U.S. POLICY IN SOUTH EAST ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180003-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 24
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: July 12, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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coin and the conclusion of the Civil War,
Rev. Edgar H. Gray prayed: "Glory be to Thy
-name, 0 God, that the Republic still lives,
the Nation survives, the country is safe.
Glory be to Thy name that our heroic efforts
have been, crowned with victory, so that the
desolations of war have ceased, and the
ground no longer shakes beneath the tread
of armies. We praise Thee with thanksgiving
that the statue of Freedom now looks down
from our Capitol upon an entire Nation of
freemen."
At the first meeting of the House on
June 28, 1919, after the signing of the
Versailles. Treaty, Dr. Henry N. Couden's
prayer went like this: "We thank Thee that
a peace treaty has been signed by a majority
of the leading natiorls; and while it may
not be adequate to the needs of the world
we most fervently pray that it may be a
steppingstone to a higher civilization from
which shall spring spontaneously from the
hearts of all men and of all nations a peace
pact which shall spare the word from a
holocaust through which it has just passed,
leaving it inexpressibly sad and mournful
in the loss of men and means."
One of the most beautiful of Dr. Bras-
kamp's prayers was the one he gave after
V-E Day, May 8, 1945, when he was substi-
tuting for Dr. Montgomery: "0 Lord God
Omnipotent, who maketh wars to cease unto
the ends of the earth, we praise and mag-
nify Thy holy name, for through Thy might
and Thy mercy we have been brought to
this day of grace and victory. When we
call to memory with pride, gratitude, and
love that vast multitude who struggled so
heroically and endured so valiantly, giving
their very lifeblood in order that this day
might be possible, we cry out, 'Alas, alas,
next to defeat, the saddest thing is victory
at such a cost.' We pray that we may earn-
estly and faithfully endeavor to prove worthy
of their sufferings and sacrifice."
On the day of the conference at San Fran-
cisco to establish the United Nations, April
25, 1945, 20 years ago, Dr. Braskamp prayed
in part: "Today we are joining struggling
and war-torn humanity in its prayers for
Thy special blessing upon those chosen rep-
resentatives who are now seeking to organize
the good will of the nations of the earth
for a lastjng peace."
The day after President Truman ordered
General MacArthur to support the Republic
of South Korea, June 28, 1950, Dr. Braskamp
prayed in part: "Grant that in these days
of strife an confusion, of storm and tumult,
we may carry on in the glad assurance that
the Lord of Hosts is with us, and the God of
righteousness is our refuge and strength."
When President Kennedy was killed, the
Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown Harris,
prayed in part: "God of the living and of
the living dead: as in this hour we bow in
the shadow of a people's grief, Thou Bost
hear the sobbing of a stricken nation. But
we come with the comfort that Thou know-
est what is in the darkness, and that the
darkness and the light are both alike to
Thee."
These historical facts and quotations
which I have brought to you this morning
are Illustrative of a very important but little
publicized institution in government The
total effect of these prayers through 'the
generations cannot be measured. It is cer-
tain, however, that they are symbolic of the
deep purpose of the men who have been re-
sponsible for the direction of our govern-
ment since its inception. They demonstrate
clearly that we as a people have always tied
and stilt do tie-the destiny of this Republic
to the spiritual ideals of our people.
There is no chaplain in the` Cornin tern-
but this is a nation under God.
Governor Scranton's $10 Billion 10-Year
Pennsylvania Highway Program
HON. JAMES G. FULTON
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Mr. FULTON of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, a State's highways are truly its
lifelines-for commerce, communication,
and personal mobility.
Gov. William Scranton's bold new $10
billion 10-year highway improvement
program is a giant step forward to place
Pennsylvania first in highways in the
Nation. Announced February 1, 1965,
the program has begun projects in 50
counties under the able direction of
State Highway Secretary Henry D. Har-
ral. A new computerized system for
tracking all highway projects has been
instituted to assure competent, efficient
administration of this forward-looking
program.
To show the progress being made in
Pennsylvania, I insert for the RECORD the
following letter and news clippings.
COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA,.
DEPARTMENT OF HIGHWAYS,
Harrisburg, June 30, 1965.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN JAMES FULTON: The de-
partment of highways is dedicated to serving
all Pennsylvanians by making technically
possible Governor Scranton's $10 billion, 10-
year highway revolution.
As early evidence that this bold program is
on the move, we thought you would be in-
terested in these recent news clippings.
Sincerely,
HENRY D. IIARRAL,
Secretary of Highways.
PENNSYLVANIA STORY-HGHWAYS DEPARTMENT
PROVING IT CAN HANDLE $10 BILLION LOAD
(By Mason Denison)
HARRIssuaG.-The State department of
highways apparently means business in its
efforts to prove it can handle the $10 billion
highway program proposed by Governor
Scranton.
Within the last month the department has:
(1) made four major appointments; (2) sub-
mitted a record $292 million construction
budget; (3) established the highest mark
ever for advertising projects for construction.
And, when the columns are counted for
the fiscal year that ends June 30, the high-
est value of projects advertised for construc-
tion in 1 year are indicated for the books.
Listing the accomplishments, State high-
ways secretary, Henry D. Harral, was quick to
point out that the marks were established by
any organization using many outmoded ad-
ministrative practices which since have been
changed.
"All I can see are great days ahead," he
told this column when asked to outline what
was going on within the department since
February 1, when the Governor proposed his
$10 billion plan.
He admitted being somewhat "conserva-
tive" in his approach to the Governor's plan
at first but now is one of Its most enthu-
siastic supporters. Since directing many ad-
ministrative changes within the framework
of the department, Mr. Harral has seen a
rapid increase in the output potential of the
department.
,,The Governor's plan has attracted wide
attention in the engineering field," the sec-
retary said. He explained, for example, that
the announcement has stimulated recruiting
of professional people. In fact engineers
from 47 States have filed applications for em-
ployment in the department.
Within a week, when the fiscal year ends,
Mr. Harral said a record high of nearly $276
million in construction plans will have been
advertised during fiscal 196-65. This is $56
million above the $219 million for fiscal
1963-64.
He attributed the sizable production in-
crease to a new plans review procedure that
saved time in putting projects under con-
struction. Put into effect right after the
Governor presented his ($10 billion) mes-
sage, the new procedure was responsible for
starting projects in 50 counties that repre-
sented more than 300 miles of improvements.
Four recent appointments in high admin-
istrative posts in the department are credited
by the highways chief with helping to accel-
erate production upward. (The appoint-
ments are Victor W. Anckaitis of Easton,
chief engineer; Robert C. Rosser of Mt. Joy
and David C. Sims of Camp Hill, deputy chief
engineers; and Robert G. Bartlett, Bethle-
hem, special assistant for administration.)
A new computerized system for tracking
all highway projects has been initiated to
"eliminate human failures" and maintain
construction schedules. The department has
nearly $2 billion of plans on the drawing
board. These plans will build 4,500 miles of
highways. Each plan now will be watched
closely by the computers.
Interestingly, Mr. Harral feels that with-
out the computerized system the $10 billion
program "wouldn't get off the ground."
(This also will play an important role in the
State's first long-range construction program
to be announced before July 1 by the State
highway commission.)
"We recognized early that it was necessary
to change many of our operational efforts and
to 'look at the department as the one-half
billion dollars a year business it is," Mr.
Harral said.
The department's total budget this year is
$593 million-of which $292 million is for
construction, $67 million will be for acquir-
ing rights-of-way and $45 million will be
used for major maintenance improvements.
To maintain an accelerated pace the high-
ways department during 1965-66 expects to
advertise $340 million in construction plans
in comparison with the $275 million produc-
tion record established in fiscal 1964-65.
TIME-SAVING PROGRAM INITIATED To SPEED
HIGHWAY CONSTRUCTION
A time-saving innovation to speed high-
way construction will get its baptism of fire
this year in Pennsylvania, Highway Secre-
tary Henry D. Harral said today.
