PRAISE FOR SENATOR FULBRIGHTS SPEECH ON VIETNAM
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Publication Date:
July 1, 1965
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July 1, 190pproved For RI7,LB0gi1fg'F300180015-4 14901
yesterday, June 30. The Alaskans who U.S. Senate and also in the : Comn1erce their religious leaders to set the proper ex-
attended were Mary Lee Council, who Committee which 11 shows that-there 1s, ample by following the law. Without law
represented Senator BARTLETT; Henry Communist infiltration of and influence we have anarchy."
cvil,r_ Pau and Asked if he thought Communists domi-
W. Clark, born in Wrangell; George in the so-called i
ps nate the marches, Daley said he could not
Sundborg; and I. Don Greeley was their demonstrations. The FBI Dixec- answer the question. Observers have noted
there, representing Alaska's Representa- tor, Mr. J. Edgar Hoover, has warned the uniforzD.ed policemen taking pictures of the
tive in Congress, the Honorable RALPH Congress and the ,public about, this den- demonstrators, eYery,day.
RIVERS. Also there was Arthur Greeley, ger. The President of the v4ited, States Deputy Police Supt. Joseph Morris said he
Deputy Chief of National Forest Re- is aware of this problem. Even some of has turned over to the mayor's office infor-
source Management, who succeeded the liberal news columnists have admit- mation indicating that Communists are tak-
Frank Heintzleman as Alaska's regional ted that there is Communist influence ing part in the demonstrations. He said
have "checked more than r names ..
I? police
forester.. The . honorary pallbearers and infiltration of some of these grou 50 of
s demo onstrators, and at least 11 are Commu
were E. L. BARTLETT, Samuel R. Broad- and' their demansfirations. Still, no ac- . nits or .members of Communist-front orga-
bent, Allen R. Brumbaugh, Henry W. tion is taken by either the, administra- nizations,"
Clark, Robert A. Events, ERNEST GRUEN- tion or the Congress to, deal gffectively ADD TO POLICE LOAD
INO, D. Elmer.'Hawbaker, Enos H. Horst, with this danger. Why? Because the Meanwhile, Police Supt. O. W. Wilson
RALPH RIVERS, Craig Truax, J. Irving administration, and too many Members disclosed that from June 10 through June
Whalley, and Richard P. Zimmerman. of the Congress, are playing too much 28 the demonstrations have taken up 31,856
Frank Heintzleman's service to Alaska politics with the en-ca11FA civil rights ic- man-hours of policemen's time,
will bg remembered by all who knew him,
and will ,lso be remembered after they
pass from the scene, for both the cul-
tural and the economic contributions
whose benefits will continue long there-
after.
So I join in the affectionate tribute of
my fellow Alaskans ?ln saying. "Well
done, thou good" and faithful public
COMMUNIST" INFLUENCE IN = CIVIL
RI..t `S CiRCCips
-"Mr. THTJRMQND. Mr, President, I
call to the attention of my colleagues in
the Senate two articles giving further
proof of the infiltration of and influence
of Communists and Communist sympa-
thizers in the so-called civil rights groups
and their riots and demonstrations in
this country. One is an article from the
July 1, 1965, issue of the Chicago Trib-
une entitled "Reds Foment School Row,
Daley Claims-Assails Imported Trouble-
makers." The other is an Associated
Press dispatch from Montgomery, Ala.,
as printed in the Greenville News, of
Greenville, S.C., on June 30, 1965. The
headline . reads ."Alabama Legislative
Probers Say Two Rights Groups Are Red-
Inspired."
Mr. President, the assertion by the
mayor of Chicago, the Honorable
Richard Daley, that Communists and
Communist funds are involved in the
antisehool demonstrations in Chicago
cannot. be tossed aside as coming from
"another biased southern source." His
attempts to help Negroes is beyond ques-
tion. The Chicago Tribune article reports
that. the deputy police superintendent,
Joseph Morris, said that he had turned
over to Mayor Daley's office information
indicating that Communists are taking
part in the demonstrations. The article
quotes Mr. Morris as stating that police
have, checked more than 150 names of
demonstrators, and at least 11 are Col1,1-
munists or members of Communist-front
organizations.
The Alabama legislative report con-
eludes that two so-called civil rights
the Congress of Racial Equality
and the tuclent Nonviolent Coordinat=
ing G'rommittee are Communist inspired
and that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., is
actively engaged in promoting the Com-
munist, line.
Mr. President, time and again I have
presented evidence on. the floor of the
I urie again Mr. President, that the
President and the Congress immediately
make this question of Communist -
tration and.. influence, in, the so-called
civil rights groups the subject of a full
and impartial investigation and let the
chips fall where they may.
In closing my remarks, Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent to have printed,
in the, Rump at Qh,p co> iclusion, of .these
remarks the articles from the Chicago
Tribune and also from the Greenville
News.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Chicago Tribune, July 1, 1965]
REDS FOMENT SCHOOL ROW, DALEY CLAIMS-
. AssAILS.IMPORTED TROUBLEMAKERS
Mayor Daley said yesterday that police files
show that many marchers in Chicago's.civil
rights demonstrations are Communists and
charged that Communist funds were helping
finance the demonstrations.
He said that some of the troublemakers
were drawn here by the House Committee on
Un-American Activities, which held hear-
ings in Chicago in May.
"You know, those people take part in any
disturbing thing they can," Daley said.
RABY LASHES BACK
Albert Raby, convenor of the Coordinating
Council of Community Organizations -and a
prime mover of the demonstrations, accused
Daley of "witch huntingg' lessons f
"He's probably takin rom .coyer-
lior Wallace,"Raby said in an' apparent
reference to Gov. George Wallace, of Ala-
bama. "I wish the mayor were as resolved
to settle the school crisis as he is to partici-
pate in witch hunting"
The mayor defended his abrupt departure
on Tuesday from a meeting he arranged be-
tween Raby's groups and the board of edu-
cation. His leavetaking, In the middle of
the 2-hour meeting, brought a blast of criti-
cism from Raby.
"You must recognize that the mayor has
appointments made in advance, and we sat
with these people for 3 hours on Monday,"
Daley said.
He said that Raby's group, if they carry
out their announced intention to hold night
demonstrations, must observe the law.
VOWS OF LAW AND ORDER
"There will always be law and order in
Chicago as long as Daley is mayor," he said.
When a reporter read excerpts from a Trib-
une editorial criticizing the demonstrations
and stating that Chicago cannot put up with
a government by ultimatum, Daley said:
"It is interesting to note that over 50
percent of the people in these marches are
not Negroes, and yet Negroes are accused of
this. I appeal to all decent people and to
If policemen were paid for this time the
cost to the city would be $109,287 for policing
the demonstrations for the 19 days, Wilson
said.
. He said. that days off canceled must be re-
paid to policemen,, and this impairs the de-
partment's overall effectiveness in fighting
crime. "
Ninety pickets started a new march yester-
day afternoon frrm Buckingham fountain in
Grant Park to city hall to protest the school
board's granting of a new contract to School
Supt. Benjamin C. Willis.
Asked if there were Communists among
the demonstrators, Raby said, "Not that I
know of."
'But there are no political tests for mem-
bership in the civil rights movement," he
said. "I don't ask people if they are Demo-
crats or Republicans or Fascists or Commu-
nists."
AGREE WITH EDITORIAL
Three school board members-Thomas J.
Murray, Cyrus H. Adams III, and Mrs. Wen-
dell E. Green-said they agreed with the
sentiments of the Tribune's editorial.
"They apparently came to Tuesday's meet-
ing with the purpose of giving the board
a good dressing down," said Murray. "I
don't think they improved relationships be-
tween themselves and the board."
"I would hope, that the leaders would
finally decide this is not the type of example
helpful to children," Mrs. Green said. "Chil-
dren are supposed to be the beneficiaries of
all this. I would hope these people would
seek more constructive ways to resolve the
problems."
Frank Whiston, school board president,
said he was hopeful "some good will come out
of sitting down and talking together."
The Lincoln Dental Society representing
more than 150 Negro dentists in Ohicago, is-
sued a statement supporting the demonstra-
tions and criticizing a "callous lack of sym-
pathy by city officials regarding our city's
long neglected school crisis."
[Front the Greenville (S.C.) News,
June 30, 19651
ALABAMA LEGISLATIVE PRODERS SAY Two
RIGHTS GROUPS ARE RI;D-INSPIRED
MONTGOMERY, ALA.-A special legislative
committee charged Tuesday that two civil
rights organizations are Communist-inspired
and that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., is
"actively engaged in promoting the Commu-
nist line."
King and another spokesman called the
accusations witchhunting and typical
southern reaction.
. The five-member commission to preserve
the peace made the allegations in a 39-page
report to the Alabama Legislature-the body
which created it 2 years ago after Birming-
ham's bloody racial demonstrations.
King, his Southern Christian Leadership
Conference, the Congress of Racial Equality,
and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE July 1, 1965
Committee, were accused of promoting the
Communist cause and being a threat to
State and national sovereignty.
