diplomatic
there is no procedural mireale through which
a desire for peace can be registered-that
there is no procedural miracle through which
peace can be obtained if one side is - de-
termined to continue the war.
As I have said, Hanoi is presently adamant
against negotiation or any avenue to peace.
Peiping is even more so, and one can plainly
read the declared doctrine and purpose of the
Chinese Communists. They are looking be-
yond the current conflict to the hope of
domination in all of southeast Asia-and
indeed beyond. But one finds it harder to
understand Hanoi's aversion to discussion.
More immediately than the Chinese, the
North Vietnamese face the costs and dangers
of conflict. They, too, must fear the ambi-
tions of Communist China in southeast Asia.
Yet they are still on the path of violence,
insisting upon the forceful communization
of South Vietnam and refusing to let their
brothers in the south work out their own
destiny in peace.
In recent weeks, after 2 months of reduced
activity, the enemy has sharply quickened
the tempo of his military action in the south.
Since early May, major Vietcong units have
returned to the battlefield, and already a
series of sharp engagements has shown us
that the fighting through the summer may
be hard. Setbacks have occurred and serious
defeats have been avoided only by the com-
bination of continuing Vietnamese bravery
and effective air and other types of support.
Losses on both sides have been heavy.
From April I to date, we have had con-
firmed reports of almost 5,000 Vietcong dead,
almost 3,000 South Vietnamese, and almost
100 Americans. We must expect these losses
to continue-and our own losses may
increase.
ROLE OF U.S. FORCES
Since March we have deployed nine bat-
talions of fighting men to South Vietnam.
Six more are on their way. For as the Presi-
dent said in April, "we will not be defeated.
We will not grow tired ? We will do
everything necessary * and we will do
only what is * * * necessary."
Our own battalions in South Vietnam have
three related tasks. Their first assignment
was and Is to guard such major installations
as the airfield at Da Nang. A second and
closely related task is that of active patrol
in nearby areas. And the third is to join in
combat support of Vietnamese forces-when
such help is requested and when our com-
mander, General Westmoreland, believes it
should be given.
American forces so committed will carry
with them the determined support of our
people. These men know, as all our peo-
ple know, that what they do is done for free-
dom and peace, in Vietnam, in other con-
tinents, and here at home.
SUPPORT FOR U.S. ACTION
In authorizing combat missions for our
ground forces in Vietnam, the President acted
to meet his constitutional responsibilities as
Commander in Chief. He has recognized the
obligations of this nation under the South-
July 27, 1965
east Asia Treaty, which the Senate approved
by a vote of 82 to 1. He has acted under
the joint resolution of August 1964, which
passed the Senate by a vote of 88 to 2-
and passed the House with no opposing vote.
This resolution expresses our national readi-
ness-as the President determines-"to take
all necessary measures to repel any armed
attack against the forces of the United
States" and "all necessary steps, including
the use of armed force" to help Vietnam
and southeast Asian members of the SEATO
who ask for help to preserve their free-
dom.
The President has acted on the unanimous
advice of the American leaders in Saigon
and his senior civil and military advisers in
Washington.
He has acted in full consultation with the
Government of South Vietnam.
And he has acted on his own considered
judgment of what is necessary at this time
to stop aggression.
This decision-like all of our decisions in
Vietnam-is open to review by Members of
the Congress and open to reversal if it does
not have their support. But the leaders of
the Congress have been kept in close touch
with the situation, and no such prospect
should stimulate the hopes of enemies or the
fears of friends. For America is not divided
in her determination nor weak in her will.
In Vietnam today we face one more chal-
lenge in the long line of dangers we have,
unhappily, had to meet and master for a gen-
eration. We have had to show both strength
and restraint--courage and coolness-for
Iran and for Greece, for Berlin and for Ko-
rea, in the Formosa Strait, and in the Cu-
ban missile crisis. We mean to show the
same determination and coolness now.
In 1954 President Eisenhower pledged our
support to the Government of Vietnam, to
assist that Government, as he put it, "in
developing and maintaining a strong, viable
state, capable of resisting attempted sub-
version or aggression through military
means." And this determination was re-
affirmed again and again by President Ken-
nedy. "We are going to stay here," he said.
"We are not going to withdraw from that
effort." And that is our position still.
FIRMNESS AND RESTRAINT
Now, as in April, as 'the President put
it, "We will use our power with restraint
and with all the wisdom that we can com-
mand." For it is others, and not we, who
have increased the scale of fighting. It is
others, and not we, who have made threats
of gravely widened conflict. The firmness
with which we resist aggression is matched
by the firmness with which we will refrain
from ill-advised adventure.
A few-a very few-may believe that un-
limited war can take the place of the sus-
tained and steady efforts in which we are
engaged, just as there may be a few-a very
few-who think we should pull out and leave
a friendly people to their fate. But the
American. people want neither rashness nor
surrender. They want firmness and re-
straint. They expect courage and care.
They threaten no one. And they are not
moved by the threats by others.
ROLE OF SOUTH VIETNAM
This contest centers in the defense of flee-
dom for the people who live in South Viet-
nam. The sustained and increasing infil-
tration from North Vietnam has required
the measured use of air attack on military
targets in the north. We alone cannot de-
termine the future-could we do so there
would he a prompt peace. The other side,
too, must decide about the future. And we
must hope they know--as we do-that in-
creased aggression would be costly far be-
yond the worth to the aggressor.
The political turmoil in South Vietnam
has continued. It is easy to be impatient
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July 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
with our' friends in Saigon as they' struggle In April the President 'offered determina-
to estblisand ustain a stable government tion against, aggression, discussion for peace,
developent for the human hopes of
under' the stress" war, We see 'there the and m
ferment of a sock, ty still learning to be all. And in June we reafnirm that threefold
'
whfie uner attack from beyond
free, even
their borders.
We must remember that this ancient peo-
ple is young in its independence, restless in
Its hopes, divided in its religions, and varied
in its regions. The turmoil of Vietnam needs
the steadfastness of America. Our friends in
Vietnam know, and we know, that our peo-
ple and our troops' must work and fight to-
gether. Neither of us can do the work of
the other. And the main responsibility must
always be with, and is fully accepted' by, the
South Vietnamese. Yet neither of us can
"go it alone." We would not be there with-
out the urgent request for assistance from
those whose laud this happens to be. We
have a tested faith. in the enduring 'bravery
of the people of Vietnam, and they, in turn,
can count on us with equal certainty.
FORMtr A FOR 'EACL*........;
The people of Vietnam long~ for. peace.
And the way to peace I. clear. 'Yesterday the
foreign minister of-South Vietnam set forth
the fundamental principles that can provide
a "just and enduring place.' Those prin-
ciples, in summary, are:
And end to aggression and subversion.
Freedom for South Vietnam to choose and
shape for itself Its own destiny "in copform-
Ity with democratic principles and without
,any foreign interference from whatever
sources."
As soon as aggression has ceased, the end-
ing of the military measures now necessary
by the Government of South Vietnam and
the nations that have come to its aid to de-
fend South Vietnam; and the removal of
foreign military forces from South Vietnam.
And effective guarantees for the independ-
ence and freedom of the people of South
Vietnam.
Now these are the fundamental steps.
This is, what the arguing and the fighting is
all about. When they are carried out, we can
look forward, as we have stated. previously
many times, to the day when relations be-
tween North Vietnam and South Vietnam can
be worked out by peaceful means. And this
would include the, question of a free de-
cision by the peoples of North and South
Vietnam on the matter of reunification.
This forthright and-simple program meets
the hopes of all an-a attacks the interests of
none., It would replace'the threat of con
quest by the hope of free and peaceful
choice.
-A LOOT O THE SOTUYt
And even while these hopes of ~ieace are
blocked for now b aggression,' we on our
side and other naions have reafilr,Id our
deep commitment to the peaceful progress
of Vietnam and southeast Asia ass whole.
In April the 'President proposed to the na-
tions of Asia and tp the United Nations that
there i'e cpnstructed a new program of sup-
port for Asian efforts and called upon Mr.
Eugene Black to assist them. Now in June
this work is underway. The Mekong River
project has been given new life. A new dam
Is ready to rise in Laos. A billion-dollar
bank is in the making for the development
of southeast Asia. And in Vietnam itself new
impetus has been given to programs of devel-
opment and education and health.
So let us call again on other nations-
including the Soviet Union-to join in turn-
ing this great region of the world away from
the waste and violence of a brutal war., For
the hope of Asia is not in relentless, pressure
for conquest. It Is in unremitting hope for
progress-a progress in which rice production
eould.be..raultiplied manyfold, where the ex-
pectation Of We could be doubled, the edu-
cation. of the young could be tenfold what
It, is today, and there could be an end of
cholera and tubercl,U.osis and intestinal para-
sites and other human afflictions.
policy.
Aggression has Increased, so that deter-'
urination must be greater than ever.
Discussion is rejected, but our efforts to
find a path to peace will not be stopped. We
have welcomed the new initiative of Prime
Minister Wilson and the Commonwealth con-
ference and regret that It has received so
little reception on the other side.
Beyand the terror of the aggressor and
the firmness of our defense, we must, never-
theless, look to the day. in which many new
dams will be built, and -many new schools
opened, and fresh opportunities opened to
the peoples of southeast Asia. For we must
look beyond the battle to peace, past fear to
hope, and over the hard path of resistance
to the broad plain of progress which must
lie ahead for the peoples of southeast Asia.
Memorial Ceremony for Adlai Stevenson
'EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. SIDNEY It, YATE4
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
MoIi"y, July 26, 1965
Mr. YATES. Mr. Speaker, the late
Adlai Stevenson was actively involved in
the establlshi el3t. of lrll Llxlitesl_ T&t o
in 1945. From that time on, the United
Nations formed one of the most promi-
nent strains in his life. He was there, in
sentiment and in spirit, if not always in
person, from its beginning to the time of
his death.
It,s fitting and proper that of the most
eloquent eulogies to him, four should
have been delivered before the United
Nations on the day of his funeral in Illi-
nois. There spoken by Secretary General
U Thant; Carlos Sosa Rodriguez, former
President of the, General Assembly; Sec-
A4081
When on December 8, 1960, it was an-
n minced that Mr. Stevenson was to be
permanent representative of the United
States 'of America. to the United Nations, it
seemed to everybody to be such a natural and
right appointment. He was, in truth, one
of the founding fathers of the United Na-
tions, having been present at the signing of
the charter in San Francisco In June 1945,
and also :haying been. closely associated with
the riegotiatlons leading up to that historic
event.
Thereafter, he was the head of the _U.S.
delegation to the, Preparatory Commission
and Executive Committee of the United Na-
tions in London, and I believe his offices were
located in Grosvenor Square, close to the very
spot where he collapsed last Wednesday.
Subsequently, of course, he had entered
domestic politics and his direct association
with the United Nations was only intermit-
tent. But I have no doubt in my own mind
that his presence at the birth of the United
Nations was an, important factor in the evolu-
tion of his own political thinking and in his
own dedication to the noble principles and
purposes of the charter.
I remember how many tributes were paid
to him when he took over his duties at the
United Nations. There were so many en-
comiums, both within and outside these
walls, that they could have turned the head
of a lesser man. Not so with Ambassador
Stevenson. On one occasion he observed:
"Flattery is like smoking-it is not dangerous
so long as you do not inhale."
During the 41/2 years that he served at the
United Nations, he stood as the embodiment
of dedication to the principles of the United
Nations. His many speeches, which expressed
so well his whole mental and Intellectual ap-
proach, in the championship of fundamental
rights, in defense of the dignity and worth
of the human person, in support of the equal
rights of nations large and small, were
cheered and applauded by all sides of the
house. He not only spoke with a rare gift
of phrase, but with such an obvious sincerity
that his words carried conviction.
My first contact with Ambassador Steven-
son came about in 1952 when I was one of the
members of the Burmese delegation to the
Seventh General Assembly. This was at
the time when he was the Democratic candi-
date for the Presidential election. His
retary of State Dean Rusk, and Archibald _ speeches were naturally fully reported in the
MacLeish, all of whom believed in Ste- newspapers, and I followed his campaign
venson and in the United Nations. The
addresses follow:
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY GENERAL AT ME-
MORIAL CEREMONY FOR ADLAI STEVENSON,
JULY 19
When I first was told last Wednesday, a
little before 1 p.m., that Ambassador Steven-
son had died in London, I could not believe
my ears.' I had seen him only recently, in
Geneva, less than a week before and he was
so alive, and looked so well. When the
news- was confirmed, it took me some time
to accept the fact that Adlai Stevenson had
really passed away.
My first thought was to send a message of
Condolences to President Johnson. In my
message I referred to the respect, admira-
tion, and affection of all of his colleagues at
the United Nations which Ambassador Ste-
venson had-earned over the last 4%2 years
by reason of hii extraordinary human quali-
ties.
The same afternoon I referred, in a pub-
lic statement, to my sense of grief and
shock because, suddenly and without warn-
ing, death had struck and we had lost a
good friend and a highly esteemed colleague.
As I stated in that tribute in his years
at- the United T7atigns, Ambassador,_Stevgn
son had demonstrated with rare distinction
how it was possible to combine the highest
form of patriotism with loyalty to the idea
of international peace and cooperation.
closely. His speeches were not only master-
pieces of oratory, they were also the incisive
reflections of a great man and of a great
mind _in line?with .the, best traditions of
American liberal thought.