The State highway department will estab-
lish mobile testing laboratories in three areas
to bring quality control standards closer to
the job. Tests previously were monitored at
the department's laboratory in Harrisburg.
FIELD LABORATORIES
The location of the field laboratories in
Scranton, Franklin, and Indiana will even-
tually eliminate the practice of sending
materials and samples to Harrisburg for
testing. Harral said this procedure is not
adequate in meeting today's accelerated high-
way construction program.
The first mobile lab should be in opera-
tion by June. It will serve the Scranton
district with headquarters at Dunmore. Ma-
terials will be tested for Lackawanna, Lu-
zerne, Wayne, Bradford, Susquehanna, Pike,
and Wyoming Counties.
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At the Franklin district, a steel fabricated
laboratory building is scheduled to be in
operation early this summer. It will handle
general field tests of materials. As much as
a week will be saved since only random and
quality tests will continue to be run at
Harrisburg. Laboratory technicians and en-
gineers will augment the Franklin staff to
perform these essential services. The Frank-
lin district includes Erie, Crawford, Mercer,
Lawrence, Venango, Forest, and Warren
Counties.
Harral said the branch laboratory at
Indiana will be operating by midsummer.
Tests will be run for the Indiana, Clearfield,
Hollidaysburg, Pittsburgh, and Uniontown
districts.
Plans are currently nearing completion for
an estimated $250,000 renovation program to
convert the old Indiana County maintenance
building, 4th and Chestnut Streets, into the
testing laboratory.
At the start of operations, material testing
will be limited to aggregates, sand and anti-
skid materials but, eventually, the plan calls
for virtually all types of testing at the
facility.
In most instances, it Is hoped to have
tests completed and returned to the job site
within 24 hours. The technical staff Is ex-
pected to be increased.
When the first three facilities are opera-
tive, the department plans to establish field
and branch labs to serve the remaining dis-
tricts, Harral said.
The highway secretary said the $10-billion
10-year highway improvement program pro-
posed by Governor Scranton to place Pennsyl-
vania first in highways in the Nation, will be
accelerated by the branch and field labs
program, supervised by Cyril D. Jensen, head
of the materials testing and research bureau.
ac's-C B,ina Q ,rV
U.S. Po' ' outheast Asia
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. GEORGE HANSEN
OF IDAHO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 30, 1965
Mr. HANSEN of Idaho. Mr. Speaker,
on May 17, 1965, the Honorable Douglas
MacArthur II, Assistant Secretary of
State for Congressional Relations, speak-
ing to the annual convention of the Na-
tion Congress of Parents and Teachers
in Albuquerque, N. Mex., gave an ex-
tremely thought-provoking address on
U.S. policy in Vietnam.
Very simply, very clearly, and very
forcefully, Mr. MacArthur refutes the
arguments of those who say we should
unconditionally withdraw from Viet-
nam-or who would have us believe that
negotiation is a miracle drug that will, in
itself, automatically restore peace and
brotherhood to the world.
.As a statement of the policy of the
United States in regards to Vietnam, I
am sure these words of strength, assur-
ance, and determination will be hailed by
free peoples everywhere.
The address follows:
U.S. POLICY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
(Address by the Honorable Douglas Mac-
Arthur II, Assistant Secretary of State for
Congressional Relations, to the annual con-
vention of the National Congress of
Parents and Teachers, Albuquerque, N.
Mex., May 17, 1965)
l: am delighted to have the opportunity to
appear before this distinguished group this
evening. My pleasure comes partly from my
recollection of a very inspiring discussion
which I had with your president, Mrs. Moor-
head, and a group of members of the Na-
tional Congress of Parent-Teachers' Associa-
tions in Brussels in the summer of 1964.
But more fundamentally, r am happy to
have this opportunity because I want to
thank you for something you have done, and
to encourage you to continue to do it. I
refer to the efforts you have been engaged in
to make America's schools better than they
already are-ever more equal to the ever
more challenging task of preparing Amer-
ican men and women for the work that their
country and the world will increasingly de-
mand of them.
The Department of State is deeply in-
terested In the efforts being made to teach
social studies, history, and the other dis-
ciplines needed for an understanding of the
world situation. Our interest is not un-
selfish. Why? Because whether we like it
or not our country has had a mantle of free
world leadership thrust upon it in a chang-
ing world. And with change comes new and
difficult problems in every corner of the
earth demanding new insight, understand-
ing, and imagination.
Thomas Jefferson, our first Secretary of
State, once said, "If a nation expects to be
ignorant and free, in a state of civiliza-
tion, it expects what never was and never
will be." And so today as the world grows
more complex, as foreign relations becomes
more and more interwined with the daily
lives of all Americans, so it becomes more
and more important that our schools help
equip our young people to understand and
cope with those problems.
To meet this tremendous challenge in the
years that lie ahead, our Foreign Service must
seek young men and women-your sons and
daughters-who are equipped to meet that
challenge. We need the best, the finest of
young America.
Therefore we hope that the youth of our
country, now in the public schools and the
high schools of the Nation, will be given the
kind of educational background which will
both encourage them to think of the Foreign
Service as a career and enable them to qualify
for it. Thus they can play an active part in
the great struggle for a better world in which
there will be peace with freedom and justice
for all peoples.
And when we speak of the struggle for
peace with freedom and justice, one part of
the world-southeast Asia-immediately
comes to mind. There, a struggle-a crisis is
occurring that may appear very complex but
which at the same time is simpler in its
essential meaning for the American people
than any other of the troubles in which this
troubled time abounds.
The central crisis on the American agenda
today is the struggle in Vietnam. On no
other front are American vital interests so
deeply and directly involved. In no other
part of the world today is there such im-
mediate peril to the security of free peoples
and to the cause of peace with freedom and
justice for which the United States stands.
The history of Vietnam and the struggle
there is a complicated one. But the issue is
simple. Bluntly stated, the question is, "Can
aggression be made profitable?"
Let there be no mistake on this point.
What is happening in Vietnam is not a civil
war. It is not an insurrection. It Is not a
popular uprising, nor is it, in the terms Hanoi
and Peiping prefer to use, "a war of national
liberation." It is aggression, pure and
simple.
I was in France in 1939 when hundreds of
thousands of German troops, armed to the
teeth with all the latest devices of warfare,
went boiling across the borders of Poland on
their way to conquest. I was in France in
1940 when hundreds of thousands more Ger-
man troops smashed into neutral Holland
and Belgium and then into France. I re-
member debates as to what America's reac-
tion should be--but I cannot remember any
debates as to whether or not Nazi Germany
was committing aggression against its
neighbors.
In 1950, North Korean soldiers in great
numbers rolled across the 38th parallel where
for three bloody years men from Korea, the
United States and other free nations re-
sisted their aggression so that a small na-
tion that was minding only its own business
could remain free. I can recall that there
were differences over how to cope with that
aggression. But I do not remember any
respected segment of opinion which denied
that aggression had indeed taken place.
Aggression does not lose its character be-
cause efforts are made to conceal its naked
character or because the time schedule is
drawn out-or because trained men and
weapons of war are introduced by stealth
across frontiers and then unleashed in a
savage assault on free peoples-or because
the aggressor's troops speak the same lan-
guage as their victims.
This is what has been happening and is
happening today in Vietnam.
We are, in short, confronted with aggres-
sion by the Communist regime in Hanoi,
spurred on by Peiping, against the Govern-
ment and people of South Vietnam. The
United States is helping the South Viet-
namese at their request, in their interest;
in our own clear, unmistakable national
interest and In the interest of the free
peoples of southeast Asia and elsewhere as
many of them have made clear to us.
This proposition has been challenged in
some quarters on several counts. The chal-
lenge deserves analysis and response.
First, we are told that the requests for
help came from an earlier South Vietnamese
Government. Originally, they did.- But in
spite of changes in Saigon, every succeed-
ing Government has renewed the original re-
quest for help in its struggle to remain free.
