WHY WE MUST STAY IN VIETNAM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180005-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 5
• Publication Date: July 16, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

July 16, 1roved For ReMGJk1R(1VV
United Nations, he was an articulate spokes
Inan for the cause of human freedom
throughout the world."
Senator ROBERT F. KENNEDY: "The man
who set out to `talk sense to the American
people' would not want us to mark his pass-
ing with 'the exaggerated praise that is so
often the lot of public men. But the con-
tributions of Adiai Stevenson to the United
States and to the world can scarcely be ex-
aggerated. Most of his adult life was spent
in the service of government; all of it was
spent in the service of the public."
Mayor Wagner: "Adlai Stevenson was a
spokesman for humanity. His wisdom,
warmth, and courage are a legend that will
endure and, grow with the years to come.
He was one of New York City's beloved sons
who, despite the great burden of his :office,
.gave unstintingly of his time to scores of
good causes. All of us in New York City
join his millions of friends throughout the
world in mourning his death."
Michael Stewa't, British Foreign Secre-
tary: "In the sudden death in London today
of Mr. Adlal Stevenson the world has lost a
great statesman. As an outstanding public
figure in his own country, as a candidate for
the U.S. Presidency and as Governor of
Illinois he showed a liberality of mind and
Cardinal Spellman: "All the world must
mourn the loss of a man so dedicated to the
cause of peace asAdlat Stevenson. His death
comes at a critical time when his remarkable
talents and his tireless efforts for the better-
ment of mankind are sorely needed: I pray
that God. will reward his selfless service to
others and that his soul may find eternal
peace."
Sir Alec Douglas-Home, former British
Prime Minister; "Adlai Stevenson will be
mourned by his many friends and admirers in
this country."
Lester B. Pearson, Canadian Prime Minis-
ter: "It is hard to exaggerate the importance
of Adlat Stevenson to the free world or to his
country. I can only express deep grief and
deep' shock at the news."
Jens Otto Krag, Danish Premier: "It was
typical of Mr. Stevenson that that he was
always ready to listen to what was being said
by smaller countries. He was attentive' not
least to the views of the Nordic countries.
The aim of his endeavor was a stable and just
peace."
Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, former Indian
Ambassador to the United States: "He stood
for honor and justice among men and nations
and his voice was the voice of reason in the
United Nations."
The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.:
"Our country should bow in reverence for
the passing of a bright star from the horizon
of world statesmanship. His leadership was
a bright interlude in the troubled history of
mankind."
Richard. J. Hughes, Governor of New Jer-
sey: "I knew that the people of New Jersey
share my grief on the loss of this consci-
entious and distinguished leader whose de-
parture will be mourned by freedom-loving
people throughout the world."
George W. Ball, Under Secretary of State:
"He was one of my closest friends for 30
years. I am very stunned by this. No one
ever had a more generous friend. He was
a man of very great qualities."
Arthur. J. Levitt, State controller: "The
world, has lost one of its most effective and
eloquent spokesmen for peace and one of its
great humanitarians."
Abia?a pi , D. Beanie, city controller: "He
was a loll Qf great personal spirit, a man
who, contributed tremendously to liberal
thinking in 20th century America."
Paul H. Screyane, city council president:
"We, our city, our country, the world, have
suffered a tremendous loss.".
Representative WILLIAM F. RYAN: "In him
was crystallized the best of a civilization."
Representative JOHN V. LINDSAY: "Adlat
Stevenson's was the eloquent voice of rea-
soned liberalism and human rights here in
America, and indeed, the voice of America's
conscience to the entire world."
Robert Moses: "His.was the American im-
age we are proud to, show as the symbol of
democracy."
ITr. Grayson Kirk, president of Columbia
University: "His was truly the global point
of view, grounded in a profound love of his
country and enlightened by compassion for
all men."
Bishop Reuben H. Muller, president, Na-
tional Council of Churches: "As citizens con-
cerned for the promise of man, we mourn the
loss of a great champion of man."
Rt. Rev. John E. Hines, presiding bishop
of the Episcopal Church: "His image is that
of the cultured, educated mind for whom
fear held no decisive victory. He remained
the kind of a man only the free world could
produce."
Bishop Prince A. Taylor, Jr., president of
the Council of Bishops of the Methodist
Church: "He embodied in his life rare ideal-
ism and practical realities as only few men
could have ever done."
Archbishop lakovos, Greek Orthodox pri-
mate in the United States "His passing is
an irreparable loss."
Rabbi Maurice N, Eisendrath, president,
Union of American Hebrew Congregations:
"The world has lost one of its most valuable
servants."
A DEFENSE OF THE U.S. SUPREME
COURT
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, in,view of
the tendency of many in the country to
criticize the U.S. Supreme Court for its
decisions-mainly, of course, because
they do not agree with them-it is re-
freshing to find in one of our newspa-
pers an eloquent statement defending the
Court and pointing out to what extent
it has, down through the years, guarded
the liberties we all hold dear.
Such a statement appeared in the edi-
torial columns of the Salt Lake Tribune,
one of our great newspaper, on July
4 of this year.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial be printed at this point in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THESE MEN ALSO DEFENDED OUR LIBERTIES
On this 189th anniversary of the Declara-
tion of Independence some Americans not
hell-bent on the highways may pause to
contemplate briefly our glorious heritage of
freedom. Too few, however, will give ade-
quate consideration and approbation to the
third branch of Government for its part
in safeguarding these precious liberties.
Praise for the Supreme Court is not abun-
dant today. Many of the Independence Day
orations, as in the past, may be highly
critical of the tribunal which usually is
most unpopular when it is most active.
"Paradoxically," says Leo Pfeffer, consti-
tutional lawyer, in "This Honorable Court,"
a newly published book, "the institution
least democratic in its structure-consist-
ing of nine men serving for life and respon-
sible to no one-has become the institution
most committed to and effective in the pro-
motion and preservation of democracy."
MOVES TO TRIM COURT POWER
Except for i937, when the Court was un-
der , fire for decisions, upsetting the New
Deal, a record number of measures to re-
strict the tribunal are now, in Congress.
Twenty-eight years ago the Justices were
damned for obstructing legislative power.
Now they are attacked for usurping legis-
lative authority.
Hearings are underway in both Houses
of Congress on, proposals to protect State
legislatures which the Court says are mal-
apportioned. The hearings presage what
may be the congressional battle of the cen-
tury-or an exercise in futility. Ninety res-
olutions are in the House and five in the
Senate which in effect seek to nullify the
Supreme Court's "one man, one vote" de-
crees, most of them by constitutional amend-
ment..
Cries of usurpation are not "new. It was
applied with vehemence on John Marshall,
the fourth Chief.. Justice, and his associates
who, established. once and for all the Court's
authority for judicial review.
A REFEREE IS ESSENTIAL
Whatever the validity of original argu-
ments against Marshall's Interpretation of
the Court's powers-and the painful doubts
of thoughtful men today about recent de-
cisions-it must be acknowledged that we
must have some kind of referee. Our democ-
racy needs judicial review as much to vali-
date legislation as to invalidate it. Without
some national body to determine validation
and legitimacy, the Federal and State Gov-
ernments would clash repeatedly, every de-
partment and bureau would encroach on its
rivals, and no citizen would know where to
look for legally binding rules.
This is judicial supremacy, to some extent,
but in a democracy like ours, the people
must agree to limit, channel, and discipline
their own political behavior if the written
Constitution is to indure and law prevent
chaos. Judges are likely to err sometimes.
They may err grievously. But who can pro-
pose a less fallible alternative system?
So-called judicial lawmaking is not new.
John Quincy Adams said that Chief Justice
Marshall settled more questions of constitu-
tional law than all the Presidents. And De
Tocqueville noted in the 1830's that prac-
tically every political question in the United
States sooner or later becomes a judicial
question.
ISSUES THRUST ON COURT
For the Warren court, the Bill of Rights,
almost forgotten for a long time, is the heart
of the Constitution. In the 1935-36 term,
the Supreme Court dealt with civil liberties
in only two out of 160 written opinions. In
the 1960-61 term, 54 of the 120 written opin-
ions handed down dealt with civil rights.
Failure of the executive and legislative
branches to meet their responsibility for
basic freedoms contributed to the Supreme
Court's emergence as guardian and defender
of civil liberties. By indirectly thrusting
upon the Court delicate problems more prop-
erly their own, the elected branches have
forced the judicial branch to take action.
Judicial intervention resulted mainly from
the necessity of filling a vacuum. Though it
may have gone too far in some cases, the
Court very likely has saved our Republic.
The Declaration of Independence paved the
way for our Nation. The freedoms for which
patriots fought and died were embodied in
the Constitution which established the gov-
ernment of checks and balances. These
checks and balances have been the supreme
merit of the American revolution-still go-
ing on-and the se t sf.,its success.
WHY WE MUS STAY IN VIETNAM
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, an argu-
ment the other night between a Salt
Lake City attorney and his son resulted
in one of the best and most factual de-
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 16486
Approved CONGRESSIONAL RECORD R9 46R000300180Yu1~y 16, 1965
fences of the administration's policies in
Vietnam I have seen.
It came about this way. The Salt Lake
attorney, Sanford M. Stoddard, who is a
good friend of mine, favors completely
the administration policy in southeast
Asia. His son, Ray, who was graduated
from. Stanford University this June with
an A.B. in history, does, too. But, for the
sake of an argument, Sanford Stoddard
took the position that the United States
has no business in Vietnam, and should
pull out. Ray presented the case for the
Johnson policies. When the argument
was completed, Ray felt he had not fully
convinced his father, so he put his argu-
ments down on paper. The result was
a hard-hitting, factual statement which
I commend to my colleagues. I ask unan-
imous consent that it be printed at this
point in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, with
thanks to the well-informed young man
who prepared it.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
WHY WE MUST STAY IN VIETNAM
(By Ray Stoddard),
The United States is compelled to, fight a
dirty little war in South Vietnam, not be-
cause national interests are directly at stake
in the area, but because this country is en-
gaged in a larger conflict-the cold war.
Properly, the Vietnamese engagement should
be regarded as one battle in the cold war.
It cannot be a decisive battle, but it is one
which may profoundly affect the outcome
of the larger conflict. It may well prove to
be a turning point in the struggle for the
control of southeast Asia and possibly for
the control of all of Asia.
If the Communists should win in South
Vietnam, the victory is likely to produce the
following results:
1. The Communists will be encouraged to
continue their aggressive policies in south-
east-Asia. They will undoubtedly mount sub-
versive campaigns against Thailand and
Malaysia and the Chinese may be encour-
aged to make some sort of aggressive moves
against India, Formosa, or Korea.
2. U.S. allies in the area will become dis-
couraged. If the United States proves un-
able or unwilling to defend South Vietnam
against Communist aggression, Thailand and
Malaysia, and perhaps even Japan, will have
no reason to believe that the United States
will defend them against similar aggression.
Thus, our allies in Asia may feel obliged to
make their peace with China before it is too
late.
3. The Communists will have won an im-
mense psychological victory among both the
Intellectuals and the masses, Already, com-
munism has a strong appeal for the intel-
lectuals 'because its successes in China have
convinced many of them that it is the only
possible solution for the problems of Asia.
A Communist victory in South Vietnam will
greatly strengthen this belief. The most
common motivation for political allegiance
in Asia is not the question of who is right,
but that of who will win. And if China
wins in South Vietnam, a great many Asians
will Inevitably decide that China will be the
winner in Asia. Thus, they will rush to
jump on the band wagon.
Therefore, South Vietnam has a symbolic
value similar to that of Czechoslovakia in
1937 and Korea in 1950. If Great Britain and
France had opposed littler in 1937, World
War II might have started then. On the
other hand, it might have been prevented.
Similarly, if the United States opposes
China's expansion into southeast Asia, a
larger war may break out. On the other
hand, the larger war may be prevented.
The example of Korea, it is submitted,
tends to support the argument that a strong
stand in South Vietnam will discourage fu-
ture friction between the United States and
China. The Korean war was not decisive
in terms of land control. Nor did it prove
that the United States could defeat the
Chinese army. It did demonstrate to~Chin a
that the United States would oppose act
of open aggression in Asia. In consequence,
the Chinese have not atempted any com-
parable acts of aggression since 1950, those
in Tibet and India being relatively insignifi-
cant.
Instead, the Chinese have developed the
tactic of indirect aggression. In areas like
South Vietnam and Laos, Communist sup-
ported guerrillas foment unrest, exploit
ignorance and poverty, wage war, and, the
Communists hope, undermine the govern-
ments. In the long run this subversive
movement is more dangerous to the United
States than the Korea style invasion. It is
just as effective and much more difficult to
defeat.
Therefore, the United States was bound to
attempt to halt this campaign before it be-
came too late. The only question was
where. The Eisenhower administration de-
cided against Laos: the situation was too far
gone, the Communists had too great a stra-
tegic advantage, and the logistical problem of
supporting a war in the area was virtually
insoluble. The Kennedy administration,
however, decided that the Communists could
be stopped in South Vietnam. The situation
there seemed to be better. The Diem gov-
ernment appeared to be relatively stable and
determined to defeat the Communists. Its
army seemed to be relatively strong, while
the Vietcong seemed to be relatively weak.
The strategic situation was certainly much
better.
The Diem regime, however, proved to be
rotten at the core. Within the first 2 years
of the U.S. involvement, that government
collapsed and plunged the country into a
period of political Instability from which it
has not yet emgerged. Moreover, the Viet-
cong proved to be much stronger than ex-
pected. Once the U.S. efforts became
hampered with political problems, the
Vietcong launched a larger and more aggres-
'sive offensive. At the present time, it is a
much more dangerous enemy than it was in
1960. It is better armed, it is operating in
larger units, it Is bolder and more aggressive,
and it is winning greater victories. To make
matters worse, the South Vietnamese resist-
ance is in much greater danger of collapse.
