VIETNAM POLICIES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 20
• Publication Date: June 24, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

'-June 24; 1Aroved For ReI4MK$AChRYB04lM300180020-8
makes many unhealthy conditions possible
in the post office and Government offices,
and I believe the best way to meet the sit-
uation is to eliminate the provision and make
the promotions automatic. After all. If an
employee is not meeting acceptable standards
of work, he can be separated as incompetent.
If the supervisor takes this course, the em-
ployee can defend himself through the ap-
peals procedure. As it now stands, however,
the employee has no real means of defending
himself from possible vindictiveness and
injustice.
Mr. Chairman, in addition to H.R. 8995 to
provide salary increases, I want to call the
committee's attention to other bills before
your committee, which I have introduced in
behalf of Federal employees, and to urge your
early consideration of them.
H.R. 1020, providing for 30-year retirement
without reduction in annuity; H.R. 1023 for
an improved system of overtime compensa-
tion for postal field service employees; H.R.
1021 to eliminate the use of work measuring
devices in the postal service; H.R. 2612 to
liberalize the annuities formula; and H.R.
1019 to provide an allowance for work cloth-
ing of certain postal field service employees.
I have also introduced H.R. 1013, which is
before the Ways and Means Committee, to
exempt from income tax the annuities and
pensions of Federal employees.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I want to say
that, if we are to maintain a high level of
efficiency in our Government service-if we
are to retain loyal and dedicated workers and
preserve employee morale in the Govern-
ment-we have a definite responsibility to
provide them with adequate pay and with
fair and equitable work standards and pro-
motion schedules.
We spend billions to close the missile gap,
to lead the space race, and for foreign aid to
improve the living standards of peoples
around the globe. We must take action now
to improve the living standards of our Fed-
eral employees. Fe
VIETNAM POLICIES
(Mr.. PUR.CELL (at the request of Mr.
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. PURCELL. Mr. Speaker, recently
we have been hearing more criticism of
our policies in South Vietnam, particu-
larly from some of our college campuses.
Seldom, however, do we have an opportu-
nity to get the views of those who are
paying the heaviest price, the American
fighting men who are helping South
Vietnam defend itself.
I was privileged to receive a copy of a
letter written to the editor of the Denton,
Tex., Record Chronicle by a resident of
Denton serving in South Vietnam, Lones
E. Taylor, AMII3, U.S. Navy.
I particularly want to call attention to
his pointed question:
We sacrifice everything dear to us, some
even their lives.. Is it too much for us to
ask and expect that you at home have faith
and back us just a little?
For us to fail to stand with this young
man, those who serve with him, and the
South Vietnamese, will only delay the
time when we would be fgrced to call a
halt.tt the expansionist policies of the
Communists in Asia. If we are to con-
tain them, and we must do this sometime
or perish, then we must recognize that
although South Vietnam might not be
the most ideal place for the confronta-
tion, the time to make our determina-
tion clear to the Communists is now.
Americans like to win. This , is our
nature, and it is very difficult for us to
live with a situation where we can fore-
see a long period of struggle ahead beset.
with so many problems. But, if we are
to prevail in this conflict, we must real-
ize these difficulties will be with us and
we must recognize the need to continue
to support our effort in South Vietnam.
I commend this letter to my colleagues:
A LETTER ON VIETNAM
JUNE 13, 1965.
DEAR EDITOR: Whether or not you print this
letter is up to you and your paper, but I
feel I must write what I and many men over
here in the Vietnam war feel.
As for myself, there were many reasons I
stayed in the Navy (of which money certainly
wasn't one) love of my home, family, and
most of all, my country. I've never thought
of myself as being very patriotic, but the
more I read of papers back home, it turns my
stomach to think that people can think so
little of this wonderful country that we live
in.
Among other things, the Navy has helped
me to grow into a mat and accept my re-
sponsibilities as a citizen of America, for
which our forefathers fought and died so
graciously and willingly.
Has everyone forgotten the basis that this
country was founded on? Or don't they
teach that in our colleges and universities
today?
I have always regretted that I didn't at-
tend college first instead of going into serv-
ice, but now I'm not too sure. I would hate
to think that I had the outlook on life and
would so willingly turn down responsibility
as students over the country today are
doing.
They are making a mockery of everything
that true Americans believe in today. When
they protest the war in Vietnam and policies
of our Government leaders by picketing the
White House, burning their draft cards and
doing many other disgraceful and unpatri-
otic things, it only shows their lack of learn-
ing and understanding. They don't care
what they protest, or even care whom or what
it hurts.
YOUTH WILL GOVERN WORLD
I realize they are only a small percentage
of our young students, but if left to grow,
could be our entire country, for the youth of
today will govern the world tomorrow.
Most of this is caused by fear. No one
wants war or to die in a far land that has
little meaning to their lives.
This is not so. We over here know what
we're fighting for. It isn't like the Korean
war. We know now that we must fight
communism anywhere over the world where
it threatens free people that are depressed,
poverty stricken and that are being eaten
alive by the Communist machine. Not only
for these reason but for our wives, families,
and even our forefathers that have died be-
fore us.
We are over here now trying to do our job
as we know it, but it is hard to have faith
and fight for what we know to be right when
people at home have no faith and aren't
backing us as they should. Sometimes we
wonder if you even care about us or your-
selves.
Every day some of our shipmates fail to re-
turn to the ship (USS Midway), but they go
each day knowing if they the we will carry
on to win over communism in the end.
QNE..I.ORE CQPEFORT
We left our comfortable homes, our wives
and families to spend lonely, endless days at
sea, our only comfort the fact that someday
we'll be able to return in peace, for a while
anyway.
14217
We sacrifice everything dear to us, some
even their lives. Is it too much for us to ask
and expect that you at home have faith and
back us just a little?
We are the ones fighting now and we're
not complaining about it. Are people so
afraid that they might be asked to fight a
little for what (if anything) they believe in?
There isn't any one of us here who wouldn't
like to change places with any student back
home, but we believe in freedom. Doesn't
anyone else believe in freedom any more?
Evoryone wants peace, but to me it matters
a great deal the price I have to pay for it.
How can we expect to have peace and free-
dom at the expense of countries like South
Vietnam if we turn our backs on them?
NO LONGER ANGRY
When I started this letter I was angry, but
now I have compassion for those who believe
that peace is good no matter what they have
to do or what rights they have to give up to
get it.
If we follow this line of thinking we'll soon
have nothing else to lose and will be lost and
buried by communism, because there will be
nothing else to hope, believe, or fight for.
Has our morality dropped so low?
I've lived all my life in Denton prior to
joining the Navy and I love the town and
people. When this is over (the war), I plan
to take my discharge with 61/2 years' active
service and return to my wife and children
to take my place in a community that I'll be
proud of.
I have heard of no such demonstrations
from the campuses of Denton and this makes
me proud and very happy.
If this letter serves no other purpose, I
hope it will make a few people realize what
I have tried to say and just understand a
little of what is facing us.
We'll do the job. You just give us some
support and we'll all be fulfilling our job.
Give us back our faith in the American
people again.
Respectfully submitted.
LoNES E. TAYLOR, AMH3.
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-PART
CVI
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following article which appeared in
the New York Herald Tribune of May 3,
1965, concerning the Women's House of
Detention in New York City.
The article is part of the series on
"New York City in Crisis," and follows:
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-PRISON REPORT
ATTACKED
(By Alfonso Narvaez)
New York City's Women's House of De-
tention found itself enmeshed in another
controversy yesterday as Democratic mem-
bers of the State and city government at-
tacked Deputy Mayor Edward Cavanagh's
recent report that charges of "snake-pit"
conditions at the prison "were without sub-
stance." They called for continued investi-
gation into conditions at the penal institu-
tion.
Assemblyman Joseph Kottler, chairman of
the assembly committee on penal institu-
tions, charged that Mr. Cavanagh's report,
made public last Tuesday, was "totally inade-
quate and one sided." He said that despite
the fact that overcrowding at the prison had
been alleviated, "it is still a snake-pit."
Mr. Kottler, interviewed on WCBS-TV's
"Newsmakers." said that he had the recorded
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testimony of four other former inmates of
the prison who corroborated charges of ram-
pant Lesbianism, rats, vermin, poor food, and
humiliating internal examinations.
Mr. Kottler brought with him to the
studio three women who had been arrested
during a civil rights demonstration last Oc-
tober and who had been held in the House of
Detention for 5 days.
After the telecast, the women charged that
they had been subjected to inadequate medi-
cal attention and humiliating examinations
and that they had seen Lesbian activity, rats,
and. other vermin.
TAKEN AWAY
Helena Lewis, 28, of 20 West 10th Street,
said that they had been searched practically
in public for narcotics. She said that
everything had been taken away from them,
including medicine that had been pre-
scribed for her by her doctor.
One of the other women, a psychologist
at a residence for neglected girls, said that
one of the guards patted some of the prison-
ers as they waited for their examination.
Mr. Kottler said that he was hopeful that
two State investigations would begin soon
to look into conditions at the prison and
others throughout the State. He said that
he had sponsored legislat'on calling for the
creation of a joint legislative investigation
committee and that Speaker of the House
Anthony J. Travia favored the proposal.
In a radio interview on "The WINS News
Conference," city Councilman Paul O'Dwyer
sharply criticized Mr. Cavanagh for his "po-
litical" report refuting charges against the
prison.
"I would say that he was a less than im-
partial reporter in connection with that sit-
uation," Mr. O'Dwyer said. "Several of us
intend to make an investigation or an in-
quiry of our own therein the coming week."
Mr. O'Dwyer said that the report by Mr.
Cavanagh had been made to offset a damag-
ing report by Herman T. Stichman, Governor
Roc:kefeller's special investigator, and to
"come in to sort of put up a defense."
DISCOUNT REPORTS
Mr. O'Dwyer said that he would discount
both reports and rely on statements by Cor-
rections Commissioner Anna Dross, who "for
the last 12 years has been screaming that
conditions are bad in the Women's House of
Detention."
During the last 2 months more than eight
women have complained publicly about their
treatment at the prison and have testified
before various investigating committees of
the conditions there.
If the 3 proposed investigations take
place, they will bring to 10 the number of
committees that have probed into charges
of overcrowding and homosexual activity
first made public by an 18-year-old Benning-
ton College freshman, Andrea Dworkin, who
had been arrested during a pacifist demon-
stration and who could not raise $500 ball.
She has recently been subpenaed to appear
before a May grand jury investigating condi-
tions and treatment at the, 33-year-old
prison, at Greenwich Avenue and West 10th
Street.
The prison has been the target of count-
less investigations ever since it first opened
"as the greatest step forward in prison his-
tory." The prison, originally designed to
house 401 inmates, held as many as 650 when
charges of "snakepit" conditions were aired
last month.
As a result of Deputy Mayor Cavanagh's
preliminary investigations more than 100
women were transferred to the top floor of
the Brooklyn House of Detention, which
usually houses only men.
At last reports, there were 450 inmates
housed in accommodations for 457.
Reports of shocking conditions at the
prison and the mixing of young first of-
fenders and other persons not yet convicted
of crimes with hardened female prisoners
tend to highlight another apparent failure
in the administration of New York City.
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-
PART CVII
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol-
lowing article concerns the role that
businessmen should play in solving some
of New York City's problems.
The article is part of the series on
New York City in Crisis and appeared in
the New York Herald Tribune on May
4, 1965.
The article follows:
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS-DAVID ROCKE-
SELLER'S CALL FOR URBAN ACTION
(By Barrett McGurn)
David Rockefeller, president of the Chase
Manhattan Bank, said yesterday that "pri-
vate business" Is the key to solving the crises
threatening major cities from one side of
America to the other.
Federal, State, and municipal funds com-
bined will never amount to more than "seed
money" in the face of the towering and
multiplying needs of this country's great
urban centers, the 49-year-old financier-
philanthropist said.
For every dollar put up by Government,
private business will have to raise five in
order to assemble the immense sums need-
ed, Mr. Rockefeller calculated.
Mr. Rockefeller made it clear that his
analysis applied specifically to crisis ridden
New York, the largest of the world's urban
concentrations.
He spoke in Miami Beach to the 33d an-
nual convention of the Edison Electric In-
stitute. He talked of America's great cities
and mentioned that success in this country
in meeting the challenge would be a model
for the whole planet. Mr. Rockefeller
pointed out that the growth of city difficulties
has been compared by the United Nations
World Health Organization with war and
peace as a foremost issue of the remaining
20th century years. He frequently cited the
woes and efforts of New York in arguing
his major thesis: -
Business should shoulder its large share
of the burden, but more favorable tax struc-
tures are needed as an inducement.
"The major investment must be under-
written by private sources.
"And to attract such substantial funds,
we must take steps to make investment in
urban redevelopment more appealing in
competition with other opportunities.
"Modifications in some existing tax regu-
lations, and the use of vehicles that would
be free from some tax restraints, offer pos-
sible avenues of approach.
"Properly conceived, taxes can be made
to stimulate growth as well as produce
revenue."
LEADERSHIP
Mr. Rockefeller's comments were the latest
contribution to a great public forumon the
crisis of such areas as New York City, a
colloquy which has mounted in intensity
since the start of the continuing Herald
Tribune series on "New York City in Crisis."
Like two other episodes, the formation of a
Committee of 14 to cope especially with the
New York blue collar job drain, and the
creation of the Committee of 65 to combat
the commuter rail crisis, Mr. Rockefeller's
contribution was based on the prime as-
sumption that business leadership must be
part of any solution to the city's ills.
Mr. Rockefeller Is a member of the Com-
mittee of 65. His Chase Manhattan board
chairman, George Champion, is a key figure
in the Committee of 14, and is immediate
past president of the 197-year-old New York
Chamber of Commerce, which sounded the
first call for business leadership in tackling
the difficulties of a city in crisis.
Mr. Rockefeller's comments were consid-
ered particularly significant because of his
prominent position in New York civic and
financial circles. He has often been sug-
gested as a Republican candidate for mayor
or as the leader of a businessmen's drive to
combat New York's difficulties, but always
has refused to join his brother, the Governor,
in anything smacking of politics. Mr. Rocke-
feller is, however, president of the Down-
town-Lower Manhattan Association, which
has led the way in New York local reform
by injecting hundreds of millions bf dollars
of new life into the once-fading Wall Street
financial area.
Mr. Rockefeller made these remarks on
the importance of the problem of the in-
creasing urbanization of America:
"The United Nations World Health Organi-
zation declared recently that 'after the ques-
tion of keeping world peace, metropolitan
planning is probably the most serious single
problem faced by man in the second half of
the 20th century.' Indeed, it is a problem
of such enormous magnitude, baffling com-
plexity and immense diversity that it coln-
pels our attention and our energies.
"We are coming to realize the immense
dangers of an uncontained population explo-
sion and all this portends for inhibiting ma-
terial progress. Now we must also acknowl-
edge the dangers Inherent in an uncontrolled
population implosion, the tremendous influx
of people into huge urban centers and the
self-generating congestion of our cities."
STIMULATING NEWS
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
ALBERT) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, we are
all delighted with the President's act in
signing the excise tax reduction bill on
Monday. The following editorial from
the New York Journal American of June
21, 1965, comments upon that and sev-
eral other pieces of good news:
STIMULATING NEWS
President Johnson signs today the bill
providing for $4.6 billion in reductions on
excise taxes on a wide variety of consumer
goods. It should be a vitamin shot to the
economy.
The President estimates the bill will re-
lease about $1.75 billion in extra purchasing
power during the remainder of this year,
and another $1.75 billion next January when
further excise cuts of $1.6 billion are sched-
uled.
Together with this development is the
stimulating announcement by the President
that the Federa: budget deficit for the year
ending June 30 will be about $3.8 billion-
$2.5 billion less than his estimate last
January.
For the most part the lower budget deficit
Is attributed to last year's cut in corporate
and personal income taxes. Economists hold
it has stepped up demand for goods and
services, thereby increasing corporate and
personal incomes and raising Federal
revenues.
Other aspects of good news are:
The administration's program to out the
dollar drain of Government programs abroad
has reduced the net balance-of-payment
costs by 23 percent. or $635 million.
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June 24, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.- APFENDIX
No National Outcry Against Chicago
Del~aonstratioas
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. JAMES D. MARTIN
Or ALABAM4,.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
Mr.'MARTIN of Alabama. Mr, Speak-
er, under permission to extend my, re-
marks in the RECORD I would like to
He said, "the urban ghetto of Chicago, and
everywhere it exists, feeds on its own filth-
then spreads its poison, physical and moral,
through the whole body of our population."
It was such a little while ago that Chicago's
press and public officials-and some clergy-
were so generous with their carte blanche cas-
tigation and condemnation of the South.
I knew and said then that there would be
a day of reckoning for such hypocrisy. No,
I find no satisfaction in the realization of
that prediction. Only sadness-to see the
storm clouds gather.
include, an 'tile by Paul Harvey which Alibates Flint Quarries Reveal Early
appeared in the Gadsden, Ala., Times on
June 20 -Mr. Harvey's discussion of the
lawlessness in Chicago as contrasted to
that in, Selma, Ala., shows clearly the
double standard exercised by much of the
news media and others in their continu-
ing attacks upon the South.
[From the Gadsden Times, June 20, 1965]
FERMENT, BITTERNESS, AND THE THREAT OF
BLOODSH,.ED TAUNTS LIFE OF CHICAGO
(By Paul Harvey)
This Is Chicago. The long, hot summer
has begun. In the concrete canyons of the
Loop and in the steamy asphalt jungles
which su;round It, there is ferment, bitter-
Three weeks ago in Chicago, Harlem Con-
gressman ADAM CLAYTON POWELL urged Ne-
groes to seek for themselves "audacious
power."
Coincidence or not, since that speech the
tempo of marching, picketing, demonstrating
has increased in Chicago.
During the 2-day visit of the astronauts,
the entire city held Its breath over the brazen
boast by a rabble-rousing "rights" leader who
threatened to "do something that will upset
the whole country." He didn't.
Overwhelmed by official pleading, public
indignation, and newspaper warnings "not
to go too far," the demonstrators kept their
peace for 24 hours.
The. nyyxt day the midcity marching began
again, protesting "de facto school segrega-
tion," demanding the outster of School Su-
perintendeint Willis.
Every day now it's something else. A local
demonstration leader says the "real target is
Mayor Daley."
"If we can topple the Daley machine In
Chicago, we can topple the machine of any
northern City. If we can't do it with marches
we' Will take economic means.,, .
Comic-crusader Dick ` Gregory urged fol-
lowers to turn on all water faucets and thus
cripple the city's water supply.
He and, 440 others Including James Farm-
er, were arrested, earlier this month, detained,
then released,
As these were handcuffed and tossed into
police vans, tlie'Chicago-press gave this local
story less picture coverage than it customer-
-fly gives to similar incidents in the South.
Selma, Ala.'s mayor wondered why. He
sent a telegram to senator PAUL: DouGLAs
asking why Mrs. Douglas did not participate
in the demonstrations in Chicago. She had
,gone all the way to Selma, Ala., to march,
said vIayor Joe Smitherman.
j, oo niiyg t0 Selma, Ala., was in our na-
tlona}.,).merest, certainly you could do as
muCh'gooc'1`in taking the same action in your
own State.'}
"" LeRoy Collins, president Johnson's trouble-
shooter ; in race "relations, i Chicago last
week,' ,urged northerners to'vview'their own
ghettos instead of concentrating on southern
ncctal problems"` He termed Chicago's South
Side ..,Negro neighborhoods "sickening," "a
disgrace."
American History
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH YARBOROUGH
OF TEXAS
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
Mr. Y'ARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
now pending before the Parks and Rec-
reation Subcommittee of the Senate In-
terior and Insular Affairs Committee is a
bill, which I have introduced, to estab-
lish the Alibates Flint Quarry, on the
Canadian River, as a national monu-
ment.
Discovered in 1925, this 300-foot-wide,
mile-long shard of a ridge, about 35 miles
northeast of the present city of Amarillo,
is one of the most significant archeolog-
ical finds of our time. Alibates flint was
the best material for making weapons
and tools that the early American man
could find; and this particular quarry is
the only place where it could be ob-
tained.
Two ancient Pueblo-type villages and
numerous campsites have already been
discovered, and indicate that a com-
munity developed around the quarry.
Further archeological explorations will
surely uncover many more significant
relics of these early years of our conti-
nent's history.
In order that further explorations may
be promoted and, in order that this im-
portant monument of early America may
be secured for the intellectual enrich-
ment and pleasure of all the people of
Texas and of our Nation, both present
and future, I feel that it is the responsi-
bility of this Congress to preserve the
Alibates flint quarry as a national monu-
ment..,
Recently, an article entitled "Alibates
Flint Quarry Pinpoint 'Longest Story"'
was published in the Amarillo Sunday
News-Globe of May 16, 1965. The article
was written by Thomas Hough. I ask
unanimous consent that the article be
printed in the Appendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the+e~article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Amarillo (Tex.) News-Globe, May
:6, 1965]
ALIBATES FLINT QUARRIES PINPOINT LONGEST
STORY ,
(By Thomas Hough)
AMAitILLO -=Walking over' the Alibates flint
quarries in the Texas Panhandle makes a
A3315
famous stone wall are recent innovations in
man's life upon earth.