Today the present Government there remains
as -firmly committed to the struggle against
Hanoi's aggression as any of its predecessors
have been. And the people of South Viet-
nam., when they are not terrorized Into
passiveness by the Vietcong-by murder, kid-
napings and other savagery-demonstrate
persistent support of their Government.
We sometimes hear that cases of South
Vietnamese collaboration with the Vietcong
are an indication that the South Vietnamese
do not have their hearts in the war, Let
me again draw on my own experience.
I was in France for over half of the Nazi
occupation. Many Frenchmen obeyed the
orders of their armed and ruthless Nazi
conquerors. They felt they had no other
choice if their families were to survive. A
few--a very few-actively collaborated. The
collaborators were never mistaken by the
outside world as being the true spokesmen
of France--and those who complied with
Nazi demands backed by threats to lives of
their families reacted, I think, as most of
us would react in the same circumstances.
Today in certain areas in South Vietnam we
have a similar situation.
There is another aspect of the picture I
would like to mention. The North Vietna-
mese have repeatedly referred to their at-
tack upon South Vietnam as a "war of na-
tional liberation." Some have implied that
Hanoi and Peiping are reacting only to our
presence in South Vietnam-that the Viet-
cong represent an armed popular rebellion
in South Vietnam against an unpopular gov-
ernment and army.
Let's look at the statistics. In January
of 1964 there were 223 Vietcong military at-
tacks. But in that same month, these so-
called "liberators" carried out 1,244 acts of
terror against innocent civilians, killing 148
civilians, wounding 160, and kidnaping 787
others. In December 1964-12 months
later-the number of armed attacks against
South Vietnam Government forces dwindled
to 96, while the number of acts of terror
had grown to 1,719. In that month, 112
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civilian's were killed, 161 seriously wounded; For the other side negotiations In the past
and 598' kidnapped. And all this, violence have meant something different. They have
directed by'the Communist regime in Hanoi served as a smokescreen behind which
against innocent and peaceful civilians, was stealthy and concealed aggression has con-
carried on in the name of a "war of national tinued. Let me emphasize that the United
liberation. This is, I 'suggest, not a people States insists upon an honorable settlement
In arms rising against an unpopular govern- for the Republic of Vietnam that will pre-
ment. This is simple thuggery, directed from serve its Independence. We will not resort
North Vietnam against the people of South to negotiations as a cloak for capitulation.
Vietnam, in an effort to impose upon them I have heard it said the so-called loss of
the Communist system of the north. face we might suffer in simply withdrawing
The State, Department white paper of Feb- from Vietnam "is not worth the death of one
ruary shows conclusively what the SEATO American." I agree. "Face" is not worth
Council meeting in London stated less than the death of one American or one Vietnamese
2 weeks ago that the struggle in Vietnam is or one old blind mule. But we are not talk-
"an aggression organized, directed, applied ing about saving "face." We are talking
and supported by the Communist regime in about the fate of the people of South Viet-
North Vietnam, in contravention of the basic nam-and what is even more important-
obligations of international 1a-, and in fla- about the people of every nation in the free
grant violation of the Geneva Agreements of world.
1954 and 1962." Indeed it is the Hanoi regime itself that
Nor is this a new conclusion, announced makes this clear. General Giap, commander
now to a hitherto unsuspecting world. A of the North Vietnamese Communist Army,
year ago, at the conclusion of the ninth has stated publicly "South Vietnam is the
SEATO Council meeting, the members of that model of the national liberation movement of
organization found that the Vietcong attacks our time. If the special warfare that the
were "an organized campaign, directed, sup- U.S. imperialists are testing in South Vietnam
plied and supported by the Communist re- is overcome, then it can be defeated every-
gime in North Vietnam." where in the world." Let me repeat-"every-
And 3 years ago-in 1962-the Interna- where in the world."
tional Control Commission, consisting of In- In the 1930's, when I was a young Foreign
dia, Poland, and Canada, reached a similar Service officer in Europe, young men with
conclusion in a majority report. A year be- swastikas on their arms were marching
fore that-in 1961-the State Department through the streets of Germany, singing the
publication, "A Threat to Peace," set forth anthem of the Nazi movement, the Horst
voluminous evidence that this same cam- Wessel song. "Today Germany is ours. To-
i
commitments anywhere else can be depended
on.
In 1939, Germany finally went to war-her
appetite having grown by what it fed upon
since 1936. Every historian of the crucial
days just prior to the invasion of Poland
agrees that the German Government went to
war secure in the assumption-solidly based
on the history of the preceding 3 years-that
Britain and France would not abide by their
commitments. These commitments existed,
and they had been made as specific and as
pointed as words could make them. They
lacked only one crucial ingredient-credi-
bility.
From the lessons of the 1930's we have
learned, I believe, that freedom is indivisi-
ble-that as the area of freedom shrinks
from aggression our own security and our
own freedom are threatened. We cannot,
we must not repeat the tragic error of the
1930's. We cannot afford to encourage fur-
ther aggression and eventually invite another
kind of Pearl Harbor.
So let us renew our commitment to the
defense of freedom in the world today. Let
us show that this commitment is credible.
But at the same time let us continue to
make clear that we are prepared to discuss
without conditons an honorable settlement
that asks nothing for the United States and
seeks only the continued freedom and inde-
pendence for the people of the Republic of
Vietnam.
paign of aggression was go
ng on. morrow the entire world. Some Americans
I have heard some people say, "Even if this thought this was a joke. Others thought The Proposed 25th Amendment to the
is aggression, we should end it by negotia- that it was purely an internal German affair. Constitution on Presidential Disability
tion, not by war. Why isn't the United States Others thought the Nazi appetites could be
willing to negotiate?" satisfied by negotiation. We heard every and Succession
The answer to that is very simple. We argument against stopping the Nazis that we
are willing to negotiate and we have been have heard in favor of withdrawing from
willing to negotitate for over 10 years. Vietnam.
In 1954 the United States and e ght other And what happened? We listened when
nations, including the Soviet Union, Com- the Nazi jackboots marched into the Rhine-
munist China, and the North Vietnamese, land. We listened when the Horst Wessel
were together at the conference table in song was sung in Vienna following the rape
Geneva where agreements were hammered of Austria. We listened when the Sudeten-
out to protect the freedom and Independence land was torn from Czechoslovakia and when
of the South Vietnamese, Laotian, and Cam- what was left of that once free country be-
bodian peoples. came a reichsprotectorat. We listened later
We agreed to respect that agreement. when Poland was savagely smashed, when
The Hanoi regime was also committed to neutral Holland and Belgium were crushed,
respect it. However the ink was hardly dry and devoured and France overrun. And we
before Hanoi began to violate it by ordering were to listen later to the burning of London,
its agents to go underground, caching arms the ravishing of Yugoslavia, the sound of
in South Vietnam and organizing secret bases panzers in Athens, and stukas over the
for future aggression. Soviet Union. And we were to listen later
Again in 1962, the United States sat down to the smashing of bombs and the crackle
at the conference table with 13 other coun- of flames as Pearl Harbor went up in smoke
tries in our effort to preserve the independ- and gallant Americans died in a sea of flames.
ence of Laos. Again, the Soviet Union, the But there was a voice in the 1930's that
Chinese Communists, the North Vietnamese many did not listen to. Many did not listen,
were present with representatives of Laos, after Munich, to a Member of the British
South Vietnam, and other countries immedi- House of Commons who told his country and
ately involved. Again agreements were the world:
hammered out that if observed would have "Do not suppose that this Is the end. This
brought peace to Laos and preserved its is only the beginning of the reckoning. This
freedom. Once again, the ink on the agree- is only the first sip, the first foretaste of a
ment was not dry when Hanoi proceeded to
bitter cup which will be proferred to us year
violate the prohibitions on the presence of by year unless, by a supreme recovery of
foreign forces and then directed the Com- moral health and martial vigor, we arise
munist Pathet Lao to resume their savage
assault on the forces of the peaceful little again and take our stand by freedom as in
Kingdom of Laos. the olden time."