The original Kennedy policy proved to be
inadequate. President Johnson was forced
to either abandon the war or to increase U.S.
involvement. The course of abandonment,
however, would have involved a serious de-
feat for U.S. foreign policy. This country
had committed itself too deeply to the win-
ning of the war. A retreat would have cost
the United States all of southeast Asia. It
would have signified that the Vietcong-an
army of only about 100,000 men-had beaten
the United States. In the eyes of Asians,
this country would have been exposed as a
paper tiger.. The Communists would have
no reason to fear its strength, and its allies
would have no reason to trust in its aid.
Of course, there Is always the question of
how much the control of southeast Asia is
worth. The answer is that it is worth a
great deal. Strategically, the area controls
the air and sea routes between the Far East
and Europe and the Near East. Moreover,
military control of the area endangers Paki-
stan and India to the west, Australia to the
south and the Philippines to the east. And,
on the other hand, it secures the southern
border of China.
But, more important, Communist control
of southeast Asia would psychologically
endanger the U.S. position throughout
all of Asia. In fact, it would endanger
that position throughout the world. To the
Asians, China would look like a winner and
the United States would look like a loser. No
country can afford to build its destiny on the
basis of allegiance with a loser. Many coun-
tries now friendly to us would at least be
forced into the neutralist camp, since China
would certainly emerge from a victory in
South Vietnam as the only major power in
a very great area of the world. In the case
of Japan, our strongest friend in the area,
it would probably mean a shift of economic
and political ties from the direction of the
United States to the direction of China.
Of a certainty, a defeat in southeast Asia
would put the United States on the defen-
sive. The Chinese would be bound to exploit
their victory to the fullest extent. So they
would continue to test us. Their hope would
be that when the time comes for decisive
conflict we will be in a weaker position in
southeast Asia and they in a much stronger
one.
But where shall the United States stand
and fight after southeast Asia is lost? Thai-
land and Malaysia are two of our closest allies
outside of Europe, the Americas, Australia,
and New Zealand, the Philippines and Japan.
If southeast Asia is lost, the Philippines will
not be worth defending, even if the Govern-
ment will trust us to defend the country.
Thus, if southeast Asia is not worth de-
fending, there is very little left in the world
which is both. worth defending and defend-
able. Therefore, a retreat from southeast
Asia could easily result in our fighting an-
other war anyway, in an unfavorable setting,
after losing control of a very valuable area
of land. Or, on the other hand, it might re-
sult in confinement of the Western World to
their own tiny citadels, surrounded by the
hungry, Communist controlled masses of the
world. In such a situation, the West might
simply be overrun.
Can we win the war if we do continue the
fight in Vietnam? The answer is probably
no. The Vietcong Is too deeply entrenched
in the country to be driven out. But failing
to win does not mean that we must lose. If
we maintain the determination to fight, the
Communists cannot drive us out of Vietnam.
The Vietcong simply hasn't the strength. In
the end a stalemate must result. A stale-
mate must inevitably be solved at the con-
ference tables.
If the United States can gain a favorable
enough settlement in Vietnam, its cost will
have been justified. We will not have won
this particular battle but we will have pre-
vented the Communists from winning it.
Thus, this country will be in a better posi-
tion to win the war. The Communists can
be stopped on the more favorable grounds of
Thailand and Malaysia, if we first: (1) Dem-
onstrate to the Communists that we are de-
termined to resist their offensive; (2) demon-
strate to our allies that we can be trusted to
protect them, even when the. going gets
rough; (3) demonstrate to both the intellec-
tuals and to the masses that the issue is at
least in doubt and that they need not rush
to the banner of communism.
COMMENCEMENT ADDRESS AT
WHITTIER COLLEGE BY SENATOR
SMITH
Mr. MURPHY. Mr. President, the
Golden State of California was bright-
ened on June 1.2 by the presence of the
distinguished and gracious lady from
Maine, Mrs. MARGARET CHASE SMITH.
The occasion was her commencement
address to the 62d graduating class of
Whittier College in Whittier, Calif. It
is important to note that the Senator's
commencement address was delivered
immediately prior to casting her 2,000th
consecutive rollcall vote on June 14.
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July 16, 1965 CONCRESSIQWAL ,RECORD - SENATE
theft part of the Alamagordo bombing range;
now',AtIs .part of the larger White Sands
missile range.
General Farrell spoke of the times, in the
First World War, when, as a young
lieutenant, he. stood with a foot on the step,
waiting to lead his men out of the trench
into combat. "That," he said, "was nothing
like what we have just been through."
He said that the end of the war was now
near; perhaps, he added, the end of all such
wars. What we had just been through was
the explosion of the first atomic bomb. It
had not been a dud.
At the, base camp, I worked with General
Groves on the technical results of the test for
his report to Secretary Stimson in Potsdam;
for him, for the President, probably for
Churchill, perhaps for some talk with Stalin.
Later, Vannevar Bush spoke with me; he
knew that we a hoped that our Government
.,would take up with the Allied governments
the future problems of the bomb, the future
hope of collaboration and indeed the use of
the bombs in the Pacific war. Bush told me
that this had been decided. Nothing much
like that was to happen; but neither of us
then knew it,
In the. morning air, most of us shared,
clearly with no grounds for confidence, the
two hopes of which General Farrell spoke.
For a year, with the imminent defeat of the
Axis in Europe and the growing weakness of
the Japanese in the Pacific, more and more
we had thought of the peril and the hope
that our work would bring to human his-
tory: the peril of these weapons and their al-
most inevitable vast increase; and the hope
of limiting and avoiding war, and of new pat
terns and Institutions of international co-
operation, insight, and understanding.
AN ANGRY JAPANESE
There was no such simple sense 3 weeks
later, with the use. of the bombs in Japan
and the end of the war, marked by this final
cruel slaughter. Much has been Written on
the wisdom of those actions, and on imagined
alternatives. I would not add again to this
debate, but would make one comment.
In Hiroshima in August 1945, there was a
hospital for postal and telegraphic workers.
Day by day, Dr. Hachiya, who was in charge
of it, kept a diary. He was himself hurt by
the explosion, but managed to get back to
his hospital. He wrote of the dying who
name there, the burned and the mutilated,
and of the sickness, not at first clear to him,
caused by radiation: often the injured re-
covered, and others, not seemingly hurt at all,
sickened and died.
There is no outrage or anger in-these pages.
But in one entry Dr. Hachtya is angry: he had
heard the rumor of an imperial rescript in
which the Emperor asked the Japanese Gov-
ernment to end the war. It was not only the
generals and the Kamikaze who were deter-
mined to fight to the death.
If we should speak of regret, we should re-
member that these considerations, looking to
the end of the wax and toward the future,
were not those that led to the initiation of
serious work on the bomb. Already in 1939,
in this country, Szilard, with help from
Wigner and with the support of Einstein, in-
dicated to our Government the possible im-
portance of the uranium project, its possible
military use.
In England, Peierls and Frisch, like their
American colleagues refugees from tyranny,
addressed similar pleas to the Government
of the United Kingdom. Peierls' work had
a clarity and firmness of program at the time
Unmatched in this country. He thought that
will examine his proposals with the ut
It was not until the autumn of 1941 that
BIG BROTHER: SNOOPING BY IN-
z Arthur Compton, Fermi, Lawrence, and TERNAL REVENUE SERVICE
Oppenheimer, the scientific panel to the
Secretary of War's Interim Committee on Mr. LONG of Missouri. Mr. President,
Atomic Problems. during the past few days, the Subcom-
16489
mittee on Administrative Practice and
Procedure has been holding hearings on
snooping techniques of the Internal
Revenue Service.
Although I am becoming hardened at
the revelations made by Federal officials
when put under oath on this subject,
even I was appalled at the confirmation
of some of the items that our staff had
found.
Frankly, when my staff counsel first
told me that IRS had permanent bugs
and secret cameras planted in its own
conference rooms, I was very skeptical.
My skepticism turned out to be mis-
placed as Mr. Sheldon Cohen, Commis-
sioner of Internal Revenue, admitted
under oath to such bugged rooms on IRS
premises in such widely scattered places
as Baltimore, Kansas City, Alexandria,
Va., and New York City.
When I was told that IRS in Pittsburgh
used a disguised telephone company
truck to look inconspicuous when they
went on wiretapping expeditions, I was
even more skeptical; after all, IRS had
banned all wiretapping for years.
Again, I was wrong, IRS had such a
truck and used it for just such illegal
purposes.
The revelations went an and on.
Next Monday we will begin 3 days of
hearings on the situation in the Boston
area.
At this time, Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to print at this point
in the RECORD several news stories out-
lining what we found in Pittsburgh.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, July 14,
19651
WITNESS SAYS IRS HEADQUARTERS HELPED IN
PITTSBURGH WIRETAP-WASHINGTON SENT
EQUIPMENT, EXPERT, SENATORS ARE TOLD
(By James C. Millstone, a Washington cor-
respondent of the Post-Dispatch)
WASHINGTON, July 14.-Internal Revenue
Service headquarters in Washington sent
equipment and an expert technician to in-
stall two wiretaps in the Pittsburgh area,
congressional Investigators were told today.
Cresson O. Davis, Chief of the IRS Intelli-
gence Division in Pittsburgh, gave the testi-
mony at a hearing by the Senate Subcommit-
tee on Administrative Practice and Procedure,
headed by Senator EDWARD V. LONG, Demo-
crat, of Missouri. The subcommittee is de-
voting its attention currently to IRS prac-
tices.
Davis said that he had a part in author-
izing both wiretaps although he knew such
action was against IRS regulations. Both
cases, he said, involved investigations of or-
ganized crime operations.
He said that he knew of two instances in
which Pittsburgh IRS agents used hidden
microphones to record conversations with
persons not involved in organized crime.
Both were efforts to obtain evidence about
falsified tax returns, Davis said.
When LONG asked whether it was IRS pro-
cedure to ignore constitutional rights of citi-
zens, Davis said that the use of microphones
"was not invasion of their rights as I under-
stand it" LONG said, "That is a debatable
question"
Davis said his instructions from IRS Com-
missioner Sheldon S. Cohen on protecting
the names of certain individuals from public
exposure prohibited him from answering. He
had declined to answer previous questions
for the same reason. .
serious consideration was given here to mak-
ing a bomb; it was not until then that the
British had seen that our help was needed
and that they could not go it alone. Then,
just before Pearl Harbor, with El Alamein
and Stalingrad still a year away and the de-
feat of the Axis fax from assured, we did get
to work. I think it a valid ground for regret
that those 2 years were lost, 2 years of slaugh-
ter, degradation, and despair.
THE MOOD OF HOPE
The last two decades have been shadowed
by danger, ever changing, never really reced-
ing. Looking to the future, I see again no
ground for confidence; but I do see hope.
The mood of hope is not as bright today as
2 years ago. Then, after the crisis in Cuba,
President Kennedy spoke at American Uni-
versity and Pope John XXIII wrote his
"Pacem in Terris," giving the noblest and
most rounded expression of what we vaguely
thought 20 years earlier in the desert.
But it is not the mood of hope, but hope
itself, that is part of our life, and thus part
of our duty. We are engaged in this great
enterprise of our time, testing whether men
can both preserve and enlarge life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness, and live with-
out war as the great arbiter of history.
This we knew early in the morning of
July 16, 20 years a
Mr. CASE. Mr. President, it is appar-
ent from developments in the past 72
hours that the Congress and the people
of the United States will shortly be con-
fronted with new decisions respecting
Vietnam.
President Johnson spoke Tuesday of
new and serious decisions in the making,
and the Secretary of Defense intimated
Wednesday that these decisions would be
forthcoming upon his return from Saigon
next week.
All indications point to requests by the
President for additional defense appro-
priations and-more importantly-spe-
cific legislative authority to call up a
large number of reservists and to extend
the terms of service of members of the
Active Forces.
These are grave steps for the country
and will affect directly the lives and fam-
ilies of thousands of our citizens.
The stage is thus being set for congres-
sional and public review of the course of
the war in Vietnam, the deepening in-
volvement of the United States in that
war, and the assumptions upon which the
administration is proceeding with respect
to our proclaimed goal of a peaceful
settlement.
I have taken the position that, so long
as our military operations remain com-
patible with our stated objective of ne-
gotiations, there has been no real alter-
native to our present course-and I have
supported that course.
Now that we are to be asked, in all
probability, for a fresh mandate, we shall
look to the President to give us a full ac-
count both of the existing situation in
Vietnam and of his administration's
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE July 16, 1965
LONG said Davis' refusal was "blocking our
investigation" and questioned whether Co-
hen "is authorized to do that" through his
orders to witnesses. LONG recessed the hear-
ing until later in the day and asked that
Cohen be recalled for questioning. The IRS
Commissioner and Attorney General Nicholas
Katzenbach testified yesterday.
TAPPED SOOKLE PHONES
Davis, flanked by two attorneys, said the
wiretaps he authorized were set up In 1981
and 1984. The first was at an establishment
in Wheeling, W. Va., that he said was "book-
keeping headquarters of a nationwide
(gambling) syndicate."
A tap was placed on abank of 8 to 10 tele-
phones in an effort to determine whether the
Mannarino gambling operation in Pittsburgh
was laying off bets there, Davis said. Agents
listened at a nearby location and recorded
conversations from the telephone lines, he
said.
After a few days they detected no connec-
tion between the Wheeling and Pittsburgh
operations and turned over the information
to the West Virginia IRS office, he said.
The second tap was placed in the greater
Pittsburgh area in an effort to learn of pick-
up points In the city's number rackets,"Davis
said. However, he refused to say whose tele-
phone was tapped or where the listening post
was, contending that the answers would vio-
late Cohen's instructions.
TECHNICIAN INSTAId.ED TAP
In both cases, Davis testified, he called the
Washington office and requested the wiretap
equipment. Both times, a technician took
the equipment to Pittsburgh and installed it,
he said.
