THE U.N. AND VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180006-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: July 19, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

Ap roved For Release 2003/10/15 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180006-4
July 19, 196. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
can West frontier.
The giving of the collection to South-
western doesn't end Clark's interest In Tex-
ana, He has promised Southwestern that
he will continue, to add to the collection the
rest of his life.
"Book collecting is like a drug," Dr. Car-
ed, up, re's n e."
roll sum
m
!rte
(Mr. REUSS (at the request of Mr.
LONG of Louisiana) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this pc4nt
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, many of us
believe that the United Nations. has a
constructive- role to play in Vietnam.
But before it can play such a role there,
or anywhere, it must be put back on its
feet. The present deadlock over assess-
ments for past peacekeeping operations
which has paralyzed the United Nations
must be resolved. This in turn will re-
quire that Congress act as soon as pos-
sible to amend the concurrent resolu-
tion adopted last August which requires
the U.S. representative at the United
Nations to seek a showdown.
In an article .in the current issue of
Commonweal magazine, I attempt to
set forth why Congress should modify
its position on the application of article
19 and seek to create a United Nations
presence in Vietnam. The text of the
article follows:
THE U.N. AND VIETNAM
Despite the natural tendency to back the
Govetnment's policy in times of foreign diffi-
culty, many Americans are troubled about
our role In Vietnam. True, few want to pull
out and leave the 16 million South Viet-
namese to Communist rule by force and ter-
ror. Rather, it is the manner in which the
United States has engaged itself in Vietnam
that produces the uneasiness.
The United States has acted unilaterally.
It Is a western, and largely white nation, vir-
tually going it alone in southeast Asia in a
war which is not manifestly, or wholly, a war
against foreign aggression. The United States
has placed itself in a position much too
reminiscent of the French in their Ill-con-
sidered effort to recolonize Indo-China after
World War II.
Communist China is not directly involved
in the conflict, and North Vietnam does Its
best to disguise and deny its involvement.
On the other hand, the growing U.S. partici-
pation-in what many Asians and others re-
gard as primarily a Vietnamese civil war
.tends to excite fears of American imperialism
and to corroborate China's claim to be the
champion of national liberation in Asia.
American leaders have continually pledged
devotion to the United Nations as mankind's
best hope of preserving peace. Yet we have
signally failed to prove this devotion in
southeast Asia.
In bypassing the United Nations, we are
not only depriving ourselves of an oppor-
tunity to strengthen the moral, political,
and military basis of our effort to preserve
freedom Of choice for the South Vietnamese.
We are also exhibiting disrespect for the
United Nations and are violating the letter
No. 130-11
16633
as well as the spirit of its charter, thereby the United States over South Vietnam. On
undermining the peacekeeping capacity of the other hand, It must publicly take an
the United Nations. , anti-U.S. position or court further erosion
The primary purpose of the United Nations, of its leadership position in the Communist
as set forth in article I of the charter, is world. Most likely, invoking the United
"to maintain international peace and secur- Nations in Vietnam would have little effect
lty, and to that end to take effective col- on the Soviet Union's position. She would
lective " measures for the preservation 'and continue to fulminate- publicly against the
removal of threats to the peace * ? ' " By United States. But It is by no means
More specifically, article 37 of the charter
provides that the parties to any dispute
which is likely to endanger the maintenance
of international peace and security "shall
refer it to the Security Council" if they fail
to settle It by negotiation or other peaceful
means. And If a veto blocks action by the
Security Council, the General Assembly is
empowered to take charge and make recom-
mendations under the "uniting for peace"
resolution.
The United Nations has acted honorably
and effectively to help restore peace in other
international conflicts, notably in Korea, the
Middle East, the Congo, and Cyprus.
There are obvious difficulties and limita-
tions for the United Nations in any conflict
involving great powers. But great powers
are no more exempt from the charter than
small nations. In the Korean Invasion, the
United Nations acted against North Korea,
the agent of the Soviet Union. In the Middle
East, the world organization embarked on
peace-restoring efforts over the opposition of
two permanent members of the Security
Council, the United Kingdom and France.
But prior to President Johnson's speech
at San Francisco on June.25, spokesmen for
the administration consistently deprecated
all suggestions that the United Nations
should play a major peace-restoring rule in
southeast Asia. They advanced three main
arguments against a United Nations presence.
First, It was said that the U.N. could not
play a useful role unless North Vietnam and
Communist China agreed. This they obvi-
ously were not doing. North Vietnam's
denial of the Security Council's competence
to consider the Tonkin Gulf incidents last
summer, and Peiping radio's condemnation
of U.N. meddling were cited as evidence that
the two Communist nations would not agree
to a U.N. presence.
But the point is that their agreement is
unnecessary. The Idea that the criminal
must assent to being restrained and hauled
before the bar is as absurd in international
peacekeeping as it would be in domestic law-
enforcement. The United Nations did not
seek the agreement of the North Korean
aggressors before it acted in 1950. The exist-
ence or lack of North Vietnamese and
Chinese acceptance of a U.N. role affects the
manner in which the U.N. can operate, but
U.S. position which was genuinely retricted
to preventing the subjugation of South Viet-
nam by force.
A third argument is that if the Vietnam
Issue were brought before the U.N., U.S.
policy would come in for sweeping and
damaging criticism. Too many nations, It
is said, regard the Vietnman conflict not
as aggression but as a conflict among two
segments of the Vietnamese people.
The exjstence of such sentiments among
the countries of the free world Is, in fact,
an argument for taking the Vietnam con-
flict before the United Nations. The United
States should not and need not fear debate
or the exposure of the facts. By Ignoring
the U.N. and avoiding debate, we allow sus-
picions and doubts, about our policies and
motives to grow. By going before the U.N.,
we can make our point that what is at
stake is the independence of small nations.
The General Assembly should respond to
such an appeal. As Dag Hammarskjold ob-
served, it is not primarily the great powers
who have need of the United Nations' ca-
pacity to protect national security. They
can take care of themselves. It is the small
and weak that benefit most. And these na-
tions, I think, if squarely presented with the
question, will be unwilling to see the United
Nations stand by idly while a small Asian
nation is undermined and engulfed.
If the United Nations takes jurisdiction
over the threat to world peace which exists
irk southeast Asia, as the letter of the char-
ter provides, the United States will be better
off no matter what the result. We will be
better off because we will have shown that
our words of devotion to the U.N. are mean-
ingful.
In short, if the United States will adopt
in the U.N. a substantive position which
stresses that our opposition is to violent
change of Governmer}t in South Vietnam
(not to peaceable change brought about by
U.N.-supervised free elections there), and if
we present our case plainly and well, we stand
to gain from U.N. debate much more than we
stand to lose.
For the past year and more, a number of
voices in Congress and in the country have
been urging that the United Nations be
brought into the Vietnam conflict. Senators
CHURCH, of Idaho, MoRSE, of Oregon, and
GRUENING, of Alaska, have spoken up in the
acing. Senate. I have taken a similar position in
It is equally irrelevant that neither North the House. Thoughtful students of inter-
Vietnam nor Communist China is a mem- national affairs such as Benjamin Cohen,
her of the U.N. Article 2 of the Charter -former counselor of the State Department
provides that "The Organization shall in- and member of the U.S. delegation to the
sure that states which are not members of U.N. have sounded the call for a U.N. presence
the United Nations act in accordance with in Vietnam. Last month the Democratic
these principles so far as may be necessary Party of Wisconsin in its annual convention
for the maintenance of International peace at Green Bay unanimously adopted a plank
and security." urging that "the United Nations be called
A second argument against bringing the upon to provide a presence in southeast Asia,
Vietnamese conflict before the United Na- in order to pacify the area, conduct free elec-
tions is that to do so might force the Soviet tions, and sponsor its economic develop-
Union into a vigorous defense of North ment."
Vietnam and China. Not only might this Happily, President Johnson appears to have
prevent a possibly useful Soviet role as a rejected the keep-the-U.N.-out school of
behind-the-scenes negotiator in southeast thought in his speech commemorating the
Asia; worse, it might harden up the entire 20th anniversary of the United Nations on
post-Stalin softer Soviet line, June 25 at San Francisco:
In truth, the Soviet Union has been sub- "I put to this world assembly the facts
jected to very conflicting pressures over of aggression, the right of a people to be
Southeast Asia. On the one hand, It has free from attack, the interest of every mem-
no desire to become Involved in the risk of her in safety against molestation, the duty of
a mutually disastrous nuclear exchange with this organization to reduce the dangers to
"He's as interested in reading a book at
home as he is in reading a brief at the office,"
Dr, Carroll said.
Since the Australian appointment came
up, Clark, has become interested in Austra-
lian history and especially in Australia's "Out
back"-the Australian frontier, which re-
minds Clark of his own Texas and Ameri-
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 16634
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE July 19, 1965
peace, and the unhesitating readiness of the By now it should be clear that the United
United States to find a peaceful solution. Nations cannot gain by a confrontation that
"I call upon this- gathering of the nations will result either in our defeat or in the
of the world to use their influence, individ- withdrawal of the Soviet Union and France
ually and collectively, to bring to the tables from the world organization.
those who seem determined to makewar. We The United States should take the Initia-
will support your efforts, as we will support tive in revitalizing the United Nations, based
effective action by any agent or agency of on the reality that as of today the major
these United Nations." sovereign states simply will not be compelled
Those are fine words and a great step for- to pay for peace-keeping operations which
ward. But the speech was significant also they consider harmful to their best inter-
for what the President did not say. eats. The United States should support the
Two other things must be said, sooner or proposition that future peace-keeping oper-
later: how the paralysis of the United Na- ations be financed by voluntary contribu-
tions over the financial question can be re- tions. In fact, only the Congo and Middle
solved so that the U.N. can again act for East operations have been financed by the
world peace when it is called upon, and how involuntary assessments that are at the cen-
the Vietnamese conflict is to be brought be- ter of the current controversy. More than
fore the world organization. a dozen U.N. peace-keeping operations, In-
The real barrier to United Nations action cluding those in Korea and Cyprus, have been
in southeast Asia at this time is the financial financed by other means. As for the past,
question which has turned the General As- the United States, while remaining zealous
sembly into a mere debating society, incap- to invoke article 19 against countries in ar-
able of action and one step ahead of bank- rears on their regular U.N. dues, should not
ruptcy. press article 19 on the Middle East and Congo
The Soviet Union has refused to pay its special assessments.
assessments for the United Nations peace- If the 20th General Assembly is to be saved
keeping operations in the Middle East and from the debilitating fate of Its predecessor,
in the Congo. France has refused to pay the United States must act in the few weeks
anything for the Congo operation, although remaining before the Assembly convenes and
it qupported the Middle East force, even Congress adjourns. Congress has to clear the
making voluntary contributions. way by passing a new resolution modifying
The Soviet contention is that the assess- Congress' injunction of last August to seek
ments are illegal since both operations were the application of article 19. A new reso-
authorized by the General Assembly and, in lotion, such as I Introduced in April, should
their view, this power is reserved to the provide merely that the United States con-
Security Council under the charter. The tinue efforts to obtain the payment of ar-
French argue that the General Assembly rears by negotiation, with the hope that
resolutions on financing are merely recom- some scheme of voluntary contributions will
mendatory. prove acceptable once the attempt to re-
An opinion of the International Court of quire payment is abandoned.
Justice, which held- that the assessments With the United Nations revivified, the
for the two peace-keeping operations were way will be open for the Vietnam conflict
"expenses of the organization" and therefore to be brought before it. President Johnson
obligatory, has failed to shake the French has already declared our willingness to sup-
and Soviet positions. port any U.N. action. There remains the
By the opening of the 19th General Assem- question of who will initiate the considera-
bly last December, both France and the So- tion of such action.
viet Union owed more than 2 years' assess- I would hope that one of the small powers
ments and, under article 19, were subject to which have the most to gain from the
the loss of their votes in the General Assem- strengthening of U.N. security operations-
bly. an Ireland, Austria, Israel, or Costa Rica-
The United States was ready to invoke would take the lead. If not, I believe the
article 19. Congress, with administration United States itself must raise the matter
encouragement, had passed a concurrent before the U.N. A U.N. peacekeeping opera-
resolution in August 1964, calling on the tion authorized by the General Assembly can
permanent U.S. delegate to the U.N. to "maker be supported by the voluntary contributions
every effort to assure invocation of article of willing members, according to the Korean
19." - precedent.
Russia threatened to withdraw if deprived The precise form of the U.N. operation will
of its vote, and there was a good chance that depend upon the circumstances at the time
France would do likewise, thus raising the and the response of the North Vietnamese
specter of the United Nations going the way and their Chinese backers. Action by the
of the League of Nations. United Nations calling for a. cease-fire and
The result, during the 19th General Assem- negotiations, either at a reconvened Geneva
bly, was paralysis. A clear majority of na- conference or in a new setting, is a first step.
tions was determined to avoid at all costs The United States must assert its willingnes
a vote that threatened to result in a disas- to abide by a properly supervised cease-fire.
trous showdown. They were afraid either to If the Communists refuse such a cease-fire,
apply article 19 or not to apply it, afraid of a U,N. peacekeeping force should be stationed
ousting Russia or of grievously offending the both on South Vietnam's borders to prevent
United States. So the world organization, further infitration of men and arms from
set up to be an effective instrument to pre- the North, and within South Vietnam itself.
serve the peace, dragged along in tragi- Undoubtedly, the United States would have
comedy. - to supply the lion's share of the troops and
To make an unavoidable decision between money for the operation, as in Korea. But
two contenders for a seat on the Security we would still benefit, since our costs would
Council, the president of the Assembly held be less than if we continue to act virtually
"consultations" in his office. "We go into unilaterally, and since the force would be
the back room and vote and then say we operating under the moral umbrella of the
have not voted," one delegate remarked. But United Nations.
this discreditable device would not work for As pacification of South Vietnam pro-
the long agenda of items from a troubled gressed, the United Nations would be in a
world before the Assembly. far better position than the United States
A special peace-keeping committee set up to assist in the development of the country
to solve the problem before the convening without any stigma of colonialism and to
of the 20th General Assembly in September supervise an eventual plebiscite in which
has done no better than the- Assembly itself the people of South Vietnam could freely
In breaking the impasse. A June 15 dead- choose their own form of government. For
line for some resolution came and went. our part, we would have to announce our
readiness to abide by that result even if it
might mean the submersion of South Viet-
nam Into North Vietnam.
