BRIEFING ON VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180021-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 21
• Publication Date: June 23, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

June 23, 1p roved For Rel@A,fi'N00"fM0300180021-7 13981
made reference: to these costs and. .1
accept the figure of about $4,000 addi-
tional, cost for .this 14 weeks of training.
But these costs, however, depend quite
obviously on the attrition rate. It is con-
ceivable that they could be double the
$4,000 or $3,857 estimated or even more.
I say, Mr. Chairman, as far as the
vocational training and as far as voca-
tional opportunities are concerned, this
problem of training. can be handled un-
der the Job Corps program. If we want
to take any additional enlistees to do. a
special kind of work in the Army, this
can be done today under a special enlist-
ment program without setting up a new
vocational training program in the De-
partment of Defense under the control
of the U,S. Army. This program can be
carried out under civilian control. It, is
a .mistake for us to put the U.S. Army in
a position of carrying out it vocational
training program or an educational
program.
I can well realize the need to get addi-
tional people in who want to enlist under
this program, but this can be done today
under present enlistment rules by merely
changing the regulations as they were
changed during the Korean war, and as
they were changed in World War II, We
are embarking on a very costly program
here, we are using one of the services of
,the Department of Defense to carry on
a program for which our military should
not be responsible. I urge you to give
consideration to keeping this aspect, this
educational aspect, in the hands of
civilian control. and keeping it in the
hands. of the Job Corps program, and the
vocattonal schools,. throughout . the United
States,, and in the hands of a,civilian
rather than the U.S. Army. We should
not cast the. Army in this role.
Mr. MAHON, Mr, Chairman, I ask
unanimous consent that all debate on
the -pending amendment do now close,
The CHAIRMAN. - Is there objection
to the request of the gentleman from
Texas?
There. was no objection.
The CHAIRMAN. The question is on
the amendment offered by the gentle-
man from California [Mr. LirscoMBl,
The question was taken; and on a
division (demanded by Mr. LIPSCOMB)
there were-ayes 66, noes 114.
So the amendment was rejected.
The CHAIRMAN. The Clerk will
read.
The Clerk concluded the reading of
the bill.
Mr. MAIHON. Mr. Chairman, I move
that the Committee do. now rise and
report the bill back to the Hawse, with-
out amendment, with the recommenda-
tion that the bill do pass.
The motion was agreed to.
Accordingly, the Committee rose, and
the Speaker having resumed the chair,
Mr. KEOGH, Chairman of the Committee
of the.,Wlole.,House on the State of the
Union,, reported that that Committee
having had under consideration the bill
(H.R. .9221) making appropriations for .
the ,Department pf, Defense for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1960, and for other
purposes;" had directed him to report the
bill back to the House with the recom-
mendation that the bill do pass.
The SPEAKER. Without objection,
the. previous question will be ordered.
The question is on the engrossment
and third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed
and read a third time, and was read the
third time.
The SPEAKER. The question is on
the passage of the bill.
.Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, on the
passage of the bill, I ask for the yeas
and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The question was taken; and there
were-yeas 407, nays 0, not voting 27, as
follows:
[Roll No. 1531
YEAS-407
Abbitt Corman Gurney
Abernethy Craley Hagan, Ga.
Adair Culver Hagen, Calif.
Adams Cunningham Haley
Addabbo Curtin Halleck
Albert Curtis Halpern
Anderson, Ill. Daddario Hamilton
Anderson, Dague Hanley
Tenn. Daniels Hanna
Andrews, Davis, Wis. Hansen, Idaho
George W. Dawson Hansen, Iowa
Andrews, de la Garza Hansen, Wash.
Glenn Delaney Hardy
Andrews, Dent Harris
N.Dak. Denton Harsha
Annunzio Derwinski Harvey, Mich.
Arends Devine Hathaway
Ashbrook Dickinson Hebert
Ashley Diggs Hechler
Ashmore Dingell Helstoski
Aspinall Dole Henderson
Ayres Donohue Herlong
Baldwin Dorn Hicks
Bandstra Dow Holifeld
Baring Dowdy Horton
Barrett Downing Hosmer
Bates Duiski Howard
Battin Duncan, Oreg. Hull
Beckworth Duncan, Tenn. Hungate
Belcher Dwyer Huot
Bell Dyal Hutchinson
Bennett E3mondson Ichord
Berry Edwards, Ala. Irwin
Betts Edwards, Calif. Jacobs
Bingham Ellsworth Jarman
Blatnik Erlenborn Jennings
Boggs Everett Joelson
Boland Evins, Tenn. Johnson, Calif.
Bolling Fallon Johnson, Okla.
Bolton Farbstein Johnson, Pa.
Brademas Farnsley Jonas
Bray Farnum Jones, Ala.
Brock Faseell Jones, Mo.
Brooks Feighan Karsten
Broomfield Findley Kastenmeier
Brown, Calif. Fino Kee
Broyhill, N.C. Fisher Keith
Broyhill, Va. Flood Kelly
Buchanan Flynt Keogh
Burke Fogarty King, Calif.
Burleson Foley King, N.Y.
Burton, Calif. Ford, Gerald R, King, Utah
Burton, Utah Ford, Kirwan
Byrne, Pa. William D. Kluczynski
Byrnes, Wis. Fountain Kornegay
Cabell Fraser Krebs
Cahill Frelinghuysen Kunkel
Callan Friedel Laird
Callaway Fulton, Pa. Langen
Cameron Fulton, Tenn. Latta
Carey Fuqua Lennon
Carter Gallagher Lipscomb
Casey Garmatz Long, La.
Cederberg Gathings Long, Md.
Celler Gettys Love
Chamberlain Giaimo McCarthy
Ohelf Gibbons McClory
Clancy Gilbert McCulloch
Clark Gilligan McDade
Clausen, Gonzalez McDowell
Don H. Goodell McEwen
Clawson, Del Grabowski McFall
Cleveland Gray McGrath
Clevenger Green, Pa. McMillan
Cohelan Greigg McVicker
Collier Grider Macdonald
Conable Griffin MacGregor
Conte Griffiths Machen
Conyers Gross Mackay
Cooley Grover Mackie
Corbett Oubser Madden
Mahon Powell
Mailliard Price
Marsh Pucinski
Martin, Ala. Purcell
Martin, Mass. Quie
Martin, Nebr. Quillen
Mathias Race
Matsunaga Randall
Matthews Hedlin
May Reid, Ill.
Meeds Reid, N.Y.
Michel Reifel
Miller Reinecke
Mills
Minish
Mink
Minshall
Mize
Moeller
Monagan
Moore
Moorhead
Morgan
Morrison
Morse
Morton
Mosher
Smith, Va.
Springer
Stafford
Staggers
Stalbaum_
Stanton
Steed
Stephens
Stratton
Stubblefield
Sullivan
Sweeney
Talcott
Resnick Taylor
Reuss Teague, Calif.
Rhodes, Ariz. Teague, Tex.
Rhodes, Pa. Tenzer
Rivers, Alaska Thompson, La.
Rivers, S.C. Thompson, Tex.
Roberts Thomson, Wis.
Robison Todd
Rodino Trimble
Rogers, Colo. Tuck
Rogers, Fla. Tunney
Rogers, Tex. Tupper
Ronan Tuten
Rooney, N.Y. Udall
Moss Rooney, Pa. Ullman
Multer Roosevelt Utt
Murphy, Ill. Rostenkowski Van Deerlin
Murphy, N.Y. Roudebush Vanik
Murray Roush Vigorito
Natcher Roybal Vivian
Nedzi Rumsfeld Waggonner
Nelsen Satterfield Walker, Miss.
Nix St Germain Walker, N. Mex.
O'Brien St. Onge Watkins
O'Hara, Ill. Saylor Watson
O'Hara, Mich. Scheuer Watts
O'Konski Schisler Weltner
Olsen, Mont. Schmidhauser Whalley
Olson, Minn. Schneebell White, Idaho
O'Neal, Ga. Schweiker White, Tex.
O'Neill, Mass. Scott Whitener
Ottinger Secrest
Passman Selden
Patman
Patten
Pelly
Pepper
Perkins
Philbin
Pickle
Pike
Pirnie
Poage
Poff
Whitten
Widnall
Senner Williams
Shipley Willis
Shriver Wilson, Bob
Sickles Wolff
Sikes Wright
Sisk Wyatt
Skubltz Wydler
Slack Yates
Smith, Calif. Young
Smith, Iowa Younger
Smith, N.Y.
NAYS-0
NOT VOTING-27
Bonner Hawkins Rosenthal
Bow Hays Ryan
Brown, Ohio Holland Thomas
Colorer Karth Thompson, N.J.
Cramer Landrum Toll
Davis, Ga. Leggett Wilson,
Evans, Colo. Lindsay Charles H.
Green, Oreg. Morris Zablocki
Hall Pool
Harvey, Ind. Roncallo
So the bill was passed.
The Clerk announced the following
pairs:
Mr. Toll with Mr. Lindsay.
Mr. Holland with Mr. Cramer.
Mr. Davis of Georgia with Mr. Hall.
Mr. Thompson of New Jersey with Mr. Har-
vey of Indiana.
Mr. Colorer with Mr. Brown of Ohio.
Mr. Zablocki with Mr. Bow.
Mr. Hays with Mr. Pool.
Mr. Roncalio with Mr. Rosenthal.
Mr. Morris with Mr. Thomas.
Mr. Charles H. Wilson with Mr. Bonner.
Mr. Evans of Colorado with Mr. Leggett.
Mr. Landrum with Mr. Karth.
Mr. Ryan with Mr. Hawkins.
The result of the vote was announced
as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND
Mr. MAHON. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that all Members
have 5 legislative days in which to extend
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 13982
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their remarks on the bill Just passed and The SPEAKER. Is there objection to of our astronauts, was indeed lacking in
to include brief appropriate excerpts. the request of the gentleman from Call- luster and imagination.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to fornia? Our emphasis was on the military
the request of the gentleman from Texas? There was no objection. aspect of our endeavors and while thou-
RESIGNATION FROM COMMITTEE
The SPEAKER laid before the House
the following resignation from a com-
mittee:
JUNE 23, 1965.
Hon. JOHN MCCORMACK,
Speaker of the House,
U.S. House of Representatives.
DEAR MR. SPEA$ER : It has been a privilege
and honor to work with the many fine mem-
bers of the House Committee on Interstate
and Foreign Commerce. However, I am sub-
mitting my resignation as a member of this
committee effective immediately.
My association and participation in the
deliberations of this group will remain a
pleasant and rewarding experience.
Sincerely,
HOWARD H. CALLAWAY.
The SPEAKER. Without objection,
the resignation will be accepted.
There was no objection.
ELECTION OF MEMBER TO STAND-
ING COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE
OF REPRESENTATIVES
Mr. GERALD R. FORI). Mr. Speak-
er, I offer a resolution.
The Clerk read as follows:
H. RES. 436
Resolved, That ALBERT W. WATSON, of
South Carolina, be and he is hereby, elected
to the standing Committee of the House of
Representatives on Interstate and Foreign
Commerce.
The resolution was agreed to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
CONFERENCE REPORT ON TREAS-
URY AND POST OFFICE DEPART-
MENTS, THE EXECUTIVE OFFICE
OF THE PRESIDENT, AND CERTAIN
INDEPENDENT AGENCIES APPRO-
PRIATION BILL
Mr. STEED. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the managers
on the part of the House may have until
midnight, Thursday, June 24. 1965, to
file a conference report on the bill (H.R.
7060) making appropriations for the
Treasury and Post Office Departments,
the Executive Office of the President, and
certain independent agencies, for the fis-
cal year ending June 30, 1966, and for
other purposes.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from
Oklahoma?
There was no objection.
SUBCOMMITTEE ON LABOR OF THE
COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND
LABOR
Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Subcommit-
tee on Labor of the Committee on Edu-
cation and Labor be permitted to sit dur-
ing general debate tomorrow.
HOUSE TO MEET AT 11 O'CLOCK
TOMORROW
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that when the House
adjourns today it adjourn to meet at 11
o'clock tomorrow.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Okla-
homa?
There was no q is) Ii
sands of Europeans were walking
through the Soviet space exhibit viewing
the Russian spacecraft, inspecting the
huge Russian 750-passenger plane, and
standing by in awe as the large Russian
helicopter tucked a large bus under its
belly `and maneuvered over the airfield,
our exhibit was receiving.no more than
passing notice. But the arrival of our
Vice President and the two astronauts
awakened the crowd to our presence and
to the remarkable progress that the
United States has made in the field of
BRIEFING ON VIETNAM I sat through their news conference
Mr. WOLFF. Mr. Speaker, today I
had the privilege of participating in a
half-hour televised news conference with
His Excellency Nguyen Phu Due, former
Ambassador of the Republic of Vietnam
to the United Nations. I first met Am-
bassador Due on my factfinding trip to
Vietnam last June. At this time I would
like to extend an invitation to all Mem-
bers of Congress to meet Ambassador
Due tomorrow, Thursday, June 24, at 3
p.m. In the Speaker's dining room, to
question the Ambassador on the struggle
in Vietnam.
Mr. Speaker, the struggle continues to
preoccupy all thinking Americans. We
are bombarded on all sides by a multi-
tude of suggestions ranging from total
and immediate withdrawal of all Ameri-
can forces in Vietnam to a greatly in-
creased commitment there.
It is my belief that it is incumbent on
all Members of Congress to gather in-
formation and to analyze the facts con-
cerning this conflict. The ramifications
of Vietnam are of enormous consequence,
and we must seize every opportunity to
glean educated obervations and insight
on the conflict. Ambassador Due is
scheduled to return to Vietnam in the
very near future, thus this particular op-
portunity will not be repetitive.
Before we take unequivocable positions
on U.S. policy in this troubled and war-
torn land, in which ephemeral conditions
persist, we must be sure of our facts. I
am making a plea for each Member to
further familiarize himself with the sit-
uation as it now exists. Whether one's
position be in full support of the admin-
istration's policy in Vietnam or in dis-
sent-here is an opportunity to listen
and to question so that opinions may be
formulated.
OUR ASTRONAUTS IN PARIS
(Mr. ROUSH asked and was given
permission to address the House for
1 minute, and to revise and extend his
remarks.)
Mr. ROUSH. Mr. Speaker, the
Gemini twins, McDivitt and White, saved
the day for American scientific and tech-
nical prestige abroad by attending the
International Air Show and Space Ex-
hibit in Paris last week. Considering the
importance of the event the American
participation, except for the appearance
where they performed with distinction
and honor. Their forthrightness and
good humor captured their audience. I
followed along with them as they walked
through the exposition grounds with the
Vice President with large crowds follow-
ing and expressing approval. As we
walked through the Soviet exhibit the
crowd pressed so that one could barely
move. These two Americans are not only
heros here at home but are heros in the
eyes of the entire world. It is wise and
important the world be given the chance
to see them and recognize them. In
doing this we are doing more than show-
ing off our heros, we are winning a bat-
tle in the cold war.
ARE WE GOING TO GET THE
BRITISH TO BUILD OUR SHIPS
(Mr. ROGERS of Florida asked and
was given permission to revise and extend
his remarks and to include a statement.)
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker,
reports are circulating that the Defense
Department may have some $50 million
worth of ships built for the U.S. Navy
by shipyards in Great Britain.
American shipyards are running at
approximately 55 percent capacity. The
Nation has been told that greater efforts
are needed to fight poverty, yet to allow
the British to build ships for America
would make a pocket of poverty out of
every American shipyard.
Why should this Government help the
British shipping industry? They have
done little to help America's efforts to
curb free world shipping to Communist
countries.
Just last month two British ships, the
Antarctica and the Hemisphere, made
cargo hauls for the Communists from
Cuba to North Vietnam. Since January
British-flag ships have made a total of
38 calls in Vietcong ports despite pleas
by this Government for a halt to this
traffic.
And since January a total of 157
American soldiers have been killed in
action by Communist Vietcong guerrillas,
I urge that U.S. naval vessels be built
by American shipbuilders, and as a mem-
ber of the House Merchant Marine and
Fisheries Committee, call upon the Con-
gress to see that this action is taken to
help rebuild the American shipping in-
dustry.
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 June 23, jtpNroved For Rel ORRI 1if OOff D300180021-7
In further discussion of this matter I
include a statement by Mr. Edwin M.
Hood, president of the Shipbuilders
Council of America, at this point in the
RECORD:
STATEMENT BY EDWIN M. HOOD, PRESIDENT,
SHIPBUILDERS CouNcin OF AMERICA, JUNE 18,
1965
The announcement that the Department
of Defense may order U.S. Navy vessels from
British shipyards is startling to say the least.
It would seem to show a complete lack of
awareness of the plight of both private and
naval shipyards in this country.
It coincides with the announcement that
the House Appropriations Committee has ap-
proved the fiscal 1966 Defense appropriations
bill which prohibits the expenditure of any
funds with foreign shipyards. This action
has been' taken in 2 successive years to but-
tress the U.S. shipyard industry. During
the past 10 years, 18 privately owned ship-
yards have been forced to close their doors
permanently because of the lack of sufficient
work. And it will be recalled that Secretary
of Defense McNamara only recently an-
nounced his intention to. close the Brooklyn
Navy Yard in June 1966 and the Portsmouth,
N.H., Naval Shipyard at a later date. Al-
though the planned closing of these Gov-
ernment shipyards has been attributed to
the high cost of their operations, it was in-
dicated that another contributing factor was
the finding that there is an excess of ship-
yard capacity in this country in relation to
the amount of naval shipbuilding work
which would be generated in the years ahead.
No doubt -if the Congress permitted the
diversion of these contracts to foreign ship-
yards, it would be found that additional ex-
cess capacity, created by the transfer of work
abroad, would have to be corrected by addi-
tional contraction of either the private or
naval shipyards or both. And more skilled
shipyard workers would face unemployment.
In other words, this proposal would increase
shipbuilding employment in Great Britain
at the expense of the displaced American
shipyard workers.
I note that one news account of this de-
velopment explained that the "build in Great
Britain" proposal was "aimed at keeping de-
fense industries in major allied countries in
a condition of readiness for expansion in an
emergency."
One might ask the question of whether or
not the United States should give first
priority to maintaining the readiness of its
own shipyard facilities. For an authorita-
tive answer, one need only to heed the plead-
ing of the Chief of Naval Operations. Adm.
David L. McDonald, in late 1964, told
a gathering of naval architects and marine
engineers in ' New York City that the U.S.
Government and the American people "must
become vitally concerned with preserving and
maintaining our repository of trained man-
power resources found in our shipyard fa-
cilities." But that repository and those fa-
cilities cannot be maintained, nor preserved,
if :we begin a foot-In-the-door arrangement
which can only lead to the demise of ship-
building in the United States and to the
ruination of many activities which support
our shipyards.
This same news account reported that some
who are favoring the proposal believe that
British yards could produce better as well as
lower cost ships for the U.S. Navy. While
the fir lower_ wage scales paid' to British
sl ipyard workers might result in some cost
savings, I . assure you that the British yards
are inpapable of building better ships than
those produced in this country. British
yards have no experiencewhatsoever with the
precise standards of quality control and as-
suranclee reliability which U.S. private ship-
yards' are required to maintain in the execu-
tion of contracts for the U.S. Navy. They
have no exposure whatsoever to the rigid
requirements for contract performance and
administration, all of which add to the cost
of building ships in this country or in any
other country.
The beat way to gage the capabilities and
know-how of a shipyard industry is to ex-
amine the vessels it has produced. The
American yards have not only produced the
most advanced naval vessels-both com-
batant and auxiliary types-ever designed,
but have far more experience in dealing
with the very complex and sophisticated
electronic and weaponry systems which these
modern vessels require.
Finally, there would appear to be some
serious reservations about the desirability
of having U.S. naval vessels under construc-
tion in shipyards which may be building a
Russian vessel on an adjacent shipway. It
must be presumed that whereas the initial
plan may only call for the construction of
so-called auxiliary or noncombatant ships
abroad, the same faulty reasoning eventually
would find it equally justifiable to have
our top-secret combatant ships built in for-
eign shipyards.
Although I am shocked and dismayed that
this build-abroad proposal should be ad-
vanced under the auspices of the Depart-
ment of Defense, I am equally confident
that the Congress of the United States will
arrive at a far more realistic and wiser judg-
ment and expose the shortcomings and great
deficiencies which are so evident in the
build-abroad trail balloon.
DISCUSSION OF FARM LABOR
PROBLEMS
(Mr. COHELAN asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, I have
requested a special order of 1 hour at
the close of business tomorrow to dis-
cuss developments during the first 5
months of this year in regard to farm
labor.
The facts, fortunately, are somewhat
different from what some sources would
have us believe, and I encourage all
Members who are concerned with this
subject to be present, to listen and to
participate.
SALE OF FOOD STUFFS TO THE
UNITED ARAB REPUBLIC
(Mr. FARBSTEIN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. FARBSTEIN. Mr. Speaker, I
most strongly disagree with President
Johnson's decision to fulfill the balance
of the 3-year agreement to sell food-
stuffs to the United Arab Republic, and
to accept in exchange soft and worth-
less currency.
I do not desire to see the needy Egyp-
tian Felaheen go hungry, but I do not
believe he would go hungry if President
Nasser refrained from trading to the
Soviet Union food meant for poverty-
stricken peasants in exchange for guns
and tanks. He would not go hungry if
rice grown in Egypt were not sold to the
Communist Chinese and Cuba.
If the United States is to maintain
the respect of other nations, we must
somehow chop Mr. Nasser down to size.
Too long have we smilingly submitted to
his wishes while he repeatedly and ar-
rogantly spat in our faces.
13983
Let us cut Mr. Nasser from our um-
bilical cord. Let us finally withdraw our
support from him, limiting his power
so that he will have to halt his subver-
sive activities in other Middle Eastern
nations.
Let us recall why we suspended the de-
livery of foodstuffs to the United Arab
Republic in the first place. There was
the burning of a USIA library, the de-
livery of arms to both the Congo and
Cyprus, the Egyptian attempt at hege-
mony in Yemen. And now we are faced
with this most recent action-Egyptian
sale of badly needed rice to Communist
China and Cuba. I believe we had ample
reason to maintain the suspension on the
sale of foodstuffs.
Perhaps the amendment to the for-
eign aid bill I offered in committee and
which was adopted will be of value to us
in our foreign policy. It restricts to
1 year all future agreements to sell
foodstuffs for soft currency. If it is
accepted by the Senate, we will be able
to more readily control Mr. Nasser's
actions.
SALE OF FOODSTUFFS TO UNITED
ARAB REPUBLIC
(Mr. FINO asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. FINO. Mr. Speaker, the decision
reached by President Johnson to send
the United Arab Republic the remaining
undelivered $37 million worth of surplus
farm products is most regrettable.
It is difficult to understand the Presi-
dent's thinking in view of the fact that
Egypt had sold 40 percent of its rice crop
to Communist China and Cuba. It is
also hard to understand the logic behind
this decision in view of the fact that the
Egyptian people have been asked by
Nasser to tighten their belts so that 50,-
000 Egyptian soldiers can be maintained
in Yemen at a cost of $100 million a year.
We-have so far under a 3-year contract
sent the United Arab Republic $395 mil-
lion worth of surplus foods. It was
hoped that this would improve our re-
lations with the United Arab Republic
but it did not. Nasser's insolence con-
tinued. He has encouraged every kind
of indignity aimed at the United States.
He has courted Red Russia. He has
told us to "jump in the lake" with our
aid.
The sale of the 40-percent of its rice
crop to Communist China and Cuba
shows little concern for its own people
who need food so why should we be so
concerned?