. The quarry contains the longest story ever
told.
When naked early man killed the giant
mammoth for food, he used the best weapons
he could get: That is why Alibates flint holds
such a prominent place in archeology.
Because of a $5-year secret by a dedicated
amateur archeologist, and the administra-
tive skills of an Amarillo businessman, the
priceless story in the quarries now will be
preserved for all mankind.
The businessman is Henry Hertner, a
former city commissioner, who took the lead
in bringing the project to the attention of
Government officials so that the site could
be protected as a monument to prehistoric
free enterprise.
Sac in .1925, Floyd Studer, of Amarillo,
discovered the quarries on one of his many
field trips. Studer probably has done more
poking around in the Panhandle than any
other single person.
Many of his artifacts from a lifetime of
collecting are displayed in the Panhandle
Plains Historical Museum at Canyon.
Studer knew he had a great discovery, but
he bad no_ way of exploring it. So he kept
it'a secret. ,
He did share his discoveries with a few
prominent archelogists. They determined
that flint from the Alibates quarries had
been taken into Canada, to California-in
fact, all over the West.
Alibates flint made the best weapons and
tools that early American man could find.
And there was only one place in the world
where it could be obtained-out of the 300-
foot-wide, mile-long shard of a ridge about
35 miles northeast of the present city of
Amarillo.
Archeologists say the flint must have had
extreme value in order for early man to have
carried it so far away from the quarries,
Today a person can see the hundreds, at
last count, 550 pits that pock the area. An-
cient man used poles, stones, and his hands
to root through the weathered surface rock
to get solid flint.
. Two ancient Pueblo-type villages and
numerous campsites in the area indicate
that at one time flourishing communities
existed.
Competent exploration of ancient civiliza-
tion takes time and money. Progress is slow.
Studer continued to keep secret the location
of the quarries.
But then the Canadian River Water Au-
thority began planning Sanford Dam to con-
tain Lake Meredith. The water will be used
by 11 west Texas cities, and the lake is
planned as a recreation area for water sports
enthusiasts.
VFW Citation to the Defenders of Quemoy
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, the Vet-
erans of Foreign Wars, as Members of
this House are well aware, is one of our
most helpful and influential national or-
ganizations.
One of the reasons the VFW's views
are respected and listened to is that the
VFW officials know what they are talk-
ing about. For example, in matters per-
taining to national security and interna-
person realize that the Pyramids and China's tional policies, the VFW speaks with per-
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CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD- APPENDIX June 24, 1965
zonal knowledge. The VFW national
commander and the organization's na-
tional security director have seen per-
sonally the troubled spots that are of
such deep, concern to our Nation.
Within the past few weeks National
VFW Commander John A. Jenkins, of
Birmingham. Ala., who is weal known to
Members of this House, and the VFW
National Security and Foreign Affairs
Director, Brig. Gen. James D. Hlttie,
U.S. Maril)e Corps (retired),' personally
visited southeast Asia, including battle
fronts in South Vietnam. In so doing,.
the VFW commander performed a truly
valuable service to our country and its
fighting men. As representative of the
1,800,000 overseas combat veterans, Buck
Jenkins could personally assure our
fighting men-and he did-that our
country is behind them and they are not
forgotten in the far away battlefields.
There was another great service per-
formed by the VFW through Commander
Jenkins. During his visit to the Repub-
lie of China, he flew in a Republic of
China Air Force plane to the off-shore,
and regularly shelled, island of Quemoy.
This island of Quemoy is an outpost of
freedom in Asia and is a bastion of the
free world's defense against aggressive
communism in the western Pacific.
On behalf of the Veterans of Foreign
Wars of the United States, and as a, re-
sult of a resolution unanimously adopted
by the VFW dt its 1964 national conven-
tion, in Cleveland, Ohio, Commander
Jenkins presented a VFW certificate of
admiration and appreciation to the mili-
tary and civilian defenders of Quemoy
for their contribution to the defense of
the free world. It is such things as this
which the VFW does to strengthen our
defense against communism, that has
earned the VFW such high esteem in the
United States and overseas.
Commander Jenkins' remarks were
brief but eloquent, and because of the
Importance of the occasion, as well as
what the VFW commander said, I in-
clude his presentation address at the
conclusion of these remarks:
REMARKS OF JOHN A. JENKINS, COMMANDER
IN CHIEF, VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS OF
THE UNITED STATES, PRESENTATION OF THE
VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS CITATION TO THE
MILITARY AND CIVILIAN DEFENDERS OF QUE-
MOY, QUEMOY, REPUBLIC OF CHINA, MAY 12,
1965
One of the high privileges that comes to
me as the commander in chief of the Vet-
erans of Foreign Wars of the United States,
is to present on behalf of the VFW, citations
honoring those who have contributed to the
defense of the free world. Today, it is my
privilege and pleasure to participate in such
a presentation.
I bring you the greetings and respects of
the 1,300,000 overseas combat veterans who
comprise the membership of the Veterans of
Foreign Wars of the United States.
Every member of the VFW is a combat vet-
eran. Because of this experience, our mem-
bers respect and admire those whe have
demonstrated heroic bravery In the face of
enemy attack.
We of the VFW ,share with freedom-loving
peoples everywhere a devotion to liberty and
a determination to defend freedom against
the evil attacks of communism. We know
that the free world can be protected only by
people who believe so deeply in freedom that
they will die to preserve it.
Because we recognize these things, we
recognize the Importance of Quemoy and the
heroism of those who have defended it so
bravely and effectively.
-Consequently, the thousands of delegates
attending the 1964 convention of the Vet
crane of Foreign Wars of the United States in
Cleveland, Ohio, last August, unanimously
voted to award an official citation of the
Veterans of,Foreign Wars to the military and
civilian defenders of Quemoy.
This decision by the convention was made
for many reasons:
Because of the bravery and the determina-
tion you have demonstrated in beating back
repeatedly the onslaughts of Communist
aggression.
Because of the brave manner in which you
defy communism while living on an island of
freedom literally under the guns of
communism.
Because in defending Quemoy against
Communist aggression you are preventing
communism from seizing Quemoy, which is
one of the most strategically important posi-
tions in the defense of the free world.
And finally, we of the VFW take this means
of expressing to the military and civilian de-
fenders of Quemoy our admiration and our
gratitude for all these things which you have
done in the defense of your. freedom, and
most assuredly in the defense of free peoples
everywhere.
At this time `it is my privilege, as com-
mander in chief of the Veterans of Foreign
Wars of the United States, to present this
official citation. It Is our hope that it will
be for you a lasting reminder of the friend-
ship, admiration, and esteem in which you
are held by the members of our organization.
It is our hope, too, that although we may be
separated from you by the thousands of miles
of the Pacific Ocean, you are not forgotten,
and that what you have done, and what you
are doing in the defense of freedom, is
prominently in our #heczg#t@ and our hearts.
I e
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE A. SMATHERS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Thursday, June 24, 1 965
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, as
President Johnson recently said on na-
tionwide television, the genius and
strength of America rest largely with
our freedom to debate and criticize our
national policies.
Certainly, no thinking American wants
to curb that freedom of discussion. By
the same token, however, no American
wants this precious liberty to damage
the many other freedoms for which the
United States stands.
Unfortunately, I feel that the loud
and, in far too many cases, uninformed
criticisms of America's commitment in
Vietnam have, indeed, damaged the
cause Of world freedom.
Max Freedman, in an article entitled
"The Progression in Vietnam Debate,"
which was published in the June 23 is-
sue of the Washington Star, made this
point quite clear.
Mr. Freedman noted that President
Johnson has made every effort within
reason to find a peaceful settlement In
Vietnam.
The President has tried to meet every
legitimate request. First, there was the
demand for negotiations. The President
eloquently appealed for negotiations,
with his offer of unconditional discus-
sions. The Communists turned a deaf
ear.
Next came the demand to halt the
bombing. The President ordered this
pause. Again, the Communists refused
to help find a way to peace.
Now there is the demand for negoti-
ations with. the Vietcong.
Criticism is essential to our democracy.
But, in this case, such criticism seems
to be strengthening the Communists'
determination to control all of southeast
Asia.
Mr. Freedman pointed out this danger :
Over the weekend President Ho Chi Minh,
of North Vietnam, was quoted as saying that
the Communist military effort Is receiving
encouragement from the criticisms heard
inside the United States.
I strongly support President Johnson's
leadership of the free world.
Communism knows one language; that
is the language of strength and determi-
nation. The United States has the
strength. President Johnson has dis-
played the determination.
I recommend that the entire Freed-
man article be read. At this time I re-
quest consent that it be printed in the
Appendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE PROGRESSION IN VIETNAM DEBATE
(By Max Freedman)
In the White House they are drawing up
an interesting list of the various stages that
have marked the public debate on Vietnam.
First there was the demand for negotia-
tions. This demand died away when the
President went to Baltimore and made his
offer of unconditional discussions.
Then there was the campaign for a pause
in the bombing. When President Johnson
ordered this pause and nothing happened to
bring the Communists to the conference
table, the agitation became far less vehement.
Now there is a demand for direct negotia-
tions with the Vietcong. The White House
is struck by the progression of these de-
mands. The argument moves from a simple
request for negotiations, to a campaign
against bombing raids on North Vietnam, to
a demand for a negotiated settlement based
on direct talks with the Communist guerrilla
forces in South Vietnam. Always the pres-
sure is on the United States to make the first
concessions to the Communists.
In pointing to these facts, White House
officials make no criticism of the group of
Democratic Senators who have become the
public opponents of U.S. policies in Vietnam.
The President himself has acknowledged that
these Senators have both "the right and the
duty" to express their convictions on such a
major aspect of U.S. policy. Officials in the
White House are not opposed to criticism.
They are wondering instead whether the
critics are sufficiently aware of the uses to
which their protests have been put by the
Communist side.
Instead of persuading the Communists
that the time had come to seek a negotiated
settlement, these American criticisms have
had the opposite effect. They have hardened
the Communist military campaign, led them
to hope that the United States may yet be-
come grievously divided, and pushed the
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 June 42,196S COINGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX
A3317
Gomalunists further avay from the confer- this significant national holiday by dis- to accommodate a large expansion of Scott's
e`nce im. playing this beautiful banner for 31 Paper-producing mill.
Over , h w@@kend-President "Flo thi Mlnh days WILLIAM H. KENDALL,
a 17ox'tli ietnam, was quoted In Pravda as The club has the enthusiastic endorse- President.
saying that the communist military effort is
receiving encouragement fro the criticisms ment and cooperation of the city officials
m
heard inside the United States: who have issued a proclamation desig-
Now the last thought in the mind of any noting July as "Rally Around the Flag"
Senator is to say or do anything that will month. Other organizations are coop-
bring'aid and comfort to the Communists. erating with the members of the club in
Not a single critical Senator is trying to help devising ways and means of rendering
the iroinmunist side, Without exception all special courtesies and respect to our na-
of them are, trying to save the United States tional flag which stands for the United
from following a path that they 'conceive' to
be full of mischief and danger. Their con- States of America, "one nation under
victions command respect even when they do God, indivisible, with liberty and justice
not carry agreement; for it is never easy to for all."
against a mounting war fever. Such special recognition by the Loyal
stand 61#
But it cannot be challenged by anyone who Boosters Club._is a splendid way of pay-
has studied --the' uses made in Hanoi and ing homage to this shining symbol of our
Peiping of these senatorial criticisms that national sovereignty, our glorious past,
they have an impact which quite often mocks and the promise of our future greatness.
tore the p are men of the speakers. These Sena I would like to commend the Loyal
, men of .. experience and patriotism. .
It surely should 6e possible for them, within Boosters Club for this admirable tribute.
the traditions of 'responsible debate, to criti- Each member of its organization and all
cite their own Government without giving of the others cooperating in this splendid
comfort and encouragement to the Commu- action have given us a patriotic example
nists. After all, they could have been no worthy of praise and emulation.
H with H
nhi
h
Wh
t
o
i
e use
happier than t
e
Minh's interview with Pravda.
Incidentally; fak-too much has been made
of Senator 3: WILLIAM FULBRIGHT'S meeting
with the President before his recent speech in
the Senate. As chairman of the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee, the Arkansas
Democrat has his own constitutional duties
to discharge. His ability to command a na-
tional Or indeed a world audience does not
depend on his being a spokesman for the
White House. It depends on his own in-
trinsic, wisdom. Nobody understands this
better, than the President.
That being clearly understood, 'it should
be added that it is utter nonsense for the
Republican Party to pretend that FULBRIGHT
is challenging the President's program.
Johnson is pledged to a policy of uncondi-
tional. That means he is ready
to go to the conference table'without-pre-
conditions of any kind. He is ready to listen
to everything without agreeing t6 anything
Quite plainly 'there can be no settlement,
as FULBRIGnT has said, without concessions
from`both,sided . The President has no quar-
rel at all 'with that position. He merely
reserves the right to decide for himself at
the proper time what precise concessions
are in fact essential to a settlement. He
would like'that fact to be thoroughly under-
stood he
HON. 'FRANK CHELF
OF KENTUCKY
IN THEHOUSI; OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
Mr" CH, LF'. Mr. Speaker, the Loyal
Eopsters Chub of Bellevue, Ky., located in
the k$prth_ Congressional District which
I have-thehonor to represent here has
passed a resolution calling for every one
of its approximately 70 members to fly
our American flag every day during the
mooith of July.
'1'hIt, club,'which is one' of the oldest
in norheln Kentucky, felt that instead
of,pelebrating gone day of Independence
of our country, it would like to observe
INTERNATIONAL PAPER CO.,
New York.
International Paper Co. has been an in-
dustrial citizen of the Mobile area since 1928
and the headquarters of our Southern Kraft
Division has been located there since 1930.
We have very deep roots in this enterpris-
ing, fast-moving community. Mobile has
been home to several thousand of our em-
ployees and to many of us from other parts
of the company. Mobile also has been a
gracious host on the frequent occasions
when we have visited there.
But much more important to our company
has been the economic and business climate
that has been fostered in Mobile by the
public spirited. businessmen and community
leaders who set the tone for the city, Mobile
welcomes growth; it welcomes innovation
and expansion; it looks to the future.
To a large extent, this sound, business-
oriented background has encouraged us to
invest more than $67 million in expansion
and development of our Mobile operations
since 1954. One of the most important sin-
gle aspects of our operations in Mobile has
been the establishment and growth of our
Erling Riis Research Laboratory. Named for
the former head of our southern operations
and a longtime Mobile resident, this lab-
oratory is one of the outstanding pulp and
paper research organizations in the coun-
try-
We look forward to our future associations
with your progressive, alert community. The
combination of a growing complex of mod-
ern industry and a stable, hard-working,
cordial populace, makes Mobile almost
unique of all the cities in the Gulf South
region.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. JACK EDWARDS
OF ALABAMA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, industrial expansion in Mobile
and other parts of southern Alabama is
continuing at a rapid pace. Leaders of
industry have on many occasions indi-
cated their successful experience with
growth operations in our area.
As examples I call attention to the two
following statements:
LOUISVILLE & NASHVILLE RAILROAD,
Louisville, Ky.
The Louisville & Nashville Railroad is proud
of its past association with the development
of the city of Mobile and is confident of fu-
ture progress in which we expect to partici-
pate.
The location?of Mobile provides a fortu-
nate environment and a sunny industrial
climate for the import and export of many
commodities,. As Alabama's only port, Mo-
bile offers a growing operation that already
ranks among the top 10 ports of the Nation.
This status has been achieved largely
through efforts of the Alabama State docks
organization, which has provided facilities
for convenient and economical transfer of
,goods from ship lines through an extensive
rail distribution system to all parts of the
United States.
The L. & N. contributed.to the establish-
ment of the State docks by deeding a sub-
stantial block 'of its property to the State
early in 1926.
This railroad has also cooperated with the
Alabama Development Association, the Mo-
iz1le.Area:,Qham ci S1 ODmmerce and?civic
leaders in promoting development for indus-
trial use of 7,400 acres near Mobile. -
Establishment of competitive freight rates
has further encouraged industrial expan-
sion at Mobile. Tangible results of these ef-
forts include a recent expansion of Interna-
tional Paper Co.'s Mobile operation and the
establishment by the Scott Paper Co., in co-
operation with the L, & N? of a warehouse
RICHARD C. DOAN,
Chairman of the Board.
Employment of Older Workers in the
U.S. Government
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, for
a long time I have been interested in the
extent to which the older people of our
Nation have opportunities to be employed
by the Federal Government. I have
feared that it is entirely too difficult for
an older person to get work with the
Federal Government. I desire to include
in the RECORD a letter which was written
to me.June 8, 1965, by Chairman John
W,,, Macy. Chairman Macy has sent to
me some very informative figures. I ask
to include these figures in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD.
U.S. CIVIL SERVICE COMMISSION,
Washington, D.C., June 8, 1965.
Hon. LINDLEY BECKWORTH,
Chairman, Subcommittee on Civil Service,
Committee on Post Office and Civil Serv-
ice, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. BECKWORTH: This letter is in
reply to your Inquiry of April 16, 1965, ask-
ing for information that might serve to up-
date your subcommittee on developments in
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX June 24, 1965
the program to insure there Is no discrimina-
tion against older persons in connection with
Federal
employment.
There has been no indication of need for a
special drive in this area of placement of
people and none has been undertaken. The
reports received in our Bureau of Inspections
have not shown any cause for concern. So
far as we have any reason to believe the
selection of older people from our registers
is in reasonable relationship to the number
,who apply and are qualified. The GommLs-
sion, however, is staying alert to any, changes.
We have In process a study of the Federal
employee population by age which should
shed further light on the overall situation.
We expect to have the report by early sum-
mer and will send you a copy as soon as it is
available.
One enclosure. is the statistical material we
prepared last year and submitted to the edi-
tors of the 1964 annual report of the Presi-
( nt's Council on Aging which was issued
under the title "Action for Older Americans,"
The ;waterial which we submitted was more
comprehensive than the editors found oc-
casion to use, It may be of interest to you.
Last year the Commission sponsored a bill
11 to require mandatory retirement at age 70
after 5 years of service rather than after
15. Employment beyond 70 could still con-
tinue but on a. year-to-year basis. We felt
that such a measure would encourage agen-
cies to appoint more people of really ad-
vanced years so far as normal employment
prospects are concerned. The bill was re-
introduced this year as H.R. 442. A copy of
our report on it is enclosed.
Another enclosure of possible interest to
you in connection with age and employ-
ment is a reprint of an early retirement sur-
vey from our Civil Service Journal, "Thirty-
eight Years Is aPIenty."
Finally, it is my understanding that some
of the agencies in the excepted service have
elected to follow the same "no age limit"
employment policy now required of all in
the competitive service. The Bureau of
Medicine and Surgery of the Veterans' Ad-
ministration is one of these.
I hope that this survey of developments
will prove helpful to your subcommittee.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN W. MACY, Jr.,
Chairman.
+al ewploye s covered by retirement system, by sex, age, and length of service, June 30, 1963
LTatimates based on a 10-percent sample of employees under the Civil Service Retirement Act]
Age and isggth
ofaer sloe
Total
Number of employees
Percent distribution 1
Male
Female
Percent male
Total
Male
_
Female
Totah_~ ---- ----- - --_.-r---------- ----- ---------
2,300,000
1,739,480
560,520
75.6
100.00
100.0
100.0
By age :I_
Under
ears rrs
F
-- - -?-- ------- ---------
to 29years
a
14,080
107, 630
3,410
51, 700
,870
10,670
55, 930
24.2
48.0
.6
. 4.7
.2
3.0
L9
10.0
_------ - - __ __-_-_ _---_-?_- _?____.__-_
soto31yeslrs---------------------------- ------------------------
171,280
W4, OW
123.790
188,750
47,490
46,150
72.3
80.4
7.4
10
2
7.1
10
9
8.5
8
2
85to19 S s__________________________________________________-_
49 to 44years_-- -__.___---- __------------------------------
318, 500
418
070
260,960
332
950
67,540
85
120
78.8
79
6
.
13.8
18
2
.
14.4
.
12.1
45 to 49 years_--_-------- __------------------ ----------------
50 to 34 years
,
371,930
,
293,950
,
77,980
.
79.0
.
16.2
19.1
16.9
15.2
13.9
---------------------------------- .................
55 to 59 years--------------------------------------------------- -
285,050
211..300
217,170
147
630
67,880
53
670
76.2
73
3
12.4
8
8
12.5
8
6
12.1
EOtof#years_--_~.- . .....................
114,830
,
81,710
,
33,120
.
71.2
.
5
0
.
4
7
9.6
6
9
86 0 49years-- -_.._-- ?_____________
70 to74years
P,,079
42,460
13,610
75.7
.
2.4
.
2.4
.