There were some during his lifetime, of
course, who rated him as too liberal and too
far ahead of the times. Others sought to
discount his effectiveness on the score that he
was too much the idealist and therefore not
practical enough. This does him injustice.
The line of distinction between Idealism
and vision is obscure at best. Vision, cer-
tainly, is an essential attribute of statesman-
ship, and he was a fine statesman. In any
case, what a dismal world it would be, and
how unpromising its future, without spirit-
ual lift given to mankind by the idealists
who, in the courage of their conviction, chart
the course and mark the goals of man's
progress.
At that time I did not have any personal
acquaintance with Mr. Stevenson. For me
the chance came a year later when he visited
Burma in 1953. On that occasion I had the
opportunity to talk to him and to discuss
with him many issues of current interest.
Again I was greatly impressed, not only by
the depth of his intellect, but equally by his
breadth of vision.
From the time that Mr. Stevenson became
the permanent representative of his country
at the United Nations and while I was still
the permanent representative of Burma, we
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX July 27, 1965
developed very close ties of friendship. These
ties became even closer toward the end of the
year when I assumed my present responsibili-
ties, and continued to be so during the last
31% years. I found It easy to discuss with
him any current issue of importance with
complete freedom, and in full frankness and
friendliness.
No one can serve his country in the United
Nations for long without having his moments
of frustration. Ambasador Stevenson had
his share of such moments, and on such oc-
casions he confided to me his innermost
thoughts, and I was struck by his completely
human approach to our common problems.
He seemed not only to think about them, but
also to feel about them as a human being.
In all such discussions I was repeatedly im-
pressed by his dedication to the basic con-
cepts of peace, justice, and freedom.
So many tributes have been, paid to Mr.
,Stevenson since his sudden. and tragic pass-
ing away. So many of his friends and ad-
mirers have eulogized his fine intellect, his
modesty, and humility. Many have praised
his felicitous style and his ready wit. Trib-
utes have been paid to his great learning,
which he carried so lightly because he was
truly an educated man, a cultured man, a
civilized man.
Speaking In San Francisco on June 26, 1966,
on the 20th anniversary of the United Na-
tions, Ambassador Stevenson said:
"Some of us here today who were midwives
at the birth of the United Nations can never
forget those days here in San Francisco in
the twilight of the wax, when an old world
was dying and a new world was coming to
birth.
"We shared an audacious dream-and
launched a brave enterprise.
"It seemed so easy then-when all was
hope and expectation. I remember my own.
sense of pride, of history, of exultation." He
went on to reflect:
"In the bright glow of 1945, too many
looked to the United Nations for the full and
final' answer to world peace. And in retro-
spect, that day may seem, to have opened
with the hint of a false dawn.
"Certainly we have learned the hard way
how elusive is peace-how durable is man's
destructive drive.
"We have learned, too, how distant is the
dream of those better standards of life in
larger freedom-how qualified our capacity
to practice tolerance-how conditional our
claims to the dignity and worth of the hu-
man person-how reserved our respect for
the obligations of law."
He then proceeded to restate, on behalf of
himself, his Government and the vast bulk
of his countrymen, his faith in the United
Nations in the following words:
"We believe in the United Nations; we
support the United Nations; and we shall
work In the future-as we have worked in
the past-to add strength, and influence, and
permanence to all that the organization
stands for in this, our tempestuous, tor-
mented, talented world of diversity in which
all men are brothers and all brothers are
somehow, wondrously, different-save in
their need for peace."
And he concluded by saying:
"We have the United Nations. We have
set it bravely up. And we will carry it
bravely forward."
Unfortunately, Adiai Stevenson is no
longer with us to keep step with us in the
march forward to the goals he had stated
so well.
On this occasion when we are paying
homage to the memory of onewho has left
us so large a legacy, it is fitting, I believe, to
give some thought to the momentous ques-
tions of war and peace which were so close
to his heart.
In my view, many governments, while un-
willing to wage war, and at the same time
unable to make peace, seem to have resigned
themselves to the prospect of an intermina-
ble cold war. While admittedly the cold war
cannot bring down the physical holocaust
on our heads, it has nevertheless already in-
ficted on us a tremendous moral and psycho-
logical injury which is intangible but equally
destructive. The long, uneasy cold war has
destroyed and mutilated not our bodies, but
our minds. Its weapons are the myths and
the legends of propaganda.
It has often been said that in war, the first
casualty is truth. The cold war is also capa-
ble of inflicting the same casualty. The
weapons designed and utilized to crush and
mutilate the human mind are as potent as
any of the weapons designed for physical
destruction. The weapons of the cold war
contaminate our moral fiber, warp our think-
ing processes and afflict us with pathological
obsessions. These are the invisible but,
nevertheless, the most devastating effects of
the cold war on humanity. I believe Adlai
Stevenson, in his innermost thoughts,
realized these truths.
There is no doubt that Adlai Stevenson
has earned a place in history-not only a
place in the history of his own country, but
a place in the history of this world Orga-
nization. He brought to international di-
plomacy, in his dignity, his gentility, and
his style, a speical dimension. Even more,
he has earned the admiration and affection
of millions of people to whom he was but a
name and a legend.
This was so, I think, because so often his
voice rang true as the voice of the people,
his eloquence expressed the hopes and
aspirations of the common man the world
over. He was, in our times, in a quite
unique way, the people's friend. Equally, he
has earned a permanent place in the hearts
of all those who knew him, and today I
mourn his passing, not just as a great his-
torical figure, a famous man, but as a true
and trusted friend. As the poet says:
"Friendship is a nobler thing;
Of friendship it is good to sing."
STATEMENT BY CARLOS SOSA RODRIGUEZ
(VENEZUELA), PRESIDENT OF THE 18TH SES-
SION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, AT THE
MEMORIAL CEREMONY FOR ADLAI E. STEVEN-
SON
Mr. Secretary General, Mr. Secretary of
State, fellow delegates, ladies, and gentlemen,
it is sometimes difficult to put into words the
true magnitude of a feeling, the sorrow that
takes hold of the spirit in the face of the
irreparable, the sadness that invades the soul
in the face of hard reality. And yet, we must
find words to reflect the pain that grips us
at the loss of a friend who knew how to win
our hearts, of a colleague who know how to
conquer our admiration, for such was for us
Adlai Stevenson, the Governor, as we, his
friends, used affectionately to call him.
The impact of the unexpected news, while
I was on holiday In Madrid, was a hard blow
for me: "Adlai Stevenson died suddenly in
London." Only 3 weeks earlier we had been
together in San Francisco at the commemor-
ation of the 20th anniversary of the United
Nations, and he appeared so jovial, as ever,
so full of life.
Why is it that it is the good men, the men
necessary to mankind, that we lose so sud-
denly? We must bow, however, before
the Inscrutable dictates of providence and
resign ourselves to the will of God. Yet the
vacuum left by the death of a friend we can-
not but feel profoundly. We, his colleagues
in the United Nations, have lost a dear and
admired friend. But America has lost one
of its most enlightened sons, and the United
Nations one of its most faithful champions.
In this time of mourning, in which gath-
ered here in the General Assembly, witness
to so many of his brilliant interventions, we
pay tribute to his memory, it seems to us
that we still hear the echo of his eloquent
and tempered words, the expression of a
noble spirit and a high culture placed at the
service of his country, but placed also at the
service of the ideals of peace and justice,
advocated in the United Nations Charter.
Of the many qualities that adorned the
shining personality of Adiai Stevenson, per-
haps the most outstanding were his modera-
tion and his profound human feeling. Per-
haps this is the reason why he never in-
spired hatred but only affection, and always
respect. Adlai Stevenson, like all public
men, has been known to have devoted ad-
mirers and formidable adversaries, but he has
never been known to have enemies. And it is
because the goodness and sincerity that
flowed from his personality could not allow
for feelings of enmity to be forged against
him.
In his distinguished public life, and espe-
cially in the United Nations where we better
knew him, Stevenson always highlighted the
great sense of equanimity and his constant
preoccupation with the search for truth and
justice. Perhaps these qualities, combined
with so vast a culture which perforce opened
for him horizons of doubt, at times deprived
him of the necessary impetus for political
triumph, but gave him instead the universal
and broad understanding of the problems of
our time and an acute and penetrating vision
of the future, clouded neither by prejudice
nor by preconceived notions.
Adlai Stevenson was a great patriot. He
placed at the service of his country, unstin-
tingly and unsparingly, the full fountain
of his extraordinary intelligence, of his pro-
found culture, and of his personal charm.
And while in the service of his country he
was struck down by death.
Adlal Stevenson lived and died for his
country. Perhaps better than any other
public figure, Adlai Stevenson gave the world
an image of a modern and liberal North
America conscious of the outstanding role
it is called upon to play in history and con-
scious of the enormous responsibility derived
for her from her great military and economic
power. It would be difficult to classify Adlat
Stevenson, from the political standpoint, as
a man of the right or a man of the left.
Stevenson was a liberal in the- true sense of
the word. He was a man free of extremism,
ever respectful of the opinions and view-
points of others, but always convinced of
the force of reason, not of the reason of
force. His liberal spirit was reflected in all
his acts as a public figure and especially in
his performance as a diplomat.
For him, negotiation and conciliation
were the methods par excellence for the at-
tainment of his aspirations, and he never
lacked moderation, patience, and under-
standing in the fulfillment of the delicate
functions entrusted to him. As an orator
he was brilliant, eloquent, witty. When it
was necessary to enter into polemics he could
be sharp and even ironical, but at all times
courteous and considerate. Socially, he was
a man of the world, of great personal charm,
with the simplicity and the natural manner
of great men.
Adlai Stevenson leaves of his passage
through life a profound imprint. He leaves
in his country that awes him so much a pro-
found mark. He leaves a mark In the
United Nations which he so vigorously de-
fended. He leaves a mark in the world
which he understood so well. He leaves his
imprint in the hearts of his friends who
will never forget him. The death of Adlai
Stevenson opens a great vacuum in the in-
tellectual world, in the world of letters, in
the world of politics, in the world of dip-
lomacy. It leaves a vacuum in his country
and it leaves a vacuum in the world.
His understanding of the true causes of
present-day problems, his great concern with
social affairs, his untiring defense of peace
and concord among nations, his knowledge
of man and his stanch defense of the ideals
in which he believed-all of this manifested
in his public acts, in his words, his writing
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July 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4083
and his actions-had made of him the proto- for the Presidency was a portrait of himself triumph or, indeed, triumph of any kind.
type of the intellectual wJAo uses his culture as ill-advised politically as it was personally His great achievement the enrichment
for the benefit of mankind, was honorable. And the two disastrous and su- of his time by the nature of his relationships
Stevenson Was not happy with the ego- perb campaigns which he conducted were with his time. If his intelligence was re-
tistical pleasure of having a vast culture for proof that his reluctance at the start was markable it was remarkable, even more
himself.,, Ibis .constant preoccupation with not the reluctance of political calculation than for its clarity, by its modesty, its
the well-being,of the less favored In the world but of passionate belief. When he said, years humor, its total lack of vanity or arrogance.
and with the true grandeur of his country afterward, that he would like to be remem- If he was one of the great articulators of his
made him at all times place that culture at bered for those unsuccessful ventures, for time, one of the few, true voices, it was be-
the service of others. That, is why he will those two defeats, he meant that there are cause the words he spoke were the words of
always be remembered with admiration and some things in the life of a democracy more his own thought, of his deepest and most per-
respect, both by his partisans and his ad- important than to come to power-more im- sonal conviction. It was himself he gave in
versaries. portant ultimately than the possession of word and thought and action, not to his
The death of Adiai Stevenson will be felt the power. friends alone but to his country, to his world.
most especially in the United Nations, where onstrated, And yet, it is the last terms few days have dem- And the gift had consequences. It changed
we had become used to. having him as head power or of the the tone and temper of political life in the
of his Country's delegation. There were failure to come to power that his life is still United States for a generation. It human-
those who, agreed with the views he upheld most commonly conceived. In the shock and ized the quality of international exchanges
and those who did not, but no one can sorrow of his sudden death, the minds of throughout a great part of the world. It
deny that Stevenson, because of his great those who wrote and spoke of him went back enlightened a dark time.
love for peace, his profound human feeling again and again, over and over, with admira- Which means, I suppose, that Adlai Ste-
and his faith in negotiation, was at all times tion and regret and more sometimes than venson's great achievement was himself.
a guarantee in the most difficult Alt-.ti- admiration or regret. to whwt
leaves with his death, litical He was, we were reminded, a great po- if if . n not t to to the full, at least more we fully lived that,
than
To the great American people, to President figure who had never helri a great almost any other man. What we have lost
Johnson, to Mr. ptevenson's family, I con- political office; a master of the art of gov- is himself. And who can name the warmth
vey my words of condolence. May the good ernment who had governed only in his own and richness of it?
and generous man, the true and sincere State; a public man unsuccessful somehow _
statesman, the refined diplomat, the perfect in public life-too fine for it, perhaps; a ADDRESS BY SECRETARY OF STATE DEAN RIISK
gentleman, who was Adiai Stevenson rest in Hamlet who thought too long too deeply, AT A MEMORIAL CEREMONY FOR AMBASSADOR
peace. Who doubted too scrupulously, who could ADLAI E. STEVENSON IN THE GENERAL
May these words of mine. be accepted as never permit himself to be as sure as an ASSEMBLY HALL, UNITED NATIONS, MONDAY,
the modest tribute of a sincere friend to the American politician in the fifties were sup- JULY 19, 1965
great mau whose memory will continue to posed to be sure, that that voice beneath
guide future generations in the. search for the battlements urging to violence and re- Colleagues and friends, his family and his
peace and justice in our world, venge was the king his father's voice, from from countrymen are grateful
t red son many
Well, it was true in part of course-true great hall so many lands are gathered Stevenson.