SNOC, the commission charged, is the
most dangerous and is involved in'a tug-of-
war with King for control of the civil rights
mc>veriient.
"Currently, the trend seems to be that
King is in control of the older groups who
have the money, but SNCC is getting the
campus support and trying to force King to
either get out or to lean further to the left,"
the report said.
It charged that SNCC is "extensively Com-
munistdoaminated" and ultimately "must
be smashed by legal action or we will court
a major disaster." SNCC, the commission charged, is "an
extremely dangerous, irresponsible group
which tends to promote acts of violence" to
gain support for its own goals.
The commission cited paid $NCC perform-
ers as stating the organization "wanted vio-
lence-preferably to get some of its demon-
strators killed in Alabama."
The commission, headed by Representative
John Hawkins, said it obtained its inforna-
tion from staff members, part-time investi-
gatorss,, voluntary witnnees/~sp~~ d police.
A`G 7 7/ / 1 O cL
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, Sena-
tor PuiBRIGHT'S fine speech on Vietnam
recently has evoked much favorable edi-
torial comment around the country.
Representative of this comment is an ex-
cellent editorial written by Lee Ester,
which was published on June 12 in the
Idaho State Journal. I ask unanimous
consent that the editorial be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TOWARD A SOLUTION
Senator J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT has pro-
posed a sensible course for conducting war
and seeking peace in South Vietnam. His
proposals were set forth in a speech delivered
in the Senate last Tuesday after a discus-
sion the day before with President Johnson.
They are worth study, therefore, not only
for their own sake but for what they might
reveal about the administration's intentions.
The Senator from Arkansas opened his
speech by declaring his opposition to, first,
unconditional American withdrawal from
South Vietnam, and second, to further escala-
tion of the war. He opposes withdrawal, he
said, "because such action would betray our
obligation to people we have promised to
defend, because It would weaken or destroy
the credibility of American guarantees to
other countries, and because such a with-
drawal would encourage the view in Peiping
and elsewhere that guerrilla wars supported
from outside are a relatively safe and inex-
pensive way of expanding Communist
power." He opposes escalation because the
bombing thus far of North Vietnam has failed
to weaken the military capacity of the Viet-
cong in any visible way; because escalation
would invite the intervention-or infiltra-
tion-on a large scale in great numbers of
North Vietnamese troops; because this in
turn would probably draw the United States
into a bloody and protracted jungle war in
which the strategic advantage would be with
the other side; and, finally, because the only
available alternative to such a land war would
then be the further expansion of the air war
to such an extent as to invite either massive
Chinese military intervention in many vul-
nerable areas in southeast Asia or general
nuclear war."
All of these are valid reasons for not
pulling out of South Vietnam and for not
intensifying the war there. These observa-
tions, however, do nothing to point the way
to disengagement, which should be the long
range aim of our policy in South Vietnam.
On that score, senator Fm,sru wr offered
two proposals. They will not, of course,
satisfy those who want the United States
to get out of Vietnam immediately or those
who believe we could and should bring the
Vietcong and North Vietnam to their knees,
but they are sensible and realistic none-
theless. First, the Senator said, we must
"sustain the South Vietnamese Army so as
to persuade the Communists that Saigon
cannot be crushed and that the United
States will not be driven from South Viet-
nam by force," and second, "we must con-
tinue to offer the Communists a reasonable
and attractive alternative to military vic-
tory. For the time being, it seems likely
that the focus of our efforts will have to be
on persuading the Communists that they
cannot win a complete military victory; only
when this has become clear is it likely they
will respond to our proposals for uncondi-
tional negotiations."
The Senator sees the short-term outlook
as by no means bright but neither is it
without hope. He believes that if we are
resolute but also restrained in the conduct
of the war, the Communists may take a
different view of our standing proposal for
unconditional negotiations when the current
Vietcong offensive has run its course without
decisive result. When it becomes clear that
neither side can expect to win a complete
victory, "I would think it appropriate and
desirable for the United States to reiterate
forcefully and explicitly its willingness to
negotiate a compromise peace and thereafter
to join with other countries in mounting a
large-scale program for the economic and
social development of southeast Asia."
As if to remind the Nation-and possibly
President Johnson, too-that the issues are
not all black and white, Senator FVLBRIGHT
included this significant paragraph in his
speech:
"The most striking characteristic of a
great nation is not the mere possession of
power but the wisdom and restraint and
largeness of view with which power is ex-
ercised. A great nation is one which is
capable of looking beyond its view of the
world, or recognizing that, however con-
venient it may be of the beneficence of its
own role and aims, other nations may be
equally persuaded of their benevolence and
good intent. It Is a mark of both greatness
and maturity when a nation like the United
States, without abandoning its convictions
and commitments, is capable at the same
time of acknowledging that there may be
some merit and even good intent in the
views and aims of its adversaries."
We can only hope that in the months
ahead our power will be exercised with wis-
dom, restraint, and largeness of view, that
the forces of communism can be contained,
and that when the opportunity arises, we
will again express our willingness to nego-
tiate. As matters now stand, that seems to
be the best hope for peace.
AIR FORCE INVENTORY
Mr. PEARSON. Mr. President, I would
like to address the Senate 'oday on a
matter which I consider of utmost im-
portance to the future of this Nation's
aerial military capability.
During the past 48 hours, a portion of
our mighty B-52 bomber fleet celebrated
its 10th anniversary in the inventory of
the Air Force. Although the Depart-
ment of Defense during hearings earlier
this year indicated the 10-year-old
bombers would be phased out of service
within a short time, I am concerned that
those later model B-52 aircraft not
scheduled for early phaseout are not be-
ing modified rapidly enough to assure
their retention in the force throughout
their programed life of 10 additional
years.
Overlooking the controversy of wheth-
er or not the high-altitude bombing raid
in Vietnam last -week actually proved
successful, I would point to the fact that
these long-range aircraft were used on a
"milk run" where no fighter aircraft were
expected and with no anticipation of
antiaircraft defensive fire. Yet, in spite
of this lack of opposition, we lost two
aircraft destroyed while a third was
forced to return to base because of me-
chanical problems.
My point, Mr. President, is whether
these B-52 aircraft used in the Vietnam
raid were our late model jet bombers or
were they some of our 10-year-old air-
craft? In testimony earlier this year,
the Secretary of Defense indicated that
30 B-52A models-the earliest B-52
model-had been sent to Guam to re-
place B-47 jets scheduled for phaseout.
The bombing raid originated from Guam.
I repeat that I am not concerning my-
self today with the controversy over suc-
cess or failure of the mission, I am only
asking whether the aircraft we used were
being maintained as well as they should
when we lose approximately 10 percent
to either flight error or mechanical
failure.
We are relentlessly Informed by the
Department of Defense that the B-52
aircraft will remain in the Air Force in.
ventory until sometime in the 1970's, yet
the plane actually has been given no mis-
sion performance assignment. Testi-
mony presented to the Defense Appro-
priations Subcommittee earlier this year
corroborates that no specific mission has
been programed for the B-52. I ques-
tion, then, how it is possible to program
any modification money for the aircraft
if the specific mission isn't known by the
Department of Defense.
The aircraft must be kept flying for
another 10 years since our reluctance to
proceed with other manned bomber de-
signs leaves us with a gap in aerial
bomber reserves.
Mr. President, what I have said is
predicated upon the proposition that
there is and shall continue to exist a
need for the manned bomber in our
aerial arsenal. This is the subject of
continuing debate, but I would submit
that the militaristic forces in the world
today have required us to develop an
armed force with the greatest possible
flexibility. We have seen once again the
need for conventional troops and con-
ventional weapons. And, this is so, so
that we may have the greatest number
of options to face the multitude of mili-
tary actions we may be required to face-
whether it be guerrilla warfare, police
action, conventional warfare, or nuclear
devastation.
This same principle, it seems to me,
should equally apply to the development
of our aerial weapons systems. The
course of the Pentagon today with the
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July 1, 19 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
mittee, this country possesses a political
philosopher and foreign affairs analyst
unexcelled an bpg those who 'lave held
political office in the modern history of
our 73eptlhlic. Senator FULBRIGHT again
demonstrated his highly developed In-
tellectual qualities in a speech he deliv-
ered to the Rhodes Scholar Reunion, at
Swarthmore, College on June 19. Sen-
curate thoughts about the contemporary
world situation: ?
In recent months events have taken an
ominous, turn. For varied and complex
reasons the,nations are sliding back into the
self-righteous and crusading spirit of the
cold war.
It is clear in any case that the cold war
detente is at best in suspension. The crises
in Vietnam and the Dominican. Republic are
affecting matters' far beyond 'thefrontiers
of the countries concerned. .
'Somewhat likg? the great powers of 1914,
the Soviet Union and the United States ap
pear'to have lost much of their former con-
trol of events; like the great powers of 1914
they appear to be more preoccupied with
commitments to others than with their own
interests and preferences in relations with
each other.
Under these conditions the prognosis for
peace with freedom is hardly, favorable.