Asked whether he had any hesitancy about
calling Washington on the subject, because
wiretapping was against IRS regulations, Da-
vis said:
"I knew there were people in the Wash-
ington office experienced technically In such
matters."
LONG expressed astonishment that wiretap
equipment would be kept in Washington.
"Well, that's where we got it," Davis re-
plied.
"Was there a general understanding that
you could violate wiretap regulations when-
ever you wanted to?" LONG asked,
"No, air," Davis responded, "only under the
most extreme circumstances.,,
TELLS OF CRIME DRIVE
He described those as cases in the campaign
against organized crime in which informa-
tion could not be obtained in any other way
and in which potential witnesses were too
terrorized to talk.
Davis disclosed that IRS agents were being
trained in use of wiretapping equipment, ex-
plaining :
"Training in such matters is a defense
against the opposition. The racket element
also is engaged in this activity, and they are
not bound by these rules.
"I once was told that my phone was tap-
ped. I don't know if it was or not. I had it
checked darn quick and It wasn't then."
On the subject of hidden microphones,
Davis said that such equipment was carried
by Pittsburgh IRS agents when they had
information they were to be the victims of
a frame attempt by racket or police ele-
ments, or when agents could be exposed to
danger.
USE IN ORDINARY CASES
LONG asked whether a hidden transmitter
ever was used to record conversations of
"ordinary people," observing that IRS should
not "use organized crime as the justification
for any surveillance they want to use."
""I know of two instances where we at-
tempted to record conversations with indi-
viduals not In the organized crime drive,"
Davis said. "We felt it was the one means
of obtaining evidence about falsified Se-
turns."
The testimony foundered when LONG asked,
"Can you tell us about a tap you ran into
your own basement?"
Davis declined to answer, then consulted
with his attorneys. He said he never listened
to a tap set In his home, but he refused
repeated questions by LONG as to whether
the equipment was established there.
Joseph McCarthy, Davis' private attorney,
told LONG that the question involved delicate
matters and that by answering it andother
questions about particular investigations,
Davis might jeopardize his own job as well
as the reputations of others.
One witness late yesterday told the sub-
committee that he learned accidentally that
a conference room used by IRS agents in
Pittsburgh to interrogate taxpayers was
equipped with a hidden two-way mirror.
Robert J. Arnold, a certified public ac-
countant, said he was in the room with a
client when someone knocked down a picture
of the Statue of Liberty with an American
flag superimposed. Behind the picture was
a two-way mirror, he said. From the confer-
ence room, the device looked like a mirror;
from the other side, however, agents were
able to observe the room.
Arnold said he had heard there was a
microphone concealed in the room but did
not see it. Fensterwald interjected that the
microphone was concealed in the wall. He
said that on occasion IRS used a framed
picture of its seal to cover concealed micro-
phones and two-way mirrors.
Commissioner Cohen acknowledged earlier
that two-way mirrors and hidden micro-
phones were used in some IRS offices. He
said that although present laws permit use
of those devices, criticism of such tactics
outweighed the benefits to IRS, and he had
ordered them abandoned.
From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
July 15, 1965]
PROBERS DEMAND DATA ON BUGGING BY IRS
(By Philip chandler)
Internal Revenue Service Commissioner
Sheldon S. Cohen today faced a challenge
to either let Senate probers see confidential
affidavits given him by undercover agents or
make a command appearance himself.
The choice was posed yesterday by Senator
EDWARD V. LONG, Democrat, of Missouri, as
his Judiciary Subcommittee ended the sec-
ond day of hearings on IRS activities in the
Pittsburgh area.
Two special agents and the head of the
Intelligence Division in Pittsburgh provided
new details of wiretapping and other snoop-
ing activities.
But they refused to supply names and
places LONG considers essential to a thorough
investigation. And they raised new ques-
tions with testimony indicating that:
The Washington headquarters has been
teaching wiretapping and supplying wiretap
equipment to its field offices despite a long-
standing regulation against wiretapping.
Cohen said Tuesday that he had only re-
cently learned of wiretapping by agents in
Pittsburgh.
U.S. tax agents in Pennsylvania have ig-
nored laws against wiretapping and breaking
and entering in their zeal to obtain informa-
tion about suspected lawbreakers in the
fields of gambling and vice.
Pittsburgh agents have "bugged" rooms
that could' yield personal information about
"ordinary citizens" as well as about possible
racketeers.
1861 CASE CITED
The Pittsburgh intelligence chief, Cresson
0. Davis, told LONG the national office In
1981 sent Special Agent Burke Yung to help
install a telephone tap in Wheeling, W. Va.,
during an investigation of a possible "layoff"
operation for gamblers In New Kensington,
Pa.
"Why do they have experts in wiretapping
if they have a regulation against it?" LONG
asked.
"I'm not qualified to say," Davis replied.
Yung also brought the equipment used in
the tapping of three telephone lines last
year, Davis said, when his office was prob-
ing reputed attempts to extort money from
numbers racketeers.
Davis refused, however, to give LONG the
name of the person whose lines were tapped.
"Is he a policeman by the name of Mc-
Donald?" asked Subcommittee Counsel Ber-
nard Fensterwald, Jr.
David said he could not answer because a
directive issued by Cohen on Monday barred
testimony that could jeopardize the rights or
security of agents or citizens not previously
named in proceedings of record.
LONG at that point unexpectedly recessed
the hearing and summoned Cohen to appear.
When the afternoon session opened he an-
nounced that an understanding had been
reached, and that Davis would testify more
fully. But the afternoon testimony moved
the Senator to call for elaboration today.
SECRET MICROPHONE
LONG wanted to know, for example, why a
secret microphone installed in a revenue
service office in Pittsburgh In 1981 could not
be used to overhear conversations between a
taxpayer and his counsel.
"We've never done that," Davis said, "We
have never used it for ordinary Citizens."
But he acknowledged that the room was
used to question ordinary citizens and crim-
inal suspects alike.
LoNG was even more struck by agents' de-
scription of how the law office of the late
Vincent Massock, of Washington, Pa., was
"bugged." Massock was suspected of having
connections with the Cosa Nostra, Davis said.
Special Agent Jack Schwartz testified that
he got a passkey from the building superin-
tendent on the pretense of wanting to get
into another office which the IRS had rented.
He made a "fast impression" of the key in
clay, had a copy made, used It to enter the
office at night and-again with the help of
agents from Washington--attached a small
microphone to a bookcase.
ADMITS VIOLATIONS
Schwartz acknowledged that he had vio-
lated both the State law against wiretapping
and the breaking-and-entering statutes. But
he declared:
"Those of us in the organized crime drive
felt proud to be in it. Anything that would
have been asked, I would have done it."
Ironically, the bug fell face down and was
swamped with noise from Muzak and an air
conditioner, Schwartz said. About 2 weeks
later, agents again entered the office to re-
move it, he said.
The two agents' testimony aroused Sen-
ator HUGH SCOTT, Republican, of Pennsyl-
vania, who is a member of the parent Sen-
ate Judiciary Committee.
"How do you justify violating the consti-
tutional rights of a person and the attorney-
client relationship?" he asked.
Davis replied that any "incidental" infor-
mation picked up by the microphone would
not have been used.
The two agents, as well as Special Agent
'William D. Marsh and a clerk from the Pitts-
burgh office, Dante Amobile, described the
wiretap use of a truck painted to look like
a telephone-repair vehicle.
According to their testimony, a discarded
Bell Telephone Co. truck was bought from a
used car dealer with $300 supplied by the
national office. The 1-ton vehicle was
originally obtained for surveillance, but last
year' was used once in wiretapping.
In that case, a wireless bug was attached
to a telephone line leading to an unidentified
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 hily 16, YZ#Aroved For ReI&QLg$A$7 1AL99 00180005-5 16523
"(b)'In addition to the number of fellow-
ships authorized to be awarded by subsec-
tion (a) of this 'section, the Commissioner
is authorized to award fellowships equal to
the number previously awarded during any
fiscal year under this part but vacated prior
to the end of the period for which they were
awarded; except that each fellowship
awarded under this subsection shall be for
such period of study, not in excess of the re-
mainder of the period for which the fellow-
ship which it replaces was awarded, as the
Commissioner may determine.
"Fellowships for Recent Graduates
"8=- 522. One-half the number of fellow-
ships under the provisions of this part for
any fiscal year shall be awarded by the Com-
missioner to persons recommended to the
Commissioner for such fellowships by insti-
tutions of higher education. An institution
of higher education may for the purposes of
this section recommend any individual who
has received a bachelor's degree with high
standing from such institution, except that`
such recommendation shall be made not later
than six months after the awarding of such
degree.
"Fellowships for Experienced Teachers
"i3Ec. 523. The remaining half of the num-
ber of fellowships awarded under the pro-
visions of this part for any fiscal year shall
be awarded by the Commissioner to persons
with at least six academic years of experience
teaching in an elementary, secondary, or
postsecondary vocational school, who are
recommended to the Commissioner, for such
fellowships by local educational agencies. A
local educational agency may, for the pur-
poses of this section, recommend any such
person Who is teaching in such agency's ele-
mentary, secondary, or postsecondary voca-
tional schools upon condition that such
agency agree`to rehire such individual upon
his completing the course of study under
such fellowship.
`Fellowships in'Ancilliary Fields
"SEC 524, ,dot less than 20 per centum of
the fellowships awarded under sections 522
And 52$ shall be awarded to persons for
graduate work in fields ancilliary to ele-
mentary and secondary education, as defined
in section 521
"Distribution of Fellowships
"SEC. 525, In awarding fellowships under the
provisions of this part the Commissioner shall
endeavor to provide an equitable distribution
of such fellowships throughout the Nation,
except that to the extent he deems proper in
the national,iuterest, the Commissioner shall
give preference in such awards to persons al-
ready serving, or who intend to serve, in ele-
mentary or secondary schools in low-income
rural or metropolitan areas
"SEc. 526. (a) Each person awarded a fel-
lowship under the provisions of section 522
shall receive a stipend of.$2,000 for the first
academic year of study and $2,200 for the
second such year. Each person awarded a
fellowship under the provisions of section
523 shall receive a stipend of $4,800 for each
academic year of study. In both cases an
additional amount of $400 for each such
academic year of study shall be paid to each
such person on account of each of his
dependents.
"(b) In addition to the amount paid to
persons. pursuant to subsection (a) there
shall be paid to the institution of higher
education at which, each such person is pur-
suing his course of study, $2,500 per academic
year in the case of a person receiving a iel-
lowship' pursuant to section 522 and $5,000
per` academic year in the case of a person
receiving a fellowship pursuant to section
623. Amounts paid pursuant to this subsec-
tion shall-be less any amount charged any
such person for tuition.
(c) The Commissioner shall reimburse the East Room in the White House and
any person awarded a fellowship pursuant to the second time in the message itself, that
this part for actual and necessary traveling he did not need $700 million, because he
expenses of such person and his dependents
from his ordinary place of residence to the had plenty of authority to transfer the
institution of higher education where he will necessary funds; but that he was using
pursue his studies under such fellowship, and the measure as a vehicle for another vote
to return to such residence. of confidence for his .policy in Asia.
"Limitation A group of Senators stood here and
"SEC. 527. No fellowship shall be awarded made speeches which caused me to label
under this part for study at a school or de- them as the speeches of reservationists.
partment of divinity. For the purposes of
this section, the term 'school or department
of divinity' means an institution or depart-
ment or branch of an institution, whose
program is specifically for the education of
students to prepare them to become ministers
of religion or to enter upon some other reli-
gious vocation or to prepare them to teach
theological subjects.
"Fellowship Conditions
"SEc. 528. A person awarded a fellowship
under the provisions of this part shall con-
tinue to receive the payments provided in
section 526(a) only during such periods as
the Commissioner finds that he is maintain-
ing satisfactory proficiency in, and devoting
essentially full time to, study or research in
the field in which such fellowship was
awarded, in an institution of higher educa-
tion, and is not engaging in gainful employ-
ment other than part-time employment by
such institution in teaching, research, or
similar activities, approved by the Commis-
sioner.
"Appropriations
"SEc. 529. There are authorized to be ap-
propriated such amounts as may be necessary
to carry out the provisions of this part.",
On page 71, line 20, strike out "TITLE V"
and insert in lieu thereof "TITLE VI".
Beginning on page 71, redesignate sections
501 through 504 as sections 601 through 604,
respectively.
On page 73, between lines 12 and, 13,.add
the following new subsection:
"(g) The term 'local educational agency'
means a public board of education or other,
public authority legally constituted within
a State for either administrative control or
direction of, or to perform a service function
for, public elementary, secondary, or post-
secondary vocational schools in a city, county,
township, school district, or other political
subdivision of a State, or such combination
of school districts or counties as are recog-
nized in a State as an administrative agency
for its public elementary, secondary, or post-
secondary vocational schools. Such term
also includes any other public institution
or agency having administrative control and
direction of a public elementary, secondary,
They wanted their reservations noted,
that they were not giving the President a
blank check. They wanted their res-
ervations noted that they wanted to be
consulted if the President should send
further American troops to southeast
Asia; and that they exbected to be taken
into consultation in connection with a
further.-escalation of the war.
The RECORD will show that the senior
Senator from Oregon that afternoon
warned them for the last time so far as
the power called for by the measure was
concerned.
So I again ask the question on the floor
of the Senate. I would like to have any
Senator tell me whether the President
has consulted him about the additional
thousands of American boys he has sent
into southeast Asia, since the passing of
the so-called $700 million measure, who
are- dying by increasing numbers as this
escalated war proceeds.
Of course they have not been con-
sulted. I say to my colleagues in the
Senate and to the President of the
United States and his Cabinet that the
American people, in due course of time,
are going to be heard from, expressing
their deep resentment in opposition to
what I consider to be a failure on the
part of this administration to follow the
procedures 'of' the Constitution of the
United States in regard to making war.
