PRAISE FOR SENATOR FULBRIGHTS SPEECH ON VIETNAM

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July 1, 1965
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July 1, 190pproved For RI7,LB0gi1fg'F300180015-4 14901 yesterday, June 30. The Alaskans who U.S. Senate and also in the : Comn1erce their religious leaders to set the proper ex- attended were Mary Lee Council, who Committee which 11 shows that-there 1s, ample by following the law. Without law represented Senator BARTLETT; Henry Communist infiltration of and influence we have anarchy." cvil,r_ Pau and Asked if he thought Communists domi- W. Clark, born in Wrangell; George in the so-called i ps nate the marches, Daley said he could not Sundborg; and I. Don Greeley was their demonstrations. The FBI Dixec- answer the question. Observers have noted there, representing Alaska's Representa- tor, Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, has warned the uniforzD.ed policemen taking pictures of the tive in Congress, the Honorable RALPH Congress and the ,public about, this den- demonstrators, eYery,day. RIVERS. Also there was Arthur Greeley, ger. The President of the v4ited, States Deputy Police Supt. Joseph Morris said he Deputy Chief of National Forest Re- is aware of this problem. Even some of has turned over to the mayor's office infor- source Management, who succeeded the liberal news columnists have admit- mation indicating that Communists are tak- Frank Heintzleman as Alaska's regional ted that there is Communist influence ing part in the demonstrations. He said have "checked more than r names .. I? police forester.. The . honorary pallbearers and infiltration of some of these grou 50 of s demo onstrators, and at least 11 are Commu were E. L. BARTLETT, Samuel R. Broad- and' their demansfirations. Still, no ac- . nits or .members of Communist-front orga- bent, Allen R. Brumbaugh, Henry W. tion is taken by either the, administra- nizations," Clark, Robert A. Events, ERNEST GRUEN- tion or the Congress to, deal gffectively ADD TO POLICE LOAD INO, D. Elmer.'Hawbaker, Enos H. Horst, with this danger. Why? Because the Meanwhile, Police Supt. O. W. Wilson RALPH RIVERS, Craig Truax, J. Irving administration, and too many Members disclosed that from June 10 through June Whalley, and Richard P. Zimmerman. of the Congress, are playing too much 28 the demonstrations have taken up 31,856 Frank Heintzleman's service to Alaska politics with the en-ca11FA civil rights ic- man-hours of policemen's time, will bg remembered by all who knew him, and will ,lso be remembered after they pass from the scene, for both the cul- tural and the economic contributions whose benefits will continue long there- after. So I join in the affectionate tribute of my fellow Alaskans ?ln saying. "Well done, thou good" and faithful public COMMUNIST" INFLUENCE IN = CIVIL RI..t `S CiRCCips -"Mr. THTJRMQND. Mr, President, I call to the attention of my colleagues in the Senate two articles giving further proof of the infiltration of and influence of Communists and Communist sympa- thizers in the so-called civil rights groups and their riots and demonstrations in this country. One is an article from the July 1, 1965, issue of the Chicago Trib- une entitled "Reds Foment School Row, Daley Claims-Assails Imported Trouble- makers." The other is an Associated Press dispatch from Montgomery, Ala., as printed in the Greenville News, of Greenville, S.C., on June 30, 1965. The headline . reads ."Alabama Legislative Probers Say Two Rights Groups Are Red- Inspired." Mr. President, the assertion by the mayor of Chicago, the Honorable Richard Daley, that Communists and Communist funds are involved in the antisehool demonstrations in Chicago cannot. be tossed aside as coming from "another biased southern source." His attempts to help Negroes is beyond ques- tion. The Chicago Tribune article reports that. the deputy police superintendent, Joseph Morris, said that he had turned over to Mayor Daley's office information indicating that Communists are taking part in the demonstrations. The article quotes Mr. Morris as stating that police have, checked more than 150 names of demonstrators, and at least 11 are Col1,1- munists or members of Communist-front organizations. The Alabama legislative report con- eludes that two so-called civil rights the Congress of Racial Equality and the tuclent Nonviolent Coordinat= ing G'rommittee are Communist inspired and that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., is actively engaged in promoting the Com- munist, line. Mr. President, time and again I have presented evidence on. the floor of the I urie again Mr. President, that the President and the Congress immediately make this question of Communist - tration and.. influence, in, the so-called civil rights groups the subject of a full and impartial investigation and let the chips fall where they may. In closing my remarks, Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed, in the, Rump at Qh,p co> iclusion, of .these remarks the articles from the Chicago Tribune and also from the Greenville News. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Chicago Tribune, July 1, 1965] REDS FOMENT SCHOOL ROW, DALEY CLAIMS- . AssAILS.IMPORTED TROUBLEMAKERS Mayor Daley said yesterday that police files show that many marchers in Chicago's.civil rights demonstrations are Communists and charged that Communist funds were helping finance the demonstrations. He said that some of the troublemakers were drawn here by the House Committee on Un-American Activities, which held hear- ings in Chicago in May. "You know, those people take part in any disturbing thing they can," Daley said. RABY LASHES BACK Albert Raby, convenor of the Coordinating Council of Community Organizations -and a prime mover of the demonstrations, accused Daley of "witch huntingg' lessons f "He's probably takin rom .coyer- lior Wallace,"Raby said in an' apparent reference to Gov. George Wallace, of Ala- bama. "I wish the mayor were as resolved to settle the school crisis as he is to partici- pate in witch hunting" The mayor defended his abrupt departure on Tuesday from a meeting he arranged be- tween Raby's groups and the board of edu- cation. His leavetaking, In the middle of the 2-hour meeting, brought a blast of criti- cism from Raby. "You must recognize that the mayor has appointments made in advance, and we sat with these people for 3 hours on Monday," Daley said. He said that Raby's group, if they carry out their announced intention to hold night demonstrations, must observe the law. VOWS OF LAW AND ORDER "There will always be law and order in Chicago as long as Daley is mayor," he said. When a reporter read excerpts from a Trib- une editorial criticizing the demonstrations and stating that Chicago cannot put up with a government by ultimatum, Daley said: "It is interesting to note that over 50 percent of the people in these marches are not Negroes, and yet Negroes are accused of this. I appeal to all decent people and to If policemen were paid for this time the cost to the city would be $109,287 for policing the demonstrations for the 19 days, Wilson said. . He said. that days off canceled must be re- paid to policemen,, and this impairs the de- partment's overall effectiveness in fighting crime. " Ninety pickets started a new march yester- day afternoon frrm Buckingham fountain in Grant Park to city hall to protest the school board's granting of a new contract to School Supt. Benjamin C. Willis. Asked if there were Communists among the demonstrators, Raby said, "Not that I know of." 'But there are no political tests for mem- bership in the civil rights movement," he said. "I don't ask people if they are Demo- crats or Republicans or Fascists or Commu- nists." AGREE WITH EDITORIAL Three school board members-Thomas J. Murray, Cyrus H. Adams III, and Mrs. Wen- dell E. Green-said they agreed with the sentiments of the Tribune's editorial. "They apparently came to Tuesday's meet- ing with the purpose of giving the board a good dressing down," said Murray. "I don't think they improved relationships be- tween themselves and the board." "I would hope, that the leaders would finally decide this is not the type of example helpful to children," Mrs. Green said. "Chil- dren are supposed to be the beneficiaries of all this. I would hope these people would seek more constructive ways to resolve the problems." Frank Whiston, school board president, said he was hopeful "some good will come out of sitting down and talking together." The Lincoln Dental Society representing more than 150 Negro dentists in Ohicago, is- sued a statement supporting the demonstra- tions and criticizing a "callous lack of sym- pathy by city officials regarding our city's long neglected school crisis." [Front the Greenville (S.C.) News, June 30, 19651 ALABAMA LEGISLATIVE PRODERS SAY Two RIGHTS GROUPS ARE RI;D-INSPIRED MONTGOMERY, ALA.-A special legislative committee charged Tuesday that two civil rights organizations are Communist-inspired and that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., is "actively engaged in promoting the Commu- nist line." King and another spokesman called the accusations witchhunting and typical southern reaction. . The five-member commission to preserve the peace made the allegations in a 39-page report to the Alabama Legislature-the body which created it 2 years ago after Birming- ham's bloody racial demonstrations. King, his Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Congress of Racial Equality, and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00030018001:5-4 14902 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B0 446R000300180015-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE July 1, 1965 Committee, were accused of promoting the Communist cause and being a threat to State and national sovereignty. SNOC, the commission charged, is the most dangerous and is involved in'a tug-of- war with King for control of the civil rights mc>veriient. "Currently, the trend seems to be that King is in control of the older groups who have the money, but SNCC is getting the campus support and trying to force King to either get out or to lean further to the left," the report said. It charged that SNCC is "extensively Com- munistdoaminated" and ultimately "must be smashed by legal action or we will court a major disaster." SNCC, the commission charged, is "an extremely dangerous, irresponsible group which tends to promote acts of violence" to gain support for its own goals. The commission cited paid $NCC perform- ers as stating the organization "wanted vio- lence-preferably to get some of its demon- strators killed in Alabama." The commission, headed by Representative John Hawkins, said it obtained its inforna- tion from staff members, part-time investi- gatorss,, voluntary witnnees/~sp~~ d police. A`G 7 7/ / 1 O cL Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, Sena- tor PuiBRIGHT'S fine speech on Vietnam