Bringing the United Nations into Vietnam
is not a cure-all or an easy solution. As the
mainstay of a U.N. operation, the United
States will continue to be confronted with
hard tasks in Vietnam. But invoking the
U.N. would strengthen our military, moral,
and political posture in Southeast Asia and
help build the peacekeeping precedents of
the U.N.
There is much to be done after San Fran-
cisco. But the foundation is laid.
TRIBUTE TO ADLAI STEVENSON BY
RICHARD N. GOODWIN, SPECIAL
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
(Mr. BRADEMAS (at the request of
Mr. LONG of Louisiana) was granted
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. BRADEMAS. Mr. Speaker, these
past few days many of us have voiced
with heavy hearts our respect and our af-
fection for Adlai E. Stevenson.
A moving tribute to Governor Steven-
son and analysis of his role in American
life, written by Richard N. Goodwin, Spe-
cial Assistant to President Johnson, ap-
peared in the Washington Post on July
18, 1965. Mr. Goodwin is himself a
splendid example of the generation of
young Americans who were inspired by
Governor Stevenson to go Into public
service.
The text of Mr. Goodwin's article
follows:
HE NEVER LEARNED To HIDE HIS SOUL
"We shall not come again
We never shall come back again
But over us all, over us all,
Over us all is-something"
-THOMAS WOLFS.
(By Richard N. Goodwin)
Twice he had come as close as a man' could
come to leadership of the American Nation.
Yet no one noticed as, for a moment, Adlaf
Stevenson looked toward the taped statue of
Franklin Roosevelt, walked a few hundred
yards, grasped the thin steel columns of a
sidewalk railing, and died.
Questions of man's survival, of war, and
of human progress had very nearly rested on
the qualities of his personal mind and will.
The destiny of every man and woman he
passed that afternoon was almost placed in
his hand. Yet no one cheered or waved or
even turned to stare.
For he had escaped power. And for a
politician, power is the tool which etches
out one man's figure from among his com-
panions.
IMPRESSIVE QUALITIES
Would he have been a good leader of his
country, or a great one? We will never know.
Many deny it. And they give reasons which
start to persuade, until we remember that
they-or their counterparts in other years-
had said the same of past leaders such as
John Kennedy and Franklin Roosevelt and,
most violently, of Abraham Lincoln.
The fact is no man who has not been
President can survive analysis of his capacity
for the task. Nor can we predict his qualities.
until they pass through the purification of
power and responsibility. We do know he
had more promise than most. We do know
the impressive qualities of mind and spirit
his career permitted him to reveal. We also
know he was ambitious. For you do not run
for President unless your ambitions are
greater than those of other men.
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Growing Nationalism in Eastern Europe
Emphasized in Address by W. E. Chil-
ton III, Knowledgeable Journalist and
Publisher of the Charleston, W. Va.,
Gazette
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
Os,
HON, JENNINGS RANDOLPH
OF WEST VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, JuZy 19, 1965
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, the
current trend among the nations of the
Eastern European Communist bloc is one
of growing independence and national-
ism. For several years knowledgeable
observers of the international scene have
noted increasing indications that the
ironclad control formerly exercised by
the Soviet Union over her satellites is
gradually relaxing.
In the West, these changes are the sub-
ject of constant analysis and discussion.
Generally speaking, we tend to view as
a, positive sign any evidence of individual
thinking or self-sufficiency on the part
of nations of the bloc. We look forward
to a time when self-determination will
1;-3 practiced in Eastern Europe as well as
in the more democratic countries.
Mr. President, a thoughtful and In-
formative address has recently been
given on this timely subject by W. E.
Chilton III, president and publisher of
the Charleston, W. Va., Gazette. Speak-
ing before the .,Rotarians of Charleston
on Friday, July ,16, 1965, Mr. Chilton
drew from his own experiences. as a mem-
ber of a newspaper publisher's study
group which recently toured the Soviet
Union and Eastern Europe.
Mr. Chilton believes that change must
Inevitably, come among the Communist
nations-that growing competition, the
desire for profits and other indications
of a turn toward capitalism are combin-
Ing to speed up the process. He states
that:
There Is cause for thinking that eventually
these nations might know an adaptation of
democracy , that many political theorists
maintain is an imperative of popular, repre-
sentative government. And, if free enter-
prise really takes hold in the economic
arena, who knows what may happen in the
more important political arena?
Mr. Pr esident, I request that the news
article reporting on this significant ad-
dress by Mr. Chilton be printed in the
Appendix of the RECORD. The article ap-
peared In the Charleston Gazette of Sat-
urday, July 17, 1965, and was written by
James F. Dent of the Gazette staff.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows,
Appendix
CoMMuNIST UNITY SEEN FADING-EAST Eu- Chilton said he thought if the United
ROPE "CHANGE INEVITABLE" States and Russia could reach
.(By James F. Dent) certain issues peculiar to Europe economic
Each nation in Eastern Europe is distinct and political change would sweep through
from every other nation and it isn't possible Eastern and Central and Balkan Europe. He
to generalize about the type of communism gave five reasons for this belief.
found in each country for the degree of con- "First," he said, "every one of these na-
-trol differs appreciably from nation to nation, tions is experiencing a tremendous rise in
W. E. Chilton III, president and publisher nationalism and ties with the Soviet Union
of the Gazette, told Charleston Rotarians are loosening. Second, universal education
Friday. is producing a more knowledgeable, more
Earlier this year, Chilton was a member of demanding citizenry. Third, trade and tour-
a newspaper publisher's study group which ism are being promoted in all these nations
toured the U.S.S.R. and the Communist na- and particularly are they desired with the
tions of Eastern Europe. West to reduce" the existing hard currency
. "Letts take the subject of religion," Chil-
ton said. "Outerbridge Horsey, the U.S. Am-
bassador to Czechoslovakia, told our group
that the intensity of religious oppression
among Soviet satellites depends on the popu-
lace of the different countries. The party, In
other words, can depress religion just so
much.
"In Czechoslovakia, where. religious skep-
ticism has existed for many years, religion
has been greatly depressed. In Poland, the
party has had to relax its control. In Ru-
mania, in the last national elections, not
only were representatives of the dominant
Rumanian Orthodox, religion elected to the
national assembly but so too were places re-
served In the same assembly for representa-
tives of several minority religions including,
If I remember correctly, Judaism, Roman
Catholicism, and Lutheran."
Economic controls also vary widely, Chilton
said, "and it's quite apparent numerous
capitalistic devices have been and are being
introduced-even into Mother Russia."
In Yugoslavia. he said, 70 percent of the
rural land is privately owned although the
private owner is allowed to hold no more
than about 12 acres. Private businesses also
are to be found in Yugoslavia, most in the
arts and native crafts industries, but no
private business can employ more than five
persons.
"Still," he said, "astonishing reforms have
been initiated to spur collectives to produce
more and better quality goods. . Collectives
are owned by those working for them and
enjoy considerable autonomy. Some collec-
tives even go bankrupt. Collectives compete
against each other. Large wage differentials
exist and, after taxes, the collective, subject
to majority will, can do what it wishes with
the remainder or what we'd call profit.
"Taxes are moderate-0 to 16 percent.
The Yugoslav Government uses its. tax powers
to promote or build up certain enterprises it
believes are essential to national growth.
Forgiven taxes, however, must be. used for
expansion. They cannot supplement salaries
or be paid out in bonuses."
dying off. Replacing them is a new breed
of Communist, often a specialist or a tech-
nocrat, totally uninterested in politics.
Fifth, the quarrel between the Soviet Union
and the People's Republic of China isn't the
only manifestation of fragmentation in the
Communist world.
"Communist unity, formerly so pronounced
in Eastern Europe, Isn't nearly so pronounced
today. Albania is allied with China.
Rumania three times voted in the United
Nations differently from the way the So-
viets voted. Yugoslavia can be depended
upon by the Soviet Union only up to a point.
Polish, Czechoslovakian, and Hungarian ties
with Russia have slackened and would be
slackened more were the problem of the
two Germanies settled."
Change is coming to Eastern Europe, he
said, "and these changes will have a pro-
found Impact on the lives and on the gov-
ernments of these nations and they will be
for the better-for them and for us."
In Hungary last year, he pointed out, 600,-
000 Hungarians visited the . West. "The
Czechoslovakian Assistant Minister of Cul-
ture told our group that of 14 million Czechs
160,000 have put aside in special bank ac-
counts the full purchase price of a new
automobile. The Government can't gratify
this demand at this time, he stated, because
it has other commitments it must fulfill.
Yet how long can the Government refuse to
satisfy so many citizens?"
In Poland and Hungary, he said, it was
possible to buy 5 days late international
editions of the New York Times and the New
York Herald Tribune. He was able, he said,
on the radio in his hotel room to pick up
the British Broadcasting Co. programs and
an American station in Munich. Pan Amer-
ican Airlines will shortly institute nonstop
jet service between Prague and New York
City.
"It Is no doubt trite to say that change
is coming anywhere," Chilton said, "since
change is a continuing occurrence in natur
e
Many of the reforms instituted by Yugo- and in the human condition and in institu-
slavia are being tried in other Eastern Euro- tions man establishes. However, I think few
pean countries, he said, and are proving their would debate the point that the world had
merit with workers and consumers, ever previously experienced in so compacted
"If I'm right," he said, "that these reforms a space in time such explosive change.
smack suspiciously of capitalistic principles How we all adjust and adapt to these ex-
of reward and punishment, there is cause plosions will determine whether the world
for thinking that eventually these nations survives.
might know an economic adaptation of de- "I would like to suggest that peaceful
mocracy that many political theorists main- adaptation and adjustment depend as much
tain is an imperative of popular, representa- on our intelligence and restraint and sen-
tive government. And, if free enterprise sable aspirations as upon those peoples and
really takes hold in the economic arena, who nations we now look upon with suspicion
knows what may happen in the more impor- and hostility. Indeed, I'm not so sure that
taut political arena?" Stour us a greater understanding will be de-
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 A3836 Approver ftP$gpQ //1PMCpg11-I QQBPBJ49R0003001800b 19, 1965
manded, since we have so much more to colleagues, present and retired, of the Foreign These measured air operations have done
lose spiritually and materially." Service and to express to you the gratitude what we expected them to do-neither more
In a question and answer period following of President Johnson and the American peo- nor less. For air attack alone cannot bring
his talk, Chilton said that Hungary appeared ple for a service which is marked by so much peace. I cannot agree with those who think
to be the freest nation in the eastern bloc. competence, dedication, and personal com- it wrong to hit the logistics of aggression.
He said that the "grayness" of life in the mitment. It Is the aggression itself that is the wrong.
Eastern European nations varied from coun- Two and a half months ago President Those who worry about bridges and barracks
try to country with Poland perhaps the Johnson spoke to the world about Vietnam and ammunition dumps would do well to
"grayest" of all. "Russia was grim," he said, at the Johns Hopkins University in Balti- give their sympathy instead to the daily vic-
"but after all, I was only there for 4 days more. Today I wish to talk to you on the tims of terror in South Vietnam.
and there is a tremendous language barrier. same subject-to you who know that such EFFORTS TO NEGOTIATE
As a personal reaction, I found both West 'problems have deep roots, to you who have The other side is obviously not yet ready
and East Berlin depressing." lived through and worked upon such prob- for peace. In these last months, the friends
In some of the eastern nations, he said, lems before, and to you who know that such of peace in many lands have sought to move
there is no formal press censorship but "the matters can gravely affect the future of our this dangerous matter to the conference
editor knows how far he can go. If he steps Nation and the prospects for general peace. table. But one proposal after another has
over the line, he'll probably be called in. for The struggle in Vietnam has continued been contemptuously rejected.
a dressing down." since April and Indeed has grown the more We and others, for example, have sought
Russia's control of the foreign policies of severe. The harsh resistance of the Com- to clear a way for a conference on Laos, and
the nations of the bloc differs. "There is munists to any form of discussions or nego- a conference on Cambodia-two neighboring
considerable control in Poland," he said, "be- tiation continues. The effort to destroy the countries where progress toward peace might
cause the Poles still fear the Germans and freedom of Vietnam has been expanded. be reflected in Vietnam itself. But these ef-
want to retain close ties to their big Slavic The trial by fire of the people of Vietnam forts have been blocked by North Vietnam
brother. goes on. Their own resistance has been and by Communist China.
In Rumania, control is breaking down, courageous, but the need for American res- Twice there has been an effort at discus-
Russia's original Intention, you know, was olution and for American action has in- sions through the United Nations-first in
to turn the satellite nations into agricultural creased. the Security Council after the August at-
countries with industry based in Russia. But
a'1 the Eastern European nations are devel- AGGRESSION FROM THE NORTH tacks in the Tonkin Gulf, and later this
o in their own industries." The root of the trouble in Vietnam Is today April, when Secretary General U Thant con-
e g
,....
ril and has been at. sidered visits to Hanoi and Peiping to ex-
in A
`
as
p
just w
at
least since 1900-a V1 uel a
tack by North Vietnam upon the people of gust there was a refusal by Hanoi to come
+_ - See It- Council
And
clear that they L_o
Vietnam Four-Steps to Peace' c South ark d by terror and sneak attack, nd Ha of and Peipi gg madey
.EXTENSION OF REMARKS night. u made plain their view that the United Na-
This campaign of terror has can-
tinued throughout the spring. tions is not competent to deal with that
?& Those of us who have not served in Viet- matter.