I am very disturbed that the Presi-
dent under the mistaken guise of "in the
national interest" has seen fit to end the
suspension on food aid to Egypt and de-
cided to ship surplus food to this country.
MORE BAD NEWS FOR FEDERAL
WORKERS
(Mr. NELSEN asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 23, 1965
Mr. NELSEN. Mr. Speaker, Reporter
Jerry Kluttz in the June 7 issue of the
Washington Post discloses that. Civil
Service Commission officials "are divided
over a suggestion that employees in
grades 16, 17, and 18 that pay up to
$24,500 be exempt from the Hatch no
politics' Act."
Mr. Kluttz comments:
It's a sate bet that CSC won't initiate ac-
tion on the proposal but will await the re-
suits of a full study of the act by a group
of distinguished citizens.
Mr. Speaker, it is disturbing to think
that the very agency established to pro-
tect the civil service system of the Unit-
ed States may have among its member-
ship those who wish to use it to destroy
these protections so carefully written
into Federal law.
To me, it is like having some of the best
policemen on the beat suddenly an-
nounce that a little robbery is to be per-
mitted.
Perhaps this attitude to relax existing
law explains the Commission's reluc-
tance to move actively to resolve cases
involving possible violations of that law.
As a practical matter, this proposed
change would affect more than 2,500
Government officials serving in key
policymaking posts. It would remove
essential safeguards presently restricting
their political activity. It would en-
courage these officials to utilize their
Government positions to exploit parti-
san, political aims at the expense of the
taxpayer.
There is little doubt in my mind that
the end result would be even more seri-
ous, more concerted efforts to coerce sub-
ordinate Federal workers for campaign
funds, for more political favors, putting
millions of Federal employees more di-
rectly under the thumb of the politicians.
Mr. Speaker, there is too much of this
going on right now. I have repeatedly
brought to the attention of this body
the efforts I have made to obtain correc-
tive action on charges of illegal political
arm-twisting in the Rural Electrification
Administration. I have repeatedly in-
formed this body of the renewed shake-
downs reportedly sought among Federal
workers for $100 tickets to a Democrat
dinner later this week.
If this proposal is accepted how long
will it be until others try to exempt les-
ser GS grades from provisions of the
Hatch Act? And then how long will it be
'before the Civil Service system no longer
operates on merit, but upon the whims
and personal favor of the politicians who
crack the whpi/A T.. /.i
VIETNAM
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. CALLAWAY. Mr. Speaker, in
previous speeches I have clearly stated
my support of our firm action in Viet-
nam.. I went to Vietnam, I saw our policy
in action, and I reported to this body that
it was working well.
Yet today I am concerned that by
limiting our air strikes to secondary tar-
gets and bypassing prime military tar-
gets in North Vietnam, we are taking
dangerous risks. By prime military tar-
gets I refer specifically to, first, Russian
IL--28 jet bombers located near Hanoi;
second, Soviet manned surface-to-air
missiles; and third, large munitions
buildup in North Vietnamese ports.
Let us look at these targets. The Rus-
sian jets are capable of bombing our
carriers and our extremely vulnerable
overcrowded airfields ; the missiles are
capable of shooting down our aircraft
over North Vietnam; and the munitions
are capable of supplying a greatly step-
ned-up war against South Vietnam.
Surely the planes, the missiles and the
munitions were sent in for a purpose. It
seems to me that it is naive of us to hope
that they will not be used. And if they
are used, if the planes bomb our bases, if
the missiles shoot down our planes, and
if the munitions support a stepped-up
attack, the war has been dangerously
escalated. We have the capability today
to destroy each of these targets, and I
hope that the administration will now
take another look at the dangers of al-
lowing the targets to remain.
THE STATE DEPARTMENT EVAL-
UATES THE "TEACH-IN" AND
OTHER "IN" PROTESTS
(Mr. MIZE asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his remarks
and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MIZE. Mr. Speaker, recently I
received a letter from John Evarts Hor-
ner, Director of the Office of Public
Services at the U.S. State Department,
notifying me that he had participated
in a discussion on our policy in Vietnam
at Kansas State University, Manhattan,
Kans.
Because I am more than somewhat
concerned about the attitude of many
college students and their instructors
with respect to our foreign policy, I asked
Mr. Horner to evaluate the attitude of
the Kansas State students. I wanted to
know if the students on the campus at
Kansas State took the same position as
other college students across the coun-
try or whether they stood apart, in his
estimation, with a little more reasonable
approach to this critical situation. I do
not mind saying that the intensity of
the demonstrations by college students-
the "teach-ins"-and the other signs of
revolt, cause me to wonder about these
young people.
Although Mr. Horner responded spe-
cifically about the prevailing attitude an
the campus at Kansas State Univer-
sity-and I must state that his experi-
ence there was "not discouraging"-he
took occasion in his letter to sum up his
impression of the current campus revolt
and its manifestations.
It seems to me that his evaluation,
which also reflects what his colleagues
have observed in similar circumstances,
provides a penetrating insight into some
of the reasons why these students and
teachers are reacting as they are. The
picture is not entirely black, nor is it
entirely bright. There is cause for con-
cern and I feel that if more Members can
share Mr. Horner's evaluation, we can
explore ways and means of reaching
these students through meaningful dis-
cussions so that there can be a better
understanding and a better appreciation
of the critical problems we face in these
fast-moving days.
Under leave to extend my remarks,
I ask that Mr. Horner's letter appear at
this point in the RECORD. The letter
follows :
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, June 16, 1965.
Hon. CHESTER L. MIZE,
House of Representatives.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN MIZE: Thank you for
your kind letter of June 2, 1965, in which you
have requested my appraisal of the teach-
ins on Vietnam. Having received similar
requests from other Members of the Con-
gress, I have made an effort to generalize on
my experiences, and those of several of my
own colleagues, in order to provide a mean-
ingful evaluation. Let me say that the situ-
ation I found at Kansas State was not at all
discouraging. The program was scrupulously
run by a graduate student of English. There
were differences of viewpoint aired during
the question period, but I had the strong
sense that a majority of the student body
realized the necessity for President John-
son's policy in Vietnam, and rejected the
spurious alternative of a precipitous with-
drawal.
It is somewhat difficult to arrive at a syn-
thesis of campus opinion on the Vietnam
situation for several related reasons. Those
of us who have engaged in teach-ins gen-
erally have not remained on the campuses
long enough to sort out student opinion and
reactions from what is sometimes only a
fraction of such opinion which has turned
out to protest. Again, campuses differ mark-
edly. On some, there have been previous his-
tories of turbulence, not necessarily related
to Vietnam as a specific issue. On other
campuses, there seems to have been little
previous Interest in Vietnam, and a tendency
to adopt the teach-ins as something which
is "in." I myself have only spoken at seven
campus teach-ins, but I have discussed my
Impressions with several colleagues with com-
parable experience. I would sum up our
views as follows:
(a) The protest group appears to be a
relatively small minority.
(b) The protestors usually have little pos-
itive to offer as an alternative to current
policy toward Vietnam.
(c) The protestors are apparently divided
into organized leftists (notable for their
apparent ability to produce copious litera-
ture), pacifists, supporters of Moral Rearm-
ament, and self-styled liberals.
(d) It seems an article of faith for some
liberals to hold that there is an inherent
conflict between liberalism and anticom-
munism. Characteristically, they depre-
cate past aggressive moves by the Soviet
Union and tend to assert that Communist
China should be permitted to expand into
Its natural sphere of influence in southeast
Asia.
(e) Professors and graduate students,
often from disciplines (e.g., the physical sci-
ences) which provide little basis for evalu-
ating international developments, tend to
be dogmatic ringleaders in the protest
movement. I have often found an amazing
lack of adherence to the scientific method;
they will reject, for example, U.S. Govern-
ment figures on Communist infiltrations
into South Vietnam as absurd, and will base
their claims t1 t this is nothing but an
indigenous upheaval on random newspaper
and other sources. Several professors I en-
countered seemed to cling to the conspira-
torial view of history, claiming the exist-
ence of key persons in the State and Defense
Departments itching to lead us into nuclear
war. None was willing to come up with a
name.
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cation ceremonies of the new Space Research The controversy, between the Taxi Drivers said Mr. Self to a passenger. "Kids out of
Center at the University of Michigan; and Organizing Committee of the AFL-CIO and Schools, people taking off * * * those nights
Whereas this new Space Research Center the fleet owners' Metropolitan Taxi Board you can just forget it."
is being dedicated and operated by the Uni- of Trade, centered on the question of who Mr. Self, leaning over the wheel in a kind
versity of Michigan with the cooperation of should be allowed to vote. of body-English effort to keep going,
the National Aeronautics and Space Admin- The union, which claimed membership slowed by a nervy Volkswagen that sueaked
istration; and signatures from 18,026 of the 21,010 regular through a light at Essex, by a merge as he
Whereas Gemini 4, the historic spacecraft drivers, maintained that it should be recog- came to Kenmare, by a turn at Broome, and
in Which Astronauts Maj. James A. DeDivitt nized as the bargaining agent without an by red lights at Forsyth, Mulberry, Watts,
and, Maj. Edward H. White conducted their election. but that if ele ti _ _
stril@tion pro j ect of many outstanding cor-
porations of the United States, including 14
Michigan manufacturing corporations; and
Whereas it should be pointed out that both
Astronauts Maj. James A. McDivitt and Maj.
Edward H. White received advance training
at the University of Michigan and are thus
closely related to this great institution: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the house of representatives,
That the' members of the Michigan House
sincerely and respectfully urge that the
Gemini 4 spacecraft be displayed at and
be used for research purposes at the new
University of Michigan Space Research Cen-
ter; and be it further
Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be
transmitted to the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration, to the President of
the U.S. Senate, to the presiding officer of
the U.S., Souse , of Representatives, and to
each member of the Michigan delegation to
the U.S. Congress.
Adopted by the house June 14, 1965.
NORMAN E. Pxu,LEO,
Clerk of the House of Representatives.
(Mr. FRIEDEl1 (at, the request of Mr.
TODD) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at. this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
[Mr. F1.3.IEDEL'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
NEW YORK, CITY IN CRISIS-
PART CIV
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
TODD) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
And to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol-
lowing article concerns the taxicab in-
dustry in New York City.
The article appeared in the New York
Herald Tribune of May 1, 1965, and is
part of the series on "New York City in
Crisis" and follows
NEW YOL;K_CITYIN?CRISIS: TAxi STUDY PANEL
OFFERS A COMPROMISE
(By Edward J. Silberfarb)
A three-roan team that has been trying
to end the labor struggle within the taxicab
industry offered a compromise yesterday, and
Mayor Wagner urged both sides to accept it.
The panel was ,appointed by the mayor
after a 1-day strike March 24 had taken
some 10,000 of the city's 11,772 cabs off the
street, The members are Theodore W.
liheel, Thomas Jefferson Miley, and Herman
Cooper, all labor specialists.
In a 13-page joint report, the three con-
ceded, "We have not been able to find the
basis for an agreement between the parties
on procedures for the resolution of the ques-
tion of represent.a..ti9,n.
But the Y proposed:
n election should be held to determine
whether a union . should represent drivers
of the, city's 83 cab fleets, which operate
6,816 taxis.
Only full-time drivers (some 14,000), those
who work at least 4,days a week, and those
part-time driven; . (some 3,000), who work
regular should be eligible to vote,,
should vote. .. ..... .- -nus Dan; taxes 20
out in uld be the dremorni.
amng An expressway-
The industry argued that only an election hatgwo
should determine representation and that all Mr. Self's truck is one of the 24,000 ve-
part-time drivers should be included as well hicles, according to a survey, that make a
as full time. through 2-mile trip across lower Manhattan
The panelists agreed that it does not mat- each day, following the route that would
ter whether the election is conducted by the become-if Mayor Wagner gives the word-
National Labor Relations Board, which is the Lower Manhattan Expressway. Local
favored by the industry, or some other im- traffic, it is estimated, would bring the total
partial body. number of vehicles using the long-planned
The only dissent, from Mr. Miley, was route to 120,000 daily.
on the question of the scope of the election.
Mr. Miley favored elections on a company- nraPVTE
by-company basis, while the other two mem- Traffic flow is only one of many issues in-
bers favored an industrywide vote. volved in a fierce dispute that has stale-
Mr. Miley said the interests of the many mated the expressway since it was first pro-
small and medium-sized operators would be posed in 1941. Opponents say the artery
crushed by the will of the large ones in an would not be built to serve New Yorkers,
industrywide election. but drivers passing through. Proponents
On the other hand, Mr. Kheel and Mr. say, on the contrary, that the greater part
Cooper said just the reverse would happen, of expressway traffic would consist of 70,000
that smaller operators would be at the mercy vehicles that come across the East River
of the union without the protection of a heading for the West Side of Manhattan, and
united industry. that in all a daily traffic volume of 450,000
Mr. Miley, who helped work his way vehicles, on and off, over and under, would
through college in 1918 by driving a cab, be benefited.
said that individual. garages have been deal- Those who are against the expressway say
ing separately with drivers on pension and it would be a Chinese Wall splitting Man-
other benefits and should continue to do so hattan-another ugly elevated structure like
rather than on an industrywide basis. But the ones the city has been tearing down-
Mr. Kheel cited industrywide bargaining and that it would create new bottlenecks
practices such as in the garment industry instead of speeding traffic. They say it would
as examples that should be followed. desi'oy neighborhoods, root out 2,000 fami-
agement had agreed that the 8,000 so-called
casual drivers," those who work only spo-
radically, should not be eligible to vote.
Some 6,000 independent owner-drivers
would not be affected by a union election.
The whole issue of union representation
has become crucial since the 10-cent taxi
fare increase of last December. The union
maintains it should play a role in insuring
that the money goes to the drivers in cash
and benefits.
lies, and displace 800 commercial enterprises
where 10,000-plus people are employed.
Those who are for the expressway, argue
that the overhead route would relieve con-
gestion, breathe new life into some blighted
areas, lead to new building and revitalization
of property values, and, incidentally, assure
the city of more than $1 million worth of
construction activity.
The mayor and the board of estimate were
for the expressway in 1960, but after a public
clamor, they reversed themselves. After the
city planning commission had fou
ht
g
against legal moves to have the route re-
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS- moved formally from the city map, another
PART CV push for the expressway resulted in another
vote of approval by the board of estimate
'(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr, last December.
TODD) was granted permission t0 extend Mayor Wagner announced that he would
his remarks at this point in the RECORD making a decision after studying the
1VIT. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, thg fol- long, a costinanhattg 100 million, 2.4 miles
lowing article concerns the downtown January, February, the winter months
expressway in New York City and is part gave way to spring, and the city waited.
of the series on "New York City in Finally, last week, came a hint, a decision is
Crisis." being formulated.
The article appeared in the New York The salient reason for prompt action is
Herald Tribune on May 2, 1965, and a
this: the Lower nd the program, a nderawh h the FSstem,
ederal
follows: Government pays 90 percent of the costs and
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS: DOWNTOWN Ex- the State 10 percent, is slated for termina-
PRESSWAY-END TO STOPS AND STARTS? tion in October 1972.
(By Marshall Peck) If the expressway segment (Interstate 78)
The first red light was right at the Wil- is not completed by that date, there will be
liamsb first Bridge exit, and driver Leslie Self, gram is extended.
29, braked the truck and shifted into neu- "We've warned the State people to keep
tral. He was making his daily return run an eye on the clock," said a spokesman from
to Newark after general freight deliveries in the Bureau of Roads in the Department of
Brooklyn and Queens. Commerce. "Work on interstates has to be
The light changed, and Mr. Self cranked completed by a certain time; we know they
up for the stop-and-crawl push down De- know what time it is-that it's getting late.
lancey Street, and toward the Holland The problem isn't that the State doesn't
Tunnel. have a sense of urgency, It was Thursday, a few minutes after 6 your city doesn't."
y' problem is that
p.m., and at least traffic was moving. "It's And in Albany, the Department of Public
those: Friday nights in the summertime," Works agreed that "time is a factor now" if
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14006
t
the expressway is to be finished by the pres- [From the New York (N.Y.) Journal-Ameri- a 's leaving o th u p se and hono discussir, et
the
ent deadline date. "We haven't received or can. - June 20, 1965] g
p EDITOR'S REPORT: A GI W ue? that could lead to peace.
k knows, , There can be no other path to follow.
been given Federal tom Government a spokesman
said, "but the e Feederal (By William Randolph Hearst, Jr.) Doctrinaire liberals-too many of whom
wa :enow and the cmy knows about 1e7e. We The Vietnam war grows in scope and are college professors who preside over those
apbeen in commtremendous dan lethysavagery, the specter of American com- so-called teach-ins-have done and are doing
city lengthy n will an- mitment > to a land war in Asia is again our country a disservice, wittingly or not.
job appreciates
this will be. what a We hthe and
hope
pounce its decision * " * reasonably soon. haunting our national councils. It is a disservice based on two related
Not since the Korean war, when 250,000 positions.
waRxrxc American troops fought in a terrible con- The first urges a disastrous U.S. with-
In the city, the receiving point for these filet on the Asian mainland, has this pro- drawal from Vietnam, which would irre-
sig~.ials has been the Triborough Bridge and spect loomed so close. parably damage American prestige through-
Tunnel Authority, which-although not in- This is a development warned against by out the whole world arfd open the gate for a
volved as an agency-is headed by Robert Gen. Douglas MacArthur, viewed with fore- Communist takeover of southeast Asia.
Moses, coordinator for the city on the pro- boding by Winston Churchill and consist- The second advocates instant negotiations,
jetted highway. Presumably Mr. Moses, a ently deplored by the Hearst Newspapers. even with the Vietcong guerrillas who have
fighter for the expressway, has informed Mr. But events have a habit of bending pre- no government of their own and who are
Wagner of Triborough's opinion, as given viously held beliefs and policies into new controlled by Communist North Vietnam,
a spokesman, that "if we don't get started d shapes, meaning that implacable little man, Ho Chi
shortly on the expressway, we won't be able We learn the administration is preparing Minh.
to complete the job within the time limit." to increase American personnel strength in To negotiate with the Vietcong, and in-
The round-figure estimate of the actual Vietnam up to 75,000-and that this figure elude it in a splintered South Vietnamese
time it will take to build the expressway, as will probably again climb to 100,000 and government, would bring about, as certainly
judged by State highway officials and the probably many more. as military conquest, Communist domina-
staff of Madigan-Hyland, Inc., consulting In addition, we note one feature of re- tion. of South Vietnam.
engineers, is 5 years. This would include cent troop movements to Vietnam is the The Vietcong would have achieved polit-
completion of contract plans, award of job heavy ratio of actual ground combat units, ically what it has failed to achieve by open
contracts, acquisition of property, reloca- as opposed to the former preponderance of aggression.
tion, demolition, clearing, and construe- support and "advisory" elements. The implication in these demands for
tion. But engineering specialists indicate Thus, despite President Johnson's genuine "negotiation" is that President Johnson does
that paperwork, renegotiation of contracts, abhorrence of a GI war in Asia, this is pre- not want to negotiate.
and general warmup preparation might add cisely the direction in which the struggle That isthe opposite of the truth.
s year to the total. appears to be heading. And itIsn't -L.B.J.'s Again and again the President has ex-
Engineers also point out that things usu- fault. pressed his willingness to negotiate honor-
ally take longer to finish than anybody ex- This "escalation" is being relentlessly ably for a fair settlement that would preserve
pects, and that delays could spread the job goaded onward and upward not by this the freedom of South Vietnam.
out for a few extra months. In sum, if the country, but by the fanaticism of com- It is Ho Chi Minh with the support of
expressway is to be completed by 1972, it munism itself, expressed in the deepening Peiping and to an uncertain extent Moscow,
should be started as soon as possible. commitment of Communist forces to battle. who refuses to negotiate. Why? Because he
Mr. Wagner indicated to the Herald Trib- It has been argued that the United States thinks he holds the winning hand.
une last week that he was moving toward sent a ridiculously large force to cope with Way back in February I wrote that Ho-
some pronouncement. He told Reporter Ed- the crisis in the tiny Dominican Republic. and not the ruling tandem in Moscow or Mao
ward J. Silberfarb he "expected to have a But it has been counterargued that if a in Peiping-was the key to settlement. This
statement within a week," and was "waiting smaller force had been sent--say hundreds column of February 21 said:
to receive certain relocation reports." Instead of thousands-it-could have suffered "Only when he is made to realize that the
Meyer Kailo, deputy commissioner of the very heavy casualties. - game he is playing is not worth the gamble,
department of relocation, explained that The theory also applies to Vietnam. Small only then will realistic negotiations be pos-
the agency had been "doing a special anal- American forces could well be overrun and sable."
ysis, on people and commercials, a piece or wiped out by the well-hidden Vietcong. He hadn't been made to realize it then; he
two of information" that was going to Mr. But guerrillas will think twice before at- apparently hasn't been made to realize it yet.
Wagner this week. He added: tacking extremely strong forces: Such action it occurs to me that the use of some 30
"We have,been working on something, we runs counter to the theory of guerrilla war big B-52 jet bombers which flew some 4,000
are providing something, that we believe is itself. miles from Guam to Vietnam and back the
brandnew and be So it could well be that the presence In other day was more of an exercise in psycho-
South Vietnam of an overpowering Ameri- logical than strategic warfare.
rE can military presence will have the effect Because of an unfortunate mid-air acci-
STOPPING COMMUNIST of decreasing and not increasing the scale dent and a seemingly sparse number of the
AGGRESSION of war and its attendant casualties. enemy killed in the raid itself, it was too
It is also necessary to bear in mind that promptly labeled a farce and a failure by our
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr. whatever "escalation" is undertaken by the Monday morning armchair strategists.
TODD) was granted permission to extend United States in this grim business is only As every American who has ever Watched
his remarks at this point in the RECORD done so in order to match that undertaken - and heard our bombers flying over our heads
and to-include extraneous matter.) by the other side, toward enemy positions in World War II
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, there is Numerous large elements of the North knows, this is a great morale stimulus to
just too much loose talk about the war Vietnamese Army have been identified in Allied troops on the ground.
the VSome of it is based upon the forests of South Vietnam. These were Conversely, I can assume that the same
lack Vietnam. t knowledge, some of it is based infiltrated into South Vietnam as a regular sight and sound of the 8th Air Force and
adjunct to the Hanoi-supported Operations the RAF must have had a definitely dis-
upon distortions of fact, and another of the Vietcong, our intelligence sources heartening effect on German morale.
large part of it is based upon purely report. I don't know-and I don't think all of the
emotional reaction. If this is not escalation, what is? reporters in Saigon or Washington know-
On February 17, 1965, President John- - The North Vietnamese Army is highly just how many Vietcong these bombers ex-
son said: rated and is not in South Vietnam to admire pected to kill. My point is that even if we
Our purpose in Vietnam is to join in the the scenery. There is every likelihood that didn't kill anyone, there were a lot of little
it will be used in battle in South Vietnam. Vietcong guerrillas over there this weekend
defense who and are protection under of attack freedom of of a a brave e in this case it is inevitable that it will collide who were bound to have a distinctly higher
people with U.S. Marines or paratroopers now there. Opinion of the formidable nature of their
trolled and that is directed from outside It is essential, therefore, that our forces enemy.
their country. In South Vietnam be brought up to and At his press conference this past Thursday
A sound analysis of President John- maintained at adequate strength to cope the President read from a report of an un-
son's any threat to themselves. identified foreign ambassador who quite re-
son's position and policy with reference Any other course would be one of irrespon- cently had been in contact with the North
to Vietnam appeared In the following sibility towards the lives of our servicemen, Vietnamese Government in Hanoi. The am-
editorial of William Randolph Hearst, Jr. and it is outof the question that the admin- bassador concluded that the Ho Chi Minh
in the Sunday, June 20, 1965, edition of istration should pursue it. regime was not interested in negotiations of
the New York Journal-American. The present trend shows clearly that it any kind.