2.4
----- -------------- - ---- ----------- --
'75 years and over -___ _ -
5,980
380
4, B90
310
1,290
70
78.4
81.6
.3
.3
.2
Sy I of oervica group:
Uader6yeass _-_-_-_ -____---------------- __?_.-___
5to9
ea
313,040
168,960
146,080
53.3
13.6
9.6
26.1
y
r$-------------- --------- -___________
10 to 14 years -----_-__--- ?_________________________________
440, 6M
485,820
324,490
326,000
116,010
109,320
73.7
74.9
19.2
18.9
18.7
18
7
20.7
19
5
15 to 19 years -----------------------------------------------------
20 to 24 years. -------------------------------- -_ _____--.
463,390
- 45
287,200
.379 6W
86,100
77870
81.0
83
0
19.7
19
9
.
21.1
.
15.4
26 to 29 years. ----------------------------- --- ____.
1 84f1'
05,490
17,350
.
886.9
.
1.8
6
1
13.9
3
1
30 to 34 years----------------------------------------- _
36to39years
41,2bf1.
36,490
4,760
88.5
1.8
.
2.1
.
.8
- . ------------------ --___-----------------_--_?---_-
40 to 44 years --------------------------------- _------- _
24,240
9,650
22,240
8
910
1,900
740
92.2
92
8
1.1
4
1.3
.3
45 to 49 years-_____-__--_ ________________________---___,_
50 years and over------- -----
---
2, 190
810
,
1,800
L
380
.
85.7
.
.1
?
.5
.1
.1
.1
-
----- ----- -- -----------
--------------
100.0
)
(
(5)
--------------
r Percents are rounded dependently and not forced to add to totals.
I Ir t ghee age for all tployees, 43.1 years; for males, 43.5 years; for females, 42 years.
Total
Less than 20
20 to 29
30 to 39
40 to 49
50 to 59
60 to 69
70 and over
Qauerai Aoeoant' Office -------
artmew o#x St e
~
_.
4,758
5 002
76
148,
818
887
980
1
091
1,227
1
569
1,249
980
400
318
______________
8t'tlHEnt Of t13E
Treasmy_
19epartment
82, 997
1,784
11,078
,
18,194
,
25,244
18, 398
8,205
----------- --
96
996,030
15,726
121; 465
259,348
340, 315
191,561
65,912
1,713
Office of the Secretary of Defense and other Defense
impartment of the Army -----------
21,457
356,338
835
6,914
3,580
44
391
5,098
92
589
6,756
118
794
3,897
fig
567
1, 252
23
468
38
Department of the Navy -------------------
Department of the Air Force -
331,480
288
765
4591
3,886
,
$5,108
3
7
,
77,435
,
118,710
,
69625
,
25,421
,
615
%90
-------------------------
,
8,3
6
84, 225.
96, 055
48,472
15
771
470
Department of Justice -_______-_.._ - _?------------
Poet (3ffice Department ___..___________________
A
t of the Interior-
17,971
588,409
53
900
454
5,567
1
067
2 130
78, 018
4,156
159, 908
5,901
196,299
3,957
106810
1 1,327
41, 546
47
1, 234
r
_ ---------- -.-_
partment of Agriculture__-.. _____-_--__.___-
D
rt
,
110, 046
,
2, 576
9, 449
19, 890
13,850
27
580
15,106
29
850
1D, 726
23
435
3, 512
7
041
190
174
epa
ment of Commerce___ --------
11spartnlent ail aber..._ ,
31,124
8
929
732
535
6,391
0
,
7,561
,
8257
,
6,122
,
2,025
36
Department of 1lealtdi, Education ~:d W.eYfare. __,
,
73,161
3,298
1, 68
16
099
1,777
7
840
2, 665
20
160
1,743
12
298
638
2
961
11
Civil Service C,,ommisaion_ _ _
General Services Administration
4,123
166
,
514
,
972
,
1,463
,
.
704
,
291
105
11
--------------
i
sousing and 73ome Finaum Ageney-------------
f
---
31,518
13,469
305
519
2,851
1, 546
5,887
2,235
9,828
652
3
8,260
3
362
4,789
2
055 ?
98
100
orms tionAgency _______-.,___--__.-----------
- ---`
n
Interstate {Commerce COmXal9don-
4,271
2
442
234
74
683
222
975
,
1,073
,
877
,
429
------
-- -- - --
---------------------- _
NationalAer uticsand$paceAdministration ---------
Veterans 'Ad
t
,
23;666
671
5,1170
518
7,972
827
6,711
530
2,060
271
556
-- -------- 46
(s
ratiom :_- --_------ ~__--_---.
176,234.
1,445
22,E
44,575
69,235
34,828
13,540
310
NOTE.-These data have been drawn from a random sample of approximately 10 percent of the Federal work force and are therefore subject to sampling error. Excludes
40re nationals pvwseak the AffloW for International Development and the Peace Corps in the Department of State, the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the Department
of Justiee, the Alaska Railroad and the .GteoiogLcal Survey In the Department of the Interior oomnslsaioned officers of the Coast and Geodetic Survey in the Department of
Commerce, and the commissioned corps of the Public Health Service in the Department of B'eedth, Education, and Welfare.
Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180020-8
? Averagelesgth of service for all employees, 14.2 years; for males, 15.
females, 11.2 years.
TABLE 1.-Distribution of paid Federal civilian employment, by selected agency aad by age group, June 30, 1962
 June 24, i pproved For Re lC aftW1 fj AhCI ftQJW004J 8300180020-8
bases is so large, that the removal of
this market, through conversion of
burners on these bases to natural gas,
would clearly make it uneconomic for
the mines to continue to operate.
Officials of the Department of Defense
had carefully` and single mindedly
studied this conversion proposal. In
fact, it is precisely because the consid-
eration was so single minded that
greater and more important considera-
tions than the estimated $1 million a
year saving, which would, ostensibly, be
realized from conversion by the Federal
'Government, have been completely over-
looked or have been given too little con-
sideration.
Even if the presumed saving could
have been realized-and I have serious
doubts about that, the mischief which
would be done by conversion would far
outweigh, in the national interest, any
economy which might result. There
comes a time, I believe, when we should,
in effect, stand back and ask ourselves
just what it is that we are attempting
to defend by means of our defense ef-
forts. If it is not a sound economy, with
successful operating industries, gainfully
employed workers, with the families of
these breadwinners living in security,
and the generation of all the beneficial
side effects for the economy which such
activities produce, what is it we seek to
defend?.
,Without its coal mines, the Matanuska
Valley would have become an economi-
cally blighted area-a little Appalachia
in the heart of the 49th State, where, not
decay and retrogression, but growth and
hope should be, and have in general been,
the watchwords.
Conversion by the military to natural
gas would have resulted immediately in
the unemployment of about 125 men who
mine and handle coal which goes to Fort
Richardson and Elmendorf Air Force
Base. These men are in most cases long-
time residents of Alaska. They have
families. It is not overstating the case to
say that in the. area of the mines there
is nothing else to provide the kind of
economic activity which would permit
these men and their dependents to con-
tinue to live there. Thus, the making. of
the appropriation for conversion sought
by the Defense Department would have
destroyed an industry and would have
wrecked the economy of an important
section of Alaska.
It is my belief that conversion in the
Anchorage area would, in the natural
course of events, be followed by similar
conversion north of the range at the
Fairbanks area bases, so that it would be
only a, matter of time until Alaska's coal
mining industry would be wiped out en-
tirely.
In short, the cost of conversion, $1,-
560,000, would not only be a waste of the
taxpayers' dollars, but would also lay the
foundation, for a continued annually
greater cost of_ operation of these mili-
tary bases which the same, taxpayers
would be compelled to pay in perpetuity.
Wht.?wo ate, dealing with, here, Mr.
President, is . not only, a few columns of
figures. . What We are dealing with is
also the destiny of, human beings. In
addition- to thy direct effects which I,
have been discussing, there would be
many incidental and, related results, all
of them destructive and unfortunate.
The Alaska Railroad, owned by the Fed-
eral Government, now moves, the coal
from the mines at Palmer, Eska, and
Jonesville to the bases. This transpor-
tation activity makes possible a quality
and frequency of railroad service and a
level of rates on commodities other than
coal which Ithe people of Alaska-al-
though they often grumble about them-
have managed to tolerate. Removal of
the coal-transportation activity would
hurt the railroad and also would hurt
the people of Alaska who depend upon
its rates and services. An alternative,
which I hardly think the Bureau of the
Budget or the Congress would look upon
with great favor, would be to subsidize
the operation of this Government-owned
railroad, in order to make up for the
losses of traffic. This would, indeed, be
robbing Peter to pay Paul.
The computations, on which the sup-
posed saving to the Federal Government
from conversion were based, relied on a
price of gas of 29 cents a thousand cubic
feet delivered to the Defense Depart-
ment. No other purchaser, wholesale or
retail in Alaska, has up to this time, ever
been able to enjoy a gas price that rea-
sonable. There is reason to believe that
a realistic price would be about 10 cents
higher, or 39 cents a thousand cubic feet.
At such a price-which I am fearful the
gas supplier would have to move to, in
years ahead, in order to remain solvent,
there would be no saving at all to Uncle
Sam from conversion. In fact, the fuel
cost would be higher than the cost of coal
has been in the past 2 years. In addi-
tion, of course, we would have gone to all
of the expense and trouble of converting.
Let us consider what the situation
would be after conversion to natural gas
at these bases. It is fairly well conceded
that in that area petroleum fuels are
not competitive. With the coal mines
out of business, their plants dismantled,
and their employees dispersed, natural
gas would be the fuel in the area. Not
only the defense bases, but also the pri-
vate consumers, would be wholly depend-
ent on it, alone. All would have to pay
whatever price was demanded. It should
be understood that there is no free play
of competition in connection with this
matter. The pipeline company, which
has quoted a gas price to the Defense De-
partment, is the only supplier now in a
position, or likely to be in a position in
the foreseeable future, to deal with the
Government, With coal out. of the pic-
ture, this natural gas monopoly would
completely rule the situation.
I applaud the action of the Armed
Services Committee; and I hope this
false, alleged economy will now be
dropped, not only for the fiscal year
ahead, but also for the future.
"FAIR FIGHTS AND FOUL"-BOOK
BY JUDGE THURMAN ARNOLD
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, some
years ago "a "lucky lawyer" came out of
my State, and, after serving for a time as
a professor of law at Yale, gravitated to
Washington,, to serve as Assistant Attor-
14169
ney General in charge of the Antitrust
Division of the Department of Justice.
Later, he sat on the U.S. Court of Ap-
peals, and also founded a significant law
firm here in our ,Nation's Capital.
Judge Thurman Arnold has written of
his life-the "life of a lucky lawyer," as
he calls it-in a book, just released, en-
titled "Fair Fights and Foul." An excel-
lent review of the book by a fellow at-
torney, James Rowe, is published in to-
day's issue of the Washington Post, along
with an article based on a recent inter-
view by Morton Mintz. The interview
makes the point that Judge Arnold is still
quite willing to "light matches in powder
mills." I ask unanimous consent that the
book review and an article from the
Washington Post be printed. in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the review
and the article were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Washington Post, June 24, 1965]
THURMAN ARNOLD RIDES AGAIN RELIVING
.SPECTACULAR PAST
(Reviewed by James Rowe)
"Fair Fights and Foul," by Thurman
Arnold, Harcourt, Brace & World, 292 pages,
$5.95.
Once upon a time, around 1940, there was
an iconoclastic Yale law professor who, when
sent to Washington, turned into a fearsome
dragon. Even today any big businessman
over 50 shivers and trembles in his' boots at
the magic phrase "Thurman Arnold." But
the dragon has mellowed since he was the
greatest trustbuster of them all, not even
excluding his own two great trustbusting
heroes, Teddy and Franklin Roosevelt.
So he has written a mellow book. It is as
always sardonic, witty, anecdotal and it
shines with a literary polish. All this one
could expect from the author of the "Folk-
lore of Capitalism," a brilliant pyrotechnic
display which burst like the 4th of July
over the legal firmament two decades ago.
The difference is that his new book has an
increased urbanity. No longer is Arnold in-
dulging in scintillating advocacy for one of
his varied causes. Today he is indulging
in a review of his attitudes and beliefs. He
is looking back and pointing out with a
modesty somewhat striking in Thurman
Arnold how right he was on the various fields
of battle. And incredibly, it does seem he
was always right.
There is too little of the unforgettable
man, the personality, color and excitement
of Thurman Arnold in this book, except for
his youth in Wyoming, Princeton, and Har-
vard Law School, and law practice in Wyo-
ming. After a few years of teaching at Yale
Law School, of which he still has a rather
high opinion, Arnold took on a variety of
legal tasks in Washington.
Then Roosevelt appointed him Assistant
Attorney General in charge of the Antitrust
Division of the Department of Justice.
Those, as he says, were the great days; when
he led possibly the single most talented staff
of lawyers ever seen in Washington. In 4
years he brought more prosecutions for vio-
lation of the antitrust law than had taken
place during the preceding 50 years. He
insists nevertheless that the antitrust law
is more important as a symbol of an Ameri-.
can belief than it is in practice.
` Still this is not simply a book on antitrust
law. Arnold has opinions on everything, in-
cluding working for the Government (which
he liked), the Civil Service (which he would
abolish because it is inefficient), the Federal
court of appeals (on which he sat briefly but
left because he knew he was by temperament
an advocate and not an impartial judge).
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 Approved Fe6?6f
M app JO/l lCS RP&7,gW 6R0003001809 -p 24, 1965
He discourses on balanced.budgets, Keynes-
ian economics, the printing of money,
and fiscal policy, the New Deal and the Great
Society, which pleases him greatly.
He expounds a fascinating theory that
Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson were
the William McChesney Martins of their day
and Alexander Hamilton the Leon Keyserling.
It may be true but, as he has said in other
connections, it will take generations before
this theory becomes general belief.
For many years the author has been in
Washington private practice. Although he
discourses happily about law firms and law
schools, the book spends no time on the cases
which have made him a successful corporate
lawyer. He prefers his "public" cases-
Esquire, Playboy, and obscenity, the Latti-
more case, and the Bailey and Peters cases.
He does not refrain from paying his due
respects to the memory of Senator Joseph
McCarthy and to timorous Government ex-
ecutives.
Be :tells about his rescue of poet Ezra
Pound from St. Elizabeths and from trial for
treason.
It would have been fun if he had put more
of himself, rather than his ideas, into the
telling. But the ideas and the causes are
fascinating and interesting enough for every-
one, not only the lawyer but also the histo-
rian, the sociologist, psychologist, and even
the general reader.
It is quite clear that this dragon lived
happily ever after.
STILL ICONOCLASTIC JUDGE ARNOLD CALLS CIVIL
SERVICE A HANDICAP
(By Morton Mintz)
After Thurman W. Arnold took over the
Justice Department's Antitrust Division dur-
ing the New Deal, he says in his new book,
"indictments of respectable people began to
pour out.
He prosecuted oil firms, General Electric
the American Medical Association, the Asso-
ciated Press.
"Cries of outrage could be heard from coast
to coast," Arnold writes in "Fair Fights and
Foul," which Harcourt, Brace & World is
publishing today.
"I was pictured as a wild man whose sanity
was in considerable doubt. One major news-
paper referred to me as 'an idiot in a powder
mill'.,,
Arnold is now 74, founding (and active)
partner in the influential law firm of Arnold,
Fortas & Porter and basking in prestige.
He is addressed by many as "judge," having
served on the U.S. court of appeals here.
But the willingness to light matches in
powder mills-for what Arnold deems good
and sufficient reason-is still there. It
burned brightly in an interview the other
day.
There is, he said, "no justification any
more" for the civil service. This brought a
lighted match closer to the powder than does
his book, in which he is content to call it
"a serious handicap to Government effi-
ciency."
SURVIVES AS A SYMBOL
Interview or book, his objections are the
same. Civil service, he says, survives "as a
symbol of the Government's fairness to its
employees." But, he writes in "Fair Fights,"
the symbol has little relation to reality:
Civil service affords practically no protec-
tion in the tenure of Government service.
The head of a department, if he is con-
scientious, can always get rid of an em-
ployee by the process of a reorganization that
abolishes his job.
"If he is not conscientious, he can file a
list of charges against an employee, listen to
the employee's defense In an absentminded
way, and then fire him.
"The employee can appeal to the courts,
if he wants to spend his money use-
lessly * * * I have undertaken cases of dis-
charged employees where I was convinced
that the evidence of bias was clear and con-
vincing. I lost them all.
"On the other side of the ledger, civil serv-
ice puts a handicap on the official's judg-
ment in selecting his staff * * *
"If corporate management had to go
through this process of subjecting the per-
sonnel and salaries of its staff to some higher
authority, even the ordinary citizen unversed
in the mysteries of corporate operation would
be able to detect that it was nonsense.
"But any kind of restriction on Govern-
ment management would be regarded by the
same citizen as a necessary and wholesome
restriction in the interests of preventing
Government executives from ruining their
own departments by the free exercise of their
feeble personal judgments."
SACROSANCT POSITION
"Thus the civil service has acquired an
impregnable position in the mind of the pub-
lic as a symbol of respectability and decorum
in the conduct of Government affairs. Any-
one who doubts it is apt to be charged with
being contumacious toward holy men."
Here, from the interview, are other matches
carried by Arnold to other powder mills:
Little that was taught at Princeton when
Arnold was a student there was relevant to
the development of the social institutions of
the outside world. But faculty members and
students in today's teach-ins, seemingly so
relatedto the outside world, are, if anything,
even more detached from the realities.
Arnold, it should be noted, believes that
President Johnson will prove to be "one of
the greatest Presidents we have ever known."
Like private industry, Government needs
some "cleansing process" to get rid of its
incompetent managers. Many of them got
where they are because good men, finding
that a Government career is not considered
"a career of honor" by the people, get out.
The people thus have a self-fulfilling
prophecy.
"Big business is very inefficient, but is
judged by its best examples. Government is
very efficient in some things-look at the
moonshot-but is judged by its worst
examples."
Regulatory agencies become "captives of
the people they regulate." The regulators
are beset "by the pressures of wanting to
be liked by the people they regulate" and
from whom they may later seek employment.
So what they do is to turn to "harass-
ment" of the small, rather than the regula-
tion of the big.
Arnold would have liked to title his book
"Life of a Lucky Lawyer," but his publisher
talked him out of it.
He regrets that he dealt with the late Sen-
ator Estes Kefauver in the book solely in the
unfavorable context of his crime investiga-
tion. In other respects, such as Kefauver's
leadership of the Senate Antitrust Subcom-
mittee, Arnold considers him "a great man,"
and wishes he had said so.
Finally, he wishes his manuscript dead-
line had not prevented him from saying more
in praise of the performance of President
Johnson.
Pb c e,
VI AM DIALOG
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, the
Washington Star of June 23, in com-
menting on C.B.S. television,' Monday
night, upon the debate between propo-
nents and opponents of the administra-
tion's Vietnam policy, makes the point
that the university professors opposed to
the presentcourse of events have offered
us nothing which could rationally be de-
scribed as an alternative.
The editorial also points up the effec-
tive and articulate affirmation of our
Government's mission by the President's
assistant, McGeorge Bundy, whose ap-
pearance served, as the editorial put it,
"a useful purpose." The same could be
said, I may add, for those on the other
side. I ask unanimous consent that the
editorial from the Washington Star be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
VIETNAM DIALOG
The "Vietnam dialog" presented by CBS
Monday night obviously did not convert any
of the professors to the administration's
point of view. Nevertheless, the show served
a useful purpose.
It demonstrated, for one thing, that Mc-
George Bundy is indeed a formidable oppo-
nent on the debating platform. He was more
than a match for the representatives of the
"academic community," singly or collectively.
And the President's aid was especially effec-
tive in carving up Prof. Hans Morgenthau,
who Is generally thought of as the guiding
spirit of the academic critics of our policy in
Vietnam.
More importantly, it demonstrated that
you can't beat something with nothing. In
this instance, Bundy's something was a
clearly articulated definition of the admin-
istration's policy and program. The policy
has not yet achieved the desired result. But
we may know more about its usefulness 6
months from now, and in any event It con-
stitutes a tangible, affirmative course of ac-
tion which can be stated In terms that are
understandable.
The great weakness of the position of the
other side was that it offered nothing which
could rationally be described as an alterna-
tive.
Mr. Morgenthau said he is "opposed to our
present policy in Vietnam on moral, military,
political and general intellectual grounds"-
an interesting rhetorical exercise, but it
means little or nothing. He also mentioned
five alternatives to our present policy, and
said he favored the fifth. What is it? "I
think our aim must be to get out of Viet-
nam," he said, "but to get out of it with
honor." This is an alternative? President
Johnson has said essentially the same thing
on half a dozen occasions.
One thing more. Mr. Morgenthau seemed
to take as his model the French withdrawal
from Algeria and Vietnam. He failed to men-
tion that in each case the French were wag-
ing a purely colonial war, which is quite a
different thing from honoring treaty commit-
ments for the sole purpose of helping South
Vietnam maintain its independence in the
face of plain aggression by the Communists.
