THE OTEPKA CASE --WILLIAM WIELAND DISPATCHED TO AUSTRALIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180007-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: July 20, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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July 20, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
THE OTEPKA CASE?WILLIAM WIE-
LAND DISPATCHED TO AUSTRALIA
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the
State Department, according to press re-
ports, is dispatching William Wieland to
Australia as supervisory consul general
in Canberra.
This assignment makes Wieland the
top consular officer in Australia.
Such an announcement normally is
treated with a bare mention in the press
and seldom is noted on the floor of the
U.S. Senate.
This assignment merits more than the
usual treatment 'lecause the official in
question is one of the central figures in
the controvesy over security policies and
practices in the State Department it-
self.
In the New York Times of Monday,
July 19, this paragraph appears:
According to a State Department spokes-
man today, Mr. Wieland is now considered
"completely cleared and his case closed."
While the State Department has
closed the case, I, for one, do not intend
to fliSnliSS so lightly what has occurred
previously in this matter.
Perhaps there should be a review of
what has gone on before in this case and
to question whether the surface reason
for closing the case by the State De-
partment is good enough.
Wieland was chief of the Office of
Caribbean Affairs of the State Depart-
ment when Castro grabbed power in
Cuba.
Based on testimony of the Depart-
ment's chief security evaluator, Otto
Otepka---now being persecuted by the
Department for daring to testify before
a Senate committee?Wieland had lied
about his contacts with Castro.
Otepka stated that there is a tran-
script of the Wieland testimony which
shows that Weiland said he had only
one meeting with Castro. Otepka says
he has evidence that Wieland met with
Castro on at least six occasions.
Wieland failed to list his former name
of William Arthur Montenegro on his
governmeht forms. The Senate Internal
Security Committee questioned Wieland
on this omission and the transcript was
subsequently sent to the Justice Depart-
ment for study for possible perjury
prosecution.
The Justice Department reported, ac-
cording to documents, that there was in-
sufficient evidence for a perjury prose-
cution. And this report apparently is
the basis for restoration of Wieland to
active duty assignments abroad, even
though he held down a $24,000 annual
job in the office of the Deputy Under
Secretary of State for Administration
during the interval.
But is this report by the Justice De-
partment sufficient grounds for giving
Wieland a clear bill of health? I think
not.
What but the misrepresentations in-
volving meetings with Castro? There
appears to be ample evidence that Wei-
land, as chief of the Caribbean desk, "sat
on" reports which showed that Castro
was a Communist, while the entire world
was led to believe that he was otherwise;
that he was a "patriot" of the first order.
What was Wieland's excuse for not list-
ing his former name on the Government
forms?
Why has Otepka been beset with con-
tinued harassment for his testimony be-
fore the Senate committee?
What was in the report from the Fed-
eral Bureau of Investigation to force a
stay of assignment of Wieland to a sensi-
tive post in West Germany?
These are questions that must be
answered; if they are not, the security
measures of the State Department will
remain suspect.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed in the RECORD an
article entitled "U.S. Expert on Cuba Re-
stored to Full Duty Following Inquiry,"
written by Richerd Eder, and published
in the New York Times of July 19, 1965;
an article entitled "Board Clears Wie-
land, Security Case Closed," written by
Endre Marton, and published in the
Washington Post of July 19, 1965; and
the lead editorial entitled "The State De-
partment Security Scandal," published
In the Chicago Tribune of July 19, 1965.
There being no objection, the articles
and editorial were ordered to be printed
In the RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York Times, July 19, 1965]
U.S. EXPERT ON CUBA RESTORED TO FULL DUTY
FOLLOWING INQUIRY?STATE DEPARTMENT
ADVISORY PANEL 'UPHOLDS WIELAND'S JUDG-
MENTS ON CASTRO
(By Richard Eder)
WASHINGTON, July 18.?William A. Wei-
land, a State Department officer who came
under congressional attack for his role in
shaping United States policy on Cuba in the
early days of the Castro regime, has been
cleared and restored to full active duty, ac-
Cording to a Department announcement.
Mr. Wieland, a high-ranking 57-year-old
career officer, will go to Sanberra as super-
visory consul general for Australia.
The Department's announcement, made to
coincide with the publication of hearings by
the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Se-
curity on Mr. Wieland, disclosed by implica-
tion that he had been placed on what
amounted to limited duty during an inter-
agency review of his record.
A three-man advisory panel was appointed
by the State Department in 1965 to consider
Mr. Wieland's case. After reviewing the De-
partment's own records and information
supplied by other agencies, including the
Federal Bureau of Investigation, the panel,
two of whose members were from outside the
Department, recommended that "the subject
be restored to full status as an active senior
Foreign Service officer."
JUDGMENT IS UPHELD
Mr. Wieland, the board reported, "has
honestly exercised his judgment over the
years, including the period of the difficult and
highly complex Cuban situation."
State Department officials said that at no
tim- had Mr. Wieland been suspended during
the investgation. A spokesman was unable
to define what lesser degree of status was
involved in the panel's recommendation that
he be "restored" to full status.
One official source pointed out, however,
that Mr. Wieland's most recent assignment?.
as an administrative specialist in the office
of the Deputy Under Secretary for Admin-
istration?was considered an unobstructive
job for someone of his experience.
The Senate subcommittee, in a report
made in 1962, said that Mr. Wieland, who
held posts concerned with Caribbean policy
before and during the first years of Premier
16843
Fidel Castro's government was in part re-
sponsible for Mr. Castro's emergence.
In testimony, three former U.S. Ambas-
sadors in Latin America?Robert C. Hill,
Earl E. T. Smith, and William D. Pawley?
criticized Mr. Wieland for recommending
the withdrawal of American support from
President Fulgencio Batista, who exercised
dictatorial powers in Cuba in the late 1950's.
Mr. Wieland testified that he had begun
to distrust Mr. Castro even before the latter
took power, but that he was not convinced
of the Premier's direct Communist connec-
tions until some months afterwards.
Early in 1962, Mr. Wieland was one of
two State Department officers whom Presi-
dent Kennedy defended when they were
called security risks.
In 1961, Mr. Wieland was assigned to a
consular post in Germany but his security
clearance was delayed and the assignment
was finally withdrawn.
According to a State Department spokes-
man today, Mr. Wieland is now considered
"completely cleared and his case closed."
This action was taken, although not an-
nounced, in January, when the State Depart-
ment's review panel approved the findings
of the three-man advisory panel.
The members of the panel were William
J. Sebald, former Ambassador to Burma;
Samuel Waugh, President of the Export-Im-
port Bank of Washington, and Brig. Gen.
Milton F. Summerselt, retired.
[From the Washington Post, July 19, 1965]
BOARD CLEARS WIELAND, SECURITY CASE CLOSED
(By Endre Marton)
William A. Wieland, the American diplo-
mat blamed by some critics for initial U.S.
good will toward Fidel Castro, has been
cleared fully and his security case closed, a
Senate publication revealed last night.
The publication, containing transcripts of
secret testimony before the Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee between 1963 and
1965, bears the title "The Wieland Case Up-
dated." It is the first of a reported 30 vol-
umes on hearings held in these years on
State Department security.
The volume, however, contains little added
detail on the Wieland case, which was ex-
tensively discussed in an earlier volume re-
leased in 1962 when Wieland was first cleared.
? There is much more in the present publica-
tion on the role played in the Wieland In-
vestigation by Otto F. Otepka, the State De-
partment's chief security evaluator who,
though fired in 1963 on charges of insub-
ordination, still is on the State Department's
payroll.
SECRET TESTIMONY
The fact that Wieland, head of the State
Department's Office of Caribbean Affairs
when Castro grabbed power in Cuba, had
been cleared again was revealed by William
J. Crockett, Deputy Under Secretary of State
for Administration in secret testimony be-
for the subcommittee May 4, 1965.
The decision by a three-man board to close
finally the once-reopened security case
against the 57-year-old Wieland was made
In concurrence with the Justice Department,
the Federal Bureau of Investigation, a special
personnel advisory board, and the then At-
torney General, ROBERT F. KENNEDY, Crockett
testified.
The Deputy Under Secretary told the sub-
committee the first favorable determination
in the Wieland case, in January. 1962, was
signed by Otepka, even though he told the
subcommittee 18 months later, in August
1963, that he questioned Wieland's "judg-
ment and integrity."
Otepka was suspended in September 1963,
and charged with conduct "unbecoming an
officer of the Department of State" for al-
legedly having made classified documents
available to the Senate subcommittee with-
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16844 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE Juty 20, 1965
out authorization. He was dismissed from
the Service?November 5, 1963.
Otepka has appealed the dismissal. His
counsel, Roger Robb, has asked on five occa-
sions for postponements of the hearing which
have been granted. The reason Robb gave
was that he wanted to study the transcript
of the subcommittee hearings, the first of
which is the volume on Wieland.
INQUIRY ORDERED
Most of the witnesses were questioned by
subcommittee counsel, J. G. Sourwine, to find
out why Otepka took no part in the second
phase of the Wieland investigation in 1963.
This investigation was ordered after the sub-
committee accused Wieland of being "an ac-
tive apologist for Fidel Castro," and a man
who, in Sourwine's words, "lied to this com-
mittee."
"An. evaluation of all the new material was
made * * '0. No reason was found, to re-
move Mr. Wieland's clearance," Crockett told
the subcommittee in his May 4 testimony.
There were two conflicting versions of why
Otepka did not participate in the reevalua-
tion of Wieland.
According to John F. Reilly's testimony?
he was then head of the Office of Security
and as such Otepka's superior?Otepka dis-
qualified himself voluntarily from handling
the reevaluation on the ground that he had
testified before the subcommittee.
Otepka, on the other hand, said his supe-
riors first wanted him to handle the Wieland
case, then abolished his job as Deputy Di-
rector of his office on the grounds that
Otepka was devoting too much time to per-
sonnel security cases.
' DENIES PREJUDICES
Therefore, Otepka said, "and not because
of presumed prejudices against Wieland," he
did not wish to become again the principal
evaluator of the Wieland case.
The board that reviewed the case of Wie-
land was unanimous in its recommendation
for Wieland's restoration to full status as an
active senior Foreign Service officer.
The board, in its finding, said its members
were puzzled, individually and collectively,
as to why Wieland was singled out as a
scapegoat for the Castro takeover.
Wieland is currently an administrative
specialist at the State Department. Now
that his case is closed, he is being assigned
as supervisory consul general in Canberra,
Australia?a position making him the top
consular officer in Australia.
[From the Chicago Tribune, July 20, 19651
T HE STATE DEPARTMENT SECURITY SCANDAL
After 3 years of hearings and a million
and a half words of testimony and docu-
mentation, the Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee has released the first install-
ment of its account of how Otto F. Otepka
was fired as Chief of the Evaluations Divi-
sion of the State Department's Office of
Security.
It is almost unbelievable that so much
time and effort had to be devoted to what is
essentially a simple case. But the facts as
they emerge will, we are certain, have a pro-
found impact on the American public. For
this is a story of high-level intrigue, of deceit
and evasion by the people's servants in high
places, and of shameful retaliation against
an honorable man simply because he told the
truth to a committee of Congress, as by law
he was required to do.
As Chief of Evaluations, Otepka's job was
to separate the wrong guys from the right
ones seeking employment and assignment to
the Department. He was charged with in-
forming his superiors whether an applicant
or an existing employee was a loyalty or se-
curity risk. He did so conscientiously, but
his findings were ignored. The wrong guys
were posted to handle the sensitive diplo-
macy of the United States, while the right
guy?Mr. Opteka?found himself out of a
job.
He had the right to appeal his dismissal,
and did, but for close to 2 years the State
Department has refused to give him a hear-
ing. So he remains on the payroll, collects
his salary, but is confined to a cubbyhole,
in effect cutting up paper dolls. For his
patriotism and his adherence to truth, he is
ostracized by the brass and rankers of the
Department, who operate on the code that
loyalty to the Department comes before loy-
alty to the country.
Secretary of State Rusk and his bureaucracy
can't afford to give Mr. Otepka his hearing,
for to do so would expose the curious values
that prevail in the Department, where men
of dubious reliability are to be protected, as
"members of the club," at all costs.
Otepka fell into disfavor after he was
summoned by the subcommittee to assist
in a study it had undertaken of security
practices in the Department. He testified
about "quickie" clearances designed to by-
pass security rules. One of the Department
officials attracting the notice of the Senators
was William A. Wieland, a Foreign Service
officer of the first class, who has been paid
$20,000 a year but has just been appointed
chief American consular officer in Australia,
at a salary advance of another $4,000.
It developed that Wieland had once lived
in Cuba under the name of Montenegro, but
concealed the fact in his job application,
which exposed him to prosecution for per-
jury. In his testimony before the subcom-
mittee, he admitted having seen Fidel Castro
only once, but Otepka testified to six meet-
ings. Wieland was a consistent apologist for
Castro while presiding over the State Depart-
ment's Caribbean desk.
His appointment to that post shocked Wil-
liam D. Fawley, former Ambassador to Brazil,
under whom Weiland had served. By cut-
ting off the supply of arms to Cuba, Wieland
helped bring about the downfall of the Ful-
gencio Batista government and assisted the
rise of Castro. Every intelligence report dem-
onstrating that Castro was, and always had
been, a Communist was disregarded, de-
nounced, or sidetracked by Wieland. Robert
C. Hill, a former Ambassador, told the Sen-
ators that Wieland was either "a damn fool
or a Communist."
The subcommittee's first report deals with
the Wieland case. Yet this man enjoys favor
in the State Department and has been pub-
licly defended by no less august a person
than the late President Kennedy, while
Otepka and his security staff have been ren-
dered impotent and have been disgracefully
hounded out of their protective office. It is
an all but incredible story, but it is true.
How long will the people tolerate these be-
trayals?
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, will
the Senator from Iowa yield?
Mr. MILLER. I yield.
Mr. MURPHY. Yesterday the report
of the Subcommittee on Internal Secu-
rity was made available. I took the time
last night to read the report from start
to finish. I recommend to all Senators
a reading of the report. If Senators will
read the report of the actual hearings
and findings, as I did, and place them
side by side with the report of the state-
ment issued by the Department of State,
they will find that they do not appear
to be referring to the same situation.
I commend the Senator from Iowa for
bringing this information to the atten-
tion of the Senate. I recommend that
further scrutiny be made of this ques-
tion because of the tensions of the world
today. Now, more than ever, questions
not only of security, but orinternational
operations, are becoming more and more
essential.
The President, in making his deter-
minations, must depend on reports, in-
cluding those which are issued by offi-
cers such as the gentleman who is in
question today. We must be more cer-
tain than ever before as to the qualifica-
tions, reliability, and other attributes of
men of this character.
I commend the Senator from Iowa for
bringing this subject to the attention of
the Senate.
Mr. MILLER. I thank the Senator
from California for his gracious remarks.
I commend him for reading the report.
I have not had the opportunity to read
all of the report; but I have read enough
to warrant the statements that I have
made. I hope that not only will Members
of the Senate read it, but that members
of the State Department in high posts
will read it, too.
UNDERST DING TI-IE VIETNAM
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the
Washington Evening Star on July 19,
1965, published an excellent article en-
titled "The 1954 Parley Led to Vietnam
Crisis," written by the distinguished
columnist David Lawrence. The article
is based on Mr. Lawrence's personal ob-
servations during the 1954 Geneva con-
versations, which led to the Geneva
agreements, which have been referred to
so often during the running debate on
our position in Vietnam.
Because I believe it would be a valu-
able article to read as background for
an understanding of why we are engaged
as we are in Vietnam today, I ask unani-
mous consent that the article be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECoan,
as follows:
THE 1954 PARLEY LED TO VIETNAM ousis
(By David Lawrence)
To understand the Vietnam problem and
the great danger that the world faces if
appeasement and surrender should take the
place of firmness and courage, it is only nec-
essary to go back 11 years to the historic
Conference at Geneva in 1951 and examine
the mistakes that were made then which
have led to the crisis of today.