.And more recently, with what I believe Eventually, of course, we and other free
must be considered commendable patience, peoples listened to Winston Churchill. We
we have invited Hanoi to enter into uncon- listened almost too late, but not quite. And
ditional discussions, only to have that offer, we prevailed.
up until this time, rebuffed. But at what a tragic cost.
But even if the other side proves willing to Today we have been given fair warning
negotiate-and we hope it will-I would of Hanoi's and Peiping's intentions. If we
emphasize that negotiations and peace are withdraw, if we do not stick by the Repub-
not the same thing, as our experience in 1954 lic of Vietnam whose only desire is to remain
and 1962 makes quite clear. Negotiations free and who asks our help we will encourage
are net, an end unto themselves. For us the belief that aggression pays off and can
they are a`means to reach an honorable set- succeed if disguised as a war of national
tlement that will respect the freedom and liberation.
independence of a small country-the Re- And if we show that we are not prepared
public of Vietnam-that asks only to be left to stand by our commitments to South Viet-
alone. nam, no one else is likely to believe that our
SPEECH
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, June 30, 1965
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Speaker, I rise to
urge prompt ratification by the legisla-
tures of the several States of the pro-
posed 25th amendment to the Constitu-
tion relating to succession to the Presi-
dency and Vice-Presidency and to cases
where the President is unable to dis-
charge the powers and duties of his office.
This proposed amendment, overwhel-
mingly adopted by both House and Sen-
ate, can be of vital importance in helping
clear up some 175 years of constitutional
uncertainty and in assuring the conti-
nuity of the legal Government of the
United States whenever the questions of
Presidential disability or succession arise,
or a vacancy in the office of the Vice
President occurs.
As cosponsor of the joint congres-
sional resolution which proposed the
amendment, I believe we have come to
realize more fully than ever before, espe-
cially since the tragic assassination of
our late beloved President John F. Ken-
nedy, that we can no longer afford, :n
this nuclear space age, to gamble with
the future stability of our Government
by leaving its fate to the uncertain
whims of chance.
Nothing less than the safe and sure
continuity of the legal Government of
the United States is at stake. This es-
sential continuity has been endangered
many times in the past, and in some in-
stances, only good fortune has pre-
vented possible disaster.
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 A3708 Approved FcC SSQ1?fIL15tEC 7BOWSRO0300180003d7uly 12, 1965
For more than a year after Lyndon
Johnson became President, our national
luck held out, and we were all witnesses
to an impressive demonstration of the
true inner strength of America's demo-
cratic traditions.
The new President firmly and quickly
took up the reins of leadership, to assure
continuity of the Government in the
midst of a great constitutional crisis, to
begin to heal the Nation's wounds, and
to reinstill in our people a sense of unity
and brotherhood and faith in the future.
This experience has again focused
public attention on the critical issue of
Presidential and Vice Presidential suc-
cession, as well as the related, and in
some ways more difficult, problem of
Presidential disability.
As a result, there has developed a
strong national consensus in favor of re-
solving these issues in a positive way, so
that there will be no doubt concern-
ing the constitutional provisions for
handling such problems in the future.
As an 'affirmative response to the need
for a solution to these problems, the joint
congressional resolution proposes to
amend the Constitution in three re-
spects: first, it confirms the established
custom that a Vice President, succeed-
ing to a vacancy in the office of the
President, becomes President in his own
right instead of merely Acting President;
second, it establishes a procedure for
filling a vacancy in the office of Vice
President; and third, it deals with the
problem of Presidential disability.
Section 1 of the proposed amendment
provides that in the case of the removal
of the President from office, or of his
death or resignation, the Vice President
shall become President.
Section 2 provides that in the event
of a Vice-Presidential vacancy, the
President can nominate a new Vice Pres-
ident, who will take office when he has
been confirmed by a majority vote of
both Houses of Congress.
Section 3 enables a President to de-
clare his own disability to exercise the
powers and duties of his office, thus
voluntarily turning over those powers
and duties, but not the office, to the Vice
President who then becomes Acting
President, until such time as the Presi-
dent declares that the disability no
longer exists, and he resumes the powers
and duties of his office.
In the absence of a Presidential decla-
ration of disability, section 4 permits the
Vice President, with the approval of a
majority of the Cabinet, or such other
body as Congress may stipulate, to make
such a declaration, and to assume the
presidential responsibilities as Acting
President. It also provides for quick and
orderly congressional resolution of any
dispute over the President's ability, by
authorizing him to resume discharging
the powers and duties of his office unless
two-thirds of both House and Senate
agree with the Vice President and a ma-
jority of the Cabinet--or such other
body as Congress has stipulated-that
the President is unable to perform those
duties.
This proposed amendment, though not
perfect, represents a sincere effort on the
part of many persons who have studied
the admittedly complicated issues in-
volved.to offer a workable means of solv-
ing difficult and delicate problems affect-
ing the continuity and perhaps even the
life of our Government.
A variety of suggestions have been
made to improve this proposed amend-
ment, and Congress has given full and
thorough consideration to all these sug-
gestions, and, in fact, has incorporated
several of them into the joint resolution.
For these reasons, Mr. Speaker, I
strongly urge our State legislatures to act
without unnecessary delay, for the sub-
ject is important to the future stability
and peace of this Nation, and we cannot
afford the risk that further delay would
entail in this vital matter.
As President Johnson stated in his
message to Congress:
Favorable action * * * will, I believe, as-
sure the orderly continuity in the Presidency
that is imperative to the success and stabil-
ity of our system.
Action * * ^ now will allay future anx-
iety among our people-and among the peo-
ples of the world-in the event senseless
tragedy or unforeseeable disability should
strike again at either or both of the principal
offices of our constitutional system.
If we act now, without undue delay, we
shall have moved closer to achieving perfec-
tion of the great constitutional document on
which the strength and success of our system
have rested for nearly two centuries.
Notes United Arab Republic Publication
of Book on the Nile by Jew
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RICHARD L. OTTINGER
OF NEW YORE:
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, July 6, 1965
Mr. OTTINGER. Mr. Speaker, I
would like to call the attention of our
colleagues to a very wonderful book
on the Nile River, "Nile: Lifeline of
Egypt", Scarsdale, N.Y.; Garrard, 1965,
written by a well-known American au-
thor, Mrs. Violet Weingarten.
No greater tribute could be given this
work than that paid by the Egyptian
Government which has purchased the
rights for its publication in the United
Arab Republic in Arabic. I believe that
this is the first instance in modern his-
tory of United Arab Republic purchase
for publication of a book written by a
Jewish author. Perhaps it is a presage
of better relations to come between the
Arab world and the Jews. I hope so.
At the least, it is a deserving honor to a
fine author and her very worthy book,
"Nile: Lifeline of Egypt."
CHANGE OF RESIDENCE
Senators, Representatives, and Delegates
who have changed their residences will please
give information thereof to the Government
Printing Office, that their addresses may be
correctly given in the RECORD.
PRINTING OF CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
EXTRACTS
It shall be lawful for the Public Printer
to print and deliver upon the order of any
Senator, Representative, or Delegate, extracts
from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, the person
ordering the same paying the cost thereof
(U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 185, p. 1942).
GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS FOR SALE
Additional copies of Government publica-
tions are offered for sale to the public by the
Superintendent of Documents, Government
Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, at
cost thereof as determined by the Public
Printer plus 50 percent: Provided, That a dis-
count of not to exceed 25 percent may be al-
lowed to authorized bookdealers and quantity
purchasers, but such printing shall not inter-
fere with the prompt execution of work for
the Government. The Superintendent of
Documents shall prescribe the terms and
conditions under which he may authorize
the resale of Government publications by
bookdealers, and he may designate any Gov-
ernment officer his agent for the sale of Gov-
ernment publications under such regulations
as shall be agreed upon by the Superintend-
ent of Documents and the head of the re-
spective department or establishment of the
Government (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 72a,
Supp. 2).