recently has evoked much favorable edi- torial comment around the country. Representative of this comment is an ex- cellent editorial written by Lee Ester, which was published on June 12 in the Idaho State Journal. I ask unanimous consent that the editorial be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: TOWARD A SOLUTION Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT has pro- posed a sensible course for conducting war and seeking peace in South Vietnam. His proposals were set forth in a speech delivered in the Senate last Tuesday after a discus- sion the day before with President Johnson. They are worth study, therefore, not only for their own sake but for what they might reveal about the administration's intentions. The Senator from Arkansas opened his speech by declaring his opposition to, first, unconditional American withdrawal from South Vietnam, and second, to further escala- tion of the war. He opposes withdrawal, he said, "because such action would betray our obligation to people we have promised to defend, because It would weaken or destroy the credibility of American guarantees to other countries, and because such a with- drawal would encourage the view in Peiping and elsewhere that guerrilla wars supported from outside are a relatively safe and inex- pensive way of expanding Communist power." He opposes escalation because the bombing thus far of North Vietnam has failed to weaken the military capacity of the Viet- cong in any visible way; because escalation would invite the intervention-or infiltra- tion-on a large scale in great numbers of North Vietnamese troops; because this in turn would probably draw the United States into a bloody and protracted jungle war in which the strategic advantage would be with the other side; and, finally, because the only available alternative to such a land war would then be the further expansion of the air war to such an extent as to invite either massive Chinese military intervention in many vul- nerable areas in southeast Asia or general nuclear war." All of these are valid reasons for not pulling out of South Vietnam and for not intensifying the war there. These observa- tions, however, do nothing to point the way to disengagement, which should be the long range aim of our policy in South Vietnam. On that score, senator Fm,sru wr offered two proposals. They will not, of course, satisfy those who want the United States to get out of Vietnam immediately or those who believe we could and should bring the Vietcong and North Vietnam to their knees, but they are sensible and realistic none- theless. First, the Senator said, we must "sustain the South Vietnamese Army so as to persuade the Communists that Saigon cannot be crushed and that the United States will not be driven from South Viet- nam by force," and second, "we must con- tinue to offer the Communists a reasonable and attractive alternative to military vic- tory. For the time being, it seems likely that the focus of our efforts will have to be on persuading the Communists that they cannot win a complete military victory; only when this has become clear is it likely they will respond to our proposals for uncondi- tional negotiations." The Senator sees the short-term outlook as by no means bright but neither is it without hope. He believes that if we are resolute but also restrained in the conduct of the war, the Communists may take a different view of our standing proposal for unconditional negotiations when the current Vietcong offensive has run its course without decisive result. When it becomes clear that neither side can expect to win a complete victory, "I would think it appropriate and desirable for the United States to reiterate forcefully and explicitly its willingness to negotiate a compromise peace and thereafter to join with other countries in mounting a large-scale program for the economic and social development of southeast Asia." As if to remind the Nation-and possibly President Johnson, too-that the issues are not all black and white, Senator FVLBRIGHT included this significant paragraph in his speech: "The most striking characteristic of a great nation is not the mere possession of power but the wisdom and restraint and largeness of view with which power is ex- ercised. A great nation is one which is capable of looking beyond its view of the world, or recognizing that, however con- venient it may be of the beneficence of its own role and aims, other nations may be equally persuaded of their benevolence and good intent. It Is a mark of both greatness and maturity when a nation like the United States, without abandoning its convictions and commitments, is capable at the same time of acknowledging that there may be some merit and even good intent in the views and aims of its adversaries." We can only hope that in the months ahead our power will be exercised with wis- dom, restraint, and largeness of view, that the forces of communism can be contained, and that when the opportunity arises, we will again express our willingness to nego- tiate. As matters now stand, that seems to be the best hope for peace. AIR FORCE INVENTORY Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, I would like to address the Senate 'oday on a matter which I consider of utmost im- portance to the future of this Nation's aerial military capability. During the past 48 hours, a portion of our mighty B-52 bomber fleet celebrated its 10th anniversary in the inventory of the Air Force. Although the Depart- ment of Defense during hearings earlier this year indicated the 10-year-old bombers would be phased out of service within a short time, I am concerned that those later model B-52 aircraft not scheduled for early phaseout are not be- ing modified rapidly enough to assure their retention in the force throughout their programed life of 10 additional years. Overlooking the controversy of wheth- er or not the high-altitude bombing raid in Vietnam last -week actually proved successful, I would point to the fact that these long-range aircraft were used on a "milk run" where no fighter aircraft were expected and with no anticipation of antiaircraft defensive fire. Yet, in spite of this lack of opposition, we lost two aircraft destroyed while a third was forced to return to base because of me- chanical problems. My point, Mr. President, is whether these B-52 aircraft used in the Vietnam raid were our late model jet bombers or were they some of our 10-year-old air- craft? In testimony earlier this year, the Secretary of Defense indicated that 30 B-52A models-the earliest B-52 model-had been sent to Guam to re- place B-47 jets scheduled for phaseout. The bombing raid originated from Guam. I repeat that I am not concerning my- self today with the controversy over suc- cess or failure of the mission, I am only asking whether the aircraft we used were being maintained as well as they should when we lose approximately 10 percent to either flight error or mechanical failure. We are relentlessly Informed by the Department of Defense that the B-52 aircraft will remain in the Air Force in. ventory until sometime in the 1970's, yet the plane actually has been given no mis- sion performance assignment. Testi- mony presented to the Defense Appro- priations Subcommittee earlier this year corroborates that no specific mission has been programed for the B-52. I ques- tion, then, how it is possible to program any modification money for the aircraft if the specific mission isn't known by the Department of Defense. The aircraft must be kept flying for another 10 years since our reluctance to proceed with other manned bomber de- signs leaves us with a gap in aerial bomber reserves. Mr. President, what I have said is predicated upon the proposition that there is and shall continue to exist a need for the manned bomber in our aerial arsenal. This is the subject of continuing debate, but I would submit that the militaristic forces in the world today have required us to develop an armed force with the greatest possible flexibility. We have seen once again the need for conventional troops and con- ventional weapons. And, this is so, so that we may have the greatest number of options to face the multitude of mili- tary actions we may be required to face- whether it be guerrilla warfare, police action, conventional warfare, or nuclear devastation. This same principle, it seems to me, should equally apply to the development of our aerial weapons systems. The course of the Pentagon today with the Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 July 1, 19 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE mittee, this country possesses a political philosopher and foreign affairs analyst unexcelled an bpg those who 'lave held political office in the modern history of our 73eptlhlic. Senator FULBRIGHT again demonstrated his highly developed In- tellectual qualities in a speech he deliv- ered to the Rhodes Scholar Reunion, at Swarthmore, College on June 19. Sen- curate thoughts about the contemporary world situation: ? In recent months events have taken an ominous, turn. For varied and complex reasons the,nations are sliding back into the self-righteous and crusading spirit of the cold war. It is clear in any case that the cold war detente is at best in suspension. The crises in Vietnam and the Dominican. Republic are affecting matters' far beyond 'thefrontiers of the countries concerned. . 'Somewhat likg? the great powers of 1914, the Soviet Union and the United States ap pear'to have lost much of their former con- trol of events; like the great powers of 1914 they appear to be more preoccupied with commitments to others than with their own interests and preferences in relations with each other. Under these conditions the prognosis for peace with freedom is hardly, favorable. ? But Senator FULBRIGHT is not wholly pessimistic about our chances to preserve the peace. In his concluding lines,, he But existing conditions are not permanent conditions, and prevailing tendencies are not irreversible. Our capacity to shape events is as great as our capacity to understand them. The national and constructive conduct of public affairs is not man's most conspicuous talent, to be sure; but it has been done be- fore, and it can be done again. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent that Senator PULBRIcIIT's thought- ful address be printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, a follows: PROS?ECTS FQR. PEACE WITH FR5EDOM (By Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT) As an objective of foreign policy "peace with freedom" is a dubious concept. The difficulty about peace is that practically everybody wants It but practically everybody wants something else more. The difficulty about freedom Is that the form of it most desired in the world is the freedom to work one's will upon others. And the difficulty about any noble objective in human affairs is that there are likely to be as many ver- sions of it-usually conflicting versions-as there are advocates. I do not suggest that "peace with freedom" is an unworthy object of our foreign policy but only that the pursuit of it with too much zeal is the surest way to lose it. Of all the faculties of man none is more per- fectly developed than the talent for cutting general principles to the specifications of personal interest and ? ambition. , We Amer- icans sincerely believe that our policies are designed to secure peace with freedom for all men. But thg Russians and the Chinese may be just as sincere in believing that their policies are the way to peace with freedom. Under these conditions the prospects for peace with freedom in the world would seem to depend on the restraint with which every- body pursues his own particular concept of it.. perhaps the greatest is man's abiding dis- satisfaction with his own nature. Through the ages men have constantly tried and con- stantly succeeded in efforts to control their natural environment. Just as constantly men have tried and failed to alter their own nature. For reasons not easily understood we have never been at peace with our human appetites and instincts and irrationalities and have striven, at a disastrous price in violence and self-hate, to make ourselves into a race of angels. The product of all this striving to be better than we are or can be is that self-deceiving righteousness which en- ables men in pristine conscience to commit unspeakable acts of cruelty. I believe that the world has suffered far less from overt wickedness than from too much passion for virtue and too much con- viction about how to achieve it. These sentiments, rooted in man's hatred of his own human nature, lead not to virtue but to the macabre entreaty of Mark Twain's "War Prayer": "for our sakes who adore Thee, Lord," the mysterious stranger prays before battle, "blast their. hopes, blight their lives, protract their bitter pilgrimage, make heavy their steps, water their way with their tears, stain the white snow with the blood of their wounded feet; We ask it, in the spirit of love, of Him who is the source, of love, and who is the ever-faithful, refuge and friend. of all that are sore beset. and seek His aid with humble and contrite hearts. Amen." rthink that the prospects for peace with freedom would be much improved if we could come to terms with our imperfections and modify our ambitions. "Human nature, will not change," said . Abraham.. Lincoln,,, "Ill, any future great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good." 1 If only we could learn to live with this prospect and could make our peace with the imperfections of human na- ture. we might then be able to develop the respect for ourselves and the compassion for others which are .the conditions of peace with freedom. The world is not at present moving in this direction. Until a short time ago it seemed that It might be, but in recent months events have taken an ominous turn. For varied and complex reasons the nations are sliding back into the self-righteous and crusading spirit of the cold war. We,are?hearing very much more these days about honor and principles and peace and freedom and national libera- tion and it is all being accompanied by rising tensions and violence. It is too soon to say whether the trend toward more stable world relations which seemed to be developing a short time ago is merely being interrupted or whether a whole new tendency is taking hold in world politics. It is clear in any case that the cold war detente is at best in suspension. The crises in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic are affecting matters far beyond the frontiers of the countries concerned. The Alliance for Progress, for example, was regarded as prog- ressing hopefully until April of this year, but its future is now uncertain. , The steady im- provement of our relations With the neutral- ist countries and with the Communist coun- tries of Eastern Europe has been interrupted by the spreading belief that the United States is no longer in sympathy with the national- ism of small and struggling nations. Most important and ominous of all, events in southeast . Asia and_,1i. tlle.,Qaribbeanare greatly complicating relations between the United States and the Soviet Union. Their detente has not been. destroyed but it is In abeyance and a renewed atmosphere of harshness is _ . developing. Neither of the great powers appears to welcome this deter- ioration in relations and neither has delib- "Response to a Serenade," Nov. 10, 1864. 14909 though they are, they seem powerless to arrest it. Somewhat like the great powers of 1914, the Soviet Union and the United States appear to have lost much of their former con- trol of events; like the great powers of 1914, they appear to be more preoccupied with commitments to others than with. their own interests. and preferences in relations with each other.., Under these conditions the prognosis for peace with freedom is hardly favorable. But existing conditions are not permanent con- ditions and prevailing tendencies are not irreversible. Our capacity to shape events is as great as our capacity to understand them. The rational and constructive con- duct of public affairs is not man's most con- spiculous talent, to be sure, but it has been done before and it can be done again. I have no prescription to offer as to how to improve the. prospects for peace and free- dom in the world beyond the general propo- sition that they are most successfully pur- sued when they are pursued without excess of zeal. "All this struggling and striving to make the world better is a great mistake," wrote Shaw: "not because it isn't a good thing to improve the world if you know how to do it, but because striving and struggling is the worst way you could set about doing anything." 2 . The prospects for peace with freedom de- pend very largely on the ability of nations to recognize that "peace with freedom" means different things to different people and that, however deeply one may believe in one's own version of it, it is just possible that someone else's version is as good or even better. With- out taking the words quite literally, I think there is wisdom-at least as a corrective to prevaling views-in Alexander Pope's lines on government: "For forms of government let fools contest; Whate'er is best administer'd is best; For modes of faith let graceless zealots fight; His can't be wrong whose life is in the right. ' " But an mankind s ernlis cna lyy. ' tLi VIETNAM DIA - -'1(1R. BUNDY AND THE PROFESSORS Mr. DODD. Mr. President, on June 21, between 10 and 11 p.m., what I con- sider to be the most important program of the television year was presented by CBS. I am referring, of course, to the special report entitled "Vietnam Dialog: Mr. Bundy and the Professors." This program was a pleasant contrast to the unruly, disorganized, and one- sided all-day "teach-in" which was tele- vised on May 15. It was conducted as a debate on Viet- nam should be; it was moderated by Eric Sevareid, one of the best news analysts in the country; and the pro- ponents and the opponents of the Presi- dent's policy on Vietnam each had the same fair chance to state and to defend their point of view. The program was a clear victory for the proponents. The long-awaited ap- pearance of McGeorge Bundy, who was ably assisted by Dr. Zbygniew Brzezin- ski and Dr. Guy Pauker, was a solid suc- cess for him and for the administration. I think most people will agree with this evaluation. But more important than who won or who lost is the -fact that the American public finally had a chance to view and listen to a balanced, reasonable debate 2 "Cashel Byron's Profession" (1886), ch. 6. 3 "Essay on Man," Epistle III, line 303. Approved For. Release 2003/10/15: C.IA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 14910 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R00030018001 44 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ruty 1, 1965 on what is the single most important and most difficult foreign policy problem the United States faces at the present time. For this public service, I commend CBS, Eric Sevareid, and the six partici- pants in "Vietnam Diaglog." The distinguished Senator from Wis- consin [Mr. PROXMIRE] placed into the RECORD, yesterday, the transcript of the program. That gave me a chance to read through the debate a second time; and I hope Senators and other people will also avail themselves of this oppor- tunity to review that excellent exchange of ideas and views. CONFLICT OF INTEREST Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr. President, the Senate Rules Committee report which has just been released points up some of the many conflicts of interest in which Mr. Bobby Baker was involved while serving as an employee of the U.S. Senate, and the committee in effect recommends his indictment. I commend them on this phase of their report and support their conclusions; however, I regret that the committee did not see fit to explore further some of the other obvious angles involving Mr. Baker and perhaps other employees. For example; Only one aspect of the so-called freight forwarders case was explored by the committee. Even the majority members of the committee recognized this case as unfinished business when in their report they said: The committee Is aware of. the fact that the Department of Justice has accumulated a considerable amount of information on other aspects of this subject matter. An investigation involving solicitations from and -the handling by the Interna- tional Telephone & Telegraph Co. of certain political contributions was con- spicuously sidestepped. Failure to call the numerous witnesses requested by the minority members leaves a serious question in the minds of many as to what would or could have been developed. As is pointed out in the minority views, it is obvious to all who have examined Mr. Baker's activities that until such time as national defense contractors, such as North American Aviation and Northrop, decide they no longer want or need to do business with Mr. Baker his complex fi- nancial empire may continue to prosper. Why was not a more thorough examina- tion made to ascertain why these major defense contractors felt it advantageous to discontinue their contractual arrange- ments with the vending companies who had been providing their services and give their business to Mr. Baker's newly organized Serv-U Corp.? Who helped Mr. Baker get his confidential security clearance through the DefenseI Depart- ment so expeditiously to make it possible for his company to establish eligibility for access in these defense plants? What services was Mr. Baker render- ing to the Murchison interests that would cause one of their top officials to cut Mr. Baker in on exceptionally profitable spec- ulations without Mr. Baker's having to put up any capital or share any risk? From what source did Mr. Baker obtain the approximately $100,000 in cash that he had so conveniently stashed away In his file cabinet? These are but a few of the many un- answered questions concerning the oper- ations of this former employee of the U.S. Senate who, while drawing.a $19,000 Government salary, was, in the brief span of less than 5 years, able to pyramid his net worth from around $80,000 to ap- proximately $21/4 million while at the same time reporting a comparatively negligible tax liability. In its report the committee makes sev- eral recommendations toward the estab- lishment of new rules in the Senate and the enactment of new legislation, the purpose of which will be to prevent a re- currence of such an episode. I support these recommendations to the extent that they go; however, as is pointed out by some members of both the majority and the minority in the supple- mental views, I question that the com- mittee's recommendations go far enough. Later, when these, proposals come before the Senate, I shall outline in greater de- tail my own views as to what further steps are necessary. As I stated when this investigation first started in 1963, the Senate itself is on trial, and under no circumstances can this investigation be allowed to stop short of a full disclosure and adequate steps being taken to safeguard against such an episode ever happening again. EDUCATION AND ITS RELATION TO THE COST OF ELECTRICITY IN CALIFORNIA Mr. METCALF. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the body of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD an editorial about education and its re- lation to the cost of electricity in the State of California. The editorial was published in the June 4,1965, issue of the Oceanside, Calif., Blade-Tribune. There being no objection, the editorial was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: A MATTER OF PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY The board of regents of the University of California is faced with another controversial decision. At the end of last year, the uni- versity's contract with Pacific Gas & Electric Co. for electric power supplied the Berkeley campus expired. The regents must now either renew this agreement or make plans to switch to electricity purchased from the Cen- tral Valley project of the U.S. Bureau of Rec- lamation. At stake is the sum of $21,817,000. This amount could be saved the Berkeley admin- istration over the next 10 years by a Central Valley project contract, according to esti- mates prepared by the university's vice presi- dent for business affairs. Looking into the future there will be, within the State of California, an ample supply of Federal power. Congress Intended, via the reclamation statutes, that this low cost energy should go first to public or "pref- erence" agencies. Unfortunately, there is sometimes a difficulty in getting the power from the point of generation or from a Fed- eral transmission net, such as the Central Valley project, to the site of demand. The CVP substation closest to Berkeley Is located at Tracy, 50 miles to the east. In the present instance, Pacific Gas & Electric has flatly refused to transfer the Federal power over PG & E lines from Tracy to Berkeley. However, the University of California campus at Davis has already con- verted from private to public power brought to the campus via PG & E lines. How the private utility can refuse to carry energy to Berkeley when it Is already wheeling power to Davis is not clear. Perhaps the answer can be found in the savings public power makes possible at Davis. In February 1965, the Davis campus paid the Government 4.932 mills per kilowatt-hour for its electricity. Had the university continued with PG & E service, the cost would have been 9.954 mills per kilowatt-hour. Thus the cost of electricity at Davis has been more than cut in two. These figures have been given the Blade-Tribune by F. N. Crouch, the university's engineer for planning and con- struction. The power report to the regents has indi- cated that substantial savings could be put into effect if the university built its own lines between Tracy and Berkeley to carry Gov- ernment power to the campus. This reduc- tion would be smaller than would be pos- sible with PG & E carrying the load on its existing lines. But the capital investment required could be quickly amortized and thereafter electricity costs at Berkeley would be cut by $1,356,000 per year. The board of regents is now contemplat- ing the institution of a $50 per term tuition fee for students. The optimum power saving to be made possible by the change to public sources would aggregate more than $100 per year for every undergraduate at Berkeley. The Blade-Tribune urges the regents to look carefully and hopefully Into the recommen- dations made by its own administration re- port. APPEASEMENT OF NASSER Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, it Is shocking and disappointing that, despite the overwhelming expression of senti- ment in Congress, on more than one oc- casion, the administration still continues to appease Nasser, whose every action has been hostile to all the purposes which the United States seeks in the Middle East, who has been guilty of aggression and threatened aggression over and over again, and who is the greatest menace to the peace and progress of the Middle East. An appropriate comment is found in an article entitled: "The Tie That Binds," written by Henry J. Taylor, and published in the June 30 issue of the Washington Daily News. I ask unani- mous consent that the article be printed in the RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington Daily News, June 30, 1965] THE TIE THAT BINDS (By Henry J. Taylor) When President Johnson lifted the sus- pension on aid to Nasser he did exactly what a Senate majority had intended to prevent. The outraged Members tried to stop the golden flow after Nasser's thugs burned our Cairo libraries and heaped contempt- again-on American aid. A wiser U.S. policy was as much at stake as the money. Yet, behind the scenes, Mr. Johnson engi- neered the defeat of the aid ban in the Sen- ate. He repeated the same old, tired conten- tion that is promoted whenever common- sense catches up with our foreign aid- Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 July 1 , 19 Approved For Re Clqq-RDP671300446R000300f 80015=4 1 G I IVA;L RE CURD - SENATE 14033 In addition, numerous State legislatures The Supreme Court will some day have to tives and habits of people in the mass must have petitioned Congress to call a consti- decide whether the complex reapportionment tell us of.the need for balance. tutione4 convention-a procedure provided schemes of many States are in fact devices When power is given without limitation to for in the Constitution but never yet to deny the constitutional rights the Court people in the mass, they do not make their employed-to consider an amendment on the seeks to protect. reapportionment issue. Another problem is the multimember dis- decisions by individual and tetionat choice. as a However, the political climate has become trict, often used to include an entire metro- They move o o unit, dominated by }heir sir increasingly hostile to any change in the politan area. This device shows that poll- The rule it, leaders. ea and economic cs as the land Prof. Supreme Court's decision. The 1964 elections tics is not simply a matter of country versus V. 0. after the late enf resulted in liberal democratic majorities in city. If a city entitled to 15 representatives study Hey pointed that mass a monumental most of the State legislatures as well as runs them all at large from 1 big district, of polling, mbe opinion what he Congress. The liberal Democrats, with their instead of carving the city up into 15 dis- seats an interaction" between what he main power base in the cities, may be counted tricts, the majority population of the entire called !The People, and the bulk of the on to oppose any dilution of the Court rul- city can elect all 15 representatives. Then people. The peoplee, he said, are moved by ings. major areas within the city, or substantial their leaders' "cues" and "proposals." Those Moreover, since courts have already forced minority groups within it, can be deprived call th are the "activists." Thus, what the more and' more of the State legislatures to of any effective representation at all, even beliefs, the tanda ds tic order" depends upon ee move onto a straight population basis, the under the one man, one vote rule. beliefs, standards and interests of its leaders. new State legislatures, elected under the new Another factor is the very complexity Of DOMINATE STATE CAPITALS plans, are unlikely to approve a constitu- representation. Whether carefully or cas- In the industrial centers the leaders are tional amendment which would bring back ually drawn, legislative districts can either the political bosses and the labor leaders. the old order. A congressional quartely sur- over- or under-represent important racial, The masses are told how to vote, not directly Vey showed that just in the interval between religious, ethnic and economic groups. In- and arbitrarily in all cases, but by clever the 1964 Supreme Court decisions and the evitably, the groups which feel they have devices, deluding the minds and emotions of end of last year, new apportionment law- been mistreated are going to be appealing the voters. In short, a great majority in suits were filed or actual reapportionment more and more for redress through the every urban area is controlled. bills were passed in 33 States. courts-and since the Baker case the courts For more than a century these urban areas At the start of 1965, 24 of the 50 States are open to them. were boss controlled. Some still are. But as Were under Court orders to reapportion be- Thus the current round of apportionment Federal welfare grew after the middle 1930's, fore the next legislative elections. If you cases, all centered on relatively simple argu- the bosses became mere proconsuls under the live in one of these States, you can count on ments about unequal populations, may sim- Federal establishment which had unlimited your State being forced to approve new dis- ply be the prelude to years of extended litiga- funds to supplant the machine's beneficial tricts in 1965 or 1966: Alabama, Arizona, tion in which the courts will need the wis- treasury. This, it seemed, meant the twi- California, Connecticut, Florida, Hawaii, dom of Solomon to decide what really adds light of the boss and the machine, hike Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maryland, up to "equal protection of the laws." Othello, they found their "occupation gone." Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, Reapportionment, which will throw control North Dakota, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, [From Newsweek, June 14, 1965] of the legislatures to these city machines and Texas, Utah, Vermont, Washington, and PERSPECTIVE: BACK TO BOSSISM unions, will mark a revival of the old order. Wyoming. For in man In addition, early reapportionment action (By Raymond Moley) tions, Y States the urban inate t a- ls also anticipated in Alaska, Arkansas, Geor- The powerful dissenting argument mostly Democratic, control will l of tetethe of cap- State capitals. Through control of the legis- IS Missouri, New Mexico, New Hampshire, tice Frankfurter in the first of the reap- latures, the urban legislative stooges will gia Rhode island, South Carolina, and .South portionment cases, his last and best opinion, next redraw the congressional districts and Dakota. seems to, have left a majority of his col- thus assure in the House of Representatives Yet regardless of how irreversible oppe- leagues unimpressed. For since then, the a majority capable of perpetuating what we -nents may find the trend, reapportionment Court has moved far beyond its original Pori- have now. is not as simple as it may seem, and the tion, holding that both houses of State leg- That is the prospect before us. And unless Court. has not yet overcome Justice. Frank- islatures must be apportioned on the basis some constitutional means is devised and en- furter's warning that it deals with a "political of what is somewhat loosely called "one man, acted to assure some semblance of geo- th lclret" and, a "mathematical quagmire." one vote." Wide criticism and the opposi- graphical representation in at least one Attorney While tion In Charles C Rhyne, who ingto the Baker case has laud S. tion in aopgless to this judicial interven- house of the State legislatures, there may question have not de- well be indeterminate domination of na- ed the decisions as "a correct.application of terred the Court, liberal Democrats and tional affairs_b the the great principles,which have made our Na- union labor from pressing on for a full appli- ers in y politicald labor lead- tion and its system of government the great- cation of this representational revolution the great cities.' est on earth," others see ,dire consequences throughout the Nation. and years of litigation ahead. Perhaps the effort to stem the tide relies THE VIETNAM-ESE- SITUATION "The effect ,.of these decisions should be too heavily upon tradition. For it is im- obvious to even the most elementary student possible to escape the conclusion that in Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, it is of history," says Representative WILLIAM M. the torrent of reform which has been sweep- heartening to me to see that the con- McCvLiocH, of Ohio. "The whole structure ing the country since the election in 1964, gresc?onal debate on Vietnam is continu- of, our form of?government shall be trans- tradition has been rejected as reactionary, ing in a spirited manner. There can be formed and the unique system of checks and and benighted. I shall therefore refrain no limitation of discussion on So critical balances undermined., There shall be sub- from an appeal to history. The Supreme a subject as this without impinging upon stituted the dominance of mass rule" Crit- Court is determined not only to interpret the necessary political rights of Amer- ice like McCuLLOcH fear that- big city politi- the law, but to create an institutional revolu- cal bosses will be in a position to control tion. leans as members of a democratic, plu- entire State governments. BALANCE IS NEEDED ralistic society. Even political analysts who are standing The effect of the sort of representation now Last week, the senior Senator from out of the line of fire see a host of new and decreed by the Court and apparently sup- Idaho [Mr. CHURCH] made an extremely difficult. problems yet to arise. ported by the proadministration majority able analysis of the situation in Viet- For one thing, a careful study of repre- in Congress will, if successful, subject the nam. Time made it impossible for me sentative government suggests that mere legislatures of every big industrial State to to indicate the extent to which I agree mathematical equality in the sizes of dis- control by the major cities. This will be with his view. Accordingly, I wish to tricts is, no guarantee that a legislature rep- most marked in such States as Illinois, resents, a majority of the people. say a word or two about the subject now. Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New Actually, all that it.really takes to control Jersey, New York and Massachusetts. I also note, although I. did not have a legislature is 51 percent of the vote in 51 Because of the drift of population, great the privilege of hearing his address, that percent of the districts. Thus, only 26' per- urban masses have a preponderance of the the able senior Senator from Oregon cent of the people could technically control voting strength in their States. If we are [Mr. MORSE] reverted again to the Viet- a legislature-even with perfectly equal pop- to believe that pure democracy is the way namese situation and made a number of ulated districts, to enlightenment, justice and progress, it specific suggestions for ways of settling -Thus, if a ruling party or group is clever follows that we shall want these great that controversy. Without committing enough, it can so arrange the districts that masses of voters to dominate the legislative it is.permanently locked into control. One bodies of the States, to work their will and myself to supporting the views of the of the foci most frequently. used is the promote their interests without check or senior Senator from Oregon, I point out "gerrymander"-a legislative district weirdly restraint. The suggestion of the necessity that at the United Nations 20th anniver- shaped to embrace a voting majority for one of countervailing forces to assure delibera- sary celebration in San Francisco, which Party. But even without obvious gerry- tion of debate and legislative calm these days I had the pleasure of attending last week, mandering, ruling cliques can maximize their may be excoriat d b e y the gentle knights of the President of the United States in- strength far beyond their actual numbers, change. But sober reflections on the mo- vited the members of the United Nations, Approved For Release 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R00030018001.5-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 14934 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE individually and collectively, to interest themselves in the situation in Vietnam. The President called on all members of the United Nation;;, and, In particular, on the Secretary General, Mr. U Thant, to use their good offices to bring the ag- gressors to the conference table so that the shooting and the bombing can stop and some peaceful way can be found to neutralize Vietnam, so that it need no longer be a cat's paw between two great powers, China and the United States of America. I am delighted that the President made that speech. I am delighted that he called the attention of the United Na- tions to the Vietnamese situation. Yet, we must note very carefully a definite limitation on the possibilities for any successful United Nations intervention In Vietnam. In the first place, Russia is undergoing what I suppose the late John Foster Dulles would refer to as an "agon- izing reappraisal" of its position in the Far East. Russia is a permanent member of the Security Council, and, as such, It has the right to veto any proposals we or any other member of the Security Council may make with respect to Vietnam. I doubt very much whether at the present time any constructive result could be obtained by bringing the Vietnamese situation before the Security Council. Almost inevitably, it would put the United States into direct opposition to Russia. Our friends would take sides with us. The members of the Commu- nist block would side with Russia. Un- less we are able by diplomatic contacts to work out some basis for settlement In Vietnam, I do not believe that the United Nations, acting through the Se- curity Council, would be helpful. Let us turn then to the General As- sembly, in which there is one vote, and only one vote, for every nation in the world which is a member of the United Nations. It would be wishful thinking to hope for a constructive solution of so complicated a matter as the contro- very in Vietnam to emerge from this body. Moreover, by reason of the controversy over article 19 of the_ Charter of the United Nations, the General Assembly presently is so Immobilized that it can- not even take a vote. Until the article 19 controversy Is resolved, the General Assembly, In my judgment, can be of little assistance in helping to resolve in the Vietnamese situation. Therefore, I believe that the President acted very wisely indeed in suggesting in general rather than in specific terms that the members of the United Nations Individually and collectively interest themselves in the Vietnamese situation. He was wise indeed in not directing the U.S. mission to the United Nations to bring the Vietnamese matter before either the Security Council or the Gen- eral Assembly. However, there remains one area in which the United Nations might well be of substantial assistance. That is through the good offices of the ex- tremely wise and capable Secretary Gen- eral of the United Nations, U Thant, the distinguished Burmese statesman. One may hope that through his manifold con- nections with the statesmen, diplomats, and politicians of the nations of the world, bothCommunist and free, Mr. U Thant would be able to formulate a meaningful proposal under which we could meet the aggressors at the con- ference table and begin to work out a just and honorable settlement of the Vietnamese situation. I hope very much that that will be done. After I left the 20th anniversary cele- bration of the United Nations in San Francisco, I went to White Sulphur Springs, Va., where Mr. Patrick Gordon Walker, the able former Foreign Secre- tary of the United Kingdom, made an intensely stimulating and interesting address on the subject of China and the - world. It was my privilege to introduce Mr. Patrick Gordon Walker at that meeting. The occasion was the annual convention of the corporate secretaries of the larg- est corporations in the United States, a group which one would think would tend to take a conservative position on is- sues of foreign policy. Yet, during the question period which followed Mr. Pat- rick Gordon Walker's address, individ- ual after individual arose to indicate agreement with the general position which he took In his speech. That general position was- that a way must be found to avoid following poli- cies which have the- effect of throwing a reluctant Russia into the arms of a smiling and triumphant China. It was his view that in the Vietnamese situation we should be prepared to en- gage in discussions with anyone, and that this should include representatives of the Vietcong. Mr. President, it Is difficult for me to