? But Senator FULBRIGHT is not wholly
pessimistic about our chances to preserve
the peace. In his concluding lines,, he
But existing conditions are not permanent
conditions, and prevailing tendencies are not
irreversible. Our capacity to shape events is
as great as our capacity to understand them.
The national and constructive conduct of
public affairs is not man's most conspicuous
talent, to be sure; but it has been done be-
fore, and it can be done again.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that Senator PULBRIcIIT's thought-
ful address be printed at this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
a follows:
PROS?ECTS FQR. PEACE WITH FR5EDOM
(By Senator J. W. FULBRIGHT)
As an objective of foreign policy "peace
with freedom" is a dubious concept. The
difficulty about peace is that practically
everybody wants It but practically everybody
wants something else more. The difficulty
about freedom Is that the form of it most
desired in the world is the freedom to work
one's will upon others. And the difficulty
about any noble objective in human affairs
is that there are likely to be as many ver-
sions of it-usually conflicting versions-as
there are advocates.
I do not suggest that "peace with freedom"
is an unworthy object of our foreign policy
but only that the pursuit of it with too
much zeal is the surest way to lose it. Of
all the faculties of man none is more per-
fectly developed than the talent for cutting
general principles to the specifications of
personal interest and ? ambition. , We Amer-
icans sincerely believe that our policies are
designed to secure peace with freedom for
all men. But thg Russians and the Chinese
may be just as sincere in believing that their
policies are the way to peace with freedom.
Under these conditions the prospects for
peace with freedom in the world would seem
to depend on the restraint with which every-
body pursues his own particular concept
of it..
perhaps the greatest is man's abiding dis-
satisfaction with his own nature. Through
the ages men have constantly tried and con-
stantly succeeded in efforts to control their
natural environment. Just as constantly
men have tried and failed to alter their own
nature. For reasons not easily understood
we have never been at peace with our human
appetites and instincts and irrationalities
and have striven, at a disastrous price in
violence and self-hate, to make ourselves
into a race of angels. The product of all this
striving to be better than we are or can be is
that self-deceiving righteousness which en-
ables men in pristine conscience to commit
unspeakable acts of cruelty.
I believe that the world has suffered far
less from overt wickedness than from too
much passion for virtue and too much con-
viction about how to achieve it. These
sentiments, rooted in man's hatred of his
own human nature, lead not to virtue but
to the macabre entreaty of Mark Twain's
"War Prayer": "for our sakes who adore
Thee, Lord," the mysterious stranger prays
before battle, "blast their. hopes, blight their
lives, protract their bitter pilgrimage, make
heavy their steps, water their way with their
tears, stain the white snow with the blood of
their wounded feet; We ask it, in the spirit
of love, of Him who is the source, of love,
and who is the ever-faithful, refuge and
friend. of all that are sore beset. and seek His
aid with humble and contrite hearts.
Amen."
rthink that the prospects for peace with
freedom would be much improved if we could
come to terms with our imperfections and
modify our ambitions. "Human nature, will
not change," said . Abraham.. Lincoln,,, "Ill,
any future great national trial, compared
with the men of this, we shall have as weak
and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad
and as good." 1 If only we could learn to
live with this prospect and could make our
peace with the imperfections of human na-
ture. we might then be able to develop the
respect for ourselves and the compassion for
others which are .the conditions of peace
with freedom.
The world is not at present moving in this
direction. Until a short time ago it seemed
that It might be, but in recent months events
have taken an ominous turn. For varied and
complex reasons the nations are sliding back
into the self-righteous and crusading spirit
of the cold war. We,are?hearing very much
more these days about honor and principles
and peace and freedom and national libera-
tion and it is all being accompanied by rising
tensions and violence. It is too soon to say
whether the trend toward more stable world
relations which seemed to be developing a
short time ago is merely being interrupted
or whether a whole new tendency is taking
hold in world politics.
It is clear in any case that the cold war
detente is at best in suspension. The crises
in Vietnam and the Dominican Republic are
affecting matters far beyond the frontiers of
the countries concerned. The Alliance for
Progress, for example, was regarded as prog-
ressing hopefully until April of this year, but
its future is now uncertain. , The steady im-
provement of our relations With the neutral-
ist countries and with the Communist coun-
tries of Eastern Europe has been interrupted
by the spreading belief that the United States
is no longer in sympathy with the national-
ism of small and struggling nations.
Most important and ominous of all, events
in southeast . Asia and_,1i. tlle.,Qaribbeanare
greatly complicating relations between the
United States and the Soviet Union. Their
detente has not been. destroyed but it is In
abeyance and a renewed atmosphere of
harshness is _ . developing. Neither of the
great powers appears to welcome this deter-
ioration in relations and neither has delib-
"Response to a Serenade," Nov. 10, 1864.
14909
though they are, they seem powerless to
arrest it. Somewhat like the great powers of
1914, the Soviet Union and the United States
appear to have lost much of their former con-
trol of events; like the great powers of 1914,
they appear to be more preoccupied with
commitments to others than with. their own
interests. and preferences in relations with
each other..,
Under these conditions the prognosis for
peace with freedom is hardly favorable. But
existing conditions are not permanent con-
ditions and prevailing tendencies are not
irreversible. Our capacity to shape events
is as great as our capacity to understand
them. The rational and constructive con-
duct of public affairs is not man's most con-
spiculous talent, to be sure, but it has been
done before and it can be done again.
I have no prescription to offer as to how
to improve the. prospects for peace and free-
dom in the world beyond the general propo-
sition that they are most successfully pur-
sued when they are pursued without excess
of zeal. "All this struggling and striving to
make the world better is a great mistake,"
wrote Shaw: "not because it isn't a good
thing to improve the world if you know how
to do it, but because striving and struggling
is the worst way you could set about doing
anything." 2
. The prospects for peace with freedom de-
pend very largely on the ability of nations
to recognize that "peace with freedom" means
different things to different people and that,
however deeply one may believe in one's own
version of it, it is just possible that someone
else's version is as good or even better. With-
out taking the words quite literally, I think
there is wisdom-at least as a corrective to
prevaling views-in Alexander Pope's lines
on government:
"For forms of government let fools contest;
Whate'er is best administer'd is best;
For modes of faith let graceless zealots fight;
His can't be wrong whose life is in the right.
'
"
But an mankind
s ernlis cna lyy.
'
tLi
VIETNAM DIA - -'1(1R. BUNDY AND
THE PROFESSORS
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, on June
21, between 10 and 11 p.m., what I con-
sider to be the most important program
of the television year was presented by
CBS. I am referring, of course, to the
special report entitled "Vietnam Dialog:
Mr. Bundy and the Professors."
This program was a pleasant contrast
to the unruly, disorganized, and one-
sided all-day "teach-in" which was tele-
vised on May 15.
It was conducted as a debate on Viet-
nam should be; it was moderated by
Eric Sevareid, one of the best news
analysts in the country; and the pro-
ponents and the opponents of the Presi-
dent's policy on Vietnam each had the
same fair chance to state and to defend
their point of view.
The program was a clear victory for
the proponents. The long-awaited ap-
pearance of McGeorge Bundy, who was
ably assisted by Dr. Zbygniew Brzezin-
ski and Dr. Guy Pauker, was a solid suc-
cess for him and for the administration.
I think most people will agree with this
evaluation.
But more important than who won or
who lost is the -fact that the American
public finally had a chance to view and
listen to a balanced, reasonable debate
2 "Cashel Byron's Profession" (1886), ch. 6.
3 "Essay on Man," Epistle III, line 303.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE ruty 1, 1965
on what is the single most important and
most difficult foreign policy problem the
United States faces at the present time.
For this public service, I commend
CBS, Eric Sevareid, and the six partici-
pants in "Vietnam Diaglog."
The distinguished Senator from Wis-
consin [Mr. PROXMIRE] placed into the
RECORD, yesterday, the transcript of the
program. That gave me a chance to
read through the debate a second time;
and I hope Senators and other people
will also avail themselves of this oppor-
tunity to review that excellent exchange
of ideas and views.
CONFLICT OF INTEREST
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, the Senate Rules Committee
report which has just been released
points up some of the many conflicts of
interest in which Mr. Bobby Baker was
involved while serving as an employee
of the U.S. Senate, and the committee
in effect recommends his indictment.
I commend them on this phase of their
report and support their conclusions;
however, I regret that the committee
did not see fit to explore further some
of the other obvious angles involving
Mr. Baker and perhaps other employees.
For example;
Only one aspect of the so-called
freight forwarders case was explored by
the committee. Even the majority
members of the committee recognized
this case as unfinished business when in
their report they said:
The committee Is aware of. the fact that
the Department of Justice has accumulated
a considerable amount of information on
other aspects of this subject matter.
An investigation involving solicitations
from and -the handling by the Interna-
tional Telephone & Telegraph Co. of
certain political contributions was con-
spicuously sidestepped.
Failure to call the numerous witnesses
requested by the minority members
leaves a serious question in the minds
of many as to what would or could have
been developed.
As is pointed out in the minority views,
it is obvious to all who have examined
Mr. Baker's activities that until such time
as national defense contractors, such as
North American Aviation and Northrop,
decide they no longer want or need to do
business with Mr. Baker his complex fi-
nancial empire may continue to prosper.