I have been heard to say many times,
but I shall continue to be heard to say
across the land and to the Senate, that
our President has no constitutional au-
thority to send a single American boy to
his death in Asia in the absence of a
declaration of war. The Congress of the
United States does not have a scintilla of
constitutional right to seek to delegate
to the President of the United States the
power to make war in the absence of a
declaration of war.
v r L f' -1ion should be stopped by the Congress in
CY I VIETNAM conducting an undeclared war. The
day I sent to the Press Gallery mimeo-
graphed copies of the speech I shall make
today. It is an additional speech, added
to a long list of speeches I have made in
the last 2 years on this floor in opposi-
tion to the unjustified slaughtering of
American boys in Asia by this adminis-
tration in an undeclared and unconsti-
tutional and illegal war.
At the very beginning of my speech to-
day, I ask for the attention of the reser-
vationists .in the Senate. By the term
"reservationists" in the Senate,. my col-
leagues well know I mean those Sen-
ators who, not so long ago, when the
President asked for $700 million to be
used in the war in Vietnam, voted for the
measure, 'although the President made
it clear to us on `two occasions, _ once in
the issue as to whether under article I,
section 8, of the Constitution, it is ready
to declare a war, for only the Congress
can declare a war. There is not a -single
basis for a constitutional interpretation
in the lawbooks of America that justify
Congress seeking to delegate power to the
President to make war in the absence of
a declaration of war.
There are those who do not like to hear
me say it, but I believe there are prob-
ably two main reasons why there has not
been a declaration of war.
First, it would then make the war is-
sue squarely an issue before the Ameri-
can people: "Do you want to make war
formally and declare it?" Any, such
recommendation by the President of the
United States and any such declaration
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of war resolution introduced in the Con-
gress would so split this body politic, so
far as public opinion is concerned, that
the President would take little relief and
little comfort from the polls that he
so frequently pulls out of his pocket as an
indication that the public Is behind him
in bloodletting.
The public, like the senior Senator
from Oregon, likes the President. The
public, like the senior Senator from
Oregon, would like to support the Presi-
dent on every issue. The senior Senator
from Oregon supports him on the over-
whelming majority of issues, at least 95
percent of them. But as a friend of the
President, I believe I can best show that
friendship, when I disagree with the
President, to say when I think he is
wrong, as he is In connection with his
foreign policy in connection with this
illegal, unjustifiable war in southeast
Asia.
The American people are entitled to
have their Congress act in accordance
with the Constitution in support or re-
jection of a declaration of war.
Second, it would be difficult to know
against whom to declare war. At the
present time, the only country we could
possibly present as a basis against which
to direct a declaration of war would be
North Vietnam. But, as I have stated
many times in past months, on the basis
of the present facts, if a proposed decla-
ration of war against North Vietnam
came before this body, I would vote
against such a declaration; in my judg-
ment, we do not have the slightest justi-
fication under international law, or in
keeping with our signature on existing
treaties, or on the basis of the operative
facts in Asia, to declare war against any
country. On the contrary, on the basis
of international law, of treaty obliga-
tions, and of the serious threat to the
peace of the world which we are helping
to create in Asia, we should reverse our
course of action and plead with other
nations to join us under the procedures
of the United Nations to set up a peace
conference, with the United States sit-
ting at the head of that peace table in
an endeavor to carry out our professed
Ideal of substituting the rule of law for
what has become the American jungle
claw for the settlement of the dispute in
Asia.
Mr. President, I wish to say that again
because I would not wish anyone in the
Senate or in the country to think that I,
in the slightest degree, have modified my
position of some 2 years in opposition to
our Government's policies in Asia.
In my judgment, those policies will go
down In history to the everlasting dis-
credit of the Johnson administration. If
the President does not change those
policies, he will leave a blot on what
otherwise will be the record of a great
President.
With those comments as a preface, I
now turn to the manuscript of my speech,
setting forth the points I wish to em-
phasize in addition today.
ESCALATIONS IN VXETNAM TYph'Y ALL WARS
With the statements made Tuesday by
President Johnson at his news confer-
ence, the United States and the world slid
further into the morass of war. It is In-
teresting to note that our new escalation
is being justified on the basis of alleged
increases in participation in the war by
North Vietnam. Yet, the testimony of
much of our Government suggests that
the infiltration from the north was
stepped up in 1964, after the American
raids on North Vietnam naval bases,
subsequent to the Tonkin Bay incidents.
Let me point out that the administra-
tion can never escape its responsibilities
for exceeding its rights in connection
with the Tonkin Bay incidents. The
record is clear, and I have stated It so
many times but repeat it today, that the
Government knew of the South Vietnam
ships that had left the South Vietnam
ports to go into Tonkin Bay to attack
North Vietnamese islands a `ew short
miles from the coast of North Vietnam.
The record Is also clear that American
destroyers were in radio communica-
tion with Saigon.
The record Is further clear that the
bombing of the North Vietnamese islands
amounted to an attack on North Viet-
nam, because those islands are a part of
the territory of North Vietnam. Our
destroyers were standing within a short
distance of the area where the bombing
was taking place--on the high seas, It is
true, and under international law at a
place where they had a right to be;
nevertheless, they were there, available
to give cover, if cover became necessary.
As I said at the time, when I protested
the conduct of the United States as a
provocateur nation in respect to the at-
tacks on the island of North Vietnam,
when it was misrepresented to the Amer-
ican people, as the Pentagon constantly
misrepresents to the American people in
its propaganda in regard to this war,
that the ships were supposed to be 75
miles from the mainland of North Viet-
nam. Of course it was not true, We
finally produced the evidence which
showed that the Pentagon propaganda
was false. But the record will show that
I pointed out at the time: Suppose Castro
decided to bomb Key West, Fla., with
a Cuban torpedo boat, and a Russian
destroyer was 75 miles away, what do we
think the United States would do? It
would give the torpedo boat one chance
to come into port under the escort of the
American Navy, or we would sink it.
Apparently, the Pentagon believes that
these policies should work only one way.
Mr. President, the log of the ship itself
showed that it was somewhere around 13
miles from the coast. Under interna-
tional law we had the right to respond
immediately in national self-defense to
the attack of those torpedo boats upon
our destroyers. We did. The President
of the United States was completely
within his rights under international
law.
It will be remembered that there was
a second incident of another attack, and
we had a perfect right to respond in
self-defense against the attacking ves-
sels; but we had no right under inter-
national law to go beyond attacking those
vessels and the mainland of North Viet-
nam. When we did, the United States,
under international law, became an ag-
gressor, and has been so branded by
many an alleged allied spokesman
around the world. We had the right to
act in self-defense in response to the
torpedo boat attack against our own tor-
pedo boats. Then we had at least an
international obligation to lay our charge
against North Vietnam before the United
Nations immediately for threatening the
peace by attacking American boats on
the high seas.
The sad and ugly reality is that the
United States, too, has been an aggressor
from the very beginning In the war in
Asia. The sad and ugly reality is that
the United States, too, along with the
despicable Communists, violated the
Geneva accords from the very begin-
ning.
The administration would like to cover
up the illegality of its own acts., It pub-
lished a white paper, but not one word
did it tell the American people regarding
the violation of international law by
the United States. Not one word was
in that propaganda sheet, which was
aimed at deceiving American public opin-
ion, to indicate that the International
Control Commission found not only
North Vietnam and the Vietcong in vio-
lation of the Geneva accords, but also
found the United States and South Viet-
nam in violation of the Geneva accords
time and time again.
I say to the American people again:
"You are not being given the facts about
American policies and actions in south-
east Asia, and you have not been given
the facts from the very beginning."
It is about time for us to come within
the framework of international law and
lay our case involving the threat to the
peace of the world in Asia by the Com-
munists before the United Nations for
adjudication.
Mr. President, I cannot stress too
emphatically my very deep conviction
that if the United States continues to
send over the thousands and thousands
of men that the Secretary of Defense is
talking about-if we continue this escala-
tion, we shall find ourselves in a massive
war in Asia that will last for years.
Now is the time, before it is too late, to
seek to avoid the shocking bloodshed by
Americans and Asians that would flow
from that war.
We should seek under existing inter-
national procedures, an honorable solu-
tion of the war because if there is any
world left to negotiate, before we are led
into a nuclear war, the conflict will
finally be settled on about the same
terms upon which it would be settled now
if the United Nations took jurisdiction.
Are we never going to learn as the
result of history? Are we never going to
read the sordid details of the results of
war?
Mr. President, we are now in an era
in which we cannot on any moral
grounds justify seeking to win a peace
through war.
What is the alibi given by our Govern-
ment for the accelerated escalation, for
every action we have taken?
We say we have taken it for retalia-
tion. But every action the Vietcong and
North Vietnamese have taken they have
called retaliation.
I do not know why so many are so
surprised that after our bombing of
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North, Vietnam, the North Vietnamese PRESENT POLICY IN ASIA FORFEITS OUR-
Vietcong. Is it right only if it works one The shameful and-sickening manner in
way? Is it justifiable if only the United 'which the United States has engaged it-
States escalates, but it is wrong if North self in this war without so much as a
'Vietnam seeks to help the Vietnamese? glance in the direction of its legal obliga-
At least they are helping their own skin tions under the United Nations Charter
brothers. is going to be marked down to the ever-
Do not forget that not so many years lasting discredit of the United States.
ago there were no North Vietnamese and We are doing what we have for years
South Vietnamese. They were all Viet- exhorted other nations not to do-set-
namese. tling our international differences by re-
And do not forget that the Geneva sort to force of arms.
accords do not provide for two govern- We are doing what we have for years
ments in Vietnam. The United States, condemned Red China for doing-using
not the Geneva accords, created two gov- force against other countries in disre-
ernments In Vietnam. gard of the United Nations Charter. We
The Geneva accords did not provide have called Red China an outlaw nation
for the setting up of a U.S. puppet gov- for her flagrant violations of the U.N.
-ernment under the shocking ? dictator we Charter, but her violations differ only in
sent over there when he was in exile in form and not substance from our own.
Washington, ' D.C., and New York City. The President spoke Tuesday of our
We financed-him, militarized him, and national honor and our national word.
put him in power to rule with the police I ask him, What about our word as put
dictatorship over the Vietnamese; and down by our signature on the U.N. Char-
we were surprised that he .was not re- ter?
ceived with open arms. What about our honor' as a nation that
Thus, we have supported one American seeks the moral leadership of the world
police puppet after another in South as the exponent of the rule of law rather
Vietnam, and our Government has the than the, rule of the claw in world
audacity to -talk about being over there affairs?
to support freedom. There has not been It may be`enough to appeal to our own
an hour of freedom under American rule people on the basis of a mutual pledge
In South Vietnam. that has not been kept by the other side;
Under American rule the United States namely, South Vietnam. But the rest of
has supported military tyrannies-police the world knows that we are behaving in
states denying civil liberties. A police southeast Asia in exactly the same way
state, be it a Communist police state or we have condemned so many others for
?an American financed military police -behaving. That is why so many of our
state, immoral and unjustifiable. professed friends and erstwhile allies
So North Vietnam and the Vietcong have left us in the lurch in Vietnam.
have also retaliated and escalated. That is why all the lists of countries
That is all war is, really, to meet an helping in South Vietnam lists noncom-
enemy and best him in military combat batant elements numbering in the doz-
until he is reduced to peace on the terms ens, and combat soldiers only from the
of the winner. The point at which a war other two white countries In the area-
can be said to be "won" is the point where Australia and New Zealand, plus South
the side with the preponderant strength Korea.
is willing to accept terms offered by the Where are all our treaty partners from
weaker side. North Vietnam, too, has its SEATO? Where are the Philippines,
conditions under which it says it will ne- and Pakistan, and Thailand? More im-
-gotiate. Those terms are as unacceptable portant, where are India and Japan, the
to, us as ours are to the north, So each two great non-Communist powers? of
.party in turn raises the level of the war, Asia?
trying to gain the advantage. Certainly they are not joining us, and
In the way in which we are advancing there is no reason to think their people
into the war and the way in which we de- are even for us. They are openly criti-
scribe its supposed objectives make it lit- cal of the United States.
tie different from any other war. ' Both Earlier 'I said that if we had a declara-
sides, we no less than North Vietnam, tion of war, in my judgment we would
are stepping up their military activities have a split body politic in the United
in.an effort to best the other, and they, States over the advisability of such dec-
no less than we, are quite willing to have laration. When I said I thought there
the ;issues settled by negotiation just as were reasons why this administration is
soon as the United States is willing to so hesitant about formally declaring war,
accept the terms of settlement offered by I did not mention another, so I mention
North Vietnum. it now. If we do declare war against an-
.That is why the parties litigant, so to other country, we shall automatically
speak -the war participants-are not the change the legal status of every other
ones that can lead the world to the con- country in the world. A nation's rela-
ference table. That is why noncombat- tionship with noncombatants becomes
ants, representatives of the United Na- entirely different in a myriad of respects
bons that have exactly the same interns- ? under international law when it becomes
tional law obligations as the United a belligerent.
States under that treaty, have the clear That means that the course of action
duty to call for the conference for which the President may take in connection
the senior Senator from Oregon has been with escalation may affect the sovereign
pleading, and without which, in my judg- rights of noncombatants. That is why
,nient the world is headed fora holocaust. I have been heard to sad on occasion on
16525
the floor of the Senate, in regard to Brit-
ain, that it may very well be that the
Wilson regime will tumble and topple
in Great Britain because of United
-States policies in Vietnam and the fail-
ure on the part of the Prime Minister
of Great Britain to follow a course of ac-
tion that will maintain for him a major-
ity of support in Britain.
We hear much talk by Members of the
House, telling the American people that
North Vietnam ought to be blockaded
by the American Navy, supported by
American Air Forces. What do they sup-
pose the Union Jack will do? Let those
warmongers and warhawks who want
to involve the American people in a major
war in Asia, shockingly proposing the
bombing of Hanoi and the Chinese nu-
clear bases, tell the American people what
assurance they have that the British Jack
will ever be lowered to an American
blockade. If it is, it will, be the first
time in the history of the British Empire.