FE- 1,441 -
THE PROGRESSION IN
VIETNAM DEBATE
Mr. McGEE. Mr. President, as one
who has taken his stand early and
firmly in support of the administration's
policies in Vietnam, I have always wel-
comed debate on the subject, particu-
larly with my colleagues here in the
Senate who may disagree, at least on
certain points of policy. Such debate is
needed, especially in major policy areas.
Nonetheless, Mr. President, Max
Freedman, writing in Wednesday's
Washington Star, has called attention
to the uses to which our adversaries
have put some statements of disagree-
ment. His article is worthy of note by
the Members of this body. Therefore,
I ask unanimous consent that the article
be printed in the RECORD.
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 'i26 24, 1A p roved For Rei ' i . I AE1 ft 00gf ?M300180020-8 14171
was recreation area. Both will be built
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, tional or indeed a world audience does not around an artificial lake to be formed
as follows: depend on his being a spokesman for the
[From the Washington Star, June 23, 196b Fite House. It depends on his own intrin- by a reservoir, and both will be con-
J sic wisdom. No body understands this bet- strutted by the Federal Government. In
'T'HE PROGRESSION IN VIETNAM DEBATE ter than the President. the case of Tocks Island, the reservoir
(By Max Freedman) That being clearly understood, it should will be constructed by the U.S. Army
In the White House they are drawing up be added that it is utter nonsense for the Corps of, Engineers; Glen Canyon has
an interesting list of the various stages that Republican Party to pretend that FULBRIGHT been built by the U.S. Bureau Of Recla-
have marked the public debate on Vietnam. Is challenging the President's program. mation. Tocks Island is somewhat
First there was the demand for negotia- Johnson is pledged to a policy of uncondi- smaller than the Glen Can
tions. This demand died away when the tional discussions. That means he is ready yon recreation
President went to Baltimore and made his to go to the conference table without pre- area, but would be developed for the same
offer of unconditional discussions, conditions of any kind. He is ready to listen purpose-to provide recreation for the
Then there was the campaign for a pause to everything without agreeing to anything approximately 30 million people who live
In the bombing. When President Johnson, in advance. within 100 miles of th3 area. There are
ordered this pause and nothing happened to Quite plainly there can be no settlement, not that many people, of Course, living
bring the Communists to the conference as FULBRIGHT has said, without concessions that close to Lake Powell' but, over a
table, the agitation became far less Vence from both sides. The President has no quay- period of time, it will undoubtedly merit. re1at all with that position. He merely be- tract far more than 30 million to enjoy
Now.tiiere is a 'demand for direct negotia- serves the right to decid^ for himself at enjoy
tions with the Vietcong. The White House the proper time what precise concessions are its unique beauty.
Is struck by the progression of these de- in fact essential to a settlement. He would The pamphlet describing Tocks Island
mantis. The argument moves from a sim- like that fact to be thoroughly understood is not, I admit, fully in color; but it is
ple request for negotiations, to a campaign here no less than by the Communists. handsome, nonetheless, with a two-color
against bombing raids on North Vietnam, cover and double-page map, and with
to a demand, fora negotiated settlement stunning halftones and glowing prose.
based on direct talks with the Communist THE LAKE POWELL BOOKLET It is without question a "sales pamphlet"
guerrilla forces in South Vietnam. Always Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, I read with for Tocks Island.
the pressure is on the United States to make considerable astonishment a speech It happens that I favor the estab-
the first concessions to the Communists. made on June 7 in the House of Repre- lishment of the Tocks Island recreation
In pointing to these facts, White House sentatives by Representative JOHN P. area, and I shall do what I can to see
officials make no criticism of the group of
Democratic Senators who have become the SAYLOR, of Pennsylvania, in attacking that it becomes a reality, by voting either
public opponents of U.S. policies in Vietnam. the Bureau of Reclamation and the De- for Representative SAYLOR's bill or for
The President,, himself has acknowledged partment of the Interior for issuing 'a the companion bill introduced by Senator
that these Senators have both "the right booklet of color photographs of Lake CLARK, whichever comes before me.
and the duty" to express their convictions Powell, the lake created by construction As a matter of fact, I am in favor of
on such a major aspect of U.S. policy. Of- of the Glen Canyon Dam. extendiri our
ficials in the White House are not opposed g present system of park-
to criticism. They are wondering instead Although this is one of the most spec- and seashores and monuments and recre-
whether the critics are sufficiently aware tacular and inviting of the Nation's new ation areas as rapidly as we can investi-
of the uses to which their protests have playgrounds, and one which makes a gate appropriate areas and can assure
been put by the Communist side. mighty contribution toward meeting the ourselves that they meet the necessary
Irstead. of persuading the Communists recreational needs of our growing popu- criteria. I am convinced that our pop-
that the time had come to seek a negotiated lation, Representative SAYLOR calls the ulation growth makes it mandatory that
settlement, these American criticisms have Lake Powell booklet a "blatantly illegal we provide more outdoor recreation sites,
had the opposite effect. They have hard- lobbying campaign." He sees in it an and that we must set aside those sites
ened the Communist military campaign, led
them to,hope that the United States may effort by the Bureau of Reclamation to now, before they are swallowed up by ex-
yet become grievously divided, and pushed promote other Colorado River reclama- panding industry and agriculture or by
the Communists further away from the con- tion legislation which will create similar urban sprawl.
ference room. lakes which can be used for recreation. I have no objection, as Representative
Over the weekend President Ho Chi Minh In view of the strong language Rep- SAYLOR does, if the publications of the
of North Vietnam. was quoted in Pravda as resentative SAYLOR used on June 7 in Department of the Interior explain the
saying that the Communist military effort criticizing the Lake Powell booklet and merits of an area before it is established,
1s receiving .encouragement from the criti- its publication by a bureau of the De- or after it is ready for visitors. Neither
Cisms heard inside, the United States.
Now the last thought in the mind of any partment of the Interior, I did a "double do I object, as Representative SAYLOR
Senator is to say or do anything that will take" when, some 5 days later, on June does, if the booklet also looks to the
bring aid and comfort to the Communists. 12, I was handed a very attractive and future, by discussing the potentialities
Not a single critical Senator is trying to help artistic booklet on the proposal to esta- of other sites in the area which might
the Communist side.. Without exception all blish Tocks Island National Recreation become available for recreation if dams
of them are trying to save the United States Area in Representative SAYLOR's State are built by the Corps of Engineers or
from following a path that they conceive to of Pennsylvania and the neighboring by the Bureau of Reclamation. The
be full. of mischief and danger. Their con- State of New Jersey. The Tocks Island people are interested in what
victions command respect even when they do American
not carry agreement; for it is never easy to booklet was likewise published by one of their Government is doing for them, and
stand out against a mounting war fever. the bureaus of the Department of the how it is being financed, and what it
But it Cannot be challenged by anyone Interior-in this instance, the National proposes to do in the future, and how
who has studied the uses made in Hanoi Park Service. The only difference is those plans will be financed.
and Peiping of the senatorial criticisms that that the Tocks Island book is provided I believe that most of the nature lovers
they have an impact which quite often free, while the Lake Powell book is sold and conservationists in the country feel
mocks the purposes of the speakers. These by the Government Printing Office for the same as I do about developing rec-
Senators .are men of experience and patriot-
ism. It surely should be possible for them, 75 cents a copy. A copy of the Tocks reation sites as a "new part" of our heri-
within the traditions of responsible debate, Island booklet was given to me when I tage of natural beauty. This is put very
to criticize their. own government without made a Senate Interior Committee field well in the closing paragraphs of the
giving comfort and encouragement to the trip, on Saturday, to Pennsylvania and Lake Powell booklet, which I shall quote:
Communists. After all, they could have been New Jersey, to see, with the committee, There is a natural order in our universe.
no happier than the White House with Ho the section which would be created as God created both man and nature. And
Chi Minh's interview with Pravda. Tacks Island National Recreation Area, man served God. But nature serves man.
Incidentally, far too much has been made
of Senator J. WILLIAM FULERIGHT's meeting by means of a bill which Representative Man cannot improve upon nature. But,
With the, President .before his recent speech SAYLOR has introduced. as he has since the dawn of history, man
in the, Senate.. As, chairman of the Senate I noted immediately a number Of must continue to adapt natuin to his needs. Still,
process of
adapti
pre reign Relations Committee, the Arkansas similarities between the Tocks Island
FA serve-in that balance-the whole naturalt hen-
Democrat ,has his Own constitutional duties recreation area. and the Gl
en
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 Approved For Rele 0 DP 6R000300180(9494 24, 1965
14172 CONGRESS C
The Colorado River and its basin are a on for the limited amount of private land more open. When you come to a ranch, are
great and abundant treasure house of net- that gives access to the Government parks your expected to spend Wene ti ee th re.'
ural resources and natural wonders. and forests. reas of the Mountain emote now are being opened up. One
area us husband the one wisely. Let us FIVE THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS A HALF e
area is the North Park country of Colo-
enjoy the other fully. ACRE redo mentioned by Mr. Krakel. This region
One striking example such yed yed e of this scramble is lies to the northwest of Denver.
found at Jackson, county seat of Teton At Walden, Colo., Mayor Herbert W. Berry
AMERICANS "DISCOVER" THE WEST County. In that county, 97 percent of the has this comment;
AGAIN land is U.S. owned. The small enclave of "We are beginning to get quite a play
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. President, the private land in an area known as Jackson from people coming in looking for a piece
Hole is surrounded by the Grand Teton Na- of land. Of course, one problem is that
June 21 issue of U.S. News & World Re- tional Park, Teton National Forest, and so much of the land around here is in na-
pert contains an interesting report on a Bridger National Forest, tional forests, but there are some cabin
cultural phenomenon which many know "Land in this valley can't be touched for sites available."
as the "rediscovery of the West." It much less than $1,000 an acre now," says To the north of Walden, on the Wyoming
seems that many of our good friends in Warren O. Erbe, a real estate agent in Jack- side of the border, some developments simi-
the East and in the South are only now son. "A small piece of land just south of lar to those around Jackson Hole are under-
town was subdivided in the spring of 1964, way.
discovering what we in Wyoming have and lots of about half an acre in size were In southern Montana, at Red Lodge, the
known for many years; namely, that no- offered for $3,000 apiece. Now the price has same story of a scramble for private land
where on this globe is the sky quite so jumped to $5,500." adjacent to wilderness attractions set aside
blue, or are the mountains quite so im- A group of Jackson businessmen has by ace Government is found.
posing, the people quite so warm, or the bought 360 acres about 5 miles south of Red Lodge is situated at one gateway to
handiwork of a benevolent Creator quite Jackson. The land Is to be subdivided into the Custer National Forest, which holds the
so evident as in the great Rocky Moun- building sites of about 4 acres. People spectacular Beartooth Mountains. In these
taro West. who build homes on these lots will be able mountains is one of the 51 "wilderness areas"
As if the natural beauty and the to arrange with a development company for set aside in the Western States by Congress
year-round management that will include in 1964.
healthful climate were not enough, tray- renting the homes to other vacationers and A second ski layout will open near Red
elers to the State of Wyoming Will re- protecting and maintaining them. oP privately
eeive 'an extra measure of western hos- Jackson Hole is billed as a year-round LLodge odge this land winter: extending A along finger Rook rva up
pitality this year as my fellow Wyoming- recreation center. One ski area has been to the entrance to the Custer Forest Is now
ites celebrate our State's diamond jubi- operating for several years. Now a second being subdivided. On up the Rock Creek
lee. Earlier this, year, I wrote to each of ski layout is under construction on a former Canyon about 60 miles is the Cooke City en-
my colleages, and suggested that they dude ranch that lies up against the Grand trance to Yellowstone National Park.
avail themselves of the peasure of a visit Teton Mountains. Lots for individual homes have been platted on land at the Commenting on renewed interest in the
to the Equality State. I was delighted at base of the new ski operation, and several Mountain West, Dr. Harold McCracken, di-
the enthusiastic response; and, in that have already been snapped up by out-of- rector of the Whitney Gallery of Western
spirit I take this opportunity to remind town buyers. Art in Cody, says:
them that if we who serve in Congress A boomlet more modest than that around "I can't count the number of people who and can ever complete our business in the Na- Jackson Hole is underway about 40 miles through a the gallery land nask country where
tion's Capitol, each of us can enjoy part to the southwest in the area of Alpine Junc- Y n piece
of the summer in wonderful Wyoming. tion. Here there is a limited amount of They express a strong desire to get away
non-Federal land available along the Pali- from the problems of cities and their
I ask unanimous consent that the &r- sales Reservoir. suburbs."
t1Cle eAgain" be printed ` the RE ORD Natives of the Palisades area tick off its Cody has been a tourist attraction ever
with Again" be printed in the RECORD attractions: (1) three national forests- since "Buffalo Bill" Cody gave the town its
with my remarks. Caribou, Bridger, and Targhee; (2) fishing in name by settling there after his days as a
There being no objection, the article four rivers that run into the reservoir-the scout during the Indian wars. Until re-
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Snake, the Salt, the Grays, and McCoy Creek; cently, much of the demand for land in the
as follows: (3) a ski slope and lift that will open next Cody area has come from people able to buy
[From the U.S. News & World Report] winter; (4) hunting in the autumn-elk, sizable acreage. Now, however, a Cody real
deer, duck, geese. estate man reports that pressure is growing DISCOVER" THE CODY, NS " urge n t WEST AGAIN Though well-known attractions of the to subdivide ranchland along the south fork:
CDY Wyo.-An on the part of. more mountain West, such as the Grand Tetons of the Shoshone River.
and more people in the crowded East to get and Yellowstone Park, are getting more New highways and airports are making the
.away from it all and to get out into the crowded every year along their main high- Mountain West more accessible. A paved
wide open spaces is being noted in new areas ways, outdoorsmen say you don't have to runway is being added to the airport at
of the American West. venture far off the beaten track to find real Walden In the North Park country, and this
Earlier, this urge led to the upbuilding of wilderness. area is also to get some new and improved
California and the Pacific coast. Then n the "I've fished for 2 or 3 days at a time highways. Cody plans to lengthen the run-
same urge sparked it boom in the desert in the Jackson Hole and Yellowstone coun- way at its airport. Red Lodge opened a new
St Now there is an upsurge of interest in the try and never saw a soul," says Dean Krakel, mile-long runway in 1964.
mountain West-a region of rugged beauty a native westerner who now is director of WARM WORDS FROM NEWCOMERS
and grandeur that stretches away to the west the "Cowboy Hall of Fame" In Oklahoma People who have given up careers to move
and northwest of a line drawn from the foot- City. And, Mr. Krakel adds, "I've camped west say they have no regrets.
hills of the Colorado Rockies to South Da- in the North Park country of Colorado for a "My income this year will be about a
kota's Black Hills. week at a time in absolute solitude." third of what it was, but I get to see three
THEY COME, THEY SEE, AND-- A BIGGER SKY times as much of my family," said a young
This new boom goes beyond tourism. Peo- Ask Mr. Krakel what accounts for the grow- physician who gave up a practice in Phila-
ple often come first on a sightseeing trip, ing interest in the Mountain West, and he delphia to move to Cody. "The children
like what they see, and then buy or build gives this answer: like the schools and their new friends. My
vacation homes to which they return year "I think its because a lot of people are wife has learned to ski. You couldn't get
after year. Some even cut loose from careers reasserting a certain amount of individual- her out of here with a stick of dynamite."
in the East and move west to stay. ism. You feel more like an individual out Another factor in the upsurge of interest
The future of the boom in the mountain West. The wind blows a little harder, it's in the Mountain West is explained by a
West, say those who are watching it grow, colder, the sky is bigger. developer at Jackson:
is assured by the fact that vast areas of "The people you meet in the West are dif- "Americans have more discretionary in-
wilderness and scenic beauty have been set ferent. They walk differently, and they're in come to spend than ever before. With the
aside permanently in national parks, forests, less of a hurry. And the concepts of time tax break you get on vacation property, many
and monuments. and of space are considerably different. As find that they are able to afford a second
"Remember this," says it Cody man who one old fellow said to me: 'It's 15 miles home in the Rockies."
was born and raised in the high country" of from my place to the mailbox, and it's a long The "tax break" this developer mentioned
Wyoming: "You don't have to worry about ways from there into town.' " stems from regulations of the Internal Reve-
this country being overrun and desecrated. Summing up his answer, Mr. Krakel says: nue Service that permit depreciation allow-
The Government has most of it nailed down." "Westerners are more conscious of what the ances for vacation homes if they are rented
More than half the land in the Western . weather is doing. They are more self-sum- part time and thus become income-producing
States is U.S. owned. Now the scramble Is cient and more independent. Friendship is property.
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 June 24, 1~~Broved For ReI & A A f l 00 ft 00180020=8 14103
The title was amended, so as to read: Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President, created by Reorganization Plan No. 7 of 1961.
"A bill for the relief of Ailsa Alexandra I ask unanimous consent that the order Pursuant to the procedures applicable to
congressional consideration of executive re-
organization proposals in this form, no
PURPOSE of THE BILL The PRESI15 MO OFFICER (Mrs. amendments could be made at the time Con-
The purpose of the bill, as amended, is to NEUBERGER in tihe ehair).' Without bb- gress considered the proposal. This restric-
waive the . excluding provision of existing jection, it is so ordered. - tion has contributed to the seriousness of
law relating to' one who is afflicted with the problem created by the provisions of the
citizen veteran of our Armed Forces. The
bill will enable her to enter the United
States for the purpose of marriage and to
thereafter reside permanently in the United
States. The bill has been amended in ac-
cordance with established precedents
JOANNA K. GEORGOULIA
The Senate proceeded to consider the
'bill (S.',519). for the relief of Joana K.
Oeorgoulia ,which had been reported
from the Committee on the . Judiciary
with amendments on page 1, line 4, after
the word "Act,", to strike out "Joana"
and insert "Joanna"; at the beginning
of line 7, to strike out "Joana" and insert
"Joanna"; and in the same line, after
the word "by", to strike out "Mr. George
H. Jules,,a citizen" and insert "Mr. and
Mrs. George H. Jules, citizens"; so as to
make the bill read:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That, in
the administration of the Immigration and
Nationality Act, Joanna K. Georgoulia may
be classified as an,eli ible orphan within the
meaning of section 101(b) (1) (F), and a pe-
tition may be filed in behalf of the said
Joanna K. Georgoulia by Mr. and Mrs. George
H. Jules, citizens of the United States, pur-
suant to. section 205(b) of the Immigration
and Nationality Act, subject to all the con-
ditions in that section relating to eligible
orphans.
The amendments were agreed to.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed
for a third reading, was read the third
time, and passed.
The title was amended, so as to read:
"A bill for the relief of Joanna K. Geor-
goulia."
PURPOSE OF THE DILL
The purpose of the bill, as amended, is to
grant to the alien child to 'be adopted by
citizens of the United States the status of a
nonquota immigrant. The bill also provides
for the filing of an eligible orphan visa peti-
tion in her behalf by her prospective adop-
tive parents. The amendments are technical
in nature.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr, President, that
concludes the call of the calendar. I
wish to express my thanks to the dis-
tinguished Senator from Idaho for his
courtesy
ORDER OF BUSYNESS
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Idaho [Mr. CHURCH]
again yield without losing his right to
the floor?
Mr. CHURCH. I yield.
-Mr. MAN8FL D. Mr. President, the
Senator from Idaho is about to make .,a
most important speech. 'I suggest the
absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The
clerk will call the roll,
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
Favorable reports have been received by all
agencies concerned, Hearings were held by
the Senate Subcommittee on Merchant Ma-
rine and Fisheries on the companion bill,
S. 1348, on May 25 and no opposition was
FTHE VIETNAM IMBROGLIO
Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, on
February 17, I spoke in this Chamber to
urge a negotiated settlement of the war
in Vietnam. At that time, negotiation
was a dirty word in Washington; since
that time, I am gratified that a negoti-
ated peace has been expressly made the
object of American policy in southeast
Asia.
In view of the expanding nature of our
military involvement in South Vietnam,
it is difficult to see how the Vietcong can
expect to score a conclusive military de-
cision. On the other hand, any quest on
our part for a durable victory on the bat-
tlefield is equally dubious. Senator FUL-
BRIGHT, the distinguished chairman of
the Foreign Relations Committee, wisely
summed up the matter last week, in
these words:
It is clear to all reasonable Americans that
a complete military victory in Vietnam,
though theoretically attainable, can in fact
be attained only at a cost far exceeding our
interest and our honor.
With this statement, I am in full agree-
ment. It obviously serves the American
interest to reach a political settlement
in Vietnam, whenever this can be ac-
complished on acceptable terms, and in
a manner consistent with the commit-
ments we have given to the Saigon gov-
ernment.
Now that this objective has become our
avowed goal, there is a very real need for
us to discuss, here in the Senate, in this
historic forum of free and open debate,
not only the direction of our policy, but
new steps that might be taken in pur-
suit of a negotiated peace. To remain
silent, when the prospect of a widening
war confronts us, would be to shirk our
duty; worse still, it would be to behave
like a mock parliament of a totalitarian
state.