For the Vietnam dilemma is not just a
local affair in far-off Asia. It is the most
vital and fundamental confrontation be-
tween Communist imperialism and the free
world which has developed since the Korean
war of 1950.
The American people have not yet been
awakened to the implications of the Vietnam
struggle. There's a tendency to pass it off
as something that will be compromised
sooner or later or as a conflict from which
America should gracefully withdraw.
The same kind of pressures from the ap-
peasers and the defeatists managed to weaken
the will of France and Britain at the Geneva
Conference in 1954, so that in the end the
United States disassociated itself from the
agreement reached because it was clear that
no strong foundation for peace in southeast
Asia had been laid.
This correspondent spent several weeks
covering the Conference at Geneva and wrote
daily dispatches about it. Here are some ex-
cerpts which indicate clearly that the world
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July 20, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
hasn't learned its lesson and why aggressors
are still undismayed:
May 13, 1954: "As to Indochina, there will
be a patched-up proposal to bring about a
cessation of hostilities, but the United
States will not be satisfied with the plan be-
cause of a fear that the Communists will be
able thereby to overrun all of Indochina.
Accordingly, as was announced in the early
days of this Conference by Secretary of State
Dulles, the American Government will 'dis-
associate' itself from the proposal."
May 30: "For what good will it do to with-
draw all French protection from the newly
created states of Cambodia, Laos, and Viet-
nam if Moscow-trained leaders like Ho Chi
Minh are in charge of the Government of
Vietnam and of its armies, with substantial
aid from Red China, continue to overrun the
neighboring states and threaten also Burma
and Thailand, whose borders are nearby?"
June 14: "The world is witnessing the dart-
ogerous consequences of allied disunity. The
American Government is an interested but
helpless bystander. For American public
opinion would not sanction military inter-
vention in Indochina except on an allied
basis, and the French have never been ready
formally to ask for it. Hence the free world
allows the advantage once more to go to the
Communists, who are thereby encouraged to
encroach further and further. This hastens
the day of a showdown which, if it comes too
late, may make it impossible to stop the
sweep of Communist imperialism through-
out Asia."
July 20: "The Indochina truce, like the
Korean armistice, is not a victory, but a
readiness to compromise with aggressors and
to sanction their continued hold on many
million more people who are to become en-
slaved.
"Plainly the trend in Europe on the part
of America's allies is toward further sur-
render to Communist imperialism."
Back in 1954, while the Geneva Conference
was going an, the Democrats in Congress, in-
cluding then Senate majority leader, Lyndon
Johnsan, were sniping At the Eisenhower ad-
ministration and accusing it of being a "war-
mongering" regime. The political disunity in
this country had its effect abroad. Inside the
British Government the Socialist Labor
groups were taking an extreme position and
preventing Britain from giving whole-
hearted support to the United States in its
effort to form a truly effective southeast Asia
organization.
The politicians somehow have not changed
their attitude, and today there are Republi-
cans as well as Democrats here who are mak-
ing it more difficult for the incumbent ad-
ministration to convince the Communists
that the United States is not going to sur-
render and will not withdraw its military
forces, but will insist upon driving the Com-
munists out of South Vietnam.
It's certainly a critical time in American
history and far more dangerous than the av-
erage man has been led to believe. The
United States has its hands full in trying to
fight the southeast Asia war alone. It needs
the help of its allies?assistance not only in
money but in manpower and particularly by
an agreement to embargo all commerce with
the Communist countries now supplying aid
to North Vietnam.
Such action now can prevent world war
III, which otherwise might come through
step-by-step escalation set in motion by
the same kind of appeasement, pacifism and
timidity that led to World War H.
TAX CUTS AND TAX INCREASES
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the
July 19 issue of U.S. News & World Re-
port contains two very timely articles.
Both have as their base the Senate's
recent action on the so-called medicare
bill.
One bluntly states:
Despite all the tax-cut talk, bigger and
bigger bills lie ahead for the vast majority of
taxpayers.
It underscores that some of the effects
of last year's income tax cut will be
wiped out by raising social security
taxes, effective next January 1. While
it does not say so in so many words,
this is the age-old policy of giving with
one hand and taking away ,with the
other.
In an accompanying table, the maga-
zine shows the impact of new taxes on
a married man with two children. For
those with an income of $5,000, the tax
Increase from this year to the next year
will be 9.5 percent.
Editor David Lawrence, in the same
issue, makes this observation:
Now, with an increase in Social Security
taxes about to be imposed, there will be a
reduction in take-home pay for the wage
earner, starting next January. Under the
Senate bill, factory workers getting between
$4,800 and $6,600 a year will have their
payments for social security taxes raised
from $174 to sums ranging up to $275.
This means an increase of from 15 to 68
percent of their current social security tax.
To those who believe they are getting
something for nothing, let me repeat the
last sentence:
This means an increase of from 15 to 58
percent of their current social security tax.
This accurately sums up some of my
arguments against the bill passed last
week: The medicare bill will weigh most
heavily on those least able to afford such
Increases.
Mr. Lawrence also points up another
argument I made last week:
The American people could have paid for
'medicare' out of the general revenues, and
the social security tax could have been kept
somewhere near the low rates originally
planned. But this would have made it nec-
essary for the Government to economize.
Too much public money is being spent now-
adays for what might be called luxuries?
they are not necessities. * * * Inefficiency
and waste in expenditures are greater than
ever before.
I ask unanimous consent that article
entitled "With All the Talk About a Tax
Cut," with the accompanying table en
titled "Tax on Married Man With Two
Children," and the editorial "Reducing
Take-Home Pay," be printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article,
table, and editorial were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
WITH ALL THE TALK ABOUT A TAX CUT
In Arizona, taxpayers are being hit with
a 30-percent jump in the State income tax,
a rise of 41/2 cents a pack in cigarette taxes,
and a boost in the gasoline levy by 1 cent
per gallon.
That's typical of a process going on in
many States across the Nation: Recent Fed-
eral tax cuts are being eaten up by steadily
rising State, city and county levies.
The Pederal Government itself soon is to
wipe out some of the effects of last year's
income tax cut by raising social security
taxes, effective next January 1.
The upshot: The total tax bite for Amer-
icans is going up again atter a brief down-
turn.
The rise that lies ahead will center in State
and local taxes and in payroll taxes to sup-
port social security programs.
16845
The payroll tax now is 3.625 percent each
for employer and employee on the first $4,800
of an individual's income. On January 1,
under a Senate plan, it will rise to 4.175
percent on the first $6,600 of earnings.
The tax on the individual and his em-
ployer thus will rise from the present maxi-
mum of $174 each to $275.55 each next year.
WHAT CONGRESS IS DOING
The Senate on July 9 approved the payroll
tax increase. The House has already ap-
proved a somewhat smaller boost as part
of a package that will include "medicare"
for aged persons and an increase in social
security benefits.
If experieAce is a guide, both the health-
care and social security programs will con-
tinue to expand, in coverage and cost, dur-
ing the years ahead? and payroll taxes will
rise much above the levels now projected.
The accompanying chart gives you some
idea of the heavier Mai impact due next Jan-
uary 1. It reflects the anticipated boosts in
the payroll tax for social security, on the
basis of the increases that were approved by
the Senate on July 9, and the boosts ex-
pected in the major taxes that are levied by
the States.
On a percentage basis, the impact will be
greatest on individuals with incomes of
$10,000 or less, although it will also be sub-
stantial on those earning higher incomes,
In a typical example, a married man with
2 children and $3,000 of annual income can
expect his State and Federal tax bill on 1966
income to climb by $17 above this year, or
15 percent.
At the $4,000 level, a boost of $26 is in
store next year, while the family man making
$10,000 faces an increase of $160, or nearly
11 percent.
In the case of a single man earning $2,500,
a tax boost of $28 is in prospect?more than
half a week's wage.
Not counted in these figures are a raft of
other State and local taxes, including cer-
tain sales taxes, real estate levies and auto-
license fees. Such taxes are scheduled to go
up in many States. Thus many taxpayers
across the country face even stiffer hikes
In tax bills than shown in the table.
It will take some time, in the case of many
individuals, before rising State and local
taxes and higher social security levies exceed
the recent reductions in Federal income
taxes. Yet the trend is clear:
Despite all the tax-cut talk, bigger and
bigger bills lie ahead for the vast majority
of taxpayers.
Tax on married man with 2 children 1
Total
income
per year
1965
1966
Change
$5,000
$503
$551
Up $48, or 9,5 percent.
$10,000
1,462
1,622
Up $160, or 10.9 percent.
$15,000
2,645
2,750
Up $205, or 8 percent.
$25,000
5, 165
1,460
Up $295, or 0.7 percent.
$50,000
14, 765
15, 286
Up $520, or 3.5 percent.
$100,000
40,526
41,406
Up $970, or 2.4 percent.
Not included in these figures are sales taxes, real
estate taxes, and auto license fees. Such levies are rising
in many States, will boost total tax bills still higher in
months ahead.
Norm?Figures for 1966 are based on social security
bill as approved by the Senate.
Source: U.S. News & World Report Economic Unit.
REDUCING TAKE-HOME PAY
(By David Lawrence)
Most workers, when asked how much they
are earning, cannot, as a rule, remember ex-
actly the total sum?they think only in terms
of take-home pay. What is deducted by the
employer from wages or salary for payment
of the worker's taxes is not usually considered
a part of income. Labor unions, for example,
base their calculations on what the wage
earner actually takes home.
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16846 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE July 20, 1965
Now, with an increase in pocial security
taxes about to be imposed, there will be a
reduction in take-home pay for the wage
earner, starting next January_ ?Under the
Senate bill, factory workers getting between
$4,800 and $8,600 a year will have their pay-
ments for social security taxes raised from
$174 to sums ranging up to $275. This means
an increase of from 15 to 58 percent of their
current social security tax.
The Government also requires employers
to match the amounts paid by the employees,
so that next year approximately $5 billion
more will be collected in social security taxes.
This amount is to increase steadily, and in
7 years will go up by $17.4 billion.
What does all this mean to the economy of
the Nation? What effect will it have on
labor-union demands for increased incomes
for the workers? What will be the impact
on the price structure?
All these questions need to be examined
because anything which is going to affect
the national economy so intensively is bound
to have some influence on business condi-
tions as a whole and particularly on the ca-
pacity of the United States to compete in
certain foreign markets. For undoubtedly
prices in this country will have to rise to take
care of the increased costs.
Theoretically, the Federal Government has
reduced the tax burden by cutting income-
tax rates and by eliminating some of the ex-
cise taxes. But, at the same time, the in-
creases in taxes levied for social security will
tend to offset some of the benefits allegedly
to be derived from the tax-reduction pol-
icies of the last 2 years.
Certainly the labor unions are not going to
overlook the fact that take-home pay will be
reduced. Demands for higher wages are in-
evitable.
But, even though the individual worker
may be convinced that "medicare" is even-
tually for his own benefit and for that of
older members of his family whom he might
otherwise be compelled to care for out of his
wages, the fact remains that the labor unions
will feel it their duty to obtain as quickly
as possible increases in wages to offset the
drop in take-home pay resulting from larger
payroll deductions for social security.
Was there some other way to take care of
the medical problems of the elderly? Un-
questionably it could have been done and
benefits given not only to the needy but to
all the aged if the Government had decided
to pay for medical care out of its general
receipts. Persons with large incomes now are
paying higher rates than those with low in-
comes. There certainly is no reason why the
principle of the graduated income tax
shouldn't continue to apply, instead of using
a system of special taxes.
For it is a hardship to impose what is
really a double tax on income. Many citizens
who have been led to believe they benefit
from being in a low income-tax bracket will
discover that there are no tax deductions
or exemptions when it comes to paying so-
cial security taxes. Some portion of social
security benefits certainly should be paid for
out of wages. But the whole system now
has been extended so much that in the not-
far-distant future employers and employees
together will be paying for social security
about 11 percent of all wages up to $6,600 a
year. This is entirely apart from deductions
made by the withholding of income taxes
under the so-called pay-as-you-go plan.
The American -people could have paid for
"medicare" out of the general revenues, and
the social security tax could have been kept
somewhere near the low rates originally
planned. But this would have made it neces-
sary for the Government to economize. Too
much public money is being spent nowadays
for what might be called luxuries--they are
not necessities. The pressure by the politi-
cians to get pork barrel appropriations con-
tinues. Inefficiency and waste in expendi-
tures are greater than ever before.
A prudent system of managing the Na-
tion's finances would have provided all of the
benefits that now are to be given for the
medical care of the aged and for retirement
incomes for the workers. But a double sys-
tem of taxation is bound to increase the
hardships of many millions of wage earners
who really cannot afford to have their take-
home pay reduced.
Sooner or later, the Federal Government
must adopt sound fiscal policies and insist
upon efficiency and economy in the expendi-
ture of public funds. Otherwise, as the
Treasury deficits continue year after year, the
value of the dollar Will continue to decline
and America will feel the full effects of the
dreaded inflation which, throughout history,
has ruined the financial structure of many
a nation.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE?
ENROLLPD BILLS SIGNED
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Bartlett, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
Speaker had affixed his signature to the
following enrolled bills:
8. 627. An act to exempt oceanographic
research vessels from the application of cer-
tain vessel inspection laws, and for other pur-
poses;
MR. 1217. An act for the relief of Capt.
Paul W. Oberdorfer;
M.R. 1314. An act for the relief of Foster
Masahiko Gushard;
HR. 1322. An act for the relief of Mrs. Ana
Cristina Rainforth;
MR. 1374. An act for the relief of CWO
Elden R. Corner;
HM. 1487. An act for the relief of Maj.
Kenneth F. Coykendall, U.S. Army;
Ha. 1889. An act for the relief of Albert
Marks;
H.R. 2881. An act for the relief of George
A Grabert;
H.R. 3625. An act for the relief of Alfred
Estrada; and
MR. 8484. An act to amend section 2634 of
title 10, United States Code, relating to the
transportation of privately owned motor ve-
hicles of members of the Armed Forces on a
change of permanent station.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr. BIBLE. Mr. President, if there
Is no further business to come before the
Senate, I move that the Senate adjourn
until 12 o'clock noon tomorrow.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 6
o'clock and 16 minutes p.m.) the Senate
adjourned until tomorrow, Wednesday,
July 21, 1965, at 12 o'clock meridian.
NOMINATIONS
Executive nominations received by the
Senate July 20, 1965:
U.N. AMBASSADOR
Arthur J. Goldberg, of Illinois, to be the
representative of the United' States of Ameri-
ca to the United Nations with the rank and
status of Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary, and the representative of
the United States of America in the Security
Council of the United Nations.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate July 20, 1965:
DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR
Harry R. Anderson, of California, to be an
Assistant Secretary of the Interior.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A3927
secure reasonable rate levels was recognized
by the Inter-agency Committee on Inter-
national Air Policy. They recommended to
the President that our national air policy
favor continuation a charter competition
by supplemental carriers in order to assure
pressure on the fare structure and a yard-
stick as to the economics of air trans-
portation.
Interestingly enough, the group faced the
question 'of what policy should be followed
when international air fares were reduced.
The answer was not then to curtail charter
activity by these carriers--but to expand
their competitive opportunity. The purpose
here was to assure that these carriers re-
mained economically viable in the market
to that their withdrawal would not pre-
cipitate a return to a high-fare policy over
the Atlantic by TATA.
This leads me to certain recent develop-
ments in charter policy. ?As you will recall,
TATA in 1962 initiated group fares in the
transatlantic area. It was clear that this
Was a competitive response to the charler
program. Although the Civil Aeronautics
Board had specifically sought this objective,
It did not react to its attainment, with a
tightening up of its transatlantic charter
standards. On the contrary, it liberalized
them. Thus, part 295 was modified to elim-
inate the 20,000-member limit on size of
groups eligible for charter. TATA has, of
course, retained this limit except for uni-
versities and employee groups. Part 295 was
also revised to allow a travel agent better to
assist in a group's charter organizing activ-
ities. However, TATA did not follow our
lead; in fact, it maintained as requirements
- in resolution 045 restrictions abandoned by
the Board. The Board also, in granting to
Capitol and Saturn 5-year certificates of
public convenience and necessity for trans-
altantic charter service, authorized these
carriers to -provide split charters.