HON. JOHN W. McCORMACK nam may find it hard to understand just `Repeatedly our friends in Britain, as a co-
how ugly this war of aggression has been, chairman of the Geneva conference, have
os MASSecHUSETls From 1961 to the present date the South sought a path to settlement-first by working
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Vietnamese armed forces have lost some 25,- toward a new conference In Geneva and then
Monday, July 19, 1965 000 dead and 51,000 wounded. In propor- by a visit of a senior British statesman. But
tion to population, these South Vietnamese the effort for a conference in Geneva was
Mr. McCORMACK. Mr. Speaker, on losses are 10 times as great as those suffered blocked, and the distinguished British trav-
June 23, 1965, non. Dean Rusk, Secre- by Americans In the Korean war, and larger eler was told that he should stay away from
tary of State, delivered an important and than our losses in World War II. Peiping and Hanoi.
informative address, entitled "Vietnam: Even more terrible than these military Twice in April we made additional efforts
losses are the cruelties of assassination and of our own. In Baltimore the President of-
Four Steps to Peace", before the Amer- kidnapping among civilian officials and ordi- fered unconditional discussions with the gov-
ican Foreign Service Association at nary citizens. In the last 18 months, for ernments Concerned. Hanoi and Peiping call
Washington, D.C. example, more than 2,000 local officials and this offer a "hoax." At that time the 17 non-
Secretary Rusk's address clearly states civilians have been murdered. When an offi- alined nations had appealed for a peaceful
the justifiable reason for our policy and cial is not found at home, often his wife solution, by negotiations without precondi-
our presence in South Vietnam and in and children are slain in his place. It Is as tions. This proposal was accepted on our
southeast Asia. His address is an effec- if in our own country some 35,000 civic lead- side. It was rejected by Hanoi and by Pei-
era or their families were to be killed at night ping. And some of its authors were labeled
tive presentation of our justification in monsters and freaks."
by stealth and terror.
terms of our national interest and in the hese are the methods of the Vietcong. The President of India made constructive
furtherance of world peace. This is the test to which the people of Viet- proposals-for an end of hostilities and an
Secretary's Rusk's address is also an nam have gallantly responded. Afro-Asian patrol force. To us this proposal
answer to appeasers, those filled with Meanwhile, from the north, heavy infiltra- was full of interest and hope. But by Hanoi
fear and to the many people who are tion has continued. Intelligence now shows and Red China it was rejected as a betrayal.
living in a dream world of hope-like that some 40,000 had come down before the Our own Government and the Government
countless of millions here and In other end of 1964. Toward the end of that year- of South Vietnam, in May, suspended air
countries, when Hitler galloped across well before the beginning of our own air op- attacks on North Vietnam. This action was
horizon of world history, leaving in erations against North Vietnam-the infiltra- made known to the other side to see if there
the Lion of regular North Vietnamese army units would be a response in kind. This special
his wake the terrible experiences of was begun, and important elements of that effort for peace was denounced in Hanoi as
World War IT. Firm leadership in cer- army are now known to be in place in South a "wornout trick" and denounced in Peiping
tain European countries at that time Vietnam and Laos, where they have no right as a swindle. To those who complain that
might have averted World War II but to be. that so-called "pause" was not long enough,
such leadership did not exist. And so we face a deliberate and long-ma- I would simply report that the harsh reac-
And firm leadership now might avert tured decision by a persistent aggressor to tion of the other side was fully known before
raise the stakes of war. Apparently this was the attacks were resumed. And I would also
another terrible and even more destruc- their answer to our own repeated affirma- recall that we held our hand for more than
five world conflict. tion that we ourselves did not wish a larger 4 years while tens of thousands of armed
And among other things, Secretary war. Apparently a totalitarian regime has men invaded the South and every attempt at
Rusk well said: once again misunderstood the desire of demo- peaceful settlement failed.
Those who worry about bridges and bar- cratic peoples for peace and has made the HANOI'S RESPONSE
racks and ammunition dumps would do well mistake of thinking that they can have a Reports in the first half of June have con-
to give their sympathy instead to the daily larger war without risks to themselves. And firmed that all these violent rejections are
victims of terror in South Vietnam. hence the airstrikes against military targets in fact what they appear to be-clear proof
In my remarks I include the splendid in North Vietnam. that what is wanted today in Hanoi is a
address made by Secretary Rusk. These actions have made infiltration military victory, not peace, and that Hanoi
harder. They have increased the cost of ag- is not even prepared for discussions unless
VIETNAM: FOUR STEPS TO PEACE gression. Without them South Vietnam it is accepted in advance that there will be
It is a very great pleasure for' me to be today would face still stronger forces from a Communist-dominated government in Sai-
here. It is a privilege for me to salute my the North. gon, and unless too-so far as we can deter-
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 ate- Inerican forces are withdrawn
a41 anFe?
Q thrls record is clear, And there is sub-
Ia4licg ii, Senator Fuibright's conclusion that
"It seems, clear that the Communist powers
still lope to achieve a complete victory in
South Vietnam and for, this reason_ are art
present uninterested in negotiations for a
peaceful settlement." For the simple truth
is that there is no lack of diplomatic pro-
cedures, machinery or process by which a
desire, for peace can be registered-that there
is no procedural miracle through which peace
can be obtained if, one side is determined to
continue the war.
As I have said. Hanoi is presently adamant
against negotiation or any avenue to peace.
heiping is even more so, and one can plainly
read.,the declared doctrine and purpose of
the Chinese Communists. They are looking
beyond the current conflict to the hope of
domination in all of southeast Asia-and in-
deed beyond.
But one finds it harder to understand Han-
oi's aversion to discussion, More immedi-
ately than .the Chinese, the North Vietnamese
face the costs and dangers of conflict. They,
too, must fear the ambitions of Communist
China. in Southeast Asia. Yet they are still
on the path of violence, insisting upon the
forceful. communization of South Vietnam
and refusing to let their brothers in the
South work out their own destiny in peace.
,,In recent weeks, after 2 months of re-
duced activity, the enemy has sharply quick-
ened. the tempo of his military action in the
South. Since early May, major Vietcong
units have returned to the battlefield, and
already a series of sharp engagements has
shown is that the fighting through the sum-
mer may be hard. Setbacks have occurred
and serious defeats have been avoided. only
by the combination of continuing Vietnaese
bravery and effective air and other types
of support.
Losses on both sides have been heavy.
From April first to date, we have had con-
firmed reports of almost 5,000 Vietcong dead,
almost 3,000 South Vietnamese, and almost
100 Americans. We must expect these losses
to continue-and our own losses may in-
crease.
ROLE OF U.S. FORCES
Since March we have deployed nine bat-
talions of fighting men to South Vietnam.
Six more are on their way. For as the Presi-
dent said in April, "We will not be defeated.
We will not grow tired. * * * We will do
everything necessary * * * and we will do only
what is * * *necessary."
ow own. battalions in South Vietnam have
three related tasks- Their first assignment
was and is to guard such major installations
as the airfield at Da Nang. A second and
closely related task is that of active patrol
in nearby areas. And the third is to join
in combat support of Vietnamese forces-
when such help is requested and when our
commander, General Westmoreland, believes
it should be given.
American forces so committed will carry
with them the determined support of our
people. These men know, as all our people
know, that what they do is done for freedom
and peace, in Vietnam, in other continents,
and here at home.
SUPPORT FOR U.S. ACTION
In authorizing combat missions, for our
ground forces in Vietnam, the President acted
to meet his constitutional responsibilities as
Commander in Chief. He has recognized the
obligations of this Nation under the South-
east Asia Treaty, which the Senate approved
by a vote of 82 to 1. He has acted under the
joint resolution of August 1964, which passed
the ,Senate by a vote of 88 to 2-and passed
the House with no opposing vote. This reso-
lution expresses our national readiness-as
the President determines-"to take all nec-
essary measures to repel any armed attack
against the forces of the United States" and
&RfflMWAL Qt W$0 6?0180006-4 A3837
''all necessary steps, including the use of
armed ZQrce," to help Vietnam and southeast
Asian members of the SEATO who ask for
help to preserve their freedom.
The President has acted on the unani-
mous advice of the American leaders in
Saigon and his senior civil and military
advisers in Washington.
He has acted in full consultation with the
Government of South Vietnam.
And he has acted on his own considered
judgment of what is necessary at this time
to stop aggression.
This decision-like all of our decisions in
Vietnam-is open to review by Members of
the Congress and open to reversal if it does
not have their support. But the leaders of
the Congress have been kept in close touch
with the situation, and no such prospect
should stimulate the hopes of enemies or
the fears of friends. For America 1s not
divided in her determination nor weak in
her will.
In Vietnam today we face one more chal-
lenge in the long line of dangers we have,
unhappily, had to meet and master for a gen-
eration. We have Lad to show both
strength and restraint-courage and cool-
ness-for Iran and for Greece, for Perlin,
and for Korea, in the Formosa Strait, and in
the.Cuban missile crisis. W e .meanto show
the same determination and coolness now.
In 1954 President'Eisenhowerpledged our
support to the Government Of Vietnam,_ to
assist that 'Government, as he put it, "in
developing and maintaining a strong, viable
state, capable of resisting attempted sub-
version or aggression through military
means." And this determination was re-
affirmed again and again by President Ken-
nedy. "We are going to stay here," he said.
"We are not going to withdraw from that
effort." An that is our position still.
FIRMNESS AND RESTRAINT
Now, as in April, as the President put it,
"We will use our power with restraint and
with all the wisdom that we can command."
For it is others, and not we, who have in-
creased the scale of fighting. It is others,
and not we, who have made threats of gravely
widened conflict. The firmness with which
we resist aggression is matched by the firm-
ness with which we will refrain from ill-
advised adventure.
A few-a very few-may believe that un-
limited war can take the place of the sus-
tained and steady effort in which we are en-
gaged, just as there may be a few-a very
few-who think we should pull out and leave
a friendly people to their fate. But the
American people want neither rashness nor
surrender. They want firmness and re-
straint. They expect courage and care. They
threaten no one. And they are not moved
by the threats by others.
ROLE OF SOUTH VIETNAM
This contest centers In the defense of
freedom for the people who live in South
Vietnam. The sustained and increasing in-
filtration from North Vietnam has required
the measured use of air attack on military
targets in the north. We alone cannot de-
termine the future-could we do so there
would be a prompt peace. The other side,
too, must decide about the future. And we
must hope they know-as we do-that in-
creased aggression would be costly far beyond
the worth to the aggressor.
The political turmoil in South Vietnam
has continued. It is easy to be impatient
with our friends in Saigon as they struggle
to establish and sustain a stable government
under the stress of war. We see there the
ferment of a society still learning to be free,
even while under attack from beyond their
borders.
We must remember that this ancient peo-
ple is young in its independence, restless in
its hopes, divided in its religions, and varied
in its regions. The turmoil of Vietnam needs
the steadfastness of America. Our friends in
Vietnam know, and we know, that our peo-
ple and our troops must work and fight to-
gether. Neither of us can do the work of
the other. And the main responsibility must
always be with, and is fully accepted by, the
South Vietnamese. Yet neither of us can "go
it alone." We would not be there without
the urgent request for assistance from those
whose land this happens to be. We have a
tested faith in the enduring bravery of the
people of Vietnam, and they, in turn, can
count on us with equal certainty.
FORMULA FOR PEACE
The people of Vietnam long for peace. And
the way to peace is clear. Yesterday the
Foreign Minister of South Vietnam set forth
the fundamental principles that can provide
a just and enduring peace. Those prin-
ciples, in summary, are:
An end to aggression and subversion.
Freedom for South Vietnam to choose and
shape for itself its own destiny in con-
formity with democratic principles and
without any foreign interference from what-
ever sources.
As soon as aggression has ceased, the end-
ing of the military measures now necessary
by the Government of South Vietnam and
the nations that have come to its aid to de-
fend South Vietnam; and the removal of
foreign military forces from South Vietnam.
And effective guarantees for the independ-
ence and freedom of the people of South
Vietnam.
Now these are the fundamental steps. This
is what the arguing and the fighting is all
about. When they are carried out, we can
look forward, as we have stated previously
many times, to the day when relations be-
tween North Vietnam and South Vietnam can
be worked out by peaceful means. And this
would include the question of a free decision
by the peoples of North and South Vietnam
on the matter of reunification.
This forthright and simple program meets
the hopes of all and attacks the interests of
none. It would replace the threat of con-
quest. by the hope of free and peaceful
choice.
A LOOK TO THE FUTURE
And even while these hopes of peace are
blocked for now by aggression, we on our
side and other nations have reaffirmed our
deep commitment to the peaceful progress
of Vietnam and southeast Asia as a whole.
In April the President proposed to the na-
tions of Asia and to the United Nations that
there be constructed a new program of sup-
port for Asian efforts and called upon Mr.
Eugene Black to assist them. Now in June
this work is underway. The Mekong River
project has been given new life. A new dam
is ready to rise in Laos. A billion-dollar bank
is in the making for the development of
southeast Asia. And in Vietnam Itself new
impetus has been given to programs of de-
velopment and education and health.
So let us call again on other nations-in-
eluding the Soviet Union--to join in turning
this great region of the world away from the
waste and violence of a brutal war. For the
hope of Asia is not in relentless pressure for
conquest. It is in unremitting hope for
progress-a progress in which rice production
could be multiplied manyfold, where the
expectation of life could be doubled, the
education of the young could be tenfold what
it is today, and there could be an end of
cholera and tuberculosis and intestinal para-
sites and other human afflictions.
In April the President offered determina-
tion against aggression, discussion for peace,
and development for the human hopes of
all. And in June we reaffirm that threefold
policy.
Aggression has increased, so that deter-
mination must be greater than ever.
Discussion is rejected, but our efforts to
find a path to peace will not be stopped. We
have welcomed the new initiative of Prime
Minister Wilson and the Commonwealth con-
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 A3838
Approved g " yg 1 qt pI-Rib-BDR? 20003001800 19, 1965
ference and regret that it has received so
little reception on the other side.
Beyond the terror of the aggressor and the
firmness of our defense, we must, neverthe-
less, look to the day in which many new
dams will be built, and many new schools
opened, and fresh opportunities opened to
the peoples of southeast Asia. For we must
look beyond the battle to peace, past fear to
hope, and over the hard path of resistance to
the broad plain of progress which must lie
ahead for the peoples of southeast Asia.
Philadelphia Enigma-Political Probes
by Grand Jury
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HUGH SCOTT
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, the July
15, 1965, issue of the Philadelphia Bul-
letin contained an excellent editorial en-
titled, "Political .'robes by Grand Jury."
The questions raised. by this editorial
are indeed of concern to me, as they are
to a great many residents of my State,
and I believe other Members of Congress
share this interest as well. Therefore, I
ask unanimous consent that this edi-
torial be printed,in the Appendix to the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Grand jury investigations, both Federal
and county, have been singularly ineffec-
tive as inquisitorial bodies in Philadelphia
in the last decade. In the nature of things,
nearly all have had political. overtones, in-
traparty or interparty, and in the mysterious
way of political matters, what seems in the
beginning to be a mountain ends up by
somehow becoming a molehill as far as re-
sults are concerned.