CONGRESSIONAL DIRECTORY
The Public Printer, under the direction of
the Joint Committee on Printing, may print
for sale, at a price sufficient to reimburse the
expenses of such printing, the current Con-
gressional Directory. No sale shall be made
on credit (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 150, p.
1939).
LAWS RELATIVE TO THE PRINTING OF
DOCUMENTS
Either House may order the printing of a
document not already provided for by law,
but only when the same shall be accompa-
nied by an estimate from the Public Printer
as to the probable cost thereof. Any execu-
tive department, bureau, board or independ-
ent office of the Government submitting re-
ports or documents in response to inquiries
from Congress shall submit therewith an
estimate of the probable cost of printing thb
usual number. Nothing in this section re-
lating to estimates shall apply to reports or
documents not exceeding 50 pages (U.S.
Code, title 44, sec. 140, p. 1938).
Resolutions for printing extra copies, when
presented to either House, shall be referred
immediately to the Committee on House
Administration of the House of Representa-
tives or the Committee on Rules and Admin-
istration of the Senate, who, in making their
report, shall give the probable cost of the
proposed printing upon the estimate of the
Public Printer, and no extra copies shall be
printed before such committee has reported
(U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 133, p. 1937).
RECORD OFFICE AT THE CAPITOL
An office for the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,
with Mr. Raymond F. Noyes in charge, is lo-
cated iii room H-112, House wing, where or-
ders will be received for subscriptions to the
RECORD at $1.50 per month or for single
copies at 1 cent for eight pages (minimum
charge of 3 cents). Also, orders from Mem-
bers of Congress to purchase reprints from
the RECORD should be processed through this
office.
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 July 12, droved For R~'FT9CI~~B6(~d0180003-7
A397
Railway fought the Interstate 'Commerce Two and a' half months 'ago President Those who worry about bridges and barracks
Commission for 2 years to be permitted to Johnson spoke to the world about Vietnam and ammunition dumps would do well to
lower the freight rates made possible by at the Johns Hopkins University in Balti- give their sympathy instead to the daily
"Big John. " After another 2 years' opera- more. Today I wish to talk to you on the victims of terror in South Vietnam.
I
t
suc
tion, Southern is reporting on the effect of same subject-to you who know tha
the Big John savings to the grain user. Here problems have deep roots, to you who have
is the score. In the Southeastern States in lived through and worked upon such prob-
the past 2 years 23 new feed mills have lems before, and to you who know that
been built and 41 existing feed mills have such matters can gravely affect the future
been expanded. In these 2 years 35 new of our Nation and the prospects for general
cattle feed lots have been opened and 17 peace.
existing cattle feed lots have been expanded, The struggle in Vietnam has continued
16 new hog feed lots have been built, and since April and indeed has grown the more
3 existing hog feed lots have been expanded. severe. The harsh resistance of the Conunu-
In these Southeastern States and in these nists to any form of discussions or negoti-
,2 years' 2 new packinghouses have been built ation continues. The effort to destroy the
and it existing packinghouses have been ex- freedom of Vietnam has been expanded.
panded. Thus, savings through lower freight The trial by fire of the people of Vietnam
rates on grain from the Midwest to the goes on. Their own resistance has been
Southeast have brought a healthy and vig- courageous, but the need for American reso-
orous market expansion for southern live- lution and for American action has in-
stock farmers, feeders, processors and new creased,
jobs for people all along this line of ex- AGGRESSION FROM THE NORTH
pansion. The root of the trouble in Vietnam is to-
In Appalachia the Duke Power Co., offers day just what It was in April and has been
to invest $700 million in electric power pro- at least since 1960-a cruel and sustained at-
duction that would bring expansion of job tack by North Vietnam upon the people of
opportunitiees to a tri-State area. The fa- South Vietnam. Now, as then, it is a brutal
cility is planned as the Keowee-Toxaway war-marked by terror and sneak attack, and
plant in Pickens and Oconee Counties in by the killing of women and children in the
South Carolina. And, who objects? The night. This campaign of terror has con-
U.S. Government in the person of Secretary tinued throughout the spring.
of the Interior Stewart L. Udall. Secretary Those of us who have not served in Viet-
of the Interior Udall says that Duke could nom may find it hard to understand just how
buy its power from the proposed Government ugly this war of aggression has been. From
powerplant at Trotters Shoals and from other 1961 to the present date the South Viet-
places. Secretary of the Interior Mr. Udall's namese armed forces have lost some 25,000
proposal comes with poor grace. A Fed- dead and 51,000 wounded. In proportion to
eral, power group 2 years ago stopped Duke population, these South Vietnamese losses
from building a plant at Trotters Shoals. are 10 times as great as those suffered by
What Duke proposes would cost the people Americans in the Korean war, and larger
nothing. What the Department of the In- than our losses in World War II.
terior proposes would cost the people the Even more terrible than these military
price of the Federal powerplant and millions losses are the cruelties of assassination and
in tax dollars. And, the point is this. A .kidnaping among civilian officials and ordi-
way' s l agency delayed the Southern Rail- nary citizens. In the last 18 months, for
way's use of "Big John" grain cars 2 years by example, more than 2,000 local officials and
forbidding Southern to lower the freight civilians have been murdered. When an of-
rate. A Federal agency stops private power finial is not found at home, often his wife
development to build its own public power and children are slain in his place. It is as if
empire. Only the voter can trim the Federal in our own country some 35,000 civic leaders
Government's stranglehold on private enter- or their families were to be killed at night
prise. by stealth and terror.
These are the methods of the Vietcong.
This is the test to which the people of Viet-
Superb A es _.of' ecretary Dean Rusk nam have gallantly responded.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. W. J. BRYAN DORN
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. DORN. Mr. Speaker, Secretary
of State Dean Rusk delivered a magnifi-
cent address on June 23 before the
American Foreign Service Association
here in Washington.
I commend this timely address, "Viet-
nam: Four Steps to Peace," to the atten-
tion of every Member of the Congress, to
the people of our country, and those
throughout the world who are striving
for a just and honorable peace in south-
east Asia-a peace which will end ag-
gression.
VIETNAM: FOUR STEPS TO. PEACE
It Is a very great pleasure for me to be
here. It Is a: privilege for me to salute my
colleagues, present and retired, of the For-
eign Service and to express to you the grati-
tude , of President Johnson and of the
American people for a service which is
marked by so much competence, dedication,
and personal commitment.
Meanwhile, from the north, heavy infiltra-
tion has continued. Intelligence now shows
that some 40,000 had come down before the
.end of 1964. Toward the end of that year-'
well before the beginning of our own air oper-
ations against North Vietnam-the infiltra-
tion of regular North Vietnamese army units
was begun, and important elements of that
army are now known to be in place in South
Vietnam and Laos,. where they have no right
to be.
And so we face a deliberate and long-
matured decision by a persistent aggressor
to raise the stakes of war. Apparently this
was their answer to our own repeated affirma-
tion that we ourselves did not wish a larger
war. Apparently a totalitarian regime has
once again misunderstood the desire of dem-
ocratic peoples for peace and has made the
mistake of thinking that they can have a
larger war without risks to themselves. And
hence the airstrikes against military targets
in North Vietnam.
These actions have made infiltration hard-
er. They have increased the cost of aggres-
elon. Without them Sputh Vietnam today
would face still stronger forces from the
north.
These measured air operations have done
what we expected them to do-neither more
nor less. For air attack alone cannot bring
peace. I cannot agree with those who think
it wrong to hit the logistics of aggression.
It is the aggression itself that is the wrong.
The other side is obviously not yet ready
for peace. In these last months, the friends
of peace in many lands have sought to move
this dangerous matter to the conference
table. But one proposal after another has
been contemptuously rejected.