Moreover, there is still pending before the
Board the question of whether Capitol and
Saturn should be authorized to provide char-
ters to travel agents for the sale by such
agents of all-expense tours for nonaffinity
groups. '
In just the last few weeks the Board has
confirmed the grant of temporary operating
authority for transpacific affinity charters for
World Airways and Trans International Air-
lines. In taking this action, the Board spe-
cifically called attention to its hope that a
charter program would be as successful in the
Pacific as it was in the Atlantic in stimulat-
ing fare reductions.
The Board his also proposed to broaden
the definition of charters to be performed
by supplemental carriers in the domestic
market to include charters t9 travel agents
for the provision of all-expense tours for
nonaffirtity group's. In proposing this ex-
panded charter authority, the Board has been
Mindful of the need of the supplemental air
carriers for an increaSed opportunity for
commecial business. However, even more
significantly, in my judgment, has been its
awareness of the fact that the all-expense
tour approach opens the possibility of a
greatly expanded recreation travel market.
In this connection, we must take note of
European experience. Thus, we are told that
in 10 years time all-expense tour traffic be-
tWeen. Scandinavia and the Meciit9rranean
inareaSed from 16,000 to 400;000 passengers
alnitially, while individually ticketed travel
continued to grow at about 15 percent ,per
year
it _that domestic. ?,all-expense tour
Charter4,san,,_ by making the "S_ee America
' First" Program a better travel bargain, con-
tilbnie (1-,,canstructive, Way to our Presi-
dent's etto,ite to?solve. the, gold-flow problem.
, .
Of pointe, que.niust pot get the impression.
that the Blosrds sole Coricem in regulating
,trattsP9rU ;is t??fiare5 or
assUre econninic health, q, 1'g supple-
mental air cathers. It is not. , A primary
objective of the BoaFt1 must be, and is to
assure the con1inued economic well-being of
_
the basic- indiisiit-Lthe trunk carriers, the
U.S.-fin carriers, the cargo carriers, and the
local service industry. Without economic
viability 'these oaf:kers Would be 'Unable to
discharge effeePireli the heavy burden of
public ser-vice inipoted upon them. They
would be Unable to make the equipment and
service innovations that we have come to ex-
pect of them. Nor Would they be able to sus-
tain and expand
the, superb air, service net-
work which makes country the envy of
every other nation.
Its concern in this regard leads the Board
to so regulate the charter program as to lim-
it its potential diversion from the in-
dividually-ticketed service provided over our
basic system. This then is the' reason for
the specific 'rules which have developed over
the years for transatlantic charier service,
and which are applied: administratively In
other international areas when our approval
is sought... .
On the -other hand the domestic charter
program has had a different evolutiOn. His-
torically, there has been no requirementfor
prior administrative approval of domestic
charters by licensed carrier's. Not has there
been until recently any significant volume a
domestic charter-traffic by supplemental air
carriers.
Under these circumstances, it had been
possible to permit these charters to be can-
ducted without specific delineation of the
applicable rules. As many of you know, un-
til recently, practically the only firm pro-
hibition was against the direct charter to a
travel agent or for the solicitation of the gen-
eral public. But in 1963,, there arose for the
first time a need on the part of certain sup-
plemental carriers to develop domestic char-
ter business. At the same time, relatively
high fares in certain significant recreational
travel market provided an economic incen-
tive for hotel operators and travel agents to
utilize charter travel as a competitive and
promotional vehicle. The service, initiated
in 1963, expanded greatly in 1964. As it did,
the situation deteriorated rapidly. As a re-
sult, the Board promptly took action to stop
the advertising of individual charters in
mass media as a key factor in what appeared _
to be widespread evasion of the basic charter
prohibition?sale of charters to the general
public.
Almost concurrently, a local Federal court
in Boston, without_ opposition from the
Bard,, granted almost unprecedented tem-
porary injunctions which effectively stopped
all charter operations to Miami and Honolulu
for three of the largest supplemental carriers.
We are hopeful that, as a result of these
developments, any slide toward wholesale
.departure from sound organization rules for
affinity charters will have been contained.
We now look forward to the termination
of the,Supplemental Air Carrier Case, Docket
13795, in which there is? pending both the
question of the carriers to receive permanent
charter authority and the nature of that
authority.
The staff objective, in that case is to obtain
a consistent definition Of..efflnity charters
which could .be applied with little, if any,
distinction jot Qharters to be Conducted from
New York to Tokyo or Paris, as well as from
Chicago to, Las Vegas. Within that objec-
tive we intend to recommend the establish,-
meat of charter rules which will, insofar
as possible, 'protect the basic transportation
system from undne diversion without unduly
complicating the organization of a charter
by legitimate groups.
Since there is a, measure of contradiction
in these objectives, I a,n-i almost positive that
if we do our job well no single group will be
,,?? ?
P _
Let me new, turn to some predictions for
the futura:'
affinity"- obarters will, continue, and
that this market domestically and interna-
tionally will show strong growth among large
industrial organizations, universities, and
fraternal groups;
That all-e_xpense tours will tap new mar-
kets, including but not limited to people in
smaller business concerns, colleges, fraternal
groups, and honest nonjoiners who were not
before able readily to organize a charter;
That the scheduled carriers will compete
effectively in the expanded market for per-
sonal and recreational travel with lower no-
frill service ?-new promotional fares, and in-
creased incentive-type agency commissions;
That with greater leisure time in an affluent
society the public will benefit from an en-
hanced opportunity to travel quickly, com-
fortably, and safely by air to more and more
distant and attractive destinations.
- 'HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
- OF CALIFORN/A
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
?
Wednesday, July 14, 1965
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 8926) to pro-
vide for the coinage of the United States.
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Chairman, I rise to
urge the passage of H.R. 8926, the Coin-
age Act of 1965.
As you know, President Johnson has
strongly recommended prompt- congres-
sional action on this legislation to pre-
vent a crisis in our silver supply. In his
message of June 3, 1965, he stated cate-
gorically that "Silver is becoming too
scarce for continued large-scale use in
coins."
I agree with the, President_ that the
worldwide shortage of silver, together
with rapidly increasing consumption of
that metal for defense, industrial, and
coinage purposes, have created an emer-
gency situation which necessitates the
first important change in the Nation's
coinage since 1792?a substantial reduc-
tion in the silver content of the denomi-
nations of U.S. coins?dimes, quarters,
and 50-cent pieces?now using silver as a
major alloy ingredient.
Since 1958 alone, world demand for
silver has more than doubled, while pro-
duction has increased less than 15 per-
cent. As a result, Treasury Department
authorities predict at the present rate
of silver consumption in the United
States, chiefly for coinage, this Nation
will run out of silver within 2 or 3 years.
However, Mr. Speaker, I also believe it
is important to our national prestige and
to continued world confidence in the
essential soundness of our currency sys-
tem to retain a certain basic minimum
silver content in all our major coins.
For this reason, T voted to support the
amendment just offered to provide that
quarters and dimes retain a silver con-
tent of 40 percent, thus maintaining the
principle of a coinage system with actual
intrinsic value.
Although I regret that this amendment
failed to secure a majority Note of the
Members, I neverthcless, feel thenrgencv
of tlw legislation requires that we now
join in support of the President in his ef-
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A3928 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX July 20, 1965
fort to adapt our Nation's coinage to
meet the needs and demands of modern
conditions
Under the bill as it now stands, the
silver content of half dollars will be
reduced from 90 to 40 percent, and silver
will be eliminated entirely from dimes
and quarters.
This drastically reduced use of silver
in our coinage will, according to expert
testimony before the Committee on
Banking a,nd Currency, offer a per-
manent solution to our silver crisis, and
provide the basis for carrying out the
President's recommendation to change
our coinage system "to meet new and
growing needs."
The new dimes and quarters will have
a solid copper cores, with "sandwich"
covers of cupronickel. So these smaller
coins will have the same kind of face
material as the present 5-cent Piece, with
the copper core visible as a reddish line
on their rims. The new half dollar, con-
taining 40 percent silver, would look
about the same.
All the new coins would be similar in
design to the present coins of the same
denominations. They will be legal
tender for all debts, public and private.
The Secretary of the Treasury has as-
sured us he is confident they will meet
the test of public acceptability as a
medium of exchange, that they can be
efficiently and rapidly manufactured by
the mints from available materials?in
fact, the Bureau of the Mint plans to
turn out 3.5 billion coins in the first year,
and double this production in the year
thereafter?and that their size, weight,
and electrical properties make them fully
compatible with silver coins and able to
work in all existing vending machines
and other coin-operated devices.
Another commendable feature of this
bill is its authorization for the San Fran-
cisco Assay Office, which was deactivated
as a mint in 1955 after more than 100
years of continuous operation at a time
when coin demand was only a fraction
of present needs, to continue its gold and
silver refining operation and also to re-
activate its coin-production facilities un-
til such time as the Secretary determines
that the mints of the United States are
adequate to produce ample supplies of
coins.
I am particularly pleased, Mr. Speaker,
that the President has now proposed re-
activating the historic century-old San
Francisco Mint to help ease the transition
to the new coinage system, and as a
significant step toward alleviating the
increasingly critical coin shortage that
has been plagueing businessmen and in-
dividuals across the country.
With all other U.S. mints presently
working on a full-time 24-hour-a-day,
7-day-a-week basis, reopening the addi-
tional San Francisco minting facility will
be a big help during the transition
period, and will be the quickest, cheapest,
and most efficient way of expanding the
inadequate supply of small change now
in circulation.
I have a rather personal interest in the
President's plan to reactivate coin pro-
duction at San Francisco, because it fol-
lows my nearly identical proposal of a
year ago, Made in an effort to again pro-
vide a west coast mint to supplement
those now located at Philadelphia and
Denver.
We in Los Angeles, as well as citizens
throughout the State of California, have
a vital stake in this matter. As residents
of the Nation's fastest growing metro-
politan area, and what is now the largest
State in the Union, we have already felt
the adverse effects of the current acute
shortage of coins.
In fact, the situation has become so
serious that many local Los Angeles re-
tailers and merchants are reporting con-
siderable difficulty in keeping an ade-
quate supply of change on hand to oper-
ate their businesses properly and pro-
vide the kind of service their customers
have a right to expect.
If the Treasury Department's Bureau
of the Mint now moves on a crash-pro-
gram basis, and fully utilizes the minting
capacity of the San Francisco facility, we
should be able to make a successful tran-
sition to the new coinage system, arid at
the same time, be assured of the pennies,
nickels, dimes, quarters, and half dollars
so essential to the smooth functioning
of our booming commercial economy.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, let me
again urge the Members of the House to
join in support of the President by vot-
ing for the passage of H.R. 8926, the
Coinage Act of 1965.
One-Track Min
o Railroad Us
Out of Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 13, 1965
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, the Savannah News recently carried
an editorial entitled "One-Track Minds"
which brought in lucid fashion that those
who have repeatedly opposed U.S. in-
volvement in Vietnam have put forward
no practical solution to the Communist
aggression in southeast Asia.
The Savannah News editorial voices
unequivocal support for the President's
taking a stand in Vietnam, and I include
the editorial of July 3 in the RECORD at
this point:
ONE-TRACK MINDS
Have you noticed how most of the protest-
ers of our involvement in the fight to keep
South Vietnam free come up with only one
proposal?"Get out of Vietnam."
Where are their alternatives? Where are
their solutions to how communism can be
stopped from new aggression? How do they
propose to halt this evil force if a stand isn't
taken somewhere? Do they suggest that the
best policy of the United States would be to
let the entire world?except our own Nation?
fall into Communist hands and then let
blood and destruction befall our own shores
at a last ditch stand?
If the United States were to adhere to the
wishes of the "get out" boys, it might some-
day watch the same protesters picket the
White House with signs of "Get out of the
United States."
We are mighty wary of the motivation be-
hind those protesters who offer only one sug-
gestion?surrender. This is the line commu-
nism suggests.
President Johnson is right in taking a
stand and committing the United States to
help keep South Vietnam free.
"Lingo Tech"?The Defense Language
Institute at Monterey, Calif.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BURT L. TALCOTT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, one of
the most important institutions of the
Department of Defense is the Army
Language School at Monterey, Calif.,
technically the Defense Language Insti-
tute West Coast Branch, DLIWCB, or
"Lingo Tech."
If our military is to be truly a "profes-
sion of peace," our soldiers must be able,
at least, to speak the language of our
allies and friends. Great advantage
would accrue if our militarists, and am-
bassadors, could speak the language of
our adversaries and enemies.
A first step toward better world under-
tanding is better oral communication.
Soldiers who have a second language
are "twice armed." Guns may be neces-
sary, but language?"their language"?
could be a superior weapon.
Our future military and diplomatic
personnel will be required more and more
to be fluent in foreign language.
The Army language school has devel-
oped the best methods of teaching for-
eign language yet devised. Many schools
and universities are utilizing DLI tech-
niques.
The DLI and its techniques should be
enlarged on a crash basis. Every agency
of the Government which deals with any
foreign person should develop a high
foreign language proficiency.
The Time magazine article tells part of
the story, briefly:
LEARNING?LINGO TECH
In the Jungle battlefields of Vietnam,
knowing the Vietnamese language may be as
important to a U.S. soldier as his accuracy in
firing an M-14, Supplying American military
advisers there with the right words is fast
becoming the primary mission of what its
graduates call "Lingo Tech": the west coast
branch of the Defense Language Institute,
located at the Army's historic Presidio in
Monterey, Calif.
Operated for all the services by the Army
Department, the institute had its modest be-
ginnings in 1941 as an Army intelligence
course in Japanese, now have five schools
across the country. Of these, the oldest and
by far the largest is the branch at Monterey,
which trains up to 2,500 military personnel a
year in 27 languages and 33 dialects, in
courses that range from a 12-week quickie in
Vietnamese to a full 47 weeks in Chinese,
Russian, Arabic and some 13 other languages.
DON'T DROP A PENCIL
The language training at Monterey is the
most intense in the United States, and stu-
dents joke: "If you drop a pencil in class and
take time to pick it up, you've lost an hour's
material." Classes run for 6 hours a day, 5
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX_
food price increases directly attributable
to present administration policies.
Several people who reside in the Dis-
trict of Columbia have written to me
advising that food prices in June actually
were even higher than those quoted in
the U.S. News & World Report article. A
typical letter from a sincere, concerned
lady appears at the end of my remarks.
She also might write to Labor Secretary
Wirtz, Agriculture Secretary Freeman,
anti the President.
The full text of the letter, with name
of sender omitted, follows:
WASHINGTON, D.C.,
July 16,1965.
Hon, BURT L. TALCOTT, OF CALIFORNIA,
House of Representatives.
DEAR SIR: I read with interest your exten-
sion of remarks in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
of June 25, 1965, vol. 111, No. 115, pages
A3345 and A3346 on "Higher Prices of Food
riurt the Poor Most 01 411."
The little chart which Compared May and
June food prices was a comparison chart in
Its own way, but?the prices that I have seen
In one major chainstore in Washington, D.C.
is way above the prices in the chart, i.e.:
Sirloin steak (pound)
$1.39
Sirloin tip (pound)
1.39
Porterhouse steak, (pound)
1.39
Chuck roast (pound)
.69
Ground round (pound)
89
Pork chops (pound)
1,09
Bacon (pound)
95
Green beans (2 pounds)
.35
Pork sausage (pound)
.70
Potatoes (10 pounds)
1. 50
Lettuce (head)
29
r am not the richest person in the District
of Columbia, nor am I the poorest, but it gets
discouraging to even go into a store, and try
to make up a meal. Cabbage and potatoes
and hamburger used to be a poor man's diet.
Now even the rich can't afford them.