see, when we are engaged in fighting a bitter and bloody war which we want to settle, how we will be able to settle it without talking with the people who are fighting, shooting, and killing our sol- diers. To me, the rather strange posi- tion which is being taken by the State Department in this regard Is quite un- tenable. Relying on the already dis- credited White Paper, relying on intelli- gence sources which, to my way of thinking,, are highly suspect, the State Department takes the firm position that it will negotiate only with Hanoi and that really there Is no civil war going on in South Vietnam. Even those of us who follow the war from Washington and who must depend for information on briefings from indi- viduals charged with the responsibility of carrying out our policies there, are by now well convinced that while Hanoi and the North Vietnamese are granting sub- stantial assistance in terms of material and equipment to the Vietcong, while re- placements from Vietnam have filled the ranks of the Vietcong that have been decimated by the war, while it may be that regular army units of the North Vietnamese Army are presently, during the monsoon season, engaged in fighting side by side with the Vietcong against the South Vietnamese and the Ameri- cans, there is not a shadow of a doubt that there is massive opposition to the Saigon government in South Vietnam July 1, 1965 from South Vietnamese, many of whom are not Communists at all, but who have merely allied themselves with the Viet- cong. Mr. President, this is a dirty war. It Is a horrible war. Outrages which af- front civilized man have been committed time after time by the Vietcong. I regret to say that similar atrocities have been perpetrated by our allies, the South Vietnamese. The desire of all civilized and humane men and women all over the world Is to stop the carnage and atrocities, and to bring peace to that troubled area, which scarcely deserves to be called a nation. I would hope that Secretary Rusk would press ahead boldly with the sug- gestion, made the other day, that we are ready to talk to anybody Hanoi wishes to bring to the conference table, so as to make it possible to begin negotiations for ending the carnage. We should realize, further, that with- in the complex and complicated politi- cal structure of Vietnam, there are, in- evitably, a great many people who are fighting against the Vietcong, or per- haps participating In the government of South Vietnam, who have friends or even relatives among the Vietcong. Assured- ly there are individuals in the Vietcong who have friends, and possibly relatives, among those who support the Saigon government. What harm would there be if the Ky government were to begin discussions, on Its own, through those who may have friends or relatives in the Vietcong, in an effort to determine whether the Vietnamese cannot settle this bloody war themselves? Why need the great powers be the only ones at- tempting to bring peace? Why should we look for a signal from Peiping? Why should we look for a signal from Mos- cow? Why, indeed, should we look for a signal from Hanoi? Why should it not be an important part of our diplom- acy to encourage negotiations between the two Vietnamese groups which are now fighting each other? It occurs to me that if this suggestion were carried out, we might find it pos- sible to avoid a confrontation between Russia and Red China and the United States, which if it results in a direct military clash might well escalate into a nuclear World War III. So I would hope our diplomats would try to take over from our military men, so that, through the normal channels of diplomacy in Saigon, we would be able to encourage the South Vietnamese to talk with representatives of the Vietcong. After all, it Is their country. It is their war. We are there by their invitation. They are the people who are primarily responsible for settling it. While we are doing this, I hope there will be no further escalation of the bomb- ing. It has had nothing but harmful effects for our interests. We must avoid the possibility of confrontation wita Russia and Russian missiles near Hanoi. Having said this, I am keenly aware that hopes for a prompt settlement in Vietnam are not bright. I agree with the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee [Mr. FULBRIGHT]. I agree with the President when he says that Approved For Release 2003/10/15: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 - Ad y 1, 1965-~-~-- - ---- ---- -- - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE we cannot scuttle and run. My opinion essential. It seems to me that our is that we are going to have to fight it policies on such issues should be ham- out until after the monsoon season, In mered out on the anvil of free discussion. order to e i i p p rsuade Pe ng and Hanoi What excuse can the State Depart- that we axe not going to scuttle and run. ment have for not giving us this report? But like many other Americans, I am Is it being withheld merely because it is of the strong view that the emphasis critical of the outmoded and harmful must be on stopping the wax as quickly concept of MLF? I note that Mr. Patrick as it can be. stopped. I hope the sugges- Gordon Walker, former Foreign Minister tion I have made this afternoon might of Great Britain, in his speech at White have some bearing on the, end result, Sulphur Springs and In conversations he has had since he came to Washington, CRITICAL ISSUES IN THE has likewise urged the desirability of a INTERNATIONAL FIELD treaty for the nonproliferation of nu- nu- clear weapons. Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, turning In the second place, to my way of briefly to a third and final subject, to my thinking, we need to face up to the vexing way of thinking there are three immedi- problem of article 19 of the Charter of ate controversial, and critical Issues in the United Nations. It is well known the international field which confront that we are in direct confrontation with the United States of America right now both France and Russia regarding the and for which we are going to have to assessment of dues for certain peace- find answers in the immediate future. keeping activities of the United Nations. When I speak of three Issues, i am This dispute will have to be resolved excluding Vietnam, which, of course, is not later than early September, or the a critical one-I have just spoken on it- General Assembly of the United Nations and I am excluding the Dominican Re- will again be immobolized, will agajn be public, where we are far from arriving prevented from taking any votes, and at a solution. will again be prevented from acting In With re pect to every one of these any way except by unanimous consent, three issues, we in the Congress and in as has been the case during all of 1965 the country at large, are in my judgment to date, unable to come to a sensible, well-con- I regret very much that our Govern- sidered consensus on policy because of ment was not prepared at the commemo- excessive executive secrecy. rative session of the United Nations in The first issue has to do with a pro- San Francisco last week to give some posed treaty to prevent the proliferation indication to the other nations of the of nuclear weapons which the Senator world gathered there for that historic from New York [Mr. KENNEDY], with event, as to what we propose to do about the support of 17 colleagues, including article XIX. myself and the Senator from Maryland, I believe that the need for debate on whom I see on the floor, urged so elo- this subject on the floor of the Senate quently a few days ago. I said during is no less urgent than the need for con the course of that discussion that we are tinued debate on Vietnam. I believe that never going to get a nonproliferation the House of Representatives should treaty with Russia, and we are kidding likewise join in. I hope we can get some ourselves if we think we will, unless we guidance from the executive branch as abandon the utterly obsolete concept of to what we intend to do on that vexing a NATO multilateral nuclear force, or question, which must be answered not even an Atlantic nuclear force, conceived much more than 60 days from now. for the purpose of keeping West Ger- I shall have something more exten- many happy by giving her a finger on sive to say on the subject later this the nuclear trigger. month. I repeat today that we must get rid Finally, Mr. President, there is a cloud others, , would permit one house of a the multilateral nuclear force concept not much bigger than one's hand grow- State legislature to be apportioned on in order to get to the conference table ing on the horizon, but it is growing the basis of factors other than popula- te work out an agreement with Russia fast. The source of that cloud Is this tion. On June 2, in my first major and the other members of the Eighteen question: What are we going to do about speech on this floor, I tried to cover as Nation Disarmament Conference at maintaining an adequate liquidity of In- comprehensively as I could the major Geneva, ternal monetary resources to finance difficulties with the pending amend- en the New. York Times of this morn- World trade? ments. On June 21, I discussed the im- ng there is a story Time of this es that The cloud becomes bigger every day, plications of the proposed amendments thethersecret Gilpatric report takes ex- as we achieve new successes in bring- with respect to civil rights. Today I actly the same Position I took on the ing our balance of payMaments into surplus. should like to discuss the effects of re- aetl the same week o the time For the months of rch, April, and apportionment upon the cities, the sub= ate last fl the speech of the Senator from New May, our balance of payments was In urbs, and the rural areas. surplus. I am one who is convinced Proponents of the "rotten borough York. We do not know what is in that that we must keep our balance of pay- amendments" often contend that a fairly report. We have every right to know. ments at least in equilibrium and pref- apportioned legislature would be domi- That report should have been made erably in surplus. But with each sue- nated by a cohesive bloc of urban legis- available to the Armed Services Commit- cessful effort-and may they continue- lators controlled by a powerful political tees of both Houses, the Foreign Rela- we will also succeed in decreasing the machine. They claim that minority in- tions Committee of the Senate, and the liquidity necessary to finance growing terests outside the metropolitan areas Foreign Affairs, Committee of the House. world trade. It should have been made available Yet, we in Congress are unable to get merged to the demands f city dwellers. months ago. I do not believe these re- the facts. The people are not being giv- Such fears are not justified either by ports should be kept in secrecy. In my en the basic facts about the critical