We and others, for example, have sought
to clear a way for a conference on Laos, and
a conference on Cambodia-two neighboring
countries where progress toward peace might
be reflected in Vietnam itself. But these
efforts have been blocked by North Vietnam
and by Communist China.
Twice there has been an effort at discus-
sions through the United Nations-first in
the Security Council after the August at-
tacks in the Tonkin Gulf, and later this
,-April, when Secretary General U Thant con-
sidered visits to Hanoi and Peiping to explore
the possibilities of peace. But in August
there was a refusal by Hanoi to come to the
Security Council. And In April both Hanoi
and Peiping made it clear that they would
not receive U Thant, and both regimes made
plain their view that the United Nations is
not competent to deal with that matter.
Repeatedly our friends in Britain, as a co-
chairman of the Geneva conference, have
sought a path to settlement-first by work-
ing toward a new conference in Geneva and
then by a visit of a senior British statesman.
But the effort for a conference in Geneva
was blocked, and the distinguished British
traveler was told that he should stay away
from Peiping and Hanoi.
Twice in April we made additional efforts
of our own. In Baltimore the President of-
fered unconditional discussions with the
governments concerned. Hanoi and Peiping
call this offer a hoax. At that time the
17 nonalined nations had appealed for a
peaceful solution, by negotiations without
preconditions. This proposal was accepted
on our side. It was rejected by Hanoi and
Peiping. And some of its authors were la-
beled monsters and freaks.
The President of India made constructive
proposals-far an end of hostilities and an
Afro-Asian patrol force. To us this proposal
was full of interest and hope. But by Hanoi
and Red China it was rejected as a betrayal.
Our own Government and the Government
of South Vietnam, in May, suspended air
attacks on North Vietnam. This action was
made known to the other side to see if there
would be a response in kind. This special
effort for peace was denounced in Hanoi as
a wornout trick and denounced in Peiping
as a swindle. To those who complain
that that so-called "pause" was not long
enough, I would simply report that the
harsh reaction of the other side was fully
known before the attacks were resumed.
And I would also recall that we held our hand
for more than 4 years while tens of thousands
of armed men invaded the South and every
attempt at peaceful settlement failed.
Reports in the first half of June have
confirmed that all these violent rejections
are in fact what they appear to be-clear
proof that what is wanted today in Hanoi
is a military victory, not peace, and that
Hanoi is not even prepared for discussions
unless it Is accepted in advance that there
will be a Communist-dominated, government
in Saigon, and unless too-so far as we can
determine-American forces are withdrawn
in advance.
So this record is clear. And there is sub-
stance in Senator FUOBRICHT's conclusion
that "It seems clear that the Communist
powers still hope to achieve a complete vic-
tory in South Vietnam and for this reason
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 A3698 Approves ftM&wWfk:/1"/ gp?iiB W IWR0003001800A3ty7 12, 1965
are at present uninterested In negotiations
for it peaceful settlement." For the simple
truth is that there Is no lack of diplomatic
procedures, machinery or process by which
a desire for peace can be registered-that
there is no procedural miracle through which
peace can be obtained if one side Is deter-
mined to continue the war.
As I have said, Hanoi is presenly adamant
against negotiation or any avenue to peace.
Peiping is even more so, and one can plainly
read the declared doctrine and purpose of
the Chinese Communists. They are look-
ing beyond the current conflict to the hope
of domination in all of Southeast Asia-and
indeed beyond.
But one finds it harder to understand
Hanoi's aversion to discussion. More im-
mediiately than the Chinese, the North Viet-
namese face the costs and dangers of con-
flict. They, too, must fear the ambitions of
Communist China in Southeast Asia. Yet
they are still on the path of violence, insist-
ing upon the forceful communization of
South Vietnam and refusing to let their
brothers in the south work out their own
destiny in peace.
In recent weeks, after 2 months of reduced
activity, the enemy has sharply quickened
the tempo of his military action in the south.
Since early May, major Viet Cong units have
returned to the battlefield, and already a
series of sharp engagments has shown us
that the fighting through the summer may
be hard. Setbacks have occurred and serious
defeats have been avoided only by the com-
bination of continuing Vietnamese bravery
and effective air and other types of support.
Losses on both sides have been heavy.
From April 1 to date, we have had confirmed
reports of almost 5,000 Vietcong dead, almost
3,000 South Vietnamese, and almost 100
Americans. We must expect these losses to
continue-and our own losses may increase.
ROLE OF U.S. FORCES
Since March we have deployed nine bat-
talions of fighting men to South Vietnam.
Six more are on their way. For as the Presi-
dent said in April, "we will not be defeated.
We will not grow tired *. We will do
everything necessary * * * and we will do
only what is * * * necessary."
Our own battalions in South Vietnam have
three related tasks. Their first assignment
was and is to guard such major installations
as the airfield at Da Nang. A second and
closely related task is that of active patrol
in nearby areas. And the third is to join in
combat support of Vietnamese forces-when
such help is requested and when our Com-
mander, Geheral Westmoreland, believes it
should be given.
American forces so committed will carry
with them the determined support of our
people. These men know, as all our people
know, that what they do is done for free-
dom and peace, in Vietnam, In other con-
tinents, and here at home.
SUPPORT FOR U.S. ACTION
In authorizing combat missions for our
ground forces in Vietnam, the President
acted to meet his constitutional responsi-
bilities as Commander in Chief. He has rec-
ognized the obligations of this Nation under
the Southeast Asia Treaty, which the Senate
approved by a vote of 82 to 1. He has acted
under the joint resolution of August 1964,
which passed the Senate by a vote of 88 to
2-and passed the House with no opposing
vote. This resolution expresses our national
readiness as the President determines---"to
take all necessary measures to repel any
armed attack against the forces of the United
States" and "all necessary steps, including
the use of armed force" to help Vietnam and
southeast Asian members of the SEATO who
ask for help to preserve their freedom.
The President has acted on the unanimous
advice of the American leaders in Saigon and
his senior civil and military advisers in Wash-
ington.
He has acted in full consultation with the
Government of South Vietnam.
And he has acted on his own considered
judgment of what is necessary at this time
to stop aggression.
This decision-like all of our decisions in
Vietnam-is open to review by Members of
the Congress and open to reversal if it does
not have their support. But the leaders
of the Congress have been kept in close touch
with the situation, and no such prospect
should stimulate the hopes of enemies or the
fears of friends. For America is not divided
in her determination nor weak in her will.
In Vietnam today we face one more chal-
lenge in the long line of dangers we have,
unhappily, had to meet and master for a
generation. We have had to show both
strength and restraint-courage and cool-
ness---for Iran and for Greece, for Berlin and
for Korea, in the Formosa Strait, and in the
Cuban missile crisis. We mean to show the
same determination and coolness now.
In 1954 President Eisenhower pledged our
support to the Government of Vietnam, to
assist that Govermnent, as he put it, "in
developing and maintaining a strong, viable
state, capable of resisting attempted subver-
sion or aggression through military means."
And this determination was reaffirmed again
and again by President Kennedy. "We are
going to stay here," he said. "We are not
going to withdraw from that effort." And
that is our position still.
FIRMNESS AND RESTRAINT
Now, as in April, as the President put it,
"We will use our power with restraint and
with all the wisdom that we can command."
For it is others, and not we, who have in-
creased the scale of fighting. It is others,
and not we, who have made threats of gravely
widened conflict, The firmness with which
we resist aggression is matched by the firm-
ness with which we will refrain from ill-
advised adventure.
A few-a very few-may believe that un-
limited war can take the place of the sus-
tained and steady effort in which we are
engaged, just as there may be a few-a very
few-who think we should pull out and leave
a friendly people to their fate. But the
American people want neither rashness nor
surrender. They want firmness and restraint.
They expect courage and care. They threaten
no one. And they are not moved by the
threats by others.