? something should be done, The food
stamps being issued to welfare people so
that they can get decent food can't possibly
go too far on the prices prevailing in the
chainstores that they should go to.
? It is Unbelievable that 2 pounds of bacon
can be '79 cents 1 month and the next month
it jumps to 81.15 (A&P).
If we are to be a healthy nation and are
to eat proteins, vegetables, fruit, etc., prices
Must be. reasonable.
As I am a Washington, D.C., resident and
have no representation except all the Mem-
bers of Congress, etc, I feel that I can write
to any one of them and be heard (maybe
that's even better than one Representative).
What the FSA Can Do
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN J. RHODES
OF ARIZONA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
112 gnday, July 19, 1965
Mr. RHODES of Arizona. Mr. Speak-
er, the Free Society Association h.as-been
much discussed. The following editorial
from the Arizona Republic, in my opin-
ion, Puts the association and its founders
in proper context. Therefore, I include
It in the RECORD under authority previ-
ously granted.
WHAT THE PSA CAN Do
The Free Society_ Association has received
more brickbats than bouquets since it was
launched by Barry Goldwater last month,
Ray Bliss, Republican national chairman,
doesn't like it because he is afraid it will
drain off contributions that might otherwise
go to the national committee. Liberal Re-
publicans, criticize it as being "divisive" and
say they are opposed to splinter organiza-
tions. Some Democrats have dismissed it as
a vehicle for right-wing extremism.
Phoenix Attorney Denison Kitchel told a
press conference this week that the FSA
hoped to further the principles of conserva-
tism in both the Republican and the Demo-
cratic parties. However, he said, the organi-
zation would probably have more effect on
the Republicans, who tend to be more con-
servative than Democrats. But the main
objective, he said, would be to "enable the
American voter, operating within the frame-
work of our two-party system, to make politi-
cal decisions which will be, once again, based
on principles."
In one of its earlier statements, the Free
Society Association listed among its goals:
(1) To promote understanding of the prin-
ciples of constitutional government; (2) to
suggest how the problems of today fit into
the Constitution; (3) to draw a clear dis-
tinction between the principles of a free
society and the tenets of irresponsible leader-
ship.
In commenting on these objectives, Judd
Arnett wrote in the Detroit Free Press: "It
certainly does no harm for groups of citizens,
of whichever political persuasion, to study
their government and worry about it.
"What this country lacks is dedicated op-
position, on an increasing scale, to deficit
spending, burgeoning centralization of gov-
ernment, and a tendency to be expedient
every time a new crisis arises. If the Free
Society Association can do anything to
stiffen the backbones of those who have
doubts concerning current trends, there is
a place for it."
So far as we are concerned, we think the
FSA ought to be given a chance to see what
it can do. Goldwater has said it won't en-
dorse candidates, so maybe Bliss is wrong in
foreseeing a loss of GOP revenue. What the
Free Society Association will do, as we see
it, is try to explain the philosophical basis
for conservatism. That is indeed a logical
goal, and one that receives all too little
attention across the country.
Most of the Nation's intellectuals are com-
mitted to the liberal cause. You can count
conservative eggheads almost on the fingers
of one hand?at least those who are willing
to stand up and defend the conservative
cause. The reason probably is that they have
virtually no base for operations. The liberals
have a lively and energetic press going for
them. They have such effective opinion-
molders as the Fund for the Republic and
a host of other platforms sponsored by the
big foundations. The vast majority of aca-
demic types are on their side.
And yet, no one with a sense of history
can honestly believe that all wisdom and
sound judgment lie to the left of a political
spectrum. The conservatives need, and
should have, a means of creating and dis-
seminating ideas. We hope the Free Society
Association will give It to them. As for
direct political action, that can best be left
to the regular party machinery.
Divided Loyalty an Undivided View
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDNA F. KELLY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 15, 1965
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, in this
changing world I believe that the views
A3923
of the military and of civilians, as well,
are important. The adequacy of national
strength must remain a legitimate topic
of political debate. I do not believe,
however, that disputes should publicly be
aired. The statements of military men
who appear not to be under effective con-
trol inspire mistrust at the very time that
peaceful solutions demand the greatest
degree of mutual confidence. Similarly,
in a shrinking world, the Communist bloc
often is given much aid and comfort by
the public criticisms of administration
policy uttered by civilians in high places.
I feeI that military views in time of
war, whether it be hot or cold, should be
given careful consideration before policy
decisions, which are based upon military
factors, are taken. To do less can en-
danger the preservation of our Nation's
security.
I would like to include in the RECORD
the following well-written article by Lt.
Col. A. R. Richstein, U.S. Army:
[From Military Review, August 19651
=RUED LOYALTY AN UNDIVIDED VIEW
(By Lt. Col. A. II. Richstein, U.S. Army)
Carl. Sandburg tells a story about President
Abraham Lincoln's relationship with Maj.
Gen. George B. McClellan. The latter occa-
sionally made political statements on matters
outside the military field, and, after one such
occurrence, someone asked Lincoln what he
would reply to McClellan. Lincoln answered:
"Nothing, but it reminds me of the man
whose horse kicked up and stuck his foot
through the stirrups. He said to the horse,
'If you are going to get on, I will get off.'"
In these days of sudden crises and threat-
ened holocaust, when the nature of war as
we know it is changing, we can ill afford any
uncertainty as to the direction in which mili-
tary loyalties lie.
If, indeed, as suggested by the author of a
recent article in the Military Review, there
are competing legal demands by the Presi-
dent and the Constitution upon the loyalties
of military officers, the situation is deserving
of further analysis.1
The problem, as seen by this particular au-
thor, can be summarized in certain quota-
tions taken from his article:
The first allegiance of all Americans can
only be to the Constitution, "the law for
rulers and people, equally in war and in
peace."
Our forefathers " * * created a constitu-
tional form of government in order to safe-
guard the powers which by nature they
possessed. But what would be the conse-
quences if those who derive their authority
from the Constitution to direct the military
forces, of the country step outside the limit-
ing bounds of their constitutional authority?
LIMITS OF AUTHOR/TY
To determine the consequences, it is nec-
essary to determine the limits of the consti-
tutional authority which restrains military
decision. The historical forces which influ-
ence the concept of war power under the
Constitution are twofold:
The founders of the American Republic
were aware that again and again in the
course of human affairs liberty had been de-
stroyed by military dictatorship. In draft-
ing the Constitution, therefore, they sought
to establish?quite firmly?the supremacy of
the President and the Congress over the
military arm of the Government.
The experience gained in war. This con-
cept of the war power rests, as pointed out by
Dean Eugene V. Rostow, "on basic political
principles which men who endured those
Lt. Col. Thomas If. Reese, "Divided Loy-
alty for the Military Officer," Military Review,
October 1904, pp. 15-20.
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A3924 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX July 20, 1965
times of trouble fully discussed and care-
fully articulated." This experience undoubt-
edly motivated Alexander Hamilton to say:
"Of all the cares or concerns of govern-
ment, the direction of war most peculiarly
demands those qualities which distinguish
the exercise of power by a single hand."
PRESIDENTIAL OBLIGATIONS
The President alone is singled out by the
Constitution to take an oath that he "will
faithfully execute the Office of the President
of the United States, and * * preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution of the
United States." Apart from this oath, the
President is separately required by article I,
section 3 of the Constitution to "take care
that the laws be faithfully executed, and
[to] commission all officers of the United
States."
These Presidential obligations, imposed by
the Constitution, strongly motivated Presi-
dent Harry S. Truman in his decision to re-
lieve Gen. Douglas IVIacArthur during the
Korean war. In his "Memoirs," President
Truman, referring to General MacArthur,
recalls:
"Now at last, his actions had frustated a
political course decided upon, in conjunction
with its allies, by the Government he was
sworn to serve. If I allowed him t?defy the
civil authorities in this manner, I myself
would be violating my oath to uphold and
defend the Constitution."
What of the responsibility of those who
direct the military forces of the country?
In most situations, the exercise of authority
In the name of military neCessity will not
present a controversy for judicial decision.
Some actions, though, considered a necessary
exercise of the war power or proper use of the
military arm, do involve the type of conflict
over property or personal rights which can
be presented to the courts.
In one case, the Supreme Court clearly
stated that the circumstances surrounding
the exertion of power over private constitu-
tional rights "is necessarily one for judicial
inquiry in an appropriate proceeding directed
against the individual charged with the
transgression." Although the relationship of
civil to military authority is not often liti-
gated, the Court's few declarations on the
subject have furnished certain definitive
guidelines.
DONIPHAN EXPEDITION
A landmark case is one which arose out
of the Doniphan expedition during the Mexi-
can War. The plaintiff, a U.S. citizen engaged
In a trading expedition to Mexico, had been
permitted to follow Gen. Stephan W. Kearny's
troops as they moved into New Mexico and to
trade freely in. the rear areas.
Subsequently, after command of the
troops had passed to Col. Alexander W.
Doniphan, the plaintiff, who wanted to leave
the Army and trade with the inhabitants,
was forced to accompany the troops. All his
property was lost in battle or on the march.
He brought an action against the defendant,
a lieutenant colonel of the U.S. Army who
had seized the property, for its value and
damages.
In its opinion, the Supreme Court of the
United States recognized that:
"There are, without doubt, occasions in
which private property may lawfully be
taken possession of or destroyed to prevent
It from falling into the hands of the public
enemy; and also where a military officer,
charged with particular duty, may impress
private property into the public service or
take it for public use. Unquestionably, in
such ca.ses, the Government is bound to make
full compensation to the owner but the officer
is not a trespasser."
However, the Court was clearly of the opin-
ion thattin all such cases, the danger had
to be immediate and impending. In affirm-
ing the lower court's findings for the plain-
tiff, the Court indicated that mere action to
promote the public service, in the absence of
an immediate and impending danger, is not
sufficient to avoid liability.
In World War II the Supreme Court had
opportunity further to examine the scope of
the war power under the Constitution. In a
series of cases arising out of wartime treat-
ment of Japanese aliens and citizens of
Japanese descent, the Court laid down the
general rule that, in determining legality, it
would seek to ascertain whether the danger
existed and whether the action taken was
the appropriate means to minimize the
danger.
LEGALITY OF ORDERS
The liability of the officers or members of
the military services called upon to carry
out an order must also be considered. In
an early case, the Court said significantly:
The first duty of a soldier is obedience,
and without this, there can be neither disci-
pline nor efficiency in the Army. If every
subordinate officer and soldier were at liberty
to question the legality of orders of the com-
mander, and obey them or not as he may
consider them valid or invalid, the camp
would be turned into a debating school,
where the precious moment for action would
be wasted in wordy conflicts between the ad-
vocates of conflicting opinions."
The Court laid down the rule? which has
generally been followed in cases involving
criminal liability?that, unless the act is "a
plain case a excess of authority where it is
apparent to the commonest understanding
that the order is illegal," the law should ex-
cuse a military subordinate when acting in
obedience to the order of his commander.
The foregoing rule has recently been re-
affirmed by a California court in the follow-
ing language:
"It is established that a member of the
Armed Forces may not be held liable to a
civilian for injuries resulting from his act in
carrying out the orders of a superior unless
the order is not only illegal but its illegality
would be at once palpable to one possessing
the knowledge which is to be expected to
him who obeys it."
In the case which arose out of the Doni-
phan expedition, the defendant, who was
held liable for the damage sustaMed by the
plaintiff, had acted pursuant to orders given
by his commander, Colonel Doniphan. The
Supreme Court, in its opinion in the case,
implies that "it can never be maintained that
a military officer can justify himself for do-
ing an unlawful act by producing the order
of his superior."
The basis for its decision, however, was a
finding that:
-The defendant does not stand, in the
situation of an officer, who merely obeys the
command of his superior. For it appears
that he advised the order and volunteered
to execute it, when, according to military
usage that duty more properly belonged to
an officer of inferior grade."
It is the President of the United States
who is the Commander in Chief of the Armed
Forces; who is required by the Constitution
to take an Oath to preserve, protect, and
defend the Constitution; and who is re-
quired by the Constitution to take care that
the laws be faithfully executed and to com-
mission all officers of the United States. In
determining the constitutionality of action
taken under the war power, the courts will
ascertain whether a threatened danger was
imminent and whether an action taken was
the appropriate means to minimize it.
Unless the act of a subordinate officer is
such that a man of ordinary sense and un-
derstanding would know that it was illegal,
in most cases an act performed in good faith
and without malice would not incur liability.
Under those circumstances, officers should
readily find their oaths to support and de-
fend the Constitution completely compatible
with loyalty to their Commander in Chief.
Any other solution would defeat the very
purpose for which they are commissioned.
,It has been emphasized by Secretary of
State Dean Rusk that:
"The Nation looks to the President to play
the primary role in deciding the types and
scale of military power it needs to defend
itself and support its policy. He must look
to the morale of our fighting men, assure
them of the Nation's appreciation and sup-
port. On the other hand, he must firmly
assert the principle that the first mission of
a man in uniform is to do what he is told to
do, regardless of the number of stars on his
shoulder, and that the military establish-
ment is an instrument, not the master of
policy."
The American tradition of civilian control
is strong, and the tradition of loyalty among
professional officers has always been high.
The legal basis for these traditions has long
been settled.
Florida Pre
Citett.S. Effort;
Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OP FLORIDA
IN THE HOTJSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 1, 1965
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speaker,
the Florida press has reflected much of
the public feeling for the President tak-
ing a stand in Vietnam. A State which
has new citizens from many States, and
which plays host to visitors from many
other States, Florida is exposed to many
cross currents of American public
opinion.
It was therefore significant when the
Miami News, one of Florida's leading
newspapers, editorialized on the Presi-
dent's efforts to reach some sort of peace-
ful solution to Vietnam without en-
dangering the U.S. position of firmness
there.
I include the Miami News editorial of
June 27 in the RECORD at this point:
FRUSTRATION CALLED VIETNAM
It is only natural that our long involve-
ment in South Vietnam should produce vary-
ing views by leading Democrats and Republi-
cans alike in Congress. The pleasant aspect
is that President Johnson's policy has
brought so little public criticism.
Seldom, if ever, in our history has a Presi-
dent been confronted with such a frustrating
problem. We were committed to help South
Vietnam resist a Communist takeover during
the Eisenhower administrations. We sent
military advisers to aid the South Vietnamese
Army resist attacks by Communist Vietcong
guerrillas. The late President Kennedy in-
herited the problem and under him and Pres-
ident Johnson our assistance has been.
stepped up.
President Johnson has invited a negotiated
settlement, he has stepped up American par-
ticipation in the hope of persuading North
Vietnam and the Vietcong that they cannot
win. Thus ar negotiation has been spurned
by the Communists.
Probably the most clearheaded appraisal
of the situation was given by Senator Wry.,
LIAM FULBR/GHT, chairman of the Senate For-
eign Relations Committee, in the Senate the
day after he conferred with President
Johnson.
Senator FULBRIGHT urged a "resolute but
restrained" holding action in Vietnam until
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July 20, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL ECORD APPENDIX A3925
the Communists see the futility of trying to
win a military victory and agree to negotiate.
With this objective in view we have com-
mitted, American forces to combat. Our mili-
tary strength in Vietnam is more than 60,000
and is expected to reach 100,000 shortly.
After a pause in our bombing of North Viet-
nam military objectives, in the hope negotia-
tions might be initiated, we resumed the
bombing.
Just how much pressure we must employ
to accomplish a negotiated settlement is still
unclear. Certainly such a policy is to be pre-
ferred to all-out war, with the Communist
Chinese joining in, or a withdrawal which
would doom all of southeast Asia to Com-
munist conquest.
We Refuse To Be Drowned
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRANK E. EVANS
OF COLORADO
? IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 20, 1965
Mr. EVANS of Colosado. Mr. Speak-
er, following the June floods that lashed
at some areas in Colorado, I have been
dramatically reminded of the fighting
spirit of our people during times of crisis
and disaster. The following editorial
"We Refuse To Be Drowned," by the
Fred Betz family, publishers of he La-
mar Daily News, graphically expresses
this spirit.