ADDRESS By ARQ,FIIBALD MACLEaH AT A that he thought long and deeply-true that Today he ea pay respect of A hic gave e him
MEMORIAL CEREMQNY FOR AMBASSADOR he had the courage of his doubts-true, too, returns er the soil which ghi
ADLAS E, STr that he was skeptical of hatred and its birth-as we gather here at the United Na-
VENSON, IN THE GENERAL As- tions which had become the ver
SEMBLX HALL, UNITED NATIONS, MONDAY, prophets in a day when the great majority life. Y fiber of his
JULY 19, 1965 of his fellow, citizens were listening to those
I am deeply cof the privilege of prophets and believing them. But the con- We have been deeply moved by what has
s pd of Adiai conscious ouso this co an clusions most often drawn from these obser- been said here today-and by the messages
sad in n his p1&ce, his room In this co heard vations are not true. Hamlet dies to those which have come from all over the earth.
his remembered voice ,so often.heartbreaking words in which the pity over For these are messages which leap over the
whelms the grief: Good night, sweet Prince. frontiers of nation, cultural tradition, or
I amcopsclpus too of. the responsibility In Adlal Stevenson's death there is no room ideology, messages which brush aside the
and burdened by it, for it is here, and per- for pity. Those of us who mourn him and Passing differences of present controversy
haps only here, that something might be said and recall that Adiai Stevenson's hopes,
of him which would touch, or almost touch, will always mourn him think of him not as
the indefinable, rare thing _he was. When a man defeated in his purpose but as a man dedication, and passionate concern encom-
Adlai passed all mankind.
he Stevenson spoke at the memorial eery- victorious in it; not as a man whose life was
Ice S Eleanor Roosevelt amemorial
had come a contradiction and a paradox but as a man You and we who have worked alongside
Ice f, he Said, to the Rene Garden had H de whose life had a particular singleness, an him day by day have lost a talented colleague
Park for the last time, he told her friends unusual wholeness, its own law. in our most stimulating profession-a pro-
that it was not her life they had lost she And it is here in this room, I think, that fession corporately bound together in the
had lived that out to the full: It was the that wholeness best appears. For the United unrelenting search for peace. And what an
thing she was " ^ . And who can name It?" Nations, though it knows and suffers from inspiring colleague he was.
Who Fan name what he was? Not I cer- our contemporary trust in power, is dedicated His restless conviction that things were
tainly. But if there is a room anywhere in to another end: the subordination of power never good enough sustained his zest and joy
Which it can be spoken of, it is this one. to the hope for peace-which is to say the in public service. But his exultation in a
Not because-not only because-the United hope for humanity. Those qualities in Adiai further step toward peace was short lived, for
Nations was, for go many years, the center Stevenson which seemed, In other surround- there was always the unfinished business still
of his life and of his concern, but for a ings, to be traits of character, attributes of to be done-the next step which consumed
different reason.; because the Organization personality-his warmth, his charm, his his energy and imagination.
itself, the nature of the Organization, creates considerateness, his intelligence, his humor, Adiai Stevenson deeply respected the col-
a perspective in which a life like Adlai his devotion, his incisiveness, his eloquence- leagues with whom he labored in this United
Stevenson's might perhaps be seen-in were fused here, in their employment in the Nations and treasured the friendships nour-
which it might assume the nobility, the sig- noblest of all causes, to compose a complete fished in this place. It is true that he had
nificance, which are its inward form. man, a man so balanced, so harmonious as the capacity for forceful advocacy-when
ad-
In the ordinary context, the context to a human being, that his greatness passed al- vocacy was needed. But he also had the per-
which our age is increasingly accustomed, a most unnoticed while he lived. ception to see that all issues worthy of debate
life like his becomes a puzzle, a contradic- His effectiveness here, his services to this are complex and are seen differently-and
tion, which even those who love him-and organization and to the country to which his honestly-from other points of view. Thus,
this room is full of those Who love him- life was given, others have spoken of and if his talents blazed bright from the public
cannot readily resolve. Our generation, and will speak. They were great services, greatly Platform, his skills were no less luminous in
not In the United States alone, not only in rendered. But the most important thing the professional arts of quiet diplomacy. For
the United States-is obsessed by a view of about them, or so it seems to me, was their he had the wisdom to seek always to see
human life which leaves no room for any humanity. It is not, in the long history of problems as they are seen by others,, even
human greatness or magnificance but one. civilization, the accomplishment which though he might himself not be able to share
Power fascinates us, and the exercise of counts but the manner of the accomplish- their view.
power, and. We judge our public figures by ment. Works of will are notoriously short- He had the discrimination to Separate the
the power they dispose of, by the offices they lived and even works of intellect can fail important from the unimportant. And he
hold which give them access to the thrust when the intelligence is cynical or dry. It had the endless patience-the tolerance and
of power. Adlai Stevenson cannot be meas- is only when the end is reached through the restraining moderation-to sustain him
ured by these measgres: cannot be known or human heart as well as through the human through the sometimes exhausting work of
recognized by them pr even named,. mind that the accomplishment is certain to mediation and accommodation.
Ile hied,! t$ste-for power, no desire for it. endure. And it is for that reason that Adlai He knew, as do all who are schooled in the
The unforgettable speech in which he ac- Stevenson seems certain of remembrance.
cepted the inevitability of his nomination His great traditions of diplomacy, that it is never
great ;achievement was not political too early to anticipate difficulty in order to
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 A4084
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX July 27, 1965
prevent it and never too late to lay the hand
of reason upon a crisis in order to solve it.
His colleagues were never bored; perhaps it
was with Adlai Stevenson in mind that one
editor defined a liberal as "independent and
surprising." In private this public man was
a warm and entertaining friend, perceptive
of the ironies of politics and statecraft, given
to illuminating shafts of sardonic wit, ob-
viously worried about the behavior of na-
tions but deeply confident about the nature
of man. Because he believed so thoroughly
in what he was doing and enjoyed so im-
mensely the doing of it, he poured out his
energies to the full-and to the very end.
In these past few days it has been said,
over and over again, that Adlai Stevenson
was a universal man. And so he was. But
not merely because he was informed, well
traveled, urbane, sophisticated, eloquent, and
gifted; he was all of these . But his uni-
versality did not rest upon his being a prince
among plain men, but upon his being a plain
man even among princes. His was the sim-
plicity of fundamental human valuesr-with
what is common in the midst of diversity-
-1- what is permanent in the midst of
w
shall remember him and miss him and honor American combat units to the Asiatic con-
him, as well, as a valued professional col- tinent.
league-as a brilliant public servant In the it is now clear that President Johnson
broadest and noblest sense of that term. is formulating a Vietnamese policy geared
There is no institution which deserves to the concept of committing increasing
such talents more than the United Nations; numbers of ground troops to offensive opera-
it calls out for the best that can be produced tions against the Vietcong in the south and
by the societies of man. Three Presidents of to severing the Vietcong supply lines to the
the United States sent Adlal Stevenson to north. Public thinking is being prepared for
the United Nations. They sent you our best. a buildup of American military strength in
Now that he is gone I think of the line Vietnam to something in the neighborhood
from "Pilgrim's Progress": "So he passed of 200,000 men, and there is no certainty
over and all the trumpets sounded for him that even that will prove enough.
on the other side." Yet something of him Escalation has its own perverse logic; the
remains with us in this great Assembly hall. less effective it proves, the more insistent be-
come the demands to do more and more.
against which the United States must guard
an increasingly perilous
d
own
Buildup in m ? Some Pointed as it starts
path in Asia. The bombing of Communist
Questions
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. JEFFERY COHELAN
change: the love of peace; the Instinct of of CALIFORNIA
tolerance; the feeling of compassion; the de- IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
votion to human rights; the urge to act for
human welfare. Monday, July 26., 1965 new investment in men and materiel is mace
on terms that offer maximum hope for effec-
This philosophy which animated Adlai Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, two re- tiveness at minimum cost in casualties and
Stevenson lay deep in him--permanent and cent editorials by the New York Times minimum risk of extending the war.
indestructible. Perhaps this is what at- raise important questions and cast the
d him powerfully--almost sr To send large numbers of American troops
lypresent conflict, along with any new into the jungles to compete with the Viet-
bly-to the United Nations and d its noble l-
doubtful would surely f ea n
tasks. For he was committed to the prin- U.S. buildup In Vietnam, in essential per- conng~ i combat
more of dis-
ciples of the charter before it was written. spective. heoses, with i the enemy. . A prospect
The preamble and the first two articles of As the New York Times wisely sug- avygl fog agem gytot one mare likely pr hold
the charter put Into words what had already gests, between complete and immediate down the toll in American o li likely that hold
guided his life. And so it seems most natural withdrawal and forcing Hanoi to sue for utilizing overwhelming superiority in air and
ehat he should have of much of his peace on American terms, "there is a sea power to retain defensible areas along
nergi a in 1 the 19946 cause f the United Nto the whole gamut of possible settlements that the coast.
cr began State as and an adviser assistant sa to the U.S. the would not be at all dishonorable to any The shakiness of the Government of Saigon
Secretary of delegation at the Charter Conference in San except those demanding a complete Vic- and the terrible strain the long conflict has
Francisco. He was the chief of our dele- tory over the Vietcong and North Viet- put upon the Vietnamese people complicate
gation at the Preparatory Commission in nam." the difficulties; but they make even more
London, then a delegate to the first and sec- It is in this context, as the Times indi- urgent the broad endeavor this country has
and sessions of the General Assembly. It sates, and as I have pointed out on previ- initiated to develop programs for raising
was altogether fitting that his lifework was cates, that positions standing on economic standards in Vietnam and south-
crowned in- these halls-that his last mission ous east Asia.
was to the United Nations Economic and So- ',American honor" and "our word" must In the United States, now facing-as in
cial Council. be seriously questioned. the Berlin crisis-a limited mobilization,
The words of the charter-and his. own And, as the Times quite correctly there must be immediate attention by Con-
ringing phrases which will live in literature- points out, if the United States should be- gress and the Pentagon to the -serious per-
were more than symbols to him. They were come engaged in a major and protracted sonnel and materiel deficiencies, not only
calls to action. He used language as few land war in southeast Asia, "the tempta- of the regular services but also of the Na-
men have-but used it to summon himself tional Guard and Reserves. The combat
and others to work. tion is obvious to Communist China to e8- effectiveness and readiness of the Armed
The work to which he summoned our rea- ert pressure in Korea, and to the Soviet Forces and their reserves have been impaired
son and our feelings remains still to be done. Union to do the same In Berlin-two for many reasons, including long overstrain
The charter he kept on his desk contains tinderbox areas where the American and stretching available forces too thinly
only 5 pages of philosophy, followed by 50 commitment is even deeper than in Viet- to cover too many commitments.
pages of procedure. nam, and the American - interest more Herein, of course, lies another danger,
He knew that the philosophy could lift vital.>' probably the most serious of all. As the
men's vision and sustain their energies. But Mr. Speaker, these are pointed and American land force commitment in Viet-
he also sensed that its meaning was con- observations that deserve our nam increases, so does the likelihood of
tamed not in eloquent words but in agreed pertinent Communist military pressure in one or
procedures, in workable machinery, in ar- thoughtful attention. another part of the world where the United
rangements that enabled the nations to work The articles follow: States is equally committed-and with bet-
together on particular tasks-while continu- I From the New York Times, July 21, 19651 ter reason. If the United States does be-
ing to argue about why they are working IN VIETNAM come enmeshed in this major land war in
together and why they sometimes disagreed. BuIlLnvr southeast Asia, the temptation is obvious
Ile had early learned the dictum of Justice The most recent visit of Secretary of De- to Communist China to exert pressure in
Oliver Wendell Holmes that general propo- fense McNamara and Ambassador-designate Korea, and to the Soviet Union to do the
sitions do not decide concrete cases, and he Lodge to Vietnam has come at a time when same in Berlin: two tinderbox areas where
worked hard and long to build that execu- the Vietnamese war appears to be escalating the American commitment is even deeper
tive machinery for peace which is the real to the proportions of a different and more than in Vietnam, and the American interest
alternative to the system of war by which sinister Korea. It comes, too, after both more vital.
men and nations have always lived-by President Johnson and Mr. McNamara have
which they no longer dare to live. warned the Nation that the limited Reserve he New York Times, July 221965
And so we pay tribute to a working cot- Gallup, extension of enlistments and in- I From A thERIew HONOR Times, July
VIETNAM, league-to a professional diplomat-to a creased draft calls might be necessary.
practitioner, a craftsman, an indefatigable Plainly, the visit marks the failure of one Speaking of Vietnam in a recent press
worker for peaceful change. And in honor- policy and the substitution of another. Until conference President Johnson said: "Our na-
ing him we are affirming our determination now, the policy the United States has been tional honor is at stake. Our word is at
that the peace of the world will be secured. following in Vietnam was based upon a plan stake." It was not the first time that the
You and I, who worked with him, will re- evolved by Gen. Maxwell Taylor, who, when administration has taken this position, but
member Adlai Stevenson not only as an in- he was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the emphasis and the timing of Mr. John-
spfred voice Hof the eonseletice' of man; we vigorously opposed large commitment of son's remark gave it special importance.