Why was not a more thorough examina-
tion made to ascertain why these major
defense contractors felt it advantageous
to discontinue their contractual arrange-
ments with the vending companies who
had been providing their services and
give their business to Mr. Baker's newly
organized Serv-U Corp.? Who helped
Mr. Baker get his confidential security
clearance through the DefenseI Depart-
ment so expeditiously to make it possible
for his company to establish eligibility
for access in these defense plants?
What services was Mr. Baker render-
ing to the Murchison interests that would
cause one of their top officials to cut Mr.
Baker in on exceptionally profitable spec-
ulations without Mr. Baker's having to
put up any capital or share any risk?
From what source did Mr. Baker obtain
the approximately $100,000 in cash that
he had so conveniently stashed away In
his file cabinet?
These are but a few of the many un-
answered questions concerning the oper-
ations of this former employee of the
U.S. Senate who, while drawing.a $19,000
Government salary, was, in the brief span
of less than 5 years, able to pyramid his
net worth from around $80,000 to ap-
proximately $21/4 million while at the
same time reporting a comparatively
negligible tax liability.
In its report the committee makes sev-
eral recommendations toward the estab-
lishment of new rules in the Senate and
the enactment of new legislation, the
purpose of which will be to prevent a re-
currence of such an episode.
I support these recommendations to
the extent that they go; however, as is
pointed out by some members of both the
majority and the minority in the supple-
mental views, I question that the com-
mittee's recommendations go far enough.
Later, when these, proposals come before
the Senate, I shall outline in greater de-
tail my own views as to what further
steps are necessary.
As I stated when this investigation
first started in 1963, the Senate itself is
on trial, and under no circumstances can
this investigation be allowed to stop short
of a full disclosure and adequate steps
being taken to safeguard against such an
episode ever happening again.
EDUCATION AND ITS RELATION TO
THE COST OF ELECTRICITY IN
CALIFORNIA
Mr. METCALF. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed in
the body of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
an editorial about education and its re-
lation to the cost of electricity in the
State of California. The editorial was
published in the June 4,1965, issue of the
Oceanside, Calif., Blade-Tribune.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A MATTER OF PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY
The board of regents of the University of
California is faced with another controversial
decision. At the end of last year, the uni-
versity's contract with Pacific Gas & Electric
Co. for electric power supplied the Berkeley
campus expired. The regents must now
either renew this agreement or make plans to
switch to electricity purchased from the Cen-
tral Valley project of the U.S. Bureau of Rec-
lamation.
At stake is the sum of $21,817,000. This
amount could be saved the Berkeley admin-
istration over the next 10 years by a Central
Valley project contract, according to esti-
mates prepared by the university's vice presi-
dent for business affairs.
Looking into the future there will be,
within the State of California, an ample
supply of Federal power. Congress Intended,
via the reclamation statutes, that this low
cost energy should go first to public or "pref-
erence" agencies. Unfortunately, there is
sometimes a difficulty in getting the power
from the point of generation or from a Fed-
eral transmission net, such as the Central
Valley project, to the site of demand. The
CVP substation closest to Berkeley Is located
at Tracy, 50 miles to the east.
In the present instance, Pacific Gas &
Electric has flatly refused to transfer the
Federal power over PG & E lines from Tracy
to Berkeley. However, the University of
California campus at Davis has already con-
verted from private to public power brought
to the campus via PG & E lines. How the
private utility can refuse to carry energy to
Berkeley when it Is already wheeling power
to Davis is not clear.
Perhaps the answer can be found in the
savings public power makes possible at Davis.
In February 1965, the Davis campus paid the
Government 4.932 mills per kilowatt-hour for
its electricity. Had the university continued
with PG & E service, the cost would have been
9.954 mills per kilowatt-hour. Thus the cost
of electricity at Davis has been more than
cut in two. These figures have been given
the Blade-Tribune by F. N. Crouch, the
university's engineer for planning and con-
struction.
The power report to the regents has indi-
cated that substantial savings could be put
into effect if the university built its own lines
between Tracy and Berkeley to carry Gov-
ernment power to the campus. This reduc-
tion would be smaller than would be pos-
sible with PG & E carrying the load on its
existing lines. But the capital investment
required could be quickly amortized and
thereafter electricity costs at Berkeley would
be cut by $1,356,000 per year.
The board of regents is now contemplat-
ing the institution of a $50 per term tuition
fee for students. The optimum power saving
to be made possible by the change to public
sources would aggregate more than $100 per
year for every undergraduate at Berkeley.
The Blade-Tribune urges the regents to look
carefully and hopefully Into the recommen-
dations made by its own administration re-
port.
APPEASEMENT OF NASSER
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, it Is
shocking and disappointing that, despite
the overwhelming expression of senti-
ment in Congress, on more than one oc-
casion, the administration still continues
to appease Nasser, whose every action has
been hostile to all the purposes which the
United States seeks in the Middle East,
who has been guilty of aggression and
threatened aggression over and over
again, and who is the greatest menace to
the peace and progress of the Middle
East.
An appropriate comment is found in
an article entitled: "The Tie That
Binds," written by Henry J. Taylor, and
published in the June 30 issue of the
Washington Daily News. I ask unani-
mous consent that the article be printed
in the RECORD at the conclusion of my
remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Daily News, June 30,
1965]
THE TIE THAT BINDS
(By Henry J. Taylor)
When President Johnson lifted the sus-
pension on aid to Nasser he did exactly what
a Senate majority had intended to prevent.
The outraged Members tried to stop the
golden flow after Nasser's thugs burned
our Cairo libraries and heaped contempt-
again-on American aid. A wiser U.S. policy
was as much at stake as the money.
Yet, behind the scenes, Mr. Johnson engi-
neered the defeat of the aid ban in the Sen-
ate. He repeated the same old, tired conten-
tion that is promoted whenever common-
sense catches up with our foreign aid-
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1 G I IVA;L RE CURD - SENATE 14033
In addition, numerous State legislatures The Supreme Court will some day have to tives and habits of people in the mass must
have petitioned Congress to call a consti- decide whether the complex reapportionment tell us of.the need for balance.
tutione4 convention-a procedure provided schemes of many States are in fact devices When power is given without limitation to
for in the Constitution but never yet to deny the constitutional rights the Court people in the mass, they do not make their
employed-to consider an amendment on the seeks to protect.
reapportionment issue. Another problem is the multimember dis- decisions by individual and tetionat choice. as a However, the political climate has become trict, often used to include an entire metro- They move o o unit, dominated by }heir sir
increasingly hostile to any change in the politan area. This device shows that poll- The rule it, leaders. ea and economic cs as the land Prof.
Supreme Court's decision. The 1964 elections tics is not simply a matter of country versus V. 0. after the late
enf
resulted in liberal democratic majorities in city. If a city entitled to 15 representatives study Hey pointed that mass a monumental
most of the State legislatures as well as runs them all at large from 1 big district, of polling, mbe opinion what he
Congress. The liberal Democrats, with their instead of carving the city up into 15 dis- seats an interaction" between what he
main power base in the cities, may be counted tricts, the majority population of the entire called !The People, and the bulk of the
on to oppose any dilution of the Court rul- city can elect all 15 representatives. Then people. The peoplee, he said, are moved by
ings. major areas within the city, or substantial their leaders' "cues" and "proposals." Those
Moreover, since courts have already forced minority groups within it, can be deprived call th are the "activists." Thus, what the
more and' more of the State legislatures to of any effective representation at all, even beliefs, the tanda ds tic order" depends upon ee
move onto a straight population basis, the under the one man, one vote rule. beliefs, standards and interests of its leaders.
new State legislatures, elected under the new Another factor is the very complexity Of DOMINATE STATE CAPITALS
plans, are unlikely to approve a constitu- representation. Whether carefully or cas- In the industrial centers the leaders are
tional amendment which would bring back ually drawn, legislative districts can either the political bosses and the labor leaders.
the old order. A congressional quartely sur- over- or under-represent important racial, The masses are told how to vote, not directly
Vey showed that just in the interval between religious, ethnic and economic groups. In- and arbitrarily in all cases, but by clever
the 1964 Supreme Court decisions and the evitably, the groups which feel they have devices, deluding the minds and emotions of
end of last year, new apportionment law- been mistreated are going to be appealing the voters. In short, a great majority in
suits were filed or actual reapportionment more and more for redress through the every urban area is controlled.
bills were passed in 33 States. courts-and since the Baker case the courts For more than a century these urban areas
At the start of 1965, 24 of the 50 States are open to them. were boss controlled. Some still are. But as
Were under Court orders to reapportion be- Thus the current round of apportionment Federal welfare grew after the middle 1930's,
fore the next legislative elections. If you cases, all centered on relatively simple argu- the bosses became mere proconsuls under the
live in one of these States, you can count on ments about unequal populations, may sim- Federal establishment which had unlimited
your State being forced to approve new dis- ply be the prelude to years of extended litiga- funds to supplant the machine's beneficial
tricts in 1965 or 1966: Alabama, Arizona, tion in which the courts will need the wis- treasury. This, it seemed, meant the twi-
California, Connecticut, Florida, Hawaii, dom of Solomon to decide what really adds light of the boss and the machine, hike
Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maryland, up to "equal protection of the laws." Othello, they found their "occupation gone."
Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, Reapportionment, which will throw control
North Dakota, Pennsylvania, Tennessee, [From Newsweek, June 14, 1965] of the legislatures to these city machines and
Texas, Utah, Vermont, Washington, and PERSPECTIVE: BACK TO BOSSISM unions, will mark a revival of the old order.
Wyoming. For in man
In addition, early reapportionment action (By Raymond Moley) tions, Y States the urban inate t a-
ls
also anticipated in Alaska, Arkansas, Geor- The powerful dissenting argument mostly Democratic, control will l of tetethe
of cap- State capitals. Through control of the legis-
IS Missouri, New Mexico, New Hampshire, tice Frankfurter in the first of the reap- latures, the urban legislative stooges will
gia Rhode island, South Carolina, and .South portionment cases, his last and best opinion, next redraw the congressional districts and
Dakota. seems to, have left a majority of his col- thus assure in the House of Representatives
Yet regardless of how irreversible oppe- leagues unimpressed. For since then, the a majority capable of perpetuating what we
-nents may find the trend, reapportionment Court has moved far beyond its original Pori- have now.
is not as simple as it may seem, and the tion, holding that both houses of State leg- That is the prospect before us. And unless
Court. has not yet overcome Justice. Frank- islatures must be apportioned on the basis some constitutional means is devised and en-
furter's warning that it deals with a "political of what is somewhat loosely called "one man, acted to assure some semblance of geo-
th
lclret" and, a "mathematical quagmire." one vote." Wide criticism and the opposi- graphical representation in at least one Attorney
While
tion In
Charles
C Rhyne, who ingto the Baker case has laud S. tion in aopgless to this judicial interven- house of the State legislatures, there may
question have not de- well be indeterminate domination of na-
ed the decisions as "a correct.application of terred the Court, liberal Democrats and tional affairs_b the
the great principles,which have made our Na- union labor from pressing on for a full appli- ers in y politicald labor lead-
tion and its system of government the great- cation of this representational revolution the great cities.'
est on earth," others see ,dire consequences throughout the Nation.
and years of litigation ahead. Perhaps the effort to stem the tide relies THE VIETNAM-ESE- SITUATION
"The effect ,.of these decisions should be too heavily upon tradition. For it is im-
obvious to even the most elementary student possible to escape the conclusion that in Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, it is
of history," says Representative WILLIAM M. the torrent of reform which has been sweep- heartening to me to see that the con-
McCvLiocH, of Ohio. "The whole structure ing the country since the election in 1964, gresc?onal debate on Vietnam is continu-
of, our form of?government shall be trans- tradition has been rejected as reactionary, ing in a spirited manner. There can be
formed and the unique system of checks and and benighted. I shall therefore refrain no limitation of discussion on So critical
balances undermined., There shall be sub- from an appeal to history. The Supreme a subject as this without impinging upon
stituted the dominance of mass rule" Crit- Court is determined not only to interpret the necessary political rights of Amer-
ice like McCuLLOcH fear that- big city politi- the law, but to create an institutional revolu-
cal bosses will be in a position to control tion. leans as members of a democratic, plu-
entire State governments. BALANCE IS NEEDED ralistic society.
Even political analysts who are standing The effect of the sort of representation now Last week, the senior Senator from
out of the line of fire see a host of new and decreed by the Court and apparently sup- Idaho [Mr. CHURCH] made an extremely
difficult. problems yet to arise. ported by the proadministration majority able analysis of the situation in Viet-
For one thing, a careful study of repre- in Congress will, if successful, subject the nam. Time made it impossible for me
sentative government suggests that mere legislatures of every big industrial State to to indicate the extent to which I agree
mathematical equality in the sizes of dis- control by the major cities. This will be with his view. Accordingly, I wish to
tricts is, no guarantee that a legislature rep- most marked in such States as Illinois,
resents, a majority of the people. say a word or two about the subject now.
Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New
Actually, all that it.really takes to control Jersey, New York and Massachusetts. I also note, although I. did not have
a legislature is 51 percent of the vote in 51 Because of the drift of population, great the privilege of hearing his address, that
percent of the districts. Thus, only 26' per- urban masses have a preponderance of the the able senior Senator from Oregon
cent of the people could technically control voting strength in their States. If we are [Mr. MORSE] reverted again to the Viet-
a legislature-even with perfectly equal pop- to believe that pure democracy is the way namese situation and made a number of
ulated districts, to enlightenment, justice and progress, it specific suggestions for ways of settling
-Thus, if a ruling party or group is clever follows that we shall want these great that controversy. Without committing
enough, it can so arrange the districts that masses of voters to dominate the legislative
it is.permanently locked into control. One bodies of the States, to work their will and myself to supporting the views of the
of the foci most frequently. used is the promote their interests without check or senior Senator from Oregon, I point out
"gerrymander"-a legislative district weirdly restraint. The suggestion of the necessity that at the United Nations 20th anniver-
shaped to embrace a voting majority for one of countervailing forces to assure delibera- sary celebration in San Francisco, which
Party. But even without obvious gerry- tion of debate and legislative calm these days I had the pleasure of attending last week,
mandering, ruling cliques can maximize their may be excoriat
d b
e
y the gentle knights of the President of the United States in-
strength far beyond their actual numbers, change. But sober reflections on the mo- vited the members of the United Nations,
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14934
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
individually and collectively, to interest
themselves in the situation in Vietnam.
The President called on all members
of the United Nation;;, and, In particular,
on the Secretary General, Mr. U Thant,
to use their good offices to bring the ag-
gressors to the conference table so that
the shooting and the bombing can stop
and some peaceful way can be found to
neutralize Vietnam, so that it need no
longer be a cat's paw between two great
powers, China and the United States of
America.
I am delighted that the President
made that speech. I am delighted that
he called the attention of the United Na-
tions to the Vietnamese situation. Yet,
we must note very carefully a definite
limitation on the possibilities for any
successful United Nations intervention
In Vietnam. In the first place, Russia is
undergoing what I suppose the late John
Foster Dulles would refer to as an "agon-
izing reappraisal" of its position in the
Far East.
Russia is a permanent member of the
Security Council, and, as such, It has the
right to veto any proposals we or any
other member of the Security Council
may make with respect to Vietnam. I
doubt very much whether at the present
time any constructive result could be
obtained by bringing the Vietnamese
situation before the Security Council.
Almost inevitably, it would put the
United States into direct opposition to
Russia. Our friends would take sides
with us. The members of the Commu-
nist block would side with Russia. Un-
less we are able by diplomatic contacts
to work out some basis for settlement
In Vietnam, I do not believe that the
United Nations, acting through the Se-
curity Council, would be helpful.
Let us turn then to the General As-
sembly, in which there is one vote, and
only one vote, for every nation in the
world which is a member of the United
Nations. It would be wishful thinking
to hope for a constructive solution of
so complicated a matter as the contro-
very in Vietnam to emerge from this
body.
Moreover, by reason of the controversy
over article 19 of the_ Charter of the
United Nations, the General Assembly
presently is so Immobilized that it can-
not even take a vote. Until the article
19 controversy Is resolved, the General
Assembly, In my judgment, can be of
little assistance in helping to resolve in
the Vietnamese situation.
Therefore, I believe that the President
acted very wisely indeed in suggesting
in general rather than in specific terms
that the members of the United Nations
Individually and collectively interest
themselves in the Vietnamese situation.
He was wise indeed in not directing the
U.S. mission to the United Nations to
bring the Vietnamese matter before
either the Security Council or the Gen-
eral Assembly.
However, there remains one area in
which the United Nations might well be
of substantial assistance. That is
through the good offices of the ex-
tremely wise and capable Secretary Gen-
eral of the United Nations, U Thant, the
distinguished Burmese statesman. One
may hope that through his manifold con-
nections with the statesmen, diplomats,
and politicians of the nations of the
world, bothCommunist and free, Mr. U
Thant would be able to formulate a
meaningful proposal under which we
could meet the aggressors at the con-
ference table and begin to work out a
just and honorable settlement of the
Vietnamese situation. I hope very much
that that will be done.
After I left the 20th anniversary cele-
bration of the United Nations in San
Francisco, I went to White Sulphur
Springs, Va., where Mr. Patrick Gordon
Walker, the able former Foreign Secre-
tary of the United Kingdom, made an
intensely stimulating and interesting
address on the subject of China and the -
world.
It was my privilege to introduce Mr.
Patrick Gordon Walker at that meeting.
The occasion was the annual convention
of the corporate secretaries of the larg-
est corporations in the United States, a
group which one would think would tend
to take a conservative position on is-
sues of foreign policy. Yet, during the
question period which followed Mr. Pat-
rick Gordon Walker's address, individ-
ual after individual arose to indicate
agreement with the general position
which he took In his speech.