Let me make my own position plain.
In the past, beginning more than a year
ago, I have publicly criticized American
policy in Asia. But, in his handling of
our predicament in Vietnam, I have not
criticized the President. I realize that
Lyndon Johnson is in the position of a
man being asked to unscramble an
omelet, many years in the baking. He
is a man of peace, and he has been
working ceaselessly to restore peace in
southeast Asia.
Like Kennedy before him, President
Johnson inherited an American obliga-
tion in South Vietnam, which must, and
will, be honored. Often he has stressed
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MARITIME COMMISSION
I ask unanimous consent that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of Calendar
No. 353, H.R. 5988.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (H.R.
5988) to provide that Commissioners of
the Federal Maritime Commission shall
hereafter be appointed for a term of 5
years, and for other purposes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the request of the Senator
from Montana?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
is open to amendment. If there be no
amendment to be proposed, the question
is on the third reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to a third reading,
was read the third time, and passed.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President,
I ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the RECORD an excerpt from the report
(No. 364), explaining the purposes of
the bill.
There being no objection, the excerpt
Was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PURPOSE OF THE BILI.
The purpose of this legislation is to change
the term of office of Commissioners of the
Federal Maritime Commission from 4 years
to 5 years and to provide that a Commis-
sioner whose term has expired will serve
until his successor has been nominated and
approved with the advice and consent of
the Senate.
GENERAL STATEMENT
Under the present law the Federal Mari-
time Commission is composed of five mem-
bers, each appointed for a 4-year term.
Therefore, the terms of two Commissioners
expire simultaneously. This situation could
create a serious problem by preventing the
continuity of service which is essential in any
regulatory commission. The legislation
would have no effect on the 4-year terms of
Commissioners presently serving. -
The. problem of a possible lack of continu-
ity could be seriously aggravated under the
present law by the absence of any provision
which authorizes Commissioners to continue
to serve until their successor has been nomi-
nated and approved by the Senate. This
standard provision is found in the basic law
establishing the terms of Commissioners on
other regulatory agencies. This bill would
extend that provision to appointments made
to the Federal Maritime, Commission.
This aspect of the problem is particularly
acute at the present time because the terms
of office of the Chairman and of another
member of the Federal Maritime Commission
expire on July 1 of this year. If these offices
are not filled under the present law by that
date, no action could be taken by the remain-
ing three Commissioners except by unani-
mous consent until the vacancies are filled.
This undesirable,sitlation could be avoided
by prompt enactment of the bill.
 Approved FF iWIO/AiC DPgl(R 46R000300180~ P 24, 1965
that we seek no wider, war, but in the
face of mounting Vietcong pressure
against the embattled Saigon govern-
ment, the President has also emphasized
that "we do not plan to come running
home and abandon this little nation, or
tear up our commitments, or go back on
our word."
I fully support the President in this
position. I have consistently backed
him in the stepped-up military action
he has ordered, including the bombing
of supply routes in North Vietnam.
These bombings, together with the
American troop movements into South
Vietnam presently taking place, should
make it abundantly clear that the vast
resources of the United States are now
fully arrayed behind Saigon.
THE STUBBORN WAR
Within the past few weeks, American
military strength in South Vietnam has
doubled; at the present rate of input, it
will double, again before the end of the
year. Our bombing of the north, once
sporadic, has become systematic. The
mission of our combat troops, once con-
fined to sentinel duty at a few air bases,
steadily expands toward a general Amer-
ican engagement in the war. We have
too much muscle power to be driven
out. We are capable of occupying and
holding South Vietnam with our own
military might. Hanoi cannot possibly
defeat the United States.
Yet the war goes on.
Last April, in his notable peace-seek-
ing address at Johns, Hopkins, President
Johnson threw open the door to the con-
ference table by announcing his readi-
ness to commence "unconditional dis-
cussions with the governments con-
cerned." He declared that "the only
path for reasonable men is the path of
peaceful settlement." The terms he of-
fered were anything but onerous.
He said:
Such peace demands an independent South
Vietnam-securely guaranteed and able to
shape its own relationships to all others, free
from outside interference, tied to no alliance,
a military base for no other country.
By the standards of past wars, these
are unusually generous terms. North
Vietnam would escape unpunished for
her aggression. An independent, non-
alined South Vietnam would pose no
threat to Hanoi. Moreover, such a set-
tlement would bring about the orderly
withdrawal of American troops from
southeast Asia, for which the Commu-
nists have long and loudly campaigned.
Yet the war goes on.
This obstinate Communist refusal to
end the shooting is all the more vexatious
in face of Johnson's indicated readiness
to contribute a billion dollars, once peace
is restored, toward an international co-
operative effort to develop the mighty
Mekong River. The great rewards of
such an enterprise-including electric
power-could be fully shared by North
Vietnam, as well as South Vietnam, Laos,
and Cambodia. The President has made
clear:
We would hope that North Vietnam would
take its place In the common effort just as
soon as peaceful cooperation is possible.
Obviously, the words of pe-tee cannot
begin in earnest until the wastes of war
have ended.
Yet the war goes on.
Two explanations, both of which de-
serve careful assessment, suggest them-
selves: First, Hanoi still anticipates vic-
tory on her own terms, despite Saigon's
success in securing the United States as
a fighting partner; and, second, Peiping
presses for a prolonged war as the best
device available for advancing China's
larger ambitions in Asia.
THE VIEW FROM -HANOI
If Hanoi's intransigence is rooted to
the belief that the Vietcong will even-
tually prevail, what accounts for it? The
answer given widest favor in this country
is that Ho Chi Minh feels that we will
grow weary of the war, and that Amer-
ican public opinion will then force us to
pull out. Accordingly, homefront critics
of our Vietnamese policy are admonished
that their complaints will be interpreted
in Hanoi as proof of our waning resolu-
tion. Students and faculty on our cam-
puses, protesting the deepening American
involvement in an Asian war, are scolded
for giving false hopes to the enemy.
Presumably, nothing less than total con-
formity of opinion throughout the United
States will suffice to persuade Ho Chi
Minh that our country will not soon
abandon the Saigon government.
Undoubtedly, the college "teach-ins,"
the protest rallies, and the occasional
picket lines demanding our withdrawal,
are sources of encouragement for Hanoi.
But since when have free people not be-
haved this way? Only dictatorships stifle
dissent. As long as Americans stay free,
differences of opinion, on foreign as well
as domestic issues, will continue to be
vigorously and openly expressed. Any
American foreign policy which depends,
for success, upon a monolithic accept-
ance at home is foreordained to failure.
However, this argument, so well de-
signed to dampen homefront opposition,
is much too convenient to be very con-
vincing. Hanoi is surely aware that the
United States has yet to quit a fight. In
two World Wars, we settled for nothing
less than unconditional surrender; in the
Korean war, we fought on against the\
onslaught of Red China until all of South
Korea was resecured. Never have we
shown a lack of staying power under fire.
Besides, the President himself has
made it unquestionably clear that the
United States will "stay the course" in
Vietnam. His words are as irreversible
as his deeds: -
We will not be defeated. We will not grow
tired. We will not withdraw, either openly
or under the cloak of a meaningless agree-
ment. -
His pledge is sealed with American
blood already drawn. The whole world
bears him witness.
Congress has also made its position
apparent. By nearly unanimous votes,
the members of both parties have given
unmistakable evidence of their willing-
ness to supply whatever money the war
may require. Our annual outlay, which
until recent years was $200 million, has
risen to $2 billion. If the burden were
to again increase 10-fold, it is evident
that Congress would readily vote the
funds. -
Indeed, the case is so lopsided that it
should be plain by now, even to the most
indoctrinated Communist, that the ex-
panding military involvement of the
United States cannot be dismissed as
some sort ,of death agony, staged to give
temporary cover to an impending Amer-
ican withdrawal from southeast Asia.
It is far, more likely that Ho Chi Minh
is counting not so much on Washington
as on Saigon itself to call it quits. And
with some reason. An endemic instability
engulfs the city. One coup follows an-
other with such frequency that corre-
spondence with the Government might
well be addressed: "To Whom It May
Concern."
President Johnson cannot unite the
spoiling factions. A competent and effec-
tive government in Saigon, capable of
giving sustained direction to the war,
can only be established by the Vietnam-
ese themselves. They keep failing the
test; no formula for stability emerges;
no bonds endure between the Buddhists,
the Catholics, and the self-seeking mili-
tary rivals. The political situation seems
to worsen dayby day.
Under the `circumstances, it is small
wonder that public confidence crumbles
away, or that this erosion should be
further aggravated by the changing face
of the war. For the more the war is
transformed into an American engage-
ment on the mainland of Asia, pitting the
West against the East, white men against
brown, the more the fighting takes on the
outer appearance of the former war for
independence against the French. In
the countryside of Vietnam-and those
who have been there as I have, will read-
ily testify that this is the case-the level
of sophistication is very low. Inhabi-
tants of the rice fields and jungles, where
the guerrilla war exists, are apt to mark
an enemy more by the color of his skin
than the uniform he wears. As larger
numbers of Americans move in and take
over, as the changing complexion of the
war becomes more evident, Ho Chi Minh
may well surmise that time plays on his
side.
He may anticipate, as the months go
by, that the incessant propaganda cam-
paign of the Vietcong is bound to sound
more plausible and appealing; that the
Americans have come to reimpose the
hated imperialism of the past; that the
generals rotating on the roost in Saigon
are contemptible puppets; that the peo-
ple must join together in one great
liberation front.
The continuing war, moreover, may
bludgeon into the arms of the Vietcong a
multitude that cannot be beckoned in.
The guerrilla fighter is ruthless, but he
kills with cunning, discriminating be-
tween friend, follower, and foe. Not so
with napalm dropped on a native vil-
lage-it burns blindly and converts ' all
suffering survivors into foes. An Ameri-
can veteran of the jungle fighting in
Vietnam has well observed that the best
weapon for successfully prosecuting a
guerrilla war is a knife; the worst, an
airplane.
So there are good reasons for Ho Chi
Minh to play a waiting game. The Viet-
cong grow stronger. Saigon staggers un-
der mounting blows. If a protracted war
involving increased numbers of Ameri-
can troops will win the Communists
added favor among the people, the temp-
tation to persist is compelling. After all,
the American presence in South Vietnam
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 June 24, roved For Reim I91M I PHR809kO iffM3 14105
will become very awkward, if not_ unten- the weapons, food, training, and supplies, In the final analysis, it is their war. They
able, once it is no longer possible to tell given Saigon by the United States. Thus, are the ones who have to win it or lose it.
the enemy apart from the people. Then, to much of Afro-Asia, the war seems a We can help them, we can give them equip-
Hanoi may well reason, peace will come mismatch, with the rich and mighty ment, we can send our men out there as
on her terms. American Nation cast in the role of bully, advisers, but they have to win it-the people
of Vietnam against the Communists.
i'HE PRE`SSVRE FROM I'EIPING while struggling little North Vietnam Those who argue expansion of aerial
There is also .a heavy external pres- plays the stalwart underdog. Hanoi, attacks to the north misunderstand the
sure upon Hanoi to carry on, imposed after all, is not about to take over the
from two directions-by the Vietcong do- world. nature of the situation. As leading
spokesmen for the administration have
ing the fighting, and lght China, the So the it is that Vietnamese war is American actually participation working noted, the basic problem is in the south.
chief beneficiary of the e fighting. Every g Although aerial attacks on the north
day it is clearer that the Chinese, above against our larger interests in Asia. The may slow down supplies, they are no sub-
all others, want to see the war prolonged. longer it lasts, the more convincing China stitute for effective military and political
Peiping exhorts Hanoi to keep up the appears as the self-styled champion of action on the ground of South Vietnam
fight and taunts us to do likewise with Asia for the Asians; the faster Chinese
itself. tiger" insults. Among all Coin- influence in neighboring lands spreads . Further acceleration of the war
from a trickle to a tide, gathering in northward should be resolutely resisted.
monist. leaders, it is Mao Tse-tung who such smaller countries as Burma and. Otherwise, the time will come when
most adamantly opposes any negotia- Communist China feels obliged to enter
tions. He wants the wax, to. continue, Cambodia, and provoking such larger the war.
because the longer the conflict lasts, the countries as India and Pakistan into open If that were to happen, the dimensions
better China is served. criticism of American policy: of the calamity would be mammoth. Un-
Mao's shrewd- appraisal of the war in
Indochina, has proved a great misfoor
tune, It has enabled him to use us, along
with the Vietnamese, to further his de-
signs on Asia.
These designs are well enough known.
As the giant of Asia, unfettered of her
colonial bonds, China is determined to
reclaim her place as the dominant power
of the mainland. She would redraw old
boundary lines, dating back to the an-
cient empire, through the assertion of
claims which,have nothing to do with
communism. For example, less than 3
years ago, in the border dispute with In-
dia, Chiang Kai-shek publicly affirmed
China's right to the territory sought by
Mao. As with the Soviet Union, the ter-
ritorial aspirations of Red China spring
more from national tradition, than from
the doctrines of Marx or Lepin.
And, just as the Communist leaders in
the Kremlin, following the Second World
War, reimposed the Russian sphere of
influence over the Balkans, earlier exist-
ing under the czars, so the Reds in Pei-
ping, after 1954, have sought to reestab-
lish over Indochina the sphere of
influence so long enjoyed by the Chinese
emperors. This region, in fact, bears a
resemblance to the Balkans, consisting
as it does of small, bordering countries,
over which China looms like a dragon
above a handful of lizards,.
In the natural course of events, we
cannot hope to deny China her influence
in southeast Asia, any more than China
can deny us ours in the Caribbean. The
best we can do is to slow down the Chi-
nese penetration, so that the larger of her
neighbors, countries like India and Pak-
istan, can gather the strength necessary
to furnish the mainland of Asia with an
effective counterpoise to Chinese power.
Unfortunately, the American involve-
ment in a protracted war in "the Balkans
of Asia" works directly against these
ends. As most Asians are inclined to see
it, the United States has intervened in a
war that is primarily a Vietnamese affair,
regardless of whether the struggle is
viewed as an insurrection in the south,
or a covert war by the north against the
south. Either way, American troops, not
Chinese, are in the fight; American
planes, not Chinese, are doing the bomb-
ing. Whatever aid China has given
Hanoi is outweighed many times over by
longing the war makes Hanio increas-
ingly dependent upon China for weapons
and supplies, compromising her hard-
won independence., Within the Commu-
nist camp, the continuing war can be
pointed to by China as proof that the
Russian argument, for peaceful coexist-
ence with the West is absurd, while with-
in China itself, the daily tongue lashings
administered to the "American devils in
Vietnam" furnish .,,,the ed government
with a convenient whipping post around
which to rally the people to greater en-
deavor at home.
THE. SEARCH FOR A SOLUTION
Much as we need a solution, it will not
be found in retreat. Were we to decide
to abandon South Vietnam after so
lavishly committing our prestige there,
our withdrawal would surely undermine
confidence in the United States through-
out the Far East. Other little countries
which now rely on us, like Thailand,
Laos, and even Taiwan, would be de-
moralized. China would profit most from
the triumph of the Vietcong which would
soon follow an American decision to give
up the fight in South Vietnam.
Therefore; we must remain in the war
until a basis for its settlement is found.
But let us concentrate our attention, and
our military action as well, in South
Vietnam, where the outcome will be de-
termined anyhow.
The war in Vietnam is as much a polit-
ical struggle as it is a military one. In-
deed, I think if we looked at it closely we
would decide to concentrate more work
in the political and economic areas to
help meet the threat of the Vietcong.
As our former Ambassador, Henry Cabot
Lodge, said during his tour of duty in
Saigon:
The Vietcong campaign is, above all, a
political affair. When the Vietcong have had
enough and decide to stop fighting, they
simply melt in with the people. If the peo-
ple were to deny the Vietcong, they would
thus have no base; they would be through.
The essentially political nature of the
struggle has led American officials who
know most about the situation to cor-
rectly observe that the present conflict
is essentially a South Vietnamese war
which can only be won by the South
Vietnamese themselves. As President
Trannedy said shortly before his death:
doubtedly, given our heavy dependence
upon naval and aerial power, we would
attempt to confine the land war to south-
east Asia, where Chinese armies would
soon fill the jungles. We would strike
back through the air, observing no sanc-
tuary, but as long as we used conven-
tional weapons, we could never subdue
China through bombing alone.
By sending five or six combat divisions
into battle-the balance of our uncom-
mitted army-we could probably convert
South Vietnam into an American mili-
tary outpost. A stalemate would de-
velop, and, finally, in order to end the
attrition, we would negotiate a truce with
Red China, much as we did in Korea.
The truce would conform with the reali-
ties of the situation, leaving us in pos-
session of South Vietnam, and the
Communists in occupation and control
of the rest of Indochina.
Beyond southeast Asia, on the broad
global front, the intensified struggle in
Vietnam could yet lead to a shotgun
marriage between the feuding titans of
the Communist world. The promising
thaw in our relations with the Soviet
Union will then give way to a full re-
sumption of the cold war, with our ad-
versaries joined together again in
common cause. This may still be a part
of the price we shall pay for the corner
into which we have been painted in
Indochina.
These, then, are the two horns of our
dilemma: If we abandon the war in Viet-
nam, China gains; if we fight it out,
China also gains. Why should not Mao
Tse-tung work so feverishly against a
negotiated settlement? It is the one
escape hatch which may still be within
our reach.
.Seymour Topping, writing from Saigon
for the New York Times, confirms this
analysis by observing that President
Johnson's offer for unconditional peace
talks was a blow to Red China. Topping
writes :
Peiping's propaganda denunciation of the
"negotiations plot" has been almost hyster-
ical. Acceptance by Hanoi of this offer would
mean the strengthening of the positions in
southeast Asia of Peiping's two chief ad-
versaries, the United States and the Soviet
Union.
THREE PROPOSALS FOR ACTION
It is, alrg dy very late. We should
waste no time on recriminations over
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ident managed to strengthen it some 4
months ago, by making his still-unac-
cepted proposal for unconditional peace
talks. If the Communists are determined
for the war to last, we can at least keep
placing the responsibility where it be-
longs-squarely on their backs.
Another' argument, often used to cast
scorn upon any suggested resort to the
United Nations, is to the effect that oth-
er countries would send no more than
token forces anyway, so that the United
States would still have to bear the brunt
of what Secretary Rusk has called "a
mean, dirty war." That, of course, was
the case in Korea, but conducting the
campaign there under the U.N. flag
proved a great advantage to the United
States. The same would hold true in
Vietnam.
Until recently, even more curious than
our failure to turn to the U.N. has been
the evident disdain we have shown for
any contact with the Vietcong. Official-
ly, we cannot extend to the Vietcong the
autonomous recognition they desire,
because we see the war as a case
of indirect aggression by the north
against the south, and regard the Viet-
cong-including its many members who
are residents of the south-as merely the
agents of Hanoi.
Nevertheless, there is nothing in our
theory of the war to preclude Hanoi
from including representatives of the
Vietcong in any delegation the Govern-
ment of North Vietnam may send to the
conference table. In fact, the inclusion
would tend to bear out our official view-
point. Recognition of this, at long last,
may account for the slow melt in our
frozen posture which now appears to
be taking place. Secretary Rusk has in-
dicated, in response to recent inquiries,
that he would not interpose an objection
if Hanoi chose to include Vietcong
spokesmen among her representatives. I
think we should affirmatively declare our
willingness to deal with the Vietcong on
this basis. For too long, we have sought
to exclude them entirely, though they
are the very combatants opposing us, a
posture so rigid and unreal as to have
given a certain currency to the Commu-
nist charge that we really do not wish to
negotiate.
Though the United States cannot deal
directly with the Vietcong, we ought not
to oppose peace talks among the Viet-
namese themselves. The warring fac-
tions-Saigon, the Vietcong, and Hanoi-
should explore the prospects for finding
a formula to silence the guns, and to
escape the pincers of the great-power
squeeze which 'threatens to undermine
the neutrality and independence coveted
by all of them.
Finally, I believe that the time is ripe
for us to vigorously proclaim the prin-
ciple of self-determination for the peo-
ple of South Vietnam. Whether the
south should merge with the north under
the rule of Hanoi, or remain separated
under a government in Saigon, should be
decided by popular vote.
The manner and method of the vote
would have to be worked out by nego-
tiations. The timing would have to
await a cease-fire and the restoration of
the requisite internal order. To insure
the integrity of the election, we might
propose its supervision by the U.N. If
these arrangements could be made, both
sides should pledge themselves to abide
by the results.
Our belief that Hanoi will never per-
mit free elections in the north-which
has often been emphasized as an argu-
ment against the proposal-does not
justify denying them in the south. We
have often asserted that the Vietcong is
a militant minority which seeks to
forcibly impose its will upon the people
of South Vietnam. If this is so, the peo-
ple themselves will furnish the proof in
a competently conducted election; if it
is not so, then by what right would we
deny the country to Ho Chi Minh?