Throughout the decades the British Gov-
ernment has made clear to the nations
of the world. that the British, flag Will
never be lowered to a blockade that the
British Government is not willing to
accept.
Does anyone believe that the French
flag will be lowered to an American
blockade in Asia, when De Gaulle is open-
ly in opposition to American policy in
Asia? I could continue to cite one prob-
lem after another in regard to the inter-
national. law relations that a declaration
of .war would create. Because. of. that,
I have formed my suspicions that one of
the reasons why the President does not
want to make. the war in southeast Asia
a. legal war under the Constitution is that
a formal declaration of war would create
problems between the United States and
our allies, or alleged allies, around the
world, that would soon find us with fewer
friends than we now have.
The answer is not war. The answer to
the threat to the peace in Asia is not the
killing of Americans and Vietnamese in
increasing numbers. The answer is to
substitute the rule of reason for the
-jungle law of military might. Oh, what
a great opportunity our country has to
advance the cause of permanent peace by
stopping warmaking and calling upon
all nations that are willing to help to po-
lice . a peacekeeping program in south-
east Asia to join, under the jurisdiction
of the United Nations, to effectuate such
a :cause,
I say to the President that his policy
of further escalating the American war
in South Vietnam will result in escalation
by the other side. He will be announc-
ing many more escalations if he does not
first announce a complete change in
policy.
The President's statement on Tuesday
is an admission that the United States
in no way controls the war. We do not
control our participation in it because
we do not control the other nations on
the other side who have an interest in
it. All we are doing is trying to make it
'too costly for them to continue. But we
have given no thought as yet to whether
they might have the same policy in mind.
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BASIS FOR U.S. ACTIONS HAS BEEN CHANGED SINCE
LAST FALL
The President is in the process of mak-
ing the Vietnam war into an all-Ameri-
can war. This is quite a change in the
viewpoint of the President since August
1964, because in August 1964, he said, in
Texas :
I have had advice to load our planes with
bombs and to drop them on certain areas
that I think would enlarge the war and es-
calate the war, and result in our committing
a good many American boys to fighting a war
that I think ought to be fought by the boys
of Asia to help protect their own land. And
for that reason, I haven't chosen to enlarge
the war.
Obviously, the President has changed
his mind. But he has not told us why.
He has not told us why it is, no longer
American policy to avoid committing
American boys to do the fighting that
Asians should be doing for themselves.
Is It because they are not sufficiently in-
terested? I am not talking now about
South Vietnam only. I am talking about
the countries of all of Asia, who appear
to be more frightened by what America
is doing than by the prospect of what
might happen if we ceased our war activ-
ity in their part of the world.
In New York, on August 12, 1964, the
President said:
Some others are eager to enlarge the con-
flict.. They call upon us to supply American
boys to do the job that Asian boys should
do. They ask us to take reckless action
which might risk the lives of millions and
engulf much of Asia and certainly threaten
the peace of the entire world. Moreover,
such action would offer no solution at all to
the real problems of Vietnam.
Oh, Mr. President, on August 12, 1964,
you were so right. Such action offers no
solution at all to the problems of Viet-
nam. Yet you are now taking Ameri-
cans down the road of escalating the war
and supplying American boys to do the
job that Asian boys should do, if that is
what Asians want done.
On September 28, 1964, in Manchester,
N.H:., the President said:
So just for a moment I have not thought
that we were ready for American boys to do
the fighting for Asian boys. What I have
been trying to do, with the situation that I
found, was to get the boys in Vietnam to do
their own fighting with our advice and with
our equipment. That is the course we are
following. So we are not going north and
drop bombs at this stage of the game, and we
are not going south and run out and leave It
for the Communists to take over. We have
lost 190 American lives, and to each one of
those 190 families this is a major war. We
lost that many in Texas on the Fourth of
July in wrecks. But I often wake up in the
night and think about how many I could
lose if I made a misstep. When we retali-
ated in the Tonkin Gulf, we dropped bombs
on their nests where they had their PT boats
housed, and we dropped them within 35
miles of the Chinese border. I don't know
what you would think if they started drop-
ping them 35 miles from your border, but I
think that that is something you have to
take into consideration.
So we are not going north and we are not
going south; we are going to continue to try
to got them to save their own freedom with
their own men, with our leadership and our
officer direction, and such equipment as we
can furnish them. We think that losing 190
lives in the period that we hr ve been out
there is bad, but it is not like 190,000 that
we might lose the first month if we escalate
that war. So we are trying somehow to
evolve away, as we have in some other places,
where the North Vietnamese and the Chi-
nese Communists finally, after getting worn
down, conclude that they will leave their
neighbors alone, and if they do we will come
home tomorrow. --
Li these speeches, the President repu-
diated the idea of escalating the war, and
of putting American combat troops into
Vietnam. Many voters relied on those
statements. In that campaign the Pres-
ident took the fight to Goldwater on this
very issue. He led the American people
to believe that if he were elected Presi-
dent, the policy in Asia would be differ-
ent from the warmaking policy that
Goldwater was recommending. I say, in
all respect, that Goldwater could not
possibly have moved further and faster
than the President has moved in leading
us Into a war in Asia.
The President has a right to change
his mind. However, he has a duty to
present to the American people his
justification for changing his mind, and
sound reasons for changing his mind.
In my judgment the President has
miserably failed in justifying his war-
making in Asia. One thing that has
changed since last August has been the
increasing failure of the Government of
'South Vietnam to establish itself as a
governing institution. So the sound and
wise and justified theory that Americans
should not fight Asians' war for them
has somehow been shoved completely out
of the picture.
One does not hear anything from the
administration now about the size of
the South Vietnamese Military Estab-
lishment. I say to the American tax-
payers that they have thrown $6.5 billion
into the South Vietnamese Military
Establishment, counting the billion and
a quarter that we poured into the French
endeavor when we were trying to keep
the French in that war.
On the basis of testimony from those
in the Pentagon, it was stated over and
over again before the Committee on For-
eign Relations, on which I serve, that
we are dealing with an equipped South
Vietnamese Military Establishment of
at least 500,000, nearer 750,000. The
Vietcong are poorly equipped in com-
parison with the South Vietnamese Mili-
tary Establishment and without any air
support at all. There are probably in
the neighborhood of 50,000 to 75,000 hard
core Vietcong.
There is a South Vietnamese popula-
tion in the neighborhood of 15 million.
The interesting thing is that the Viet-
cong control about 75 percent of the land
area of Vietnam. What the American
people are not being told is that they
control the local government, they collect
the taxes, they appoint the teachers.
They are the `body politic of about 75
percent of the land area of South Viet-
nam.
This administration will not give us
the facts about what goes on in the Viet-
cong controlled areas of South Vietnam.
Does anyone mean to tell me that, with
a military establishment of some 500,000
up to 750,000 South Vietnamese soldiery,
with the best equipment that can be
supplied by the U.S. Government, with
the air force equipment with which we
have supplied them, with the naval power
of the U.S. fleet in the waters adjoining
that area, and with a population ap-
proaching 15 million, we must send
thousands and thousands of American
boys over there to do the fighting for
them?
Mr. President, if the South Vietnamese
with the kind of support that they have
received from the United States cannot
settle this war they ought to be told to
proceed to negotiate a settlement of that
war at an honorable peace table under
the jurisdiction of noncombatants.
through the procedures of the United
Nations. That is my answer. It will
continue to be my answer until a success-
ful rebuttal comes from either the White
House or the State Department. As of
today, they have been unable to pro-
duce any rebuttal under international
law that would destroy the logic of my
arguments, Including the arguments that
I have presented in the memorandums
requested by the President of the United
States for the consideration of both the
State Department and our representa-
tives in the United Nations.
The sad fact is that we are derelict
in our clear obligations under the United
Nations Charter. We are grossly dere-
lict in respect to our moral obligations.
There is no satisfactory explanation
forthcoming from this administration.
There has been no explanation as to
why the old theory was discarded and no
explanation of what new theory we may
be working on in Asia, if any.
WE NO LONGER FIGHT FOR THE FREEDOM OF
SOUTH VIETNAM
In light of the repudiation of our past
rationalizations for our activities in Viet-
nam, we must now assume that only
direct American interests are motivating
our new war effort. We are running the
show. We are running the war. The re-
sponsibility and the interests at stake
have become ours.
If there were any concern left in of-
ficial circles for the fate of the people of
South Vietnam, who have become mere
pawns in this struggle between United
States and communism, we never would
have permitted a rotted mind like that
of General Ky to become associated with
and fostered by the American Govern-
ment.
Who is General Ky? He is the latest
corrupt tyrant being supported by the
United States in a dictatorial position in
South Vietnam. We have had a chain
of them, one after another. He is the
latest. Let us take a look at him, Mr.
President. We would never receive this
information from the white paper re-
leased by the Pentagon. We would never
get this information out of any paper
released by this administration. This
kind of information we must go abroad
to get, for it must be concealed from the
American people.
Mr. President, there are still a few peo-
ple left in this country-I do not know
how much longer they will be allowed to
speak-who are willing to tell the Amer-
ican people the truth as they find the
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truth in connection with U.S. outlawry in be carried out with the help of the we now, too,-that General Ky has
southeast Asia. Americans. often expressed the view that the war
Who,is this tyrant whom we are sup Press stories coming from Saigon today must be carried north on the ground as
porting, called General Ky? General Ky make one even more suspicious as to well as in the air. At least Hitler en-
has only one hero-Adolf Hitler. So he what this tyrant is up to. He is now visioned regaining his lost territory
tells us in the interview published July 6 saying to the American military over through the efforts of his own people,
by the Sunday Mirror of London: there, and to the American representa- and not on the backs of American sol-
Peopre ask me who my heroes are. I have 'tives sent over there, including the Sec- diers.
only one-Hitler. I admire Hitler because he retary of Defense, "America must now But General Ky should read history
pulled his country together when it was in a fight a war in Vietnam to win"-and he past the thirties. He will find out that
terrible state in the early thirties. But the leaves no doubt as to his views and that after regaining the lost lands and con-
situation here is so desperate now that one what is necessary to win is to proceed to quering most of Europe, Hitler left Ger-
man would not be enough. We need four take the war to China. many only half the country it was before
or five Hitlers in Vietnam. a U.S INTEREST AIMS AT CHINA, NOT VIETNAM he started. His legacy to his people was
That ought to be the end of American Perhaps this administration can whip the occupation of a huge chunk of Ger-
support for General Ky. up a war hysteria in this country suffi- man territory by the Communist, and
One is tempted to remind General Ky cient to get the people in a hysterical occupation which, after 20 years, shows
that FTrankliri Roosevelt also pulled a state to support our going to war against no signs of being terminated.
much bigger country, together in the China by way of our escalating the war Russia is in there as the keeper of the
early thirties when it was in a terrible into China. puppet regime of East Germany, just as
state, but it is obvious that Ky is at- I have said for many months that I am the United States is the keeper of the
tracted far more to the attributes of a satisfied, as a member of the Foreign puppet regime of South Vietnam.
Hitler than to the attributes of a Frank- Relations Committee of the U.S. Senate, When we reach the council tables of
lin Roosevelt. that we have a dangerous, desperate the world, let me warn the American
The hand of violence fits General Ky group of men iii the Pentagon who want people that we are not going to be ex-
just as it fits the Communists who always a preventive war against China and who onerated, we are not going to be found
find it easier to shoot, murder, and en- would like to create an opportunity to with clean hands, but with hands drip-
slave those who make themselves incon- bomb the Chinese nuclear installations. ping with blood.
venient or who do not fit in with the I consider them the most desperate and All we can hope and pray for is that
plans of the ruler. Inspiration, states- dangerous men .in all the world. The our hands will be washed in the solution
manship, leadership of all the people in a shocking and despicable Communist of a peaceful negotiation which will do
common cause-these are attributes that leaders of Russia and China have thus honor to all the world, including the
are foreign to Ky just as they were to far-who knows how much longer?- combatants in this unholy war.
Hitler. given evidence that they wish to avoid As stupid as Ky is, the fact remains
This tyrant Ky, supported by the U.S. that massive war. that he is our man. He is our protege.
Government, is a remarkable prototype I cannot understand how anyone could He flies our planes. He wears our
of Hitler, in charge of the police state we even for a moment believe that if the clothes. He spends our money. He is
help maintain. in South Vietnam; and United States should bomb nuclear in- all Government-issue, so far as we are
out of the other side of our leadership's stallations of Red China, Red Russia concerned. He is the creature of the
mouth they prate about supporting free- could stay out of the war and maintain 10-year U.S. military aid program in
dom in South Vietnam. They have mil- any position of leadership in the Commu- South Vietnam. His only hero, he says,
lions of American people convinced that cost segment of the war. is Adolf Hitler.
we are supporting freedom in South Viet- A week ago yesterday, I went as far as Unless we change our policy in Viet-
nam, when what we are supporting is I could under the doctrine of privilege nam, we are going to wind up with much
.military tyranny and dictatorship. in disclosing the basis for a judgment of the same disaster on our hands in Viet-
Hitler rallied a majority by turning mine, which I had reported to the Pres- nam that engulfed Germany. Commu-
their fears and hatreds upon a minority ident of the United States and to the nism has made all Its gains out of war.
within their midst, and by so doing he Secretary of State, which causes me to A general war in Asia will extend its do-
created a record of human bestiality that believe that if the United States bombs minion even further.
the world has been trying to forget for 20 either Hanoi or China, Red Russia will With each step this country has taken
years. come into the war. alone, unaccompanied, and unilaterally
Yet that is the kind of leadership that As I said a week ago Thursday-, it is my down the road to war, the chances of
this man is offering to the people of opinion that that war would not be lim- limiting the war and limiting commu-
South Vietnam, with American backing, ited to China. I said then, and repeat nism have become dimmer and dimmer.