dis- fact or by experience. Opinion, they should be made available, cussions now going forward on proposals It is simply not true that cities would In the pluralistic democracy in which we to increase the capacity of the Interna- dominate fairly apportioned State legis- live free speech and public discussion tional Monetary Fund to deal with this latures. There is no State in which the upon issues brought before the people are vexing problem. residents of a single city could elect a Approved For Release 2003/10/15: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 14935 We are unable to know whether the Treasury Department Is seriously think- ing-as I am confident it should be-of converting the International Monetary Fund into something not much differ- ent from our own Federal Reserve Board. We are unable to know what is in the Ossola report. All we know is that it is a report which was made to the chief central banks of the world by a distinguished Italian monetary expert, at their request. It has been in the Treasury Department for months. It has been In the central banks of all the great industrial nations of the world for months. But, can we get it in the Congress? No. Can we have intelligent discussion as to what to do in this regard, if the bureaucracy is going to classify as top secret, information which is necessary to make a judgment of some wisdom in con- nection with It? No. I close, Mr. President, with a plea to the executive branch to disavow this executive secrecy, to overcome this phobia which usually starts low down in the bureaucracy, and stems from an in- herent timidity. Let us give the people the facts. Let us bring out the Gilpatric report., Let us bring out the Ossola report. Let us give the country some guidance as to what we are, going to do about article 19. Mr. President, I yield the floor. REAPPORTIONMENT: THE BALANCE OF POWERS SHIFTS TO THE SUBURBS Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President- The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Mc- INTYRE in the chair). The Senator from Maryland is recognized. Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, on two previous occasions i have risen to discuss the "rotten borough amend- ments." These proposed amendments to the Constitution, sponsored by the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DiRxssN] and Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 14936 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 1, 1965 majority of the legislature. Even New York City contains only 46.4 percent of the people of New York State; Chicago has 35.2 percent, Baltimore has 30.3 per- cent, Minneapolis-St. Paul has 23.3 per- cent, and Detroit has 21.3 percent. No other major city contains more than 20 percent of the State's population. Moreover, there are only five States In which the combined population of the three largest cities constitutes more than 40 percent of the population of the State. In only two of these States, New York and Arizona, is it theoretically possible for the residents of the central cities to join together to elect a majority of the representatives to, the legislature. In Arizona an alliance between Phoenix and Tucson would be.needed to produce this majority and in New York a majority could be produced only by an alliance of two or more upstate cities with New York City. Mr. President, I should like to point out that it frequently happens that when there are two or more major cities in a State, they often fight each other in the legislature tooth and nail. Examples are Fort Worth and Dallas, upstate cities in New York versus New York City, Kan- sas City and St. Louis, and Los Angeles and San Francisco. Equally significant is the fact that for 30 years our major cities have been losing population as compared to the rest of the State. In 1930, New York City con- tained 55.1 percent of the State's popu- lation. In 1960, it contained only 46.4 percent. Chicago declined from 44.2 to 35.2, Detroit from 32.4 to 21.3 percent. Indeed, from1950 to 1960 15 of this coun- try's 23 largest cities suffered an actual loss in total population and only 5 of the 23 were able to grow as rapidly as the statewide average. The major increase in population has been and will continue to be in the sub- urbs. Of our 23 largest cities, only 3-- Houston, Dallas, and Atlanta-grew faster than their suburbs in the years from 1950 to 1960. For example, New York City's population declined by 1.4 percent from 1950 to 1960 while Its sub- urbs witnessed a 75-percent increase. Los Angeles-Long Beach grew by 27.1 ~pencent but their suburbs increased by 8 .6 percent. Chicago's population dropped by 1.9 percent while its suburbs grew by 71.5 percent. The National Mu- laicipal League estimates that by 1980 New York, Dallas, and Houston will be the only major cities containing more population than their surrounding sub- urbs. It is perfectly clear that reapportion- ment based solely on population will have Its greatest effect in increasing sub- urban representation. The result 'will be that in any clash between the cities and the rural areas the suburbs would hold the balance of power. J3t is frequently assumed that represen- --tatives from the cities and the suburbs tl be constant allies in the legislature. Certainly suburbanites share common problems with city dwellers. However, *be suburbs are made up of people who lie fled the crowded cities in their de- sire for lawns and trees and who thus tu4d different as i1rations than their former neighbors. There Is constant tension between city and suburb over such fundamental matters as taxation (for example, the earnings tax dispute), highway location, rapid transit, annex- ation, sewer and water interconnections and charges, and many other matters. Astute rural legislators have exploited and will continue to exploit these differ- ences to obtain passage of legislation of peculiar interest to them. Cooperation between the suburbs and the countryside can also be expected on account of party cohesion. Residents of both areas have frequently tended to vote Republican. It can be assumed that, rather than supporting the pre- dominantly Democratic groups from the cities, suburban Republicans will often prefer the policies of their Republican brethren from the country. Moreover, even in States where rep- resentatives from urban areas would constitute a large percentage of the legislature It cannot be assumed that they would vote as a bloc. Prof. David R. Durge has studied the urban-rural conflict in the Illinois legislature. After the 1955 reapportionment in the Illi- nois House the representatives frbm Cook County and Chicago had a numerical majority in the House. Nonetheless, Professor Durge found they _did not vote as a bloc. In fact, in only 4 of the 332 rollcall votes was there a cohesion of more than 67 percent among the Chi- cago Cook County representatives. In other words, two-thirds of the urban ori- ented group of legislators managed to vote together only 1 percent of the time. The reasons for the lack of cohesion among urban representatives are not dif- ficult to understand. As Prof. Royce Hanson of American University has pointed out, Urban and suburban citizens are not a homogeneous mass of humanity. An urban senator * * * must deal with bankers and laborers, segregationists and freedom work- ers, research biologists and the antivivisec- tiozl society. Professor Hanson concludes: Majorities and minorities are more likely to rest on temporary coalitions of interests than on urban-rural cleavages. The competing pressures on an urban representative make it unlikely that he and his colleagues can combine unfairly to disadvantage rural interests. Experience demonstrates that urban legislators deal fairly with their rural brethren, perhaps more fairly than they have been dealt with. The highly re- spected Advisory Commission on Inter- governmental Relations has found, for example, that during the 1950's both houses of the Legislatures of Massachu- setts, Oregon, Washington, and Wiscon- sin were apportioned substantially on the basis of population. Over 50 per- cent of the population in each of these States was regarded as urban. Nonethe- less each of these States allocated funds seats substantially in accordance with popu- lation. Indeed there is reason to believe that in certain circumstances urban legisla- tors may, in the long run, give rural citi- zens greater consideration than these citizens receive at the hands of their own legislators. One dramatic example of this is found in my own State where the shortsightedness of certain rural legislators with respect to the problems of pollution and development of the Chesapeake Bay has led to a serious deterioration in the shellfish industry. Ironically, the Maryland Legislature will. have to be reapportioned in order that the urban and suburban legislators can exert influence in the development of the Chesapeake Bay, and thus save the rural- centered shellfish industry from steady depletion and erosion as a result of inac- tion by the representatives from the very area where the shellfish industry is located. Another argument raised by the sup- porters of the "rotten borough amend- ment" is that large cities are often run by corruptpolitical machines which seek only to increase their own power at the expense of the citizens of the State. This argument contains more drama than truth as the editors of Fortune magazine have demonstrated in their book, "The Exploding Metropolis." It shows that American cities today are, on the whole, efficiently run by honest political leaders. The fears conjured up by the image of the political machine are particularly unfounded when applied to the suburbs. The fact that suburbanites are generally well educated and comfortable makes them an inappropriate spawning ground for an all-powerful political machine. As the balance of political power will rest with the suburbs, there is thus no risk that it will be exercised at the dictates of a small and irresponsible group of big- city party leaders. As the foregoing analysis has indi- cated, the often voiced fear of urban domination is wholly lacking in sub- stance. An act as serious as amending the Constitution should not be undertaken in the absence of a clear and urgent need. Such a need is not now evident and the increasing significance of suburbia strengthens the belief that this need is unlikely to arise in the future. I might; add that this would be the first time that the Constitution of the United States would have been amended to limf t the franchise since the founding of the Republic. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have included in the RECORD a booklet published by the National Mu- nicipal League, written by William J. D. Boyd, senior associate of the league, and entitled "Suburbia Takes Over." There being no objection, the pamphlet was ordered to be printed in the Rmoao, as follows: for education and highway purposes to SUBURBIA TAKES OVER local governments according to formulas (By William J. D. Boyd)1 that clearly benefited rural areas. The Advisory Commission on Intergovern- mental Relations concludes : Thus, urban representatives appeared to The suburbs, and, in the long run, only the suburbs, will gain in the upheaval result- ing from reapportionment of State legisl3- recognize certain special needs of rural areas 1 Mr. Boyd is senior associate of the Na- in the States with apportioned legislative tional Municipal League and for the last S Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/4.5.: . CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001800-t5-4 July 1, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE Rural housing grants 'obligated, fiscal year 1964 through June 30-Continued Initial number Initial amount South Dakota---L ------------- 54,040 Tennessee --------------------- 6%430 Texas --------------------- 118,570 Utah -------------------------- 5,810 Vermont ---------------------- 7,940 Virginia ----------------------- 7,690 Washington ------------------- 1,000 West Virginia----------------- 257, 500 Wisconsin --------------------- 10:330 Wyoming-------------------- 8,030 Puerto Rico ------------------- 89,950 U.S.total --------------- 4,740,395 Average----------------- 834 (Mr. DERWINSKI asked and was given permission to address the House for 1 minute, and to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I take the floor this afternoon to direct the attention of the Members to the complete inconsistency in the adminis- tration conduct of foreign affairs is de- fense of our and the world's freedom against the Communist forces. American fighting men are commited to combat in Vietnam to save that country from communism. Our troops were rushed into the Dominican Repub- lic to save that country from a Com- munist takeover. Although we are now tolerating Communist control of the so- called rebel movement in the Dominican Republic, the theoretical position of the administration continues to be that U.S. troops will remain on that island until stability through the formation of a non- Communist government can be devel- oped. U.S. troops are stationed in Europe as part of the NATO Alliance to protect Western Europe from posible Communist Invasion. Our foreign aid program is partially justified on the ground that it Js a weapon against the further spread of communism. The question then arises, Mr. Speaker, is not subsidizing Communist govern- ments through trade a position complete- ly inconsistent with our actions in Viet- nam, the Dominican Republic, and other areas I have cited. It is a fact, Mr. Speaker, that for more than a year the State Department has carried on secretive trade discussions with the Communist Governments of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union Itself., The argument has been advanced by the administration. that we can, through subsidized trade, "build bridges of understanding" to the governments of Eastern Europe and perhaps pull them away from Soviet control. We are also told that the Soviet Union has mellowed and by subsidizing trade with them, they might in some vague fashion give up their Communist, belligerence. Mr. Speaker, the position of the admin- istration , axed,. the negotiations being carriedoi by the State Department are against the best long-term interests of the U.S. general" public, our industries, our labor unions, and are against the best interests of world freedom. . Before subsidized trade is developed with any Communist government, we must work out specific conditions which would produce permanent major political and economic concessions from the Com- munists. Trade is a key weapon in the cold war. It is the height of naivete to think that any Communist government has the best interest of its citizens in mind or is will- ing to enter into legitimate trade agree- ments with us. The purpose of the Com- munist governments seeking trade with the United States is to obtain the where- withal to develop basidindustries so that they can carry out an offensive trade against us in years to come. What should we demand of the Com- mumunist governments before consider- ing major trade agreements with them? Mr. Speaker, there are a number of points which I would recommend, all of which would be long overdue develop- ments in the conduct of international relations. Should the Soviet Union wish to be subsidized by trade agreements-such as they were in the Kennedy wheat sale 2 years ago-we should demand immediate settlement of their World War II lend- lease debt. It would be practical for us to insist that internationally supervised plebiscites be held in the Baltic States to serve the true wishes of the people there for self-determination before we sub- sidize the Red rulers in the Kremlin. As the governments of the Eastern European satellites display interest in a trade agreement, we should insist that they grant their citizens freedom of speech, press, assembly, and religion and that they hold free elections to prove whether or not they really have popular support of the public. There are many other practical con- ditions that should be extracted from the Communist governments before we permit them to benefit by trading with the United States. We must keep in mind that trade with any Communist country helps all Communist countries, since it relieves the pressures on their domestic economies. Perhaps one would question my con- tinued reference to subsidized trade. It is a fact, Mr. Speaker, that it is not the intention of the administration merely to permit expanded trade agreements with Communist governments, but it is the specific intention to subsidize that trade. This would be a tragic develop- ment. In recent months not only the Soviet Union but every Eastern European sate!-' lite, including Yugoslavia, has announced increased support of the Communist dic- tatorship in North Vietnam. Supplies from these Communist governments are pouring into North Vietnam, strengthen- ing the determination and ability of the Reds to inflict direct losses on our troops in South Vietnam. Isn't it completely inconsistent then for the State Depart- ment to encourage U.S. firms to trade strategic materials to the Communists in return for basically nonessential goods and to add the greatest irony of all, that of subsidizing such transactions? It is interesting to note that the prop- aganda drums of the administration are 14965 beating out a steady tattoo to try to con- vince the public that dealing with Com- munist governments is a lucrative, won- derful operation and should be enthusi- astically followed. Yesterday the junior Senator from South Dakota, Mr. McGovERN, chose to criticize former Vice President Nixon who had denounced the indiscriminate sale of wheat to the Soviet Union. This is in line with the administration's prop- aganda barrage that to subsidize Com- munist governments makes them mellow, or to paraphrase Secretary Rusk, a "fat Communist is not as dangerous as a lean Communist." Such nonsense is not sur- prising from an administration whose foreign policy is so completed misguided, but the danger cannot be minimized. This morning we read of the Commu- nist attack on our air base at Danang. The Vietcong attackers are motivated by the same ideology which motivates the Communist tyrants of the Eastern Euro- pean satellites, the Soviet Union, and Red China. To rush to subsidize these gov- ernments merely perpetuates their auto- cratic control of their captive peoples, adds to the complications facing the United States abroad and delays the de- velopment of true peace and freedom. A pet Johnsonian phrase is "building bridges of understanding with the Com- munists." The Communists are intent on build- ing a trade bridge which would save their foreign trade from economic ruin. Arm- ing revolutionaries in Central and South America, Africa, and Asia has been ex- hausting; building up underdeveloped countries on orders from Moscow has also helped to wreck normal trade. The economic system has failed and so they turn to us to bail them out. While a total boycott of Communist countries is impossible, trading could be kept within rational bounds. There is ever present, however, the danger that high pressure lobbies and Government optimists might give the Communists not only trade but long-term credit. England has already done so. The Communists are in serious trouble. We can bail them out, enabling them to continue to fulfill their commitments to the Soviets. Or we can use this great opportunity to weaken further the posi- tion of communism and to strengthen the forces of freedom behind the Iron Curtain. I have referred earlier to the conces- sions that we should demand prior to any trade agreement. Among the con- ditions which I would add are rehabilita- tion of political' prisoners, freedom of movement, removal of the Berlin wall, and withdrawal of Soviet troops from non-Russian countries. My main purpose in discussing this subject this afternoon, however, is to again remind the Members of the incon- sistent, shortsighted, dangerous, and, I must even add diabolical plot, of the Johnson administration to provide blood transfusions in the form of trade to Communist regimes which, because no strings whatsoever would be attached, permit these Communists to divert other resources to activities against us in Viet- nam and Latin America. Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180015-4 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 1, 1965 CANADA'S NATIONAL HOLIDAY intertwining of the lives of our citizens. for 1 minute, and to revise and extend (Mr. PELLY asked and was given per- This is particularly true in my own State his remarks.) mission to address the House for 1 mn- of Washington where we have common Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker, ute, and to revise and extend his re- interests, common boundaries, and, yes, last night's Evening Star told us of an- marks.) even conmion conflicts of interest with other major battle in Vietnam. This Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, it is a British Columbia and Alberta. At times morning's Post brought word of a brazen pleasure to join our Canadian friends and we criticize each other, but the sincere Vietcong attack on our air strip at neighbors in observance of their national respect we hold for one another always Danang that hit at least six of our planes. holiday, July 1.' Ninety-eight years ago, remains. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, it is an So it goes, and you can expect more such on July 1, 1867, Canada came into being example which all nations of the world stories with the regularity of your paper. could follow. We,are truly a showplace as a, new nation. It received its consti- It is apparent that we have not been f the Sri+;s Nori.h of nations livin Yi winning this war and that something ,...: r