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supply lines in North Vietnam has obviously
failed to destroy the combat capabilities of
the Vietcong--so now demands are heard
for bombing Hanoi and Haiphong and thus
vastly increasing the threat of direct inter-
vention by Peiping and Moscow.
It is obviously futile to bemoan the past
miscalculations that have contributed to
making the present options so somber; the
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July 27, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
The commitment involved in the 'Presi-
dent's statement is so portentous that it
deserves careful examination. Obviously, if
the honor of the. Nation is at stake to such
and bodies of persons, but by the exercise
of personal freedom and initiative.
And their industrial accomplishment,
achieved, then the' struggle is a war to the
finish whatever the cost. If the United
States Were to lose its honor in Vietnam it
would lose 'its predominant place in world
affairs, while the Communist bloc would
win a victory of staggering propo'rtions.
This, clearly, would be unacceptable.
But the question does arise whether the
honor of the` United States is at stake in
such a drastic and precise sense of the' word.
If the United States were to give up, pull
out of Vietnam. and leave the country to its
fate there 'would, of course, be a loss of
honor-but very few Americans would
argue -for such a solution today. Between
doing that and forcing Hanoi to sue for peace
on American terms there is a whole gamut
of possible settlements that would not be
at all dishonorable to any except those de-
manding a complete "victory" over the Viet-
cong and North Vietnam.
A statement like the one Mr. Johnson
made arouses uneasiness because of its cate-
gorical nature. The stakes in the Viet-
namese conflict are being raised steadily.
The Vietnamese conflict-and no one needs
to tell this to Washington-holds within it
the possibility of a war with Communist
China and a world war.
It is neither cynicism nor appeasement to
point out that the word "honor" is not a
scientific but an emotionally, cCharged term
of vd-ri high Americans would not accept a de-
feat so humiliating that it represents a loss
of national honor, he is right. The risk
comes in determining when, if or how honor
would be lost. There are even such things
as honorable defeats and dishonorable vic-
tories. And in between are all kinds of com-
promises that are neither one thing nor an-
other-but sensible and realistic.
In international politics it is wise to avoid
extreme positions. American honor must by
all means be preserved; it should, however,
be given a reasonable connotation.
A Statement of Peter W. Rodino, Jr., in
Commemoration of the 13th Anniver-
sary of the Puerto Rican Constitution
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. PETER V. RODINO, JR.
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE, HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. RODINO. Speaker, yester
day, we commemorated the 13th anni-.
versary of the constitution of the Com-
monwyalth of Puerto Rico. In doing
so, we recognize the quality of a people
who have proved themselves capable of
governing themselves through represent-
ative institutions.
Any people who have undertaken and
advanced the industrial development of
their land by their own initiative as have
the people of Puerto Rico must be quali-
fied likewise to take responsibility for
their own political affairs.
In a few decades the Puerto Rican
people have increased the industrial
productivity n of their land many times
oVe'r, They have done so not. by means
of totalitarian control over the. minds
gence apparent for all to see, has en-
hanced in the people of Puerto Rico that
self-confidence which is. the indispen-
sable foundation of democratic self-
government.
In 1940, Puerto, Ricans lacked /three
factors essential to production. They
lacked capital; they lacked raw mate-
rials; and they lacked technical know-
how.
The Economic Development Admin-
istration, popularly called Fomento, is a
public agency established in 1942' which
has invited, encouraged, and fostered
private enterprise on the island. It does
so by helping manufacturers find invest-
ment funds. It rents factory buildings
at low rentals with a view to eventual
purchase by producers. It makes studies
to determine advantageous possibilities
of production. It gives workers the op-
portunity to acquire skills needed by
In 1949, there were 52 factories in
Puerto Rico. At the present time, there
are more than a thousand.
Industrialization is making up more
and more for the island's lack of mate-
rials for manufacture. It is doing so in
two ways: first, by increasing exports so
that more materials for industry can be
imported; second, by 'producing such
materials as chemicals and textiles.
As far as scientific and technological
know-how is concerned, Puerto Ricans
have displayed a remarkable determina-
tion to acquire vocational training and
higher education. Many hundreds of
Puerto Ricans are taking vocational
training courses today, and enrollment
at the University of Puerto Rico has in-
creased more than four times over since
1940.
The sense of responsibility with which
Puerto Ricans face public issues, and the
praiseworthy degree of voter participa-
tion, render meaningful their step-by-
step advance toward, political autonomy.
By the Foraker Act of 1900, Puerto
Ricans had the right only to. elect their,
representatives in the cower house of the
legislature. The President of the United
States appointed the members of the
upper house, as well as the Governor and
his cabinet.
The Jones Act of 1917 granted U.S.
citizenship to Puerto Ricans and the
right to elect the members of the senate
as well as the house of delegates.
An amendment to the Jones Act in
1947 provided for popular election of the
Governor. The people elected as their
first Governor the man who had shown
the way toward economic development,
social justice, and political liberty-Luis
Munoz Marin, leader of the Popular
Democratic Party.
The constitution which the Puerto
Rican people adopted and which went
into effect on July 25, 1952, provides for
popular self-government with respect to
insular affairs and provides at the same
time the?advantages of Federal union,
The political status. of.Puerto. Rico is
unique. It is that of an associated free
state-Estado Libre Asociado.
A4085
I am sure that I speak for all members
in congratulating Governor Roberto
Sanchez-Vilella; the distinguished.Resi-
dent Commissioner, SANTIAGO POLANCO-
ABREU, and the people of the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico on this anniversary
commemoration of .their constitution.
Bank Hosts Bay State's Counterpart
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. F. BRADFORD MORSE
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. MORSE. Mr. Speaker, recently,
14 members of the Partners of the Alli-
ance Committee in Medellin, Antioquia,
Colombia, visited the United States to
attend the first Inter-American Partners
of the Alliance Conference here in Wash-
ington and to visit their counterpart
Partners Committee in Massachusetts.
One of the leaders of the Massa-
chusetts_ committee has been John A. W.
Richardson, vice president of the Inter-
national Division of the First National
Bank of Boston.
The recent house publication of the
bank described the visit of the Antio-
quians to Massachusetts and outlined
the outstanding _program. arranged for
them by committee chairman, Anthony
Faunce.
Under unanimous consent I include the
article in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
BANK HOSTS BAY STATE COUNTERPART
Fourteen Colombian businessmen and
educators were guests of the Bank last month
during their visit to Massachusetts as part
of the Massachusetts-Antioquia Partnership
for Progress. Antioquia is one of the lead-
ing departments ("state" in this country) of
Colombia and is similar in many ways to
the Bay State
The Colombians returned a visit to Antio-
quia made last winter by a group from
Massachusetts. They were greeted in Wash-
ington on the first leg of their journey north
by Senator EDWARD M. KENNEDY (Democrat
of Massachusetts), and by Representative F.
BRADFORD MORSE (Republican of Lowell),
chairman and vice chairman respectively of
the Massachusetts committee of the Partner-
ship for Progress, and John A. Sisto, assistant
vice president.
ATTEND CONFERENCE
During their 2-day stay in the Capital,
the Colombian businessmen attended the
first inter-American conference of the "Part-
ners of Alliance," and met with State Depart-
ment officials. Highlight of the conference
was an address by Secretary of State Dean
Rusk who was introduced by John A. W.
Richardson, vice president, of the Interna-
tional Division, and a member of the
Massachusetts committee.
Purpose of the trip to the Bay State was
to study modern industrial and educational
techniques.
TOUR BANK
On their itinerary was a tour of the data
processing center, where they were also
guests of the Bank for lunch, plus a study
of the Head Office.
Part of the Alliance for Progress,
Massachusetts-Antioquia is designed to help
Colombians compare their activities with
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX July 27, 1965
those of a political subdivision. similar to
theirs.
Massachusetts and Antioquia industrial-
ized early, have heavy Investments in the
textile industry, and "have business groups
which have won success through hard work,
imagination and judgment."
SAME PROBLEMS
Moreover, the states face similar problems
in areas of water pollution, industrialization,
automation, and unemployment.
Antioquia itself is 1 of the 17 depart-
ments of Colombia, having 2.5 million people
out of a total Colombian population of 17
million and comprising 51/2 percent of the
nation's total area. Its capital, Medellin, has
a population of 780,000. The climate ranges
from tropical along the coast to pleasant 70-
degree year-round temperatures at Medellin.
INDUSTRIALIZED EARLY
There are over 2,200 miles of roads in
Antioqula which produces 75 percent of the
gold and 85 percent of the silver output of
the country, There are also large coal re-
sources and an oilfield within the depart-
ment.
Because of the early importance of mining,
the poverty of the soil, potential power
sources, and early trade contacts, Antioquia
turned to textiles, their leading products,
and is now the No. 1 manufacturing center
in Colombia.
Like most Latin American nations, Colom-
bia faces severe problems of economic growth,
monetary stability, and the balance of inter-
national payments. Unlike many nations,
however, Colombia has a highly developed
private sector. Domestic private investment
is more extensive than In Argentina, Brazil,
Chile, Mexico, or Venezuela. Local private
capital controls 17 of the top 32 enterprises
in the country.
Medellin, as the industrial center of the
nation, has a particularly well-developed pri-
vate enterprise system. Large-scale indus-
trial enterprises were first started in the
1920's, not by the men of landed gentry, but
by mule drivers, printers, coffee merchants,
and small industrialists.
Change in Eastern Europe-III
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
of WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr.' Speaker, the
economic life of eastern and central Eu-
rope is undergoing significant trans-
formation. The Communist model of a
coilectivicized, party run,. and centrally
directed economy has not been able to
withstand the test of time. Economic
stagnation is driving the regimes of that
area to discuss and even to adopt eco-
nomic ideas, techniques, and methods
prevalent in the West.
Where will this change lead? What
are its symptoms-and its significance?
These and related questions are asked,
and answered, by Mr. John N. Reddin,
of the Milwaukee Journal, in the third
and last article summarizing his impres-
sions , of "Change in Eastern Europe."
The article is entitled "West's Economic
Ideas Being But To Use by Reds." Its
text follows:
CHANGE IN EASTERN EUROPE-WE$T'S ECO-
NOMIC IDEAS BEING PUT TO USE BY REDS
(By John N. Reddin)
"The consumer should have the right to
decide what, and what amount and quality,
he wants to buy."
Government should keep hands off prices
because "the mechanism of competition
solves the problem of prices with a sufficient
degree of accuracy."
Government should interfere with the
economy "only when the operation of com-
petition or of the law of supply and demand
is violated."
"It is not the business of the central au-
thorities to decide what should be produced
and in what quantity. This is a matter, for
industry to decide."
These statements could come from almost
any American businessman. But they come
from Efigen Loebl, a Czechoslovakian econ-
omist and longtime Communist. They are
widely discussed with interest in Eastern
Europe, and indicate an upheaval of eco-
nomic theory.
POLITICAL EFFECT SEEN
Loebl's ideas have not all gone into prac-
tice. But that they are considered seriously
is striking, for they would turn the Iron
Curtain to lace.
This an an upheaval that is bound to have
far-reaching political effect If the Com-
munist Party gives up centralized economic
controls, It gives up a major base of power.
To talk with east European economists is
It revelation. A Yugoslav says: "We had to
change economic theory because our chickens
came home to roost."
A Hungarian asks: "What are interest rates
in Rumania?"-and interest rates used to be
Communist anathema.
A Czech says: "We have got to rely on the
profit system to give people incentives."
A Rumanian says: "We were wrong to try
to copy the Soviet Union's economic poli-
cies."
CONSUMER GAINS STATURE
Suddenly the consumer has become a very
important man. He has been ignored and
neglected to the point where he was be-
coming politically dangerous and unproduc-
tive. Throughout the bloc for two decades,
planners tired to run economies from the top.
They relied,.on production quotas rather
than on the law of supply and demand. As
a result, goods were inadequate, defective
and not consumer oriented.
Various publications ridiculed these condi-
tions. A cartoon in a Czech paper showed
a factory manager telling a workman: "Now
that the plan is being overfulfilled, we will
need bigger warehouses in which to store
defective unsold goods."
Too many factory managers have not been
qualified. They got jobs because they were
Communists. Arthur E. Stejskal, another
Czech, wrote that if the state planned to
give more responsibility to factory man-
agers, as it does, it must do something about
finding qualified people. Only 23 percent
of present factory managers are qualified,
he said, and 30 percent of engineers. Only
14 percent of foremen have been trained
adequately. And "60 percent of the leading
personnel are inadequately qualified" in the
overall economy.
The tendency now is to tell factory man-
agers that they must make a profit and
compete in the marketplace. Some have
latitude in setting wages and so can give
workers incentive to produce more and of
better quality. These things, standard in
the western world, fly in the face of Com-
munist theory. Even Neanderthal Walter
Ulbricht, East German Communist boss,
talks of supply and demand as though it
were a Socialist discovery.
BUSINESS "REPRIVATIZED"
A horrible, but important, word in the
eastern bloc is "reprivatization." It means
return of activities from the public to the
private sector of the economy. It certainly
is not yet widespread. But it applies in some
degree to artisans and craftsmen. It is vir-
tually impossible for some people to find any-
one to fix a television set, an electric iron,
plumbing.