American financing, and with the life- today, Russia will not let the United Perhaps the last chance for peace lies
blood of American soldiers. States pick the battlefield. She will pick with the nonparties to the war who can
What a shame. What a shame, Mr- her own battlefield, and I happen to think yet bring the Vietnam war under the
President. it will be New York City, Washington, jurisdiction of the United Nations.
I ask unanimous consent that the en- D.C., Detroit, Seattle, San Francisco, and Mr. President, I have been pleading
tire text of the interview from the Sun- other great population centers of the with my Government to assume its obli-
day Mirror be printed at the conclusion United States. gation by taking the issue to the United
of my remarks. However, if she comes into the war, Nations, calling for an extraordinary ses-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without she knows she will have to come into an sion and announcing that we would lay
objection, it is so ordered. all-out nuclear war. The ungodly im- the threat to the peace of the world
(See exhibit 1.) plication is that no one will win, but all before the procedures of the United Na-
Mr. MORSE. I point out also that Ky will be destroyed. I say to my God on tions for its jurisdiction and its adjudi-
shares another opinion of Hitler's, and the floor of the Senate this afternoon, cation, with our pledge of cooperation to
that is that territory lost by treaty can How can we justify our warmaking cause implement the decisions reached.
be retaken by force of arms. The story of action with all of these dangers preg- We either believe in a government of
about General Ky points out that he was nant and inherent? law in the settlement of a threat to the
"widely thought to have been responsible Iam at a complete loss to understand peace of the world, or we believe in taking
for Khanh's boast that the Vietnamese it. Those of us who are willing must mankind down the road to what I fear
air' fq,i'ce has the capability of dropping continue to protest, must continue to will be a great disaster through war.
bombs on military targets in North Viet- plead, niUSt continue to challenge, in the CONGRESS MUST REMAIN IN SESSION
nam and South China"-boasts made hope that the rays of reason will finally Most certainly the only possible domes-
before the bombing of the north actually break through the war clouds and the tic restraint upon the executive
began. One can' only wonder whether sunshine of a peaceful day will break branch-the Congress-must remain in
session this fall
- - i
-
n t
world
No. 129-7
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 16528 c~yC-~~~
Approved F or-ReTeas~slAb/1%~ i*-PDP T R0003001800ff 16, 1965
1 warn the American people that the armed services to the President that we China border. This is an interesting lo-
drive is going to be on to adjourn Con- are now merely bystanders to the exer- cation of this segment of the railroad.
gress. The drive is going to be on to cise of these legislative powers not only The railroad comes out of Red China,
send Congress home. With Congress out by the President but by the Secretary of crosses the border to North Vietnam,
of session, it will be easier for the war- Defense. where there is a projection of territory,
makers to proceed with fewer checks The result has been the virtual abdica- makes a loop through North Vietnamese
being made upon their warmaking. tion of our checking power. The admin- territory, and goes back into Red China.
So far as I am concerned, so long as istration has been quick to take advan- The U.S. Air Force bombed the part
American boys are dying in southeast tage of the situation by keeping away of the railroad that is in that North Viet-
Asia, it is my position that Congress from Congress any real opportunity to namese loop. If that is not provocation,
should never go out of session, because decide the use of American military Mr. President, I wish someone would de-
under the separation of powers doctrine forces- in Asia. Any President always fine the word for me.
of the Constitution under which we func- prefers to gather to himself as close to It is the fear of the senior Senator
tion, Congress owes it to the American an exclusive decisionmaking power as from Oregon that the Pentagon, In its
people to remain in session and main- he can manage to gather. Given a Con- escalating war policies, will continue de-
tain a constant check upon the executive gress anxious to cooperate, and the con- liberately, willfully, intentionally, and
branch of the Government. stitutional framework which was created knowingly to follow a course of action
There are many reasons why we should to prevent a President from-plunging the aimed at provoking Red China to com-
remain in session at some length this Nation Into foreign adventures on his mit an overt act.
year, but the compelling and controlling own decision is effectively destroyed. I am satisfied that if Red China com-
reason is that we cannot justify giving But so long as Congress sits, we con- mits an overt act, she will be quickly
the administration a free handin con- tinue to hold the power to assert our bombed. That is the risk. That is the
ducting the war with Congress in ad- duties
So long as we re
in i
i
.
ma
n sess
on,
joverment. the President knows that at least we are
The floor of the House of Representa- able to exercise our constitutional func-
tives and the floor of the Senate must be tion if we choose to do so.
kept available for whatever public con- In his press conference on Wednesday,
sideration is necessary to maintain a con- the Secretary of Defense made it clear
stant and vigilant check upon the ad- that the administration was about to ex-
ministration in connection with the con- ercise another congressional power that
-duct of this war. - has been delegated to it-that of calling
It Is true that our constitutional func- up reservists and national guardsmen.
tion to.check the President in his conduct Thus, another escalation of the war ef-
of foreign affairs as well as In domestic fort is about to take place without the
affairs has atrophied to the point of dis- slightest reference to Congress. The
appearing. I have been speaking about Members of Congress who insist they
this trend toward government by ex- have voted for Vietnam resolutions only
ecutive supremacy for nigh on 15 out of to endorse past acts and not to give a
the 20 years I have served in the Senate. blank check for future acts are getting
For the past 15 years, I have been trying their answer now.
to warn the American people with specific As the senior Senator from Oregon
proof after specific proof of the tendency warned them, they are getting their an-
of Congress to delegate away more and swer now. They sought to justify their
more of its checking responsibilities un- vote of confidence in the President's
der the Constitution, leaving the Ameri- policy by saying they were not giving
can people. with a government by execu- him a blank check. They gave him a
tive supremacy. i have warned many blank check, and he is using it.
times, and will continue to warn the They have the power to take it away.
American people, that they cannot cite a I say to the American people: "You
single government in the history of man- really have that answer. You - made it
kind which remained free, while the peo- clear to Members of Congress that you
ple were subjected to a government by want them to take away the blanket au-
executive supremacy. thority, the blank-check authority that
Freedom for the individual is incom- they have tried to delegate to the Presi-
patible with government by executive su- dent of the United States. You can
premacy, which is but- a polite word for deliver that message in a manner that
dictatorship of one degree, form, or an- they will understand."
other. I believe it is the only way that we
Let me say to the voters of this country shall be able to stop this escalation.
that they have the responsibility to hold I suggest that Congress keen in mind
th
i
l
e
r e
ected officials to a political ac-
counting. They have the duty of citizen-
statesmanship to check up and see to
what extent their elected officials are
delegating away to the executive branch
of the Government the residual controls
and checking obligations which the Con-
stitution vests in Congress.
I am talking about the principle of
government, which many find to be a dry
subject. It Is difficult to see the direct
That is the threat leading to the begin-
ning of a nuclear war.
As I said a few moments ago, a bomb-
ing of Hanoi will leave her no choice.
It is not possible to bomb Hanoi without
killing Russians.
Let the American people understand
that Red Russia is now giving military
support to North Vietnam to the degree
that there are a considerable number of
Russians in Hanoi-technicians and
military advisers necessary to advise
them in the use of the military equip-
ment that Red Russia has sent to them.
Does anyone believe that the United
States can bomb Hanoi and start killing
Russians, and that the Kremlin will send
us a thank you note? They will send us
a declaration of war, or they will make
war, declaration or not.
Whatever the views of the President
in this respect, I am satisfied that the
chance to bomb China is the objective
of a large body of opinion in the Penta-
gon and. unfortunately the Department
of State. One need only review the his-
tory of our public pronouncements on
the war over the last 3 years to appre-
ciate that we have moved steadily away
from justifying our acts as an assistance
to South Vietnam, and closer and closer
to justifying our acts as the only means
of containing China. The ultimate "con-
tainment" is the nuclear bombing of
China's major industries, including her
nuclear installations.
t
th
e r merican people: ?'1 tell
creased in Vietnam, the air raids in the ` ~
o
rth are mever cto China, you that the Pentagon recognizes that it
noIrthb are moving
there is any ever closer lose coincidence to in the cannot defeat Red - China with bombing,
nuclear or conventional; and the two events. When we have landed a suf- hawks who have been trwry-
cient land army in Vietnam and pre- ing to toe the House, whho e
fi ing egg the administration been
onto the
pared adequate coastal bases to supply bombing of Hanoi and even a bombing
it, the air raids will find their way to of Red China, would have the American
areas in or around China that will bring people believe that we can win the war
China into the war. with bombings, either nuclear or conven-
government to their precious, concrete ate, I must warn the American iC opll vary know it and say so-in private.
freedoms and liberties. people e I know that I am getting tting pretty close,
about what I think the preventive war but I am still
The answer is that there are no free- crowd in the Pentagon has in mind. American people are entitled to have
doors or liberties except in relationship We have read In the newspapers dur- everything the senior senator from Ore
to the abstract principles of government ing the past 72 hours that the U.S. Air gon can tell them within the rules. I
which we call constitutional guarantees. Force has bombed a segment of the China challenge the Pentagon to issue a state-
We have delegated so many congres- railroad in North Vietnam. The bomb- ment denying what I have just said. I
sional powers over war and over the ing took place only a few miles from the warn them that if they put out a propa-
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ganda statement denying it, all the rules
of privileges before the Committee on
Foreign Relations will be out the window
so far as the senior Senator from Oregon
Is concerned.
I would rather take the discipline of
the Senate than deny to the American
people what those briefings will show, if
the Pentagon denies what the senior
Senator fron} Oregon has said, that they
admit they cannot beat Red China with
bombing, nuclear or conventional.
They will have to beat her in both the
air and on the ground. If they take on
Red China on the ground, they will have
to send hundreds of thousands of Ameri-
can boys to China, to die in a war which
in my judgment cannot be justified on
any grounds.
The American people must come to
grips with the ugly crisis that faces us.
The American people must stop passing
the buck to their Government. The
American people must recognize the fact
that it is their ultimate. responsibility to
decree what the American foreign policy
shall be, and that it is not the respon-
sibility of the President of the United
States, for under our constitutional sys-
tem he is but the administrator of a
people's foreign policy.
The American people die. American
soldiers the by the thousands and thou-
sands and thousands.
I shall at least go to my grave knowing
that I tried to. warn the American peo-
ple, before it was too late, of the inevi-
table consequences of a continuation of
the Johnson administration's policy of
supporting what started out to be Mc-
Namara's war in Asia.
And when we are adequately prepared
on the ground, we will be ready to start
whatever provocative bombing around
her southern borders may be necessary.
The Congress here at "home, and the
members of the United Nations abroad,
apparently are the only agencies left
that can alter the course of this war,
except my President and yours.
Mr. President, let me put at rest once
again the charge or criticism that is made
against the senior Senator from Oregon
that by taking the position he takes in
opposition to his Government's war in
Asia, he is aiding and abetting commu-
nism.
I yield to no one in this country In my
hatred of everything that the ideology
of communism stands for, but I am satis-
fied that those who are escalating the
war In Asia are the greatest allies the
Communists have in the world.
American. foreign policy in Asia Is mis-
understood by the hundreds of thousands
in the underdeveloped areas of the world.
Those are the areas'in which we ought
to win the fight for men's minds over to
the cause of freedom, but we can never
win them b_ y making war.
Also,, do not, forget, Mr. President, that
we are white men, by and large. Amer-
icans are looked upon in Asia as white
men, and Asians are determined to see
to it, -that' Asia is not dominated by any
white l atlon, in whole or In part.
That ' Is 'why what we are buying for
ourselves Is a war that :will return to us
many military victories.
As I have heard leading advisers in
the Pentagon say: "We can kill them
by the millions with our bombing; we
can destroy their cities; we can knock
out their nuclear bases: but to beat them
we have to meet them on the-ground."
We can do all that, Mr. President, but
we will leave the United States bogged
down in Asia for 25 to 50 years.
We have neither the manpower nor
the economic power ultimately to win
that war in the sense that people mean it
when they talk about victory.
So, Mr. President, as the last point of
my speech-and I shall be very brief on
it, I say to my friend from West Vir-
ginia, I set forth the conclusion I have
reached most reluctantly.
I have come to the conclusion that now
is the time for the United States to go on
to an economic war basis.
I wish to say to my administration: "If
you are going to win the war in Asia,
you cannot justify a single dollar profit
for a single American businessman in
this whole country."
If we are going to fight this war, let us
do what we can to see to it that there is
spread across this Republic an equality
of sacrifice, to the extent there can be
such equality-and, of course, the word
defines itself when we speak about equal-
ity in terms of supreme sacrifice, and
equality in support of making profits out
of blood.
If we are going to fight this war, now
Is the time to go on a war footing. Now
is the time to bring into existence price
and wage stabilization procedures and
bodies. Now is the time to take the
profit out of war.
The other day a representative of a
great union sat in my office protesting my
position on the war In Vietnam. I lis-
tened patiently, very much interested in
a point of view that is held by too many
labor leaders in the United States today.
During the conversation, he mentioned
the great interest his union had in the
helicopters, airplanes, munitions, and
war materiel in Vietnam that was being
manufactured by their labor. Senators
know that I would be aghast. I was
shocked to think that even the thought
should go through his mind that any
change in my position should be dictated
by the alleged benefits to the economy of
the United States by fighting a war in
South Vietnam.
But, as politely as I could, I made it
very clear to that labor leader that the
senior Senator from Oregon was not
going to vote to pay for jobs for Amer-
ican workmen in war plants with the
blood of American boys in Vietnam.
Mr. President, we shall continue to es-
calate this war.
If the McNamara program is for call-
ing up the Reserves, if the McNamara
program is for calling up the National
Guard, if the McNamara program is for
increasing the manpower-the present
figure is 170,000-let me say to the Amer-
can people: Get ready. One hundred
seventy thousand will be the minimum.
We shall go far beyond that figure; and
if ,Chiba cpnes., in, we shall have them
over by the hundreds of thousands.
Now is the-time to put, the economy
of, this country on a war basis..