That general position was- that a way
must be found to avoid following poli-
cies which have the- effect of throwing a
reluctant Russia into the arms of a
smiling and triumphant China.
It was his view that in the Vietnamese
situation we should be prepared to en-
gage in discussions with anyone, and
that this should include representatives
of the Vietcong.
Mr. President, it Is difficult for me to
see, when we are engaged in fighting a
bitter and bloody war which we want to
settle, how we will be able to settle it
without talking with the people who are
fighting, shooting, and killing our sol-
diers. To me, the rather strange posi-
tion which is being taken by the State
Department in this regard Is quite un-
tenable. Relying on the already dis-
credited White Paper, relying on intelli-
gence sources which, to my way of
thinking,, are highly suspect, the State
Department takes the firm position that
it will negotiate only with Hanoi and
that really there Is no civil war going on
in South Vietnam.
Even those of us who follow the war
from Washington and who must depend
for information on briefings from indi-
viduals charged with the responsibility of
carrying out our policies there, are by
now well convinced that while Hanoi and
the North Vietnamese are granting sub-
stantial assistance in terms of material
and equipment to the Vietcong, while re-
placements from Vietnam have filled the
ranks of the Vietcong that have been
decimated by the war, while it may be
that regular army units of the North
Vietnamese Army are presently, during
the monsoon season, engaged in fighting
side by side with the Vietcong against
the South Vietnamese and the Ameri-
cans, there is not a shadow of a doubt
that there is massive opposition to the
Saigon government in South Vietnam
July 1, 1965
from South Vietnamese, many of whom
are not Communists at all, but who have
merely allied themselves with the Viet-
cong.
Mr. President, this is a dirty war. It
Is a horrible war. Outrages which af-
front civilized man have been committed
time after time by the Vietcong. I regret
to say that similar atrocities have been
perpetrated by our allies, the South
Vietnamese.
The desire of all civilized and humane
men and women all over the world Is to
stop the carnage and atrocities, and to
bring peace to that troubled area, which
scarcely deserves to be called a nation.
I would hope that Secretary Rusk
would press ahead boldly with the sug-
gestion, made the other day, that we are
ready to talk to anybody Hanoi wishes
to bring to the conference table, so as
to make it possible to begin negotiations
for ending the carnage.
We should realize, further, that with-
in the complex and complicated politi-
cal structure of Vietnam, there are, in-
evitably, a great many people who are
fighting against the Vietcong, or per-
haps participating In the government of
South Vietnam, who have friends or even
relatives among the Vietcong. Assured-
ly there are individuals in the Vietcong
who have friends, and possibly relatives,
among those who support the Saigon
government. What harm would there
be if the Ky government were to begin
discussions, on Its own, through those
who may have friends or relatives in the
Vietcong, in an effort to determine
whether the Vietnamese cannot settle
this bloody war themselves? Why need
the great powers be the only ones at-
tempting to bring peace? Why should
we look for a signal from Peiping? Why
should we look for a signal from Mos-
cow? Why, indeed, should we look for
a signal from Hanoi? Why should it
not be an important part of our diplom-
acy to encourage negotiations between
the two Vietnamese groups which are
now fighting each other?
It occurs to me that if this suggestion
were carried out, we might find it pos-
sible to avoid a confrontation between
Russia and Red China and the United
States, which if it results in a direct
military clash might well escalate into a
nuclear World War III.
So I would hope our diplomats would
try to take over from our military men,
so that, through the normal channels of
diplomacy in Saigon, we would be able
to encourage the South Vietnamese to
talk with representatives of the Vietcong.
After all, it Is their country. It is their
war. We are there by their invitation.
They are the people who are primarily
responsible for settling it.
While we are doing this, I hope there
will be no further escalation of the bomb-
ing. It has had nothing but harmful
effects for our interests. We must avoid
the possibility of confrontation wita
Russia and Russian missiles near Hanoi.
Having said this, I am keenly aware
that hopes for a prompt settlement in
Vietnam are not bright. I agree with
the chairman of the Foreign Relations
Committee [Mr. FULBRIGHT]. I agree
with the President when he says that
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
we cannot scuttle and run. My opinion essential. It seems to me that our
is that we are going to have to fight it policies on such issues should be ham-
out until after the monsoon season, In mered out on the anvil of free discussion.
order to
e
i
i
p
p
rsuade Pe
ng and Hanoi What excuse can the State Depart-
that we axe not going to scuttle and run. ment have for not giving us this report?
But like many other Americans, I am Is it being withheld merely because it is
of the strong view that the emphasis critical of the outmoded and harmful
must be on stopping the wax as quickly concept of MLF? I note that Mr. Patrick
as it can be. stopped. I hope the sugges- Gordon Walker, former Foreign Minister
tion I have made this afternoon might of Great Britain, in his speech at White
have some bearing on the, end result, Sulphur Springs and In conversations he
has had since he came to Washington,
CRITICAL ISSUES IN THE has likewise urged the desirability of a
INTERNATIONAL FIELD treaty for the nonproliferation of nu-
nu-
clear weapons.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, turning In the second place, to my way of
briefly to a third and final subject, to my thinking, we need to face up to the vexing
way of thinking there are three immedi- problem of article 19 of the Charter of
ate controversial, and critical Issues in the United Nations. It is well known
the international field which confront that we are in direct confrontation with
the United States of America right now both France and Russia regarding the
and for which we are going to have to assessment of dues for certain peace-
find answers in the immediate future. keeping activities of the United Nations.
When I speak of three Issues, i am This dispute will have to be resolved
excluding Vietnam, which, of course, is not later than early September, or the
a critical one-I have just spoken on it- General Assembly of the United Nations
and I am excluding the Dominican Re- will again be immobolized, will agajn be
public, where we are far from arriving prevented from taking any votes, and
at a solution. will again be prevented from acting In
With re pect to every one of these any way except by unanimous consent,
three issues, we in the Congress and in as has been the case during all of 1965
the country at large, are in my judgment to date,
unable to come to a sensible, well-con- I regret very much that our Govern-
sidered consensus on policy because of ment was not prepared at the commemo-
excessive executive secrecy. rative session of the United Nations in
The first issue has to do with a pro- San Francisco last week to give some
posed treaty to prevent the proliferation indication to the other nations of the
of nuclear weapons which the Senator world gathered there for that historic
from New York [Mr. KENNEDY], with event, as to what we propose to do about
the support of 17 colleagues, including article XIX.
myself and the Senator from Maryland, I believe that the need for debate on
whom I see on the floor, urged so elo- this subject on the floor of the Senate
quently a few days ago. I said during is no less urgent than the need for con
the course of that discussion that we are tinued debate on Vietnam. I believe that
never going to get a nonproliferation the House of Representatives should
treaty with Russia, and we are kidding likewise join in. I hope we can get some
ourselves if we think we will, unless we guidance from the executive branch as
abandon the utterly obsolete concept of to what we intend to do on that vexing
a NATO multilateral nuclear force, or question, which must be answered not
even an Atlantic nuclear force, conceived much more than 60 days from now.
for the purpose of keeping West Ger- I shall have something more exten-
many happy by giving her a finger on sive to say on the subject later this
the nuclear trigger. month.
I repeat today that we must get rid Finally, Mr. President, there is a cloud others,
, would permit one house of a
the multilateral nuclear force concept not much bigger than one's hand grow- State legislature to be apportioned on
in order to get to the conference table ing on the horizon, but it is growing the basis of factors other than popula-
te work out an agreement with Russia fast. The source of that cloud Is this tion. On June 2, in my first major
and the other members of the Eighteen question: What are we going to do about speech on this floor, I tried to cover as
Nation Disarmament Conference at maintaining an adequate liquidity of In- comprehensively as I could the major
Geneva, ternal monetary resources to finance difficulties with the pending amend-
en the New. York Times of this morn- World trade? ments. On June 21, I discussed the im-
ng there is a story Time of this es that The cloud becomes bigger every day, plications of the proposed amendments
thethersecret Gilpatric report takes ex- as we achieve new successes in bring- with respect to civil rights. Today I
actly the same Position I took on the ing our balance of payMaments into surplus. should like to discuss the effects of re-
aetl the same week o the time For the months of rch, April, and apportionment upon the cities, the sub= ate last fl the speech of the Senator from New May, our balance of payments was In urbs, and the rural areas.
surplus. I am one who is convinced Proponents of the "rotten borough
York. We do not know what is in that that we must keep our balance of pay- amendments" often contend that a fairly
report. We have every right to know. ments at least in equilibrium and pref- apportioned legislature would be domi-
That report should have been made erably in surplus. But with each sue- nated by a cohesive bloc of urban legis-
available to the Armed Services Commit- cessful effort-and may they continue- lators controlled by a powerful political
tees of both Houses, the Foreign Rela- we will also succeed in decreasing the machine. They claim that minority in-
tions Committee of the Senate, and the liquidity necessary to finance growing terests outside the metropolitan areas
Foreign Affairs, Committee of the House. world trade.