,WE REFUSE TO BE DROWNED
There is little doubt that the flood of
June 18 was about the worst catastrophe
which has hit this community in a half cen-
tury. Hardly a home or business house in
Holly, Granada, and Lamar escaped without
some damage. Even those spared by the
raging floodwaters meant a loss for some-
one Interested in the property.
But even mightier than the flood is the
spirit of the people as they begin to dig out
and to rehabilitate homes, stores, plants, and
to reinstate the normal operations which
mean their livelihood.
Brave words, smiles and bantering, in
many instances, are being used to cover
monetary losses which can eventually mean
the loss of a home, a savings account, or
even a business establishment. In some
eases the flood came as the crowning blow
On almost 4 years of drouth.
However, one gradually gets an under-
standing of the composite spirit of the peo-
ple of the area, who are determined that
they will survive. Because of the lack of
communication, many persons outside the
immediate area have not as this is written,
understood how heavy a blow has been dealt
and what its implications -could be. But
those who are engaged in the day-to-day
struggle to lift themselves out of the morass
of water and mud present a heroic picture
equal to that of their frontier ancestors.
In the past half century this area has
withstood the Pueblo flood of 1921, the dust
storm er-a of the 30's, the influenza epidemic
of World War I days, and drouths of varying
length. After each of these we have wit-
nessed a recovery based upon faith, sheer
courage, and determination to not be de-
stroyed.
In keeping with this spirit this news-
paper with its plant built over many years
into orie of the better small city daily oper-
ations. Colorado wishes to walk shoulder
to shoulder with ale people of this area.
The publishers have this day signed con-
tracts involving many thousands of dollars
for the installation of complete new print-
ing equipment of the most modern type.
Manufacturers are cooperating and it is our
hope that in a matter of days we will be able
to help with the restoration of a greater Ar-
kansas Valley.
FRED M. BETZ, Sr.
FRED M. BETZ, Jr.
Mrs. LENNTE M. BETZ.
Mrs. BARBARA LEE BETZ.
Adlai Stevenson's Last Visit to Hawaii
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
,Tuesday, July 20, 1965
Mr. MATSVNAGA. Mr. Speaker, the
passing of our beloved Ambassador to
the United Nations, Adlai E. Stevenson,
brings back memories of his third and
last visit to Hawaii in March 1953. He
was honored on that occasion by island
Democrats at a luau?Hawaiian feast?
where I had the privilege of meeting him.
His brilliance of expression and his per-
sonal charm wowed the people of Hawaii,
and he in turn seemed to enjoy the
friendly and relaxing atmosphere in
which he found himself.
Adlai Stevenson's 1953 visit to Hawaii
is reviewed in a newspaper article which
appeared in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin
on July 14, 1965. I am sure that the
article, a reprint of which follows, will
be of great interest to my colleagues:
[From the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, July 14,
1965]
ADLAI'S 1953 VISIT HERE WOWED DEMOCRATS
Adlai E. Stevenson's visit to Honolulu
March 7-9, 1953, was a smashing success for
island Democrats, even though their man
had been defeated at the polls only 4 months
before.
The highlight of Stevenson's trip was a
luau at the jampacked American Chinese
Club on Kapiolani Boulevard.
It seemed to take an hour for local Demo-
crats to escort Stevenson to the head table
that evening and 'Democrats were ecstatic.
Everywhere he was greeted by reaching
hands.
The trip was Stevenson's third and last.
He had visited Hawaii in 1933 as a tourist-
businessman, and in 1942 he was here as an
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, accompany-
ing Secretary Frank Knox on an inspection
tour of the war zone.
Stevenson arrived here in 1953 on the liner
President Wilson. He was making a 4-month
world tour with three companions, his secre-
tary, William Blair, Barry Bingham of the
Louisville Courier-Journal, and Prof. Walter
Johnson of the University of Chicago.
Loaded down with leis on arrival, Steven-
son said, "I smell like an undertaker's estab-
lishment."
At the luau, Stevenson opened with the
comments, "After hearing all the lovely
things that Governor Long had to say about
me I can hardly wait to hear what I'm going
to say."
Seeing the joyous faces at the luau,
Stevenson asked, "How many days does this
go on?"
Someone yelled, "The next President of
the United States."
-
Stevenson answered, "I have not yet ac-
cepted the nomination."
He said he was "sort of between jobs as
results of a misadventure that overtook me
last fall."
His serious comments referred to the
Pacific becoming the hub of the universe and
of Hawaii lying in the path of the center
of political gravity that was moving con-
stantly westward.
Among the Republicans to greet Stevenson
at the luau was Mrs. Walter F. Dillingham,
a cousin of Blair.
When he looked down at the kalua pig
in front of him Stevenson said, "I have par-
ticularly enjoyed this animal that lies pros-
trate here before me as I was assured when
I came in and examined him that he was a
roasted Republican."
Washington Post Editorial Backs Teach-
er Fellowship and Teacher Corps Pro-
posals
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN BRADEMAS
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, July 9, 1965
Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, the
Washington Post of July 20, 1965, carries
an editorial which strongly endorses the
concepts of a national teacher fellow-
ship program and a National Teacher
Corps.
The General Education Subcommittee
of the House Education and Labor Com-
mittee and the Senate Labor and Public
Welfare Committee are now considering
such proposals, and President Johnson
on July 17, 1965, called on Congress to
enact teacher fellowship and teacher
corps programs during this session.
The editorial follows: -
ARCHITECTS OF THE FUTuRE
It can hardly be doubted that the chief
architects of the American future, as Presi-
dent Johnson put it in advocating a National
Teacher Corps, are the country's teachers.
Yet very little has been done to improve the
caliber of these architects or to recruit
enough of them to meet the enlarging chal-
lenge of the country's schools. The most
tragic consequence of America's three-dec-
ade neglect of its public school system is to
be found not in the antiquated and inade-
quate school buildings which so many Amer-
ican children are obliged to attend but in
the deficient preparation and professional
shortcomings of so many of their teachers.
? The President gave some figures on this
point?shocking figures. Only one-fourth of
the country's public school teachers have a
master's degree; a year of graduate work in
educational theories and methods together
with some advanced training in the teacher's
subject ought to be a pretty general stand-
ard of qualification, at least for teachers at
the high school and junior high school levels.
Almost 10 percent of the country's teachers,
according to the President, have less than
a bachelor's degree, and almost 5 percent-
85,000?lack adequate certification. This is
to say that in a great many instances the
vital business of education is entrusted to
the uneducated.
Senators NELSON and KENNEDY have been
talking for some time about a national
teacher corps, patterned in some degree upon
the Peace Corps. Mr. Johnson has taken
their proposals, enriched them with related
ideas from several other legislators and pre-
sented to Congress a rounded and realistic
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A3926 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX July 20, 1965
bill to let the Federal Government help local
school systems raise the quality of their
teachers. He is quite right to call upon
Congress to do something about this at
once?during the present session. For it
is really indispensable to the rest of his edu-
cation program and it is unsurpassed in
importance by any other national need.
In brief, the proposed Teaching Professions
Act of 1965 would create a program of fel-
lowships for elementary and secondary school
personnel designed to lift their qualifica-
tions; it would also create a National 'Leacher
Corps in which experienced teachers and
teacher-interns with a 'bachelor's degree but
no teaching experience would work together
in institutions of higher education, engaging
at the same time in an in-service teacher
training program for the teacher-interns,
This would operate like the master-of-arts-
in-teaching programs provided currently by
a number of leading universities.
Schoolteaching needs to be professional-
ized?lifted in dignity and prestige as well
as in pay. For far too long, the profession
has been the province of unmarried women
reluctant to leave home for the rough com-
petition of business in the big cities, and of
married women seeking to supplement their
husbands' incomes with a teaching stipend.
More men are needed, especially in high
schools. And high professional standards
should be applied to men and women alike
in. this most influential of callings. We
think the President's program is a most
imaginative and constructive approach to
an urgently needed revitalization of the
teaching profession.
Opportunity in the Air
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLAUDE PEPPER
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 20, 1965
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, earlier
this year Mr. J. W. Rosenthal, chief of
the Routes and Agreements Division,
Civil Aeronautics Board, delivered a very
illuminating speech on the great oppor-
tunities for expanding air passenger
travel in all segments of the airline in-
dustry. In order that my colleagues may
have an opportunity to read this address,
I ask that it be inserted in the RECORD:
OPPORTUNITY IN THE Ant
(Remarks of 3. W. Rosenthal, Chief, Routes
and Agreements Division, Civil Aeronautics
Board, before the National Industrial Rec-
reation Association?Travel Council?Las
Vegas, Nev., Feb. 18, 1965)
I am sure that most of you have noticed
that motion pictures usually contain a legend
at the beginning, that "Any resemblance to
living persons or actual events is purely co-
incidental."
Staff members of a government agency have
a similar caution when they undertake the
hazard of public expression of their views.
Thus, let me state accurately and completely
that I personally prepared, and am solely re-
sponsible for any facts, opinions, interpreta-
tions, and predictions which may be buried
in my ensuing remarks. Further, let me say
that I reserve the right to change my mind,
with or without the receipt of additional
facts, on any of the conclusions of which you
may wish to find me guilty.
Let us begin.
Most analysts agree that there are two rel-
atively distinct markets in air transports-
tion?a business travel market, and a per-
sonal and recreational travel market.
A significant part of the business travel
market is seeking simply better personal com-
munication. The sole purpose of this travel
is to bring individuals face to face. This ob-
jective accounts in part for the rapid growth
of the airport motel, and for the traveler who
seldom strays to town.
But the growth of business travel is not
only tied to growth of business activity; it
Is directly threatened by revolutionary inno-
vations in communications technology.
The face-to-face meeting made increasingly
possible by increased aircraft speed and
availability may in the future, at lesser cost,
be accomplished through phonovision. Ac-
cordingly, one must approach a long-term
forecast of growth based upon business
travel with somewhat greater caution than
has heretofore been the case.
Communications technology will also af-
fect the desire for bleasure and personal
travel--but not to tile same degree. After
all, the telephone, with or without a picture,
is hardly a substitute for home cooking, and
it cannot take the place of a visit in person
for courting, weddings, births, or burial oc-
casions. Nor can it provide an opportunity
to ski, swim, golf, tour new and strange
places, or just plain getting away from it
all?including the telephone.
All of the transportation surveys suggest
that there is a tremendous and as yet un-
tapped potential for personal travel. At
least one such survey suggests that the great
bulk of our people, including many who can
well afford to do so, almost never travel more
than 200 miles from home.
And as the standard of living increases in
this country and in the rest of the world, the
number of persons having discretionary in-
come, and the amount they have increases
geometrically. Accordingly, one may almost
assume that there is an almost unlimited
expansion potential in the market for per-
sonal travel.
However, the competition for this discre-
tionary part of the consumer dollar is fierce.
To name just a few, the automobile concerns,
the appliance makers, the furniture dealers,
the fashion purveyors are all heavily engaged
in the exercise of ingenuity to corral our
uncommitted cartwheels.
Historically, airline thinking, while not
monolithic, has been dominated by opera-
tions and finance people. The basic sales
effort has been to attract traffic from existing
travel markets; to divert existing common
carrier surface traffic to air, and to capture
air traffic from competitive air carriers.
Symptomatic of this approach has been
the frequently expressed thought of a few
years back that air traffic growth would be
largely unresponsive to changes in fare levels
but would respond direatly to growth in GNP.
Such assumptions restrict progressive devel-
opment of airline fare policies; they lead to
the almost reflex conclusion of some airline
executives that every industry financial crisis
can be best solved by a fare increase. Also
affected is airline policy toward travel agents
and credit availability. After all, if the
business is largely going to come to you any-
way, why pay someone to sell it, or someone
else to finance it.
But change is in the air. In recent years,
several of the large airlines have hired mar-
keting specialists from other industries with
a stronger merchandising background. Their
Initial approach is fresh. They accept the
thought that air traffic growth?at least the
part which is nonbusiness travel?is elastic.
They argue that the air carriers and their
hotel and tour allies are in competition with
other entrepreneurs for the consumer dollar.
We can only guess that the carriers' cur-
rent greater willingness to experiment with
reduced promotional fares is attributable, in
part, to the new enterprise of the marketing
men. We can be sure that they upheld the
passengers' rights to a choice, rather than
just one class of service; to the greater avail-
ability of credit; and to the recent more
sympathetic airline approach to travel agents.
But the battle is far from over. There
is still opposition within the ranks to the
new effort.
We are once again hearing that in the
next few years the carriers' jet fleets will ex-
pand faster than anticipated traffic growth.
Only recently have load factors started to
move significantly above the 50 percent mark.
Should the direction change, the resulting
financial crisis should be solved?it is said?
by fare increases.
Sometimes, I wonder just how high fares
are now. Just how much is the public pay-
ing, over and above what would be con-
sidered reasonable, if airlines were subject
to the same economic forces as are other in-
dustries? Of course, a lot of arguments may
be validly made as to why it would be inap-
propriate to test the efficiency and economy
of airline managements?subject to public
regulations and imposed service obliga-
tions?by the standards of another industry.
However, it is more difficult to challenge a
comparison of their performance today with
that of the prejet era.
For example, let us assume that the air-
lines were today operating the more efficient
jets at the same utilization rate and load
factor as they operated their piston equip-
ment in a comparable period of economic
activity. On that basis an overall 25 percent
cut in fares could be passed on to the public.
Certainly, we are entitled to question
whether it is reasonable for the public to be
asked to pay this kind of a premium for
further equipment expansion. This is par-
ticularly true when the air carriers' own
forecasts are for further reductions in an
already low rate of use of very costly
equipment.
This brings me to the role of the supple-
mental air carriers and charter service.
For some years, we have pointed to the
value of the transatlantic charter program as
demonstrative of the availability of a mass
travel market?at a price?and as both, in-
centive and prod to the scheduled carriers
to reduce fares to serve this new public.
Let us attempt to evaluate this contribu-
tion. Of course, one must recognize that in
a complex business situation it is difficult, if
not impossible, to attribute any result to a
single cause. Nonetheless, it is most lute-
eating to contrast domestic and transatlantic
fare levels in the year 1955 with those in
1965. As you may recall, 1955 was the year
in which the major nonsked transconti-
nental operator was put out of business by
court order. It was also the year in which
the Board inaugurated the transatlantic
charter program. In 1955, the DC-6 trans-
continental round trip coach fare was $198.00,
and a lesser $160.00 excursion fare was-avail-
able on certain days of the week. In 1965,
the jet coach fare is $290.20, 46 percent higher
than the 1955 level; moreover, in 1965 there
is no lower price excursion fare available.
In 1955, the on-season New York/London
round trip coach fare was $522?and there
was no excursion or group fare available. In
1965, the on-season New York/London econ-
omy fare is under $500 but, more signifi-
cantly, the carriers offer a $300 round trip 21-
day excusion fare, as well as a low group
fare.
Equally pertinent is the fact that the do-
mestic trunk revenue yields per passenger
mile have increased since 1955, while the
U.S.-flag international yield has declined sub-
stantially. In fact, in 1965 Pan American
for the first time had a lower system yield
per revenue passenger mile than any one of
the three domestic transcontinental trunks.
It may interest you to know that the value
of the supplemental and the transatlantic
charter program to the Board's effort to
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July 20 1965
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
around Morristown. The troops spent the
winter of 1779-80 in Jockey Hollow. It was
here that General de Lafayette arrived with
the happy news of the second French expe-
dition to aid the hard-pressed Continentals.
The campground is much as it was then.
OLD GRAVESITE
The National Park Service has constructed
a representative camp hospital from original
plans prepared by Dr. James Tilton, troop
surgeon in 1779-80 and later Surgeon Gen-
eral of the U.S. Army. This is the second
point of interest on your park tour along the
old camp road. Directly across is an old
burying ground where 100 some soldiers
who could not survive the bitter winter were
buried. Up on a hill overlooking the parade
ground, the Park Service has carefully re-
constructed several log huts, typical of those
used by the officers during that bitter win-
ter, There are no statistics on how many
Might have gone up in smoke, but the log
Chimneys look anything but fireproof. From
here, you continue along Wick Road, to
Sugar Loaf Road, back to Wick House and
out.