I am pleased to commend it to the will not. The mood of the administration is Secretary of State Dean Rusk supple-
attention of our colleagues: one of total determination to fulfill Ameri- mented this with a-more official statement
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after a Cabinet meeting Friday. He said all markets for their produce; the savings of ifestation of the sinking economy than
channels for Vietnam peace talks remain many years in thousands of families are gone. the root cause of it,
open on our side. He added he saw no "ac- More important, a host of unemployed Of the causes of the depression, Mr.
tive interest" by Hanoi or Peiping or any citizens-
Morison states in his book:
"active effort" by the Soviet Union to end the
war. By that time, about 12 million- As yet there is no consensus among econ-
All this casts doubt on the effectiveness of face the grim problem of existence and an omists as to why a prolonged depression fol-
a Commonwealth mission that British Prime equally great number toil with little return. lowed the crash. Not all agree with this
Minister Harold Wilson is putting together Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark writer's generalization that the national
with a view to visiting Washington, Moscow, realities of the moment. economy was honeycombed with weakness,
Saigon, Hanoi, and Peiping in quest of a Mr. Speaker, these were the somber giving Coolidge prosperity a fine appearance
formula for peace. over a rotten foundation. Optimism, justi-
In fact, it is questionable whether the words of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, fled in the early 1920's, had been carried to
mission would be received in Hanoi and spoken to a gloomy American people in extremes owing to the lack of insight and
Peiping. Those capitals refused visas to his first inaugural address on March 4, want of courage to say "stop" on the part
British Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon 1933. As the Members of this House of leaders in business, finance, politics, and
Walker, who ventured on a peace mission know, President Roosevelt was speaking the universities. These, imbued with
earlier this year. in the depths of the great depression laissez-faire doctrine and overrating the im-
But let's wait and see whether blame for which had fallen on the Nation with the portance of maintaining public confidence,
refusing negotiations will be placed where crash of the stock market beginning in refrained from making candid statements or
it should be in future college teach-ins, taking steps to curb or cure the abuses.
Which reminds me of an apt distinction October 1929.
between true and phony liberals that was When he spoke on a cold, bleak day in In short, Mr. Speaker, the leaders of
made by John J. McCloy in a speech at Washington, unemployment had climbed our country in the late twenties permitted
Haverford College in Pennsylvania. Mr. Mc- above 12 million people, or more than themselves and the American people the
Cloy, a former Secretary of War and High 25 percent of the labor force. The gross false luxury of indulging in economic
Commissioner in Germany, carries the cre- national product had plunged from and speculative excesses; and those who
dentials of a true liberal.
$104.4 billion at the end of 1929 to $56 saw the danger signals-with but too " he If anything would that seem'to be no o oclear i led billion in 1933, and retail sales had fallen few exceptions-remained silent.
to said,
the "it designation be `liberal' n if, one tbe in his e concnclu from $48.5 billion in 1929 to about $25 Certainly there were other factors,
'liberal' if,
he disregards the fact for the theory billion in 1933. Prices on such basic other weaknesses, such as the overpro-
or the condition for the attitude. commodities as wheat, corn, raw cotton, duction of basic food commodities and
"Liberality, in its true sense, excludes doc- wool, tobacco, began to nosedive in 1929, minerals; the tremendous volume of the
trines or slants. [Those] who, with the and hit their lowest point in 1932 and stock market and borrowing on stocks
passage of each year, grow more rigid and 1933. Banks had failed throughout the and mortgages, and installment-buying
doctrinaire in their thinking are the real
country, and by Inuguration Day in debts; our erratic banking system, along
or to thereactionarig,righ t.^ whether inclined to the left 1933, the governors of 22 States had with weak European currencies, which
Let those who rigidly oppose the Johnson closed all of their banks. By March 4, contributed to the collapse. But I be-
policy in Vietnam chew that over for a of that year, almost 5,000 banks had col- lieve, Mr. Speaker, that unrestrained ex-
while. lapsed in America. cesses, coupled with the lack of proper
At press time, it appears that Premier Ben The raw effect of this catastrophe, Mr. controls over the stock market, the bank-
Bella of Algeria, often and rightfully referred Speaker, was to strike fear and despair ing system, the establishment of cor-
to as the "Mediterranean Castro," has been into the hearts of so many of our people, porations, and so on, sum up the prin-
givenahe hook.
I haven't yet read a form chart on his not to mention the severe material de- cipal reasons for the great depression.
successor. But my first reaction was a sense privation which was forced on so many In short, avarice and greed, and human
of relief on receipt of good news. Ben Bella of them. -frailty, were at the forefront.
is-perhaps by now it should be was-bad In complete contrast today, I am con- But we have learned much since those
news for the United States and the free world, fident that no such economic collapse as carefree days of the late twenties-and
And as far as his people were concerned, he occurred in those years of our youth, the agonizing years which followed.
was a Communist dictator, could ever happen in our country again. Through positive and constructive ac-% Good riddance to bad rubbish, say I. tions both on a national and local level
N
t
OUR SAFEGUARDS AGAINST
DEPRESSION
(Mr. BOGGS (at the request of Mr.
TODD) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. BOGGS, Mr. Speaker, more than
32 years ago, at a time of the worst do-
mestic crisis in the history of the United
States, a new, courageous President
spoke to the American people in his first
inaugural address. Many of my fellow
colleagues in both the House and the
Senate remember, all too vividly, his
words:
This is a day of national consecration, and
I am certain that any fellow Americans
expect that on my induction into the Presi-
dency I will address them with a candor and
a decision which the present situation of our
Nation impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the
truth, the whole truth, frankly, and boldly.
Nor need we rihrink from Ponestly facing
conditions in our country today.
Values have shrunk to fantastic levels;
taxes , have rlseq; our ability to pay has
fallen; government of all kinds is faced by
$eriqua ci}rtailment of income; the means of
exchange are frozen in the currencies of
trade; the withered leaves of industrial
enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no
ion eiIJoys many
Today, our
a
built-in safeguards, as well as controls we have learned that we can enjoy eco-
on the stock market and the banking nomic growth and prosperity in a safe
system, which help to prevent such a and solid manner.
tragedy from ever occurring again. In his address to the alumni of Colum-
In his new book, "The Oxford History bia University on June 1, if Federal Re-
of the American People," Samuel Eliot serve Board Chairman William Mc-
Morison, an eminent American historian, Chesney Martin was trying to remind
states: us that in the past we have been guilty
The stock market crash of October 1929 of excesses, then he is most assuredly
(which of course continued its downward right, and in doing so, he has rendered
spiral until late 1932) was a natural conse- a service to the Nation. If, however, he
quence of the greatest orgy of speculation truly believes that the "disquieting sim-
and overoptimism since the South sea bub- ilarities" between today and the late
We of 1720. 1920's are so parallel that they portend
He notes that speculation began to peril for our economy, then I believe that
reach "a giddy height" by 1925, and he is mistaken, and I am confident the
"when speculation began to get out of facts on our economy today will bear
hand, neither the Federal nor the State me out.
governments did anything effective to
check it." Further, with the detached
view of President Coolidge, and the
essentially fixed ideas on economy of
President Hoover who succeeded him,
the Federal Reserve Board and the
Trade Commission took no action to help
stem the tragic tide.
Mr. Speaker, the crash of the stock
market in October 1929, and its contin-
ued drop through mid-1932 was not the
sole reason for the great depression. In
fact, if anything, the collapse of the
market might be considered more a, man-
First, I might note that Chairman
Martin cited as many dissimilarities be-
tween today and the late twenties in
his address as he did similarities. The
parallels were cited first, and apparently
with more emphasis, or at least they were
taken in that vein, because the press
coverage of his speech gave greater em-
phasis to the similarities.
Chairman Martin does cite differences
between then and now, but unfortunate-
ly he omits some of the most important
dissimilarities, and I would like to cite
them here. Furthermore, the sum total
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of the differences between the economy
in 1965 and in the late 1920's are more
important and reassuring, in my opinion.
Some of the built-in insurance plans
we now have to prevent any great down-
turn are:
First. Unemployment compensation
which today insures about 49 million
workers during periods of unemploy-
ment; there was no such program in
1929. .
Second. Social security insurance
which provides income to senior citizens
and to widows left with young children
to support; today 9 out of 10 workers
are covered by social security which was
enacted in 1935. There was no such pro-
gram in 1929.
Third. Not only is the distribution of
our Nation's wealth much more broad
based, but also millions of our workers
are protected in their jobs and their good
salaries by strong labor unions, and most
all workers are now guaranteed a mini-
mum wage by Federal law; this was not
true in 1929.
Fourth. Long-term borrowing, at low-
Interest rates, is in effect today, particu-
larly for home buyers or builders; home
loans now are provided at low-interest
rates, to be paid off in 20 years or more.
Thirty-five percent of the total of home
mortgage loans-a sum of $69 billion-
are now underwritten by the National
Government through the Federal Hous-
ing Administration, the Veterans' Ad-
ministration, and other related agencies.
Such opportunities were not available in
1929.
Fifth. American farmers today are
protected against bankruptcy by price
supports on the major commodities;
there was no such protection for farmers
in 1929, which saw the beginning of a
great drop-about 65 percent-in com-
modity prices between that year and
1933.
These are some of the marked dis-
similarities, Mr. Speaker, which I think
are very important in safeguarding any
repetition of the great depression. These
and other safeguards also are significant
programs to help prevent a severe re-
cession, although, of course, our society
is not "recession proof."
At this point, Mr. Speaker, I would
like to include in the RECORD five recent
magazine and newspaper articles which
elaborate on some of the points I have
been making, and cite some additional
factors on the strength and endurance
of our economic prosperity of today.
First, for the benefit of my colleagues,
I would cite an article from the June 21
issue of U.S. News & World Report, en-
titled "Another 1929?-Why There Is
Little Chance," followed by recent stories
in the Washington Evening Star; the
New York Times; the Wall Street Jour-
nal; and the Washington Post. The ar-
ticles follow:
[From U.S. News & World Report]
ANOTHER 1929?-WHY THERE'S LITTLE
CHANCE
(NOTE: As the boom ages, many wonder if
it could end in a depression, as in 1929.
Actually, things are vastly different now, as
this report shows.)
Is another 1929 becoming possible? That
question has been raised by William Mc-
Chesney Martin, Jr? Chairman of the Federal
Reserve Board.
What are the chances? Are a crash and
then a deep depression now possible?
There has been a sharp fall out in stock
prices of late. A speculative bubble burst
recently in one phase of Western Europe's
land boom. A bank scandal in Switzerland
followed. Japan has been going through a
financial crisis.
REASONS FOR CONFIDENCE
Yet all seems calm in the attitude of busi-
nessmen, leading bankers, high Government
officials-both in the United States and
abroad.
Why? Why the confidence that events are
not now, or later, to lead to another 1929-
type crash and depression?
You get the answer In an outline on these
pages of 11 basic differences between then
and now.
The world, economic analysts say, little
understood the forces of depression at work
in and after 1929, and lacked the means to
counter them.
Now all is said to be different. Govern-
ments everywhere are armed with machinery
that can be used against deflationary in-
fluences.
In the United States, In particular, it is
said, the past 30 years has brought a revolu-
tionary change in attitude and in machinery
for countering forces of depression and
recession.
ROLE OF WORLD TRADE
As the world's great creditor nation, the
United States now is inclined to act the part
rr,ther than, as in 1929, acting as a debtor
nation when actually a creditor. A basic
cause of upset in the world economy was
said to have been the Smoot-Hawley tariff of
1930, which increased barriers to Imports
into the United States. This country, how-
ever, had become a great creditor nation in
World War I and needed to acceptgoods in
payment of debts.
As U.S. tariffs mounted, other countries
imposed barriers to trade and defaulted on
debts to the United States. These activities
brought stagnation to world trade.
Today, the Government's efforts are aimed
at expanding world trade rather than re-
straining it.
BUILT-IN DEFENSES
Many other factors also are present today
that were absent in 1929.
The Government is committed to a policy
of promoting expansion and avoiding depres-
sions, and it Is armed with many tools to
carry out that policy. One recent example
is last year's $11.5 billion tax cut, which is
credited with sparking the business expan-
sion that still is going on. Now there are
plans for excise tax cuts and stepped up
social security payments to keep business
activity from slowing.
The country also has "built-in stabilizers"
that tend to soften any downturns. These
include unemployment benefits, price sup-
ports for farmers, insurance for bank depos-
its, guarantees for mortgages, pensions for
the elderly. The Government can speed pub-
lic works to offset slack in private business.
Then, too, there Is much more world coop-
eration to keep business stable. Leading
industrial countries act in concert to main-
tain stable currencies. The International
Monetary Fund stands ready to help. Re-
cently steps have been taken to protect the
British pound and to bolster the U.S. dollar.
The Government's own operations act to
prevent depressions. The Federal cash
budget of more than $120 billion a year is
itself a stabilizer. And Federal spending
automatically goes up when business slack-
ens, thus tending to offset the slowdown.
WEATHER VANES TO WATCH
Both business and Government now have
a lot more information about the American
economy than was available in 1929. A whole
array of economic indicators tests the pulse
of business, When these indicators flash dan-
ger signals, officials are prepared to act
promptly.
Actually, the President's economic advis-
ers-and many business economists-belieTs
that deep depressions of the post-1929 vari-
ety are phenomena of the past. The Presi-
dent's advisers go as far as to say that even
recessions are not inevitable, although they
are not yet ready to proclaim that occasional
dips in activity can be avoided.
THE YEARS 1929 AND 1965-THEN AND NOW-
THE DIFFERENCES ARE VAST
Money: A managed abundance
Then: Money was tied rigidly to gold. This
limited moves by the Government to ease
money. Money and credit contracted sharp-
ly. Interest rates went up. Financial crisis
developed.
Now: Tie to gold has been ended. Money
supply is more readily controlled by Govern-
ment. Credit is pumped out as necessary,
In hard times, interest rates are reduced, new
borrowing promoted by official policy.
Government spending: An important cushion
Then: $10.5 billion a year in Federal, State,
local cash spending. Federal spending, at $3
billion, was only $1 out of each $29 of na-
tional income, thus had limited importance
in total economy.
Now: $176 billion-Federal, State, local.
Federal cash spending alone is $121 billion,
or $1 out of every $4 of national income. In
a downturn, this spending rises. Federal
outlays are a tremendous force in U.S. econ-
omy.
Deposits: Now they are insured
Then: People got panicky as things went
from bad to worse in early thirties. Runs
developed on banks across the country. Fail-
ures were widespread, and there was no in-
surance on deposits.
Now: Accounts in banks andsavings and
loan associations are insured up to $10,000.
Result: Even in a severe business setback,
Wholesale withdrawals of deposits, such as
took place 35 years ago, would be unlikely.
For the unemployed: A promise of help
Then: When a worker was laid off, he was
on his own. There was no Government pro-
gram to tide people over while they looked
for new jobs. By 1933, one worker out of
four was unemployed.
Now: About 49 million workers are insured
during periods of unemployment. This
means weekly benefits, for half a year in most
States. In addition, many companies pro-
vide supplemental benefits for their own em-
ployees during layoffs.
Old people: The offer of security
Then: There was no social security to help
in old age. Few companies offered pensions
to employees after retirement. People had
to rely on their own savings or help from
relatives.
Now: Nine out of ten workers are covered
by social security. Typical worker also has
company pension. "Medicare" is on the way.
Trend is to earlier retirement, opening up
more jobs for younger people in the labor
force.
Wages: Pay rates to stay high
Then: When times got tough, employers cut
wages time and again. Labor unions were
weak, had little voice on pay rates. Few
workers were protected by wage contracts.
No wage minimum was set by law.
Now: Workers have a whole system of pro-
tection built in. Wages are supported by
poweful unions. Millions work on long-term
contracts providing stable or rising pay rates.
A minimum wage is provided by Federal law.
Farmers: Support for prices
Theft: There was little or no protection for
farmers against collapse. At the mercy of
the marketplace, with no system of price
support, farmers saw prices fall 66 percent
between 1928 and 1933.
Now: Prices of major farm commodities are
supported by the Government. Over the
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14039
and/or report as to the purposes for which Twenty yeareXhave passed since: we made we expected. Just as Western colonialism
actl the same san of time ends some of them seem ready to fight it
ac
t
, y ,
e as pe
this amount is to be expended.
(b) The Secretary is authorized to receive from Versailles to Hitler's war. This is the' all over again under the guis, of neocolon-
aily " teimburseinent by the authority of sobering fact which today overshadows our ialism.
'anioi sits paid pursuant to this section and troubled world. Meanwhile, the new tactics of subversion,
amounts received as such reimbursement Last time not all our good intentions, not infiltration, deception, and confusion seem
shall be covered into the Treasury as mis- all our last-minute efforts of improvisation, to be little understood, to say the least.
cellan,eous receipts. could stave off catastrophe. Even in Europe the partnership we looked
(c) There are authorized to be appropri- Can we be sure that on this grim anni- for with a unified continent has been chal=
ated such `amounts as may be necessary for versary we may not be failing once again? lenged and circumscribed by a reassertion
payments 'pursuant to subsection (a). The question dwarfs all others, for in the of national power.
Federal representative on authority and nuclear age we have peace or we have So we face a new situation-less manage-
other assistance for Secretary nothing. able and less appealing. What do we do
We know all about our errors in 1919. about it?
SEC. $0$. (a) In order to more effectively They were, simply, to repeat the policies of There are those who would bid us accept
carry out his functions pursuant to this title, the last century-high moral tone and non- the inevitable. If Europe is strong enough
the Secretary may appoint a Federal repre- involvement. to defend itself, let it do so. If China has
sentative to the authority as authorized in ISOLATION A CLOAK recovered its ancient influence in Asia-so
article III '6f the New York-Connecticut rail President Woodrow Wilson attempted what-we can't stop it.
authority compact. the League of Nations to bring our if weak developing nations want to try
(b) th permit the
and services make use of through idealism down to earth in the first sketch of communism, let them learn the hard way,
such other expert advice and ssi a functioning world society based on law, on we've done the best we could with aid and
may is title, quire in carrying ouva the provisions s self-determination, on the organized institu- advice.
of this he may use available services tions of peace. In these arguments we can detect some
and facilities s of other departments, agen- But this dive into reality was too much for of the old isolationist overtones and assump-
int a wit itheir conten der of the Govern- us. We retreated to an old isolation and con- tions.
'able with where their necessary. and on a reimburs- tinued to mistake exhortation for power. But in a world much less closely knit than
able basis whhessary. Could we have repeated this error in 1945? this, isolation has not saved us from two
men- It launched us into a world-
ncies
and
ars
b
l
tmen
c
,
Gove
l of r
a
w
(
shall ex Perhaps, but in fact we were presented with glo
.talities es of the Gover rnment shall exercise . wide depression. It saw the Far East all but
their powers, duties, and functions in such the What a opposite temheyday of conquest conquest we could have devoured by a single military clique.
manner as will assist in carrying out the had-alone with the atom bomb, alone with WHERE CRY "HALT"?
Objectives oft +k t. a health economy In a shattered world, alone
g
y Y Would we now keep the peace by leavin
~~
with our energy unleashed, unbroken by the the levers of power largely in the hands of
"FROM L NONINVOLVE T ordeal of war. , vast imperial systems whose ideological aim
But we are not conquerors. We are per- is still to dominate the world? At what
TO TEMPTING POWER"-AD- baps the most unwilling great power in his- point should we cry halt, and probably con-
DRESS BY ADLAI E. STEVENSON tory, and certainly no great power has been front a nuclear holocaust?
Mr. RXBICOF'F. Mr. Presidenj;, last plunged so suddenly from the temptations of The isolationism was always too naive
the Honorable Adlai E. Steven- lofty noninvolvement to the opposite tempta- about power and about the pretensions of
Thursday .daay the ora le the United tions of almost vital total power. power. We must' not make that mistake Na- Yet we did not lose our idealism. We set again.
tions, addressed the annual commence- up the United Nations on the basis of equal- But equally we must not make the oppo-
meat meeting of the Harvard Alumni ity and self-determination, and have helped site mistake and put too much faith in
Association, in Cambridge. mightily to make it work ever since. power.
With wisdom that comes from expe- We have pressed for decolonization. We We have among us advocates of much
rience and with the eloquence and the have offered to internationalize atomic en- stronger action. For them, it is the idealism
imagination for which he is known, Am- ergy. We have Europe the Marshal plan, of America that is at fault. Get the allies
imaaginat Stevenson described the pos- first proposed from this platform. We back into line, Confront Russia over Ber-
preached the ideal of unity and federation lin and Germany. Bomb China's nuclear
ture and responsibilities of our Nation. of Europe. capacity before it increases.
I ask unanimous consent that the text A HEADY DRAUGHT And back any anti-Communist government
of his outstanding address, be printed at All of this was very far from selfish exer- anywhere. Teach everyone they can't push
this point in the RECORD. cise of our power, us around.
There being no objection, the address But of course it was power. The United But this won't work either. What power
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, States was dominant. The Western Alliance have we to coerce our friends in Europe?
was guided by us. The United Nations
as foiloWS: What assurance have we that direct action
majorities voted with us. The economic against either Communist giant will not un-
$TEVENSON TEXT: TEP LOFTY 1?ONINVOLVE-
MENT To TEMPTING POWER- assistance was all from us. The Communists leash a nuclear war from which we would
Goethe said there are many echoes in the were largely contained by us. It is a great record of magnanimous and suffer as much as they? How can we be sure
world, but only a few voices. responsible leadership. that unlimited support of any authoritarian
These days everyone is voicing or echoing But I suspect we became used to the idea anti-Communist government may not mere-
their views about Vietnam, the Dominican ly hasten the day when their citizens be-
that although nations were equal we were come Communist as the only means to
Republic, and student demonstrations and somehow a little more equal than anyone change?
picketing. else. And of course for any nation this
I Claim Without shame that I am really sense of leadership is very heady stuff: If total isolationism is no answer, total
a battle-scarred, if not scared veteran of the I have myself said of flattery that "it is interventionism is no answer either.
demonstrators and picketeers. very fine provided that you don't inhale." In fact, the clear, quick, definable, meas-
I've been picketed, applauded, and abused The same is true of leadership. It's fine and urable answers are all ruled out. In this
from right and left and center everywhere we did inhale. new twilight of power, there is no path to
from Texas to Toronto for more years than Today, however, we face entirely new con- a convenient light switch.
I like to remember. ditions. Preponderant power is a thing of PARTNERSHIP VITAL
Indeed, my honorary degree should have the past. Western Europe has recovered its What then can we do? What are the
a P.D.-a. doctor of pickets. economic strength and military potential. options?
I don't, share the concern of some of my Russia commands a vast war machine with I want to suggest that the extremes are
contemporaries about student demonstra- a full nuclear arsenal. China adds incipient tions. I like their involvement in great not exhaustive. In between-less exciting
issues. nuclear power to massive armies. perhaps, less nationally satisfying but safer 11 But if I could offer them one 'word of ad- And both exploit the new techniques of and more humane-are other routes and
vice, I would say that to state goals is easy; covert aggression-the so-called wars of na- methods which recognize the image of our
to, tell tl ep 1,19 to get there is not so easy. tional liberation-which have nothing to do power, allow for our traditional idealism,
A, moral,? CQAUtl},t4nent is hardly meaningful with nation or liberation-and can be take account of the world ideological strug-
withooutapractical hope of improving the stretched to cover any use of outside inter- gle and include no fantasies of either total
human condition. ference to remove any government, what- withdrawal or total control.