In Poland, a number of areas are "re-
privatized"-including furniture, optical and
precision instruments, service establish-
ments. The state leases restaurants to some
private operators and lets them hire up to 15
employees 30 if it is a resort cafe operating
only in summer. The Czechs have repri-
vatized laundries, shoeshining, small tailor
shops, carwashing, catering, and hairdress-
ing. Hungary is extending areas where pri-
vate operators are allowed.
There has been an artisan underground,
with men working on the sly on their own
time to furnish repair services. Most such
violations are overlooked.
BANK PRACTICE CHANGED
All the nations save Poland, where most
farms are in private hands, face the embar-
rassing fact that small private producers turn
out much more production proportionally
than state farms. There is talk of relying
more on private farmers, although mechani-
zation may increase state output if the gov-
ernments are willing to put many present
farmers out of jobs.
Yugoslavia has decentralized its banking
system and has local banks which can extend
credit directly to enterprises. The banks
have directing boards who, when approving
loans, must make sure' that they are sound
and profitable. Firms unable to get credit
because of unsound practices will go out of
business, officials insist. Other East Euro-
pean nations are beginning similar steps in
one degree or another.
Carried to a conclusion over a few years,
the result of all this must be a system not
unlike that of the West. Professional man-
agers will rule factories. Boards dominated
by local persons will supervise the managers.
Factories will compete for raw materials, la-
bor, production efficiency, and customers.
The process of achieving all of this probably
will have fits and starts and may not get
far off the ground in some nations. But
starts have been made.
SEEK WESTERN TRADE
The East bloc nations are increasingly
interested In cooperation with Western
firms. The Czech Government trade enter-
prise Kovo now has an association with the
British firm of A. E. Callaghan & Sons, pro-
ducers of textile machines.
Yugoslavia has contracted with Pan Amer-
ican World Airways to run a hotel in Zagreb.
Poland has been dickering with the once de-
spised -Krupp combine of West Germany.
Hungarian officials think that West Germany
and France, because of labor shortages, might
subcontract to Hungarian firms and say they
have 200 projects under consideration. West
European businessmen are swarming through
East Europe.
Shades of Stalin, Marx, and Lenin--and
of all living oldtime Communists. Their
theories and doctrines are being turned in-
side out. That capitalism is coming to
Eastern Europe officials indignantly deny.
They are just "borrowing" proved methods
and economic practices. But they are on the
road to some form of capitalism.
UNITED STATES PRODUCES "BEST"
A further spur in this direction is in-
herent in the frantic desire of all these coun-
tries to trade with the United States. Ex-
cept for Yugoslavia and Poland, the nations
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July 27, 19?5p CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
Such statements will be completely under-
stood by those who successfully struggle for
the solution of many problems. They must
have discovered by now the secret of real
creation. And I dope that they will also be
understood'bythose who are only now start-
ing their career. Such truths are not unique
in the design process; other artists have also
found them; I will mention a similar convic-
tion of a great poet, T. S. Eliot: "The progress
of an artist is a continual self-sacrifice, a
continual extinction of personality.
Technology and Connecticut Industry
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM L. ST. ONCE
OF. CONSTECTICIIT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr.. ST. ONGE. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I wish to
insert into the RECORD the text of an
address'by Arthur B. Bronwell, dean of
the school of Engineering, University of
Connected, located at Storrs, in my con-
gressional district. The address was de-
livered last April at the conference on
scientific. and technological briefing for
management held at the University.
Entitled "Changing Horizons in
Tech- nology,` it discusses the course of tech-
nology and its effects on industry and our
Nation's" economic development in the
future. I am pleased to commend this
address to all.my colleagues and to the
public generally because it contains
some very interesting views and thoughts.
It reads as follows:
CIiAIJGING HORIZONS IN TECHNQ,I.QGY
(By Arthur B. Bronwell, dean of engineering,
University of Connecticut)
In the course of a nation's development
there are turning points when new outlooks,
new perspectives and new goals are needed.
-1 L believe that today we are at one of those
turning points, and that the future course
of technology, as well as of Industry and of
our Nation's economic development, will be
profoundly affected thereby.
We in Connecticut live in a prosperous
State which has a thriving technologically
oriented industry. Connecticut, perhaps as
much as almost any State in the Union, has
profited by the bounties of modern technol-
ogy. A quick run-down on some of the
products-electronics, _ chemicals, atomic
powered submarines, jet engines, helicopters,
metals, nuclear power, plastics, infrared,
space exploration, and fuel cells-provides
convincing evidence of this fact. A strongly
science-oriented company doesn't neces-
sarily have to be a large company, for some
very ;successful and aggressive ones are small
companies. But it must have. certain in-
gredients, among these being a management
that understands modern technology and
gives it full support; a research-oriented pro-
gram staffed with alert, competent and cre-
ative engineers and sicentists; and an or-
ganization throughout that can successfully
implement technological goals.
It is becoming increasingly clear that large
segments of our Nation's industries are tech-
nologically impoverished, and that this is a
matter of grave national consequence. The
major impact of technology has been in those
industries that are either military or space
oriented. in industries such as electronics,
chemicals, aeronautics, and the space sci-
ences, the billions of dollars of Federal sup-
port have produced miraculous transforma-
tions. These industries boast of the finest
research laboratories in the world staffed
by, the ablest scientific and engineering
brins that money can buy.
Nothing succeeds like success is the age-
old maxim. And success can compoundit-
self rapidly when 'it is backed by the multi-
billion dollar military preparedness program
and the equally beneficient space exploration
program.
But the lost voice is that of the civilian
industries that have been bypassed by the
onrush of science and technology. These
industries constitute a large segment of the
total of our Nation's economy, Some of them
have stood on the sidelines and watched the
technological procession go by. Today they
are vulnerable to the ravages of foreign com-
petition or of competition from those com-
panies which have shared generously in the
Federal bounty.
Survival of the fittest is the law of nature,
and likewise it is the axiom of economic sur-
vival. Why worry about industries that fall
behind? But the problem isn't this simple.
The issue bites deeply. Our Nation's tech-
nological growth has been tipped on end and
severely warped by the decisions of Govern-
ment, primarily the decisions to build an in-
vincible military power and to be first in the
race to the moon. It is difficult to dispute
these goals. Survival is our Nation's No. 1
goal, for without this all else dissolves into
meaninglessness.
At a time when approximately 70 percent
of the Nation's total research and develop-
ment costs are supported by the Federal Gov-
ernment, one might well ask what happens
to those companies that are not on the re-
ceiving end of this pipeline? Most of these
companies have not built up research capabil-
ities that will enable them to use modern
technologies-indeed they know very little
about modern technology. Yet they form a
large part of the backbone of our Nation's
industry and its economy.
In Connecticut, we have seen enough of
the bitter sting that accompanies the flight
of American industry to foreign lands to
know something of its consequences. The
closing up of the watch manufacturing in-
dustry as it took flight to Switzerland; the
extinction of much of the typewriter indus-
try, which has now gone off to Sweden and
Italy; the flight of the textiles to Japan and
England have all taught us a bitter lesson of
the consequences of lagging technologies-
'and there are others that are now in just as
precarious circumstances.
This is a compelling national problem. It
is in critical need of national policy. It is
all well and good for those in the industries
which have built up enormous technological
power through Government financed military
and space contracts to boast about the in-
vincibility of American industry in competi-
tion with foreign industries. But perhaps
this is like that poetic quip: "The rain falls
upon the just and the unjust. But the just
get wet because the unjust have borrowed
their umbrellas."
At present, we have no national policy re-
specting this vital sector of American in-
dustry. The "haves" and the "have nots"
are pulling farther and farther apart, and
the situation is growing increasingly pre-
carious for the "have nots." Furthermore, it
is not an easy matter for a company or an
industry that has had no tradition in tech-
nology to suddenly launch out into re-
search. They wouldn't know where to start,
and it is unlikely that anything of conse-
quence would be.produced.- Many companies
are too small to support research. They ac-
quire its benefits as a fallout from associa-
tion with larger research-oriented companies.
It seems timely that we recognize that some
segments of American industry are seriously
lagging in technological development, and
that this is an unhealthy situation for our
national economy, as well as a threat to the
continued survival and prosperity of these
industries. Just as an example, how would
one go about automating a textile company,
A4089
using the latest automation and computer
methods, such as those that might be em-
ployed in an automobile manufacturing
plant? This would require a whole new ap-
proach, probably entirely new designs of the
machinery of production, the methods of ma-
terial handling, the use of computers in
scheduling and controlling machines, and a
vast array of other innovations.
Indeed, automation itself is going through
rapid obsolescence, as is becoming quite evi-
dent to many machine tool manufacturing
companies. Computers are now used to di-
rect, schedule, and control intricate sequen-
tial operations that in earlier days of auto-
mation were handled by relatively simple
and unsophisticated methods. Automation
today requires a much higher order of tech-
nological knowledge than that of even a
decade ago. '.Phis is the inevitable price of
progress.
We are at a turning point in industrial
growth. It is the problem of inculcating re-
search and technology in companies and
whole industries that know very little about
the modern technologies. To a person skilled
in the advanced technologies, the difference
between a science-oriented company and one
which has had no research tradition is as
the difference between night and day. But
it is very difficult to bring on the dawn in
companies that may not even be able to see
the importance of technology in their own
future.
I have intimated that this will become a
matter of national policy. Immediately the
free enterpriser recoils-government inter-
fere with private enterprise? We'll have
none of it. So let me be more explicit.
1. We must clearly recognize that there are
industries in which there exists a high de-
gree of technological vauum and that these
industries mu?t either mount vigorous tech-
nological offensives or face economic stran-
gulation.
2. There is no easy road in acquiring tech-
nology. It is a long, difficult climb. But its
ingredients will certainly require at least the
following:
(a) Technological knowledge: Manage-
ment itself must become broadly knowledge-
able about modern technology. Engineering
staffs must crawl out of their shells of em-
pirict,ms and enlarge their outlooks with
respect to the modern technologies. Frank-
ly we haven't done a very good job of com-
municating information about technology
and its promising new developments. En-
tirely new approaches are needed.
(b) Educational programs, conferences,
and workshops will be needed for manage-
ment and engineering staffs. Effective means
must be found to bring the vast store-
house of knowledge of the new technol-
ogies, acquired in federally sponsored re-
search programs, into better focus.
(c) The companies themselves must clear-
ly understand the imperative need of em-
ploying highly creative engineers and sci-
entists to undertake re earch, and then
avoid the temptation of circumscribing
their activities too closely. Research must
be given a dignified, top-level position in
the company-not merely tacked on some-
where as an appendage.
(d) Industrywide research may be neces-
sary in order to gain rapid momentum. Re-
search is big business. Seldom does a shall
company have the resources to mount a
vigorous research program. The exception,
of source, is the company that deals in a
specialized scientific product where the pres-
ident has a Ph. D. degree and is far ahead
of the game. And don't be afraid that the
other fellow will steal your secrets. This is
a defeatist policy, as the science-oriented in-
dustries found out rather early. A company
has far more to gain than. to lose by throw-
ing open wide the doors and windows to
knowledge.
(e) Bring in consultants-people who are
intimately acquainted with the newer tech-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX u y 27, 1965
nologies and who can translate this knowl-
edge into the particular industry's prob-
lems. They will think differently. Listen
to them.
(f) As much as possible of this effort
should be through the initiative of private
enterprise. Tax incentives--generous, en-
couraging, and stimulating tax incentives-
will be needed. No company ever acquired
technology on a shoestring, and this prob-
lem will not be licked on an austerity bud-
get. But we must remember that some of
the companies are now hanging over the
cliff financially. Tax incentives are mean-
ingless to a company that doesn't have
enough earnings to pay taxes.
(g) Let us make no mistake about the
order of magnitude of this undertaking.
This is a big program; it will be a long-range
program; and the costs will be high. Gov-
ernment will have a role to play, and so will
the universities. Government has played
quite a role in the science and technology
buildup of those companies that have par-
ticipated in the military and space pro-
grams. This year alone, over $5 billion will
be poured into these companies for research
and development. Let's face it-Govern-
ment financing Is today a prime mover in
our Nation's scientific and technological
progress. Just contemplate for a moment
what would happen to the research staffs of
any one of the 20 largest companies of the
Nation or what would happen to our uni-
versities if Government were to suddenly
withdraw all of its research and develop-
ment support. Many company executives
and university officials have had nightmares
over this problem. The Initiative and the
performance, however, must largely rest
with private enterprise-end the universi-
ties.
(h) It would be a tragic mistake for Gov-
ernment to establish research laboratories
to solve industry's problems.
(1) The universities will have an impor-
tant role to play. Their engineering and
science faculties are working at the very
frontiers of knowledge. Through their re-
search programs, they are contributing sig-
nificantly to the development of new tech-
nologies. But above all, they are educating
the people upon whom industry must de-
pend for Its technological leadership. Eve-
ning graduate study programs, such as those
of the University of Connecticut-which to-
day enrolls over 700 graduate students from
industry, all of whom have completed bach-
elor's degrees and are working toward their
master's degrees in graduate centers in
Hartford, New London, Stamford, Waterbury
and on the Storrs campus-provide a pow-
erful leverage for technological advance.
Research and doctoral degree programs on
the university campus are contributing
greatly to the discovery of new knowledge
and the education of people who can pro-
vide our Nation's technological leadership.
The universities will provide the focal cen-
ter of much of the educational work that
will be needed. But much of this will be a
whole new order of magnitude of responsi-
bility for the universities and it will require
organization, manpower, and money.
Let us take a few moments to examine
some of the other technological deficits that
our Nation faces.