The abrupt. ending of the Federal probe
of alleged election frauds In the 1964 U.S.
Senate Democratic primary is a good ex-
ample, Chief U.S. District Judge Thomas
J. Clary dismissed the jury which bad been
asked for by the Justice Department when,
he said, it was apparent the panel would be
unable to elicit any evidence justifying in-
dictments.
The Investigation grew out of the primary
in which Secretary of Internal Affairs
Genevieve Blatt narrowly defeated Supreme
Court Judge Michael A. Musmanno, but only
after vote recounts showed that Miss Blatt
had been defrauded of votes taken from her
and credited to Judge Musmanno by divi-
sion election officials. Miss Blatt was
backed by U.S. Senator JOSEPH S. CLARK,
and Judge Musmanno by the Democratic
Organization, which Senator CLARK often
opposes.
There was so much smoke that it seemed
there must surely be some fire when the
FBI last summer took up the investigation
which county, State, and Federal prosecu-
tors had not pursued vigorously. The Justice
Department report quoted the FBI as saying
that "unquestionably" there had been fraud.
It seems astounding, in view of this, that
an. investigation costing tens of thousands of
dollars has ended In a flop.
Why were the witnesses interviewed by the
FBI unable to back up their testimony before
the grand jury? How could It be that these
trained investigators could report "unques-
tionable fraud" but that the witnesses' mem-
ones are now faulty? Why were only little
people called in, and not the party leaders?
These are pnly a few of the questions that
remain unansswwered, and they will continue
to trouble concerned citizens.
Memorial Rites Pay Tribute to Navy
Pilot's Faith
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker,
under leave to extend my remarks in
the RECORD, I include the following
article from the San, Diego Union of
July 5,1965:
MEMORIAL RITES PAY TRIBUTE TO NAVY
PILOT'S FAITH
(By Joe Stone)
The sailor with the badge of aviation
boatswain's mate second class on his sleeve
strode to where Mr. and Mrs. Jess M. Chris-
tian stood with family and friends in the
shade of a tree in Lindo Lake Park in Lake-
side.
"We from the North Island Naval Air Sta-
tion honor guard," said the sailor, "want, on
behalf of all U.S. Navy units and all units of
the 7th Fleet afloat, to render you the
honors."
With that, the sailor, Artis G. Williams,
did a brisk about face and returned to the
honor guard.
The silence was brief and was broken only
by the sound of Williams' marching feet,
birt it was time enough to remember other
words hurled for the first time at the world
189 years ago.
HISTORIC WORDS
"We hold these truths to be self-evident,
that all men are created equal, that they
are endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights, that among these are life,
liberty."
And because Williams Is a Negro, it was
impossible not to recall the oft-repeated
story of the five sons of Mrs. Bixby who
gave their lives for the freedom of his an-
cestors, and called by Abraham Lincoln 101
years ago in his letter to their mother, "so
costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom."
Mr. and Mrs. Christian's sacrifice was Lt.
(j.g.) Davis If. Christian, 24, their son who
died fighting in the belief that the brown
men of South Vietnam deserve to know
freedom, the kind he knew.
Carter-Smith Post 6867, Veterans of For-
eign Wars, sponsored the memorial services
for Lieutenant Christian, who died when his
A-4 Skyhawk jet was brought down by
ground fire June 2 during a mission over
North Vietnam and crashed in the ocean
COMMANDER'S LETTER
Howard Shaff, commander of post 6867,
read to the crowd a letter from Comdr. John
R. DeWinter, Christian's commanding officer.
It said that Christian had almost single-
handedly wiped out North Vietnam radar
Installations on his fatal mission and had
been recommended for the Distinguished Fly-
ing Cross.
Twice previously, he had been recom-
mended for the Air Medal, DeWinter wrote.
In his eulogy to the lieutenant, Rev. Orval
C. Butcher of Wesleyan Methodist Church,
Lemon Grove, read words the young man
had written before his death, while flying
in combat.
"I wouldn't trade places with anyone."
"I would not feel cheated if my life were
taken soon."
"I am once again inspired to the ministry."
"The world is a mess. I still aspire to the
ministry."
On the leaves of his Bible:
"This Book is dedicated to rebuilding the
personality of man and this goal will be
realized, one way or another."
CRITICAL NOTE
A letter written to his parents by Christian
and published 2 days after his death had
criticized Americans who wanted to abandon
South Vietnam to Communist dictatorship.
The letter was tolerant of college students,
from whose ranks Christian had been grad-
uated 2 years ago.
"I know how uninformed most of them
really are-how they want to be noticed
* * *,"he said.
TRAITS DESCRIBED
The parents, three sisters, and a brother
heard Christian described by John Westrick,
principal of Lakeside Junior High School,
and Rev. Theodoric E. Roberts, Jr. of Lake-
side Community Presbyterian Church, as a
student, athlete, singer, musician, and prac-
ticing Christian.
The Reverend Mr. Roberts epitomized
Christian's love of flying and religious belief
with the World War II poem:
"I have slipped the surly bonds of earth
? * * and touched the face of God."
Canadian Arts Council
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRANK THOMPSON, JR.
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. THOMPSON of New Jersey. Mr.
Speaker, the House will soon have an op-
portunity to vote on a bill (H.R. 9460)
creating a National Foundation on the
Arts and the Humanities. The bill was
reported on July 14.
In the Washington Post for July 18
there was a timely article, written in
connection with the appearance of Ca-
nadian dance companies at Carter Bar-
ron, describing the splendid work of the
Canadian Arts Council, which helps sup-
port the creative and performing arts
in Canada with financial grants. Our
present arts council, created by Public
Law 88-579, has no authority to make
grants. Recognizing that a grant pro-
gram is necessary in order to permit the
arts and the humanities to flourish, the
National Council on the Arts, at its ini-
tial meeting early this spring, adopted a
resolution approving the present legisla-
tion. -
Mr. Speaker, I include as a part of my
remarks, the article on the Canadian
Arts Council which appeared in yester-
day's Washington Post:
CANADIAN COUNCIL BOOSTING DANCE
(By Jean Battey)
Two Canadian dance companies will be
seen here this summer at Carter Barron: Les
Feux Follets, a Canadian folk dance group,
open a week's engagement Monday evening
and the National Ballet of Canada will start
its 2-week stand August 2,
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 _
050 ved For Refs 1 00 80006-4
y 9, 7V
Jut-1
4of oe etta blCitizens, at t this though time well-intentioned of f chai chatrenge some To you young men, I would say that you
ithey have assumed enormous responsibility, for
may be, go about the country sowing seeds you have taken on the task of leadership, and
of doubt, disunity, and distrust. you do It at a time of danger and uncertainty.
To them, our military efforts are unworthy, But the sum of your responsibility is the
all military sacrifices in vain. hope and strength of America-and In fact
These peace-marchers find safety in slo- the free world.
gans but remain blind to the ancient saying: You can be ,proud of the course you will
"It is madness for the sheep to talk peace follow. Men of courage and determination
with a wolf." have .preceded you. You walk in the spirit
Lets take a very brief look at some history. of every revolutionary whose name is em-
Were it not for the military power of Amer- blazoned on the pages of time.
Ica generously given in 1941 through 1945.
we would not be living today as free men;
and those who talk so glibly of disarmament
and peace would lack the, freedom to speak
at all,
The same can be said of 1917 when the
Kaiser was overwhelming Europe-until the
day came when the men of the United States
answered the call of those who sought lib-
erty.
Down through the years, time and again, as
diplomacy has, broken down and the desires
of some men to rule and dominate others has
led them to the use of force, it has been a
responding force that has preserved the free-
dom of us all.
Were it not for our military power today,
does anyone doubt that the Communists
Would, now control all South Vietnam?
CambQdia? Thailand? Malaysia? Indeed,
all the 600 million people in southeast Asia?
Were it not for our Armed Forces, how long
Would the Communist allow Berlin to remain
even half free, or how much freedom would
there be in Western Europe?
What knowledgeable and fair-minded per-
son doubts that, had it not been for Presi-
dent Johnson's quick decision and fast ac-
tion, Santo Domingo would at this moment
be another Cuba?
He who has eyes, should see. Ire who has
ears, should listen, and he who has a mind,
should understand that the forces of com-
munism still threaten the freedom of.man-
kind today just as much as they did in 1941
or 1950 or 1962.
Of course, everyone craves peace, but when
tigers are prowling, it is no time to be passing
out leaflets.
The United States of America was born in
a Citizens' military revolution,
Six times in our history tyranny has threat-
ened to destroy us. Six times, young men
have answered the call.
And the good that has resulted from six
victories is attested by there being more free-
dom, better education, more prosperity, bet-
ter health, and higher standards of living for
all In the United States, as well as in the
free world.
Today, once again, freedom rests upon the
military strength and the moral commit-
ments of America.
But we are at present under heavy indict-
ment, accused by our enemies, and more
regrettably by some; of our friends, of pur-
suing an ill-fated jingoistic course.
Yet facts show we have sought, and are
seeking now with every available means,
every possible way to bring these confronta-
tions, to the conference table.
For surely, Americans seek no new terri-
tory, no domain, no dominion, no rule, no
authority, over any other lands nor any
other people.
? But for a certainty, we seek now and will
in the future a peace-but always a worthy
peace, a peace with honor.
Over the course of recent generations, we
have learned that to gain these precious
goals we must first respect our own contracts,
our owh. commitments. And then those who
would ,destroy freedom must be made to
understand that in respecting our commit-
ments, ' we will once again follow the steps
of our forefathers-we will fight for free-
dom. We will not quit under pressure, nor
surrender under attack.
A3867
for the farmworker. The $1.40 per hour
wage, due to the fact that the Labor Sec-
retary has no legal right to set minimum
wage, is illegal, but the California growers are
forced to go along with the order.
What happened though Is quite a damag-
ing fiasco. In spite of the $1.40 per hour
wage, AWOC has not been able to recruit
enough men to adequately harvest the spring
crops. Strawberries in the Salinas area were
left on the vines to rot from want of work-
ers to pick them. That represented a loss
of millions of .dollars gone for naught. Then
thousands of-acres In asparagus in the San
Joaquin and Sacramento delta areas have
California Agriculture Must Not Be Al- not been harvested because of no able and
willing workers to cut them. That repre-
lowed To Become Union's Football Field sents approximately $1 million loss every day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BURT L. TALCOTT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. TALCOTT. Mr. Speaker, Ameri-
cans of Filipino descent are among our
finest citizens. For many decades, Fill-
pino-Americans have worked in Califor-
nia agriculture-in every capacity-from
stoop-labor fieidhands to grower-em-
ployers. They know California specialty
crop agriculture as well as any other
group. California agriculture, and the
standard of living of the farmworker,
are much the better for the individual
and collective contributions of Filipino-
Americans over a period of many years.
We must respect men who are willing to
compete with anyone in the basis of skill
and who show sincere desire to earn good
wages for themselves and a profit for
their employers. They deserve to be
heard on the subject of the current crisis
of California farms.
Mr. Speaker, the Bataan News, M. H.
Jacaban, managing editor and publisher,
is the principal voice of Filipino-Ameri-
cans in California. Naturally, they have
a special interest in the preservation of
California agriculture and in all who
produce and consume California fruit
and vegetables.
For the above reasons, Mr. Speaker, I
ask permission to include at this point
in my remarks an editorial which ap-
peared in the July 4, 1965, edition of the
Bataan News entitled, "California Agri-
culture Must Not Be Allowed To Become
Union's Football Field." The full text
of the editorial follows:
CALIFORNIA AGRICULTURE MUST NOT BE AL-
LOWED To BECOME UNION'S FOOTBALL FIELD
Some 3 or 4 years ago the Agricultural
Workers Organizing Committee, with its
headquarters in Stockton, had decided to or-
ganize the farmworkers. Public Law 78 was
in the way of their organizing scheme, so the
AFL-CIO, to which AWOC is affiliated, bent
all its efforts in having that supplemental
law ended. That is when the football game
between the growers and the union started,
with Secretary of Labor W. Willard Wirtz
as the nonimpartial referee for the match.
AWOC has always claimed that with at-
tractive wages, the unemployed domestic
workers could be attracted to work on the
farms. They claim that enough farm labor
force could be recruited to harvest the crops
which represent a $4 billion industry. AWOC
had demanded and got U.S. Secretary of
Labor W. Willard Wirtz to set $1.40 per hour
for about 90 days of harvest season.
The gullible public has been made to be-
lieve by the AWOC that there are hundreds
of thousands of our domestic workers that
are out of work, and for that reason there is
no need for foreign workers to supplement
our agricultural work force. The fact is that
the unemployed that the union counted on to
compose the farm labor force are the winos
and the lazy people who do not want to work.
These kind of people are not able to do the
strenuous stoop labor jobs, and I do not see
why the union is insisting that these people
be employed in agriculture. The other in-
dustries would not have them; why penalize
the growers by insisting that they use them
in their operations? It does not figure; agri-
culture needs men that are both mentally
and physically fit to do the jobs on the farm.
Because there are still about 10,000 Fili-
pinos in California who are directly or in-
directly dependent for their bread and butter
on agriculture, this bloc of workers be-
comes very important as far as the question
of unionization or nonunionization of the
farmworkers is concerned. This bloc of
workers will have to be reckoned with in
the final solution of the critical farm labor
dilemma California agriculture has been
forced to face.
As for the Bataan News, it has been its
consistent basic policy for the last 22 years
that, because It had provided employment
for our Filipino people in the last 50 years,
California agriculture must not be allowed
to forfeit its position as No. 1 economy of
California just to accommodate the selfish
design of any union. We maintain that the
present laws of this country are tailored for
nonperishable goods, and invoking these
laws in agriculture will surely bring ruin to
the industry.
For example, our present laws allow strikes
by the unions at any time. These laws, if
applied to nonperishable goods industries,
such as steel, automobile industries, etc.,
are not going to completely ruin the industry
because their products would not rot. But
if the same laws are applied to agriculture
and allow the unions to strike at the time
when the crops are ready to harvest, the crops
will completely go to waste.
Unless there are laws that definitely will
protect the agricultural industry from un-
scrupulous unionists we definitely believe in
the policy of let well enough alone. This
policy is, we believe, for the good of every-
body. It allows the continuance of the pro-
duction of foods so that the whole public
will not be forced to pay exhorbitant prices
for their foods. We are taxed to death al-
ready. It is also good for the unions. Agri-
culture has been the biggest employer in
California, and if agriculture is going to be
hurt because of the selfish design of any
union it follows that there will be unem-
ployment. No grower, no worker. Nn worker,
no union either. It is as simple as that.