ROLE OF SOUTH VIETNAM
This contest centers in the defense of
freedom for the people who live in South
Vietnam. The sustained and increasing in-
filtration from North Vietnam has required
the measured use of air attack on military
targets in the north. We alone cannot de-
termine the future-could we do so there
would be a prompt peace. The other side,
too, must decide about the future. And we
must hope they know-as we do-that in-
creased aggression would be costly far beyond
the worth to the aggressor.
The political turmoil in South Vietnam
has continued. It is easy to be impatient
with our friends in Saigon as they struggle
to establish and sustain a stable government
under the stress of war. We see there the
ferment of a society still learning to be free,
even while under attack from beyond their
borders.
We must remember that this ancient peo-
ple is young in its independence, restless in
its hopes, divided in its religions, and varied
in its regions. The turmoil of Vietnam
needs the steadfastness of America. Our
friends in Vietnam know, and we know, that
our people and our troops must work and
fight together. Neither of us can do the
work of the other. And the main responsi-
bility must always be with, and is fully ac-
cepted by, the South Vietnamese. - Yet
neither of us can "go it alone." We would
not be there without the urgent request for
assistance from those whose land this hap-
pens to be. We have a tested faith in the
enduring bravery of the people of Vietnam,
and they, in turn, can count on us with
equal certainty.
FORMULA FOR PEACE
The people of Vietnam long for peace.
And the way to peace is clear. Yesterday
the Foreign Minister of South Vietnam set
forth the fundamental principles that can
provide a just and enduring peace. Those
principles, in summary, are:
An end to aggression and subversion.
Freedom for South Vietnam to choose and
shape for itself its own destiny "in conform-
ity with democratic principles and without
any foreign interference from whatever
sources."
As soon as aggression has ceased, the end-
ing of the military measures now necessary
by the Government of South Vietnam and
the nations that have come to its aid to de-
fend South Vietnam; and the removal of
foreign military forces from South Vietnam.
And effective guarantees for the independ-
ence and freedom of the people of South
Vietnam.
Now these are the fundamental steps. This
is what the arguing and the fighting is all
about. When they are carried out, we can
look forward, as we have stated previously
many times, to the day when relations be-
tween North Vietnam and South Vietnam can
be worked out by peaceful means. And this
would include the question of a free decision
by the peoples of North and South Vietnam
on'the matter of reunification.
This forthright and simple program meets
the -hopes of all and attacks the interests of
none. It would replace the threat of con-
quest by the hope of free and peaceful choice.
A LOOK TO THE FUTURE
And even while these hopes of peace are
blocked for now by aggression, we on our
side and other nations have reaffirmed our
deep commitment to the peaceful progress of
Vietnam and southeast Asia as a whole. In
April the President proposed to the nations
of Asia and to the United Nations that there
be .constructed a new program of support for
Asian efforts and called upon Mr. Eugene
Black to assist them. Now in June this work
is underway. The Mekong River project has
been given new life. A new dam is ready to
rise in Laos. A billion-dollar bank is in the
making for the development of southeast
Asia. And in Vietnam itself new impetus has
been given to programs of development and
education and health.
So let us call again on other nations-in-
eluding the Soviet Union-to join in turning
this great region of the world away from the
waste and violence of a brutal war. For the
hope of Asia is not in relentless pressure for
conquest. It is in unremitting hope for
progress-a progress in which rice production
could be multiplied manyfold, where the ex-
pectation of life could be doubled, the edu-
cation of the young could be tenfold what it
is today, and there could be an end of cholera
and tuberculosis and intestinal parasites and
other human afflictions.
In April the President offered determina-
tion against aggression, discussion for peace,
and development for the human hopes of all.
And in June we reaffirm that threefold policy.
Aggression has Increased, so that determi-
nation must be greater than ever.
Discussion is rejected, but our efforts to
find a path to peace will not be stopped. We
have welcomed the new initiative of Prime
Minister Wilson and the Commonwealth con-
ference and regret that it has received so
little reception on the other side.
Beyond the terror of the aggressor and the
firmness of our defense, we must, neverthe-
less, look to the day in which many new
dams will be built, and manj, new schools
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 July 12, 196.Pproved For iGR$ $MA$, : ?B67BA4 Q0300180003-7 A N99
opened, and fresh opportunities opened to
the peoples of southeast Asia. For we must
look beyond the battle to peace, past fear "to
hope, and over the hard path of resistance to
the broad plain of progress which must lie
ahead for the peoplps1$ southeast Asia.
cate that' the great majority of the South
Vietnamese oppose them.
With regard to Vietnamese support for the
American effort in Vietnam, it should be
noted that almost all the leaders of all polit-
ical and religious groups with the exception
of the Vietcong have publicly stated their
appreciation of American assistance to their
country. Some student leaders have criti-
t0 Some Probing cized some aspects of the method of adminis-
tering American assistance, but even they
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JEFFERY COHELAN
tude for American support and desire that it
be continued.
2. "The second fact is that most of the
military equipment used against American
and South Vietnam military forces has come
neither from Communist China nor from
"
OF CALIFORNIA North Vietnam but from the United States.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES It is true that the Vietcong use weapons
TI;
1 h h S th
1954
t
t
t
d
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, I have
great admiration and respect for the very
able editor of the Saturday Review, Nor
man Cousins. His writing and analysis
in numerous fields has made a fine con-
tribution to a new awareness and a bet-
ter understanding of many public issues.
I was, accordingly, deeply troubled by
two of his recent articles: "Vietnam and
the American Conscience," February 27,
19,65; and "How America Can Help Viet-
nam," March 20, 1965.
In response to my request for a point-
by-point analysis, the Department of
State has provided me with a reply which
I consider to be thoughtful, informative,
and responsive. I include it for our col-
leagues' attention and considered re-
view :
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,
Washington, July 7, 1965.
Hon JEFFERY COHELAN,
House of Representatives.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN COHELAN: Thank you
for your letter of June 3, 1965, requesting the
comments of the Department on two recent
editorials in the Saturday Review, by Nor-
man Cousins. The Department of Defense
has also referred to us your letter to them
concerning these editorials.
The conclusions in Mr. Cousins' articles
are based on a number of assertions which
are either oversimplifications or largely in-
accurate. The major assumptions on which
he bases his arguments are discussed below.
1. "The first fact is that the United States
does not have the backing of the Vietnamese
people In whose name it went into Vietnam
in the first place and whom it is seeking to
save today." "In private briefings U.S. offi-
cials concede that the large majority of South
Vietnamese are opposed to the U.S. presence."
This is not accurate. While many Viet-
namese just wish to lead their own lives and
do not actively support either the Govern-
ment of Vietnam or the Vietcong, the major-
ity of the South Vietnamese have already
shown that they do not wish their country
to be taken over by the Communists and
that they appreciate American efforts to as-
sist them in protecting themselves.
Nearly 1 million North Vietnamese refugees
rejected communism by moving south in
1954 Over 500000 Vietnamese soldiers are
e ou
cache
in
.
s a so
rue
at
Vietnamese, from 1961 until today, have lost
over 39,000 weapons, but in the same period
the Vietcong lost over 25,000, and so the
Vietcong gains have netted them only some
14,000 arms. This is only 10 or 15 percent
of their total requirements or, most favor-
ably, only 30 percent of the requirements
for their regular, "main force" units alone.
The remainder-over 35,000 weapons for the
regular, "main force" Vietcong troops, and
between 50,000 and 100,000 for the Vietcong
irregulars-must, and have, come from out-
side.
Related to this, it is heartening to observe
the trend in weapons losses in 1965. For a
long while, the ratio of losses was 3 to 1 in
favor of the Vietcong. But this year the
ratio is 1 to 1-a favorable sign.
3. "The third fact is that the legal justifi-
cation invoked by the United States for its
involvement in Vietnam has long since been
nullified."
The enclosed leaflet entitled "Legal Basis
for U.S. Action in Vietnam" discusses this
question.
4. "There has been an outpouring of anti-
American sentiment not just in Asia but
throughout the world-and it would be a
mistake to charge it all to Communist
manipulation or propaganda."