The Borcl_ mansion in Morristown was con-
strueted by Col. Jacob Ford, Jr., an iron
mantifaCtu-er, just before the start of the
War. The building, in excellent condition,
was partially restored by the National Park
Service in 1939 and is furnished with au-
thentic pieces of the period, including some
of the original furniture In use in the man-
sion when Washington stayed there. One
historic piece is the tall secretary desk at
which the Commander in Chief penned his
orders and some of the most important
documents of bin military career.
riScrtrazs GWEN
The museum, is directly behind. the man-
sion. Here are many original objects, me-
mentoes of the Continental Army's winter
encampments at Morristown. These are
supplemente-d by photographs, arms collec-
tions, prints, and Colonial artifacts. Lec-
tures, illustrated by colored slides, are given
in the museum auditorium.
Wick House in Jockey Hollow Park Is
open Tuesday through Saturday from 1 to 5
pan., and on Sunday from 10 a.m. to 5 p.m.
There is no charge for admission to the
farmhouse or Jockey Hollow Park. The Ford
Mansion. and historical museum are open
Tuesday through Sunday, 10 a.m. to 5 p.m.
Admission is 50 cents for adults. Children
under 16 or groups of children under 18 ac-
companied by adults are admitted free.
? There are picnic grounds in Jockey Hollow
for those who wish to bring their lunch.
Bukno fires or.cooking are permitted in the
957 some acre park.
Actual mileage from downtown Paterson.
Using scenic route 202 through Wayne, Lin-
coln, Park, Towaco, Boonton, Parsippany-
Troy Hills, Morris Plains, and Morristown, is
35 miles one way. This can be shortened
somewhat by using Route 46 to Route 202 at
the Parsippany-Troy Hills intersection.
.....mri.1.11111?111?11??????
Help the Baltic States
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OP
!HON. PHILIP J. PH LBIN
OP nrAssAcuusETTs
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wqdnesckty, July 14, 1965
Mr. pHILBJ,N. Mr. Speaker, on
nurnerow occasions, I have expressed my
shock, concern, sympathy, and inten-
tion to continue to assist in every way
possible the oppressed people of Lithu-
ania; Latvia, and Estonia who are cur-
rently suffering under the yoke of Com-
munist tyranny.
These gallant peoples with their ap-
pealing, inspiring history and devotion
to the principles of freedom have made
It clear to the whole world time and time
again that they intend to continue their
fight, and to die if necessary, for their
national independence and freedom.
This Nation maintains diplomatic re-
lations with the governments of Lithu-
ania, Latvia, and Estonia and has con-
sistently refused to recognize their seiz-
ure and forced incorporation into the
Soviet Union.
A select committee of this House has
found that the incorporation of these na-
tions was contrary to established prin-
ciples of international law. I will go
further and state that the oppression
that they have suffered since that incor-
poration is brutal, unspeakable, inhuman,
and violative of human rights.
It was contemplated and agreed at in-
ternational conferences between the So-
viet Union and the Allies during World
War II that plebiscites would be held to
allow subject peoples affected by the
executive agreements if they chose to set
up their own independent governments
under principles of self-determination.
These agreements, like many others,
have not been kept by the Soviet Union.
To the contrary, they have been grossly
violated by imposing upon these helpless
peoples dictatorial control of their lives
and affairs, and in many cases forcing
them into exile and imprisonment in Si-
beria and other slave labor camps in the
Soviet Union.
Obviously, this Government should not
and cannot condone this illegal, inhuman
conduct, and neither can it continue to
ignore the sorrowful plight of these peo-
ples and other similarly afflicted peoples
who are being ground down under the
heel of Soviet tyranny, denied their basic
rights as free men and women, and held
captive under dictatorial masters.
I hope that our Government will urge,
not only in the United Nations, but on
its own account, an end to these condi-
tions, and a fair, honest, opportunity
for these peoples to vote upon. their
status, and determine once and for all
whether they propose to remain by force
in the Soviet orbit, or whether they want
to establish their own free, independent
government, a right that was granted to
them under international agreements
and is one of the sacred rights of man.
I am greatly concerned about the
plight of these peoples to whom I have
alluded, Mr. Speaker, and I trust that
our Government will make it very clear
to the Soviet Union, our allies, and to the
world, that we stand wholeheartedly,
firmly and irrevocably for all those who
are being held captive throughout the
world by the armed might of the Com-
munist conspiracy and we will do every-
thing in our power to assist them.
Men are born free and none of them
must be kept in chains.
RESOLUTION To HELP THE BALTIC STATES
Whereas the greatness of the United States
is in large part attributable to its having
been able, through democratic process, to
achieve a harmonious national unity of its
people, even though they stem from the most
diverse of racial, religious, and ethnic back-
grounds; and
A3921-
Whereas this harmonious unification of the
diverse elements of our free society has led
the people of the United States to possess a
warm understanding and sympathy for the
aspirations of people everywhere; and
Whereas so many countries under colonial
domination have been or are being given the
opportunity to establish their own independ-
ent states, while on the other hand, the
Baltic nations having a great historical past
and having enjoyed the blessings of freedom_
for centuries are now subjugated to the most
brutal colonial oppression; and
Whereas the Communists regime did not
come to power in Lithuania, Latvia, and Es-
tonia by legal or democratic process, and in
fact took over these countries by force of
arms; and
Whereas Lithuanians, Latvians, and Es-
tonians desire, fight, and die for their na-
tional independence; and
Whereas the Govrenment of the United
States of America maintains diplomatic re-
lations with the Governments of the free Bal-
tic republics of Lithuania, Latvia, and Es-
tonia and conxistently has refused to recog-
nize their seizure and forced incorporation
into the Soviet Union; and
Whereas the select committee of the House
of Representatives, created by House Reso-
lution 346 of the 83c1 Congress to investigate
the incorporation of the Baltic States into the
Soviet Union, found that the incorporation
of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, was con-
trary to established principles of internation-
al law: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the U.S. Congress, That the
Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America request the Presi-
dent of the United States to bring the Baltic
States question before the United Nations
and ask the United Nations to request the
Soviet Union to do the following:
1. To withdraw all Soviet troops, secret
police, agents, colonists, and all controls from.
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia;
2. To return to their homes all Baltic exiles
and deportees from Siberia, prisons, and
slave-labor camps in the Soviet Union; and
be it further
Resolved, That the United Nations conduct
free elections in Lithuania, Latvia, and Es-
tonia under its supervision and punish all
Russian Communists who are guilty of crimes
against the peoples of the Baltic States.
JUNE 28, 1965.
Mr. LEONARD VALIIIKAS,
Los Angeles, Calif.
DEAR LEONARD: I was glad to hear from you.
I may state that I have exerted very ex-
tensive efforts in the House and elsewhere in
behalf of the liberation of the Baltic States
and other states similarly oppressed, over a
long period of time.
My thought was, in response to your re-
quest, that you should direct this resolution
to your own Congressman and that Is a pro-
cedure required by the traditions and prac-
tices of the House of Representatives.
I may state that I am in complete agree-
ment with the objectives of the resolution
anyway but I think you should follow the
procedures and present this matter through
your own Congressman since I have already
Introduced the resolution.
Warm regards and best wishes.
Sincerely yours,
PIHLIP J. PH/LBIN
P.S.?I am enclosing some of my recent
speeches in these matters.
AMERICANS FOR CONGRESSIONAL
ACTION TO FREE THE BALTIC
STATES,
Los Angeles, June 17, 1965.
The Honorable Pump J. Purism',
House office Building,
Washington, D .0 .
MY DEAR REPRESENTATIVE: Your letter of
June 14, 1965, was received and greatly ap-
preciated. I am sorry to say that your let-
ter does not satiefTus.
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A3922 CONGRES IONA
APPENDIX July 20, 1965
For your information, we have a consider-
able number of members who are from the
Third Congressional DUAL let, State of Massa-
chusetts. In other words, they are your
constituents. We have received a good num-
ber of letters from these members (your
constituents) who are asking us whether
or not you have introduced a resolution
concerning the Baltic States. We have been
writing to them and telling them that you
most likely would do that. From your letter
of June 14 it does not seem to us that you
are in a mood to do that.
By introducing a resolution you would not
lose anything; on the contrary, you would
gain a great deal. First, you would further
the freedom cause for the Baltic States;
secondly, you would make Many new friends
and supporters among the Baltic Americans
in your Congressional District. Again, we
ask you kindly to introduce a resolution
that we are mailing to you as a House Con-
current Resolution. We hope that you will
do it without further delay. Thank you.
With all good wishes and regards,
Sincerely,
LEONARD VALTURAS,
Chairman, Board of Directors.
JuNn 14, 1965. ,
MT. LEONARD VALLUKAS,
Chairman, Board of Directors,
Los Angeles, Calif.
DEAR LEONARD: I appreciated your letter
of some time ago which was lost in my heavy
volume of mail and has just come to my at-
tention.
As you know, I have been very active in
endeavoring to help your cause ever since
I was elected to Congress and propose to
continue my efforts.
With reference to the resolution, I think
you should refer it to your own Congress-
man if you have not already done so be-
cause it would seem more appropriate that
he should introduce it.
Please know I will continue my efforts for
the cause of the oppressed Baltic States.
Warm regards and best wishes,
Sincerely yours,
PHILIP J. PHILBIN.
AMERICANS FOR CONGRESSIONAL
ACTION To FREE THE BALTIC
STATES,
Los Angeles, March 12, 1965,
Hon. PHILIP J. PHILBIN,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR REPRESENTATIVE: Thanks for your
excellent remarks that you made recently
in the U.S. Congress in commemorating the
Lithuanian independence day.
As you know, the Baltic States have been
suffering in the Soviet slavery since June
15, 1940. We, as leaders of the free world,
should go ahead and help the people of
Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia to get rid
of the Communists yoke there. Unquestion-
ably, we can do that through the United
Nations.
I am taking the liberty of enclosing a
resolution which I kindly ask you to intro-
duce in the U.S. Congress as a concurrent
resolution. The action that our country can
take is embodied in this proposed legislation.
By introducing this resolution in the U.S.
Congress, you would further greatly the
freedom cause of Lithuania, Latvia, and
Estonia. I hope that you will do it at your
earliest convenience.
When this cry for' liberty legislation is
introduced and ready for distribution, please
mail me several copies of it. Please mail me
also at least four prints of your picture. I
will see to it that this matter gets some first-
rate publicity in all major Baltic-American
newspapers that are read by many of your
constituents. Thank you.
Sincerely,
LEONARD VALTUKAS,
Chairman, Board of Directors.
anoiltay ts 0
Pandora's Box
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, July 1, 1965
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, Americans were outraged at the bru-
tal execution of Sgt. Harold Bennett. By
this action the Vietcong may have in-
flamed American public opinion to the
point where instead of calculated escala-
tion the United States will be even more
resolute in Vietnam, forcing the Com-
munists to more expensive capitulation.
The Tampa Times, an articulate me-
dium of opinion in Florida, printed an
editorial discussing this aspect of the war
In Vietnam. I esk that the Tampa Times
editorial of June 26 be included in the
RECORD at this point.
The editorial follows:
CRY "HAVOCK" AND LET SLIP THE DOGS OF WAR?
The North Vietnamese Communists threw
all the rules of civilized behavior out the
window when they executed Sgt. Harold
George Bennett this week. Sergeant Bennett
was technically a prisoner of war, captured
December 29 during vicious fighting at Binh
Gia in South Vietnam. He was killed, ac-
cording to announcements from North Viet-
nam, in reprisal for the execution of several
Red terrorists by the South Vietnalnese Gov-
ernment.
This wanton act brands the North Viet-
namese regime totally criminal. It is certain
to increase demands in the United States
that the Johnson administration abandon
its calculated escalation policy, aimed at
forcing Reds to the peace table, and launch
an all-out war against North Vietnam with
the ultimate goal nothing short of total vic-
tory.
These demands, while premature, may be
difficult to resist. The memory of Korea is
still fresh in the minds of many Americans
and there is no desire here to become in-
volved in another war we have no intention
of winning.
President Johnson has repeatedly stated
his willingness to negotiate a peace in south-
east Asia based on the simple solution that
North Vietnam cease its attacks on South
Vietnam. But his offers have been spurned.
British Commonwealth leaders have formed
a peace team in an effort to cool off the
lreated situation in the Par East. But it,
too, has been rebuffed by communism.
The Reds are moving inexorably toward a
bitter showdown which would invite a full
nuclear response by the United States, It is
unrealistic to imagine that this country
Would commit itself to limited war against
the ceaseless tides of manpower available to
Red China. It is also unrealistic to expect
that the United States and its allies in South
Vietnam will retreat before threats and in-
timidation implied in the murder of Sgt.
Bennett. Hanoi has its hand on a box con-
taining far more evils than Pandora ever
released.
If the Communists are not students of
Shakespeare, they should be. There is a
lesson in the resentment generated in Mark
Antony by the assassination of Caesar?an
anger not unlike resentment generated now
by the brutal Murder of Sgt. Bennett.
As we recall. Antony declared:
"Woe to the hand that shed this costly
blood.
"Over thy wounds now do I prophesy,
"All pity chord with custom of fell deeds:
"And Caesar's spirit, ranging for revenge,
"With Ante by his side, come hot from
hell,
'Shall in these confines, with a monarch's
voice,
"Cry `Plasock; and let slip the dogs of
war;
"That this foul deed shall smell above
the earth
"With carrion men groaning for burial."
Food Prices
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BURT L. TALCOTT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, on June
25, 1965, I placed in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, on page A3345, a table of com-
parative food prices for May and June
1965, compiled by U.S. News & World
Report.
The table documented the enormous
food price increases which occurred dur-
ing just the 1-month period between May
and June, and which every housewife
has experienced. The poor with large
families suffer most of all when food
prices go up.
The Department of Agriculture and
the Department of Labor are the most
culpable contributors to these inordinate
price increases.
At this very moment, the two Depart-
ments are shamelessly conspiring to gain
congressional approval of two bills which
would result in even higher food prices?
to the further detriment of the poor, as
well as the taxpayer.
First. The omnibus agriculture bill
would provide additional subsidies for
some farmers?and increase the price of
bread to consumers. The legislation
could not stand on its own merits.
Second. The administration and some
of my colleagues are beholden to the
leaders of organized labor and thus are
committed to repeal of section 14(b) of
the Taft-Hartley Act which permits the
individual States to enact so-called
right-to-work laws. It appears, how-
ever, that they do not now have suffcient
votes for repeal on its own merits.
Therefore, the administration plan is,
In effect, to combine the farm bill and
repeal of 14(b) into a single package.
Members of Congress from agricultural
areas are being asked to vote for repeal
of 14(b) in return for promises that
Members from the cities will support the
farm measure.
Such "logrolling" legislative maneu-
vers are detrimental to nearly everyone--
the taxpayer who pays the subsidies, the
worker who does not wish to be forced
into union membership to hold his job,
and the consumer who requires bread as
an essential part of his daily diet.
Mr. Speaker, when food prices go up
again?as they surely will?the blame
must be assigned to those who are re-
sponsible?the administration, the De-
partments of Agriculture and Labor.
All of the welfare and poverty programs
in the world will not keep pace with the
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July 20, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
crack in the door just wide enough for
glimpses to be had of the unbelievable mis-
use of this program across the Nation.
This minute glimpse was sufficient to show
that the community action program is little
more than a sham?a hopt upon the poor.
In light of these facts the Republican
policy committee is opposed to the bill as
written. We join the minority members of
the committee in the hope that the bill will
not be enacted unless the following steps are
taken:
1. An investigation of the, entire existing
program by d bipartisan committee selected
by the Speaker.