If we get Into a full-scale war, the
constant emergency changes that will be
required to prosecute it will be so sweep-
ing and drastic for the duration of that
total war that we will not know this Gov-
ernment. Now is the time, in the inter-
ests of preserving this system of govern-
ment, to g., on a war footing economic-
ally. This is no time for the American
people to be making money out of blood.
On the contrary, if the policy is to be a
war policy, let us make it a war policy
for everyone, not only for the boys who
do the fighting and dying.
Oh, I can read the editorials now. I
can read the criticisms now of the posi-
tion that the Senator from Oregon is
taking. But I stand on it. When we
start talking about having 170,000 boys in
South Vietnam, when we start talking
about the expenditure of funds the ad-
ministration is talking about for Viet-
nam, we have a duty to make every citi-
zen-I do not care what his economic
status is-enlist in the ranks for the war
effort.
The senior Senator from Oregon will
tontine to insist, in speech after speech,
as the administration continues to esca-
late the war, that checks be placed on
all segments of the American economy,
not only business, but labor, as well, to
require them to make their sacrifices for
the prosecution of that war. I do not
ever want to hear mentioned to me again
that this war is good for the economy
of the country. I am not interested in
blood money.
I shall yield in a moment to the Sen-
ator from West Virginia, prior to be-
ginning the second speech I shall make
today, a speech I was prevented from
making last night because of the parlia-
mentary situation.
I am saddened that I feel it necessary
to make this speech. It is not an easy
speech to make. It does not make one
happy to disagree with the President of
the United States, for whom he has af-
fection. I have done so and shall con-
tinue to do so because I believe the best
service I can render my President is to
disagree with him when I believe he is
wrong. I believe that my President has
been ill advised, and I shall continue to
pray that in some way, somehow, an
understanding may come to permeate
this administration, that will cause our
policymakers to turn back out of the
jungle, go back to the fork in the road,
and march again to the goal of peace
that really will blaze in the sunlight, if
only we will take the right road.
EXHIBIT 1
[From the New York Mirror, July'4, 19651
OUR ALLY: A PREMIER WHOSE HERO Is HITLER
(By Brian Moynahan)
"I admire Hitler because he pulled his
country together," says South Vietnam's lat-
est leader.
"People ask me who my heroes are. I have
only one-Hitler." These are the words of
Air . Vice Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky, latest
Prime Minister of South Vietnam, whose re-
mote, unstable country has the whole world
holding its breath. The comment of this
flamboyant little dictator, who grasped office
by a military coup while 70.000 American
soldiers strove to keep the Communists at
bay, highlights the whole tragedy of the
thankless Vietnam war. Ky outlined his
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philosophy on Adolf Hitler in this remarkable
.interview sometime before the takeover.
Ky said: "I admire Hitler because he pulled
his country together when it was in a terrible
state in the early thirties.
"But the situation here is so desperate
now that one man would not be enough.
We need four or five Hitlers in Vietnam."
We met in his huge office at Tan Son Nhut
air base on the outskirts of Saigon, when Ky
commanded the Vietnamese air force.
Now, as the country's 10th Premier in 20
months, he and his fragile government face
a situation more desperate than ever.
Outspoken and colorful, Ky looks every
inch it pilot. He is small and lightly built.
He wears an impressive mustache'-surpris-
ingly thick for an oriental.
COLOR
On flying missions, he sports twin, pearl-
handled revolvers and purple chokers.
Even his private plane-a twin-engined
Aero Commander, which he pilots on tours
of the countryside-Is purple. "It's my fa-
vorite color, because it is my girl friend's
favorite color," he explained.
His girl friend, a slender and beautiful
half-Chinese Vietnamese, who was an Air
Vietnam hostess, is now his wife.
The big office reflected his character. It
was splashed with bright blue flags and cur-
tains. Orange and silver flying helmets hung
from the walls.
Beatles' music-,'Yes. I like them," he
said with a smile-poured from a hi-fl set
in the corner.
The man the Western nations now find
themselves supporting in the name of free-
dom had a loaded .45 revolver as a paper-
weight on his desk.
The desk was stacked with thrillers and
French paperbacks.
An automatic rifle, with the catch at "fire,"
was handy on the wall * * * "just in case
the Vietcong try to catch me here instead
of in the air."
The Vietcong have, indeed, had plenty of
chances. Before he became Premier last
month, Ky flew his American Skyraider
fighter-bomber on at least one mission a
week. His plane was hit several times and
he was nicked by fragments when leading
a recent raid on North Vietnam. But he is
a superb pilot, trained in France, Algeria and
America,
"One of the best," an American told me,
"very brave, but not death-or-glory reck-
less."
On off-duty weekends, Ky would` go up to
Dalat, a mist-shrouded officers' retreat in the
mountains northeast of Saigon, where the
luxurious villas change with every, political
shift in the capital. He likes to hunt from
the backs of elephants.
The tough political line he is taking now-
he has clamped a curfew on Saigon's wild
nightlife, publicly executed a terrorist and
threatened the same punishment to
profiteers-is not surprising.
TOUGH
When another terrorist was executed in
Saigon last October, Ky told me: "I want an
air force firing squad to do it and I want
to be the officer in charge.
"We have to be tough. As tough as the
Vietcong.
"'We are losing the countryside because the
government here is weak and not trusted.
The towns are getting rotten and corrupt.
"We must have, soon, a strong leader whom
the people out in the villages can admire
and. trust and who can control the towns."
He was then leader of the officers who saved
General Khanh's government from an at-
tempted coup last September-and who ex-
acted growing concessions and influence in
return.
PURGE
Ky was widely thought to have been re-
sponsible for Khanh's boast that the Viet-
namese air force had "the capability of drop-
ping bombs on military targets in North
Vietnam and South China"--a move that
could have escalated the war disastrously for
the rest of the world.
His policy then was to "put all the coun-
try's effort into the war by purging the Army
of incompetent officers, stopping wild
rumors and defeatism and taking a firm
hand with demonstrations."
Next, he,would start to win the country
back from the guerillas, village by village.
Whether Ky can live up to his hopes and
prove strong and mature enough for his
crushing responsibilities remains to be seen.
South Vietnam's "strong man" premiers-
Diem, Big Minh, Khanh-have come and
gone in quickening succession.
Even Ky himself smiled when I asked him
if he was interested in the Premiership:
"Here, that can only be a short-term ambi-
tion."
EXHIBIT 2
[From the Wall Street Journal, July 15, 19651
GLOOM IN VIETNAM: DOUBTS RISE THAT THE
UNITED STATES CAN MOVE FAST ENOUGH To
BLUNT REDS' DRrVE--AMERICAN STRENGTH
INCREASES, BUT COMMUNISTS CONTINUE To
GoeBt15 UP TERRrToaY-A HOLLOW VICTORY
AT DAC To
(By Philip Geyelin)
TAN CANH, SOUTH VIETNAM.-Are we too
late in South Vietnam?
That thought haunts more than one Amer-
ican war planner here, even as fresh forces
pile onto coastal beachheads and the military
pressure grows for a much more active, ag-
gressive, and greatly expanded U.S. combat
role. As U.S. troop strength heads rapidly
toward 75,000, even an ultimate figure of
100,000 is now considered too conservative;
totals in the several-hundred-thousand range
are quite casually kicked around.
As the number of troops expands, so will
their mission. "We are on the verge of a
whole new phase as far as American involve-
ment is concerned," predicts one U.S. strat-
egist. Deliberate Communist assaults on
?[f S. installations last February, he recalls,
jolted the Johnson administration into
bombing North Vietnam and landing the first
U.S. combat troops for "combat support"
duties well beyond the earlier advisory role.
Until now, however, this has amounted
largely to defensive action, with only occa-
sional emergency assignments to relieve the
pressure when regular South Vietnamese
Army units felt an urgent need for help.
COMBAT ALLY
Now the idea Is for U.S. forces to play the
role increasingly of what ane top officer calls
"combat ally." Precisely how this will work
is almost certainly to be the major subject
for deliberations between local American and
South Vietnamese authorities and the team
of top policymakers due in from Washington
Friday, including Secretary of Defense Mc-
Namara and Henry Cabot Lodge, scheduled
to begin his second tour as Ambassador to
Saigon shortly.
(In Washington yesterday, Defense Secre-
tary McNamara told a press conference that
his on-the-spot survey of Vietnam was needs
might bring consideration of calling up mili-
tary reserves, extending tours of duty, and in-
creasing draft calls. A congressional delega-
tion that saw him yesterday came away with
the impression that the administration might
ask Congress for a big new appropriation to
finance Vietnam operations, even before the
current session ends.)
Even before the high-level talks begin in
South Vietnam, however, the broad outlines
of the new U.S. role are almost certainly
firmly fixed. In effect, the combat ally con-
cept would turn U.S. troops into a force avail-
able much more routinely than now for duty
in joint missions with South Vietnamese
units or on special spoiling assignments
aimed at breaking up suspected concentra-
tions of Vietcong before they can get them-
selves set for major offensives of their own.
Awed by the prospect of so much power to
be brought to bear, one ranking U.S. officer
exclaims: "I just don't see how we can really
lose, when you look at the stuff we are bring-
ing in here."
Most authorities would agree up to a point;
no force the Communists could conceivably
assemble seems likely to push U.S. coastal
strongholds into the South China Sea.
But the question of whether American
power can act fast enough remains the key
to U.S. fortunes in Vietnam. The reason is
all too evident in what you encounter in a
1,000-mile inspection of this confused and
complicated battlefront: The hard fact is
that while the United States is building up
strength, the Vietcong are rapidly gobbling
up huge chunks of South Vietnam.
VIETCONG GAINS
In short, they're winning the war. Hamlets
and villages by the score are being overrun;
strategic distict towns are beginning to
topple; the pressure is mounting on key pro-
vincial capitals, especially here in the soggy,
desolate-but militarily critical-central
highlands. Driving hundreds of refugees be-
fore them, the Reds are clogging coastal areas
with displaced villagers, adding to already
serious economic strains; Government figures
at last count list over 500,000 fugitives.
While U.S. bombers chop up communications
in North Vietnam, Vietcong demolition teams
are blasting bridges in the south; a simpler
Red technique, the digging of deep trenches
in key roads after nightfall, is also effective
in shutting off transport of food and other
necessities.
Result: With war weariness a common
complaint, Saigon's will to resist is in con-
stant danger of buckling under the military,
economic, and political strain. Such a col-
lapse could flow from a variety of causes-a
stunning military reverse; a switch to the
other side by a disheartened, or perhaps op-
portunistic, major South Vietnamese army
unit; runaway inflation or an acute food
shortage; a political coup predicated on peace
'at almost any price. Some knowledgeable
U.S. experts don't even exclude the possibility
of serious Communist penetration of the
upper reaches of the Saigon Government,
with all that could mean in the way of subtle
sabotage of the war effort.
U.S. diplomats and soldiers both insist the
outlook will brighten once the monsoon sea-
son ends and the United States-South Viet-
namese "dry season" counterattack can be
launched. But the trouble is that the rains
will last for another Z months at least, and
the Vietcong offensive, by most reckoning,
has yet to reach full ferocity.
AVERTING CALAMITY
Meantime, it's conceded that the U.S. mili-
tary might, so heavily dependent on air-strike
support and air transport, will be partially
paralyzed. "We aren't even thinking in
terms of reversing the trend right now," says
one high-level American. "We would settle
in the next few months for simply holding
the line and averting calamity."
Even holding the line, however, is no easy
task. To see why, you have only to head by
helicopter up the chain of isolated outposts
from the provincial capitals of Pleiku and
Kontum here on the Vietnam high plateau
and drop in at this tiny hamlet of Tan Canh,
command post for the 42d Regiment of the
South Vietnamese Army. Government forces
at Tan Canh recently made a desperate effort
to stem the Vietcong tide.
Circling ' down for a landing in the bright
sunshine; you can visualize quite clearly the
seesaw struggle that raged a few days earlier
for the district town of Dac To, a mile or two
down the road. On the face of it, it seems
reasonable to score the fight as a Govern-
ment success.
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The battle began with the familiar night ways hard to keep going once you have to just that direction, he claims that only the
assault by the Vietcong pouring out of the crank them down."
ability mass overwhelmin
encircling jungle to overrun Dac To. When The Saigon information ministry is already against tVietc ng co cent onsforce
canquickl
insury
a relief column from regimental headquar- cooking up a special appeal designed to win against the sort of military setback that
ters pushed out down the road, it bumped over demoralized Vietcong after the mon- might shatter popular and government
into the also familiar Vietcong ambush, care- soons. But the problem, of course, is to keep morale.
fully prepared behind a shoulder of land; the the war effort rolling and the Vietcong con-
battalion-sized Government force was routed, tamed until then.
the regimental commander killed. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I yield to
to the Communists in recent weeks in the portions now, could quickly become so. COLD WAR VETERANS' READJUST-
military region under the command of the There are currently few signs of extreme
decided the psychological impact might well e rnment relief program, they actually receive The Senate resumed the consideration
be more than the area could bear. With only almost twice as much in relief payments as of the bill (S. 9). to
five battalions in reserve, corps commanders the average Vietnamese earns, plus cash provide serve yanked two of them out of the provin- grants to resettle or simply spend as they tent assistance to veterans who serve in
cial capital of Kontum, airlifted them here to see fit. the Armed Forces during the induction
Tan Canh through a convenient break in the Food shortages and soaring prices could Period.
rain clouds, and launched a skillful thrust make the refugees' plight serious, however. Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, I am
to retake Dac To. Railroad lines as well as roads have been cut, grateful that the senior Senator from
q HOLLOW VICTORY and ships alone can't carry enough rice to Oregon has given me the privilege to,
Confronted with overwhelming force, the - from e the southern northern
The speak in the Senate at this time between
delta arcec bowl. areas
Vietcong clashed briefly, with only two United states has pitched in with an emer- the first address and the second address
casualties, and melted back into they jungle. gency call for extra cargo planes, but in some which he is to deliver this afternoon.