As for the Filipino farmworker, he is a
highly skilled worker who will stick his finger
on his nose if he is offered the $1.40 per hour
wage. He works on a piecework rate; in
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that way he makes around 83.50 per hour.
He is also smart enough to negotiate for him-
self with his employer; he is, because of his
skill and experience, highly wanted, and for
that reason union representation is hardly
necessary.
The final solution of the California agri-
culture's dilemma is not to cut off foreign
supplemental labor, but to encourage it in
such crops like asparagus, strawberry,
dates, citrus, melons, etc., in which our able
and willing domestic workers could not ade-
quately perform.
Let us remember that California agricul-
ture supplies 41 percent of the Nation's foods
and fibers, and if something happens to dis-
rupt that supply, every housewife in America
will feel- the impact of higher cost of foods.
You know, football players wear cleats, If
we let the unions make California agri-
tulture their football field, they will trample
the crops to smithereens and you and I will
have to pay for such a folly.
United States Apologetic About Food It
Gives to Communists
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI
OF ILLINOIS -
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965 -
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, since
the continued expansion of the war in
Vietnam drives home the seriousness of
the all-out battle against freedom being
waged by the Communist world, a col-
umn by Walter Trohan, chief of the Chi-
cago Tribune's Washington bureau,
which appeared in this morning's edition,
is especially pertinent and timely in na-
ture. It is my hope that administration
foreign affairs experts would ponder Mr.
Trolian's words.
The article follows:
[From the Chicago Tribune, July 19, 19651
UNITED STATES APOLOGErIc ABOUT FOOD IT
GIVES TO COMMUNISTS
(By Walter Trohan)
WASHINGTON, July 18.--Food has been vir-
tually neglected as a weapon in the cold war
and as a powerful force for peace.
Communists nations can't feed themselves.
The United States produces more than it can
consume and has had to spend billions on
subsidies and storage of surplus.
Instead of making a case for capitalism
against communism on food production, the
United States is apologetic about sending
food behind the Iron Curtain, as though it
were ashamed of the system under which it
does so well. Bleeding hearts among us
want American food distributed through the
United Nations, so that the international
organization gets the credits rather than the
American way.
The world as a whole is running low on
food production. As populations rise, the
situation will worsen. Instead of using food
production as an argument for the capitalist
system, the United States is bending every
effort at conciliation with a system that can't
feed its people.
When the United States does give food and
dole out resources under foreign aid, it does
so in such a way as to encourage people
seeking relief from totalitarianism to believe
that we are on the side of their leaders.
BARRED FROM HOSPITAL UNITED STATES BUILT
The United States poured billions into
Communist Yugoslavia and Communist Po-
land. The people see this as entrenching
their Communist bosses rather than helping
the people to achieve freedom.
Recently the Polish Communists refused to
permit Vice President HUMPHREt and a con-
gressional delegation to attend the dedica-
tion of an $11 million children's hospital the
United States has built in Krakow.
There is growing recognition within the
Government, especially those departments
and agencies concerned with diplomacy and
agriculture, that the role of food in promot-
ing peace has been neglected. A long, hard
look is being taken at existing programs.
This has given rise to consideration of re-
leasing agriculture from rigid controls.
The value of food in promoting peace,
coupled with mounting farm organization
protests against regimentation of agricul-
ture, may work in time to release farmers
from production straitjackets and super-
vision.
No doubt it won't happen overnight or even
over the next year or before the next presi-
dential campaign, yet, it is possible the
trend away from socialism and welfare stat-
ism may begin by freeing farmers from
existing controls.
A FARM REVOLUTION IN REVERSE
Before any steps can be taken, the United
States will have to determine just what the
foods needs will be of soaring populations
and what part of that needed food supply
the United States could meet under its sur-
plus producing know-how and mechaniza-
tion.
Experts contend that it is obvious what-
ever goal is determined will be higher than
existing production, so that ceilings will
have to be lifted on productive capacity.
With the lifting of ceilings will come a re-
lease from existing controls.
The extent of release is being debated by
planners for the future. It is possible that
the Government would maintain only a
minimum floor under farm prices and leave
farmers free to choose what to plant and to
sell in a free market.
What is being talked of is a farm revolu-
tion in reverse. It is still too early to say
how far it will go, but it is a long step even
to consider employing food production as a
propaganda tool and a lever for promotion
Shaping
this is our primary goal and overwhelm-
ingly approve of it, I am not at all con-
vinced that they have, as yet, any clear
idea of how long it may take to reach
such a result nor of what may be even-
tually demanded of them along the way.
One of the reasons why this is so is
that, up to nowat least, mostof the ini-
tiative for what has been happening In
Vietnam has rested with the aggressor.
The future course of the conflict is al-
most impossible to predict for the same
basic reason and, as long as this condi-
tion prevails, I think the uneasiness here
at home over this new and strange- kind
of a "war," and the uncertainty about
what we are getting into, is bound to
increase to the detriment of both our real
and our apparent national resolution.
I am convinced, as I have said before
on several occasions, that the American
people need and deserve to be told, fully
and frankly, why this war must be fought
and why it must be won-"won" in the
sense, that is, that the President now
defines our possibility of success in
achieving our underlying goal-and I am
also convinced that they need and de-
serve to be told, with equal fullness and
frankness, what the cost of such success
may be to them.
Until this has been done, I fear that
the seeming contradiction that may ex-
ist, here, between what the American
people want, and what they are willing
to pay for, will continue-and, for so long
as that is so in any degree, the posture of
the United States, in southeast Asia or
elsewhere, is not one of full strength.
In my judgment, the President must
bear the primary responsibility for im-
proving this situation. To a degree, after
a rather long period of comparative
silence, he has been attempting to do so.
But I do not think that press confer-
ences, nor "off the record" discussions
with either congressional leaders or rep-
resentatives of the news media, or inten-
tional leaks about the possibility of troop
The best and, traditionally and con-
stitutionally, the proper vehicle to which
the President should turn is the Con-
EXTENSION OF REMARKS gress itself-as I think, eventually, he
OF will have to do. And, if I am correct in
HON. HOWARD W. ROBISON this assessment, Mr. Speaker, then the
of NEW YORK sooner the better for all concerned.
And, now, under leave to extend my
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES remarks and include extraneous material,
Monday, July 19, 1965 I submit for the consideration of my col-
Mr. ROBISON. Mr. Speaker, I have leagues the following newspaper com-
been urging the Congress to assume its ments, the first an editorial from the
rightful role in participating in the shap- July 16, 1965, edition of the Christian
ing of our long-range foreign policy, par- Science Monitor, and the second a col-
ticularly with reference to the continu- umn by Tom Wicker as appearing in the
ing and, expanding conflict in southeast New York Times on the same date:
Asia. [From the Christian Science Monitor, July
16, 19651
I remain convinced that the vast maj-
ALL THE FACTS S ON VIETNAM
ority of the American people will sup- Now that the U.S. Government has made
port whatever must be done to achieve it clear that it is determined to achieve in
our goal of ending Communist aggres- Vietnam those military ends which it be-
sion and subversion against South Viet- lieves are right and necessary, Washington
nam, and then of attempting to work out faces three moral and practical obligations.
some honorable and satisfactory ar- The first of these is to explain more con-
rangement under which its citizens will vincingly to the American people and the
be left free to choose and shape their world why Washington believes this war
own destiny. must be fought and won. The second is to
tell the American people as fully and as
So far, so good-but, though the Amer- frankly as is possible what this war will de-
ican people undoubtedly understand that mand of them. The third is to win that
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A3869
with it provided the American pepole wttlia visible perceptively editorialized on the prob-
War wit gthe utmost speed consistent
deeenc and common humanity. and definable target, and they aimed at it lems of trade with the Communist bloc.
dl
h
t
a
e
y.
ear
Although we understand and sp thize unanimously and whole
with the difficulties, both domestic and for- The trouble with the war In Vietnam is
sign, which President Johnson faces over that Lyndon Johnson can provide no such
Vietnam, we do not believe that any one of attractive terminal goal. There is no real
these three ` obligations are yet ' being met. battlefront to be stablized at a certain line.
Washington's explanations on American in- There Is no lost and occupied territory to be
volvement in Vietnam have left far too regained. There is not even a clearly visible
many Americans (to say nothing of the rest enemy command' to be brought to Its knees
of the world) confused, doubtful and in and relieved of its swords.
many cases even indignant. Washington NO RINGING SLOGANS
has, deliberately refrained from telling the It is not surprising, therefore, that this
American people what the White -House and repugnant war has produced no rising slogans
the will be well know: the cost of vic- and no confident definitions of victory. And
tnord probably probab be high, high, long. road Finally, the present sen t that m4y be why, despite the evident general
a troops, th bases and d ma ma- - support for the President's policy, the Viet-
rial fan build-up of tr, namese war has sicklied o'er the American
terial in Vietnam may not be adequate for sky with the pale cast of uneasiness. People
even a `long-drawn-out effort at victory, to want something tangible to fight for.
say rio co of a swift and decisive effort to This and earlier administrations have
end the conflict. worked hard to provide it. A clear and con-
circumstance any war is a anywhere, and heart-rending under human any sistent American goal has been to achieve an
tragedy. gy$ once But once a war is begun, the wisest end to aggression and subversion against
South Vietnam.
and most merciful procedure is to win that BthoVd that is diplomatic murk, although
humane ma considgconside as iseration left consistent the warrior. every the South Vietnamese Government, with the Nor ,aili anything be gained by failing to endorsement of Dean Rusk, has set forth
these additional fundamental principles for
if If utte Vietnraly frank with eye get Armed forces, a just and enduring peace:
a call-up m of ises Reserve require units, nlamerew military yrce ap- , Freedom for South Vietnam to choose and
propriations, the sooner and more fully the shape its own destiny without outside inter-
American, people are told of this the better. ference; an end to South Vietnamese military
At present, this news Is coming out in dribs action and the withdrawal of all foreign
axed drab, in hints, in "leaked" stories and troops; and. effective guarantees for inde-
in other roundabout ways. It is little won- pendence and freedom for the South Viet-
der that the American people seem uncer- namese people.
thin and confused about what is going on. Mr. Rusk added that if these principles
We believe that the American alms of pre- were realized, North and South Vietnam
serving South 'Vietnam's independence, of could proceed to a free decision on the
halting outside aggression and of seeking a question of reunification.
,negotiated peace with honor and justice are That would not appear to rule out govern-
right. But we also believe that these may ment participation by South Vietnamese
well require greater sacrifices than Wash- Vietcong elements, as distinguished from
ington has yet admitted. It is high time North Vietnamese infiltrators. It does not
that the White House made this plain. necessarily reject the idea of international
guarantees partially shared by Communist
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, July 16, powers. It at least opens the possibility of
19651 South Vietnam being voted by all of Indo-
WASHINGTON: How DEEP Is THE RIVER? ' china into a Communist or Titoist govern-
(8g Tom Wicker) rent as a part of reunification.
Mr._ Johnson probably has to float these
WASHINGTON,' July 15.-In the early days of notions before Hanoi, Peiping and Moscow,
his Presidency, Lyndon Johnson Is supposed as well as the Vietcong themselves, if he Is
to have remarked that his support In the to keep open the faint prospect that they
country was like a western river-wide but eventually might consider the conference
shallow. ?The remark probably had no special v'ble more promising or less punishing than
relevance to the specific question of his policy the jungle.
in Soittli Vietnam, but in the months and OUR BARGAINING POSITION
years ahead thedepth of that particular river ,
maybe thoroughly tested. But he cannot concede such points in ad-
The best efforts of poll takers and the in- vance without destroying his bargaining
formed opinion of reporters and'others who position in southeast Asia-a position that
move around the country agree that the Na- already needs plenty of improvement. Nor
tion is supporting the expanded war in South is it likely that he can foresee whether any
Vietnam and believes with Mr. Johnson that or all of these arrangements might become
the United. States must stick to its guns necessary or impossible or even advantageous.
against the Communist guerrillas. So there Is not, and probably can't be, any
inspiring and precise definition of what the
TFI,E GOOD PEOPLE
war is all about. As the casualty list
It is likely, also, however, that the majority lengthens, this might turn Mr. Johnson's
f,, the good people pursuing their business river into a dry gulch unless the American
from here to the Pacific coast do not have a people understand that the problem is not
detailed understanding of what is going on, so simple as bringing down Hitler or getting
what is at stake, and what could happen in the missiles out of Cuba.
remote southeast Asia. In such a complex
situation the people have rallied round the
President, taken his word and advice, and
acquiesced in his management of things.
In the postwar world, moreover, it has not
been difficult to mobilize American opinion
around an anti-Communist position, and it
always has been easy to evoke the patroitic
fervor of. Americans when their flag and their
boys are under fire.
But wars involving mass societies in the
ZOth century with its instant communica-
Any Trade With Reds Helps Foe
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB
tions, Pnd propaganda 'techniques are most IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
easily sustained when there is a clear-cut ob- Monday, July 19, 1965
j'ective. Franklin Rooseveltth's demand for
unconditl'ona) surrender' of the Axis Powers Mr. LIPSCOMB. Mr. Speaker, the
may have been unwise in the long view, but Alhambra Post Advocate of July 13, 1965,
ministration's extensive campaign de-
signed to promote an increase in East-
West trade as virtually a political and
economic panacea to the cold war.
As the editorial concludes:
One of the greatest cold war ironies is
that the free world does not recognize the
threat or ignores it to trade with the Rus-
sians in the mistaken belief that it enhances
the cause of peace.
Unless there Is more recognition of this
fact, we could become the tools of our own
destruction.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
submit the editorial for inclusion in the
RECORD:
[From the San Gabriel Valley (Calif) Post
Advocate, July 13, 1965]
ANY TRADE WITH REDS HELPS FOE
One of the most futile exercises in seman-
tics of our generation is whether a distinc-
tion can be made between strategic and non-
strategic goods so far as trade with the
Soviet Union and its satellites is concerned.
Without the trade from the free world,
the Soviet Union could not have reached the
position of influence and power she wields
today. Whether wheat or machinery, trade
to the Soviets is a political weapon for
Marxist domination and as such is strategic.