But now I must speak a bit, and you must ever its policies, that is anti-Communist But they are all paths which demand a
listen, I hope we both finish our work at or even non-Communist, high degree of genuine partnership, of gen-
about the same time, IDEALISM RALKEb nine cooperation.
I will suggest how we might-I say "might" Our idealism is trust'rated, too. The "third As such, they will often seem more arduous
adviseill- get _ to some of our goals in the world" of post colonial states seems to have and more tedious than the old pursuits, for
world,,, much less staTSllity and staying .power than it is easier to command than to persuade.
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How do we apply a new sense of partner-
ship and cooperation to the dilemmas of our
time? In Europe, we have to help defend
against renewed Soviet pressure westward.
Equally, we have to remove the grievance
of a divided Germany which obstructs gen-
uine peace in central Europe. And to com-
pound the problem to defend the West we
must take a hard line with Russia.
But our only hope of reunifying Germany
peacefully is with Russian good will. I do not
believe a divided, splintered, nationalist Eu-
rope cut off from America can accomplish this
complicated balance.
Either its divisions will enfeeble it mili-
tarily or a resurgence of German nationalism
will postpone possible reconciliation with the
West.
TIES WITH SOVIET
Our best policy Is, I think, on the one hand,
to keep our defense commitment to Europe
unequivocal and to explore all reasonable
ways of transferring greater responsibility to
them-by joint planning, by joint purchas-
ing, by joint burden sharing, by our readi-
nees to consider any pattern of cooperation
that Europeans care to suggest.
And if at some future time they move to
political union, then clearly the question of
nuclear responsibility will have to be recon-
sidered.
But at the same time, let us seek all pos-
sible ways, together with our European allies,
to increase peaceful and profitable contacts
with Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.
There were small signs not long ago of a
modest thaw in the dead winter of the old
cold war.
We should be ready for all such signs-in
trade, in scientific research, in cultural ex-
changes, in tourism-inanything, in short,
that opens the two systems to each other,
that substitutes knowledge and reality for
myths and fear.
Just the other day, President Johnson said
directly to the Soviet people, "There is no
American interest in conflict with the Soviet
people anywhere."
Had I been talking with you even a year
ago, I would not have been more optimistic
about these possibilities.
Today the drama in southeast Asia and the
dilemmas faced by Russia in its relations
with its stubborn, dogmatic Chinese asso-
ciate have shrouded all hopes of yesterday.
But the aim is not at fault-to prove that
we at least want to end this tragic breach
in human society, want to overcome the
barriers that unnaturally divide an ancient
continent and culture, want to explore with
our fellow citizens of a threatened world the
dilemmas and possibilities of a stable peace.
THAILAND IN SHADOW
In Asia, too, I do not believe our aims are
false. The right we seek to defend is the
right of people, be it in Korea or South Viet-
nam, not to have their future decided by
violence.
I do not believe this right can be secured
by retreat. Retreat leads to retreat, just as
aggression leads to aggression in this still
primitive international community.
Already an active apparatus of subversion
has begun its work in Thailand, and it is
only a few years since Malayans beat down
a long and murderous attempt to impose
communism by force.
The Tibetans were not so fortunate, and
the Indians have found in the neighborhood
of 800 million Chinese hardly a guarantee of
peace and security.
So the aim of reinforcing the right of peo-
ples large and small to determine their own
destiny does not seem one that we dare al-
low to .go by default.
The old, old principle that powerful neigh-
bors, for reasons of power alone, must pre-
vail never gained the world peace in the
past. I question Whether it will do so even
in a nuclear age.
But if you ask me whether the test of de-
fending and upholding this right should be
the responsibility of any one power, par-
ticularly of a. large, white Western power
whose past behavior in its own hemisphere
has not, shall we say, been wholly without
Imperial overtones, then I say emphatically,
"No."
Let us be quite clear about this, The
United States has no desire to dominate. We
have no delusion of omnipotence or
omniscience.
We do not cheat ourselves with the purple
rhetoric of "manifest destiny." We do not
see ourselves as self-appointed gendarmes of
this very troubled world. And we do not
rely on muscle instead of diplomacy.
UNITED EFrORT GOAL
But although we are not even a direct
party to most of the world's disputes, we
have had to take a disproportionate share
of the burden because the international
community is not prepared already to do
so, or to do so fast and far enough in a
given crisis.
In South Vietnam, the task of upholding
the principle of self-determination and popu-
lar sovereignty is ours in part by the chances
of history, but in part by default.
We should use every persuasion, every In-
strument available to put responsibility
where it belongs-in the international com-
munity, with international guarantees and
policing, and In a long-term settlement rest-
ing not only on our own arms but in the
will and authority of the United Nations.
This is what we seek.
That the Communists have rejected every
overture from every quarter-more than
13-for negotiations without preconditions,
does not alter our aim to stop the fighting,
to create the international machinery to
safeguard the people's right to peaceful
choice, and to underpin the whole post-
colonial settlement. .
Only the right of self-determination
brought it into being. Only that right can
properly be enforced to defend it now.
So I am suggesting that our role is not
absolute responsibility. Rather, it is to seek
patiently, yes, and modestly, to persuade our
fellow nations to take on the indispensable
tasks of peace and law.
CONSISTENCY A MUST
And if we want the new nations to recog-
nize the reality of the threat to self-deter-
mination in southeast Asia, for example, we
must be ready to recognize the reality to
them, for example, of the threat of a con-
tinued colonialism in southern Africa.
We can hardly proclaim the duty to safe-
guard the right of free choice in the Carib-
bean and deny its validity on the other side
of the Atlantic.
The credibility of our posture rests on its
consistency.
Safeguards for the right of choice, like
safeguards for peace itsef, must depend
ultimately on multilateral foundations and
the concepts of collective security enshrined
in the United Nations Charter.
At a time when peace is so precarious, it is
shameful that the great peacekeeping in-
stitution must beg for the means of keeping
the peace.
But I believe its financial troubles may
soon be over. It has been on a sickbed long
enough.
But it is not a deathbed. It is suffering
not from death pangs but from growing
pains.
The simple truth is that as long as the
world is in crisis, the United Nations will be
in crisis. That is what it's there for. As
long as there is global tension, there'll be
tension at a global headquarters.
When it ceases to reflect the troubles of
the world, then you can start worrying about
its demise.
But external pressure is not the only threat
to self-determination. Of the United Na-
tions' 114 members, perhaps two-thirds are
vulnerable and unstable, not because of
greatpower ambitions and rivalries.
TASK IS FOR MANY
The instability springs from the growing
gap between their aspirations and the hard
economic reality of making their way in the
postcolonial world.
The fact that sugar prices fell by half last
winter is not unconnected with the crisis in,
the Dominican Republic.
Nor has the stability in Latin America been
reinforced by a 10-year decline in primary
prices that wiped out the effect of all incom-
ing capital, public or private.
These are roots of disorder exploited by ex-
ternal subversion. To suppose that our
world can continue half-affluent and half-
desperate is to assume a patience on the part
of the needy for which, to put it mildly, his-
tory gives us no warrant at all.
But like peacekeeping, this vast global,
task is not a task for one nation acting singly.
The developed nations together must re-
dress the Imbalance.
While America can give-and has given-a,
modest lead, we have to accept once again
the patient, modest, unsensational path of
consulting and persuading.
The developing nations have started to act
together in the framework of the United Na-
tions Trade and Development Conference.
The developed nations probably also should
be internationalized more and more by work-
ing in and through the United Nations group,.
JOINT ACTION BEST
If only one government is giving a country
aid, it easily comes to play too persuasive a
part in the local scene. Suspicions of neo-?
colonialism arise. Issues of prestige and pa-
ternalism and dependence begin to obtrude.
The answer to these dilemmas is once again
the way of consultation and joint action to
bring a sizable part of the needed flow of
capital under international bodies in which
donors and recipients can work out their
problems together.
No doubt much of this seems more difficult
than the role of direct benefaction.
But our readiness to act not as a bene-
factor but as partner could lead to Increasing
respect, closer understanding, a sense of
community and perhaps, at last, enough con-
fidence to dissipate the myth of neocolonial-
ism and to erase the memories of earlier
servitude and humiliation.
In short, what I believe we should speak
in this new age of more limited power but
still unlimited challenge is not so much new
policies as a new emphasis, a new tone.
We should be readier to listen than to
instruct-that curiosity which is the begin-
ning of wisdom. It will take a greater effort
of imagination for us to see the world through
others' eyes, to judge our policies as they
impinge on others' interests.
A SECURE LOYALTY
For what we intend today is to extend to
the whole society of man- the techniques, the
methods, the habits-if you will, the cour-
tesies-upon which our own sense of citizen..
ship is based.
In our free society we ask that citizens par-
ticipate as equals. We accept their views and
interests as significant. We struggle for un-
enforced consensus. We tolerate conflict and
accept dissent.
But we believe that because each citizen
knows he is valued and has his chance to
comment and influence, nis final loyalty to
the social order will be more deeply rooted
and secure.
But asheirs to the tradition of free gov-
ernment, what else can we do? Our founders
had the audacity to proclaim their Ideals self-
evident for all mankind. We can hardly be
less bold when all mankind is nolonger an
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 June 23, 1 5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 14041
abstraction but a political fact in the United (Unanimously approved at a regular busi- goals. They became the visible symbols of
Nations, a physical fact for the circling astro- Ness meeting of the Champlain-Rouses Point ideals and of the loyalty to these ideals and,
nautt. Jaycees on June I0, 1965.) because of such Ideals, flags, banners, be-
Nor would we despair. The, art of open ARTxva J.,BYLow, came items of inspiration and exaltation,
govern llYe It has grown from its seeds in the - President, symbols of dedication and of constant re-
tiny city-states of Greece to become the dedication. They became-in the words of
political mode of half the world, , tho Psalmist-banners which can be, and
So let is dream of a world in which all OUR FLAG IS A SYMBOL"-AD- often are, set up in the name of the Lord
states, great and small, work together for the DRESS BX RABBI Al RAHAM . J, and, accordingly, offer persistent and con-
peaceful flowering of the republic of man. FELDMAN.
stant challenges which may come to all of
us to remember the ideals and, in the words
Mr. RIBICOFF. .Mr. President, June of someone, "Whenever you are tempted to
CONSTITUTION DAY AT, LOUIS- 14, 1965, marked the 188th anniversary anything mean, anything unworthy, look on
VILLE, OHIO of o`r` Nation's flag. that flag and fort ar."
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, Ohio's Patriotism and pride inspired the de- So-on this 188th birthday of our Nation's
"constitution town," Louisville, has sign of this banner-just as patriotism flag what does the flag mean to you and
adopted its own flag, which will be dedi- and pride inspired the design of this me?
great Nation. It seems to me, that our flag: (a) speaks
cated during the annual constitution to us of memories; (b) it offers a challenge;
day observances this coming September. The American flag symbolizes mean- (c) it holds out a hope and a promise.
The flag was designed by Mrs. Olga T. ingful memories and bold ideals. It rep- (A) Our flag evokes memories: It reminds
Weber, and has been approved by the resents a way of life, and offers us a us of the beginning of our Nation "con-
city council. world of challenges. The flag symbolizes ceived In liberty and dedicated to the prop-
national responsibility and achievement osition that all men are created equal." It
I Join her many friends in extending for our country today. reminds us of men who had a vision of a
to Mrs' Weber commendations for her Dr. Abraham J. Feldman, Rabbi of the country established on justice, founded on
untiring efforts in connection with the the principle of the inalienable dignity of
observance of constitution day, and for Congregation Beth Israel, in West Hart- all human personalities, dedicated to the
gaining recognition for her community. ford, Conn., expressed these sentiments freedom of men to live and dream, to speak
with eloquence and feeling in a recent and read and write, to assemble and to peti-
speech. tion, to vote and to dissent, to worship God,
ENDORSEMENT VETERANS' I ask unanimous consent that the ad- each in accordance with his own convictions,
O M - dress by this outstanding spiritual lead- to Participate in all the multifarious activ-
leader, delivered on June 13, over sta- Ities of life in our republic in accordance with
PITAL, TtIPPER LAKE, N.Y. our own choice, our own capacity, and with
tion WTIC-TV, in Hartford, be printed
14r. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask in the RECORD. due regard for the identical rights others.
unanimous consent to have printed in Our flag reminds us of the beginnings of a
the RECORD a resolution, unanimously There being no objection, the address great and noble experiment in representa-
the R CO regular meeting m shy was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, tive democracy among a people, our people,
approved a
of the as follows: which is diverse in origin, diverse in re-
Champlain-Rouses Point Junior o SETTING UP OUR BANNERS ligion, diverse in historic background, trad-
ber of Commerce, favoring continuance Ition, and heritage, and yet, a people united
of the Sunmount Veterans, Hospital (A Flag Day address over WTIC-TV (chan- in will and purpose and in determination to
with its present staff, budget, and facill- nel 3), Hartford, Conn., by Rabbi Abraham have this experiment succeed.
ties, at Tupper Lake, N.Y. J. Feldman, D. D., June 13, 1965) (B) Our flag offers us a challenge. As we
There being no objection, the resolu- Ladies and gentlemen, tomorrow, we should proceed from the consideration of our na-
tion was ordered to be printed in the, celebrating Flag Day in commemoration tional beginnings to the evaluation of our
, of that June 14, in the year 1777, when the history since then, we must be thrilled by
RECORD, as follows: Stars and Stripes was adopted as our coun- the realization that the experiment which
Cxanrrr,AIrr-R,gvsES POINT JAygEES, try's national banner. With relatively minor European lands scoffed at, and scorned, has
Rouses Point, N.Y., June 10, 1965. changes, it has remained our national, flag succeeded beyond the most daring dreams
Whereas the Champlain-Rouses Point for these 188 years. This Is a relatively of the founders. As at the beginning-we
Jaycees are young men of action that are short time as history goes but our flag is one stand today as a Nation which dares to be-
dedicated to the development of the com- of the oldest, perhaps the oldest amongst lieve In the reality and validity of an ideal;
munitles of Champlain and Rouses Point as the national flags in the world today. a Nation retaining its faith in God, yes, and
well as the northeastern area of New York the custom of using some kind of a ban- its faith In man; a Nation committed to
State; and ner, or standard, or ensign, as a means of liberty, to justice for all within its own
Whereas Tupper Lake, home of Sunmount identification for royalty, or a nation, or borders; a people united while scorning regi-
Hospital, Is located in the same geographical armies, or individual units of .armies, or mentation; a people strong because of the
area as Champlain and Rouses Point; and navies, or even religious institutions-Is as massedstrength and democratic discipline of
Whereas there are 70,000 veterans in the old as civilization and, in most cases, Its constituent parts.
northeastern-part of New York State in 10 such banners "were associated in the minds We were the only bulwark of democracy
upstate counties; and of men with feelings of awe and devotion." then. Even now, we are a citadel of demo-
Whereas there is a veterans' hospital em- The Bible has numerous references to the cratic freedom in a world in which con-
ploying over 400 people or about 45 percent existence and use of banners and flags. For tempt for liberty, and scorn, and mockery,
of the Tupper Lake work force which earns Instance, in the Book of Numbers (2:2), we and oppression are abundant and militant.
about $3 million annually; and read: "Every man of the children of Israel Our flag Is a symbol, the visible beauteous
Whereas this hospital has maintained such shall pitch by his own standard, with the symbol of our past glory and of our present
a high ratio of patients being returned to ensign of their father's house." In Psalm 50, commitment. It is a symbol, too, of the
their homes and businesses rather than being we read: "Thou halt given a banner to them heroism, the sacrifice, of American men and
turned into nursing homes; and that fear Thee that it may be displayed women in every part of the world, for the
Whereas an undue hardship would be * * ? " In Song of Songs (6:10), we read: preservation of what we proudly call "the
placed on relatives visiting these injured or "Who Is he that looketh forth as the dawn, American way of life," against every threat
sick veterans If they were transferred to Al- fair as the moon, clear as the sun, terrible wherever and by whomsoever offered; a sym-
bany or Syracuse; and as an army with banners?" And in psalm bol of the faith of American men and women
Whereas the only patients and outpatients 20, we find the statement: "We will shout backed by our substance and by our lives,
to be treated at Government expense would for joy over thy victory and in the name of faith in the validity of our way of life and
be service injured veterans, nonservice- in- our God we will set up our banners." And, faith in its enduring rightness. And as
jured veterans would not be treated unless there are other such mentions in the Bible. such a symbol, our flag challenges us who
they traveled to Albany or Syracuse at their These banners, or flags, in time required are the heirs of yesterday's valor and prom-
own expense: Now, therefore, be.it a significance greater than that of their being Ise and the witnesses of, and participants in
Resolved this 10th day of June 1965, That identification marks of an individual, or a today's efforts, to be worthy of our heritage
the Champlain-Rouses Point Jaycees are In company, or a tribe or nation. Banners be- and strength, and vigilant In its preserva-
favor of.ithe Continuance of the Sunmount came symbols, reminders of higher spiritual tion.
Yeti n Iig6pital with its, present staff, values. They were not only symbols of royal - (C) This challenge we accept. And as we
budget, and facilities, in Tupper Lake, N.Y. prerogatives, of armed forces or of military accept the challenge which the billowing
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 14042
Approved CONGRESSIONAL /RECORD D SENATE6R000300180dune 23, 1965
folds of the Star-Spangled Banner offer
us, this standard becomes also the symbol
of a hope and the assurance of a promise.
The hope is for the perpetuity of freedom in
our land and its preservation inviolate. The
promise is for today and tomorrow that our
unity, that our liberty, that justice and
brotherhood, that amity and cooperation,
will continue to be controlling and govern-
ing factors in our living together.
Ladies and gentlemen, this is what Flag
Day in 1965 should mean to us, and how
necessary and timely this is. Within our
land there are conflicts which threaten our
heritage and which endanger the survival of
the ideal of which the flag is our noble sym-
bol. Too many in American life today look
upon this banner and display it in public
procession who are completely unmindful
of what the flag should remind us. And
overseas, in all the corners of this earth,
there . are those who are actively, belliger-
ently, maliciously, tearing down and tram-
pling upon this, to us, sacred ensign in a
concerted effort to "black out" the light and
the promise which our flag represents.
I say to you, my fellow Americans, in the
words found in our Bible, "In the name of
our God," the God of history, the God of
holiness, the God of the spirits of all flesh;
in the name of God in whose spiritual like-
ness all men have been created; in the name
of the God of righteousness, the God of
justice and of mercy; "in the name of our
God, let us set up our banner." By the
memories which it evokes, by the challenge
which It offers, by the hope and promise
Which it holds out to us, let as consciously,
responsibly, honestly, rededicate ourselves
and our communities to the end that the
American people may find itself standing
and marching in the days ahead as in days
of yore, ranks closed, souls enkindled, so
that the lights of faith and of freedom may
continue to burn undimmed, on this con-
tinent and, perchance, God willing it, we
may be privileged not only to keep the lights
bright in our own midst but to help our
brothers all over the world to keep them
burning.
Unfurl this banner then, ladies and gen-
tlemen; unfurl it to the breeze. Stand rev-
erently before it. Salute it with hands,
salute it with love, salute it with renewed
devotion. Let us be reminded that this flag
is the symbol of our idealism and commit-
ment. Let it become also, the meaningful
symbol of our loyalty and of our pledge of
sacrificial devotion.
This is our flag, my fellow countrymen.
"In the name of God, let us set up our
banner."
A 3-year-old little girl, I read somewhere
recently, found an American flag tucked
away somewhere in her home. She pulled it
out and brought it over to her parents in the
living room and asked, "What is it?" Be-
fore the parents could answer, the child's
5-year-old sister, a kindergartener, said:
"That's our country's flag. You hang it up
and salute it to show that you like living
here."
I can't improve upon this child's answer.
Can you?
ANTIDUMPING ACT AMENDMENTS
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, as the
principal cosponsor, with Senator HARTKE
and other Senators, of the 1965 Anti-
dumping Act amendment (S. 2045), it
is gratifying to see the broad bipartisan
support which this sorely needed meas-
ure is receiving within Congress. Sen-
ate bill 2045 has been cosponsored by 32
Senators; and 94 Representatives have
introduced identical bills.
:i hope this Congress will have an op-
portunity to focus its attention on Sen-
ate bill 2045 in an atmosphere free of
the old "protectionist versus freetrader"
cliches to which all of us have been con-
ditioned, and which I have no doubt,
will be bandied about again. Let us,
instead, cut through to the problems in-
volved in the operation of the U.S. Anti-
dumping Act, and weigh the merits of the
solutions proposed, without the emo-
tional fanfare which only beclouds the
issues. I urge Senators who have not
yet done so to indicate their support of
action on this moderate and constructive
amendment to make ours a fair, effec-
tive Antidumping Act.
It has been most encouraging to note
the frank remarks of Eliot Janeway, pub-
lished in his syndicated column, "As
Janeway Views It," of June 14. I rec-
ommend the article as one which loosens
the shackles on some of the thinking
that has long accompanied any attempt
to explore the realities of our trade poli-
cies; and I ask unanimous consent that
the article be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Chicago Tribune, June 14, 19651
ANTIDUMPING BILL GETS SOLID SUPPORT
(By Eliot Janeway, consulting economist,
Chicago Tribune press service)
NEW YORK, June 13.--Ever since Alf Landon
said, "Politics end at the water's edge," bi-
partisanship has been standard operating
procedure when our military security has
been. threatened. Now that the main battle-
field of the cold war has moved to the mar-
ketplace, bipartisanship also is the order of
the day when our economic security is
threatened.
Happily, a strong and representative bi-
partisan movement has started in Congress
which aims to update our thinking and our
procedures in order to meet this threat on
our critical front and neutralize it. Despite
all the changes in our foreign trade since the
end of World War I, despite the thorough-
going internationalization of our economic
relationships, the Antidumping Act on the
books today is the one that was put there
back in 1921.
Senator VANCE HARTKE, Democrat, of Indi-
ana, has introduced a bill not merely to
amend the 1921 act, but to modernize it.
Senator HUGH SCOTT, Republican, of Penn-
sylvania, has joined him as the new bill's
principal cosponsor. The bill's support is as
powerful as its two principal sponsors. The
list of signatories from both parties, in both
Houses, leaves no doubt that the new Hartke-
Scott approach expresses the sense of Con-
gress.
On the Republican side, liberal Senator
THOMAS KUCHEL, of California, conservative
Senator JOHN TowEa, of Texas, and middle-
of-the-road Senator THRUSTON MORTON, Of
Kentucky, support it. The Democrat en-
dorsements reflect the same broad consen-
sus, ranging from Senator FRANK LAUSCIIE,
of Ohio, who often is to the right of the
administration, to Senator JosEPH CLARK, of
Pennsylvania, who often is to the left of the
administration, to Senator EUGENE Me-
CARTHY, of Minnesota, who often speaks for
the administration. Support throughout
the House is comparably powerful.
PURPOSE OF HILL
The purpose of the new bill, as Senator
HARTKE defined it, is "to assure a price
floor on imports, tied not to U.S. prices,
but to their own home market prices * *
If the foreign supplier sells his product
cheaper to the United States than in his
own home market or to third coun-
tries * * * special dumping duty is deter-
mined by the Treasury which in effect brings
the price to the United States back up to
the foreign price level."