Certainly one of these which stares us in
the face is the technological depravity of vir-
tually all of our Nation's large cities. With
our ICBM missiles, we can hit a gnat's eye-
brow at a range of 5,000 miles. But the
population living in the suburbs of any one
of our major cities every day of the week is
fighting a battle of hopeless confusion, con-
gestion, and frustration in going to and
from work in public transportation, much
of which was technologically obsolete a quar-
ter of a century ago. High speed, noninter-
secting, luxurious public transportation that
would whisk the people from their suburban
homes into the center of large cities at
speeds upwards of 150 miles per hour is tech-
nologically feasible today. In fact, in Japan
and Europe such public transportation sys-
tems are operating. When one stops to con-
sider the problem of instituting such systems
in all of our Nation's major cities=New York,
Boston, Chicago, Pittsburgh, Los Angeles,
San Francisco, Baltimore, Philadelphia, etc.,
the order of magnitude of the technological
effort becomes self-evident; indeed, this item
alone could easily consume a good fraction
of our Nation's total technological manpower.
Coupled with this transportation problem
is another of grave consequences. Most of
our large cities are plagued with densely
populated slums, of which the holocaust of
Harlem is a prime example. Here millions of
people live in culturally depraved, poverty
and disease ridden communities, where they
and their children so often cultivate diseased
minds. We can airlift a whole army half
way around the world, if necessary, to win a
war, but we are powerless to lift the million
or so people out of the inferno of Harlem and
give them the kind of community life in
which there can develop hope and visions,
and which will give them the chance to con-
tribute their talents to the betterment of
mankind. Our Nation sorely needs bold new
technological innovations on a large scale to
develop the low-cost housing that will make
the decentralization of populations economi-
cally feasible. Only in this way can we hope
to reduce the cancerous blight that is eating
awayat the heart of all of our great cities.
Although this problem may seem to be pri-
marily political, sociological, and economic,
don't overlook the contribution which
modern technology can make In enormously
reducing housing costs, and in providing
commuter transportation for decentralization
of the populations.
Every nation in the world is plagued with
this large city slum problem. No nation
has yet successfully combated it. But the
promises of low cost housing, combined with
high speed urban transportation, made pos-
sible by bold new technological ventures,
can provide the greatest hope that man-
kind has ever had for decentralizing its
populations and lifting the masses out of
the smoldering ashes of desecrated cities.
The medical care of our people is a prob-
lem in which there is dire need foI exten-
sions of technological knowledge. Hospital
and medical costs have skyrocketed, and only
technology can restore them to reasonable-
ness. Vastly Improved diagnostic methods
and computer interpretations will provide far
more detailed and precise information as
to the nature of physical ailments. Indeed.
one can imagine a completely computerized
and automated diagnostic -clinic that would
make all of the diagnostic tests, interpret
the information, and yield the prognoses for
final scrutiny and interpretation by the doc-
tor. Today the electroencephalograph and
electrocardiograph are being computerized
in many medical centers to yield such inter-
pretive information, and the information
they yield often goes far beyond the phy-
sician's interpretative ability.
Just as one example, the problem of pick-
ing out defective hearts in a grade school or
high school of 10,000 children can consume
the time of several doctors and nurses for
weeks, and even then the human fallibility
in such routine diagnostic work is high. A
recent invention of a former student has
yielded a small' instrument that makes this
process completely automatic. A lamp lights
up whenever a defective heart is encoun-
tered, and the testing can easily be adminis-
tered by the physical education staff with
accuracy far better than that possible with
nurses and doctors. This would eliminate
the need for most of the doctors and nurses
in this part of the examination.
Artificial organs and implants, such as
artificial hearts, lungs, kidneys, ears, lar-
ynxes, feet, legs, hands, arms, etc., are all
possible today only because technology has
been applied to the medical problem. It is
not at all farfetched to Imagine a factory
that would build replacement parts for hu-
mans about like we now produce replace-
ment parts for automobiles, although one
would hope that they would be installed by
someone other than a greasemonkey.
But I spoke earlier of a turning point.
Let me now define this more clearly. This
turning point has been clearly recognized
by the Engineers' Joint Council in a far-
reaching study of the trends in technology,
as well as by legislation which has recently
been introduced into Congress at the sug-
gestion of the U.S. Department of Com-
merce.
The time has come when our Nation must
redirect its visions, its efforts, and its tech-
nological goals. The deficits in technology
in many of our civilian industries, in pub-
lic transportation and urban development,
and in numerous other segments of peaceful
purposes are becoming so urgent and so im-
perative that we can no longer ignore these
needs. A massive new offensive is needed in
directions which are quite distinct from the
military and space programs that have up to
this time preempted so much of our human
engineering and scientific resources. Per-
haps this is less glamorous than the con-
quest of space and it certainly has less scare
appeal than the military. But it is a com-
pelling national problem that is in critical
need of national policy.
Yes, we are at a turning point in tech-
nology. It is the problem of getting on with
the business of accelerating the technologi-
cal growth of industry and our public needs
to better serve mankind. I have mentioned
only a few of the aspects of this many faceted
problem. One could go on and on, Into all
of the ramifications of technology-of ac-
celerating fundamental and applied research
so as to translate ideas into new technol-
ogies, of developing new resources, of de-
veloping the extractive technologies for re-
covering oil, metals, and other substances
from the oceans, of accelerating atpmic
power and the uses of atomic sciences.
I have said nothing of the technological
needs of underdeveloped nations, which in
themselves are imperatives so gigantic that
it could easily preempt all of the scientific
and engineering manpower of the world,
working through the most powerful instru-
ments of industry and yet, after one gen-
eration, still leave most of the job undone.
The fateful spectre of populations growing
so fast that they eat up all the gains, Is not
a comforting thought. If one seriously ex-
plores the technological needs in all of its
dimensions, as has been done by the Engi-
neers' Joint Council, one soon gains the quite
definite impression that the tasks ahead are
of enormous dimensions.
Our patterns of technological growth are
twisted and distorted, with great momentum
and acceleration in certain areas, but with
lethargy and intransigence in others that
vitally affect our well-being and our national
economy. We must seek to understand this
distorted unbalance and find ways of achiev-
ing a more rational balance so that all sec-
tors of technology will go forward with
reasonable speed and in concert with the
need s of our Nat irY ifk,, f l pity.
The Only-S ..Qi,ffi i1t-Alternative
in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. -GEORGE E. BROWN, JR.
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. BROWN of California. Mr.
Speaker, the July issue of War/Peace
Report contains several excellent articles
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on the Vietnam problem, as have most single instance in history of a successful" uinely seems to want to end the war. But
of its recent issues, and a thoughtful edi- guerrilla operation in which the fighters did the other side, since it is winning the war,
torial analyzing the courses Currently not believe devoutly in their cause and In is quite naturally less eager to negotiate.
open to the United States. their leadership. Who would willingly lay What the United States must offer is the
down. his life for the new Premier, Air Vice prospect of a reasonable settlement that will
The sponsors of War/Peace Report Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky, who has ordered be more appealing to, the insurgents than a
are practical men, but men dedicated to the building of public execution posts continuation of the war.
progress toward a world of law and order. throughout the country to dispose of those President Johnson has gone part of the
In a very real sense, the only practical who disagree with him? There is even less way toward making negotiations possible,
course for men of good will in the world reason for Vietnamese to die for the foreign- but he must go still further. In commenting
today is to devote all their efforts to era, the Americans. Small wonder it is, then, on the pressures that have pushed him this
,that when the Saigon forces went on patrol far, he lamented in his press conference of
achieving progress toward a world of law
seeking the Vietcong in the dangerous June 18: "You remember first we had no
and order. "Zone D" recently, they returned to their ? policy. Second, we wouldn't explain it.
our
t
I would like to encourage my Col-
leagues to read the entire July issue of
this 'valuable publication. Because of
its timeliness, I am including herewith
the contents of the editorial, entitled
"The Only-But Difficult-Alternative in
Vietnam":
THE ONLY-BUT DIFFICULT-ALTERNATIVE IN
VIETNAM
There arr. still three basic courses open to
the United States in the Vietnam war:
1. Quit, and bring the boys home.
2. "Win" the war.
3. Negotiate an end to the war.
However, there are nuances in each option.
To consider the three in order:
QUIT?
1. A strong case can be made that the
United States never should have gone into
Vietnam in the first place. If President
Roosevelt had lived longer, as is suggested in
Professor Battistini's historical recapitula-
tion in the preceding pages, the 'French
might have been halted in their efforts after
World War II to reestablish their Indochinese
colony. The result could have been a Tito-
like regime under Ilo Chi Minh, independent
of Chinese and Soviet power. In the 1954-
56 period the United States worked with Ngo
Dinh Diem to undermine the 1954 Geneva
Agreement, which provided that free elec-
tions were to be held July 20, 1956. Ho un-
doubtedly would have won this election and,
again, he probably would have established a
Tito-like.regime. There were two main rea-
sons why Ho could have been expected to
set up an independent, albeit Communist
regime: First, life Tito, he was a national
hero who had won his own revolutionary
war, and second, the Vietnamese people have'
a profound antipathy for the Chinese dating
back many centuries.
But all that is in the past. The United
States did go in, backing the Diem tryanny
and its many successors. Despite these
grievous mistakes of the past, the United
@tates as a great power simply will not admit
defeat before the world and withdraw its
forces, The fact Is that great powers just do _ considerably less than is recognized as re-
not do that sort of thing. Besides, through quired to effectively deal with guerrillas.
wise diplomacy the United States can still McNamara did not proceed with his arith-
help the non-Communist South Vietnamese metic because it would have been embarras-
people, as well as maintain a better American sing, but surely he has done it in private.
strategic position than would result from If one uses the figures mentioned by Kahn,
withdrawal. Therefore, from a practical of 20 to 1 as the going ratio to defeat guer-
standpoint, the option of straight withdrawal rillas, this would mean that an army of
2. There are still some who believe the
United States can "win the war. Among
them is Herman Kahn, who in the preceding
pages remarks that "thee best thing to do
if it is possible is to win, and, in some mean-
ingful sense, I would guess it can be done."
Playing down the ideological factor, he sug-
gests that such gimmicks as giving "battle-
field commissions to especially effective en-
listed, men" night bring the needed improve-
rnent in morale of the Saigon forces. We
suggest that the ideological factor cannot be
ae.
homebound pickup point 7 hours early. Third, we ought to nego
Malcolm W. Browne, in his comment on ought to have a halt in the bombing of the
Kahn's observations, makes it clear that North. These things originate and in about
Kahn has not offered any helpful answers. a month they come to us. You will find a
Browne says: "Give me a man with a rusty good deal of it in the next few weeks-nego-
dagger, dedication, and a good knowledge of tiate directly with the Vietcong.
the techniques of 'dirty' political and mils- Johnson was quite right. The pressure
tary infighting, and rill give you back your to include the Vietcong (more correctly, the
B-52s and divisions." It seems Browne Is al- National Liberation Front) in negotiations
ready being proved right about the airplanes increased, and the administration has grad-
and white-skinned troops. But, again, ually been responding to it. Secretary of
where would the dedication of the ground State Rusk, replying to a question on July
fighters come from? He suggests it might 4 as to whether any direct talks with the
come from "a social and educational revolu- Vietcong could be held, said. "Yes, they can
tion at the rice roots of this unhappy na- walk into the capital tomorrow and say, 'We
tion." But could this be carried out by the are prepared to be like other South Viet-
military Saigon government or imposed namese and discuss problems of South Viet-
from the outside by the Americans? Espe- nom on a political basis, rather than by
ciaily, could this be done with the war still arms,"'
going on? It seems exceedingly unlikely. Johnson could have spoken more about
It would always be possible, in theory pressures on him, for it seems likely that at
at least, to send in the 10 or 20 American least one more must be effective if negoti-
divisions Kahn mentions to occupy Vietnam. ations are to materialize. As Walter Lipp-
China could be expected to enter that kind mann put it: "In the months to come he
of conflict, and probably the Soviet Union, (Johnson) will have to consider whether the
too. Even if a third world war could be only course still open to him is to encourage
avoided In such a situation-which seems the Vietnamese-Hanoi, Saigon, Vietcong-to
doubtful-the United States would have to negotiate with each other. If they could
run a police state and practice genocide work out a deal among themselves, it would
against the Vietnamese remaining in no doubt mean that our influence had sunk
opposition. to a very low point, except as we recovered
Thus, it appears that none of the prescrip- some of it in assisting the reconstruction of
tions now being offered for victory make any the country. But there may be some con-
more sense than any of the others advanced solation in the fact that a Vietnamese solu-
in the last 19 years. Fortunately, the John- tion made by the Vietnamese might lay the
son administration now seems to understand foundations of an independent Vietnam, in-
this, even though for diplomatic reasons it dependent of the United States to be sure,
does not say so out loud. Secretary of De- and, in some measure, independent also of
fense McNamara's press conference of June China."
16 was in itself a sufficient indication of this. The comment of Huynh Tan Phat, secre-
He estimated that the regular combat forces tary general of the National Liberation Front,
of the Vietcong totaled 65,000 men and that made in the interview with him in this
in addition there are between 80,000 and issue is revealing on this approach. He
100,000 irregular guerrillas,. making a total said: "What we reject is a conference with-
of perhaps 165,000 men. He continued: "The out us. We have no confidence in that.