The value of trade with the free world
to the Soviets was clearly outlined recently
in a speech by B. F. Coggan, an executive
of the National Security Industrial A*ocia-
tion, who has traveled extensively in Russia,
"Russia,' he said, "has come to the real-
ization that she cannot exist unto herself
and she must enter the world marketplace.
We now see Marxism turning outward and
making a direct contact with the free world
through the window of trade.
"Russia will now try to market her prod-
ucts worldwide In an effort to enlarge Marxist
influence throughout the world. She be-
lieves that world trade will gain her time to
overtake the economic progress of capitalistic
countries * * * We therefore now see the
Soviet leaders attaching a very special im-
portance to opening up trade with the United
States."
One of the greatest cold war Ironies Is
that the free world does not recognize the
threat or ignores it to trade with the Rus-
sians in the mistaken belief that it enhances
the cause of peace.
Unless there is more recognition of this
fact, we could become the tools of our own
destruction.
Busiest Executive-"Mr. Boston"-42 Af-
filiations for Ralph Lowell
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
Or
HON. F. BRADFORD MORSE
O$' MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 19, 1965
Mr. MORSE. Mr. Speaker, the recent
edition of Poor's Register of Corpora-
tions, Directors, and Executives shows
that the Nation's busiest executive is a
remarkable Bostonian, Ralph Lowell.
Mr. Lowell serves as chairman of the
Boston Safe Deposit & Trust Co., but he
is also .a, director or officer of 41 other
corporations.
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In addition to all of these activities,
Mr. Lowell is a noted patron of the arts
in Boston and has built the Lowell Fund,
organized to assist Harvard students
from $238,000 to $2 million.
Ken McKenna, of the New York Herald
Tribune, wrote an interest profile of Mr.
Lowell and I would like to share it with
the House by inserting it in the RECOSD :
BUSIEST ExEcuTIVE-"MR. BosToN"-42 AF-
FILIATIONS FOR RALPH LOWELL
(By Ken McKenna)
This year Ralph Lowell somehow is divid-
ing his working hours between Boston Safe
Deposit & Trust Co. and 41 other corpora-
tions and institutions where he is an officer
or director.
As such, the 74-year-old Bostonian became
the busiest corporate executive In the United
States for 1965.
Mr. Lowell, who ischairman of Boston Safe
Deposit, added 12 new affiliations this year,
thereby taking the lead over last year's busi-
est director, Washington Businessman George
E. Allen. Mr. Allen, famed as the joke-telling
friend of U.S. Presidents, ran second this
year.
This information concerning the public life
of top executives emerged from the 1965 edi-
tion of "Poor's Register of Corporations, Di-
rectors and Executives." The 3,810-page vol-
ume, weighing 13 pounds, was published yes-
terday by Standard & Poor's Corp.
Among the facts of business life emerging
from the publication:
The average age of top-level corporate offi-
cers and directors is increasing rather than
decreasing. An age study of the listed 71,327
men indicated the average age of executives
has increased by 4 percent over last year.
With a possible boost from the space age,
]Massachusetts Institute of Technology
moved into the leading 10 colleges and uni-
versities attended by corporate executives
and directors. Harvard was an easy first,
with 4,135 company officers listed. Following
were Yale, Princeton, and the University of
Pennsylvania.
Busiest woman executive was Mary A. Mc-
Cravey, secretary of Georgia-Pacific Corp.,
Who is also an officer and/or director of 23
related companies.
Standard & Poor's candidate for the year's
most active executive is a member of the
renowned New England Lowell family. Often
identified as "Mr. Boston," he has demon-
strated over the years a surprising range of
interests.
LONG LIST
His affiliations include John Hancock Mu-
tual. Life Insurance Co., as a director; New
England Medical Center, treasurer; Massa-
chusetts Institute of Technology, life mem-
ber of the corporation; Massachusetts His-
torical Society, trustee, and Salvation Army
Association, treasurer.
He is also a director of Republic Steel
Corp., Avco Corp., American Brewing Co.,
Park Sheraton Corp., and S. Klein Depart-
ment Stores.
A lover of cultural pursuits, he was an
early advocate of educational television
(commercial television plays "down to
amuse; we play up to stimulate or instruct,"
he once said).
Recently he backed a proposal that the
conservative Boston Museum of Fine Arts
buy a Picasso painting and Brancus sculp-
ture, commenting, "Now, I don't believe in
all this modern stuff myself, but I'm not
always right."
As a financial figure, his batting average
has been high. In the 37 years he managed
the Lowell Fund, organized to assist students
at Harvard, Its assets grew from $238,000 to
$2 million.
His major concern is Boston Safe Deposit
& Trust, of which he is chairman. He de-
scribes the trust bank, oldest of the char-
tered trust companies in the United States,
as "a bank with a conscience."
Mr. Lowell earned a Phi Beta Kappa key at
Harvard, graduating in the class of 1912 with
Robert Benehley, Frederick Lewis Allen, and
Joseph P. Kennedy. The executive, a mem-
ber of the seventh generation of his family to
attend the college, was later elected president
of the Harvard University Board of Overseers.
"When we say college here, we mean Har-
vard," he said a few weeks ago, "I can't think
of any Lowells who didn't go."
OLDER
At 74, Mr. Lowell is in an age category that
increased this year in "Poor's Register" of
active executives. Some 8,303 executives were
listed in the 71-to-80 bracket, almost 1,000
more than last year.
The number of working businessmen over
80 also rose, by 50 percent to 1,402. In the
younger categories, the number of executives
declined. Only 59 percent of the officers and
directors listing their age (4,541 omitted this
fact) were In the 21-to-60 area, compared
with 63 percent in 1964.
The Register is shadowy on one point.
Harold L. Wyman, Standard & Poor's senior
vice president in charge, pointed out that the
count of women executives (1,284) was based
on those positively identified as such.
There is reason to believe, he said, a great
number of women conceal their sex by re-
porting only initials.
Sportsmen Must Bypass Philadelphia
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN D. DINGELL
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 13, 1965
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, pursu-
ant to permission granted, I Insert into
the Appendix of the CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD a grim warning appearing in the
Pennsylvania Game News published
monthly by the Pennsylvania Game
Commission of the Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania entitled "Sportsmen Must
Bypass Philadelphia."
Citizens across the Nation are con-
cerned about the kind of irresponsible
legislation directed at firearms and law-
abiding citizens.
The legislation referred to is an ordi-
nance of the city of Philadelphia requir-
ing that all sporting arms purchased,
transferred, or brought into the city, in-
cluding rifles and shotguns, be registered
and may not be legally possessed in the
county without first presenting the own-
er's name, address, fingerprints, photo-
graph, and serial number to the Phila-
delphia Police Department accompanied
by a registration fee of $1.
Firearms not so registered may be con-
fiscated and the owner fined.
This is simply an example of the direc-
tion in which legislation such as H.R.
6628, H.R. 1783, S. 14, and the so-called
Dodd bill, S. 1591, and S. 1592, is taking
this Nation:
BECAUSE OF NEW GUN LAW SPORTSMEN MUST
BYPASS PHILADELPHIA
(By Charles H. Nehf)
Philadelphia, the birthplace of American
Democracy, - Is now in the onus position of
also giving it "the kiss of death." The very
implication of the ridiculous new restrictive
gun law which went into effect April 15 now
strikes at the very heart of human privileges
granted in the constitution of the United
States.
The Philadelphia law now requires that all
sporting firearms purchased, transferred or
brought into the city, including rifles and
shotguns, be registered and may not be pos-
sessed legally In the county without first pre-
senting the owner's name, address, finger-
prints, photograph and serial number to the
Philadelphia Police Department. Registra-
tion fee is $1. Incidentally guns not so
registered may be confiscated and the owner
fined.
"This law," as stated by an official of the
Pennsylvania Game Commission, "will im-
pose serious hardships on both the honest
resident sportsman and on the visiting
hunter or target shooter who is temporarily
in, or passing through the city."
"Out-of-State sportsmen are particularly
cautioned to keep this in mind when travel-
-Ing through the city of Philadelphia. The
transportation of unregistered firearms
through Philadelphia constitutes a violation.
It should be emphasized that this is not
a Pennsylvania law, but applies only In the
city of Philadelphia."
PUSHING OUTWARD
In some of the initial discussion of the
bill, the mayor of Philadelphia and council-
men expressed the hope that similar laws
would be imposed by the counties of Bucks,
Chester, Delaware, and Montgomery. The
heat is now on and overtures have already
been made to the county commissioners in
the districts surrounding Philadelphia.
Just where does this leave the honest law-
abiding sportsman? It places him out in left
field so far that he isn't even in the ball
game anymore.
The sportsmen, as repeated many times
over, are as much concerned with crime as
anyone. Our position is that absolutely no
amount of laws for registering sporting arms
can and will reduce crimes. Philadelphia
and every other part of the country will con-
tinue to have major crimes at gunpoint, in
spite of all the laws in the book.
Do criminals register firearms? The answer
to that question is only too obvious.
Let us just examine a few of- the nasty
situations which now arise under this abso-
lutely worthless gun law:
1. Sets up an autocratic police department:
The issuance of permits to transport, own or
transfer sporting firearms now rests in the
hands of a bureaucracy which smacks on the
border of autocracy. God forbid, but the first
place that all dictators in Europe went to
disarm the people was to the bureau of arms
registration. Once the public is deprived of
lawful arms then we become the victims of
might.
Over a recent weekend my wife and I spent
3 days at beautiful Williamsburg, Va. Among
many impressions, you just can't help but
realize that the very basis for the existence
of the United States is the result of an armed
citizenry.
2. Avoid Philadelphia airports in making
your trip west: Sportsmen of the Lehigh Val-
ley must now forget the Philadelphia Airport
and arrange their big game hunting trips to
the Far West and Alaska here at the Allen-
town Airport. TWA and United now have
direct routes out of Allentown and you can
pick up your jet accommodations at either
Pittsburgh or Chicago.
3. Bypass Philadelphia on your waterfowl
trips to the shore: The hundreds of Lehigh
Valley sportsmen who usethe Schuylkill Ex-
pressway and Walt Whitman Bridge to the
shore for waterfowl hunting must now give
Philadelphia a wide berth. The couple of
bucks we poured into eating meals along
the way will be spent elsewhere.
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operated it-for 10 years. In 1987, he ran for
office for the first time, seeking a seat in
Congress. He lost, but has never been 4e-
feated since. One year later he was elected
a U.S. Representative and has been in Con-
gress ever since.
COAUTHORED REORGANIZATION ACT
Representative MoNRONEY made his mark
in a hurry in Washington. While only in
his fourth term, he won the 1945 Collier's
Award for Distinguished Congressional Serv-
tee. He became a specialist in the organiza-
tion of Congress and with Senator Robert M.
La Follette, Republican, of Wisconsin, co-
authored'the Reorganization Act of 1946
which streamlined Congress.
Nearly two decades later, the organization
of Congress is still a major interest of MoN-
RoNEY. He now serves as cochairman of the
Joint Committee on Reorganization of Con-
greys, which is attempting to update the 1946
law and achieve needed reforms. Hearings
have been held and prospects are excellent
for another enactment.
In 1950, MONRONEY challenged veteran
Senator Elmer Thomas, Democrat, of Okla-
homa, for his seat. He beat Thomas in the
primary, easily defeated a Republican op-
ponent in the November election, and has
been a Senator ever since. His present term
does not expire until 1968.
Aviation has been a major legislative inter-
est of MoNRONER. He was the author of the
,Federal Aviation Act of 1958, which estab-
lished the Federal Aviation Agency. Six
(ether aviation laws are credited to him, and
he has been awarded the Wright Brothers
,Trophy for service to aviation and the Tony
Jannus Prize for his contributions to the
scheduled airline industry.
His aviation activities have stemmed from
his membership on the Senate Commerce
.Committee, and heading its Aviation Sub-
committee, He is also the chairman of the
Automotive Marketing Subcommittee and
was the author of the Automobile Labeling
Act of 1958, requiring window stickers to
,disclose the factory price of new cars.
Senator MoNI4PNEY is also a member of the
potent Appropriations Committee. He heads
its Legislative Subcommittee and serves on
five other. subcommittees, including the one
handling funds for the Post Office Depart-
ment. Obviously he is a mighty busy legis-
lator, often supposed to be at two or three
meetings at the same time.
HAS INDEPENDENT VIEWS
Senator MONRONEY made it plain during
his NEA interview that he will not simply
rubberstamp postal legislation sent up to
him from downtown. He has a questioning
attitude. He does not pretend to know all
the answers and he will reserve judgment
on some issues until he hears the facts.
Take the ZIP code, for example. He called
it "a good effort" but he does not know
whether its fWl-scale use Will actually speed
mail, delivery. He thinks it should be tested
for delivery results "after it has been in the
Woodwork long enough." He has named a
subcommittee to study ZIP code.
Soon after Mo'rzoNEY became. chairman of
the Post Office and civil service Committee,
President Lyndon B. Johnson sent to Con_
gress a Federal pay increase bill. This will
be handled by MONRONEY'S committee. He
is for a salary raise but against one novel
feature of the White House proposal-to
allow semiautomatic increases. in pay in
future years without congressional action.
Publishers concerned about their postage
rates will be glad to know that Chairman
MONRONEY,does not favor combining postal
pay and postal rate increases in a single bill.
"I think they should be separate," he told
NEA
Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and John Like every other Senator, Chairman MoN-
F. Kennedy both linked pay rate increases RONEY has a press secretary. She is Mrs.
on the theory that if postal workers got a Beth Short, ,widow of Joe Short, who was
raise, users of the mails should pay this add-
ed cost. through higher rates. The last two
rate increases have combined a pay and a rate
bill. It is good news that Senator MoNRoNEY
objects to this practice, as does NEA and
every- other mail user group.
DUBIOUS ABOUT PRIORITY MAIL
Postmaster General John A. Oronouski has
announced plans to seek legislation to estab-
lish a "priority mail" service, combining first
class and airmail. Presumably this would
mean the end of 5-cent letters and 8-cent
airmail, and the substitution of a priority
snail rate of 6 or 7 cents. The Post Office
would use trains or planes to transport mail,
whichever would give better service.
Senator MoiRoxxr is interested in better
service but he is not so sure that ending
airmail is the answer. He is not against the
Gronouski plan, he just wants the facts laid
on the line before he makes a decision. This
is a typical attitude for the new head of the
postal committee. He is a bearcat for facts
and does not jump to conclusions.