Senator SCOTT went to the heart of our
need for updating our trade defenses when
he explained that we do not need anti-
dumping legislation "to prevent foreign
manufacturers from selling in the United
States at prices below those charged by
domestic producers. Manufacturers in this
country have never feared legitimate com-
petition. The act does seek to curb, how-
ever, injury to U.S. industry from a foreign
supplier dumping his product into this
market at a price below what he charges
in his own home market."
There is much food for thought here, and
a compelling invitation to unfreeze old atti-
tudes, to outgrow taboos, to put sacred cows
out to pasture, to recognize new competitive
challenges, and to improvise new techniques
for meeting them. For instance, the restora-
tion of price cuts by U.S. industries which
have been hit by dumping has been taken
as a pretext for antitrust suits. The bill
would stop such harassment. It invites a
hard new look at all our antitrust taboos
in the light of our international economic
involvements.
GATT A SACRED COW
Then there is the sacred cow we make of
the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
Our naivete has made us a laughingstock
in the GATT countries. As Senator HARTKE
invites us to discover, all the GATT coun-
tries reserve the right to have antidumping
laws against their free trade partners. Italy
finds that her babies do not like the state
of French bottle nipples, and the French find
that the sound of foreign automobile horns
grate on their nerves.
The non-Communist world is suffering
from a liquidity crisis, which our new pay-
ments surplus is intensifying. A new dump-
ing drive to get dollars at any cost is in the
making. The Hartke-Scott bill is well timed.
If, in addition, it needles our Government
into ferreting out the sweetheart contracts
made with the Soviet bloc by countries hav-
ing the run of U.S.-markets, it will put us
in position to trade as hard with our friends
as our enemies are.
THE VENDING MACHINE INDUSTRY
AND THE SHORTAGE OF COINS
Mr. BIBLE. Mr. President, on May
25, I introduced Senate bill 2036, which,
if passed by Congress and approved by
the administration, will, in my opinion,
stop much of the speculation and hoard-
ing of our coins. I reintroduced this bill
in early June, with additional cosponsors.
I have always held that we had suffi-
cient coins with which to meet our needs
within commerce and trade, and that the
present shortage is an artificial one, cre-
ated, not by a lack of coinage, but by
hoarders and speculators.
Now the Treasury staff report and
statements from responsible Senators
have pointed out the need to accommo-
date the vending machine industry with
a coin which would operate in its ma-
chines without requiring expensive
changes. All have been sympathetic in
regard to this problem, for we realize
this is a billion-dollar industry.
Nevertheless, since this great amount
of cooperation has been extended, I think
it appropriate that the vending machine
industry take a close look at some of its
operators, who are literally rolling in
coins. This is evident from advertise-
ments offering all types of coins-rolls,
bags, and so forth-for sale to the pub-
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 June 23, 196-proved For 8gjlpA_L ky67BfR300180021-7
It is time then for reflection. In this pe-
riod, of hiatus between school and your next
occupation, your thoughts turn naturally to
what the future holds. We are children of a
society that bids us press on. But we are
children too of our past, and it is the past
that I would direct your attention this after-
noon.
You may well say I have lived my past, I
know it better than you, it is over and done,
what of worth is there in. such a review?
Your past has been a full and hurried one,
your eye fixed on the goal you are now
achieving. In your headlong pursuit of the
goal, perhaps, you have never really seen or
appreciated the route you traversed.
You came to D'Youville, a select group,
having met certain standards of scholastic
achievement and character. You were wel-
comed to this institution as a creature of
God, able to reason and to choose between
the alternatives life 'presents.
In this-you differed from the new breed.
The noun of this rude term implies some-
thing less than a hilman being. Breed is
defined as a type or variety of animal or
plant. You were considered to be somewhat
different and higher than a plant or an
animal. The breeding of animals and plants
is done with cold calculation, impersonally,
with regard to the parent stock as being of
importance only as transmitters of the
genes and chromosomes to the new breed.
Those who, _ proclaim themselves the new
breed are very conscious of the nonhuman
treatment which has produced them. On
campus after campus, the charge is raised
that our education is impersonal; there are
too many of us; we are only numbers; the
school is too big, alma mater is an educa-
tion factory, the teachers don't care, the
administration is a computer.
Having enrolled at this college, you began
a course of studies, designed for the stimu-
lation and enlargement of your intellectual
capacities.
Is this a trite and obvious statement?
Not to those who hold that education is
only 'a cumulative string of experiences,
situations or responses. It is a trite and
obvious statement to you because your
course of studies `has a philosophical bed-
rock, it has striven to give you a unifying
comprehension of man in relation to him-
self, his neighbor, creation and the Creator.
The philosophy of education which ani-
mated your course of studies is not some
novelty of yesterday, hailed as a great step
forward in the morning, discarded and for-
gotten by night fall. You are the inheritor
of the universities of the middle ages: the
gowns you wear as seniors are not some
archaic memento of a dead past but a vital
reminder that the philosophy of education
which your college presented to you is in
continuing line with the educational system
and philosophy which had its first flowering
five centuries before Columbus set sail for
this new world.
The statistics and the record show that
D'Youville is a small college some half a
century old. As far as the spirit which
molded your faculty is concerned, D'You-
ville is truly a part of the largest educa-
tional system in the world and the oldest.
The new breed is not impressed with vener-
able antiquity and broad concepts. ' If you
have no tradition nor history, it is impossible
to learn from the lessons of the past. If
you view the world as a terrifying jungle
having no"begixining before your birth, no
'continuity after your death and no broader
aeppe than your own experience-like some
of the new. breed-you do well'to withdraw
from life, to seek: whatever sensory pleasure
may be wrested from the moment, to barri-
cade the rest of mankind from your pad.
Your faculty is a teaching faculty, a faculty
trained and imbued in scholasticism, still the
most widely accepted philosophy -in exist-
ence. In this you have been more fortunate
than the new breed who cry out bitterly
that their teachers do not teach and that
instruction is left to a mechanical device' or
to an instructor little more mature than their
own immature selves. If you are a spokes-
man for the new breed and a graduate stu-
dent-as so many of them seem to be-it
buttresses confusion to have a fellow grad-
uate student drawing, on the same lack of
experience as oneself as he seeks to illumine
inner relationships.
D'Youville is a woman's college, and as
the years go on-as the facts are forgotten
or changed, as the methods are updated, the
formulas forgotten, the answers no longer
recalled-even when you have forgotten our
greatest president, you will find increasingly
useful the social graces your college sought
.to impart. D'Youville is not ashamed to
state as one of her objectives that she seeks
to train young ladies.
You brought to this college the natural
qualities of girls. Among them, need for
loveliness and a desire to create it, a longing
for poise and assurance, untapped reservoirs
of charm, of understanding, of sympathy and
tenderness. Your college has not hesitated
to teach you posture as well as physics, a
gentlewoman's acquaintance with the crea-
tive and performing arts. You have been ex-
posed to teas, socials, mixers, dances, and
summonses when you failed in the social
amenities. You came here girls, you leave
here young women, articulate and poised,
your natural feminine qualities refined and
polished.
In this you are most obviously not the new
breed. That some of your contemporaries
are called the new breed and not the new
breeds is indeed the correct tag. They are
one breed, even physically indistinguishable:
all have long hair and wear trousers and
since they do not practice godliness they
seem to feel no need for the virtue so closely
allied to it. The new breed is distinguished
by sloppy dress, manners and thought. The
inarticulate mumble and utter lack of the
common courtesies are their hallmark. You
were trained to the graces which make life
gracious. All training is irksome. The re-
sult in you will be lifelong gratitude that
you not only know when to wear gloves but
will be invited back to places where they are
required.
Most important of all you have been given
a God-centered way of life. No matter what
storms may buffet you, what disappoint-
ments may befall you, what tragedies strike
at you, the faith you brought with you has
been strengthened, deepened, raised to an
adult level. Life, for you, is no trackless
waste. The eternal guideposts have been
pointed out to you, their directions clarified,
your own rsponsibilities fixed. You know
you follow your individual journeys with a
mature and comprehending faith. Your re-
ligious education and training have been an
integral part of your college years. Woven
into your very being is not alone the formal
instruction you have received, but your per-
sonal encounters in the confessional, and the
chapel, and the dedicated example of your
faculty and fellow students. Your college
proposed to mould your character, and it is
in this that perhaps you differ most from the
new breed.
Religious illiteracy does mark the new
breed. A transient concern for this or that
social problem may move the new breed to
picket or sit-in. Except for the few politi-
cals among them, the enthusiasm of the
new breed for social betterment have no more
foundation and will have no more results
than a breeze which ripples the water
briefly then passes on leaving no trace. I
have been a practioner of social justice all
my adult life-from my own experience I
know that changes-the many changes we
desperately need to build here the new
Jerusalem. These changes are accomplished
only by dogged, persevering hard work, pur-
A3287
sued year in and year out, without the glare
of publicity, with no reward but the 'spiritual
one.
Emotional speeches, publicity grabbing
devices, revolutions in coffee houses, the
excitement of the police court, may make
the new breed feel they are changing the
face of society, but history teaches the hard
lesson that without the moral training the
divine objective, which assures persever-
ance, self-professed social reformers are an
unmitigated nuisance. Pink colleges turn
out yellow kids. They break and run, desert
in the face of the enemy because once the
emotion of the moment passes there is no
substance to strengthen them against active
hatred, cold indifference, venality, discour-
agement and delay.
We have spoken of your nature, as crea-
tures of God and as women, we have spoken
of your college which has trained you in-
tellectually and morally in the oldest tra-
dition, we have not spoken of your futures.
Dr. Horgan will undoubtedly do that on Sun-
day. We have reminded you of your pasts.
Mother D'Youville has built upon nature to
make you not a new breeed but another of
the traditional classes of Catholic young
women which is the reason for being of your
school.
When the term "new breed" has -fallen
into the limbo, you will bear reverently,
proudly and gracefully the honored designa-
tion "D'Youville graduate." It is our hope
that as the years go on, your appreciation
of what you have received will match the
love with which it was given unto you.
Selling the Nation on Beauty
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES H. SCHEUER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. SCHEUER. Mr. Speaker, the First
Lady of this country, Mrs. Lyndon John-
son, has undertaken an important cam-
paign of beautification of Washington,
which we hope will set an example for
the Nation. I take pride in bringing to
your attention an article which ap-
peared in the New yo 30 Journal-Amer-
ican ican on Sunday,
Montgomery.
It underlines the excellent job that
Mrs. Johnson is doing, and also indi-
cates the support which she is getting
from my fellow New Yorker, Mrs. Mary
Lasker, who has done so much to help
beautify New York City:
[From the New York Journal-American,
May 30, 19651
SELLING THE NATION ON BEAuTY
(By Ruth Montgomery)
WASHINGTON.-If a woman is ever elected
President of the United States, the Nation's
chief loss may be a First Lady. Few projects
in modern times have more captivated Amer-
icans than those launched by the two most
recent presidential wives: Jacqueline Ken-
nedy's White House restoration, and Lady
Bird Johnson's beautification drive.
White House mailbags are currently inun-
dated with letters praising Lady Bird for her
program to beautify the Nation's Capital, and
telling how her example is inspiring similar
projects in their hometowns.
Because the First Lady is generally credited
with putting beautification into President
Johnson's state of the Union message, I in-
quired how she came to interest herself in
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a project which has touched off such instan-
taneous reaction throughout the land. This
is her reply:
"My Interest In beauty dates way, way
back to my girlhood. Some of the most
memorable hours I've ever spent have been
in the out-of-doors, communing with na-
ture and reveling In the scenic beauty which
abounds. These have been my happiest and
most pleasant times."
With typical modesty, she added: "I don't
know how much influence I had on putting
beautification' Into the state of the Union
message, because I made no direct sugges-
tions, but I do know that the President has
heard me talk-talk-talking about beauty and
nature for a very long time."
Mrs. Johnson conceded that the electrify-
ing campaign to beautify the Capital was her
own brainchild:
"After the state of the Union message, I
decided to select certain projects in which
I felt that I could be of the most use in
furthering Lyndon's programs. I picked
beautification and the war on.poverty as two
fields where I might have something to
contribute."
Lady Bird asked Mary Lasker and Laurance
Rockefeller to recommend names of those
whose abilities would be most helpful.
Twenty-five were then invited to the White
House, and formed themselves Into a per-
manent committee to beautify Washington.
At the second meeting, on March 9, Lady
Bird really had things rolling. She loaded
the committee into minibuses for four stops
at busy intersections and housing projects,
where she helped plant pansies and azaleas.
As soon as fellow countrymen realized that
the First Lady meant business, donations
poured in so rapidly that the committee
had to incorporate in order to handle the
funds. Mary Lasker, Mrs. Milo Perkins, and
the city of.- Norfolk donated thousands of
dollars worth of azaleas. Mrs. Lasker also
gave dogwoods for the banks of the Potomac
River near Key Bridge. Mrs. Vincent Astor
sent $10,000, and Laurance Rockefeller gave
$100,000.
Seed companies and nurseries from as far
away as California and Pennsylvania sent
plants and blooming trees; local stores
magnificently landscaped two dreary school-
yards.
Senate wives, cheered on by Mrs. Johnson
and Second Lady Muriel Humphrey, began
pressuring their husbands to permit an
open-air restaurant on the west sundeck of
.the Capitol.
Jackie Kennedy will long be remembered
for beautifying the White House Interior and
Lady Bird Johnson's out-of-doors beautifica-
tion project is snowballing so rapidly that
her Imprint may be left on every hamlet
and highway in Am-erica. A
The Crisis in Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN A. RACE
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. RACE. Mr. Speaker:
In the eyes of all Asia and most of the
world, the U.S. commitment to aid the Viet-
namese is complete. Any indecision, any
withdrawal now, would be a major military
,and political defeat for the United States,
This is but one penetrating conclusion
by Gordon H. Cole, eminent edifor of the
Machinist, the highly acclaimed official
newspaper of the International Associa-
tion of Machinists and Aerospace Work-
ers, AFL-CIO. it
Mr. Cole has just returned from a
personal factflnding visit to South Viet-
nam. Highlights of his observations and
conclusions are contained in his report,
"Some Answers From Vietnam," pub-
lished in the Machinist issued today.
Mr. Speaker, I commend Mr. Cole for
his astute contribution to our national
need for understanding our involvement
in Vietnam. And, I commend his re-
port, "Some Answers From Vietnam,"
to the careful attention of my colleagues:
SOME ANSWERS FsOM VIETNAM
(By Gordon H. Cole)
What's going on in Vietnam? Why is the
United States involved so far from home?
Can the Communists be defeated in guerilla
warfare? Have the Vietnamese the will to
fight? Have they the courage? What will
it take to win this one? And how long?
Why don't we turn the whole mess over to
the United Nations?
These are some of the questions I asked in
Vietnam earlier this month when I flew there
at the invitation of the Department of De-
fense for a firsthand look at the action.
There, on the other side of the world, the
realities make the answers clearer.
Here Is what I found:
The conflict in Vietnam, in reality, is part
of the battle for southeast Asia. That land-
mass includes the Philippines, Vietnam,
Laos, and Cambodia, Thailand, Malaya, and
Indonesia. Altogether more than 200 million
people live in this disputed area-more than
the total population of the United States.
Beyond this, India and all Asia is watching
this test of the U.S. commitment. How
much help can they expect if they stand up
against the Chinese Communists?
Why do we care about these people who
live half way round the world? The flight
from 'Washington to Saigon is a reminder
that the world has grown smaller in the
past 25 years. In travel time, San Francisco
is as close to Saigon today as Washington
was to London in World War II.
SMALLER WORLD
In 1943, this reporter flew from Washington
to Prestwick, Scotland in an old C-54. We
-took the southern route with refueling and
repair stops at Bermuda and the Azores.
Elapsed time was 23 hours., Last month, a
Pan American 707 jet took 23 hours from
takeoff at San Francisco to touchdown at
Saigon. We arrived 14 minutes ahead of
schedule.
From Saigon today, a GI can phone home
for less than $8 for 3 minutes. Paris and
Rome were never so close, yet in 1940 we felt
that a totalitarian power in Europe threat-
ened our freedom at home.
When did the United States become com-
mitted to such a war? It began in 1947 and
1948 with President Truman's policy of con-
tainment of communism, a policy continued
by President Eisenhower who In 1954 prom-
ised to assist South Vietnam to remain free
and independent. That commitment has
grown as our Government encouraged the
South Vietnamese to resist Communist ag-
gression.
In the eyes of all Asia and most of the
world, the U.S. commitment to aid the Viet-
namese is complete. Any indecision, and
withdrawal now would be a major military
and political defeat for the United States.
U.S. COMMITMENT
More than 50,000 U.S. troops are In Viet-
nam in addition to hundreds of civilian em-
ployees of the U.S. operations mission (AID)
and the U.S. Information Service. There is
no easy way out. Either we stay until the
non-Communist Vietnamese can win or we
pick up and run.
The hope for negotiations have no basis
in the apparent realities in Vietnam. At
the moment, the Vietcong-the Vietnamese
Communist Party-is winning more battles
than it is losing. There is no incentive yet
for the North Vietnamese to negotiate a
cessation of hostilities unless we are prepared
to sign a surrender. They think they have
it won.
Passing the buck to the United Nations
seems impracticable. Neither North Vietnam
nor the Chinese Communist Governments
are members of the U.N. Neither have any
confidence in the U.N. as an impartial agency.
An International Control Commission al-
ready Is operating in Vietnam under the 1954
Geneva agreement. The ICC, as it is called,
is powerless. The Chinese Communists
promised to pay a share of its expenses, a
promise that has been ignored since 1961.
The South Vietnamese will tell you they
have enough problems without adding the
U.N. with its conflicting obligations.
The Vietnamese are willing to fight. I
talked with American officers and men who
have served.manymonths in combat as ad-
visers to the Army of the Republic of Viet-
nam. Without exception, they praised the
valor of the Vietnamese troops. Vietnamese
leadership is another matter. For 80 years,
the French ruled Vietnam, repressing and ex-
plointing Its people and controlling Viet-
namese political and economic activity.
They were not permitted to hold positions of
authority. Most military leaders developed
in the revolt against the French prior to 1954
stayed with the Communists.
Since the insurgency was renewed in 1959,
the Communists have conducted a systematic
campaign of assassination of local Viet-
namese political leaders. That campaign is
still in progress. As a result, the Vietnamese
are desperately hunting new leaders at every
level. There aren't many volunteers.
How strong are the Communists? Author-
Ities say that the Communists control- at
least 22 percent of the people of South Viet-
nam. About 28 percent are neutral, con-
cerned principally with personal survival,
paying lipservice to the government by day,
to the Communists by night.
They also pay taxes to both governments.
The Communists come out at night and al-
most everywhere except in the big cities they
collect taxes, recruit young men for their
army, and enforce their own law. Murder,
arson, or bombing is the penalty for those
who refuse to cooperate. The Government's
stronghold is Saigon; the Communists rule
most of the rural, areas.
The Communists are bold and skillful
fighters. They train carefully for every mis-
sion, whether it is to overrun a government
outpost or storm a-provincial capital. They
strike, kill, and disperse. They pick out a
single target; they pick their own time. The
defense must be everywhere all the time.
Counter insurgency, as the defense is
called, requires much larger forces. The
British succeeded is overciming a similar
problem in Malaya with a superiority of about
13 to 1. The present ratio in Vietnam is 3
to 1.
That's why the buildup of both United
States and Vietnamese forces continues.
Communist popularity, especially in the
rural areas, is partly a holdover from the long
struggle against the French which the Com-
munists led. Today the Communists hold
the peasants In many areas by dividing up
the big plantations. The peasants are told
that if the government everregains control
of the area, they will be arrested for stealing
land. So far, the Vietnamese Government
has developed no effective answer.
ROLE OF UNITED STATES
U.S. Military commanders in Vietnam
are quick to explain that the fighting
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there is not for territory, not for real estate,
but for the loyalty and confidence of the
people.
They talk about the social revolution in
Vietnam which they say is based on the real
needs of the people. They tell you this
revolution cannot be stopped, that it can be
directed. That is why the U.S. forces are
advising not only on military matters but
also providing help for farmers, medicine
for the sick, housing for the dispossessed.
It is the reason Our Government is encourag-
ing the organization of labor unions in Viet-
nam.
I came away from Vietnam proud of the
U.S. activity there. The war will be long
and often perplexing, but I am convinced
that it will eventually be won by and for. the
Vietnamese.
The Right To Be Different
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. E. C. GATHINGS
PIP ARKANSAS
IN THB HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. GATHINGS. Mr. Speaker, the
Forest City Daily Times Herald of June
16, 1965, carried a most enlightening
editorial entitled "The Right To Be Dif-
ferent." This article deals with what is
known as, the truth in packaging bill,
which has been sponsored by certain
Members of the Other, body. I agree
wholeheartedly with the Times Herald
in that the consuming public need not
be "taken by the hand" in connection
with purchasing goods from the store-
keeper's shelves. They are well able to
make those decisions without additional
Government directive.
The Times Herald article deals with a
new facet in connection with this pro-
gram, having to do with the woman's
right of freedom to be different-free-
dom of choice.
I recom;nend,this fine editorial to the
Members of the House.
Tfss RrGm To BE DIFFERENT
Senate committee hearings on the so-called
truth in packaging bill were enlivened by
the appearance of a group of women repre-
senting the perfume, lipstick, and cosmetic
industries--which, as just about any woman
will tell you, are very important industries
indeed. Their testimony was in opposition
to the proposed measure. Standardization
of cosmetics, one said, would "destroy a wom-
an's right to be different, her freedom to be
an individual," Another observed that "to
standardize packaging would be as cata-
strophic as to standardize women."
Such valid objections, of course, are not
confined to these particular products. All
manner of products would be subjected to
-broader and more arbitrary Government con-
trols. The cost of changing packages and
containers to. fit . new rules would be very
heavy, as representatives of the businesses
concerned have testified, and this, like all
other costs, would have to be paid by the ulti-
mate consumer. More important, in the long
run, is the adverse effect the bill could not
.,help but haveon,. the consumer's freedom of
Cht~ice~ .,.
Zz?sf~Tng ' laws, Federal, State, and local,
give Government abundant powers to pre-
vent and punish the comparative few who
misrepresent their products. Beyond that,
the consumer is her own best policeman-
it's a case of once bitten twice shy. And if
strengthening of the law is needed, this cer-
tainly can be done without destroying or
undermining so basic a freedom as that of
choice.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HENRY HELSTOSKI
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. HELSTOSKI. Mr. Speaker, in
this age of specialization, there is much
emphasis on education and a great deal
of discussion and effort on the part of
governmental agencies on methods to
improve our schools. I would ' like to
bring to the attention of this body the
efforts of a private individual from the
Ninth District who has done something
personally to improve education in his
own community.
I refer to the Honorable Benjamin
Casser, a mayor of Cresskill, N.J., who,
despite a lack of education, rose to be-
come a leading real estate owner and
philanthropist in the northern New Jer-
sey area.
His latest gesture on behalf of his
neighbors has been the establishment of
a fund to enable public school teachers
to study and travel abroad during the
summer months.
Under unanimous consent I place the
following article from the Hackensack,
N.J., Record, describing this generous
gesture in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
CASSER SETS UP FUND FOR TEACHER STUDY
CRESSKILL.-Former Mayor Benjamin Cas-
ser, a former stationery-store owner who rose
without a high-school education to become a
leading real estate owner and philanthropist
In northern New Jersey, has established a
fund that will permit local public school
teachers to travel and study abroad during
the summer months.
The first, beneficiary of the fund will be
Mrs. Harry Zimmerman, a world-history
teacher at the high school, who will study
this summer at Oxford University. Mrs.
Zimmerman, a New Milford resident, is
scheduled to take a 6-week course that will
delve into the history of England.