2. The restoration of the veto power of
State Governors and the institution of ar-
rangements for State coordination of com-
munity action programs.
3. The appointment of a full-time admin-
istrator who is barred from holding other
Federal posts,
4. The reduction of the authorization of
funds to the present level until a proper
, evaluation of the existing act can be under-
taken and completed.
In the name of the poverty stricken of the
Nation who need pity, not patronage for
politicians, protection and assistance, not
shining promises, we urge that these es-
sential measures be undertaken immediately.
NEW HAMPSHIRE LEGION CALLS
FOR NATIONAL CEMETERY
NEW ENGLAND
(Mr. CLEVELAND (at the request of
Mr. Baocx) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
- Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker? on
June 26, the American Legion, depart-
ment of New Hampshire, completed a
most productive convention, adopting a
series of resolutions concerning issues
of importance to the Nation generally,
and to veterans in particular. I was
especially pleased to note the Legion's
endorsement for proposals to establish
a national cemetery in New England.
On March 24, I introduced H.R. 6678, a
duplicate of a bill I sponsored in the 88th
Congress for the purpose of creating
such a cemetery. I heartily endorse the
resolution and offer it at this point in the
RECORD:
VETERANS' AFFAIRS RESOLUTION 2
Whereas there does not now exist a na-
tional cemetery anywhere in the New Eng-
land States; and
Whereas there is cause for a national
cemetery to be established in New England:
Therefore be it
Resolved by the New Hampshire depart-
ment, the American Legion, in convention
assembled this 26th day of June, 1965, in
Laconia, N.H., That suitable legislation be
enacted by the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled to authorize and
direct the Secretary of the Army to estab-
lish a national cemetery in New England,
the Secretary of the Army to acquire by gift,
purchase, or condemnation an amount of
land not to exceed 500 acres for the purpose
of establishing such cemetery; and be it
further
Resolved, That by this legislation the Sec-
retary of the Army be authorized and di-
rected to provide for the care and mainte-
nance of the national cemetery established
under authority of the first section of this
act. ?
No. 131-24
HUMANE TREATMENT FOR LABO-
RATORY ANIMALS; KEENE, N.H.
GARDEN CLUB ENDORSES CLEVE-
LAND BILL
(Mr. CLEVELAND (at the request of
Mr. Baocx) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. CL8VEL4ND, Mr. Speaker, I am
pleased to note that the Old Homestead
Garden Club of Keene, N.H., has voted
its support of my bill, H.R. 5647, which
would establish humane standards for
the treatment of experimental animals
used in research financed all or in part
by the Federal Government. Mrs. Alton
Coller, president of the club, has for-
warded to me the text of the resolution,
which I offer at this point in the RECORD,
along with my reply to her letter:
THE OLD HOMESTEAD GARDEN CLUB,
Swanzey, N.H., July 6, 1965.
Congressman JAMES CLEVELAND,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: The Old Homestead Garden Club
of Keene, N.H., has unanimously passed the
following resolution:
"That the Congress and Senate commit-
tees hold hearings on humane animals legis-
lation, without further delay, and endorse
bill H.R. 5647, introduced by Representative
JAMES CLEVELAND, and bill S. 1071, introduced
by Senator JOSEPH CLARK, identical bills.
These two bills meet the six basic humane
requirements to prevent needless suffering of
animals used in laboratories and Other re-
search, ancl urge the passage of these bills
during the present session of Congress."
Respectfully,
MTS. ALTON COLLER, ?
President.
JULY 8, 1965.
Mrs. ALTON COLLER,
President, the Old Homestead Garden Club,
Swanzey, N.H.
DEAR MRS. COLLER: Thank you for in-
forming me of the encouraging resolution
passed by the Old Homestead Garden Club
of Keene, N.H., concerning the humane treat-
ment of experimental animals.
This support, following that recently given
by the New Hampshire Federation of
Women's Clubs, is very much appreciated.
In this regard, I thought you might be
Interested in the enclosed insert from the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of June 3, 1965.
Regards and best wishes,
JAMES C. CLEVELAND,
er of ngress.
NOW THE R)ieutt IS STRAIGHT
(Mr. BATTIN (at the request of Mr.
BROCK) was granted permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. BATTEN. Mr. Speaker, in the
RECORD of July 7, I entered the transcript
of an NBC television program, "Situa-
tion Report," of July 1, which dealt with
the debate now going on in Congress
about our Government's policies in Viet-
nam. NBC News Correspondent Robert
Goralski was the commentator.
I called attention to some inaccuracies
In that broadcast, particularly to a
statement implying that the distin-
guished chairman of the Republican
conference, the gentleman from Wiscon-
16929
sin [Mr. LAraal, had recommended that
the United States "pour combat troops
into South Vietnam's jungles" and that
U.S. planes "would destroy everything in
sight north of the 17th parallel, includ-
ing Hanoi itself."
On the following Thursday, July 8,
Mr. Goralski, on the same broadcast,
made some clarification of his remarks
when he said:
Before going into tonight's "Situation Re-
port," I'd like to clarify a point made on
last Thursday's program. In referring to
Republican calls for new military efforts in
Vietnam, I may have left the impression
that Representative MELVIN LAIRD, of Wis-
consin, was calling for a further buildup
of American ground forces. Representative
LAIRD has never made such a proposal * * *
he's urged consideration of more extensive
use of air and naval forces. The point needed
clarifying.
I appreciate the correction of Mr.
Goralski has made and under unanimous
consent, I include the full transcript of
"Situation Report" of July 8 in the REC-
ORD at this point:
SITUATION REPORT, JULY 8
(By Robert Goralski)
South Vietnam's problems will be all too
familiar to Henry Cabot Lodge when he
returns to Saigon. A "Situation Report"
alter this.
Before going into tonight's "Situation
Report," I'd like to clarify a point made on
last Thursday's program. In referring to
Republican calls for new military efforts in
Vietnam, I may have left the impression that
Representative MELVIN LAIRD, of Wisconsin,
was calling for a further buildup of American
ground forces there. Representative LAIRD
has never made such a proposal * * * he's
urged consideration of more extensive use
of air and naval forces. The point needed
clarifying.
Henry Cabot Lodge's reappointment as
Ambassador to Saigon will probably be well
received by the Vietnamese. He was always
popular?he was charming and affable as he
was insistence that the war be prosecuted
to a successful conclusion.
But Mr. Lodge is going to find that when
he returns to the Embassy in Saigon the in-
ternal political situation is just as confused
as ever. Today's government may not be
there tomorrow. His task is going to be made
doubly difficult because of the latest
premier, Air Vice Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky.
The young Vietnamese is impetuous and
bold, and his actions are raising many an
eyebrow. Ky has promised to execute war
profiteers personally, picking his victims in
an arbitrary manner.
What concerns most people, however, is a
statement Ky reportedly made to a corre-
spondent for the London Sunday Mirror.
According to the paper, Ky said he had only
one hero?that was Adolf Hitler. He is fur-
ther quoted as saying what South Vietnam
needs are four or five Hitlers. Since?publica-
tion of the article, there's been no effort by
Ky to retract.
If true, it's an appalling statement. The
most immediate effect has been a propa-
ganda field day for the Communists. Radio
Moscow and other Communists news organs
have picked up the remarks and are paint-
ing the United States as supporting a gov-
ernment headed by a man who worships the
memory of Hitler. It places the United
States in a most embarrassing position, to be
sure.
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16930 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD HOUSE July 20, 1965
fl Ky honestly holds Hitler as his model,
one might wonder what he has in store for
the South Vietnamese. He's already cracked
down on war profiteers, draft dodgers?
desirable Measures, but what's he going to do
next.
Henry Cabot Lodge will undoubtedly have
his hands full with Ky. Chronic political
instability Is not going to be relieved with
Ky moving in wild directions. The colorful
airman is known to favor air strikes against
Hanoi; he's now taken up the call to liberate
North Vietnam, Presumably by an army
marching north over the 17th parallel.
The months ahead should be interesting,
and Henry Cabot Lodge surely will have
one of the most difficult jobs in his long
career of public service.
BRILLANCE IN THE BERKSHIRES
(Mr. CONTE (at the request of Mr.
BROCK) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, among the
most distinguished summer residents of
my congressional district are the mem-
bers of the Boston Symphony Orchestra
and their renowned conductor, Erich
Leinsdorf. For 7 weeks the beautiful
Tanglewood estate overlooking Lake
Mahkeena,c near Lenox, Mass., becomes
a musician's paradise as the Symphony
gathers there to perform a series of 24
concerts comprising the Berkshire Mu-
sic Festival. Tanglewood also houses an
educational center where promising
Young musicians can study under the
guidance of the most talented men in the
country. This year Tanglewood is at-
tracting such distinguished musicians as
Van Cliburn, Aaron Copland, Charles
Munch, Rudolf Serkin, Isaac Stern,
Leopold Stoliowski, and others too nu-
merous to mention. The Harvard Glee
Club and Radcliffe Choral Society will
sing. Chamber music groups Will per-
form. As a grand finale, the final week-
end will be devoted to a complete per-
formance of Richard Wagner's Lohen-
grin.
Presiding over this rich m?nge of
talent is Erich Leinsdorf. Last week Life
magazine wrote a short but perceptive
article about Mr. Leinsdorf, and I en-
joyed it so much that I want all of my
colleagues to have the opportunity to
read it. I have included here the text
of the article and picture captions which
are self-explanatory. I regret that the
RECORD has no facilities for printing
Life's excellent photographs. There is
one especially good one; it shows Loins-
dorf in bed, his hand to his brow in a
gesture of disbelief, reading a copy of the
RECORD. Bays Leinsdorf:
I take the RECORD to bed with me every
night?and I don't mean that reading it puts
me to sleep. It is marvelous. Where else
can you find out exactly what is going on in
this country? I especially look for WAYNE
MORSB. What a maverick.
The article follows:
ERICH LEINSDORF IS BOSTON'S INSATIABLE PER-
FECTIONIST: THE MAESTRO DEMANDS BRIL-
LIANCE
With fierce and tender concentration,
Erich Leinsdorf hones his Boston Symphony
Orchestra to brilliant precision. Perfection
is his passion, and last week he was demand-
ing it in the hills of Tanglewood, Mass., at
the opening of the annual Berkshire Music
Festival. Living up to his own exacting
standard. Leinsdorf has made his gem-like
orehestra one of the finest ornaments of
Anierican musk, ?I am in heaven when I
play with him," says pianist Artur Enbin-
stein.
Vienna-born Leinsdorf, 53, made his Ameri-
can debut with the Metropolitan Opera in
1938 and has lived here ever since. Though
stiff and uncompromising on the podium,
off stage he is an amiable, gregarious father
of five who collects clothes, stamps, wines,
and mechanical toys. But even in these
pursuits there is no such thing as a casual
approach. "When my sons became interested
In baseball," he says, "I briefed myself on it.
I even corresponded with Red Barber." Once
feared as an arrogant martinet, he has
mellowed with success. "I used to think
there was only one right way," he says,
"but now I know there are right ways and
right ways."
Here are some of Leinsdorf's comments
about his world:
"Boston is a liberal city, and the old ladies
on Friday afternoon are the most liberal
audience because they have heard the most
music. They might not like everything, but
they appreciate an expanding repertory.
"We are today in a mass culture. There
are more audiences, and I think it is a very
exciting thing. But we are not compro-
mising on account of our large audiences,
quite the contrary.
"Today's young musicians have gone from
the horse and buggy to the airplane without
having gone through the railroad station.
All these kids jump the 19th century. They
accept Vivaldi and Bach, but they loathe
Wagner and Tchaikovsky.
"I have a quiet period in the morning and
always before I go to a concert, I need an
awful lot of time to myself.
"There are three worlds of music?the com-
poser's, the performer's, and the critic's,
I believe in friction, for without friction
there can be no progress. The music world
cannot live without it.
"I've always felt that operatic work and
concert work together make up a complete
musical life. But in symphony conducting
the conductor is a larger percentage of the
show than in opera. There is not the visual
to fall back on, and thus one's resources
must be richer.
"My orchestra is a wonderful blend of
Europe and America. You eat dinner some-
where with the orchestra and first someone
comes up and addresses you in perfect
French, and then along comes a young man
from Indiana.
"To have been graced by providence with
special aptitudes and abilities, maybe even
genius, does not at once entitle the bearer to
present a bill to the world for remittance.
"Conducting is a matter of knowing that
there is much you don't conduct. It's con-
stantly alternating between listening and
leading. Beating time is not conducting an
orchestra.
"We have a cracy schedule in Boston?
too much work and to many vacations.
Each year I conduct 100 concerts. 'To relax
I like to walk and ride horseback. I like to
ride in the mountains especially. And I
read a lot, mainly history."
DEFER BERLIN CRISIS VETERANS
(Mr. SCHWEIKER (at the request of
Mr. Beam) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. SCHWEIKER. Mr. Speaker,
Congress should act to defer any active
duty callup of reservists and National
Guardsmen who were mobilized during
the 1961 Berlin crisis or whose enlist-
ments were extended for more than 90
days during the Berlin crisis. These per-
sonnel should not be recalled to active
duty in any current callup unless abso-
lutely vital to the national security.
I am today introducing a House con-
current resolution expressing the sense
of the Congress that "the President
should, insofar as it is consistent with
the national defense and security, defer
until last" the callup of personnel who
were returned to active duty for more
than 30 days during the Berlin crisis or
whose enlistments were extended for
more than 90 days.
As my colleagues know, there has been
no notification of any impending callup
by the President but there are indica-
tions such a mobilization is pending. I
am not in a position to evaluate the need
for a callup until further information
is made available by Defense Secretary
McNamara. Assuming, however, that
the President intends such a callup, I
urge that the Congress act promptly on
this resolution.
Some 148,000 reservists and guardsmen
were recalled to active duty in 1961 for
the Berlin crisis. In addition, more
than 300,000 Army, Navy, Air Force and
Marine personnel then on active duty
had their terms of service extended by
order of the President. Many served up
to 10 months of additional active duty
time.
A joint resolution signed into law
August 1, 1961, formed the basis of Presi-
dent Kennedy's Executive order of Au-
gust 10, 1961, authorizing the mobiliza-
tion of up to 250,000 ready reservists for
not more than 12 months. The same
order authorized the Secretary of De-
fense to involuntarily extend enlistments
and periods of obligated service for up
to 12 months.
Mr. Speaker, I welcome the support of
my colleagues for this resolution and
urge speedy approval.
(Mr. KEITH (at the request of Mr.
Bsocx) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. KEITH'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
LAWLESSNESS OF RACE
DEMONSTRATIONS
(Mr. WAGGONNER (at the request of
Mr. ViviAri) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. WAGGONNER. Mr. Speaker, I
am sure you appreciate the feeling some
of us who represent the Southern States
feel when we rise to discuss any measure
dealing with so-called civil rights. We
have taken the floor in the vast majority
of cases in an effort to urge commonsense
in the face of irrational, extremist pro-
posals whose singlemost feature is their
premise that the end justifies any means
necessary, including unconstitutional
legislation, discriminatory legislation,
and legislation that is admitted to be
faulty and hasty in the cloakrooms but
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July 20, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE 16773
dent of the university for resources, for
winning the Time-Life Distinctive Merit
Award for improvement in alumni publi-
cations; and for winning first place in a
direct mail drive for annual giving funds
to help support the university and an
-honorable mention for one mailing
piece used in this campaign.
In addition, Mr. Gould- accepted for
Mr. Ford a special recognition citation
for his story, "The Withering of the
Caladiums," a takeoff on a Walter Lipp-
mann column. Mr. Ford's story had
been reprinted in the National Press Club
- Record, December 1964, and in the
Tucson, Ariz., Star, December 20, 1964.
Two certificates of special merit were
presented to Mr. Richard Berg, director
of public relations, at the American Col-
lege Public Relations Association meet-
ings in Cincinnati, Ohio, for overall
publications improvement and in recog-
nition of a special publication used in
student recruitment.