Mechanization of the postal service is an-
other subject on which the Oklahoma legis-
lator remains to be convinced. If econom-
ical and practical, he is for it but he believes
it can be overdone. He cited a personal ex-
perience with mailing eight wedding pres-
ents, every one of which was broken in the
mails. He blamed machine handling for the
breakage.
On the other hand, Senator MONRONEY
agrees with most mall user groups- that `the
Post Office Department "has been niggardly
in asking for research and development funds
and Congress has been niggardly in giving re-
search dollars" to the POD. In his posi-
tion, on the Appropriations Committee,
MoxaoNEY is In a strategic spot to influence
Post Office thinking on mechanization.
SEES RATES AS CONTROVERSIAL
Senator MoxRONEY is a veteran of the post-
al rate wars. He knows all the arguments on
both sides. He has supported rate increases
when he felt they were needed, but at the
same time he has exerted his considerable in-
fluence for moderation in the amounts. It
would be a good guess that this would be his
attitude in the future.
He does not know whether the Johnson
administration plans to propose a rate in-
crease. He will cross that bridge when he
comes to it. But there is one key prelim-
inary he hopes to get out of the way before
-the next rate bill comes, along. He wants
an independent cost study made by a top
accounting firm. He has discussed this
matter with the PMG.
When the 1962- rate increase was on its
way through Congress, the Senate Post Of-
fice Committee wrote into its repo`ft that a
full study of costs should be made before
another rate increase was considered. MoN-
RoNEY regrets this research has not been
done and hopes to arrange it in the future.
"It should have been done last year," he
told NEA.
Serrill raised with Senator MONRONEY the
problem of the "dilution of second-Glass
mail"-the granting of second-class entry to
publications which do not deserve the priv-
ilege. While Senator MONRONEY was un-
aware that a wall map had been granted
second-class entry, he did know of the sit-
uation in general and promised to help
"clean up second-class mail."
He Is concerned about the cut rates for
charitable institutions end realizes what a
large burden such rates impose on Post Office
Department finances. He does not know the
answer and is aware of all the controversy
which greets every effort to raise charity
rates, but he hopes to find a solution.
16655
press ' secretary to President Harry S. Tru-
man. Mrs. Short has a solid newspaper
background herself, but her `duties are, a
little different from most Senate press aids.
For one thing, Senator MONRONEY writes
his own speeches and press releases. He
doesn't just dictate them, he types them
himself. Behind his desk there is a type-
writer-an ancient L. S. Smith which he
dug up and had restored at a cost prob-
ably greater than a new electric machine.
He is delighted with it.
There may be other Senators who are
touch typists but probably Senator MoN-
RoNEY is the only one who bats out copy on
an old standard model. Mrs. Short some-
times feels like a copy girl as he processes
speeches and releases "takes" hot off the
boss' typewriter. She indicated that the
Senator's private office is not unlike a news-
room as a deadline nears.
If the next postal rate law is written at
least in part on that L. C. Smith, newspaper-
men can at least take comfort that it was
done by a city room alumnus who remains at
heart a newspaperman.
INCOME TAX LOOPHOLES
Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr.
President, in the current issue of the Sat-
urday Evening Post, Stewart Alsop
points out some facts about the loopholes
in our tax structure-facts which dem-
onstrate how that structure favors the
very rich, particularly those who have
amassed their fortunes in certain busi-
nesses which enjoy a special tax status.
There are many in the Senate, notably
the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DOUGLAS]
who have been pointing out the inequity
of these loopholes for some time, but I
think Mr. Alsop's brief essay is an espe-
cially pointed and concise statement of
the problem. We must face up to the
fact that we did not finish the job with
last year's income tax cut and this year's
excise tax cut. We still have some un-
finished tasks of tax reform facing us.
The long-range prospects for our eco-
nomic system depend, among other
things, on the existence of an equitable
tax structure. Something is wrong
when it turns out that the man who
earns $5,000 a year is paying a greater
percentage of this income in Federal
taxes than the man who earns $5 million
annually. And something is even more
wrong when it turns out that the man
who earns $5,000 a year is actually paying
more money in taxes than the man who
earns $5 million. These are docu-
mented facts. So that others may see
Mr. Alsop's remarks, Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that they be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE NEW BIG RICH-A POSTSCRIPT
(By Stewart Alsop)
WASHINGTON.-A good many years ago
George Kennan, then chief of the State De-
partment's policy planning staff, suggested
that I look up a certain Russian refugee in
New York. The man was intelligent, Kennan
said; he had been a major Communist func-
tionary in the Soviet Union, and he knew a
lot about how the system really worked.
The next time I was in New York I tele-
phoned the Russian, and he asked me to
dinner, giving a rich-sounding Park Avenue
address. A maid dressed in Mary Petty style
ushered me: Into a handsomely furnished
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE July 19, 1965
duplex apartment, and I sat down to a mem- The Treasury statisticians based their be reading Into these returns the provisional
orabl.e meal;. with two good wines, fol- study on the year 1958, when the top income and conditional nature of the popular sup-
lowed by a really impressive brandy. tax rate (which literally nobody paid) was port. It rests almost entirely on the hope
Over the brandy and cigars, the Russian supposedly 91 percent. In the Kennedy- that the President's policy will succeed, on
remarked that when he arrived in the United Johnson tax reduction passed by Congress the belief that the President Is in a better
States a few years before, he had only the last year, the top bracket was out back to position to judge than is anyone else, on
clothes on his back and one $5 bill. "Then 70 percent. This was a useful stop in the dislike of any alternatives thus far proposed,
how in the world?" I asked-and finished the right direction. No man in his senses would and the patriotic feeling that in time of trou-
question by gesturing .at the opulent risk his capital if he had to absorb all losses, ble good citizens should rally around the
surroundings. while the Government picked up $9 out of President.
"Very simple," said the refugee in his heavy $10 of profit. Thus, if taxes had really been But while the President's supporters are a
accent. "In Communist Russia, way to get paid at the rates established in the tax tables, large majority, the quality of their support
ahead is to be a Communist, so naturally I the capitalist system would have collapsed. Is fragile. To keep it the President must
am a Communist. In capitalist America, But even a 70-percent top tax rate puts an make good in Vietnam Itself, and not merely
way to get ahead is to be a capitalist, so enormous premium on finding tax loopholes. In his arguments with congressmen and jour-
naturally I am a capitalist." A capitalist has a right to expect a reasonable nalists. There are important signs that, as
So he was. Using a little borrowed money return in "keeping money" for risking his the situation in Vietnam becomes worse, the
and a lot of foresight, he had acquired for a capital. According to experts, if the chief Republican support of the President is break-
song an option on some mothballed World loopholes were closed, the top bracket could ing up. Senator DIRKSEN by himself is no
War II freighters and started a coal-shipping be cut to 50 percent without loss of revenue, longer able to deliver the Republicans. Con-
business. Then, under the Marshall plan, and 50 percent - is surely not confiscatory. gressmen LAIRD and FORD, following the Gold-
the United States began shipping coal to Then a genuinely progressive tax system, water line, are preparing a trap for the Presi-
Europe on a vastly greater scale than ever based on ability to pay, could be restored. dent which it will not be easy for him to
before-and the Russian's business did go But the most important loophole closing re- avoid. Nothing that has come from the
well that, when I saw him, he was worth forms were knocked out of the Kennedy- liberal opponents has anything like the bite
several million dollars. Johnson program by Congress. Our progres- of the Laird-Ford opposition.
In. recent months, while working on an sive income tax system therefore remains FORAIMA FOR VICTORY
article on "America's New Big Rich," which what it has been for years-a myth. Messrs. LAIRD and Foaa start from the posi-
appeared in the last issue of the Post, I Our loophole ridden tax system as it now tion which President Johnson from arrived
often recalled George Kennan's Russian operates gives the tax sheltered businesses at-that a military victory is impossible, that
friend. For what he said is quite true. If a big advantage over less favored businesses. all we can hope for is a stalemate to be that
fol-
getting ahead and getting rich. are the same It thus has adistorting effect on the national lowed by the negotiation of a compromise
thing, then "in capitalist America, the way to economy. But what is much more impor- settlement. If that is the best the President
get ahead is to be a capitalist." tant, the system is unfair in human terms.
The man who uses money to make money wants, they say, it is not worth the commit-
In a capitalist society there is csurely apitalist. Aside keeps far more of it than the unfortunate ment of a large mass of American soldiers and
from wicked about being a capigial. Aside the Inevitable casualittes of a prolonged guer-
rom being six menng and were human fellow who uses his brains or his talents war. This puts the Republican activists
beings, the six men who were the subjects earn a salary in a company or a taxable es taxable in- to in opposition to a big land war in Asia, which
of my article-who have made an average come in one of the professions. But the un- undoubtedly the real sentiment of the
of $200 million in the last 20 years-created fairness does not end there. For example, a mass of our people. However; while the mass
thousands of jobs in the process of enrich- very rich man who has Inherited his money of our people do not want a big land war,
ing themselves. And yet the months I spent can put it in tax-free bonds and pay no In- they do want something that looks like a
on the trail of the new rich raised certain come tax at all, while a man with two de- victory. Messrs. LAIRD and Foan offer them a
questions in my mind about the tax strut- Pendents, earning a mere $5,000 a year, has formula for victory. It is to bomb North
turn: which, in many ways, determines how to prey almost a tenth of his income to the Vietnam from the air and keep the GI's out
the American capitalist system really works. Government. This Is not only unfair-it is of the foxholes.
Under the present tax structure there are grossly unfair. The Laird-Ford formula is superficially so
two ways a man can become a major capi- Gross unfairness can be very dangerous in plausible and so attractive that the Presi-
talist. He can invent a useful new product, a democracy, particularly if the economy runs pis going to have a herd time refusing
try is It. As in long as have da not bomb refusing
patent it, market it and enjoy a Govern- Into real trouble. In that case, the unfair- dent
meat-protected monopoly for the life of his flees could endanger the capitalist system it- and Haiphong, he will be unable to pane
patents. One of the men I wrote about- self--a system which. for all its faults, has to the country that Messrs. LARD and Fov
Dr. Edwin Land, who invented the Polaroid worked better thap.a?3yg oth r. did not have the magic formula for and FOR-
camera-became very rich in this way. A achiev
ing everything we want without paying much
great inventor like Dr. Land has an in- ~.,. ~,-.,.. of a price for it.
to the protection of the patent laws. Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the Re- There is no' reason whatever to think that
The five other men I wrote about became the destruction of Hanoi and Haiphong
rich in the second, and much more usual, publican calls to bomb Hanoi do not would bring the war in South Vietnam to a
way. They piled up huge fortunes in certain serve the cause of a rational foreign po1- satisfactory conclusion. For nearly 6 months
businesses-notably oil, insurance, savings- icy for our country in Vietnam. In its our bombers have been moving north, and
and-loan and real estate-all of which have July 19 issue Newsweek published a well- Hanoi has been put on notice that the
one thing in common. They all provide use- reasoned column by Walter Lippmann on bombers can do and may do just what Messrs.
ful tax shelters. These days, in order to this subject. As Mr. Lippmal111 convin- Ltam and FORD now say they should do.
build a really big fortune, a man must be C1nl ly warned: There has not been a quiver from Hanoi to
what hma Ahm nephew once suggest that the North Vietnamese would
called A Ahmannson, the e immensely rich Cali- It is most probable that if the President pay even a small price to avoid the bombing.
fornia savings-and-loan man-"a genius at followed the Laird-Ford line, he would find On the contrary, there Is much evidence that
tax law." Either that, or he must hire a that the North Vietnamese Army, which is their will to fight has grown harder.
genius for a tax lawyer. One of the chief a very good one, intervened not only by in- It is most probable that if the President
secrets of becoming very rich is to avoid- filtration, as now, but in force. It is not Im- followed the Laird-Ford line, he would find
quite legally, of course-paying heavy in- probable, moreover, that if we destroyed the
come taxes, or even, in some cases, any in- missile sites and the oil tanks and storage that a very the North one, Vietnaietnamesese Intervened ArArtmyy, , which is
ins
come tax at all. depots of North Vietnam, the Soviet Union good
I did not ask my six rich men what in- would step up its aid to make good the im- filtration, as now, but In force. It is not
come tax they paid. A man's income tax portant losses. This would bring the Presi- improbable, moreover, that if we destroyed
is his own business-and the business of dent face-to-face with Moscow and produce the missile sites and the oil tanks and stor-
the Internal Revenue Service-and if I had a worldwide crisis. age depots of North Vietnam, the Soviet
asked them, they would have told me, quite Union would step up Its aid to make good
rightly, to go to hell. But it was not really I ask unanimous consent to have this the important losses. This would bring the
-
necessary to ask. Certain statistics compiled article printed in the RECORD. President duce a face-toworldwide-face crisis. with Moscow and pro-
by the Treasury Department tell the income There being no objection, the article At some point, the President and his ad-
These story of the new big rich, as a class. was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
These statistics show that the man with visers are going to have to ask themselves
as follows: why everything goes wrong-be it under
"adjusted gross idcomon (income after THE HARD Lessors Henry Cabot Lodge or Maxwell Taylor-why
an. business and other deductions) of $1 million
a
a year ear pays, , on the average, a smaller proper- (By Walter Lippmann) over the years all our hopes have been dashed
tion of his income in taxes than the $50,- A very substantial majority of the people, and one plan after another has failed. It is
000-a-year man. The man with an adjusted upward of 60 percent according to the Gal- not that we have not tried. It Is not that
gross income of $5 million a year, in turn, lup and Harris polls, support the President on the military and civilian leaders have not
typically pays a ,smaller proportion than the Vietnam. Yet, the White House and the been efficient and faithful in their specialties.
$1-million-a-year man. State Department cannot, I feel sure, fail to It Is, I believe, that we have set ourselves a
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July 19, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
task, which, like squaring the circle or per-
petual motion or living 200 years, Is impos-
sible to do. It is an impossible task for the
United States to reach across the Pacific
Ocean and to determine what shall be the
constitutional foundations of a country in
Asia, or by force of American arms to assure
a weak country that it will be non-Com-
munist, self-governing and independent of
its enormously big neighbor.
To say that something ought to be done
does.not make it possible to do it. That is
a hard lesson to learn. It is a hard conclu-
sion for politicians to admit. But it is one
of the lessons every nation, like every in-
dividual, has in the course of time to learn.