The fund, known as the Rose Lerner
Casser Grant, which is named after the
philanthropist's late first wife, will provide
the history teacher with $500. An additional
$100 is being provided by the board of
education.
"I anticipate that this will be an exciting
experience," said Mrs. Zimmerman, the
mother of two grown sons. "It won't be a
goof-off summer, it will be a working one."
The history teacher, who has taught at the
high school ever since it was built 4 years
ago, said that study abroad would provide
her with an opportunity to hear history
taught from a different point of view.
"I've learned British history from an
American perspective. But it would be
fascinating," she said, "to learn about the
American revolution from a British point of
view."
Mrs.. in errg4A _said,,t:]Iat . she, will .be
studying and living at Exeter College, one of
the dozen or more colleges at Oxford, about 1
hour by car from London. As one of 120
foreign students, she will have 10 hours of
lecture classes weekly with extensive semi-
nars and individual discussions with in-
A3289
structors. (Students are not permitted to
leave the campus, she said, except for two
scheduled weekends.)
Mrs. Zimmerman plans to travel through
England with her husband and one of her
sons before classes begin.
The teacher was selected for the grant by
a panel of teachers and residents, headed by
School Superintendent Dr. Robert Scott. The
panel was composed of two elementary
teachers, two high school teachers, a princi-
pal, a school trustee, and a parent.
Included as part of the grant are funds
for taking tape recordings of discussions with
fellow students.
Dr. Scott said that the recordings will be
placed at the disposal of teachers and com-
munity groups when Mrs. Zimmerman re-
turns in August. "She will also be available
to speak before parent groups and the school
teachers," he said.
The grant from Casser is one of several
that he has given to Cresskill schools. He
gave sizable contributions toward the estab-
lishment of the high school library.
A borough resident since 1916, Casser first
opened a stationery store on Union Avenue.
He latter went into the transportation field
and amassed large real estate holdings in
the Northern Valley area.
He is now president of Manhattan Transit
Co., in East Paterson and Westwood Transit
Co., in Little Ferry. He has contributed to
the Jewish Community Center in Englewood,
the United Jewish Appeal, and Englewood
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM T. MURPHY
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. MURPHY of Illinois. Mr. Speak-
er, having been a member of the special
study mission to southeast Asia, I know
we are all concerned about Vietnam
because the peace of the world is being
threatened by events taking_place there,
and it is fitting at this time to refer to
an editorial that appeared in the Chicago
Sun-Times on June 18, 1965, that merits
the attention of all the Members of Con-
gress, and for that reason I place it in the
Appendix of the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Chicago Sun-Times, June 18,
1965]
MIDDLE COURSE IN VIETNAM
Since 1961 the number of U.S. troops in
South Vietnam has been increased from
2,000 to the 75,000 announced on Wednes-
day by Defense Secretary McNamara.
McNamara's review of South Vietnam
made it plain that the U.S. policy is a grim
go-ahead with whatever measures are needed
to contain and throw back the Communist
aggression.
President Johnson has made it clear, as
did Presidents Kennedy and Eisenhower be-
fore him, why the United States is in South
Vietnam.
The United States responded to a call for
help from a free country under Communist
aggression. The whole purpose of the
United States is to halt that aggression.
The Communist, aims are equally clear.
More than 2_years ago North Vietnam Com-
munist leaders said that a "new type of war"
was being tested in South Vietnam; that the
Communists would prove that a powerful
nuclear nation could be defeated on the
ground. They also said that the South
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National Foundation on the Arts and the
Humanities
Vietnam war would be a model for Com-
munist movements in Latin America and
Africa to follow.
To abandon the effort in South Vietnam,
as some petition and demonstrate to do,
would be disastrous. It would open the
door to a succession of South Vietnams in
Latin America and other areas.
Nor is it necessary, as some extremists, ad-
vocate, to press for an unconditional sur-
render by North Vietnam. That invites in-
volvement in a major conflict on the land
mass of Asia, a prospect most military strat-
egists hold to be potentially disastrous. As
Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, Democrat, of
Arkansas, pointed out this week, our policy
should be one of determination to end the
war as soon as possible by means of negotia-
tion.
That means convincing the Communists
they cannot win and must negotiate a peace-
ful settlement. Such conviction will not be
easy to attain. It may take several years.
It will, by any measure, be costly.
The President should make this clear to
the Nation. The Communists should be
warned that the planned U.S. escalation in
South Vietnam is the expression of the single
policy of the United States: to oppose and
contain Communist aggression against free
nations no matter how costly.
U.S. Intervention in the Dominican
Republic
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. W. R. POAGE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. POAGE. Mr. Speaker, I include an
article which has quoted an excerpt from
an address by the President of the United
States, Lyndon B. Johnson, before the
graduating class of Baylor University:
[From the New York (N.Y.) News, May 29,
1965]
SPOKEN MOSTLY LIKE A TEXAN
Addressing Baylor University's graduating
class at Waco, Tex., yesterday, President
Johnson talked mainly, like the hardheaded,
realistic Texan we hope he will continue to
be as long as he is Chief Executive.
His principal subject was the Dominican
Republic and the U.S. armed intervention a
month ago in that revolt-torn island nation
threatened with a Red takeover.
We did what had to be done, said the
President, and there was no time to consult
the other members of the Organization of
American States before sending in the Ma-
rines and paratroops.
We're now willing to consult our OAS col-
leagues; already have set up an OAS peace
force commanded by a Brazilian general;
want to see a moderate government installed
by the Dominican Republic people; but still
are determined that communism shall not set
up another Western Hemisphere bridgehead
or two on the island of Hispaniola.
Fine, we think, and we only hope the Pres-
ident sticks to this position regardless of the
yowls and caterwauls of "liberals" and god-
sakers. If these people have their way, the
Dominican Republic will yet be grabbed by
Reds-as will South Vietnam, where we
think Mr. Johnson also is pursuing the only
right and constructive policy now feasible.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CARLTON R. SICKLES
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. SICKLES. Mr. Speaker, it was
recently my honor to deliver an ad-
dress, prepared by Congressman FRANK
THOMPSON, JR., concerning a National
Foundation on the Arts and the Human-
ities, to a luncheon of the Joint National
Conference of the America Symphony
Orchestra League and Arts Councils of
America.
So that my colleagues may have the
benefit of Mr. THOMPSON's remarks, the
text of the address follows:
REMARKS OF HON. FRANK THOMPSON, JR., BE-
FORE THE AMERICAN SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA
LEAGUE LUNCHEON AS READ BY HON. CARL-
TON R. SICKLES
Your meeting here in Washington at this
particular time is very significant.
This week started with the White House
festival of arts, a first for this Nation. It
reflected a growing national concern for the
state of the arts and the humanities.
A little more than a week ago the Senate
approved the bill, S. 1483, to create a Na-
tional Foundation on the Arts and the Hu-
manities. It had been my hope and my plan
to report to you today that the House Com-
mittee on Education and Labor had cleared
the companion bill, H.R. 6050, for action by
the House of Representatives.
As you may have learned from the news
media, such action has been delayed as a re-
sult of matters which have no bearing on
this particular piece of legislation.
Despite this momentary delay, you are
meeting almost simultaneously with House
committee action, for I intend to bring It up
for consideration at the next regularly sched-
uled meeting of the committee on Thursday.
We have the votes to report a bill, which
will parallel the bill already approved by the
Senate.
The significance of these legislative ac-
tions, both recent and soon to be, and your
meeting here is that American Symphony
Orchestra League footprints are all over this
bill.
It began in 1961, when a subcommittee of
which I was the chairman. conducted an
investigation into the economic conditions of
the performing arts. Your Mrs. Helen
Thompson was a witness. We were not con-
ifle le isiative proposals nor
c
i
of educational centers, designed to bring
to bear all of the cultural resources of a
given community, and, thanks to an amend-
ment sponsored by a member of my sub-
committee, so physically constructed as to
provide separate entrance to an aduitorium
so that it might be utilized for cultural ac-
tivities, including symphony concerts. As to
the bill primarily under discussion, H.R. 6050,
the arts endowment would be authorized to
make grants for construction, as well as for
alterations and repairs. All grants under
the arts endowment would be matching.
Finally, in the section of our present bill
relating to labor standards, we are adding
a proviso that whenever there is compliance
with State safety and sanitary laws, this
shall be prima facie evidence of compliance
with the Federal statute. This proviso has
been Included directly at the suggestion of
the American Symphony Orchestra League.
Of course, over the years since, we have
had testimony from official spokesmen for
your organization, as well as from individual
members thereof, and it has always been
constructive. I should like to apologize
once more to Mrs. Thompson for our inability
to hear her in person this year. She was
a scheduled witness before a joint hearing
being conducted by the House and Senate
subcommittees. Before we reached her, we
were called to the floor for a roll call. Her
testimony was made a part of the record
and we all read it. As usual, it was very
constructive. Last year, because Mr. SICKLES,
of Maryland, is a member of our subcom-
mittee, and personally very interested in
this legislation, we had testimony from Mr.
William Boucher III, vice president of the
Baltimore Symphony Orchestra Association.
The record of the various symphony or-
chestra associations is a proud one. Of all
the arts, the symphony in America has gained
the greatest audience. Our orchestras are
among the finest in the world. There are
well over a thousand in existence. These
are exclusive of secondary school symphony
orchestras. The total number of perform-
ances given per year must approach the
10,000 figure.
On the face of it, these are extremely im-
pressive statistics. Throughout our hearings
this year, as well as last year, we have been
reminded of these splendid accomplishme"ts.
And the suggestion is then made that the
arts must be doing very well, indeed.
We know differently, however. We know
that the large number of symphony orches-
tras vary from completely volunteer opera-
tions to the completely professional.
They vary In expenditures from a few
hundred dollars a year to several million-
or more.
They have a gross audience of between
10 and 16 million people, who pay varying
prices of admission.
About one in six of the musicians playing
in these orchestras is a professional. This
er ng spe
sl
did she, at the time, make any specific is significant, for the only way to achieve
recommendations. quality of performance is to be able to de-
Some of the possibilites for assistance to vote full time to perfecting the skill or nrf.
the arts, and symphony orchestras in par- No one would deny the strength of pro-
ticular, which she suggested as areas of fessional sports in the United States, but
study included : neither would they count all of the sandlot
1. Federal aid to education, which could and Little League teams, nor include the
greatly expand the playing of concerts for Golden Glovers in support of their argum'nte.
children and he use of that personnel for You and I know the facts of life regarding
teaching. This has been accomplished part- the health and well-being of symphory Or-
ly through the elementary and secondary chestras. You know It because you run
education bill, enacted earlier, and through these thousand and more orchestras. I
the inclusion in H.R. 6050 of provisions to know because you have told the Congress
improve the teaching of the arts and hu- many times in testimony.
manities, We know that ticket sales account for
2. The possibility of some Federal, State, but 55 percent of the revenue to support
and local matching program on buildings. your orchestras. We know that the deficit
Again, in the elementary and secondary edu- is made up through campaigns for contribu-
cation program we provide for construction tions as well as a variety of fundraising ac-
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 l i 1 t. C l ~7B0 (fKQ0180021-7
June 23, 1% roved For RV&Np
makes everything all right with the world.
As I watch you tomorrow, I'm sure I'll be
more humble than boastful at the find kind
of a.guy you turned out to be. Yours is a
generation born into a war. So was mine.
And still we live in a time of clash, chaos, and
hate. but even as we adults commiserate
over our errors,` I'm oddly excited. I have
looked into the eager eyes of you and your
contemporaries. You are by some divine
Instinct able to pillory the phonies, the
fakes, and double dealers faster than we
ever were. You are involved and aware and
ready to tackle the urgent problems of our
time, without hypocrisy and with a reassur-
ing directress:
As in the wide sweep of this great Nation
of ours, the men and women di the class of
1965 are, in the main, solid Americans who
full understand the meaning of those great-
est of words-duty, honor, country. The
fringe people are really getting nowhere-
and we can all thank God that the common-
sense majority still prevails. Especially
am.gng the kids of your generation. The out-
look for the crackpots and demagogs Is bleak.
You young adults make me optimistic. But
what of Vietnal i, Red China, Russia, Cuba,
the' constant threat of annihilation? What
about the burning questions of racial in-
justice and the exaggerated breakdown in
ethics, morals, and decency we keep hearing
about? :;'m, back, to our favorite quote:
"Plus, ca change, plus c'est is meme chose"-
The .m.oxe things change the more they re-
main the same. 'Twas ever thus, but who
knows what tomorrow may 'bring? Doggone
it, son, all I know is we're still here and
battling for the same principles as always.
And just might win.
Test I begin to sound like one of those
platitudinous commencement orators, you
gotta know your old man is a realist before
anything else. ' The days, the weeks, the
years ahead are fraught with peril; much
isn't as it should be in this land of the free.
But we're also still the home of the brave
* * * To you and your fellow graduates
in the class Qf.,1966 I say, you've got the
brains, the humanity, the moral fiber, and
the youthful drive to maintain and propel us
into a more perfect future. The exciting
challenge is yours. Make the most of it.
Son, I feel a trifle old today, but I'm some-
how thrilled to know you, too, have chosen
journalism and will raise your typewriter in
the cause of the betterment of mankind.
And an extra bit rewarded at the Sigma Delta
Chi award you modestly won as the out-
standing male student in this year's grad-
uating journalism class.- Make your words
it
Vietnam-ThePresident Has. Answered
EXTENSOR OF REMARKS
Os,
HON, .PAUL G. ROGERS
-IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tk, ursday,,June 3, 1965
'An a recent column David Lawrence out-
lined ceps the President has taken to
inf rnni ,the world of our reasons for de-
fending southeast Asia. Mr. Lawrence
has alQsuggesteda new wa' to pub-
iteiz _ our positfon, and because it is
W9Y of serious consideration I include
his' thoughts on this important matter
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WHAT ARE WE FIGHTING FOR? THE PRESIDENT
.... HAS ANSWERED
(By David Lawrence)
WASHINGTON.-There was an art festival
at the White House on Monday. It took the
time and attention of the President of the
United States. The occasion had a praise-
worthy purpose. But there is something far
more important which needs the time and
attention of the Nation's Chief Executive
right now. It's the wavering morale of the
parents and relatives of the more than 50,000
American boys who are fighting the war in
Vietnam.
These families cannot know what is going
on in the jungles of Vietnam just by reading
the newspapers, and naturally little mention
of individuals is made unless there are cas-
ualties. Meanwhile, what the critics are
saying, both here and abroad, is widely pub-
licized. The impression is given that it is
a useless war and that the lives of the Amer-
ican boys are being sacrificed in vain.
The real truth, however, is that the Ameri-
cans in Vietnam are performing a service not
only for the 190 million people in the United
States, but also for the hundreds of millions
of human beings in other countries who are
being protected against a nuclear war because
of the steadfastness and resoluteness of
America's Armed Forces.
President Johnson is conscious of the wor-
ries and anxieties of the families of the
Americans who are in Vietnam. But he ad-
mitted on Tuesday that he had a difficult
time replying to a letter from a mother whose
son was en route to Vietnam. He said he
told her the Nation's liberty and freedom are
so precious that her son's service is needed
in Vietnam. But there has not yet been a
definitive declaration telling the parents and
relatives of the members of the Armed Forces
of the United States why the mission in
southeast Asia is so vitally important.
.President Johnson-could readily dramatize
at a ceremony in the White House the rea-
sons why American troops are in Vietnam. A
delegation of parents of soldiers, airmen, and
sailors in southeast Asia could be brought to
the White House at Government expense so
that the President personally could explain
the war and what it means not only to the
American people but to the world as a whole.
Such an occasion would ?erve also to remind
the parents of many boys who have not yet
gone to vietnam that if a crisis comes, they,
too, must be prepared for the great sacrifices
that are necessary to prevent a nuclear war.
President Johnson did make a generalized
speech on April 7 at Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity In Baltimore, but what he said then
about Vietnam needs reiteration, Mr. John-
son declared:
"Tonight Americans and Asians are dying
for a world where each people may choose its
own path to change.
"This is the principle for which our ances-
tors fought in the valleys of Pennsylvania.
It is a principle for which our sons fight to-
night in the jungles of Vietnam.
"Vietnam is far away from this 'quiet cam-
pus. 'We have no territory there, not do we
seek any. The war is dirty and brutal and
difficult. And' some 400 young men, born
into an. America that is bursting with op-
,,portunity and promise, have ended their lives
on Vietnam's steaming"soil.
"Why must we take this painful road?
Why must this Nation hazard its ease its
interest, and its power for the sake of a peo-
ple so far away?
"We fight because we must fight if we are
to live In a world where every country can
shape its own destiny, and only in such a
world will our own freedom be finally secure.
"Over this war-and all Asia-is another
reality: The deepening shadow of Communist
China. The rulers in Hanoi are urged on by
Peiping. This is a regime which has de-
A3309
stroyed freedom in Tibet, which has attacked
India, and has been condemned by the
United Nations for aggression in Korea. It is
a nation which is helping the forces of vio-
lence in almost every continent. The contest
in Vietnam is part of a wider pattern of ag-
gressive purposes.
"We are also there to strengthen world
order. Around the globe, from Berlin to
Thailand, are people whose well-being rests
in part on the belief that they can count on
us if they are attacked. To leave Vietnam
to its fate would shake the confidence of all
these people in the value of an American
commitment and in the value of America's
word. The result would be increased unrest
and instability, and even wider war.
"We will not be defeated. We will not
grow tired. We will not withdraw, either
openly or under the cloak of a meaningless
agreement."
The President could say a lot more at a
White House ceremony and awaken an ap-
preciation of the service being rendered by
brave American boys as they risk their lives
so that their families and their fellow Ameri-
cans at home may be spared the horrors of a
nuclear war.
The Capitol-Chronicle of Freedom
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRANK J. HORTON
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, June 22, 1965
Mr. HORTON. Mr. Speaker
It is dawn * * * overture to another day
In the history of the United States. Here
atop its hill in Washington. D.C., the build-
ing waits for those who will come to it and
give it life. Waits for the Congress whose
home it is. There is no structure in the
country more important than this build-
ing; no monument to democracy more sur-
passing than this building. For within its
walls, America-through its elected Repre-
sentatives-rules as master of its fate; in-
deed, sometimes * * * in deciding for war
or peace * * * the fate of humanity, whose
every nation (no: matter its distance from
it) knows the fate of this building.
With these lines, narrated by Raymond
Massey, an exciting and educational ex-
perience begins. This is part of the de-
scription of the Capitol, written by tele-
vision producer Lou Hazam that opens
his 1-hour. documentary, "The Capitol-
Chronicle of Freedom."
Many of us first became acquainted
with the television creativity of Mr.
Hazam so successfully applied to Amer-
ica's lawmaking home, shortly before
the inauguration. NBC-TV presented
the program as a news special so that
the art, architecture and history of this
building, on whose steps stood the in-
augural stand, might be better known.
Subsequently, the acclaim of the press
and the public led to special showings of
the program here on Capitol Hill, and an
even greater appreciation of this color
masterpiece developed. In fact, the U.S.
Capitol Historical Society held a lunch-
eon honoring Mr. Hazam at which Vice
President HUMPHREY. presented him a
citation of merit.
Because of my belief in the exceptional
educational value of "The Capitol-
 A3310
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX June 23, 1965
Chronicle of Freedom," I am pleased to
call my colleagues' and constituents' at-
tention to a scheduled rebroadcast.
William K. Divers, president of the Sav-
ings and Loan Foundation, sponsor of
the program, informs me "The Capitol-
Chronicle of Freedom" will be telecast
Sunday, October 17, at 6:30-7:30 p.m.,
e:d.t.
I think this early hour is especially ap-
propriate for I know it means that mil-
lions of school students will have a rich
opportunity to learn more about their
country's Capitol. Further, I am confi-
dent that all who see the program will
be left with a feeling of patriotic pride,
for it is in this building, the Capitol, that
the voice of a democracy-the people-
is heard.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL H. TODD, JR.
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 23, 1965
Mr. TODD. Mr. Speaker, last week,
a presentation was made to the Atomic
Energy Commission by the Michigan De-
partment of Economic Expansion, pro-
posing that the new AEC high energy ac-
celerator be located in Michigan. One of
the two sites proposed was Fort Custer,
which is located near the city of Battle
Creek, in the Third Congressional Dis-
trict. Needless to say, I intend to sup-
port this proposal to the best of my
ability.
The attractions of the Fort Custer
site were, I think, put exceptionally well
in an editorial in the Battle Creek En-
quirer-News, in its issue of Friday, June
18.
Under unanimous consent I place this
editorial i.n: the RECORD:
? SO, WE HOPE HE R..EAos THIS
Our lead editorial today is based upon a
letter from the White House expressing Pres-
ident Johnson's appreciation for our support
of his foreign policy.
Naturally, we are quite pleased to know
that the President reads some of our editorial
comment and we hope, that what follows,
herein, also will reach his desk.
'Fort Custer, on the western periphery of
the Battle Creek area, Is under consideration
by the Atomic Energy Commission as the
possible site for a huge, $280 million nuclear
energy research center.
The Department of Defense soon is ex-
pected to declare the fort's land surplus,
thereby releasing It for use by other agencies
of Government. The National Guard wants
a large portion of the property. Even if the
Guard gets what it wishes, there still will be
enough land for the nuclear installation.
We appreciate `the fact that at least 39
States are bidding for this project. We also
realize, with regret, that it will be hard to
escape the influence of politics in the final
decision as to which locality does get AEC
approval.
However, we submit that the Fort Ouster
site should' be chosen for the following rea-
soils:
The State of Michigan in general-and
Battle Creek in particular-need this plant.
In the increasing trend toward electronics
and aerospace research and development,
Battle Creek, like most midwestern commu-
nities, has disappointedly watched the South,
the Southwest, and California acquire plant
after plant and the economic prosperity that
goes with new industry.
We can understand why electronics and
space work has been concentrated in those
regions., Climatic conditions, such as low
humidity, and great reaches of clear atmos-
.phere are a deciding factor. Delicate elec-
tronics instruments and devices give less
trouble in dry, fairly stable weather condi-
tions. Extreme visibility is a prime require-
ment in missile and rocket tests.
But a nuclear energy plant does not nec-
essarily require such perfect climate. All
that's basically needed is suitable terrain,
sufficient water, good communications facil-
ities and, of course, a friendly community.
The Port Custer site offers every one of
these- elements.
Argentina's Decree Against the Drug
Industry
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. WILLIAM L. ST. ONCE
OF COHNECTICDT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, June 21, 1965
Mr. ST. ONGE. Mr. Speaker, in recent
days, some of my colleagues have ex-
pressed alarm over the Argentine Gov-
ernment's decree which it is claimed
could drive its pharmaceutical industry
out of business by imposing totally un-
realistic price restrictions. Such an
. event-a real tragedy for both Argen-
tina's economy and the well-being of her
people-would appear to be the inevita-
We result of decree No. 3042.
Warnings of the grave consequences to
follow if this decree is enforced in its
present form have been voiced by vari-
ous segments of Argentine life, includ-
ing major business and industrial associ-
ations as well as medical authorities.
They contend that the decree could
force into bankruptcy a highly devel-
oped pharmaceutical industry whose
20,000 employees supply the nation with
its lifesaving drugs.
The Argentine people have been en-
joying the health benefits of modern
drug discovery and manufacture. The
government action which could destroy
this vital industry warrants great con-
cern. -
I note that investment circles in both
Argentina and the United States are
closely watching these actions and sug-
gest that Members of the Congress do
likewise.