South Vietnamese regular and paramilitary But if the interested powers agree to attend
forces facing the Vietcong total something in a meeting of all the Vietnamese factions,
excess of 500,000 men. And they're facing, as letting them freely settle all their own affairs,
I mentioned, about 165,000 guerrillas, a ratio we would not make any objection. On the
something on the order of 4 to 1. That's contrary. The foreign powers should con-
3,300,000 is required to eliminate the present
Vietcong force. Even with the 100,000 troops
being added to the'South`Vietnam army and
the 75,000 GIs expected to be in Vietnam
soon, M-,Namara is still short 2,625,000 men.
Should the 400,000 trained guerrillas of
North Vietnam come into the war, the Unit-
ed States would need to add (using the same
ratio of 20 to 1) an army of 8 million, which
is more than three times the total number
now in all U.S. services. And if the Chinese
began to send in guerrillas-well, our com-
puter got stuck on that one.
NBIOTIRrE?
left out; it'is, In fact, the heart of the prob- 3. If the United States can't go home and
lem. Why should a man go out and get can't win the war, that leaves only the third
killed for a "corrupt, dictatorial, reactionary alternative: negotiation. However, this is
regime in Saigon? We wonder if in all Mr. not a simple procedure. Since the United
Kahn's broad studies he has ever found a States now recognizes it cannot win, it gen-
fine themselves to giving suggestions, taking
note of the agreement arrived at by the
Vietnamese and guaranteeing its implemen-
tation
This seems reasonable enough. After all,
it is their country.
In the light of this analysis, what should
the United States do now? Militarily, as
Senator FULBRIGHT recently suggested, the
United States should fight a holding opera-
tion until the National Liberation Front
(NLF) sees it cannot force a complete
U.S. withdrawal. The United States should
make clear that the NLF will be included
in any negotiations and, in fact, that the
NLF can at some point deal directly with
the Saigon government to determine the
future course of South Vietnam. Once this
announcement is made, it may be possible
to go to the next step-a cease-fire, perhaps
one of limited duration. This might be
done most effectively in Moscow, since the
United States, the NLF, North Vietnam,
China, and the Soviet Union all have high-
level representation on the spot. Saigon
could be represented by the United States.
Other means of achieving a cease-fire might
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX July 27, 1965
be through a tour of key capitals by U.N.
Secretary General U Thant or the mission
of the Commonwealth prime ministers. If
the cease-fire could be achieved, the Saigon
government, which still represents about half
the people of South Vietnam, would probably
require a period during which to create a
:representative nonmilitary government to
negotiate with the NLF.
The Saigon Government and the NLF
could determine whether they wanted elec-
tions in the South (which seems most likely)
or in all of Vietnam. In any event, the
southerners would work out what relation-
ships they wanted with the North. Super-
vision on the ceasefire, and eventually the
election and the withdrawal of all foreign
troops, could be supervised by the U.N., or
if the NLF and Hanoi balked at that, by an
ad hoc international body for that purpose.
As soon as possible, and this need wait for
nothing, international -economic aid pro-
grams should be undertaken throughout In-
dochina.
In this manner, or in something approxi-
mating it, the war might be brought to an
end. The people of Vietnam would have
peace after a generation of war. The North
would have a Communist system, which it
already has, but it would be enabled to keep
freer of Chinese hegemony. Who can tell
what government would develop in the
south? If a free election were held, that
alone would represent the greatest expres-
sion of freedom in all its history. It is
possible that a leftist but non-Communist
regime would emerge, as there are a great
many non-Communists in South Vietnam
notonly on the government side but in the
Vietcong as well. The very worst that could
happen, in Western eyes, would be the south
falling fully under the sovereignty of Hanoi.
This seems unlikely in view of southern na-
tionalism, but even if it did occur, the
probability is that Hanoi's efforts to remain
independent of China would be strengthened.
The alternative to negotiation remains
open-ended escalation. So the pressures
must be kept against all sides-Communist,
anti-Communist, and neutral-to press on
for a solution.
What's Bad for TV Is Worse for
Advertising
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SIDNEY R. YATES
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Monday, July 26, 1965
Mr. YATES. Mr. Speaker, some years
ago, the then able Chairman of the Fed-
eral Communications Commission, Mr.
Newton Minow, called television a vast
wasteland. The charge touched a raw
nerve In the broadcasting industry and
found genuine acceptance with the pub-
lic. There were assurances of review,
reconsideration, and reform. Perhaps
there has been reconsideration and re-
view. There has been little reform.
One of the most perceptive students
of the broadcasting scene is Mr. Fairfax
M. Cone, chairman of the executive com-
mittee of Footee, Cone & Belding, He,
has made a very important contribution
to the discussion of the problem in the
article he has written which appears in
Fortune magazine for July 1965, which
I urge my colleagues to read. It follows:
WHAT'S BAD FOR TV Is WORSE FOR
ADVERTISING
(By Fairfax M. Cone)
Television has grown big and rich and
flabby.
Some of my beat friends are in the broad-
casting business and while I wish them
well, I am also distressed at what I perceive
to be television's uneven success. Never have
profits been better for the operators and
never has the product of television, which is
programing, shown less imagination or less
promise. During television's 20 years, en-
tertainment, which is the principal element
in programing, has rarely been explored be-
neath the surface of old vaudeville routines
and motion picture forms. And only the
prospect of repeating all of last year's mo-
notonous attempts at amusement could be
more dismal than the prospects for enter-
tainment in the upcoming season.
Gone entirely is the old excitement about
great new things to come. (They rarely ma-
terialized. But that isn't the point.) The
satisfaction of the majority of broadcasters
with things as they are is clear. None of
the networks has scheduled a single experi-
mental program for this summer. To be
sure, CBS has begun the trial run of a twice
a week nighttime feature based upon an old
daytime soap opera called "As the World
Turns." But this hardly an innovation.
ABC pointed the way with "Peyton Place,"
a serial drama that has knocked out its com-
petition twice each week. "Peyton Place,"
by the way, is to be shown henceforth in
three weekly segments instead of two.
Otherwise there will be no tests. My friends
in broadcasting have again cast their lot
with mediocrity.
It is no wonder, I think, that serious critics
call this a dark outlook. And while I would
like to be concerned with it as they are,
wistfully, on purely artistic and intellectual
terms, there is another side to the matter
that I cannot overlook.
This is the conviction on the part of almost
all viewers that there is nothing wrong with
television that can't be blamed on advertis-
ing. As a result, criticism of advertising
grows louder and it is more persistent than
any other complaint about current business
practice. Television is seen as the helpless
victim of advertisers' cupidity. It is the
advertisers, most people believe, who initiate
all program changes; and who but the ad-
vertisers, they ask, are the perpetrators of
those ghastly commercials?
To suggest that such questions may be a
soothing accompaniment to the march of the
broadcasters to the vaults is simply to point
out the obvious. Advertising is a ready
scapegoat. But advertisers must accept half
the blame and most of the consequences.
Advertising and television are tightly
interwoven.
SEVEN OUT OF TEN OBJECT
When Newton Minow, as chairman of the
Federal Communications Commission, called
television "a vast wasteland" several years
ago, this caused some brief consternation in
both industries, in advertising and broad-
casting. But Minow went back to his private
law practice and the hubbub subsided.
Since then questions of any kind about the
makeup and the level of entertainment
schedules have simply been ignored. Only
a few independent station owners and op-
erators appear to be concerned. For the rest,
questions about programing are invariably
shut off by referring to the audience measure-
ments. The public, it is said, is the sole
arbiter of what it shall see and hear: the
program schedules are determined by tune-
in and tune-out as calculated in the Nielsen
Television Index. This, I must admit, is
true. The trouble is that audience ratings
are based entirely on the programs that are
available. They suggest little or nothing
about the interests or wishes of nonviewers
of the material surveyed.
Acceptance of television advertising by the
general public is measured by a similarly de-
fective standard. When people are asked
whether the showing of commercials is a fair
price to pay for the privilege of watching
television, they reply in the affirmative in
the ratio of 4 to 1. However, this scarcely
means approval of television advertising in
to to.
Elmo Roper & Associates recently com-
pleted a study for the Television Information
Office in which a large sample of the public
was asked : "Which one of these four state-
ments comes closest to describing how you
feel about commercials on television?" Each
person was then shown a card that listed
the four choices corresponding to the atti-
tude range. These are the results from the
total sample:
Percent
I dislike practically all commercials
on television---------------------- 10
While some of the commercials on tele-
vision are all right, most of them are
very annoying-------------------- 26
There are some very annoying com-
mercials on television, but most of
them are perfectly all right -------- 35
The commercials on television seldom
annoy me--in fact, I often enjoy
them-----------------------------
Don't know or no answer____________
While this study can be read to say that
favorable attitudes toward TV advertising
outstripped unfavorable attitudes by 3 to
2 (and this is exactly what the Television
Information Office does say), the answers
may also be interpreted to mean that 7
out of 10 people find at least some commer-
cials objectionable. The reasons given for
these objections are "too noisy and loud,"
"many are done in poor taste," and "there
are far too many commercials." The study
indicates also that while it is agreed that
commercials "frequently provide useful in-
formation about new products," they often
advertise things that should not be adver-
tised." Altogether, then, it would seem that
a considerable part of the U.S. viewing public
finds fault with TV advertising on several
grounds. This is too bad.
There are unmistakable indications that
among college and university students rejec-
tion of all advertising is growing; and, of
course, there is a great deal of evidence that
this is encouraged by teachers. But too few
television officials and television advertisers
give any evidence of being alert to the haz-
ard involved. If they did, one of the first
things they would do would be to outlaw the
ubiquitous weasel. The weasel is the flaw
in the advertising proposition that makes its
promise fuzzy. For instance: BBB tires are
the largest selling tires in the world with
their exclusive nonskid tread that gets you
there safely in all kinds of weather. This
seems to say that BBB tires have overtaken
all other similar tires in popularity and in
use. But does it? It does not. It merely
says that these tires are the only tires with
their own particular tread; so, of course, they
are the largest selling in this category. The
weasel rests on a slippery claim that is tech-
nically correct, and it is a favorite device of
foxy TV advertisers.
Another of the indefensibe practices of
advertising on television is the high level of
sound that makes many commercials much
louder than the programs in which they are
carried. Perhaps even more unpleasant and
unnecessary is the quarrelsome nature of so
many commercials for headache and stom-
ach ache remedies and deodorants and deter-
gents wherein various competitors virtually
accuse each other of lying. Denigration is
something that surely should be barred from
the air.
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-things and go forth to do what needs to be
done for ourselves and for our children.
Graduates of St, Joseph's College-to these
ancient words of action and hope, let me
add nine more, congratulations, good luck
and God bless all of you.
part to receive a Western emissary-in this
case Prime MipIstpr Will 's ,friend, Harold
Davies. While there is no reason as yet to
see any connection between these events,
each contributes to a "feeling of somewhat
greater maneuverability in Vietnam. This
maneuverability must be encouraged if we
are ever to see a negotiated end to the crisis.
a- a _cn r
/ 1_i
on
HON. JOHN S. MONAGAN
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 27, 1965
Mr. MONAQ"AN. Mr. Speaker, the
Christian Science Monitor has recently
published a pertinent editorial relating
to the President's reappointment of
Henry Cabot Lodge as Ambassador to
South Vietnam., I believe that this edi
torial should bp available to a larger
audience and I include it in the QoNGRES-
6IONAL RECORD so that its description of
the problems and opportunities which
are available to Ambassador Lodge will
be fully appreciated:
MR. LODGE'S .RETURN
We extend our. warmest and most whole-,
"hearted wishes to Ambasador Henry Cabot
Lodge In the difficult but constructive task
which he Is reassuming in South Vietnam.
For we are encouraged by Mr. Lodge's empha-
sis on the need for major political and eco-
nomic reforms in South Vietnam. In such
reforms, coupled with strong military resist-
ance, lies the ,best chance-perhaps the only
chance-of success In that savage war.
-It is no disrespect to a dedicated and Intel-
ligent public servant like retiring Ambassa-
dor Maxwell Taylor, to believe that the reap-
pointment of Mr. Lodge has much to com-
mend it. We are. told that Mr. Lodge won
considerable support and respect from the
South Vietnamese during his earlier stay in
that country. Thus he begins his new as-
signment under advantageous conditions.
Now, as during his earlier tour of duty,
one of the urgentest needs is to reconcile
often bitterly conflicting views among such
groups as the military, the Buddhists, and
the Roman Catholics. The inability of these
groups to work in harmony has been a major
cause of continuing governmental insta-
bility. Mr. Lodge was apparently able to
work well with such differing viewpoints.
Most important of all, however, is the
need-stressed by the new Ambassador-to
'give the average South Vietnamese the feel-
ing that he was a real stake in the defeat of
communioxn, Eveii after years of fighting
and disappointment, the opportunity to do
this still remains although it is glaringly ap-
parent that'only new inspiration, new ideas,
and fag stronger efforts can succeed in bring-
ing this about.
So far as the fighting is concerned, this
is a difficult moment for Mr. Lodge to return
to South Vietnam. With the monsoon rain
and clouds, there has come an .upswing In
Vietcong effort and success. To counter
this, the United States is not-only beginning
to take an: active shooting role on the ground
but feels obliged to send more and more
reinforcements.
With this turn of events has come further,
questioning of Washington's conduct of the
war. ';Mr. Lodge, as a topmost Republican,
will help reinforce that air of nonpartisan-
ship on the war which President Johnson
tightly seeks.
it is also Interesting that Mr. Lodge's re-
appointment coincided with the first, faint
evidence of willingness on North Vietnam's
Salvatore Esposito
or
HON. JOHN M. MURPHY
or NEW YORK
IrT THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 27, 1965
Mr. MURPHY of New York. , Mr.