There are some who ridicule any
proposal for a popular referendum upon
the ground that the Communists would
never agree. All the more reason, I
should think, to put them to the test,
right out in the open, before the eyes of
the watching world. What better way to
prove that the Communists are relying
on bullets, not ballots, to further their
ambitions?
Perhaps the war has gone beyond the
turning point. It may be that Hanoi in-
tends to continue the fight, regardless of
what we may now do or propose. The
conference table may be off in the dis-
tance, at the end of a long and tragic
trail of casualties still to be suffered. But
we cannot know this positively without
first making the proposals. If they are
rejected, we will have lost nothing for
having tried. Our interest calls for no
less than a ceaseless effort to find an
honorable basis for settling this war.
After all, thefuture of Asia will not be
determined in the jungles of Vietnam.
Peiping knows her real rival is New
Delhi. Why else did China seek out the
opportunity to humiliate India in the
border war of 1962? If the future of
freedom in Asia is to be decided in any
one place, it will be on the Indian sub-
continent, not in the little Balkan-type
countries of Indochina, where our ener-
gies are now being so largely absorbed.
Freedom, as a matter of fact, is not
really at issue in South Vietnam, unless
we so degrade freedom as to confuse it
with the mere absence of communism.
Two dictatorial regimes, one sitting in
Hanoi, the other in Saigon, struggle for
control of the country. Whichever pre-
vails, the outcome is not going to settle
the fate of communism in the world at
large, nor the problem of guerrilla wars.
They did not begin in Vietnam and will
not end there. They will continue to
erupt in scattered, farfiung places
around the globe, wherever adverse con-
ditions within a country permit Com-
munist subversion to take root.
Nor can it be soundly contended that
the security of the United states requires
a military decision in South Vietnam.
Our Presence in the Far East is not an-
chored there. Saigon does not stand
guard over Seattle. We conquered the
Pacific Ocean in the Second World War.
It is our moat, the broadest on earth,
from the Golden Gate to the very shores
of China. There is no way for the land-
locked forces of Asia to drive us from
the Pacific; there is no need for us to
past mistakes which may have led us
into the Vietnam imbroglio. The upper-
most requirement now is to find a solu-
tion. How do we bring Hanoi to the con-
ference table ready to settle on honorable
terms? The answer, if there is one, must
lie in the calculated use of the mailed
fist and the velvet glove.
Admittedly, the stepped-up American
military pressure is intended to summon
Hanoi to the conference table. But this
alone will not suffice. It is obvious that
further diplomatic moves are called for.
I would propose :
First. That we abandon our unilateral
posture in Vietnam by soliciting the serv-
ices of the United Nations in the search
for a peaceful settlement.
Second. That we affirm our willingness
to deal with representatives of the Viet-
cong, as part of any delegation Hanoi
may send to the conference table.
Third. That we advocate genuine self-
determination for the people of South
Vietnam, as the basis-for an agreement
settling the war.
These proposals should be additional
to, not substitutes for, the terms of peace
offered by President Johnson in his laud-
able Johns Hopkins address. Naturally,
we should continue to reiterate the Pres-
ident's declaration that we want no mili-
tary foothold in Indochina nor alliances
there-that our objective is independence
and neutrality for the countries of the
region and nothing more.
The method we should adopt, the tac-
tics we should employ, in attempting to
engage the services of the United Na-
tions, are matters for the State Depart-
ment. Whether we should try, under
U.N. auspices, to reconvene the original
signatories to the Geneva accords, or
seek direct U.N. intervention through the
Security Council, or whether we should
pursue Secretary General U Thant's in-
timation that the good offices of the U.N.
might be utilized to mediate the dispute,
are matters that cannot be resolved here.
But this war does threaten world peace,
and the U.N. did intervene to restore
internal order in the Congo. The situa-
tion in Vietnam is sufficiently similar to
make the crisis there an entirely appro-
priate subject for U.N. action.
Indeed, our failure to take the con-
troversy to the U.N. long ago is a puzzle-
ment. It is said that the U.N. faces
bankruptcy from past peacekeeping mis-
sions, and is quite unable to assume
further burdens. Yet, a U.N. peace force
in South Vietnam could be financed by
voluntary contributions, the same as oth-
er ventures in the past. Even if the
United States had to pay the bulk of
the cost, the amount would be less than
our present outlay.
It is also said that if we, were to ask
for U.N. intervention in the Security
Council, Russia would probably veto the
proposal. Perhaps this would happen,
perhaps not. The Soviet Union has
cause to want China restrained in south-
east Asia, and the U.N. could well rep-
resent the most acceptable means avail-
able. But if Russia were to veto our
proposal, the onus for the continued war
would fall on the Communists. Our po-
sition would not be weakened but
strengthened, the same as the Pres-
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14107
retain a military base on the mainland As the Senator has said, while all of I bad the opportunity to see warfare not
of Asia. us have great sympathy for the President so very far from this area, and it was very
So, Madam President, we should has- and want to do what we can to hold up mean. I would Involving wthe ith igreatndi dismay on
a
ten to explore any road that might lead his hand, this does not give us any ex- land armies on the continent of Asia. so
to a satisfactory political settlement in cuse to remain silent in the face of an my question is whether there is anything
Indochina. Hanoi still has reason to issue that affects our constituency and in the resolution which would authorize or
bargain, for she covets her independence the peace of the world. The President is recommend or approve the landing of large
and has cause to fear China. The same giving the Nation his energy, his talent American armies in Vietnam or in China.
holds true for Laos, Cambodia, and South and his judgment without stint. Mem- The chairman of the Foreign Rela-
Vietnam, all of which have historically bers of the Senate can do no less. We tions Committee replied as follows:
resisted Chinese dominion. Even the owe it to ourselves and to our consti- Mr. PULBRIGHT. There is nothing in the
Soviet Union should have incentive to tuents and to mankind to speak our con- resolution, as I read it, that contemplates
work for a settlement-that will foreclose victions and share our insights ever when it. I agree with the Senator that that is the
the prospect of a Chinese occupation of it takes us on a course that may vary last thing we would want to do. However,
southeast Asia. in some degree from the administration the language of the resolution would not pre-
Despite the discouragement in the position. vent it. It would -authorize whatever the
news from Moscow today, in the rejec- I have noted in recent days that there Commander in Chief feels is necessary. It
tion given the delegation from the Qom- Is some feeling in portions of the press does not restrain the Executive from doing
monwealth countries, which is attempt- is. Whether not that should ever in the executive branch of our Gov- is a matter ter or of wisdom under the done
he circum-
Ing to find support for a peaceful settle- ernment that perhaps Congress said the stances that exist at the particular time it
ment in southeast Asia, nevertheless it last word on Vietnam last August, when is contemplated. Speaking for my own com-
remains true that Russian interests we agreed to the Bay of Tonkin resolu- mittee, everyone I have heard. has said that
would be served by an end to the war in Lion, which, we are now told, was a blank the last thing we want to do is to become
southeast Asia which so augments Chi- check to the administration to do what- involved in a land war in Asia; that our
nese hegemony over the continent. ever they saw fit in the conduct of this power is sea and air, and that this is what
,These propitious factors, still working war. we hope will deter the Chinese Communists
in our favor, are likely to be the first and the North Vietnamese from spreading
casualties of a widening war. As the Senator from Idaho will re- the war. That is what is contemplated. The
member, that was not the intent in the resolution does not prohibit that, or any
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam President, minds of many Senators at the time the other kind of activity.
will the Senator yield? resolution was approved last August. Then in additional colloquy partici-
Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield I have before me an article, taken from pated in by the Senator from Wisconsin
to the distinguished Senator from South the June 18, 1965, issue of the Washing- [Mr. NELSON], the Senator from New
Dakota. ton Daily News, written by R. H. Shack- York [Mr. JAVrTS], the Senator from
Mr. MCGOVERN. Madam President, ford, which reads: Kentucky [Mr. MORTON], and myself, the
the Senator from Idaho has delivered President Johnson has thrown down a Senator from South Dakota, it was made
another thoughtful,and balanced analy- challenge to the Congressional critics of his quite clear that no fundamental change
sis of the crisis crisis in yietnam, one in a se- policies in Vietnam. in the character of the war was con-
ries of statements he has made on an He dares them, in effect, to try to repeal templated. The resolution of last Au-
equally high plane over the past year on the resolution the House and Senate passed gust was endorsed primarily because it
this very important subject... last August after the Tonkin Gulf shooting was viewed as an endorsement of the
I said on the floor of the Senate yes- incident. President's carefully limited retaliation
terday, following the speech of the Sen- That resolution gave congressional bless-
ator from New. York [Mr. KENNEDY], ing in advance to anything President John- to the attack on our destroyers by North
that I believed it to be one of two spe- son might do in Vietnam. Vietnamese PT boats.
cially outstanding speeches delivered on And the President made it clear yesterday I should like to ask the Senator from
the floor of the Senate this year. Many during a long, rambling "impromptu" press Idaho if he would care to comment on
very fine speeches have been delivered, conference that he isn't about to let his the contention that is being voiced now
but I thought tspeech of the Senator former colleagues on Capitol Hill forget that in some quarters that the Senate, having
and. the f tech Senator they gave him a green light to do anything endorsed the resolution of August 1964,
from New ht the
p he decides is necessary in Vietnam. no longer has any reason to s
ered by the Senator from Idaho several peak out
months ago, in which he outlined the Madam President, my understanding on the issue of Vietnam.
dangers of our deepening military in- may be faulty-and if it is, I hope the Mr. CHURCH. Whatever interpreta-
volvement in Asia and Africa, consti- Senator from Idaho and other Senators tion is placed upon the resolution to
tuted two of the very important ad- who are on the floor will correct me- which the Senator from South Dakota
dresses that have been given this year. but it seems to me that at the time we has referred, certainly no one can con-
I commend the Senator on his ad- gave our support to that resolution last tend that by it we pledged ourselves to
dress today, and associate myself with August, the colloquies that developed on silence in the future. Much has hap-
what he has had to say, especially with the floor of the Senate among various pened since that resolution was passed.
his point that it is absolutely essential Senators and the chairman of the For- The character of the war is changing,
to the national interest that the Senate eign Relations Committee, who was regardless of what may be said about
not shirk its responsibility, but debate handling the resolution for the admin- it officially.
this issue fully and extensively , and istration, made it quite clear that we When does the war become a land war
openly. did not contemplate any radical change between the United States and Asian
I do not agree with the notion that in our role in the war. The character of forces on the Asian mainland? When
congressional debate in any way under- our role at that time was an advisory our land troop level reaches 100,000?
cuts the position of the United States in one, as the Senator from Idaho said to- When it reaches 150,000? When we have
world affairs. day. We. were there in a training and a quarter of a million troops there?
The Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. advisory capacity, and we made it clear We know the facts. We continue to
NELSON], who is on the floor, answered time after time that the war had to be increase the number of American troops
this contention eloquently several days won by the South Vietnamese themselves. in South Vietnam, and we continue to
ago when he said that we should not Neither the administration spokesmen broaden the terms of -their engagement
surrender one of ot}r most precious na- nor Members of the Senate contemplated with the enemy. If we are to be honest,
tional privileges, which is the privilege of a major combat role for American troops we must at least observe that a broaden-
free debate and free discussion, merely in Vietnam. ing of our participation in the war is
because there are hostile forces in the Let us consider, for example, this taking place.
world who have never known freedom, colloquy, which, developed with the Sen- I believe that we must go even further.
and who, therefore,' do not understand, ator from Maryland [Mr. BREWSTER]. Unless we are nothing but a mock par-
how important free speech is to us. He said: ]lament,, we must honor our constitu-
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00030018002
14108 CONGRESSI N L 1~ ne 24, 1965
tional responsibility to advise and con- I am happy to say that that editorial, South Vietnam, I voted against the
sent on this country's foreign policy, while it contains a great deal of truth, is measure, not because I did not know the
which is placed in the bosom of the not entirely true as long as we have the money would be needed sometime though
Senate. clarity of thought and the courage that it was not needed then-I voted against
I have tried to make it clear that, has been manifested here today by the the resolution for precisely the reasons
though I have been for some time a critic Senator from Idaho. I again associate stated by the Senator from Idaho; the
of the general trend of American policy myself with his remarks. reason that we in the Senate do have a
in Asia, I have never criticized the Presi- Mr. CHURCH. I thank the Senator responsibility publicly to discuss and to
dent himself. I understand the difficult very much for his generosity. carry on intelligent debate about the role
problem that confronts him. I have Mr. NELSON. Madam President, will of the United States in Vietnam and
nothing but compassion for him. I the Senator from Idaho yield? everywhere else in the world.
know he is striving every hour of every Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield to I stated at the time that all the money
day to find some honorable basis for a the Senator from Wisconsin. necessary would be provided to carry on
settlement in southeast Asia. Mr. NELSON. I join the Senator our enterprise there; but I read about
But I know also that there are pres- from South Dakota in commending the the request on my way to my office in the
sures in this Government-pressures in- Senator from Idaho for making what I morning and learned that it was in-
deed upon the President himself-to ex- consider to be a very thoughtful speech tended that. the Senate should vote on it
pand the war in southeast Asia in ways on this great and significant issue. I do in the afternoon. It was the unnecessary
that I would regard as highly imprudent not believe that anyone has delivered a speed with which we were acting with-
and prejudicial to the best interests of speech with which I would agree 100 per- out adequate discussion that I objected
the United States. If we in this Chamber cent-including my own speeches 2 days to. Precisely for that reason columnists
are to remain silent, if none of us will later. But the speech of the Senator are writing, and the people across the
stand up and say, "We think this advice, from. Idaho contained a great deal of country are saying, that this institution
these pressures, if you will, are inimical wisdom, and a great deal of courage was is nothing but a rubberstamp.
to the best interests of this country," required for the Senator from Idaho to I endorse the Senator's view that it is
Who will speak? Who will speak? deliver it. absolutely necessary in a free society to
The distinguished Senator from South I was interested in noting the com- insist upon a continuous public discus-
Dakota had the courage months ago to merits by Senator MCGovRN on the Sion of these great international issues.
speak and he has since spoken up con- Tonkin Bay resolution. I would hope I had always thought there was uni-
sistently for his views, that those who write and talk about what versal agreement on that point. How-
The other day I read a column by
the Tonkin Bay resolution means would ever, Senator CHURCH and the Senator
learned columnist, Mr. Eric bstan. take the trouble to read the RECORD of from South Dakota [Mr. MCGOVERN]
He made the observation, in substance, August 6 and August 7 and consider the were present at a small meeting in which
that the Congress is subdued, as though views of the spokesman for the Foreign we were told by a distinguished repre-
the United States were involved in a Relations Committee and the spokesman sentative of the State Department that
full-scale war. of the administration who stood on the these discussions on the Senate floor
He observed, in so many words, that floor of the Senate and interpreted the were misunderstood in Saigon. The im-
there is a wartime psychology which has resolution. His interpretation of that plication was that for that reason we
taken over here. resolution and what it meant and what ought to be silent. He said he had just
Madam President, we are not yet in the intent was is different from what read the speech made by Senator CHURCH
a full-scale war. There are still ways many writers and others are saying was and the speech of Senator MCGOVERN.
to be explored to find an honorable set- the intent of that resolution. He said these speeches were intelligent
made tt. The President himself has The Senator from South Dakota CMr. discussions of the issue before us in
made that the avowed i goal
inc f our policy. policy. MCGovERN], quoted from a statement South Vietnam. But he said everyone
Thereforn, I say it nc upon by the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. does not read the speeches of Senators.
por Senator to what eanssat to ex- FULBRIGHT] on August 6. He said: People read reports in the newspapers.
plore possible ways ws and means, to make Speaking for my own committee, everyone Those reports do not exactly reflect what
that I have heard has said that the last thing Senators say. What is reported in the
voice againe again, st pr r apessu surees s in all, this city to cahis
oicy we want to do is to become involved in a newspapers then goes into the rumor
would expand the war into what I would land war in Asia. mill in Saigon. It becomes further dis-
regard as catastrophic dimensions. A torted. His whole point was that it is a
land war in Asia against Asians, if his- On another occasion, in response to kind of dangerous thing for us to exer-
tory is my teacher, would be a war that a question I raised on August 6th, the cise our right of free speech-a right for
would find no durable, or desirable reso- Senator from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT] which blood has been shed for over a
lution for this Government or for our said: thousand years. Should we give up our
people. I personally feel it would be very unwise rights because the people in some dicta-
I thank the Senator for his remarks. under any circumstance to ptit a large land
tonal country do not understand what
Mr. McGOVERN. Madam President, army on the Asian continent. freedom is all about? This position i..
the Senator referred to the column by For purposes of interpreting the in- absolutely unacceptable to me. I think
Mr. Sevareid, in which the writer com- tent of the Tonkin Bay resolution, all we it is unacceptable to all thoughtful peo-
mented, on the absence of real, searching have is the colloquy on the floor of the ple who are concerned about freedom.
debate on the issue about which we are Senate in which the Chairman of the and what it means.
speaking. There has come to my atten- Foreign Relations Committee appeared Mr. CHURCH. I could not possibly
tion an editorial by Mr. John S. Knight here to speak in behalf of the adminis- agree more. I do not for a moment con-
published in the Akron Beacon-Journal tration and in behalf of the Foreign tend that protests against American
of April 4, in which, in a rather lengthy Relations Committee. policy on campuses, at teach-ins, or stu-?
and thoughtful editorial, he makes the So I recommend a reading of the dent picketings that have occurred in
observation: record of those days so that at least we some places, or even in addresses on the
Time was When great debates on foreign may have an understanding of what was floor of the Senate, no matter how care--
policy enlivened the Senate and informed intended by the administration at the fully they may be made, can be grasped
the Nation. But today the voices of op- time the Tonkin Bay resolution was at as straws in the wind by Hanoi or by
position are muted. before the Senate. Peiping. But that is the price we pay
He added: I was pleased to hear the observations for being free. That is the meaning of
we have today no Borahs, Tafts, or La of the Senator from Idaho about the role a thousand years of struggle for freedom.
Follettes to challenge the creed of conform- of the Senate and the House of Repre- A free people must behave in this way,
ity. No men of great moral courage who sentatives on this question. At the time because-barring a general war--vigor--
would risk defeat rather than surrender a
shred of principle. The voices of dissent the request came to the floor of the our dissent will exist in this country to
have been stilled, and the great issues lie Senate for $700 million so that we would any given policy, in any given situation,
smothered by a pall of medocrity. have funds to pursue our enterprise in at home or abroad.
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It makes no sense to say, "You may
discuss domestic matters, but dissent
must end at the water's edge. Foreign
matters are the ones most vital to the
survival of our Nation and the health and
safety of our people." That is why the
Constitution vested in Congress the
power to declare war, recognizing that
.this, above all other decisions, was the
most fundamental that a government
could make.
So we have to conduct foreign policy
In full recognition that we are and shall
remain a free people. I tried in my ad-
dress to point out that I do not believe
that dissent from some quarters within
the United States is the reason why
Hanoi persists in the war. There are
much better reasons.
But this argument serves those who
would quiet all dissents, who would have
us act like some monolithic mass; who
seem to believe that our efforts against
totalitarianism in the world should be
conducted as though we were ourselves
bound in a totalitarian straitjacket.
The Senator is correct: We in the Sen-
ate have a duty to speak up. I have
tried to execute that duty today by point-
ing out that I fully support the Presi-
dent's efforts, and that I am in full
agreement with whathe said in his Johns
Hopkins address-namely, that he is pre-
pared to enter into unconditional discus-
sions looking toward a political settle-
ment in southeast Asia.
The new proposals I have made may
not work; but no one yet has shown me
how this. country would be weakened by
trying them. Until someone does, I shall
continue to stress them.
I thank the Senator from Wisconsin
for his contribution to the debate.
Mr. CLARK. Madam President, will
the Senator from Idaho yield?
Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield
to the Senator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLARK, Madam President, I
should like to join the Senator from
South Dakota and the Senator from Wis-
consin in their commendation of the
splendid address just made by the Sena-
tor from Idaho. I find myself generally
-in agreement with what he has said;
specifically, I am impressed by the con-
structive suggestions he has made in
the course of his remarks. However, I
should like to express a slightly differ-
ent view, to this extent:
We in,'the Senate should stop acting
defensively a66-ttt our constitutional duty
to debate foreign policy in the Senate.
Of course we must debate the Vietnam
situation. Of course we must debate
the Dominican Republic situation. Of
course we must stand in support of the
Senator from New York [Mr. KENNEDY]
in the brilliant address he made yester-
day, in which he said, "Let us stop all
the nonsense about the proliferation of
nuclear weapons and try to reach an ac-
commodation which will lift the burden
of nuclear terror off the shoulders of
the world."
I intend to pay no attention ' to the
Columnists hawks and the military for
whom they front. Let the Messrs. Alsop,
Hanson Baldwin, and William S. White,
and the militarists for whom they front,
take their particular positions with re-
spect to muzzling the Senate and cutting
off debate in the name of phony patriot-
ism. I say let us stop talking about our
right to debate. Of course we are going
to debate, and we need not be defensive
about it.
I should, like to ask the Senator from
Idaho a few questions of substance in
connection with his splendid address.