A description of this situation in
Argentina was recently published in the
monthly bulletin of the Buenos Aires
branch of the First National Bank of
Boston. I include this article in the
RECORD, following my remarks:
THE Sn uATio a IN ARGENTINA
GENF,RAI, CONDITIONS
The President of the Republic delivered
his traditional message to the joint meeting
of Congress on May 1 to inaugurate the
regular, legislative session which will last
until September 30. The House of Deputies,
having incorporated the new members
elected March 14, then set about organizing
its 22 - - administrative committees. This
process, frequently not easy 'from the
political standpoint, - was further compli-
cated by events in the Dominican Republic
which produced a House resolution criticiz-
ing American moves there. The administra-
tion dispatched a medical team which per-
formed valued services in the hospitals of
troubled Santo Domingo, but severe differ-
ences of opinion, both in the Congress and
within the Cabinet, have delayed any deci-
sion on the question of whether Argentine
military forces will join the inter-American
forces there. Important legislative matters
could not - be acted upon during May for
lack of a quorum but, at month end, major
House committee assignments were com-
pleted and It appears that the ruling UCRP
will have the chairmanship of nine, includ-
ing Foreign Affairs, Defense, Finance, and
Budget, while Peronista-oriented Deputies
will preside over eight, including Industry,
Commerce, Justice, and Public Works.; The
completion of these -organizational arrange-
ments will clear the way for the normal
legislative processing of many pending mat-
ters.
Our final page includes a resume of Argen-
tina's overseas debt, both Government and
private. - It is generally recognized that the
servicing burden in 1965 and 1966 under
present circumstances reaches beyond the
economy's capacity to throw off exchange
surpluses. The Government has sent a high
level mission abroad to negotiate stretch-
outs with creditor nations. The basic plan
apparently is to ask the so-called Paris Club
countries for 5 years of grace and 5 years
of subsequent installment refinancing on
some US$190 million maturing in each of
1965 and 1966, thug putting well forward
the payment of amounts totaling some
US$380 million. Simultaneously, the mis-
sion will request other creditors to shift from
1965 to 1966 further maturities of Govern-
ment debts reaching US$110 million. The
result would be a reduction of about US-
$300 million in 1965's requirements, some
35 percent of the total, and about US$80
million in 1966 maturities, about 15 percent
of that year's total. Results of the mission's
efforts are not yet known but, while the
task is not an easy one, it is likely that a
cooperative attitude will be encountered in
most places.
Figures published by the Secretariat of
Fuel and Power this month indicate that
volume of crude oil production in Argentina
for January through April ran about 3.7 per-
cent lower than the corresponding period last
year and that, for the month of April, the
comparison was even wider. Meanwhile, con-
sumption continues to rise with increased
industrial activity and normal growth. This
situation has necessitated additional imports
of crude and other petroleum products, ex-
change expenditures for which have reached
about U.S.$30 million for the first 4
months of 1965, more than double 1964's
equivalent figure. The administration has
reached out-of-court settlements with one
Argentine company and two overseas groups
whose contracts were annulled in 1963.
However, in these particular cases, the
amount of petroleum actually produced was
either nonexistent or relatively small in the
overall picture and the arrangements did
not involve the payment of substantial
amounts in foreign currency. Efforts to
reach out-of-court settlements on the an-
nulment of contracts pertaining to the large
producers are being stepped up but, beyond
a certain amount of press optimism, no spe-
cific details have been published and, of
course; it is not known how any settlements
that may arise will affect the overseas debt
picture.
On April 28, decree No. 3042 came into
force, providing for sweeping Ministry of
Social Welfare and Public Health control
over costing, marketing and pricing in the
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 June 23' 199Wroved For Rel@CgpWlfNALGI ?20300180021-7
Toward, the end of the 8-day period sev-
eral notable developments occurred in United
President Johnson suddenly dispatched
Vice President Hu.MPHREir to France where
he praised France and met with President
of friendly gestures toward the United States.
The Government announced prepayment of
$178 million in World War II debt, 10 years
ahead of schedule, and both Foreign Minister
Couve de Murville and President de Gaulle
expressed warmth `toward this country in
personal statements.
I am delighted to see that President John-
son is now apparently moving in a direction
long advocated by Republicans. The Re-
publican task force on NATO last April 20
urged President Johnson himself to, go to
Europe at the earliest possible date to visit
De Gaulle. I still hope he will do so.
Republicans are gratified by these develop-
ments and hope the President will now give
priority to the difficult and urgent problems
Ac
(Mr. TALCOTT. asked and was given
permission to address the House for i
minute and to revise and extend his
remarks)
. Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, I believe
that the recent rash of disastrous ac-
cidents, involving our military personnel
in Vietnam and elsewhere, have raised
some extremely serious questions which
require the urgent attention of Congress.
I trust that our colleagues of the Armed
Services Committee will pursue this
matter with their customary diligence.
We are receiving reports almost daily
of tragic losses of one kind or another-
none of which ,is due to enemy action.
We recall the midair collision last
week of two B-52 bombers during their
mission from Guam to Vietnam-the re-
sults of which are at least questionable.
In addition to,the lives lost, a conserva-
tive estimate., of the cost of the raid was
in excess of $20 million.
During the same week, two helicopters
collided in this. country with severe loss
of life. Helicopter collisions in Vietnam
are reported every few days.
The disaster at our Bienhoa Airbase
in Vietnam a few weeks ago, when many
Americans were killed and a score or
more of our. finest aircraft were de-
stroyed, was perhaps the most shocking
Almost as many of our. marines in
Vietnam have been killed and wounded
by the inadvertent actions of our own
forces as by the Vietcong. Many ac-
cidental losses are probably not reported.
The reported losses are immense and
mounting. Many American servicemen
have been killed and injured. Aircraft
and other equipment, costing the tax-
payers hundreds of millions of dollars,
have been destroyed.
Mr. Speaker, I believe we have a solemn
obligation to require the Department of
Defense to supply a full and frank ex-
planation of these tragic accidents. For
years, we have been appropriating $50
billion annually for defense purposes. At
such a high level Of expenditure, I be-
lieve we have a right to expect topflight
performance.
It may be that training is inadequate.
Unofficial reports immediately following
the Bienhoa disaster suggested that an
inexperienced bomb handler may have
caused the initial explosion. The holo-
caust which followed also brought our
aircraft deployment practices into ques-
tion once again.
Mr. Speaker, my mail indicates that
our people are becoming increasingly
concerned regarding these unnecessary
military accidents and the accompany-
ing loss of life and materiel. I trust the
administration will supply the required
answers without delay.
LOIS LAYCOOK
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Ten-
nessee [Mr. FULTON] is recognized for 15
minutes.
(Mr. FULTON of Tennessee asked and
was given permission to revise and ex-
tend his remarks.)
Mr. FULTON of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, it is with regret that I report to
this body my good personal friend and a
very fine friend of the House of Repre-
sentatives is leaving us.
Mr. Lois Laycook, for 15 years the
Washington correspondent of the Nash-
ville Tennessean, is retiring from Wash-
ington to return to his home at Jackson,
Tenn., and manage his family firm, Lay-
cook Printing Co.
For a decade and a half now Mr. Lay-
cook has been covering the House of Rep-
resentatives and reporting its proceed-
ings. During this time he has carried
out his assignments in a forthright and
conscientious manner which has brought
him credit and distinction. He is a
credit to his profession and a credit
to one of the Nation's great newspapers,
the Nashville Tennessean.
At times he has praised. At times he
has criticized. But at all times he has
been fair and objective in his reporting
and commentary. As an admirer of Mr.
Laycook's work for many years I have
been most impressed by his pursuit of
truth and his conscientious objectivity.
Mr. Speaker, the House of Representa-
tives is losing a great friend. He will be
missed. I know that my colleagues who
have had the good fortune to know and
work with Mr. Laycook over the years
join with me in expressing regret at his
decision to leave us and in wishing him
every possible success.
Mr. EVINS. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. FULTON of Tennessee. I yield to
my distinguished colleague.
Mr. EVINS. Mr. Speaker, I should
like to join my colleagues in commend-
ing and paying a brief but sincere tribute
to my friend, Lois Laycook, an outstand-
ing newspaperman and journalist.
Lois Laycook came to Washington
shortly after I became a Member of the
House-he has served as Washington
correspondent for the Nashville Ten-
nessean for a number of years. We be-
came good friends and our friendship
has -remained through the years. His
friendship has meant much to me as has
his integrity and absolute fairness.
His reporting has been fair and ob-
jective and without bias.
He has written factually and with rare
insight about the Washington scene and
the workings in Congress.
Lois Laycook understands Congress
and the interacting relationship between
Congress and the executive branch of
Government. His reports to the great
Tennessee readership reflect his percep-
tion and understanding.
We shall miss Lois Laycook on Capitol
Hill but I wish for him the best of good
luck in the business enterprise of which
he is to become a part. I know he will
be a progressive businessman. He will
be an asset to his hometown of Jackson,
Tenn., where he returns to live and
participate in his family printing busi-
ness.
He is a great Tennessean and a great
American.
I wish him every success and Godspeed.
Mr. ANDERSON of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. FULTON of Tennessee. I yield
to the gentleman.
Mr. ANDERSON of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, I would like to join my distin-
guished colleagues in paying tribute to
Lois Laycook, a fine and dedicated news-
man. Over his many years of service,
Lois has become well loved in his home
State of Tennessee, and prominently
known on the national level.
For a newsman, Washington is often
an extremely frustrating experience.
But Lois has long ago overcome these
frustrations through his sincere, gifted,
and levelheaded aproach to gathering
the news. He is a man who has won
the esteem, confidence, and respect of
this city. It is with great regret that
we must now say goodby to him, as he
leaves Washington to return to his home
in Jackson, Tenn., to enter private enter-
prise. We can only wish him well in his
new endeavor, and we know that he will
be as eminently successful in business
as he has been here as a superb journal-
ist, a fine gentleman, and a cherished
friend.
Mr. EVERETT. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. FULTON of Tennessee. I yield to
the gentleman.
Mr. EVERETT. Mr. Speaker, first, I
I wish to thank our distinguished col-
league, Hon. RICHARD FULTON, of the
Fifth District of Tennessee, for obtain-
ing this special order for what we con-
sider to be a very special purpose. This
order allows us to express to the Honor-
able Lois Laycook, of Jackson, Tenn., our
appreciation for the wonderful con-
tribution that he has made to the news-
paper profession of this Nation in the
years he has been the Washington cor-
respondent for the Nashville Tennes-
sean of Nashville, Tenn.
He has always been very fair and very
accurate In all of his reporting. At all
times he has worked energetically to re-
port the facts as they happen here in
Washington to his distinguished and
outstanding newspaper. In returning to
his and our native State to help manage
his family's business, we all wish him
well and hope he will enjoy the future
years with much happiness.
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 13990
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Looking back on his career here, I
know that his family in the generations
to come can point with pride to the rec-
ord that he has made. We certainly
hate for him to leave, but we all wish the
best of everything for him in the years
to come.
Mr. FULTON of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that
all Members desiring to do so may ex-
tend their remarks in the RECORD with
reference to Mr. Lois Laycook.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
GRAY). Without objection, It is so
ordered.
There was Rio
AM
Halls of Congress, saying that these silent
returnees should never have been there
in the first place, that the preservation
of freedom in, Vietnam is no concern of
ours, that we should, in short, get out,
and if that means the Communists take
over all of southeast Asia, well, that is
just the way the cookie crumbles.
There have always been such voices.
There have always been those intellec-
tual ostriches who would bury their heads
in the sand of their own self-concern,
and from a combination of self-delusion,
misplaced faith in the intentions of the
enemy, and fear, say that if we would
just ignore the bad, it would go away.
Back in the early years of Nazi Ger-
many, even after the swallowing of
Czechoslovakia and the crushing of Po-
land, there were such voices in America.
Scraggly students sat, philosophical pro-
fessors picketed, and on Sunday night
radio a great American entertainer made
them weep and cheer when he wrapped
up his weekly broadcast with this song,
which I remember:
If they feel like a war
On some foreign shore
Let them keep it over there.
If some fools want to fight
And think might makes right,
Let them keep it over there.
From coast to coast
You'll hear a million mothers say,
We've done enough,
Don't take my only boy away.
We're for you, Uncle Sani,
But keep out of this jam,
Let them keep it over there.
So, wet eyed and feeling righteous, we
looked the other way, and dry eyed and
feeling God-only-knows what, the Nazis
ran their trains on time, raped France
and the low countries, and built those
institutions known as Dachau, Belsen,
and Auschwitz.
Today a new generation of isolation-
ists is singing the same song. A new
generation of students is objecting to
American involvement by picketing the
White House. Happily, they do not rep-
resent America. While they sing and
picket, others work. We spent last week
watching them work.
We met, In Saigon, an Army lieuten-
ant colonel named Moore, who so loves
and believes in that country and its peo-
ple that having finished one tour of duty
there, separated from his wife and fam-
ily, working by our observation at least
a 12-hour day-without overtime-he
volunteered to stay on for more.
We saw, on the battlefield at Dong
Xoai, walking among the human and
material litter of the battle, an Army
Special Forces lieutenant colonel named
Frink, physically sick, wholly exhausted,
who refused to be evacuated simply be-
cause there was more work to be done.
We watched, at the airfield of Bien
Hod, a briefing of young Air Force pilots
getting ready to take off in 20-year-old
planes on a mission in support of Viet-
namese ground troops.
We saw, at Chu Lai, Marine Corps
pilots take off on a combat mission from
an airstrip which an inexperienced Sea-
bee unit had made operational just 22
The SPEAKER pro tempore, Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New York [Mr. PrcEI is recog-
nized for 60 minutes.
(Mr. PIKE asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
Mr. PIKE. Mr. Speaker, last week, on
Thursday, the Members of this House
gathered in special session to do honor
to two majors of the U.S. Air Force. The
men were indeed heroes, the honors were
richly deserved and wholly fitting. The
gallery was packed, there was the usual
scramble for tickets, and Americans of
all. political philosophy joined together
to sing with one voice a song of praise for
their latest space heroes.
I would have enjoyed participating on
that happy occasion. On that date how-
ever, with three colleagues of the House,
the gentelman from Indiana [Mr. BRAY],
the gentleman from Missouri [Mr.
IcxoRDl, and the gentleman from Michi-
gan [Mr. CHAMEERLAIN], I was In Viet-
nam.
Today the galleries are not packed,
there has been no need for tickets, and
the floor of this Chamber is more remi-
niscent of the deathly hush of a battle-
field after a battle than the festivities of
a special session. I have asked for this
tilne Mr. Speaker, In 'order to raise at
least one small voice in praise of some
other men who are unsung heroes, doing
unglamorous jobs in unknown places
with unpronounceable names. I have
asked for this time because I believe
with all my heart that the job that they
are doing is more vital than the race to
the moon-it is harder, less rewarding,
more demanding, more important, and
they are doing it magnificently.
- We are an emotional people-we glor-
ify the glamorous, we obscure the ob-
vious. For the predictable future, the
destiny of mankind is inextricably
wrapped up, not with the moon, but with
a rich and poor, hungry and fat, dusty
and wet, pleasant and bleeding planet
called earth. The heroes of whom I
speak today are working at the un-
glamorous job of trying to do something
about the destinies of men on the only
planet on which men live. While two
men were being honored magnificently
for their contribution to the effort to get
man. off this planet, others were return-
ing home, silently, in boxes, as their last
contribution to the effort to enable men
to live in decency on this planet.
There are those voices raised in this
land, even, I am ashamed to say, in the
days after they landed. We watched to prove that she is not a paper tiger,
little children come running at Phu Bai that our commitment to freedom is gen-
to the big marines who had brought, not ulne and strong.
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only security, but medical care, food, and
hope.
We went into the Mekong delta region
and were briefed on two types of opera-
tion. The first was being conducted by
the 43d Ranger Battalion and the 9th
Reconnaissance Company of the 9th
Vietnamese Infantry Division against a
suspected Vietcong company. We in-
spected the Ranger battalion in the
morning. By that night 8 of them were
dead and 12 wounded, but they had killed
29 Vietcong, captured one, and seized 12
weapons, 50 mines, and a case of
grenades.
The second operation goes, as the en-
tire effort in Vietnam goes, hand in hand
with the first. We saw a new school and
a new bridge being built with U.S.. aid,
and new and better pigs which we had
introduced and which meant more to the
inhabitants of the hamlet of Tan than
the most expensive and lethal fighter
plane in the world.
We watched, from the carrier Midway,
a Navy strike launched against targets
less than 50 miles from Hanoi, and
learned later with relief that the strike
was successful and all pilots returned
safely. We heard about the Navy pilot
from that carrier who, shot down, hid
until dark, then walked straight through
a Vietcong camp in the dark of night,
fell first into a foxhole and climbed out
and then fell into a slit trench, climbed
out, walked into a volley ball net, kept
his head, and got back home.
Not all of the pilots get back home, nor
all of the specialforces of the Army, nor
all of the marines. Some have come
home in boxes, and some will never come
at all. Is it worth it? I believe it is.
No one will ever tell this subcommittee
again that the South Vietnamese are
not fighting for themselves. At Dong
Xoai they were outnumbered and out-
gunned, they suffered over 1,000 casual-
ties, and they fought and they fought
and they fought. Perhaps the outstand-
ing memory I will have of this trip Is not
that of bodies on a battlefield, and bodies
on a battlefield are always memorable,
but that of tough little men, weighing
perhaps 125 pounds, moving out from
that battlefield, a helmet full of rice in
one hand, a carbine In the other, or bent
under the weight of a machinegun, going
out to chase the Vietcong one more long
weary day back Into their hiding places.
When the Government in Saigon falls,
they fight on, for they fight not for their
Government but for their country. When
they are outnumbered, they fight; when
they feel hopeless they fight, because
they love their country as we love ours.
They have been fighting for 20 years.
The fighting is more intense today.
They are fighting an enemy which will
not even discuss negotiations, but brags
openly of conquest. They would fight
on as long as they could, without Amer-
ican help, but with American help
there is a light at the end of the tunnel.
There is hope for the people of Viet-
nam. There is hope for military secur-
ity and political stability, but the latter
cannot be expected until the former is
achieved. Because memories are short,
 `June 23, 1'99,5' `" ' . ""' 3NU"1r 5SY OTVAL"RECORD'=3317~5'E'""" ' """` '
Those men who are answering that
call in Vietnam today represent the best
of America. They deserve more from
the homefront than fearful, querulous
voices raised questioning their presence.
They deserve more from Congress than
sniping and stewing. They deserve the
same sort of acclaim we give to the heroic
performers of glamorous feats. They
deserve praise from bigger, stronger,
more influential voices than my own.
But while this. voice lasts, I guarantee
you it will be raised again and again and
again on their behalf.
Mr. BRAY. Mr. Speaker, will the gen-
tleman yield?
Mr. PIKE. Mr. Speaker, I am very
,happy to yield to the distinguished gen-
tleman from Indiana. Before yielding I
might say, on behalf of the gentleman
from Indiana, that the pace we went over
a 2-week period was one which wearied
me. I think the gentleman from Indiana
has about two decades on me in time as
well as one. in Congress. I know that he
spent his 62d birthday walking around
the boondocks in Thailand. I think
that is the way he likes to spend his
birthdays. I am delighted to have had
him with us on this trip, and thank him
for the ,wonderful cooperation he gave
throughout the trip.
. Mr. BRAY. I thank the gentleman.
I am very appreciative of the fact that
the gentleman from New York brought
this matter before the House. I would
say that it was one of the most inter-
esting-I will not say pleasant-one of
the most interesting experiences I have
ever had, this visit to Vietnam. I saw
as great a degree of heroism as I believe
I have ever seen before, and I have seen
war before.
In my book, the American helicopter
pilots bringing the Vietnamese into bat-
tle, under heavy fire-right north of us
there were four helicopters that were de-
stroyed and four are still missing-under
heavy mortar fire and rifle machinegun
fire, are tops in my book.
I wish those people who say that the
Vietnamese will not fight could have
seen what we saw there. They brought
those men, trying to save the village of
Dong Xoai-they flew them in three dif-
ferent times. They were ambushed; the
Americans kept bringing them in and
finally they broughtthe Vietnamese
Ranger battalion right-ml the village over
into our side and landed them, under
heavy fire, and forced the Vietcong out
of that .village.
Mr. Speaker, in a sense I believe this
may have been a landmark in Vietcong
activities, because here they would at-
tack the village always in the nighttime.
Then they would have their group
around. thearea to ambush the people
who came in to reinforce the village.
However, this time not only did they do
that but in addition to attacking the
village-and they attacked with great
force Vith mgdern weapons-they am-
puhec these cliii`erent,- groups attempt-
g
ing to et into the village and then
attempted to hold the village.
Mr. Speaker, it was a bloody battle. I
will say the village of Dong Xoai was
as bloody a battlefield as anyone would
ver;, ant to see. Those men ,fought
with extreme courage. The Americans
chat backed them up and brought them
In by helicopter were just as brave.
Mr. Speaker, there were many other
things that we saw showing the same
courage and bravery as we saw at Dong
Xoai. But I would say that was perhaps
the largest battle and most viciously
fought battle that has taken place there.
We arrived there on the third day of
that battle.
Mr. Speaker, I want to also echo the
remarks which have been made by the
gentleman from New York [Mr. PIKE),
that these people who say, "Oh, negoti-
ate; get out of Vietnam," what is there
to negotiate? Every time the President
of the United States has even suggested
negotiations they make fun of us and
insult America and insult freedom.
Mr. Speaker, when I saw those women
and men, living and dead, in that vil-
lage the only crime they had committed
was that they would be free instead of
being slaves for communism. In that far-
away country they were willing to die
before yielding to the Communists. The
only crime that they committed was that
they would be free.
Mr. Speaker, I left there with a very
deep reverence for those courageous peo-
ple and for the Americans who are there
fighting with them.
Yes, Mr. Speaker, it is a tough war and
no one wants it. We would all love very
much to settle this war. But today the
only opportunity we have to settle that
war is to surrender. If we did surrender,
we would surrender all of southeast Asia
which would go into the Communist
orbit. China, with its plan of world
dominion, certainly needs the rice of
southeast Asia. That is the breadbasket
of Asia, the land of rice, where rice is
life.
Mr. Speaker, there is only one answer.
There has never been but one answer.
When freedom and slavery collide-and
that is exactly what is happening today
in that faraway country-the only an-
swer Is to fight. There are other people
getting interested now-Australia had, a
battalion of troops in there and we saw
them, Korea had troops there, and I be-
lieve the Government should make an
effort, instead of discouraging it, to
bring more people in who believe in
freedom the same as we do.
Mr. Speaker, I know it is going to take
a lot of courage on the part of the lead-
ers of America and on the part of all of
us to fight that war, because it is a war.
But the only alternative is to surrender
to communism. The day that they are
willing to talk any sense about any com-
promise that is reasonable we should
naturally agree to that and to make
such negotiations.
But, Mr. Speaker, today the only thing
they say is that freedom must surrender
to communism. I think that they will
change their mind, but the price of free-
dom has always been hign.
Mr. Speaker, the freedom of man, the
freedom and dignity of man throughout
the ages, is the most priceless heritage
that has been reserved for the brave and
the strong of heart. That is what the
situation is in Vietnam.
13991
ica, far stronger economically, than all
the forces of communism, because our
problems involve surpluses and their
problems involve scarcities.
Mr. Speaker, we are strong militarily.
But the question is going to have to be
answered in the next few weeks or
months, perhaps years, I do not know, of
whether with that economic strength and
military strength we have the spiritual
strength of a few people who are willing
to fight for freedom.
Mr. Speaker, if we do-and as soon as
the Communists well know we will do
so-then this matter can be resolved.