It should have been made available Yet, we in Congress are unable to get merged to the demands f city dwellers.
months ago. I do not believe these re- the facts. The people are not being giv- Such fears are not justified either by
ports should be kept in secrecy. In my en the basic facts about the critical dis- fact or by experience.
Opinion, they should be made available, cussions now going forward on proposals It is simply not true that cities would
In the pluralistic democracy in which we to increase the capacity of the Interna- dominate fairly apportioned State legis-
live free speech and public discussion tional Monetary Fund to deal with this latures. There is no State in which the
upon issues brought before the people are vexing problem.
residents of a single city could elect a
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14935
We are unable to know whether the
Treasury Department Is seriously think-
ing-as I am confident it should be-of
converting the International Monetary
Fund into something not much differ-
ent from our own Federal Reserve Board.
We are unable to know what is in
the Ossola report.
All we know is that it is a report which
was made to the chief central banks of
the world by a distinguished Italian
monetary expert, at their request. It
has been in the Treasury Department for
months. It has been In the central banks
of all the great industrial nations of the
world for months.
But, can we get it in the Congress?
No.
Can we have intelligent discussion as
to what to do in this regard, if the
bureaucracy is going to classify as top
secret, information which is necessary to
make a judgment of some wisdom in con-
nection with It? No.
I close, Mr. President, with a plea to
the executive branch to disavow this
executive secrecy, to overcome this
phobia which usually starts low down in
the bureaucracy, and stems from an in-
herent timidity.
Let us give the people the facts.
Let us bring out the Gilpatric report.,
Let us bring out the Ossola report.
Let us give the country some guidance
as to what we are, going to do about
article 19.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
REAPPORTIONMENT: THE BALANCE
OF POWERS SHIFTS TO THE
SUBURBS
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President-
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Mc-
INTYRE in the chair). The Senator
from Maryland is recognized.
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, on
two previous occasions i have risen to
discuss the "rotten borough amend-
ments." These proposed amendments
to the Constitution, sponsored by the
Senator from Illinois [Mr. DiRxssN] and
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 1, 1965
majority of the legislature. Even New
York City contains only 46.4 percent of
the people of New York State; Chicago
has 35.2 percent, Baltimore has 30.3 per-
cent, Minneapolis-St. Paul has 23.3 per-
cent, and Detroit has 21.3 percent. No
other major city contains more than 20
percent of the State's population.
Moreover, there are only five States
In which the combined population of the
three largest cities constitutes more than
40 percent of the population of the State.
In only two of these States, New York
and Arizona, is it theoretically possible
for the residents of the central cities to
join together to elect a majority of the
representatives to, the legislature. In
Arizona an alliance between Phoenix and
Tucson would be.needed to produce this
majority and in New York a majority
could be produced only by an alliance of
two or more upstate cities with New
York City.
Mr. President, I should like to point
out that it frequently happens that when
there are two or more major cities in a
State, they often fight each other in the
legislature tooth and nail. Examples
are Fort Worth and Dallas, upstate cities
in New York versus New York City, Kan-
sas City and St. Louis, and Los Angeles
and San Francisco.
Equally significant is the fact that for
30 years our major cities have been losing
population as compared to the rest of the
State. In 1930, New York City con-
tained 55.1 percent of the State's popu-
lation. In 1960, it contained only 46.4
percent. Chicago declined from 44.2 to
35.2, Detroit from 32.4 to 21.3 percent.
Indeed, from1950 to 1960 15 of this coun-
try's 23 largest cities suffered an actual
loss in total population and only 5 of the
23 were able to grow as rapidly as the
statewide average.
The major increase in population has
been and will continue to be in the sub-
urbs. Of our 23 largest cities, only 3--
Houston, Dallas, and Atlanta-grew
faster than their suburbs in the years
from 1950 to 1960. For example, New
York City's population declined by 1.4
percent from 1950 to 1960 while Its sub-
urbs witnessed a 75-percent increase.
Los Angeles-Long Beach grew by 27.1
~pencent but their suburbs increased by
8 .6 percent. Chicago's population
dropped by 1.9 percent while its suburbs
grew by 71.5 percent. The National Mu-
laicipal League estimates that by 1980
New York, Dallas, and Houston will be
the only major cities containing more
population than their surrounding sub-
urbs.
It is perfectly clear that reapportion-
ment based solely on population will
have Its greatest effect in increasing sub-
urban representation. The result 'will
be that in any clash between the cities
and the rural areas the suburbs would
hold the balance of power.
J3t is frequently assumed that represen-
--tatives from the cities and the suburbs
tl be constant allies in the legislature.
Certainly suburbanites share common
problems with city dwellers. However,
*be suburbs are made up of people who
lie fled the crowded cities in their de-
sire for lawns and trees and who thus
tu4d different as i1rations than their
former neighbors. There Is constant
tension between city and suburb over
such fundamental matters as taxation
(for example, the earnings tax dispute),
highway location, rapid transit, annex-
ation, sewer and water interconnections
and charges, and many other matters.
Astute rural legislators have exploited
and will continue to exploit these differ-
ences to obtain passage of legislation of
peculiar interest to them.
Cooperation between the suburbs and
the countryside can also be expected on
account of party cohesion. Residents
of both areas have frequently tended to
vote Republican. It can be assumed
that, rather than supporting the pre-
dominantly Democratic groups from the
cities, suburban Republicans will often
prefer the policies of their Republican
brethren from the country.
Moreover, even in States where rep-
resentatives from urban areas would
constitute a large percentage of the
legislature It cannot be assumed that
they would vote as a bloc. Prof. David
R. Durge has studied the urban-rural
conflict in the Illinois legislature. After
the 1955 reapportionment in the Illi-
nois House the representatives frbm Cook
County and Chicago had a numerical
majority in the House. Nonetheless,
Professor Durge found they _did not
vote as a bloc. In fact, in only 4 of the
332 rollcall votes was there a cohesion of
more than 67 percent among the Chi-
cago Cook County representatives. In
other words, two-thirds of the urban ori-
ented group of legislators managed to
vote together only 1 percent of the time.
The reasons for the lack of cohesion
among urban representatives are not dif-
ficult to understand. As Prof. Royce
Hanson of American University has
pointed out,
Urban and suburban citizens are not a
homogeneous mass of humanity. An urban
senator * * * must deal with bankers and
laborers, segregationists and freedom work-
ers, research biologists and the antivivisec-
tiozl society.
Professor Hanson concludes:
Majorities and minorities are more likely
to rest on temporary coalitions of interests
than on urban-rural cleavages.
The competing pressures on an urban
representative make it unlikely that he
and his colleagues can combine unfairly
to disadvantage rural interests.
Experience demonstrates that urban
legislators deal fairly with their rural
brethren, perhaps more fairly than they
have been dealt with. The highly re-
spected Advisory Commission on Inter-
governmental Relations has found, for
example, that during the 1950's both
houses of the Legislatures of Massachu-
setts, Oregon, Washington, and Wiscon-
sin were apportioned substantially on
the basis of population. Over 50 per-
cent of the population in each of these
States was regarded as urban. Nonethe-
less each of these States allocated funds
seats substantially in accordance with popu-
lation.
Indeed there is reason to believe that
in certain circumstances urban legisla-
tors may, in the long run, give rural citi-
zens greater consideration than these
citizens receive at the hands of their
own legislators. One dramatic example
of this is found in my own State where
the shortsightedness of certain rural
legislators with respect to the problems
of pollution and development of the
Chesapeake Bay has led to a serious
deterioration in the shellfish industry.
Ironically, the Maryland Legislature will.
have to be reapportioned in order that
the urban and suburban legislators can
exert influence in the development of the
Chesapeake Bay, and thus save the rural-
centered shellfish industry from steady
depletion and erosion as a result of inac-
tion by the representatives from the very
area where the shellfish industry is
located.
Another argument raised by the sup-
porters of the "rotten borough amend-
ment" is that large cities are often run
by corruptpolitical machines which seek
only to increase their own power at the
expense of the citizens of the State. This
argument contains more drama than
truth as the editors of Fortune magazine
have demonstrated in their book, "The
Exploding Metropolis." It shows that
American cities today are, on the whole,
efficiently run by honest political leaders.
The fears conjured up by the image of
the political machine are particularly
unfounded when applied to the suburbs.
The fact that suburbanites are generally
well educated and comfortable makes
them an inappropriate spawning ground
for an all-powerful political machine. As
the balance of political power will rest
with the suburbs, there is thus no risk
that it will be exercised at the dictates of
a small and irresponsible group of big-
city party leaders.
As the foregoing analysis has indi-
cated, the often voiced fear of urban
domination is wholly lacking in sub-
stance.
An act as serious as amending the
Constitution should not be undertaken in
the absence of a clear and urgent need.
Such a need is not now evident and the
increasing significance of suburbia
strengthens the belief that this need is
unlikely to arise in the future. I might;
add that this would be the first time
that the Constitution of the United
States would have been amended to limf t
the franchise since the founding of the
Republic.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have included in the RECORD a
booklet published by the National Mu-
nicipal League, written by William J. D.