First, does he not find himself in sub-
stantial agreement with the recent
speech by the distinguished chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations [Mr.
FULBRIGHT] in this regard?
Mr. CHURCH. I do.
Mr. CLARK. Next, I wonder whether
we do not have to take a somewhat more
pessimistic veiw of the situation in South
Vietnam than is represented by the ad-
ministration's position at the moment or
by the attitude taken by our good friend,
the Senator from 'Connecticut [Mr.
DODD], on the floor of the Senate not too
long ago. I should like to make an ob-
servation and ask the Senator from Idaho
to comment on it.
I am gravely concerned about what
has happened in Saigon. I consider the
installation, as premier, of Air Force
General Ky to be a move of desperation.
I am terribly upset about his announce-
ment, as reported in the New York Times,
that he has set up sandbags for public
executions in the city square without
trial, of individual citizens of South Viet-
nam who may or may not be profiteers,
and the like.
I wonder what the Senator's view is
concerning the sincerity with which we
can support a kind of government which
appears to deny every principle of free-
dom and democracy for which we are
fighting. We have said we are in Viet-
nam to protect freedom, but I am afraid
history will show that it is a freedom
which, for more than 1,000 years, the
people never had.
I wonder what the Senator from Idaho
thinks about the contention that we are
holding up the alms of a free people who,
for some reason, seem to have chosen a
government that makes Tony Imbert's
government in the Dominican Republic
look like a democracy.
Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, I
am afraid that we Americans have a
tendency to wrap any American engage-
ment abroad in a thick ideological cloak.
Ever since we entered the First World
War, we have converted our fights into
moral crusades. Even 'now we talk
about the free world, and our duty to
stand as its sentinel on its every bound-
ary, against communistic transgression.
Heaven knows' that I find communism
repugnant. Everything that I believe in
is contrary to Communist doctrine and
Communist objectives. However, in all
candor, I admit that communism is not
the only kind of tyranny in the world.
If we take a look at the countries sur-
rounding the Communist world, we have
to look very hard to find one that is a
free land. From Japan to Israel, with
the exception of India and Malaysia,
most of the countries are tyrannies.
Many of the tyrannies are so reprehen-
sible to the people living within the
countries that, in this era of rising pop-
lar expectations, there will come revo-
14109
lutions against them. I hope that the
Government of the United States will
not become so single-purposed in its fix-
ation with communism that it places this
Nation in the position of defender or pro-
tector over every rotten tyranny in what
we euphemistically choose to call the free
world. If we do that, our policy will
never work. This is an era of great fer-
ment in the world. There will be other
revolutions in many of these countries.
For us to take the position that we are
to be a kind of global policeman with
the duty of imposing a Pax Americana,
and with a military obligation to inter-
vene to put down every future effort to
overthrow established governments
would be a foolish and futile enterprise,
compared with which I can think of no
example in the long course of history.
Rome governed the ancient world by
conquering it, and thus imposed a Pax
Romana based upon a universal order
of Roman law and government. That is
.not possible in the modern world, and it
is the furthest thing from the American
purpose or desire.
Mr. CLARK. Madam President, I
completely agree with the Senator from
Idaho. I should like now, if I may, to
turn his mind to another, and perhaps
unduly pessimistic, point of view. There
are those, including the eminent Colum-
nist Walter Lippmann, who believe that
the time might well be past when we can
negotiate with Hanoi, or . even Peiping
or possibly even with the Vietcong, and
that we have reached a point of no re-
turn in that regard.
I ask my friend the Senator from Idaho
to comment as to what we could do if,
after having "stood firm" during the
monsoon season-and I agree that we
should, because I see no alternative and
am in complete accord with both the
President and the Senator from Arkansas
[Mr. F'uLBRiGHTI in that regard-at a
cost of perhaps thousands of American
casualities, the monsoon season comes
to an end and we still have a foothold in
Vietnam and there is no negotiation.
Then what should we "do? Should we go
on interminably in a war which shows
little hope for this country? Should we
join our'Republican friends who say that
if that happens they will take the case
to the country against the administra-
tion? .
. I ask these questions not rhetorically
because I am not sure that I have the
answers. I believe that the Senate de-
bate should be one in which we should
think through the problems and attempt
'
see what will happen when we get by
to
the monsoon season.
Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, I
thank the Senator from Pennsylvania
for making a very excellent point.
I am told that the French, during the
last phases of their attempt to preserve
French rule in Vietnam, used to reas-
sure themselves that things would be dif-
ferent after the monsoon season.
I believe it is also true that the ad-
vice we were giving the French in Viet-
nam, in those days, is very similar to
the advice that the French are now giv-
ing us, 10 years later.
I can only say that I have made some
proposals which I believe are worthy of
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Saigon, our prestige would begin to rise
again.
Does anyone think that French pres-
tige has suffered since France managed
to recognize that the era for the" white
man's control over Africa and Asia has
ended, that is to say, since France
stopped trying to preserve French do-
minion in that part of the world?
I realize our purpose is not the same
as the French was. We all know it. It
does not do any good to keep pushing
this open door. The point is not how
we see our purpose, or what we know it to
be. The question is, How do the Asians
see the war which outwardly seems to
so much resemble wars with which they
have had familiarity-the colonialist
wars against the French, the Dutch, the
British, the legions of the Western World.
I do not, I might add, have great faith
in wars. Wars in thiscentury have done
more harm to the Western World than
good. Rather than furnishing solutions,
each great war created still bigger prob-
lems.
Our purpose is to seek a settlement in
southeast Asia. That is the basis of our
hopes; and then American prestige will
,soar again in the eyes of the peoples of
Africa and Asia.
Madam President, I promised to yield
the floor, and I am happy to yield the
floor, so that the distinguished Senator
from New York [Mr. JAVITS] may be
recognized.
Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, I
shall take only a few moments. I ask
the distinguished Senator from Idaho to
bear with me.
I have read his statement with great
interest. I - did not, unfortunately, be-
cause of committee meetings, find it pos-
sible to be present with other Members
of the Senate during his delivery of the
speech. I would like to put his speech in
focus with respect to the resolution that
I am about to introduce.
I consider the resolution a comple-
ment--and I use the word advisedly-to
what the Senator from Idaho has laid be-
fore us. The dialog must go on, but a
debate without an instrument of author-
ity before us for action is a very different
kind of dialog from that which occurs
when there are committee hearings,
committee consideration, debate, and a
vote. That is what I am trying to bring
about.
When Congress passed Senate Joint
Resolution 189 of August 10, 1964, it gave
the President originally a big mandate.
As Commander in Chief, he did not need
it, but in our. Government it was wise to
get the advice and consent of Congress
for such an important action. That
resolution gave the President a blank
check to use our Armed Forces, but it
gave him a blank check only in the frame
of reference at that time : that we were in
South Vietnam as advisers, that we
would strike back if we were attacked, as
in the Gulf of Tonkin, that we would
protect our bases, and that we would use
the kind of discretion which was neces-
sary under the prevailing conditions.
Now less than a year later we see the
likelihood of a land war on a long-term
basis. -
Of course, the answer of the Senator
from Idaho and the Senator from
Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] is right. We
understand we are waiting for a break
in time and are trying to push all the
levers we can in order to get that break,
that does not mean we should not stay
there. We are mired there, if that is
what we want to call it.
I try, in this resolution to do three
things. One, to have Congress join the
President in laying down our objectives
in South Vietnam-that we have no
designs in North Vietnam, for example?
and are willing to go back to the 1954
Geneva agreement, which has been
referred to by the Senator from Arkan-
sas [Mr. FULBRIGHT], by other Senators,
and by the majority leader, who is one
of the most knowledgeable Senators in
foreign affairs.
The second point is to have Congress
join with what the President said at
Johns Hopkins-That we are ready to
negotiate, even, as some have said, if it
means having some representatives of
the Vietcong in North Vietnam costumes
in a delegation.
The third point is to declare our read-
iness to use every medium the United
Nations offers in trying to arrive at a
solution.
It must be remembered that when the
President was urged to say that he was
willing to negotiate, he said he had said
it 43 times, but when he said it the 44th
time, at Johns Hopkins, the world heard
it and said, "Now the United States is
willing- to conduct absolutely untram-
meled discussions."
So it is in this case. The President
says he has a mandate. It is reported
that he carries it around in his pocket
and will-show it to demonstrate that he
is acting in team with the Congress..
But the words of that mandate no longer
mean what was intended in the light of
the situation at that time. A new joint
resolution would lend the solidarity of
the President, the Congress, and the peo-.
ple to our effort.
I have read what the Senator has said,
just as he has read what I have said. I
would be much comforted by his com-
ments on this matter. I am trying to
add a proper compliment to the dialogue
which has taken place by a distinguished
group in this Chamber.
Mr. CHURCH. I understand exactly
what it is the Senator is attempting to
do. In a way, he is furnishing an in-
strument to cope with the mounting
frustrations in Congress over this situa-
tion.
Mr. JAVITS. Exactly.
Mr. CHURCH. His proposal is wor-
thy of the most serious consideration by
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
because We are all groping for some
answer, and we want to look very care-
fully at the one the Senator from New
York has taken the initiative to offer
today.
Mr. JAVITS. I am grateful for the
comments of the Senator from Idaho.
I yield now, without losing my right to
the floor, to the Senator from Ohio
[Mr. YOUNG].
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Madam Presi-
dent, I thank the distinguished -Senator
serious study. If they were tried, they
might work. If they do not work, we
shall not be weakened in any way.
In the meantime, I concur with the
Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK]
and with the distinguished chairman of
the Foreign Relations Committee [Mr.
FULBRIGHTI that we must stick _itout, be-
cause we have made a commitment.
Whether it was a wise or an unwise com-
mitment is not the point. Once a coun-
try like the United States pledges itself
to assume an obligation, that obligation
must be honored. At the same time, we
must continue to try to find a basis for
a satisfactory settlement in Vietnam.
One of the ways to do it is by continuing
the debate on the floor of the U.S..Sen-
ate.
I now yield to the Senator from Utah.
Mr. MOSS. Madam President, very
briefly, I commend my colleague the Sen-
ator from Idaho for his usual, thought-
ful and very courageous exposition of a
problem that I am sure bothers us all.
I find myself in concurrence with the
speech that the Senator has delivered
today. I congratulate him on his cour-
age in coming to the floor and trying to
open and expand the dialog on the sit-
uation in Vietnam.
It seems to me that the Senator from
Idaho has said, in a little different way,
something that was said on the floor
yesterday when the problem of nuclear
proliferation was being discussed, and
that is that we in the United States,
merely because we are the greatest and
richest country in the world, must take
the initiative in seeking a way out of this
problem, rather than comporting our-
selves as though we were fearful of our
prestige, fearful of being thought to be
compliant, fearful of taking_ the steps
that a truly great nation should take.
I find that implicit in the three pro-
posals the Senator has made, which
are : first, that we seek to have the
United Nations enter this matter; sec-
ond, that we affirm our willingness to
deal with representatives of the Vietcong
as part of the negotiations; and, third,
that we advocate genuine self-determi-
nation for the people of South Vietnam,
as the basis for an agreement settling the
war.
I believe that these are great and
worthy programs, and that we should
have continued debate on the floor of
the Senate.
We should fulfill our position as part-
ners in this form of government and in
our general policy.
I commend the Senator from Idaho.
Mr. CHURCH. Madam President, I
thank the Senator very much for his
words.
One final word concerning the pres-
tige argument. The continuing war in
southeast Asia, in my judgment, is stead-
ily eroding American prestige in the eyes
of most of the ordinary people in the
Afro-Asian world, because they see the
war differently than we see it.. That is
why Red China is so interested in seeing
the war prolonged. If we were able to
find a basis for a settlement that we could
live with, that would not represent ei-
ther unilateral American withdrawal or
a repudiation of our commitment to
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from New York. I am in agreement with Vietnamese regime. He had not re-
everything just said on the floor. turned to South Vietnam before the mili-
Throughout the speech of the distin- tarists took over there and threw out the
gutshed senior Senator from Idaho, I civilian regime. This demonstrated to
have been listening, and I compliment me the instability of the Saigon govern-
and congratulate him on his excellent ment, but it also demonstrated the poor
appraisal of our predicament in South judgment of Ambassador Taylor or the
Vietnam. He has rendered a real and poor information which he is receiving.
needful public service today. Some may Madam President, in. having someone
argue with his conclusions, but after in Vietnam to give a new look at the sit-
listening carefully to his speech, I find nation as our Ambassador there, it seems
that his logic appears unassailable. Like to me that the President would do very
him, I fully support the President in his well indeed were he. to recall Ambassador
'determination ?to maintain our commit- Taylor and assign either Ambassador W.
menns to the. South Vietnamese Gov- Ayerell Harriman, or former U.S. Sena-
ernment, such as it is, as there is not tor Kenneth Keating, of New York.
much of a government there at the pres- Either of these two men would have
ent time. the confidence of the country. W. Ave-
,I also agree with the. Senator from rell Harriman, in particular, is an ex-
Idaho that perhaps further steps may ceedingly skillful diplomat. I am cer-
be taken toward bringing the North tain that the senior Senator and the
Vietnamese regime to the conference junior Senator from New York [Mr.
table ready to settle this terrible con- KENNEDY] who was in the Chamber a
flict on honorable terms. moment ago listening to this debate-
The -threefold proposal which he has would agree with me that a man who
set forth seems to me to be an excellent attains a high public office in the State
beginning toward that desired end. I of New York and deals with a great
am hopeful that they will be given seri- many groups and factions, grows to be-
ous consideratton in the Senate. come a great man and a truly great
At this time, I should like to add one American-as are the two New Yorkers
more proposal to those made by the dis- I have named.
tinguished Senator from Idaho. Since I again urge that the President re-
the appointment of Gen. Maxwell place Ambassador Taylor with an out-
Taylor as our Ambassador to South Viet- standing civilian who has the confidence
nam, the situation militarily and polit- of the American people and who can
Ically has gone from bad to worse. bring a fresh approach to our dea4ings
I fully concur with the statement made with the South Vietnamese Govern-
by the distinguished senior Senator from ment-or should I say governments, as
Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARKI that, despite it is not known from day to day who is
the statement made by one of our col- running that unhappy country. A man
leagues who spent a week in Vietnam on such as Ambassador W. Averell Harri-
one of those guided tours which Sena- man, or former U.S. Senator Kenneth
tors sometimes take, and who stated in Keating would make an outstanding rep-
May, and repeated 'in June, that we resentative of our Nation in Saigon.
were winning the war in South Viet- I thank the Senator from New York
nam, the facts are exactly to the con- for yielding to me.
trary. The events of history show that Mr. CLARK. Madam President, will
he is wrong, that the situation over there the Senator from New York yield to me
Is very bad militarily for the cause of for 30 seconds?
the South Vietnamese people and for us. JAVITS. I am glad to yield to the
The blame, or some part of it, may or SenaMr. tor from Pennsylvania.'
may not be partly that of Ambassador Mr. CLARK. Madam President, in
Taylor, but it is obvious that he has out- connection with the colloquy engaged in
lived his usefulness as our Ambassador to
South Vietnam. morning, I ask unanimous consent
.
I again urge that the President replace to ceptive have and printed well- in the reasoned RECORD articles two writ-
Founding per-
with an outstanding civilian. civilian ten by the well-known commentator
Fathers provided that civilian Walter Lippmann. The first is entitled
authority must always be supreme over "The Sharpening Predicament in Viet-
the military. nam," and the other is entitled "The
Recently, when Ambassador Taylor
was in Washington, I asked him some Fierceness of Red China." Both of these
questions at a joint meeting of the.Com_ articles were published in the Washing-
mittee on Armed Services and the For- ton Post this week.
eign Relations Committee, at which time There being no objection, the articles
he made a bad impression upon me. The were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
senior Senator from New York has re-
ferred on several occasions to the great
statement of the President of the United
the United States was ready to negotiate
unconditionally. In answer to a question
I asked Ambassador Taylor, he referred
to the.. proposed negotiations as "con-
versations." It must take a military
mind, in my judgment, ,to draw a dis-
tinction between negotiations and con-
versations.
Before. Ambassador Taylor left the
United.States, he stated that he saw no
probability of a change in the South
[From the Washington Post, June 22, 1965]
THE SHARPENING PREDICAMENT IN VIETNAM
In his press conference last Thursday, the
President quoted some secret reports he had
received from a foreigner who had made
contact with a high official in Hanoi. The
President meant to convince our people that
he had tried and failed to "get them (the
North Vietnamese) to talk to us."
The first secret report was on February 15,
very shortly after our bombing offensive had
begun. The second report was on June 7,
when the bombing policy had been in opera-
tion for 4 months. The substance of both
14111
reports was the same. Neither the threat of
the bombing nor the results of the bombing
had induced Hanoi to.take an interest in
negotiating peace with the United States.
There is no doubt that the President is
correctly informed. Hanoi will not negotiate
with Washington because it is convinced that
Saigon has lost the war and that we cannot
reverse the results. In Paris a few weeks
ago I talked with a number of specialists in
southeast Asia, both French and Vietnamese.
I asked them what would happen if the
President ordered the bombing of Hanoi and
Haiphong and invaded with a very large
army.
It would only make more certain, they said,
the ultimate domination of Vietnam by
China. For the result of all our bombing in
the north and of all our fighting in the
south would be to wreck and ruin the whole
of Vietnam to a point where the Vietnamese
themselves would be quite unable to recon-
struct their economy.
They would have to turn to China. For
the United States would find no government
which it could support, and amidst the dev-
astation only an oriental dictatorship would
be able to deal with the chaos and the
misery.
I have learned over the years to have great
respect for the judgment of these men with
whom I talked. They have the advantage
not only of the long French experience in
Indochina but also of their contacts, through
the large Vietnamese colony in Paris, with
Hanoi, and even with the Vietcong.
They are prophesying now that while U.S.
military power can destroy the political and
economic structure of Vietnam, it cannot
transform the defeated Saigonese into vic-
tors. The more the devastation, the more
certainly will China be the ultimate winner.
Does this mean that the time has passed,
owing to the irreparable losses in South
Vietnam, when the President can hope to
induce Hanoi to negotiate with him? If he
means with him, I am afraid there is no
doubt it means just that. It is no less true,
I think, that he is now unable, even if he
were willing, to negotiate with the Vietcong.
At this grim juncture, the President is
threatened at home by a Republican ma-
neuver which he cannot easily dismiss.
Messrs Laird and Ford told him last week
that if his objective is nothing better than
a negotiated peace, he is committing many
too many American troops. This is an ex-
ceedingly shrewd political maneuver. For,
if the President continues his present policy,
which is to commit an increasingly large
ground army in order to produce a stale-
mate, he will be accused of wasting Ameri-
can lives for no real purpose. Messrs. Laird
and Ford, on the other hand, will go to the
country saying that if the President had
only dared to bomb Hanoi and Haiphong, the
United States would have had a victory with-
out casualties on the ground. It would not
be true because all experience goes to show
that wars cannot be won by bombing alone.
But it would be effective demagogy.
The President is in a squeeze because his
limited policy has failed and an unlimited
policy would incur greater risks of great war
than he has a right to take. The moment of
truth is drawing near, a moment when he
will have to ask himself whether, since he
cannot negotiate with Hanoi, someone else
can. In the months to come he will have
to consider whether the only course still
open to him is to encourage the Vietnamese-
Hanoi, Saigon, Vietcong--to negotiate with
each other.
If they could work out a deal among them-
selves, it would no doubt mean that our
influence in Vietnam had sunk to a very low'
point, except as we recovered some of it in
assisting the reconstruction of the country.
But there may be some consolation in the
fact that a Vietnamese solution made by the
Vietnamese might lay the foundations of
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an independent Vietnam, Independent of the
United States to be sure, and, in some meas-
ure, independent also of China.
(From the Washington Post, June 24, 19651
THE FIERczNEss or RED CHINA
(By Walter Lippman)
The quarrel in the Communist camp has
become evermore ferocious and from our
point of view evermore interesting. We have
to begin by making a guess as to why, as the
military situation in Vietnam grows worse,
the Sino-Soviet quarrel becomes fiercer.
There must be something of very high im-
portance at stake between Moscow and
Peiping.
My guess-there is no way of knowing-is
that the intensification of the quarrel is due
at bottom to Red China's fears that there is
in the making a Soviet-American under-
standing for the containment of China. If
this came about, China would be strategi-
cally surrounded. There would be the Soviet
nuclear power along its northern frontier
and there would be American nuclear power,
allied in some measure with the Soviet Union,
along the Chinese southern and southeastern
frontiers.
China's fear that this might happen could
explain a number of otherwise puzzling
things. It could explain Pedping's recent
accusation that the Soviet Union is an Amer-
ican stooge conspiring to end the war and
deprive Peiping of a total victory. It could
explain the fact, which has now been con-
firmed officially by the "Soviet Union, that
Peiping has been opposing and obstructing
Soviet military aid to North Vietnam. For
if the Russians appeared as the principal
military defender of Hanoi, they would ac-
quire a principal influence on the settlement
of the war.