Since most of Dac To's citizens had scattered spots, such as Pleiku, the price of rice has I speak again in support of the cold
earlier, some of them to join the refugee doubled, eggs cost three times more than war Veterans' Readjustment Assistance
stream to the bigger, better-protected towns, normal and kerosene is often unavailable for Act. We know it as the cold war GI bill.
Dac To was largely deserted and its recapture cooking.
a somewhat hollow victory. And as a visitor If this trend continues, says veteran U.S. My commendation is given to the distin .
to Tan Canh watches a drenching downpour refugee expert Richard Evans, who is with guished Senator from Texas CMr
that blots out even the nearest hilltop and the American aid mission in South Vietnam, YARBOROUGH], because he has persevered,
grounds his helicopter, it becomes all too "everybody becomes a refugee." And in that has as been most conscientious, and has
apparent that even the limited victory case the real calamity to fear-and the real manifested real leadership in advancing
achieved by the Government in the battle of payoff for the Vietcong's economic disruption this vital measure in the Senate.
Dac To was solely due to the fprtuitous break campaign-would be a mass trek to the na- As we well know, the young men and
in the weather. Much of the time at this tional capital for help. "You could have 5 women who have served in the Armed
period of the year rain would prevent the fly- or 10 million marching to Saigon," Mr. Forces since January 31, 1955, are not
ing in of reinforcements, and Tan Canh and Evans warns.
Dac To would be cut off from outside help. Illegal monetary dealings as well as scarcity afforded the readjustment benefits which
All road access has long since been cut by the are fueling inflation, according to officials we as a grateful people in the United
Vietcong. at the economic ministry. The heavy stream States provided for the veterans of
Foo4 stocks at Tan Canh consist almost of U.S. dollars from free-spending American World War II and the Korean war or
wholly of rice and salt and have dwindled troops, the officials explain, is creating a mar- conflict. However it may be designated,
to not much more than 10 days' supply. More ket for greenbacks, thus bringing into the it was a battle in which Americans lost
critical is a shortage of gasoline, vitally monetary supply funds which speculators their lives. This discrimination cannot
needed for generators to keep radio com- previously have been sitting on because of equality of
mUnication open, and a skimpy reserve of the war's uncertainties. be justified on the basis of
helicopter fuel service or on the importance of their en-
Encamped nearby in the thick, all-conceal- HOARDING RICE United to the national security of the
ing jungle are a sizable Vietcong force and, by Rice merchants in Saigon and elsewhere United States.
some intelligence estimates, as much as a are compounding the inflationary strain by On February 8, 1965, it Was my re-
up-
regiment of the 326th Division of the People's hoarding in order to push prices up. The sponsibility to appear as a witness before
Army of North Vietnam (PAVN), which the shot is that the United States has been forced ced
United States is sure was infiltrated into to rush 50,000 tons of rice to this tradition- the Subcommittee on Veterans Affairs of
South Vietnam as an intact fighting unit ally rice-exporting nation. Because exports the Committee on Labor and Public Wel-
earlier this year. aren't earning as much as usual, the United fare to speak in favor of the pending bill,
vlimrcorrc STRENGTH GROWS States is also being asked for a boost in eco- S. 9. It is interesting to note that less
nomic aid; Saigon's hard currency reserves, than 2 days before those hearings began,
The problem here, in short, is a microcosm now down to $100 million, are roughly half the United States intensified its efforts
of the problem everywhere in South Vietnam. of normal.
According to tentative estimates by United Added to this economic stress is the usual in ul tnon in retaliation for Vietcong
States and Soutjl. Vietnamese authorities, quota of chronic political instability. It is a assaults on two military compan north
another PAVN division, the 304th, may also bit early to expect a move against the new of Saigon. Seven American live es were
be either all the way into south Vietnam government of Prime Minister Ky, but the lost in that attack by the Communist
or at least en route along Laotian infiltration Buddhists have scant enthusiasm for the war forces. I wish to quote what I said dur-
trails. Meantime, Vietcong strength is said effort, and from their political citadel in the ing my appearance before the subcom-
by top U.S. officials to be roughly double northern town of Hue they are already snip- mittee in February:
that of, only 4 or 5 months ago, a buildup ing at the Ky government, though their tar- We recall the events of the past few days
roughly matching that of the United States. get for now is Catholic Chief of State Ngyu- to gain an understanding of their personal
The Vietcong, to be sure, have their prob- yen Van Thieu. lives
lems, too. Their casualties are getting Buddhist leaders insist they are ferventl sacrifices. Seven assault ona two m ou wear lost in
higher; in a typical week, they may well be anti-Communist and wholeheartedly against the Vietcong ofSaig on two our young men,
com-
double those of government forces. Recruit- the Vietcong. But talks with them make it pounds north of Saigon; and our young men,
ment in the countryside is growing more clear that their professed admiration for the taliate and 49 demonstrate that hat we intend e re-
difficult; combat units report finding a far U.S. buildup is based on the condition that stand t stand firm m the defense of the world.
greater number of teenagers among Vietcong it produce a quick and relatively easy victory, One in return. Our the free world.
casualties and prisoners. In the Vietcong's Other question marks are the army's ently at defensereadiness condition there,
haste to make the most of the monsoons, morale and manpower. "The thing to really which requires stricter security measures,
their tactics have also become tougher, most watch for is if a whole battalion lays down additional manning requirements, and more
observers agree. Efforts to ingratiate have its arms," says one high-ranking American. individual units on alert in order to effect
given
way to rough stun-terrorism, assas- Short of such a psychological blow, the immediate response to any enlargement of
sinations an4 pillage-in order to collar re- South Vietnamese Army's dangerously thin the enemy activity.
cruits and, gather supplies from the local reserves may lead to trouble. Those two bat-
populace, talions at Dac To, for example, are Urgently
What I said then, I would say today
As a result, some authorities argue the in- needed for spot-relief chores elsewher"It's with this addition. It is my belief that
surrection might lose its steam if its big bid a gamble every time you shift them about," we make a mistake when we seem to
for victory falls short this year. "They can't says one American adviser who sees an urgent gloss over the seriousness-yes, even the
keep up ,this pace for many more months," need for U.S. forces to take over more of the tragedy-of the conflict in which we are
says one expert. "And these things are al- reserve.role. Hailing the apparent trend in now engaged in Vietnam,
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t
NAL RECORD -SENATE 7-~ly 16, 1965
It is wrong for us to think In terms of
the Vietnam conflict as a police action,
ont in. which the United States is asso-
ciated in counseling or advising. It is
realistic that the people of the United
States understand that American boys
axe losing their lives -in the jungles of
Vietnam. It is Important that the peo-
ple of the Nation understand this.
Eloquent testimony on this fact is
found in a New York Journal-American
article entitled, "A Gift for the Baby-
Marine's Last Letter." This news story
contains a letter from an 18-year-old
marine to his expectant mother.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article be printed in the
RECORD at this point.
,rhe~ PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection it is so ordered.
A GTXT FOR THE BABY-MARINxIs LAST LETTER
(By James Connolly)
This Is a story that tells itself. It's almost
all here, In a letter received June 19 by Mrs.
(Iregory Rlsoldi of Claudia Street, Iselin,
N.J., from her 18-year-old Son, U . S. Maxine
Vincent Risoldi:
"I)ear Mom: I guess you've had your baby
already. Is it a boy or girl? I wonder it I'll
ever know. But rve scraped together $20, and
here It Is. Buy my little brother or sister
something for me.
"I don't make too much money, with this
job I have now, and $20 is all I can spare.
"You know, Mom, we were talking RbOUt
me coming home for Christmas? Well, I
--waait to tell you a little secret, I'm in Viet-
nam and I'm wondering If IT ever get home.
I really don't think so.
"It's hot here, very hot, day and night.
You're got to look over yonx shoulder every
time you talk to a friend. You've got to
always be on the alert.
"These Vietcong, they pop up everywhere,
take a few shots and run. But I'm here to
help wipe out communism.
'~By the way, if you see any of, my friends
clown at the tee cream parlor or the drug-
store, tell them I'm In Vietnam, and to get
off their backsides and join the Marines.
"It is scary at night when you wait for
them to come, but once the fight starts the
only thing you think about Is killing them
before they kill you.
"Say hello to * * * everybody. Vinnie.11
Mrs,.Rlsolcli, who may have given birth to
her sixth child by the time this story IS
being read, received 4 postscrIpt-a telegram
at 1:45 ra.m. Tuesday.
Vincent has been killed in Vietnam.
Mr. RANDOLPH. Mr. President, I
hope there il]l be no effort by anyone
within the Government, at any level, in
any agency, or In any position, to have
the American people believe that we are
engaged in other than actual fighting in
Vietnam.
Mi. President, since those hearings in
February our efforts~ manpower, and
weapons have been continually increas-
ing In Vietnam. Ironically, as we begin
this floor debate today, there are indica-
tions and talk that another intensified
buildup is Imminent. The President
recently stated that "new and 'serious
decisions will be necessary in the near
future."
The Senator from Oregon has very
cogently,'and I think correctly, called to
the attention of the Senate this after-
noon the importance of these decisions
which are being made.
The President has recently said:
Any substantial increase In the present
level of our efforts to turn back the aggres-
sors in South Vietnam will require steps to
insure that reserves of men and equipment
of the United States remain entirely ade-
quate for any and all emergencies.
News reports inform us that the Viet-
nam Government has asked Secretary
McNamara and Ambassador Lodge for a
larger force. Reliable sources indicate
that the Joint Chiefs of Staff have rec-
arnmended,the total of U.S. troops in
Vietnam be increased from the sched-
uled 75,000 to 179,000. 1 say to the Mem-
beTs of the Senate this Is a serious
crisis-and we are looking to the Arneri-
can man-at-arms for his services. He
has not forsaken the people of the Unit-
ed States in the past. As long as we I are
engaged in a struggle in Vietnam, he, of
course, will not forsake the American
people now. It is a question, sometimes,
of whether we forsake the veteran.
indeed, we owe a debt to the men who
are risking their lives in the jungles of
Vietnam, or on airborne alert in the
Strategic Air Command, or maintaining
the combat readiness of our ICBM and
Nike missile sites, or patrolling the high
seas to protect the world from Commu-
nist aggression. We do an Injustice in
calling them peacetime veterans. That
is a misnomer, Mr. President. They are,
in all good conscience and hard fact, en-
titled to comparable adjustment benefits
accorded their predecessors.
*1 cannot use language too strong to
point this out. I am certain that In the
Senate we can bring this measure to an
affirmative vote,
In terms of a pragmatic Justification
of the bill under discussion, we have
available the fruits derived from the
World War II and Korean GI bills. As
the Senator from Texas (Mr. YAP-
BOROUGH] cogently pointed out on many
occasions almost I I million veterans have
advanced their educational and voca-
tional qualifications under the prior ad-
justment assistance acts. We discussed
this topic in the Subcommittee on Edu-
cation of the Committee on Labor and
Public Welfare. At ihis point I express
not only my appreciation but also that of
all Senators and the American people
for the leadership which has been given
to the cause of education, in this, and In
prior Congresses, by -the Senator from
Oregon [Mr. MORSE], the chairman of the
Subcommittee on Education.
Though the benefits of such education
and the resultant increase in human
skills cannot be measured with mathe-
matical precision, we know that the ad-
ditional earning power achieved by vet-
erans from these programs returns more
than a billion dollars a year In taxes
to the Federal Treasury, an annual re-
turn which has insured full payment of
the initial investment. A cold war GI
bill qimed at developing the talents of the
post Korean veterans who will number
over 5 million by 1970, would realize
similar, if not greater, profits than
thcoe which have accrued to the veterans
and to our entire economy under previous
veterans' legislation.
In our State of West Virginia over
220,0100 veterans have availed themselves
of the opportunities of previous legisla-
tion and of these some 22,000 are engaged
In the fields of medicine, teaching, en-
gineering, and science. Certainly the
beneficial effects of past legislation to
Which I have called attention demon-
strate that American life has been im-
proved by the programs which have been
enacted.
In the interest of equity for the in-
dividuals affected and in furthering the
economic and social well-being of this
Nation as a whole, I earnestly support
the pending proposal. It is my sincere
~hope that the Senate will act favorably
on S. 9, so that it will become law in this
session of the Congress. Let us not be
guilty of those lines inscribed on an an-
cient sentry box in Gibraltar:
God and the soldier-all men adore
In time of trouble and no more:
For when war is over, and all things
soldier slighted.
God is negelec?~~__01*1
U.S. POIACY-INVIETNAM
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at the
conclusion of my speech on foreign
policy, an article published in this morn-
Ing's Wall Street Journal dealing with
the war in Vietnam, entitled "Gloom in
Vietnam: Doubts Rise That United
States Can Move Fast Enough To Blunt
Reds' Drive-American Strength In-
creases, but Communists Continue To
Gobble Up Territory-A Hollow Victory
at Dae To."
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit No. 2.)
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, this is a
story which bears out the view that was
received from so many intelligence forces
to the effect that we are engaging our-
selves In a long-bogged-down endeavor
in Asia that will be terrifically costly in
blood and money.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent, that I may yield to the Senator from
Hawaii for an insertion in the RECORD
without losing my right to the floor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
The Senator from Hawaii Is recog-
nized.
LEONARD MARKS TO BE NAMED
DIRECTOR OF THE U.S. INFOR-
MATION AGENCY
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, on Tues-
day President Johnson announced he
intended to nominate Leonard Marks,
of Washington, D.C., to be Director of
the U.S. Information Agency, succeeding
the Honorable Carl Rowan.
Mr. Marks is an attorney with a long
interest in international communica-
tions, and is well known to me and to
many other Members of the Senate. His
qualifications for this position are out-
standing, and the President is to be con-
gratulated for nominating him.
The world stands today on the thresh-
old of a communications revolution.
And it is essential that the U.S. In-
formation Agency have at its head a man
competent to guide it carefully and
wisely through that revolution.
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