Boyd, senior associate of the league, and
entitled "Suburbia Takes Over."
There being no objection, the pamphlet
was ordered to be printed in the Rmoao,
as follows:
for education and highway purposes to SUBURBIA TAKES OVER
local governments according to formulas (By William J. D. Boyd)1
that clearly benefited rural areas. The
Advisory Commission on Intergovern-
mental Relations concludes :
Thus, urban representatives appeared to
The suburbs, and, in the long run, only
the suburbs, will gain in the upheaval result-
ing from reapportionment of State legisl3-
recognize certain special needs of rural areas 1 Mr. Boyd is senior associate of the Na-
in the States with apportioned legislative tional Municipal League and for the last S
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July 1, 1965
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
Rural housing grants 'obligated, fiscal year
1964 through June 30-Continued
Initial
number
Initial
amount
South Dakota---L -------------
54,040
Tennessee ---------------------
6%430
Texas ---------------------
118,570
Utah --------------------------
5,810
Vermont ----------------------
7,940
Virginia -----------------------
7,690
Washington -------------------
1,000
West Virginia-----------------
257, 500
Wisconsin ---------------------
10:330
Wyoming--------------------
8,030
Puerto Rico -------------------
89,950
U.S.total ---------------
4,740,395
Average-----------------
834
(Mr. DERWINSKI asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute, and to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I
take the floor this afternoon to direct
the attention of the Members to the
complete inconsistency in the adminis-
tration conduct of foreign affairs is de-
fense of our and the world's freedom
against the Communist forces.
American fighting men are commited
to combat in Vietnam to save that
country from communism. Our troops
were rushed into the Dominican Repub-
lic to save that country from a Com-
munist takeover. Although we are now
tolerating Communist control of the so-
called rebel movement in the Dominican
Republic, the theoretical position of the
administration continues to be that U.S.
troops will remain on that island until
stability through the formation of a non-
Communist government can be devel-
oped.
U.S. troops are stationed in Europe as
part of the NATO Alliance to protect
Western Europe from posible Communist
Invasion. Our foreign aid program is
partially justified on the ground that it
Js a weapon against the further spread
of communism.
The question then arises, Mr. Speaker,
is not subsidizing Communist govern-
ments through trade a position complete-
ly inconsistent with our actions in Viet-
nam, the Dominican Republic, and other
areas I have cited.
It is a fact, Mr. Speaker, that for more
than a year the State Department has
carried on secretive trade discussions
with the Communist Governments of
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
Itself., The argument has been advanced
by the administration. that we can,
through subsidized trade, "build bridges
of understanding" to the governments of
Eastern Europe and perhaps pull them
away from Soviet control. We are also
told that the Soviet Union has mellowed
and by subsidizing trade with them, they
might in some vague fashion give up
their Communist, belligerence.
Mr. Speaker, the position of the admin-
istration , axed,. the negotiations being
carriedoi by the State Department are
against the best long-term interests of
the U.S. general" public, our industries,
our labor unions, and are against the best
interests of world freedom.
. Before subsidized trade is developed
with any Communist government, we
must work out specific conditions which
would produce permanent major political
and economic concessions from the Com-
munists.
Trade is a key weapon in the cold war.
It is the height of naivete to think that
any Communist government has the best
interest of its citizens in mind or is will-
ing to enter into legitimate trade agree-
ments with us. The purpose of the Com-
munist governments seeking trade with
the United States is to obtain the where-
withal to develop basidindustries so that
they can carry out an offensive trade
against us in years to come.
What should we demand of the Com-
mumunist governments before consider-
ing major trade agreements with them?
Mr. Speaker, there are a number of
points which I would recommend, all of
which would be long overdue develop-
ments in the conduct of international
relations.
Should the Soviet Union wish to be
subsidized by trade agreements-such as
they were in the Kennedy wheat sale 2
years ago-we should demand immediate
settlement of their World War II lend-
lease debt. It would be practical for us
to insist that internationally supervised
plebiscites be held in the Baltic States to
serve the true wishes of the people there
for self-determination before we sub-
sidize the Red rulers in the Kremlin.
As the governments of the Eastern
European satellites display interest in a
trade agreement, we should insist that
they grant their citizens freedom of
speech, press, assembly, and religion and
that they hold free elections to prove
whether or not they really have popular
support of the public.
There are many other practical con-
ditions that should be extracted from
the Communist governments before we
permit them to benefit by trading with
the United States. We must keep in
mind that trade with any Communist
country helps all Communist countries,
since it relieves the pressures on their
domestic economies.
Perhaps one would question my con-
tinued reference to subsidized trade. It
is a fact, Mr. Speaker, that it is not the
intention of the administration merely
to permit expanded trade agreements
with Communist governments, but it is
the specific intention to subsidize that
trade. This would be a tragic develop-
ment.
In recent months not only the Soviet
Union but every Eastern European sate!-'
lite, including Yugoslavia, has announced
increased support of the Communist dic-
tatorship in North Vietnam. Supplies
from these Communist governments are
pouring into North Vietnam, strengthen-
ing the determination and ability of the
Reds to inflict direct losses on our troops
in South Vietnam. Isn't it completely
inconsistent then for the State Depart-
ment to encourage U.S. firms to trade
strategic materials to the Communists
in return for basically nonessential goods
and to add the greatest irony of all, that
of subsidizing such transactions?
It is interesting to note that the prop-
aganda drums of the administration are
14965
beating out a steady tattoo to try to con-
vince the public that dealing with Com-
munist governments is a lucrative, won-
derful operation and should be enthusi-
astically followed.
Yesterday the junior Senator from
South Dakota, Mr. McGovERN, chose to
criticize former Vice President Nixon who
had denounced the indiscriminate sale
of wheat to the Soviet Union. This is
in line with the administration's prop-
aganda barrage that to subsidize Com-
munist governments makes them mellow,
or to paraphrase Secretary Rusk, a "fat
Communist is not as dangerous as a lean
Communist." Such nonsense is not sur-
prising from an administration whose
foreign policy is so completed misguided,
but the danger cannot be minimized.
This morning we read of the Commu-
nist attack on our air base at Danang.
The Vietcong attackers are motivated by
the same ideology which motivates the
Communist tyrants of the Eastern Euro-
pean satellites, the Soviet Union, and Red
China. To rush to subsidize these gov-
ernments merely perpetuates their auto-
cratic control of their captive peoples,
adds to the complications facing the
United States abroad and delays the de-
velopment of true peace and freedom.
A pet Johnsonian phrase is "building
bridges of understanding with the Com-
munists."
The Communists are intent on build-
ing a trade bridge which would save their
foreign trade from economic ruin. Arm-
ing revolutionaries in Central and South
America, Africa, and Asia has been ex-
hausting; building up underdeveloped
countries on orders from Moscow has
also helped to wreck normal trade. The
economic system has failed and so they
turn to us to bail them out.
While a total boycott of Communist
countries is impossible, trading could
be kept within rational bounds. There is
ever present, however, the danger that
high pressure lobbies and Government
optimists might give the Communists
not only trade but long-term credit.
England has already done so.
The Communists are in serious trouble.
We can bail them out, enabling them to
continue to fulfill their commitments
to the Soviets. Or we can use this great
opportunity to weaken further the posi-
tion of communism and to strengthen
the forces of freedom behind the Iron
Curtain.
I have referred earlier to the conces-
sions that we should demand prior to
any trade agreement. Among the con-
ditions which I would add are rehabilita-
tion of political' prisoners, freedom of
movement, removal of the Berlin wall,
and withdrawal of Soviet troops from
non-Russian countries.
My main purpose in discussing this
subject this afternoon, however, is to
again remind the Members of the incon-
sistent, shortsighted, dangerous, and, I
must even add diabolical plot, of the
Johnson administration to provide blood
transfusions in the form of trade to
Communist regimes which, because no
strings whatsoever would be attached,
permit these Communists to divert other
resources to activities against us in Viet-
nam and Latin America.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 1, 1965
CANADA'S NATIONAL HOLIDAY intertwining of the lives of our citizens. for 1 minute, and to revise and extend
(Mr. PELLY asked and was given per- This is particularly true in my own State his remarks.)
mission to address the House for 1 mn- of Washington where we have common Mr. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Speaker,
ute, and to revise and extend his re- interests, common boundaries, and, yes, last night's Evening Star told us of an-
marks.) even conmion conflicts of interest with other major battle in Vietnam. This
Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, it is a British Columbia and Alberta. At times morning's Post brought word of a brazen
pleasure to join our Canadian friends and we criticize each other, but the sincere Vietcong attack on our air strip at
neighbors in observance of their national respect we hold for one another always Danang that hit at least six of our planes.
holiday, July 1.' Ninety-eight years ago, remains. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, it is an So it goes, and you can expect more such
on July 1, 1867, Canada came into being example which all nations of the world stories with the regularity of your paper.
could follow. We,are truly a showplace
as a, new nation. It received its consti- It is apparent that we have not been
f the Sri+;s Nori.h of nations livin Yi winning this war and that something
,...: r