Moreover, if my guess is correct, the Chi-
nese Government believes that if the war
can be made to go on to the bitter end, the
result will be to expel the Soviet Union and
the United States from its southern border-
land. Without having to fight itself, Red
China would then fall heir to the wreck and
ruin of Vietnam, and the historically anti-
Chinese people of Vietnam would be deci-
mated and prostrated.
These are high stakes, and only high stakes
can account for the fierceness of the Chinese
campaign against the Russians. If the hy-
pothesis is correct, the first practical conclu-
sion, we must draw from it is that we must
not be overzealous. The Soviet Union is still
a Communist society, and we must not em-
barrass it by treating It as if it had turned
renegade. We should act on the principle
that the Soviet Union is a mature Communist
society, and because of that--since both of
us are mature societies-we have a common
vital interest in coexistence and world peace.
It is not for us to make ostentatious and
dramatic overtures to Moscow. But we can
move with deliberation to remove the minor
irritations, as for example, over the payments
to the U.N. Beyond this, we should let other
governments make the running while we
hold on in South Vietnam and ponder the
crucial and unavoidable decision of whether
to encourage negotiation among the Viet-
namese.
The fierce intransigence of Red China is a
fact. Potentially and theoretically it threat-
ens everyone. The great question is whether
Red China's militancy and expansionism will
be moderated in the course of time or in-
tensified during the few years that remain
before Red China becomes a nuclear power.
It is a gamble, of course. But I myself am
betting that moderation will appear in the
course oftime and natural evolution and can
be brought on by patience, firmness, and dip-
lomatic skill. The alternative is preventive
Back in the late 1940's when the cold
war had begun, when Stalin was at his worst,
I was invited to lunch in the Pentagon with
a high official. The object of the lunch was
to persuade me to write articles in favor of
launching a preventive nuclear war against
the Soviet Union. Stalin, I was reminded,
waS a villain who was moving step by step
toward the conquest of the world. There
was no stopping him by measures short of
nuclear war, and as we had the air force
and the nuclear bombs while Stalin did not
yet have them, it was our duty to strike
him before he struck us. Not to do so would
be criminal negligence. , If we flinched and
waited, we would lose the future.
I did not write the articles, but the
luncheon made a profound impression on me,
particularly in the years which have followed
during which the Soviet Union has emerged
from Stalinism. We gambled correctly, that
Stalinism would pass, and we won that gam-
ble. We shall have to take t" same gam-
~q L;
JOINT RESOLUTION D IGNED TO
TRIGGER HEARINGS AND DEBATE
ON VIETNAM POLICY
Mr. JAVITS, Madam President, on
several occasions in the past 2 months-
ever since it began to appear likely that
American troops in large numbers
would be sent into ground combat in
South Vietnam-I have urged the Pres-
ident to consult Congress by means of a
joint resolution to approve and support
such an important new phase of United
States participation in the Vietnam
struggle. Laying a new resolution be-
fore Congress to follow the August 10,
1964, resolution, passed after the Bay of
Tonkin incident, would have been a most
desirable and 'responsible action on the
part of the administration. But it has
not been done. I am, therefore, intro-
ducing today a joint resolution-which I
send to the desk and ask that it be ap-
propriately referred and printed in the
RECORD-which raises the issues and
will, if acted on, inspire the hearings and
debate which the' situation `requires.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The joint
resolution will be received and appro-
priately referred; and without objection,
the joint resolution will be printed in the
RECORD.
The joint resolution (S.J. Res. 93) to
promote the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security in southeast
Asia, and to supplement Public Law 88-
408, introduced by Mr. JAVIxs (for him-
self and Mr. RANDOLPH), was received,
read twice by its title, referred to the
Committee on Foreign Relations, and
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
S.J. RE5. 93
Whereas the Congress by joint resolution
approved August 10, 1964, declared that it
"approves and supports the determination of
the President, as Commander in Chief, to
take all necessary measures to repel any
armed attack against the forces of the United
States and to prevent further aggression"
and further declared that "The United States
regards as vital to its national interest and
to world peace the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security in southeast Asia"
and "is, therefore, prepared, as the President
determines, to take all necessary steps, in-
cluding the use of armed force, to assist any
member or protocol state of the Southeast
Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting as-
sistance in defense -of its freedom"; and
Whereas the deliberate and systematic
campaign of aggression that the Communist
regime in North Vietnam is, waging against
its neighbors and the nations joined with
them in the collective defense of their free-
dom has risen in intensity and constitutes
a threat to international peace and security
which is not being met by action of the
United Nations or other international agen-
cies; and
Whereas the people of South Vietnam and
the peoples of southeast Asia continue to
desire the assistance of the United States in
protecting their freedom and their right, to
be left in peace to work out their own des-
tinies in their own way; and
Whereas the United States has no terri-
torial, militiry, or political ambitions in that
area, and the President has expressed the
determination of the people of the United
States that the United States is prepared to
engage in uncondiional discussions and nego-
tiations to bring about a condition of peace
and security in southeast Asia; and
Whereas the intensification of the aggres-
sion against South Vietnam requires the
United States so materially to increase the
means for defense against such aggression,
including the use of the Armed Forces, as
to make advisable a further joint resolution
of approval and support by the Congress:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That the Congress ap-
proves and supports the decisions made by
the President, as Commander in Chief, in im-
plementing the joint resolution of August
10, 1964, to promote the maintenance of in-
ternational peace and security in southeast
Asia.
SEC. 2. The United States declares its deter-
mination, consonant with the Constitution
of the United States and the Charter of the
United Nations and in accordance with its
obligations under the Southeast Asia Collec-
tive Defense Treaty, to take all necessary
steps, including the use of armed force, as
the President determines, for the purposes
set forth in section 3, to assist any member
or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Col-
lective Defense Treaty requesting assistance
in defense of its freedom.
SEC. 3. The United States affirms that the
objectives of the United States are to bring
about the cessation of hostilities by cease-
fire or other appropriate means and the res-
toration of peace, tranquillity, and security,
and the observance of international treaties
and agreements in South Vietnam, and to
assist South Vietnam in obtaining a full
opportunity for self-determination, religious
freedom, economic and social progress, the
establishment and strengthening of free
institutions, and the enjoyment of friendly
relations with its neighbors.
The United States is ready, whenever and
wherever there is any willingness by the other
appropriate parties to do so, to undertake
honorable negotiations to attain these objec-
tives.
Sze. 4. The United States regards inter-
national action to assure conditions of peace,
security, and freedom in southeast Asia to
be most desirable and is ready to join with
other appropriate parties in assuring the
maintenance of international peace and ap-
plying within that area the principles and
provisions of the United Nations Charter.
SEC. 5. This resolution shall expire when
the President shall determine that the peace
and security of the area is reasonably assured
by international conditions created by action
of the United Nations or otherwise, except
that it may be terminated earlier by concur-
rent rsolution of the Congress.
Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, in
this connection, it is important to note
that Congress contemplated a continu-
ing role, in conjunction with the Presi-
dent, in the making of our Vietnam pol-
icy. The intent of Congress to main-
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twin continued participation is most is whether we are prepared to send some Mr. AIKEN. Has the Senator drawn
strongly evidenced by its explicit reser- hundreds of thousands of our troops into conclusion from the latest r drawn
of the right to terminate by con- combat
as we did i any
K
,
n
orea, if news- ment in South Vietnam? I refer to the
'current resolution the joint resolution sary-for it may become necessary. It is South Vietnamese breaking off relations
of. . August 10, 1964. Congress having whether we are ready to face the Amer- with France and closing down all -
news
thus reserved this right, the time has scan casualties of a long, drawn-out land papers in the country except two, which
now come to exercise it, when we seem struggle-for we may have to. It is we presume are completely controlled by
about to enter upon a new dimension of whether we are prepared to risk a con- the Government. I value his conclusions
the struggle nqt contemplated last frontation with Communist China or the rather highly. Has he drawn any con-
August. Soviet Union, for we may have to. elusion as to this latest development?
Madam President, I have explained The President may have the legal au- Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, it
the major sections of the joint resolu- thority to make these decisions, but as a means a tight control by a government
tion in colloquy with the Senator from matter of policy they should not be made which is ruling by emergency power.
Idaho [Mr. CHuacHJ, showing that it by him alone, without congressional ap- That is the meaning also of the new
does actually accommodate the new sit- proval and support. Prime Minister's statement that he will
uation which I have described by setting ' The President should not risk leading shoot people without trial and take simi-
forth, first, our readiness and willingness the Nation, step by step, into a major lax measures. This recalls Korea under
to enter into negotiations-in which the conflict from which there is no honorable Syngman Rhee, when we found ourselves
Vietcong or similar forces could con- retreat-not without a clear mandate between an imminent dictatorship and
eeivably play a role as part of the North from the people and a united and deter- the necessity of protecting what had been
Vietnamese delegation; second, the ob- mined country solidly behind him. An accomplished there in the way of freeing
jectives of the United States, which are out-of-date resolution-and that is what South Korea. This is one of the endemic
confined to the situation in South Viet- the resolution of August 1964 is-is not problems of our presence In South Viet-
nam and include acceptance of a settle- enough. Neither is a Gallup poll. nam and what makes me ask the ques-
ment for neutralization of that area We are on the threshold of crucial de- tion: "Do the people of South Vietnam
adopted in 1954 in Geneva; and third, cisions, with large segments of the people want us there?" If they do not want us
the acceptability of the United Nations anxious and uncertain, restive and con- there, do we still propose to stay?
to the extent that it can feasibly act in fused. The probing and informed de- I conclude by saying to the Senator
this area in whatever role may be found bate which the resolution I have intro- that this becomes a major factor in
best, especially with the hope of bring- duced is designed to stimulate would con- whether we should continue. I am with
ing about a cease-fire and the initiation tribute immeasurably to a better under- my colleagues in the Senate who have
of negotiations between the parties. standing of the whole Vietnam conflict spoken this morning, and with the Presi-
First, this new resolution is needed be- and the proper role we can play in that dent, in saying that we should carry on if
cause the resolution of August 10, 1964, part of the world. For there are still a we are at all able to do so. However, the
is out of date. It was passed under great many nagging and worrisome ques- question involves the South Vietnamese
wholly different circumstances, at a time tions unanswered, and a great many governmental framework in which we are
when we were not bombing North Viet- fears to be laid at rest. being asked to carry on. We need to have
nam' as part of the defense against the Some of the important questions which clear information on this, we need to di-
Vietcong, when the South Vietnamese need to be answered, always consistent gest it, and we need to see whether we
Government looked relatively stable un- with security considerations-and i am can bring any influence to bear to see
der General Khanh and when we were confident that it can be done that way- that human rights and liberties are re-
there at the request of such a govern- are these: spected. It is not a question which I can
Ynelit. The likelihood then of direct U.S. First. What is the exact nature and answer categorically by saying, for ex-
involvement in ground combat in a large- extent of the new combat responsibilities ample, that if we find it is a dictatorship
scale struggle on the Asian mainland was our forces are assuming in Vietnam? we should get out. But it is a question
not anticipated; we were not then on the Second. What is the nature and area to which we should get an answer, be-
verge of committing ourselves to such a of the conflict as now contemplated? cause the answer will influence our total
conflict. Third. Is it clear that the people of judgment as to what we should do.
.. Second, the resolution is needed to South Vietnam still want us there? Mr. AIKEN. Is that not a condition
provide a clear opportunity for the For- That is a very critically Important ques- which was written into the resolution
eign Relations and Foreign Affairs Com- tion. of last August, which is now interpreted
mittees to hold hearings in an attempt Fourth. At whose invitation are we in various ways? Did we not in fact
to bring out the relevant facts and clari- now participating in the struggle there? commit ourselves to help those countries
fy the issues, and. an opportunity, too, Fifth. What do the people of southeast in southeast Asia when our help was re-
for full debate on the floor of both Asia and other parts of Asia think about quested and wanted?
Houses-not undirected, sporadic de- the escalation of our involvement in this Mr. JAVITS. And also, may I point
bate-such as we have had this morn- conflict? out, we said to protect their freedom.
ing and on other occasions-but debate Sixth. How much help are we getting Mr. AIKEN. Yes.
focused on specific language, carrying from our allies, especially our SEATO Mr. JAVITS. If there is no freedom,
the responsibility of positive action. allies, and what is the likelihood of get- there is no freedom to protect.
Finally, the resolution is needed be- ting more help? Mr. AIKEN. Do not the latest acts in
cause the decisions now being made by Seventh. What practical possibilities South Vietnam strongly indicate a trend
the President are crucial. Let us remem- exist of regional or United Nations action toward a form of government which we
ber that great powers do not bluff. Once with respect to Vietnam? We hear a are committed to oppose with all rea-
a great power commits Itself to a course great deal about the Secretary General sonable means?
of action, it cannot fail to carry through going out there. What, indeed, can the Mr. JAVITS. Exactly. The trend
without serious consequences both at U.N. do? Let us remember that when should be arrested. It is much easier to
home and abroad. The United States the Security Council voted to undertake do that in the open, on the floor of the
cannot become directly involved in the responsibility of the conflict against Senate and on the floor of the House,
ground combat in South Vietnam, re- the North Koreans, the Russians, for the than in the privacy of an executive
serving the right to change its mind later moment, were not on the Security Coun- department.
on. If things go badly, I have no doubt cii, and therefore not able. to cast a Madam President, these are not the
that we will send in more troops, and veto. only questions. There are many others
more, and still more, for there will be Eighth. How much help are the Com- of equal importance to be answered. In-
no turning back and we will be commit- munist getting and where is it coming deed, one of the most vital questions is
ted as,col pleteiy as we were in Korea. from? this: What do we expect to gain from a
The real question, is not, whether we Mr. AIKEN. Madam President, will decision to commit increasing numbers
are willing to send another 21,000 troops the Senator yield? of U.S. troops to ground combat roles?
to Vietnam to help the South Vietnamese Mr. JAVITS. I yield to the Senator We seem to be girding ourselves for a
during this summer's monsoon rains. It from Vermont. long and bloody summer,in the hope that,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
in Senator FULBRIGHT'S words, "When Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- may at all times be safe in our own
the current Vietcong offensive has run its sent to add the name of the Senator homes.
course without decisive result, the Com- from West Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] as All of -us-every citizen-has a duty
munists will be disposed to take a differ- a cosponsor of the joint resolution. and a responsibility to see that our lawn
ent view of our standing proposal for un- The PRESIDING OFFICER, With- are enforced; a duty to support and assist
conditional negotiations." I would not out objection, it is so ordered. our law enforcement officers in their ef-
be quite so sanguine as the Senator from Mr. JAVITS. I thank my colleague forts to r to t sorease is ciet . more Mr. P widen
Arkansas about the prospects of success- for yielding. the crime fully forcing the Communists to the con- tressing-it is alarming. From 1958 to
ference table by denying them their COINAGE OF THE UNITED STATES 1964 the total major crimes in this coun-
haped-for military victories this summer. try jumped from 1,645,200 to 2,604,400-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Under an increase of 959,200 in that 7-year
And this summer stal evit? will the unanimous-consent agreement en- period. In 1964 there was an increase
t"-far c I
may, into, the Chair lays before the Sen- of 13 percent over 1963. By 1975 it is
it in not t s , "u o nto do it"-for achieve
nsayicng, analysis, not o painful l ate the unfinished business, which will estimated that our population will reach
in the last the least not fore- be stated. 225 million. A projection of the crime
se all the rush alternatives. cBut I do hoeasea The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S. rate increase at 10 percent annually-
probable c rh to the conference table as a 2080) to provide for the coinage of the and not at the 13 percent rate of increase
n result. Let us not once United States. that occurred in 1964-indicates that 10
about blinded by unwarranted optimism m
aVietnam. The Senate resumed the consideration years hence our citizens will have more
If one remembers nothing else I say, of the bill (S. 2080) to provide for the than 7 million major crimes inflicted one I hope he will remember this. We hear coinage of the United States. urpo a them. T hat
poou e in the Unator 32
so many stories that the troops will be Sc for tates.
back in 1 year, or that we are on top of UNPRECEDENTED LAWLESSNESS IN Projected at the same rate of 10 per-
teg sieuaithi a week see it all . LtTHE UNITED STATES cent until 1985 it is indicated that more
unwarranted Mr. McCLF'Ta.ArJ obtained the floor. than 18 million major crimes will be com-
us then not be be a blinded or by a month. Let
then the situation in Vietnam Is Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, i mitted mated in popu that lation year, and nd with ion an , esti-
shi-66 mill very rough and very difficult. yield 15 minutes under the bill to the mill be op major crime for each 15
With the sorry prospect of intensified distinguished Senator from Arkansas. people.
hostilities around the corner, we simply Mr. McCLELLAN. Mr. President, we To those who say it just cannot hap-
muetredouble our cannot search for an honor- are experiencing a wave of unprece- pen, I say look at the figures-not just
able peace. We cjust resign cur- dented lawlessness in our country. those I have projected, but look at the
selves to battle out the summer and then The crime menace to our society and past record. Since 1958 crime has in-
th again. I alai mere lco pleased h ef- security has become critical. It is a creased six times as fast as our popula-
forts Prime wecominn fresh k- problem of grave concern to all of us. tion. In 1964 the crime rate-crimes per
fnts by Prime Minister Wilson and look- The ever-lengthening shadows of crime 100,000 population-was 11 percent high-
ference for forthcoming some new initiative. eAnd now becloud each day and like a pall er than in 1963; 75 percent higher than
while fhhave correctly to our And hang heavily with ominous warnings in 1954; and more than double the rate
while we have will not recognize the Viet- that we can no longer ignore. Indeed, in 1940.
g that he wihiSee- so serious is the threat of mounting crime So, Mr. President, not only can it hap-
con
retary the conference a far toward far tothe S makec- that President Johnson used the solemn pen, it has happened and is happening
Ing ev even of State this one this o h as gone talks ccasion of the state of the Union today.
even condition
question the message to comment about it. What price do these criminals, the
agreeing not noto peace
palatable
composition by f the i delegation. queet The gravity of this problem becomes hoodlums, the parasites, the lawless who
our p part ther rt to achieve a apparent and is placed in proper pro- prey on our citizens, extract from our
All ththese efforts oforts on the opposing
next this
they 24 1964 the Federal Bureau of Investigation
peaceful solution are commendable- time when wtomorrow-within the that
they are e more re than commendable: : they hat
he American are continuing our I ale sure the President In every s .25 people will have been murdered; 56 peoplet$27tb l i oncrime., Thissist t to
way ung oquest for peace way open to him. He will need evd great women, or perhaps girls of tender age, $143 for every man, woman, and child-
wisdom, as well as great creativity and will have been forcibly raped; 305 armed or $574 for each family-in the United
imagination, if we are to avoid another robberies will have been committed; 505 States. The misery and human suffering
Korea in Vietnam. I wholeheartedly aggravated assaults will have been in- that crime produces, of course, cannot be
support him-as I always have--in those flicted; 1,285 automobiles will have been measured in money.
de-
efforts, and I have little doubt I will be stolen; 1,925 major thefts will have been Mr. President, I have confidence in our and in an appropriate prhim as obate and enact glasttweilll have occurred. Mr3,000 bur- . Pr si- fendaagainsttexter al~threatsyto our
an resolution. g and
appren The PRESIDING OFFICER. (Mr. dent, over 7,000 major crimes are cam- pensive abo t the possibility of de truc-
KENNEDY of New York in the chair). witted in this country every day; day
The time of the Senator has expired. In and day out, Sundays included, for tion from within-destruction ctiby known a ru h-
Mr, DAVITS. Mr. President, I ask crime takes no holidays. less
such empire names as tagna l Mafia, the Cosa Nostra,
unanimous consent that I may have 1. Obviously, Mr. President, no nation, the syndicate or the mob.
additional minute. no civilized society can long withstand or r Narcotics has for over
of
warn the public for over
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I endure such major assaults upon its The Bureau
yield the Senator from New York 1 structure. The goals of the Great So- 25 of tried the Mafia warn
our country.
minute under the bill. ciety are being Imperiled. For there can danger years
Bureau quite oft found
Mr. JAVITS. The decisions that the be no Great Society unless it is also a safe doing itself so so the the receiving end ft vifoulid
administration must make in the weeks society. And a safe society cannot be on of
ahead are decisions which could vitally built nor maintained in a climate of criticism z an i eerissriond from the s -c elleod
affect the entire Nation, and they should crime, corruption, and moral decay. I good in n
be discussed and debated by the Repre- mean, Mr. President, a society where it those who likewise refuse to believe that
sentativs of the entire Nation in Con- is safe for our citizens to walk the streets communism poses any threat to our sur-
gress, with the stark facts laid out before day or night; a society where our chil-vival.
us, Then whatever we decide to do will dren are safe both at play and en route History records that many civilizations
be done by a 'strong and determined to school; a society where our women are have been destroyed from within. Let
people, united behind their President In safe from the attacks of depraved us heed that warning, lest we succumb to
one of the major decisions in our history. rapists; In short, a society where all of us the tyranny of a criminal anarchy.
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