However, it can never be resolved by a
group of people screaming around Amer-
ica who would rather surrender freedom
to communism than to fight.
Mr. PIKE. I certainly thank the gen-
tleman. I believe he will agree with me
that one of the things we all observed
was that the closer you got to the battle-
line the nastier the conditions under
which the men worked were, the greater
the danger in which they found them-
selves, the less they questioned the value
of the job they were doing, the less they
complained about the conditions, the
greater the sacrifices they seemed willing
to make, and the more they believed in
the job they were doing.
Mr. ICHORD. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. PIKE. I am happy to yield to
the gentleman from Missouri. We had
a wholly bipartisan committee and a
wholly nonpartisan committee. The
gentleman made a great contribution to
the efforts of that committee, and I was
delighted to have him with us.
Mr. ICHORD. I thank the gentleman
from New York for yielding.
As a member of the four-man subcom-
mittee of the Committee on Armed Serv-
ices, I wish to take this opportunity to
associate myself with the remarks of the
chairman of the subcommittee, the gen-
tleman from New York.
During our 5-day stay in South Viet-
nam we traveled almost 2,500 miles from
one end of South Vietnam to the other,
into the major battle zones, to the scene
V. the battle of Dong Xoai, to the air-
craft carrier Midway, to a minor engage-
ment near Cao Lanh, to the Marine
beachheads at Phu Bai, Da Nang, and
Chu Lai, to places I had, heard of but
could not visualize, such as Pleiku, Quang
Ngai, Bien Hoa, Vinh Long, Phouc Vinh,
and so forth. We were not only briefed
by Ambassador Taylor, General West-
moreland, South Vietnamese and Ameri-
can officials in Saigon but we visited in
the battle areas and talked to the hun-
dreds of officers, noncoms and enlisted
Americans, and South Vietnamese sol-
diers who are shooting, getting shot at,
and dying in South Vietnam.
I left South Vietnam with a new un-
derstanding of what is happening in that
part of the world.
Like the gentleman from New York no
one can again tell me that the South
Vietnamese do not have the will or de-
sire to fight.. I saw how they fought at
Dong Xoai and I heard time and time
again the American advisers praise the
fighting ability of South Vietnamese
units. I would also state no one can im-
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 13992 Approved FZee~JT1$DP6 (54W6R00030018002une 23, 1965
press me in the least measure by argu-
ments that the Vietcong are just a bunch
of poorly armed peasants fighting an
internal revolution. Nothing could be
further from the truth. I saw the fire-
power the Vietcong threw at the com-
pound in bong Xoai and the modern
weapons of North Vietnamese or Chinese
manufacture his dead and withdraw-
ing troops left behind at Dong Xoai.
I departed from South Vietnam of the
firm opinion that there is probably more
misinformed and uninformed discussion
of the South Vietnam situation through-
out America today than any other cur-
rent event in the public eye. However,
we fortunately found there is no waver-
ing of purpose among the American com-
bat man in South Vietnam. His high
morale, his dedication to the South Viet-
namese welfare and the cause of freedom
is absolutely astounding. Time and time
again these men who were risking loss
of life and limb in this far and remote
corner of the world told me that what-
ever we do we cannot abandon the
South Vietnamese to their fate. Re-
peatedly they expressed concern about
the overpublicized demonstrations and
teach-ins in America. I am certain, Mr.
Speaker, that even the "most confirmed
beatnik" who marched in front of the
White House some time ago would have
serious misgivings about his actions if he
had had the opportunity to observe and
listen to these dedicated young Amer-
icans.. many of whom will no doubt make
the supreme sacrifice. And I submit, Mr.
Speaker, that those misguided idealists
who have expressed concern about the
loss of American life in South Vietnam
should stop and evaluate what the effect
of their position is upon the chances of
these boys bringing the war in South
Vietnam to a successful conclusion with
a minimum loss of life, To what extent
these people are contributing to the pro-
longation of the war and the loss of
American life should be seriously con-
sidered by them. As an American and
Member of Congress I feel it is my duty
to speak out on this subject to let the
Communists in Hanoi and Peiping know
that the overpublicized views of these
few Americans are not indicative of
America's purpose. Such a mistaken
opinion of America's resolve on the part
of Peiping and Hanoi could be cata-
strophic.
Mr. Speaker, a week ago Monday a
young, handsome, and courageous Marine
corporal from Dexter, Mo., named Ken-
neth Parker, proudly presented to me
a picture of his Marine battalion on the
western coast of South Vietnam march-
ing forth to secure an objective. I
thanked him for the presentation and
asked, "How is it going, soldier?" He re-
plied, "Well, sir, it is not too pleasant.
I would prefer to be back home." I
returned, "Corporal, we have had de-
monstrations by a few young people in
America to have you pull out." He
quickly replied, "Sir, I would not want
to return home under those circum-
stances. I think those demonstrations
are terrible. They don't know what we
are up against."
Yesterday I received word that Cor-
poral Parker's body is being returned to
the country he loved so much and for
which he gave his life. The message
from Department of Defense read that
he was killed by Vietcong fire near
Da Nang. We, the living, have the duty
to see that Corporal Parker did not die
in vain. We must see that the principles
and objectives for which he fought are
attained.
Though Kenneth Parker may not
have been familiar with all the complex-
ities of the South Vietnam problem, he
was ready and determined and did make
the supreme sacrifice in an effort to stop
Communist aggression. After meeting
Corporal Parker, Mr. Speaker, and com-
ing to a full realization of what he
fought and died for, I would hope that
the distorted press articles and edito-
rials of the South Vietnam situation
would be minimized, and those giving
the peace-at-any-price speeches in the
Halls of Congress will measure the effect
of their speeches before they bow to
emotion.
I thank the gentleman from New
York for yielding.
Mr. PIKE. I thank the gentleman
deeply for his articulate and eloquent
contribution and the tribute he paid to
his friend from Missouri.
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker,
will the gentleman yield?
Mr. PIKE. I am happy to yield to the
distinguished gentleman from the State
of Michigan who was of such value in
producing many new ideas throughout
the trip we took.
Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. I thank the
gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, first I wish to say that I
am indeed proud to have been associated
with my colleagues who joined in going
to Vietnam. I particularly wish to pay
tribute to the chairman of our subcom-
mittee, the gentleman from New York,
for his aggressive approach to all our
problems and for making certain that our
committee was provided with opportuni-
ties to obtain information we needed.
This he saw to withgreat diligence.
He was quite a taskmaster. We
worked early and late. We were up sev-
eral mornings at 5 and 6 o'clock, getting
our fatigues on to go out with the troops,
and it was after dark most evenings by
the time we got back to clean up.
I wish to say, Mr. Speaker, that I take
no exception to anything my colleague
from New York has said, or my colleague
from Missouri [Mr. ICHORD] or my col-
league from Indiana [Mr. BRAY]. This
was indeed a bipartisan mission. We did
not go as Republicans or Democrats-we
went as red, white, and blue Members of
Congress.
I believe we cannot overemphasize the
fact that this struggle which is going on
in this remote area of the world, half-
way around it, is a real war. This was
brought home to us very forcefully. I
do not believe the American people really
understand it as fully as they should.
I must say that as I have read about
Vietnam in the news and followed events
of the past several months-I believe
with considerable diligence, being a
member of the Committee on Armed
Services-I really could not fully appre-
ciate the nature of this jungle warfare.
How could they take hundreds of men, or
perhaps thousands, and no one know of
their presence, not be able to go out and
find them, and say, "Let us take care of
this problem"?
I feel one has to fly over that jungle
area and see it with his own eyes to fully
comprehend the nature of this struggle.
There is perhaps little I can add to
what my colleagues have said.
Theyhave covered our activities rather
fully, but I would say this: All of us,
everywhere we went, asked this question
of our people, not only of our forces but
those of the South Vietnamese: "Is there
anything that you need, and how is your
equipment," and so forth. We had no
complaints, or no major complaints at
least, about the equipment available for
our forces there. We had no complaints
about the food supplied to our people.
We found the clothing to be adequate in
most instances.
I would also like to say that what has
been reported here with respect to the
morale of our forces I, too, found to be
true. The boys out there that are doing
this job seem to know why they are
there and what they are doing. There
may be doubts here in this country as to
why they are in Vietnam, but the fellows
we talked to had no doubts about their
job in Vietnam.
My colleague [Mr. IcuoRD] and I
went to a hospital in Vietnam where
the wounded had been brought from the
battle of Dong Xoai. He talked to some
of the service people there that had been
injured and so did I. One chap from
by home State, whom I found there and
whom I particularly sought out because
I wanted to give him a few words of en-
couragement, had this to say to me. I
told him, "You know, back home there is
quite a bit of discussion as to whether
or not we have any business being over
here." I asked him, "What do you have
to say about that?" Well, this young
man lying on his back, with his foot in a
cast and onehand in a cast, said to me,
"You cannot beat the commies by back-
ing down. I would rather fight them
here than at home."
And the chap in the next bed to him,
coming from Virginia, chimed in when
we were talking about these teach-ins,
"Sir, I do not know what you have to
learn in order to be educated, but those
professors are nuts." I could not have
had it expressed more eloquently than it
was by that chap from Virginia who was
also there recovering from injuries sus-
tained 2 days earlier in the battle of
Dong Xoai.
There is one thing that has disturbed
me and which I have given some thought
to, not only since I returned from South
Vietnam, but, before that. This is the
question of supplying these forces that
are out there. Before I left I asked some
people in the Department of Defense
to advise me about the free world ship-
ping that was going into North Vietnam.
They gave me a report and I specifically
asked them for an unclassified report.
I have here in my hand this unclassified
report of shipping into North Vietnam
so far' this year-January, February,
March, April, and May-nothing for
June. They have had 38 British ships
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going into North Vietnam, 2 Japanese
ships, 9 ships from Greece, 9 ships from
Norway, 3 ships from Holland, and 4
ships from Lebanon, or a total of 65
ships from what we would call free world
nations, that are sending, their ships to
help supply the North Vietnamese which
are keeping this thing going.
Mr. Speaker and my colleagues of the
House, I say again that these are un-
classified figures made available by
Lloyd's of London. I further say to you
that I have seen the classified figures.
If you are shocked by this, you should
see what the classified report says about
free world nations, people that we have
helped over the years, who are helping
to keep this thing going.
Each one of these nations that is now
sending their ships to North Vietnam is
the beneficiary this year, the fiscal year
1966, of the Foreign Aid bill that was
passed by this House weeks ago; maybe
not as much as some of them have re-
ceived in years past, but I checked this
out this afternoon and each one of them
is getting something from us. I say it
is time that .our State Department got
on the stick and started to put some
pressure where it belongs to shut off their
water.
Mr. Speaker, one other thing that has
not been mentioned here. I think we
might have a comment with re?pect to
this. As we stepped from the aircraft
at the airport serving Saigon the local
press, after we had exchanged greetings
with General Westmoreland, asked the
chairman of our subcommittee for his
comments on the change of government
in Vietnam. Of course, we had agreed
among us that we were not there for
publicity or to do anything but to find
out as much as we could about what was
.going on and to complete the mission to
which we had been assigned.
So the chairman of. our subcommittee
said that we had no comment. That was
the first we had learned that the Gov-
ernment in South Vietnam had been
altered ,,in any form. I do not know
how the press reported that back here.
The only comment that I would like to
make at this time is that there did not
seem to be great concern over the change
in the Government in Saigon at that
time. Sure, they are going to be making
some relinements, but I did not sense
that it was going to have any major
'impact on the conduct of the war. I
thought I would pass that observation
along to my colleagues.
There is no easy answer, as I view, it
in this struggle. It has been going on
for many, many years. out there. I do
not think by virtue of our short, visit out
there that it isk, going to be appreciably
shortened. I think it was my colleague
from Indiana [Mr. BaAY] who said that
to be an expert on this situation in Viet-
nam you have got to be there .less than
30 days_ or more than 30 years; and I
think that is probably true.
I. salc_= of ,tbin we carne back with the
.feeling that we are experts in this area,
but at the same, time I think it would be
well for us to say that we think this is
not going to be solved in any easy way
because it. is not. It is going to test
No. 113-7
the best of us, of the people of this coun-
try, and it is apt to go on for some time..
I think we had better take, a notch in our
belt, get a little more serious about it,
and get about the job.
I was pleased to have it reported that
we are getting some help from our allies
out there, the Korean troops and the
Australians. But as we are called upon
to put in more of our people, more of
our boys-and the Secretary of Defense
while we were there announced that we
were sending in another 15,000 troops,
perhaps more-I feel that here again the
people of this area who are more directly
affected should likewise take a notch in
their belt and realize that this, too, has
a direct bearing upon their own security,
and they should help perhaps a little
bit more than they are now. In addi-
tion to our completing our assigned mis-
sion, that of supplying answers to specific
inquiries that were put to us by the
Chairman of our committee, I feel that
we, by virtue of our trip, have obtained
a fund of information that is going to
serve us well in the weeks and months
ahead as we are called upon to deal with
the problems in this troubled area of the
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. PIKE. I thank the gentleman
very much for his very important con-
tribution.
Mr. Speaker, in closing this discussion
I would like to say this. We know that
tomorrow the newspapers are going to
show pictures of people picketing the
White House, complaining about what
we are trying to do over there and what
we are trying to do in the world.
Mr. Speaker, I only hope that as this
word gets back to the boys in Vietnam
they also get the word that four Repre-
sentatives of somewhat over 2 million
people, I expect, of four different back-
grounds and two different political
faiths, and as many different philoso-
phies as there are people, have simply
gone out there together and have seen
as Americans and reported back with one
voice that what we are doing out there
is important, that what we are doing out
there is meaningful and that we are just
as proud as we can be of the Americans
who are out there representing us.
AMENDING THE TRADE EXPANSION
ACT
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
GRAY). Under previous order of the
House the gentleman from Pennsylvania
[Mr. DENT) is recognized for 30 minutes.
Mr. DENT. _ Mr. Speaker, I have taken
the floor many times during the past 7
years in opposition to our national trade
policy and the philosophy on which it
seems to be based. Today I am as com-
pletely convinced as I was during those
years that this program is on the wrong
track. I said so in 1962 when the legisla-
tion was debated on this floor. I have
said so on numerous occasions since that
time, and I still say it.
I do not believe in legislating as we
did in 1962 to injure American industry
and then telling the Government to run
over to the injured companies and work-
13993
ers with first-aid packs to ease them over
injuries caused by previous governmental
action. Yet that approach was adopted.
Up to now, not farm from 3 years later,
no adjustment assistance has been given,
even though 17 applications have been
made for it before the Tariff Commis-
sion.
As I say, I do not believe in legislating
deliberately to cause injury on a national
scale and then coming to the rescue; but
the legislation, having been adopted, it
should not have been drawn up, as it was,
in a manner to assure its sterility.
I have never been able to understand
why domestic industry, upon which our
economy relies, along with agriculture,
to provide us with what we eat, wear,
live in, ride in, and use in many other
activties, should be used as a pawn in
international politics, and why it should
bow to imports and move over to make
way for them, as if imports were sacred.
I will grant that a healthy exchange
of goods among nations is fine, but I do
not buy the philosophy that would hoist
trade to a level of. priority above the
welfare of our own industries and
workers. That does not make sense, and
yet that is the very essence of the trade
policy of the past 30 years.
Also I do not object to reducing tariffs
that are higher than necessary; but I
do want to adopt an arbitrary approach,
such as is contemplated under the GATT
negotiations in which we are now en-
gaged by way of carrying out the no-
torious Trade Expansion Act of 1962.
The purpose is to slice our tariffs in half,
with "a bare minimum of exceptions."
This intent or policy runs counter to all
proper regard for American industry and
especially labor. Not all our industries
are on an equal competitive basis with
imports. Therefore they should not be
treated the same.
If some tariffs might be cut 50 per-
cent with impunity, others should not
be cut more than 25 percent or less and
some should not be cut at all. Some
tariffs, moreover, have already been cut
too deeply and should be raised or their
place taken by import quotas.
Our tariffs have been in effect a long
time, and our industries have grown
up under them. We have been reducing
them for 30 years, and on the average
they are only 20 percent as high today
as they were in 1934,in the amount of
protection they afford. Some rates are
higher than others. Indeed nearly 40
percent of our total imports come in
free of duty. The higher rates have
been reviewed numerous times in the
past 30 years and they are what remains
after many exposures to the tariff-
cutting exercises of the State Depart-
ment. There were no doubt good rea-
sons for not cutting them deeper, con-
sidering the eagerness of our delega-
tions to the international conferences to
use the knife.
During this 30-year span since 1934,
different rates have been cut varying
amounts. This is in keeping with the
different competitive position of various
industries. It should not be difficult to
understand that an industry that is in
the happy position of being well ahead
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE June 23, 1965
of foreign industry technologically and countries. They were able to leap over construction and ship operation. Even
in point of richness of resources and virtually a generation of research and so, many of our ships register under for-
other factors, might have no need of development because we made our tech- eign flags and only about 10 percent of
tariff protection or could get along with nology available to them. our foreign trade moves under the Amer-
lower rates than other industries not so Because of this cost advantage many ican flag.
well favored. of their products have been able to pene- Why the subsidies? They are based
It is not necessarily inefficiency in a trate our market with remarkable ease. on relative costs of ship construction and
domestic industry that places it at a com- In the ease of the large, powerful in- ship operation. Actual studies are made
petitive disadvantage. An industry may dustries, such as automobiles, the im- of wage costs here and abroad. As I say,
be at a disadvantage through no fault ports have been survived ;but even there even then many of our ships register un-
of its own, but if the tariff on its pro- we should not sing too loudly and lustily. der foreign flags. Why? They gain the
ducts is reduced it will nonetheless sure- The steel industry has also withstood the advantage of wages low enough to per-
ly suffer seriously from import competi- import impact; but the end is not yet. mit them to compete with foreign lines.
tion. Imports are still rising. In smaller in- For them the foreign flag represents the
One of the common disadvantages that dustries, such as glassware, tile, pottery, same as foreign investments by compa-
Is not the fault of our industry-in fact textiles, typewriters, sewing machines nies that open up manufacturing plants
is to its credit-are the higher wages and many others, the power of resistance abroad; that is, under foreign flags.
paid in this country. This can become is not of the same degree. Such in- Figures are available to demonstrate
a serious disadvantage in the face of dustry can no longer expand in the face that our share of world exports has been
foreign industries when they have adopt- of imports as it did in past years and shrinking-this in the face of our exten-
ed our technology and production meth- hire additional workers. Rather it sive and heavy subsidization through
ods and have installed modern machinery strives with might and main to reduce its foreign aid, Public Law 480, food for
that lifts their man-hour productivity costs by installing the most modern ma- peace, and so forth. Particularly un-
up to or nearly up to or even above ours. chinery and thus displacing workers by favorable has been the decline in our
We are justly proud of the high wages the hundreds or thousands. share of world exports of manufactured
we pay but they can represent a terrific In the case of typewriters and sewing products. Again, there should be no
handicap, in foreign trade, as many in- machines overseas investments have been mystery about this. The answer is as
dustries have learned. I am not one resorted to as the remedy. This leaves clear as it is with our merchant marine.
who believes that we should' reduce our the home fires of labor burning ever dim- Let me tell you something about our
wages in order to compete with imports. mer while the companies do quite well steel exports.
Attachment A following my statement abroad, enjoying the low wages prevail- The iron and steel community of Eu-
Is the testimony given this very morning ing there. rope produced 82.8 million tons of steel
by the Plywood Industry before our Com- The trouble facing so many of our in- in 1964. It exported 13.9 million tons,
mittee on Fair Labor Standards. dustries from imports is not mysterious; or 16.7 percent-Source: "European
Another disadvantage that need not be nor is it a mystery when they try to de- Community," May 1965, p. 5. The United
the fault of an American industry might fend themselves by becoming more ef- States produced 84.9 million tons and
lie in the failure to find a rapid cost-re- ficient. Unless they do this they will exported 3.3 million tons, or 3.9 percent;
ducing mechanism when challenged by inevitably succumb to the import dam- and 30 percent of these exports are ac-
imports. New methods of production age. The fact is, however, that the only counted for by foreign aid-Source:
that represent radical improvement over way open for real cost reduction lies in Iron and Steel Institute-Japan pro-
current methods depend on invention; eliminating labor, for employee costs in duced 39.8 million tons of crude steel in
and inventions are not turned on like total corporate costs in this country rep- the same year-1964-and exported 6.9
a light. Yet, given time we have made resent 80 percent. Therefore efforts to million tons, or 17 percent.
tremendous progress in overcoming the remain competitive come out of the hides In 1958 we were exporting more than
disadvantages that may reside In labor- of the workers; and not only is unem- half as much again in steel as we im-
intensive situations. In recent years, for ployment swelled but our consumer pur- ported. Now we import twice the ton-
example, pretzel bending by hand has chasing power Is crippled every time a nage that we export.
been replaced by machines. Very few worker is displaced by machinery. Do these 3gures mean anything in
cigars are still made by hand. A hundred I want at this point to answer the aca- point of the competitive position of our
and more examples could be found of demic economists who say that instal- steel industry? Are we going to stand
instances in which a long lag gave way lation of laborsaving machinery leads idly by and watch this industry do its
to some novel invention. As a country to higher employment. Ordinarily this expanding overseas? The industry in-
we have nothing to apologize for in this would be true; but they have not consid- vested about $11/2 billion in new plant
respect. We have led the world in tech- ered the situation where the installations and equipment in 1964. This is for the
nological advancement. are made in feverish efforts to remain installation of oxygen furnaces, continu-
Having led the world we then shared competitive; that is, simply to hold their ous casting, and so forth; but these in-
our technology with other countries and own. Under these circumstances, pre- vestments represented "modernization,"
in recent years they have eagerly taken cisely because imports have already come not expansion. We have excess capacity,
to our system. in at lower prices and have captured most as it is. They meant making more tons
That this fact should have confronted of the additional market that opens up of steel per thousand workers than be-
many of our industries with serious because of lower prices our industry's fore. Steel employment is down from 10
problems should not have surprised any- cost reduction does not lead to the higher years ago even though we are producing
one. That it will confront yet more in- volume of sales that would be necessary more steel. That is the effect of becom-
dustries in like manner should also sur- to rehire the displaced workers. Im- ing more efficient.
prise no one. An industry that is well ports have supplied this additional new How efficient must the steel industry
ahead in technology _today may be out- demand and our industry does well to become in order to halt the increase in
stripped tomorrow. Should there be no hold its own and indeed often does not imports? Must we install enough new
decent defense against these develop- succeed in doing so. The displaced work- machinery to displace a quarter of the
meats? Are we who led the world in ers then either find employment else- work force?
this field to become the victims of our where, and this is not always easy; or In 1960 the number of production
generosity? I ask you in all fairness: they start drawing unemployment com- workers in blast furnaces, steel and roll-
What kind of a policy is it that would ppnsation; and that is not the kind of ing mills was 424,000. They produced
exact this penalty of us, In the name of future that our workers look forward to 71,149,000 tons of steel or 154 tons per
anything you can think of? We do not and are entitled to. worker. In 1964 the number of work-
buy world peace with such currency. How many tests do we need in order ers was 456,000 but they produced 84,-
The facts have been very clear. The to prove that under present circum- 945,000 tons of steel or 186 tons per
cost of production in other industrial stances we are not generally competitive worker. This was 32 tuns more per
countries has fallen in relation to ours in with other countries? worker than 4 years earlier, or an in-
many fields. This was the result of rapid Consider the merchant marine. We crease of 20 percent-Survey of Current
technological advancement in those find it necessary to subsidize both ship Business, October 1961 and May 1965.
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