GW: The George Washington Univer-
sity magazine, is a quarterly magazine
designed to share the ideas and findings
of faculty, graduate students, and
alumni on old and new issues. Its an-
nual Federal Issue, published in late
August, recognizes its many students and
alumni engaged in public service. Six-
teen reprints from last year's Federal
Issue appeared in a variety of trade and
professional publications, in newspapers,
and in the RECORD.
1/4-1gESIDEN POLIeCY TO-
WARD VIETNAM
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, "there is
no backing out of Vietnam, for it will fol-
low us everywhere we go." These words
were written by an American soldier to
his wife. Two days later he gave his life
for his CoUrktry. These are also the words
_that the American people are saying and
believing.
President Johnson's policy toward
Vietnam is now being accepted by his
most unyielding critics. The reason for
this change is that the opposition can
give no alternative policy than the one
being used now to solve the Vietnam war.
They have cried for 5 months for us to
withdraw from SoueE Vietnam, but now
they realize if we do, we will lose all of
southeast Asia to the Communists.
Roscoe Drummond wrote in the Wash-
ington Post:
The verdict is,in. By now President John-
son knows he can count on the decisive sup-
port of Congress and the country behind his
decision to defend South Vietnam.
I believe the Communists will soon
learn that this country is behind the
_ President, will not withdraw, will not
grow tired, and will not be defeated.
At this time I ask unanimous consent
to have Roscoe Drummond's column,
July
July 7, 1965, be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[Prom the Washington (D.C.) Post, July '7,
1065]
DEBATE CONCLUDED: DEFENSE OF VIETNAM
- SUPPORTED
(By Roscoe Drummond)
The debate is over. The verdict Is in. By
now President Johnson _knows he can count
on the decisive support of Congress and the
country behind his decision to defend South
Vietnam.
For a time it looked like touch and go
and many thought that the President's pub-
lic backing was crumbling. The professorial
teach-ins crying, "Get out of Vietnam" were
contagious. Poets writing L.B.J. about how
wrong he was seemed to be getting a better
hearing than Rusk and McNamara.
But it was the opposition to the defense of
Vietnam that was crumbling, not the sup-
port. Although there has been no formal
referendum, the national decision is amply
clear. Here is the evidence:
Top Republican spokesmen?Senator EVE-
RETT DIRKSEN and Representative GERALD
FORD, the minority leaders in Congress, who
have given Mr. Johnson strong support over
Vietnam from the beginning, have just re-
newed their bipartisan backing.
Democratic leaders in Congress?like Sen-
ators J. W. FTJLBRIGHT and FRANK CHURCH?
who have been sharply critical of the Presi-
dent's course In Vietnam, are now agreeing
that for the United States to withdraw or
give up would be disastrous.
The public critics of the Government?like
Hans Morgenthau of the University of Chi-
cago, the leading professional teach-in?have
talked so much and said so little that the
country could not fail to see that they had
no constructive alternative.
,This undermined their criticism so badly
with the public that Professor Morgenthau
had to shift his stance and say he was against
withdrawal.
Some sincerely say, "Lets negotiate." The
United States has offered unconditional dis-
cussions, the Communists have refused and
you can't negotiate at an empty table.
Some sincerely say, "Quit escalating the
war." The fact is that U.S. military power
is being used with care and measure. It is
the Vietcong who are raising the level of
terror and escalating the fighting.
Some sincerely say, "The real struggle in
Vietnam is economic, not military." It is
both, and Vietnam cannot begin to make real
economic progress until the aggression is
ended and the fighting stopped. At which
time, as the President has announced, the
United States will provide general aid.
And what next? There is no certain
answer. We don't know how long it will be
before the aggressor has had enough. But
there is no reason to think that the Vietcong
are going to overrun South Vietnam if we
are prepared to stay the course. I give you
the words?and the faith?of Capt. James
Spruill, U.S. Army, written to his wife in the
United States a few days before he gave his
life in Vietnam.
"I feel there is too much talk of despair.
Above all, this is a war of mind and spirit.
For us to despair would be a great victory for
the enemy. We must stand strong and un-
afraid and give heart to an embattled and
confused people. At the moment my heart
is big enough to sustain those around me.
Please do not let them, back where you are,
sell me down the river with talk of despair
and defeat. Talk instead of steadfastness,
loyalty, and of victory?for we must and can
win here.
"There is no backing out of Vietnam, for
It will follow us everywhere we go."
'Another American has said: "We will not
withdraw. We will not grow tired. We will
not be defeated."
That was the President of the United
States. It is evident by now that his goal
is the goal of most Americans.
TRIBUTE TO ADLAI STEVENSON
Mr. BARTLETT, Mr., President, an
outstanding tribute to Adlai Stevenson
was made by Murray Kempton in the
Washington Daily News July 17. I ask
,
unanimous consent that the article be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE LONG DISTANCE RUNNER
(By Murray Kempton)
We were all of us young, young and gay,
and so for awhile was he. That was 13 years
ago and it lasted only a few months. So the
sad thoughts about Adlai Stevenson began
a long way back. Today's are the saddest of
all, but they are not sadder than so many of
the others.
He died, of course, in a public place. So
many times, when the worst thing had hap-
pened, he had to endure it in a public place.
He seemed always lonely and never given the
release of being alone.
Most of us saw him first in the convention
which nominated him, with, the band play-
ing "Chicago, that toddling town," the wild,
vulgar, tawdry, demented scene in which the
Democrats are used to winding up their busi-
ness. Yet even that night he quieted us and
made us listen, for the quiet voice in the
noisy room was the only one he trusted.
"Let's face it," he said that night. "Let's
talk sense to the American people. Let's tell
them the truth, that there are no gains with-
out pains."
He went on from there to the only political
campaign in the memory where to stand with
a candidate was not for one moment to risk
your pride in him.
He told the Polish-Americans in Ham-
tramck that he would not tell them that he
could free Poland. He told the South in
Richmond that he would carry out the civil
rights planks in the Democratic platform.
He talked to the American Legion about free-
dom of the mind. At the end, he looked back
and said that he thought he had kept faith
with himself and that he thanked all Ameri-
cans for their infinite courtesy and their
heartening friendliness.
We can remember that campaign now and
see that it saved the Democrats, and that
Adlai Stevenson was the only politician in
his party who was the loser for it. For the
quiet voice in the noisy room spoke to the
young who had not before thought of
politics with hope. Through 8 years, his
memory and his presence sustained them;
he gave them faith even though his own
faith had been terribly damaged.
Yet the shadow of that election hung over
him for the rest of his life, and he would
never be gay again. The Republicans had
asked us to trust a man; he had asked us
instead to trust ourselves. And he had been
not just defeated but overwhelmed. He rap
again in 1956, but it could never again be
the pure and simple faith the first time had
been for him. He had been wounded in his
dignity and the scar would always show. In
1960 the young came to Los Angeles from
everywhere with the illusion that they need
only cry out their dreams to capture the
Democratic Convention for him once more;
but it was too late; and the young were
never to see him as we had in that far-off
time when he was absolutely his own man,
and honor and courage had no limits.
The remainder was the United Nations.
There will be stories that he was unhappy
at the end; there is already a story that he
thought that what we had done in Santo
Domingo was a fearful mistake. I do not
know what use such revelations can have
now; are we to think at the end of Adlai
Stevenson as only lawyer for client?
There was talk that he might resign. His
private answer was that he had been there
when the United Nations began, that he had
returned when it was healthy, and that he
Would not leave it now when it was sick.
That first campaign laid upon Acilai
Stevenson a burden he could never put down.
For all of us who remembered him from the
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16774 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE July 20, 1965
moment he captured us, he was not a public
man but a personal possession, the embodi-
ment of our own honor. He was the only
public man of whom we demanded that,
when he was ordered to lie, he must refuse.
But he did not belong to us; he belonged
to his country. He would have stayed the
course. "Patriotism is not short, frenzied
outbursts of emotion," he told the American
Legion in 1952, "but the tranquil and steady
dedication of a lifetime." We have lost a
long-distance runner.
WIRTZ AND NEW JERSEY SENATOR
CHAMPION CAUSE OF THE MI-
GRANT
Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, the
Senate Subcommittee on Migratory
Labor, of which I am a member, re-
cently held 3 days of hearings on pro-
posed legislation which would improve
the wages and working conditions of
our Nation's migratory farmworkers.
The July 11 St. Louis Post Dispatch,
in an article entitled "Wirtz and New
Jersey Senator Champion Cause of the
Migrant," calls attention to the unfor-
tunate conditions under which so many
migratory workers live and labor and
gives factual support of the need for
remedial legislation. The St. Louis Post
Dispatch story also acknowledges the
efforts being made by Secretary of Labor
Willard Wirtz and my colleague, the
Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WIL-
LIAMS], Chairman of the Migratory
Labor Subcommittee in attempting to
better the lives of our migratory farm-
workers.
I believe the Senate should have the
benefit of this article and, therefore, ask
unanimous consent that it be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection; the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
.WIRTZ AND NEW JERSEY SENATOR CHAMPION
CAUSE OF THE MIGRANT
(By James C. Millstone)
WASHINGTON, July 10.?Two powerful and
determined men have pledged their help to
the Nation's migrant farmworkers, whose
plight has been labeled "a national dis-
grace."
Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz and
Senator HARRISON A. WILLIAMS, Ja., Demo-
crat, of New Jersey, have taken up the cause
of what has been a friendless group of wan-
derers called variously "the poorest of the
poor" and "the excluded Americans."
WILLIAMS has prodded Congress to action
through his chairmanship of the 6-year-old
Senate Subcommittee on Migratory Labor.
Wirtz has forcefullyi administered laws in-
tended to help the migrants and has devel-
oped a program aimed at relieving the mis-
erable conditions of their existence.
The two are working together to achieve
further gains. At a hearing before WIL-
LIAMS' subcommittee this week, both men
placed great stress on the need to make the
public more aware and more concerned
about what Wirtz called "the iniquities and
the inequities" of the life of the migrant.
Wirtz came armed with facts and figures,
but none of his ammunition had the effect
of a halting statement to the subcommittee
by a migrant worker named Fidel Esquivel of
San Antonio, Tex.
"I work on farm all my life," Esquivel said
in Mexican-accented phrases. "Most time
I am looking for job. Pay no good, maybe
75 cents an hour. We have no protection.
Sometimes me and my family (of five chil-
dren) sleep on floor. In winter when no
work, I stay in San Antonio, cut wood for
ranches to make living until summer."
Esquivel is one of about 360,000 members
of a leaderlees army whit take to the road
each year to help harvest perishable fruits
and vegetables. With their families, they
number 2 million.
Some start in southern Florida and work
north along the Atlantic coast into New Eng-
land. Others go from southern Texas to the
Rocky Mountains and then to the North-
Central States. A third group streams into
California and the Pacific Northwest.
Last year migrants worked in 47 of the 50
States. In 1963, the latest year for which
figures are available, the average migrant
found farmwork for 110 days and scrounged
another 17 days of nonfarm work. His total
earnings for the year were $8613, placing him
at the lowest level of any group of workers
in the Nation's economy.
But despite the rigors of his work, the
ceaseless nature of his quest, and his abject
poverty, the migrant worker lacks any of the-
protections afforded most working men and
women.
Father Alfred Miller, a Catholic priest
working with migrants in Erie, Mich., de-
scribed the desperation of their plight in
these words:
"Most are members of minority groups;
poorly educated; outside the protections of
minimum wage, unemployment insurance,
workmen's compensation; denied the use
of health and educational facilities in many
of the communities through which they
pass; moving long distances to obtain short-
term jobs.
"The migrant wanders loosely on the fringe
of responsibility, one of the few American
citizens without recourse."
A recent report by the Williams subcom-
mittee said:
"The domestic agricultural migrant has
been largely excluded from these social ad-
vances which the rest of the Nation takes
for granted: the minimum wage, adequate
child labor protection, unemployment in-
surance, full workmen's compensation and
social security coverage, and federally pro-
tected rights to organize and bargain col-
lectively.
"In addition, he is subject to special prob-
lems in the areas of housing and sanitation,
transportation, education, health and child
care, voting requirements, job placement,
and job instability.
"Because of residence requirements, the
migrant family frequently cannot even ob-
tain public welfare assistance in times of
need."
Testimony before the subcommittee de-
veloped information that some migrants in
Texas work for as little as 45 cents an hour,
that one-third of the migrants over 25 years
old are functionally illiterate, that many of
their children attend school only a few
weeks a semester.
Over the years, the conditions of migrant
farmworkers have drawn sympathetic and
occasionally outraged attention, but even
the wide influence of John Steinbeck's "The
Grapes of Wrath" had little effect on per-
manently altering the misery of those lives.
The Williams subcommittee stepped in to
fill that gap.
Backed by church, labor and welfare
organizations, the subcommittee began to
develop legislation that would help. WIL-
LIAMS submitted bill after bill setting a
minimum wage, regulating child employ-
ment, providing educational facilities for
children of migrants, providing grants for
housing, establishing health care centers
and many others.
At first, Congress balked. The first suc-
cess came in 1962 with passage of the Migrant
Health Act providing Federal grants for
clinics to service migrant families. To date,
60 projects in 29 States and Puerto Rico have
received grants.
Wn,Liams achieved his first real break-
through last year when Congress took three
significant actions:
(1) Four programs WILLIAMS had been
pushing were included in the administra-
tion's Economic Opportunity Act to finance
the war on poverty. The act authorizes
grants for housing for migrants and their
families, day care centers where children of
migrants can receive good care while their
parents are working, special educational fa-
cilities for children and adults and sanita-
tion systems in their communities. The
antipoverty program also incorporates the
volunteers in service to America, some of
whom are being trained to work among farm
migrants.
To date, the 0E0 has awarded 52 grants
totaling $14,912,000 for programs to help
migrants in 25 States. The agency hopes
to spend twice as much for migrants in the
new fiscal year.
(2) A law was passed requiring registration
of farm labor contractors who organize and
lead migrant crews from State to State. Un-
til now, these men have operated without
regulation and often have exploited and
cheated the migrants.
Under the new law, they will have to
register with the Federal Government ind
file reports of their activities.
(3) Public Law 78 which permitted thou-
sands of Mexican braceros to harvest crops
in this country since 1951, was terminated
at the end of the year. The effects of that
action are still being argued, but friends of
the migrants insist that the step had to be
taken before any permanent solution to the
migrant problem could be developed.
In the late 1950's, as many as 400,000 bra-
ceros were admitted to this country annually.
Last year the number was 178,000. Growers
have said that the braceros were a necessity
because the domestic labor market could not
supply enough workers to do the kind of
"stoop labor" necessary to harvest certain
crops.
Wirtz has strongly supported Wnmass in
the braceros fight. In a 4-day inspection
trip of the California farming industry in
March, Wirtz declared he would not author-
ize extension of the braceros program. He
said farmers would have to obtain American
workers by offering wages and working con-
ditions competitive with other types of in-
dustry in the Nation.
The philosophy underlying Wirtz' policy,.
as he expressed it in a speech last week, is:
"The laws of economics, of supply and de-
mand, do work in the agricultural industry
just as in any other. Workers are available
if the prices and conditions are right."
The braceros provided a cheap alternative
to cost-conscious American growers, took
jobs away from Americans and contributed
to continuing low standards for American
workers.
Given the inexhaustible supply of braceros
and the lack of protection in wages and
working conditions of American farm labor-
ers, growers were able to depend more and
more on the foreign field hands, who offered
an added incentive by arriving without their
Meanwhile, unemployment grew among
American farm laborers, striking hardest at
the downtrodden migrants.
Testifying before the WILLIAMS subcom-
mittee this week, Wirtz said the braceros
cutoff has been successful, that American
farm labor is available to meet the Nation's
needs, that the crops are getting picked, and
that consumer costs have been affected only
minimally by the change.
The WILLiants-Wirtz team now is pushing
for legislation that would establish a mini-
mum wage for farmworkers, prohibit hiring
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