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, the
fate of the captive nations is the most
heart-rending legacy of the last war and
one of the heaviest burdens that presses
upon the conscience of free world lead-
ership. The tragedy Is that today the
free world is in no better position to help
these nations than at any time during the
last 20 years. Their situation poses a
great human dilemma, perhaps one of
the greatest such dilemmas In modern
history.
It is sad that while the free world won
a triumphant victory over Its deadly
Nazi and Fascist foes, more than 100
million people in -central and eastern
Europe fell under the steamroller of
Communist totalitarianism. Deliberate-
ly, treacherously, and In flagrant viola-
tion of its wartime pledges, the Govern-
ment of the Soviet Union imposed its
iron rule over peoples living in areas
from the Baltic to the Black Sea. For
two decades these peoples, including 17
million Germans in East Germany, have
been separted from the free West.
All the efforts made by the govern-
ments of the free world have not brought
about any change in the lot of captive
nations. But we in this country are
firmly determined to do all we can to
have these nations freed. We have also
resolved to keep the issue before the
public by annually observing Captive
Nations Week, in pursuance of a joint
congressional resolution passed in 1959
and annual Presidential proclamations.
I am Indeed happy to raise my voice in
support of the observance of Captive Na-
tions Week.
CALIFORNIA COTTON
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, the
Commodity Credit Corporation will
shortly own 10 million bales of cotton.
I am proud to note that very little of
this surplus will be California cotton
which is efficiently grown and has re-
mained competitive in both the domestic
and world markets. Last year only about
11/2 percent of California's cotton was
taken over by the Government.
Mr. President, I have long been con-
cerned with the declining use of cotton
by our textile industry. If cotton is not
to be completely replaced by synthetics,
there is a need for an encouragement of
the production of quality cotton. There
Is also the need to relieve the already
overburdened taxpayer from having to
pay for supports on cotton that is not
No. 130-14
of sufficiently high quality to be used in
our high-speed and efficient modern tex-
tile mills. That is why I made known
my support for the Agricultural Act of
1964 as it pertained to cotton when it
was before the Senate in March 1964.
There were some provisions in that legis-
lation which I questioned, but I keenly
believed that our cotton industry needed
an opportunity to revitalize itself so that
it could once again become competitive.
The Committee on Agriculture of the
House of Representatives has now re-
ported an omnibus farm bill, H.R. 9811,
which contains some useful provisions to
encourage the. production of quality cot-
ton. I hope my colleagues on the Senate
Committee on Agriculture will continue
to give this question the deep study which
they have been giving it so that at long
last quality cotton production may be
encouraged in America.
Mr. President, I ask consent that a
telegram which I have just received from
Mr. John P. Benson, president of the
Western Cotton Growers Association, be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the telegram
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
JULY 19, 1965.
Senator THOMAS H. KUCHEL,
Old Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
California cotton has not caused the pileup
in carryover and Government-held stocks
which has created the crisis in the cotton in-
dustry. I
It is estimated that on August 1 of this
year, the Government's Commodity Credit
Corporation will own 10 million bales of cot-
ton. This is one of the largest supplies of
cotton ever held or awned by any govern-
ment or corporation. And practically none
of it will be California cotton.
Last year only about 11/Z percent of Cali-
fornia's cotton was taken over by the Govern-
ment. The figures for most other States was
50 to 85 percent. This simply means that
the American textile mills did not buy all
that cotton and the Government had to.
As we pointed out at the Senate hearings,
quality is one of the keys both to increased
cotton consumption ' and to the mounting
pile of Government-owned cotton. On the
one hand, if more quality cotton were pro-
duced more cotton as a whole and less syn-
thetics would be used. On the other hand,
the production of cotton which the textile
mills pass over contributes both to the in-
crease of Government-owned stocks and the
increase in the use of synthetics.
I urge you to vigorously present these facts
when cotton legislation comes before the
Senate for consideration.
ciation.
PROFESSORS SUPPORT VIETNAM
POLICY
Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, a statement
strongly supporting the administration's
policy in Vietnam 'has just been issued
by 67 professors from various American
colleges and universities. Although this
document was circulated at the end of
the academic year when many instruc-
tors had left their campuses, it is signed
by a number of distinguished political
scientists, historians, economists, and
other faculty members.
16657
At this critical period it is reassuring
to have this positive assessment by ex-
perts in international affairs about the
course we are now pursuing. These pro-
fessors assert that in their opinion-
U.S. policy in Vietnam is consistent with
the realities of the situation, the goals of
American foreign policy, and the peace and
freedom of South Vietnam.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the full text of this statement,
together with the list of signers, be
printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
A STATEMENT IN SUPPORT OF U.S. POLICY IN
VIETNAM BY POLITICAL SCIENTISTS AND
OTHERS
To dispel the notion that any small but ac-
tive and vocal groups of teachers and stu-
dents speaks for the entire academic com-
muntty on the problem of Vietnam, we the
undersigned feel it necessary to make clear
our support for the policies of President
Johnson. We do not believe the U.S. policy
in Vietnam has been free from errors, but
its infallibility is not at issue. At issue are
Its relevance, realism, and morality. We be-
lieve U.S. policy in Vietnam is consistent with
the realities of the situation, the goals of
American foreign policy, and the peace and
freedom of South Vietnam.
'We strongly desire peace in Vietnam and a
political settlement of the war achieved
through negotiation among responsible par-
ties. We regret the involvement of Ameri-
can troops in a foreign war. We believe the
President shares these commitments and re-
grets. We believe in the good faith of his
reiterated desire to seek a political settle-
ment of this war through negotiation, any
time, anywhere, with any responsible parties.
We ardently support social, political and
economic reform in Vietnam and elsewhere,
and welcome all efforts to achieve representa-
tive institutions, economic opportunity, per-
sonal freedom and a higher standard of living
for all. We believe that the present Demo-
cratic administration has made clear its dedi-
cation to progress in Vietnam by its very
substantial development program and its
promise of massive assistance when the ces-
sation of hostilities makes possible full con-
centration of the Vietnamese people on the
job of development.
We believe that war is a gruesome travesty
on civilized decisionmaking and that the
war in Vietnam Is a hideous burden on the
people of that nation. However, we also
know-for this is a matter of evidence, not of
opinion-that the war in South Vietnam re-
sulted not from a spontaneous outburst of
popular unrest, not from American invasion,
but from the deliberate exportation by Hanoi
of waves of troops trained in the tactics of
terrorism and guerrilla warfare. Aggression
from the North is not merely a cliche in a
propaganda war; it is combat-ready soldiers,
trained and equipped by Hanoi, armed with
modern weapons, and Mao's strategy for the
subjection of a peasant population. We re-
gard it as exceedingly significant that no
major population group in South Vietnam
supports, or has supported, the Vietcong.
Confronted with the sharp escalation of
Hanoi's aggression against South Vietnam,
the U.S. Government had available a limited
number of alternatives:
The United States might have sued for
peace and met Hanoi's reiterated demand for
withdrawal of all American support to South
Vietnam. It would thereby have permitted
South Vietnam to be integrated into the
totalitarian Leviathan to the north, and have
abandoned tens of thousands of South Viet-
namese who have resisted totalitarian ex-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE July 19, 1965
pansion to liquidation as enemies of a new
Communist ruling class.
The United States might hate done noth-
ing, and permitted its own forces and those
of South Vietnam to be defeated by Hanoi's
enlarged forces. This course would have
added humiliation to withdrawal, would
have enhanced the "paper tiger" image of
the United States, as well as have consigned
South Vietnam to totalitarianism.
'rho United States might have launched
an all-out war against North Vietnam and
destroyed that nation's cities and industrial
capacity utterly and precipitously.
The United States might have begun a
restrained increase of its military effort,
designed to escalate the price of aggression
and enhance the incentives for peaceful
settlement.
Among the unsatisfactory and limiting
choices available, we believe the President
chose wisely. We support his continued
efforts to find a political settlement that will
achieve peace and freedom for South
Vietnam.
Finally, we reject the bizarre political doc-
trine that President Johnson or his prin-
cipal advisors have special obligations to the
academic community. Obviously, the ad-
ministration has obligations to explain its
policies to the American people. But to sug-
gest that some group of university profes-
sors has a right to a special accounting is
as outrageous as to suggest that the corpora-
tism executives of America, the plumbers,
the small businessmen, or the barbers have
special claims on the Government and its
principal spokesmen. It is a fundamental
principle of democracy that all categories of
citizens are equal under law, and that
neither wealth, nor class, nor expertise en-
titles a citizen to preferred treatment by his
Government.
Ulrich S. Allers, Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C.; Dean Stephen
Bailey, Maxwell School of Citizenship,
Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y.;
Comer Clay, Texas Christian Univer-
sity, Fort Worth, Tex.; Joseph Cooper,
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.;
George Demetrious, Director, Institute
for the Comparative Study of Political
Systems, Washington, D.C.; Martin
Diamond, department of , political
science, Claremont Men's College,
Claremont, Calif.; Eleanor Lansing
Dulles, Georgetown University, Wash-
ington, D.C.; Valerie A. Earle, George-
town University, Washington, D.C.;
John T. Everett, Jr., Texas Christian
University, Fort Worth, Tex.; Mark F.
Ferber, Assistant professor, Eagleton
Institute of Politics, Rutgers-the
State University, New Brunswick, N.J.
Victor C. Ferkiss, Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C.; Richard M. Fon-
tera, department of political science,
Douglass College, New Brunswick,
N.J.; Robert W. Fostor, professor of
law, University of South Carolina,
Columbia, S.C.; Carl. Friedrich, Har-
vard University, Cambridge, Mass.;
Wayne E. Fuller, professor of history,
Texas Western College, El Paso, Tex.;
Stephen P. Gilbert, Georgetown Uni-
versity, Washington, D.C.; Walter I.
Giles, Georgetown University, Wash-
ington, D.C.; Joseph B. Graus, depart-
ment of government, Texas Western
College, El Paso, Tex.; Richard Greer,
executive director, Operations & Policy
Research, Inc., 4000 Albemarle Street,
NW., Washington, D.C.; Ernest S. Grif-
fith, dean of the School of Interna-
tional Service, American University,
Washington, D.C.
George D. Haimbugh, Jr., associate pro-
fessor of law, University of South Car-
olina, Columbia, S.C.; Morton H. Hal-
perin, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Mass.; John F. Haltom, Texas Chris-
tian University, Fort Worth, Tex.;
Donald G. Herzberg, professor of po-
litical science, director of the Eagle-
ton Institute of Politics, Rutgers, the
State University, New Brunswick,
N.J.; Samuel Huntington, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass.; Jan
Karski, Georgetown University, Wash-
ington, D.C.; Jeane J. Kirkpatrick,
Trinity College, Washington, D.C.;
James E. Larson, professor of political
science, University of South Carolina,
Columbia, S.C.; J. R. Leguey-Feilleux,
Georgetown University, Washington,
D.C.; Karl H. Lerny, Georgetown Uni-
versity, Washington, D.C.
Michael F. M. Lindsay, professor, far
eastern studies, American University,
Washington, D.C.; Benjamin E. Lip-
pinoott, professor of political science,
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis,
Minn.; Seymour Martin Lipset, pro-
fessor, political science, University of
California, Berkeley, Calif.; George A.
Lipsky, professor, political science and
geography, Wabash College, Craw-
fordsville, Ind.; Kurt L. London, pro-
fessor, international affairs director,
Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies,
George Washington University, Wash-
ington, D.C.; Charles Burton Marshall,
Washington Center of Foreign Policy
Research, Washington, D.C.; Nell A.
McDonald, professor, political science,
Douglass College, New Brunswick,
N.J.; John H. McDonough, George-
town University, Washington, D.C.;
Franz Michael, professor, international
affairs, associate director, Institute for
Sino-Soviet Studies, George Washing-
ton University, Washington, D.C.
Warren Miller, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor, Mich.; S. D. Myres, profes-
sor, department of government, Texas
Western College, El Paso, Tex.; Wil-
liam V. O'Brien, Georgetown Univer-
sity, Washington, D.C.; George R. Os-
borne, department of political science,
Douglass College, New Brunswick, N.J.;
Robert E. Osgood, School of Advanced
International Studies of the Johns
Hopkins University, Washington, D.C.;
Roland t. Peruses, associate profes-
sor of government, Texas Western
College, El Paso, Tex.; Charles W.
Procter, Texas Christian University,
Fort Worth, Tex.; Lucian W. Pye, pro-
fessor, political science, Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, Cambridge,
Mass.; George H. Quester, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Mass.; Charles
H. Randall, Jr., professor of law, Uni-
versity of South Carolina, Columbia,
S.C.
Emmette Redford, University of Texas,
Austin, Tex.; Warren A. Roberts, pro-
fessor, political science and economics,
Wabash College, Crawfordsville, Ind.;
A. A. Rommer, Georgetown Univer-
sity, Washington, D.C.; Harold W.
Rood, department of political science,
Claremont Men's College, Claremont,
Calif.; Paul Seabury, University of
California, Berkeley, Calif.; Joseph S.
Sebes, S.J., Georgetown University,
Washington, D.C.; Warren Shearer,
professor of economics, Wabash Col-
lege, Crawfordsville, Ind.; August O.
Spain, Texas Christian University,
Fort Worth, Tex.; Melvin P. Straus,
associate professor of government,
Texas Western College, El Paso, Tex.
Susan Tallman, poltical analyst, Opera-
tions & Policy Research, Inc., Wash-
ington, D.C.; Donald Tacheron, asso-
ciate director, American Political
Science Association, Washington, D.C.;
N. H. Timmons, professor of history,
Texas Western College, El Paso, Tex.;
Procter Thomson, professor, economics
and administration, Claremont Men's
College, Claremont, Calif.; Richard L.
Walker, director, institute of interna-
tional studies, University of South
Carolina, Columbia, S.C.; Donald B.
Weatherbee, assistant professor, Insti-
tute of International Studies, Uni-
versity of South Carolina, Columbia,
S.C.; Clyde Winfield, chairman, pro-
fessor of history, Texas Western Col-
lege, El Paso, Tex.; Gerard F. Yates,
S.J., Georgetown University, Washing-
ton, D.C.; I. William Zartman, associ-
ate professor, institute of international
studies, Un,yiarsijy