Speaker, on Tuesday, July 20, Staten Is-
land, New York City and the United
States lost a great philanthropist, busi-
nessman, and patriot. Mr. Esposito was
a tireless and productive member of our
business, civic and religious community
for all of his adult life. To his family
and to his many close and personal
friends, I offer my deepest sympathy and
wish to include this obituary from the
Staten Island Advance of Wednesday,
July 21:
SALVATORE Esposrro, STRIKEN ON WAY TO
CEREMONY FOR B.P.
Salvatore Esposito, Sr., Staten Island busi-
nessman, and leader in Italian-American af-
fairs, suffered a heart attack in Borough Pres-
ident Maniscalco's . limousine yesterday in
Manhattan and died a short time later In New
York University Hospital.
. Mr. Esposito, 71, was on his way to the
Italian consulate with the borough presi-
dent; his son, Mario J. Esposito, and Coun-
cilman Robert G. Lindsay for the presenta-
tion to Maniscalco of Italy's Knights Officer
in the Order of Merit.
. Mr. Esposito was brought to Manhattan in
1906 from his native Italy and came to Staten
Island more than 40 years ago. He lived at
111 Harvard Avenue, New Brighton. He was
founder and president of the Canal Lumber
Co. In Manhattan with a branch on Bay
Street, Stapleton, and founder of the Card-
inal Lumber Co., Stapleton.
During the past year, Mr. Esposito had
retired from many of his activities. In June,
he, finished a 1-year term as national
president of the American Parkinson Disease
Association. He was the founder of the
Staten Island chapter of the association,
which was named for his wife, Elena, who
died in 1961.
Last Thursday he presented a check from
the association for $2,500 to Staten Island
Hospital for the establishment of an out-
patient clinic. He was to be honored next
month by the association and his friends.
He was a former member of the board of
directors, past vice president and treasurer
and a founder of the Italian Club of Staten
Island.
He was also a founder of the Greater New
York Suburban Lumbermen's Association, of
which he was vice president, and of the
Italian Historical Society of Staten Island,
of which he was a former director. He was a
member of the Borough President's Advisory
Council.
He retired last year as a trustee of Assump-
tion Roman Catholic Church, New Brighton,
and had served as building fund chairman for
the ,parish school. He was consul-command-
er of the Manhattan Division, Woodmen of
the World, and president and treasurer of the
Italo-America Foundation of New York City.
A4119
Mr. Esposito was also a member of the
board of directors of the Italian Hospital in
Manhattan and had been a member of Staten
Island, Chapter, American Committee for
Italian Immigration.
He is survived by five sons, Joseph, of
Naughton Avenue, Dongan Hills; Albert, of
Greenport Street, Dongan Hills; Mario J. and
George, of the home address, and Salvatore
Jr., of Cascade Street, New Dorp; two daugh-
ters, Miss Nancy Esposito of the home ad-
dress, and Mrs. Sophie Maestrone, of Roderick
Avenue, Grasmere; a brother, Aniello, of
Italy, and 17 grandchildren.
The funeral will be Saturday from the
Island Funeral Home, Dongan Hills, with a
requiem mass at 16-'a.m. in the Assumption
Church. Burial will be in St. Peter's
Cemetery.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT McCLORY
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 27, 1965
Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Speaker, among
the many tributes paid to the late Adlai
Stevenson none, it seems to me, are more
meaningful than those emanating from
persons who frequently disagreed with
.him politically. Among such statements
is that of my friend William H. Rentsch-
ler of Illinois, Republican candidate for
nomination to the U.S. Senate in 1960.
Mr. Rentschler's eloquence and sincerity
are embodied in the following article:
Honors mount for Adlai Stevenson, of
Illinois, fallen American statesman.
They come from all over the world, from
the old countries in Europe and Asia, and
from new lands hacked out of the African
bush. They come from small towns and
!teeming cities in every corner of his native
America. They come from the great and the
ordinary, from people of every color and
faith and political persuasion.
Some would deride as insincere the often
effusive tributes from Adlai Stevenson's
political foes, but they miss a fundamental
point: that it is possible to honor and respect
an adversary even as you strive mightily to
defeat him. You admire his good fight, the
talents he possesses that you may lack, his
courage in the face'of withering attack.
The widespread homage paid Adlai Steven-
son reminds us of other significant facts of
life in these United States: that most Amer-
icans pursue In their own strange ways the
same objectives-peace, justice, equality,
happiness, material well-being. And that
most deep cleavages stem from conflicting
notions of how to achieve those common
ends.
I frequently found myself in disagreement
with Adlai Stevenson on the means to reach
goals we shared. I disagreed with what I felt
was his tendency, lately somewhat tempered,
toward accommodation in foreign affairs, and
with his undue reliance on Federal solutions
to most of our domestic ills.
.But I respected him as a man who gave
unstintingly of himself to public service; as
one whose rare eloquence stirred his country-
men to high purpose; as a man of warmth
and wit and compassion.
Who can forget his wry opening remark in
a speech shortly after he had been buried
by General Eisenhower beneath an avalanche
of votes? "A funny thing happened to me
on my way to the White House." A win-
ning, even endearing comment by a man
with heavy heart but a rare sense of irony
and perspective.
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We need in our land more men -Whose sup-
port of their convictions is stanch, fervent,
even passionate. Stevenson was one of these.
-With a public eloquence surpassed In our
time only by Churchill, Adlaf Stevenson made
his case with graceful, memorable phrase.
The words were his, and he churned them
out painstakingly, groping for the Tight ad-
jective, changing, editing, fretting, for no
speechwriter fully met his exacting stand-
ards. He presented his own, and often in
the U.N., America's point of view with nota-
bte skill and distinction.
There Is all too often a tendency for those
who disagree with a particular line of reason-
ing to seek to demolish the manrather than
the validity of his argument. This course
usually cloaks the weakness of their case. If
these dissidents were to be scrupulously fair,
they would not attack or demean or seek to
derogate their foes, but rather would articu-
late more forcefully, more effectively, more
compelling their side of the controversy.
A thoughtful dialog between antagonists-
who are quite likely to be seeking similar
ends-pierces the murk, enlightens the
audience, solidifies the objectives, clarifies
the purpose, and strengthens the resolve.
This is good. It is even necessary, where free-
dom of speech prevails. Our Nation is the
beneficiary when there Is searching give-and-
take on the great issues of the day. Those
who seek to stifle debate orforce adherence
-to some "official" position do their country
no service.
SurelyIt is better to light a candle than to
'curse the darkness. Adlai Stevenson sought
always to throw shafts of light into dark
corners. This was his great gift. He con-
tributed notably to understanding on this
-shrunken planet of ours, and to enlighten-
ment-of the American people, of all the
peoples of the world.
This Is Adlai Stevenson's shining legacy.
The Federal Government and State of
Oregon: Partners in Crime
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. PAUL A. FINO
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 27, 1965
Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, I would like
to bring to the attention of the Members
of this House the regrettable and Igno-
rant alliance of the Federal Government
and the State of Oregon in keeping gam-
bling illegal in that State. I say this
because by -keeping gambling illegal in
Oregon, the two governments are keeping
gambling ripe for plucking by the mob,
so that gambling profits finance -every
variety of mob criminal activity.
Last year, the parimutuel turnover
In Oregon came to $12.5 million. More
meaningful, and also more dangerous is
Oregon's undercover, illegal gambling.
Testimony before the McClellan commit-
tee put off-track betting at $50 billion a
year nationally, and other testimony In-
dicated that this type of gambling ac-
counted for only 42 percent of the illegal
gambling total, which would then be
about $120 billion a year. On a popula-
tion basis, Oregon's share of this would
come to $1.2 billion a year. Even if this
Is somewhat high, there is no doubt that
illegal gambling is kicking in millions of
dollars every year to the mob in Oregon.
To me, it is hypocrisy to keep gambling
Illegal so that it serves the mob's needs
for operating revenues. Why should we
Blow illegal gambling to finance the un-
derworld when Government-run gam-
bling can make gambling revenues work
for the people. Unfortunately, Oregon
has' proven itself long on hypocrisy.
When rural Oregon bluenoses some years
ago objected to Oregon's dograces, these
objections somehow vanished when the
county fairs got cut in on the take. I
would like to see an end to this hypoc-
risy. I would like to see the Government
take over gambling and make it work for
for the people. I recommend a national
,lottery.
Millers, Bakers Cover Up Real Reason
for Higher Bread Cost, Reports Tulsa
Daily World
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. CARL ALBERT
OF OKLAHOMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 27, 1965
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, it will
not be too long before this House has
before it H.R. 9981, the Food and Agri-
culture Act of 1965.
. Title V of this bill authorizes con-
-tinuation of the voluntary wheat cer-
tificate program for 4 years with modi-
fications from current provisions aimed
at boosting wheat farmers' Income by
about $150 million a year, reducing Gov-
ernment costs, and providing more free-
dom in the marketing system.
The significant change from current
operations would provide for price sup-
port for wheat with domestic certificates
at or near 100 percent of parity and
eliminate the need for export certificates
to supplement wheat farmers' income.
The support pricefor wheat for domestic
food use would be increased about 50
cents per bushel to around $2.50.
Mr. Speaker, an intensive lobbying
campaign has been initiated from cer-
tain quarters against this title of the bill.
I do not question the right of any group
or interests to lobby against a bill before
the U.S. Congress. However, I would
like for all Members to have the oppor-
tunity to read an article which appeared
recently in the Tulsa Daily World, of
Tulsa, Okla., concerning the nature of
this lobbying campaign.
Under leave to extend, the newspaper
article follows:
[From the Tulsa Daily World. July 19, 1965]
FARMZRS END UP Wrrs GOAT HosNs-Mn,I.Eas,
BAKERS COVER UP REAL REASON FOR HIGHER
BsEAD Cosrs
(By Herb garner)
Mrs. housewife, you are being played for a
sucker.
You are being told If proposed farm legis-
lation passes it would constitute a 2-cent tax
per pound loaf of bread which sells for an
average price of 21 cents.
Making the "bread tax" charge is a group
called the Wheat Users Committee. It is
composed of 23 baking companies, one major
miller, and two bakery unions.
They are basing their charge on the as-
sumption that the current wheat certificate
of 75 cents a bushel paid to farmers on do-
mesticated wheat will be raised to $1.25 a
bushel.
They are saying this additional 50 cents a
bushel will raise the cost of bread 2 cents a
loaf.
The Wheat Users Committee Is distorting
the truth. Lest fence talk be misunder-
stood, we make it crystal clear we are not
enarmored of the wheat certificate plan.
It is a bothersome, cumbersome, inefficient
way of doing business. We believe there is a
better way of raising farm income, which we
will not go into now.
We readily agree with the milling trade
that administration of the certificate plan
is a nuisance.
But, we resent mightily distortion of fact
by the committee in an effort to defeat the
proposed wheat legislation.
What are the facts? Currently -farmers
get 75 cents a bushel for wheat used in do-
mestic consumption, bringing the cost of
wheat to millers to around $2-a bushel. Rea-
son. for the certificateplan is to bring wheat
farmer income to a reasonable level compared
with the rest of the economy.
Now, it is proposed the level Is not high
enough-that a 50-cent-a-bushel increase in
certificate value would bring domestic wheat
to near 100 percent of parity.
Fact is the farm value of wheat going into
a loaf of bread is 2.5 cents-based on $2 a
bushel wheat. It is significant that this is a
decrease from 2.7 cents back in 1947. In
1947-49 the farmer's share of the retail price
of a loaf of bread was 24 percent. This has
declined to 14 percent. -
Truth is if wheat is raised from $2 to $2.50
a bushel it would raise the cost of wheat In a
loaf of bread one-half cent-not 2 cents as
the committee claims.
A farmer could donate the wheat in a loaf
of bread and it would -?.ot lower the price
of bread appreciably. By the same token, If
the price of wheat to a farmer was doubled,
It wouldn't affect prices greatly.
Why does the committee distort facts?
Because they've got something to hide-and
What they are trying to hide from con-
sumers is that the widening price spread be-
tween 1947-49 and now is due primarily to
higher costs for baking and distributing
bread.
Hourly earnings of production workers in
bakeries in 1983 were $1.18 an hour higher
than in 1947-19, increasing from $1.15 to
$2.33 an hour. This 103-percent Increase
was passed along to consumers.
Again, make no mistake-we are not
against increased wages to workers. We be-
lieve they should have adequate wages.
We do object to all sorts of red herrings
dragged across the trail to make it appear
that increased bread prices are the fault of
farmers.
Here's a breakdown of what has happened
to a 1-pound loaf of bread now retailing for
21 cents:
19471963
Wages, salaries, fringe benefits,
social security, and officers'
compensation------ -----------
2.2 8.2
Packaging and wrapping--------
.5 1.4
Delivery, other than wages------
.4 1.1
Advertising, promotion, etc------
.2 .9
Profits after taxes (baker-whole-
sale) ---------------------------
.2 .2
Retail margin-------------------
2.7 3.6
Wheat cost (to farmers) --------
2.7 2.5
Other ingredient costs-----------
.2 .2
Total--------------------- 10.0 21.0
That's the story of the increased cost of
bread. While farmers have been getting less,
others have been getting more-and the In-
crease, more than 11 cents a loaf during the
period-is passed on to consumers.
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