It is true that the American effort in
Vietnam is opposed by the leaders of some
countries and by some elements of the pop-
ulation in most countries. Many more lead-
ers and groups throughout the world have
expressed concern at the situation in Viet-
nam, a concern which is shared, of course,
by responsible officials in the American Gov-
ernment and by all men interested in peace.
However, even many of those expressing con-
cern recognize the necessity of assisting the
Vietnamese Government and people. Gov-
ernment leaders of over 60 countries have
either publicly or privately voiced support
of our policy in Vietnam as compared to the
approximately 25 countries which openly
oppose it. Thirty-eight countries are now
providing assistance to the Republic of Viet-
nam or have agreed to do so.
5. "The United States did and does have
an economic program in Vietnam and Laos
but that program lacks grandeur."
The enclosed leaflet entitled "U.S. Assist-
ance to Vietnam" shows the large scope of
our nonmilitary aid to that country, and
President Johnson discussed our economic
assistance in greater detail in an address on
May 13, 1965, a copy of which is also enclosed.
now serving in the Armed Forces of the 6. "The repeated changeovers in the Viet-
Republic of Vietnam-3,411,000 persons took nam Government indicate that the problem
part in the government's municipal and pro- of stability is not represented solely by sub-
vincial council elections held on May 30 of version from the north. One way or another,
this year. No political or military leader of the principle of self-determination, at the
note has defected to the Vietcong, even dur- cbre of historic U.S. foreign policy and tradi-
ing the days when a number of them were tions, does not now exist in Vietnam."
actively opposed to President Ngo Dinh Diem. After centuries of domination by Chinese,
While it is impossible to prove what exact French, and JapaneseTt would seem fanciful
percentage of the South Vietnamese support to expect the Vietnamese to emerge after
or oppose the Vietcong, these facts do ihdi- the signing of the Geneva accords with a
well-trained, experienced and effective lead-
ership group and well-informed, conscien-
tious electorate, both groups able and con-
fident in the operation of governmental in-
stitutions with which they have had no pre-
vious contact. Is it realistic to require that
their Government be as democratic as ours
before we will assist them? The progress
that has been made since 1954 should not be
ignored: the increasing responsiveness of
the Government to various groups now be-
coming vocal on matters of policy, the con-
tinuing efforts of the Government to improve
the social and economic position of its cit-
izens, and the progress toward an effective
administration. One example of their ef-
forts was the successful provincial and
municipal elections held throughout the
country on May 30.
7. "American newsmen have had a more
difficult time in getting unmanipulated news
out of Vietnam than out of almost any crisis
center in recent years."
Enclosed is an article from the June 20
Chicago Tribune which gives the opinion of
an impartial observer on this subject.
Mr. Cousins' conclusion is that we
should "* * * involve the United Nations,
with all its limitations, to the fullest possible
extent."
It should be noted that the United States
has attempted more than once to use the
machinery of the United Nations to help solve
various aspects of the Vietnam situation.
When in May 1964, Cambodia complained to
the United Nations Security Council of
South Vietnamese military incursions into
Cambodian territory, the United States pro-
posed that a United Nations peacekeeping
body be established on the border. The Se-
curity Council sent a mission of three of its
members (Brazil, Ivory Coast, and Morocco)
to examine the border situation and to make
recommendations as to how these incidents
could be avoided. Hanoi and Peiping con-
demned even this limited United Nations
initiative in southeast Asia. The Vietcong
warned that they could not guarantee the
safety of the mission and would not accept
its findings.
In August 1964, the United States re-
quested an urgent meeting of the Security
Council to consider the serious situation
created by the North Vietnamese torpedo boat
attacks on two U.S. destroyers in Interna-
tional waters. After hearing the U.S. report
of the defensive measures taken in response
to these attacks, the Council stated that it
would welcome such information relating to
this issue as North or South Vietnam desired
to make available either by taking part in the
Security Council discussion or in a form they
might otherwise prefer. The Republic of
Vietnam expressed its readiness to offer the
Security Council Its full cooperation. How-
ever, the North Vietnamese maintained that
the Security Council "has no right to
examine the problem" and replied that any
"illegal" decision on the U.S. complaint by
the Security Council would be considered
null and void by the North Vietnamese
authorities.
On June 25, 1965, in a speech at San Fran-
cisco on the occasion of the 20th anniversary
of the United Nations, President Johnson
called upon "this gathering of the nations of
the world to use all their influence, individu-
ally and collectively, to bring to the table
those who seem determined to make war.
We will support your efforts," he continued,
"as we support effective action by any agent
or agency of these United Nations."
The machinery of the United Nations has
been extremely valuable in easing tension in
many parts of the world. But any peace set-
tlement, to be effective, must be agreed to by
parties who are willing to work out and abide
by such an agreement. The responses to the
President's proposal on April 7 have not given
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us any encouragement that Hanoi or Peiping
are interested in even considering discussion
toward peace.
Referring to reports that Secretary Gen-
eral U Thant had offered to visit several capi-
tals of the world, in Peiping a People's Daily
editorial on April 12 had this to say: "*
Mr. Thant wants to come to China and the
DRV (North Vietnam) to seek a settlement
of the Vietnam question. Obviously, he is
knocking at the wrong door. * * * The Viet-
nam question has nothing to do with the
United Nations" and that "no meddling by
the United Nations is called for nor will it
be tolerated." Finally, Hanoi's declaration
of April 19 noted that It would be inappro-
priate for the United Nations to Intervene in
the Vietnam situation.
It is Peiping and Hanoi, not the United
States, who oppose an effective role for the
United Nations in southeast Asia.
In conclusion, we would like to quote the
following paragraph from Mr. Cousins' edi-
torial entitled "How America Can Help Viet-
nam," which well states.the fundamental
problems in Vietnam:
"The original problem in Vietnam is rep-
resented by an unremitting Communist
campaign of terror, assassination,' and bru-
tality against the South Vietnamese people
and government. The campaign has its or-
igin in North Vietnam but many South Viet-
namese are part of the undercover army,
known at the Vietcong. What concerns
the United States at least as much as the
disorders in South Vietnam is the spread of
Chinese Communist Influence or dominion in
southeast Asia."
If the Department can be of further assist-
ance, please let me know.
Sincerely,
DOUGLAS MACARTI3UR II,
Assistant Secretary for Congressional
Relations.
[From the Office of Public Services, Bureau
of Public Affairs, Department of State,
Washington, D.C. ]
LEGAL BASIS FOR U.S. ACTION IN VIETNAM
Although Congress in fact has not made a
formal declaration of war, the sense of Con-
gress has Indeed been expressed. Congres-
sional leaders have been consulted continu-
ously by the administration, and many Sen-
ators and Congressmen have made their
views known both in private discussions and
public speeches in Congress, A joint resolu-
tion (Public Law 88-408) was passed in Au-
gust 1984 by a combined vote of 502 to 2,
which stated, among other things: "That the
Congress approves and supports the determi-
nation of the President, as Commander in
Chief too take all necessary measures to repel
any armed attack against the forces of the
United States and to prevent further aggres-
sion * * *" and that "the United States
regards as vital to its national interest and
to world peace the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security in southeast
Asia * * *" and that "* * * the United States
is, therefore, prepared, as the President deter-
mines, to take all necessary steps, including
the use of armed force, to assist any member
or protocol state of the Southeast Asia, Col-
lective Defense Treaty requesting assistance
in defense of its freedom." It has not beep
considered desirable or necessary to declare
war in the Vietnam situation. Should a
declaration of was become necessary or de-
sirable, Congress would, of course, make
such a declaration, since it is recognized
that the power to declare war is solely with-
in the province of the Congress.
Article II of the Constitution, makes the
President Commander in Chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States, and vests
in him the executive power. This article
has also been interpreted by the Supreme
Court as making the President the "sole
organ of the Nation" in the field of foreign
affairs. Thus the President has authority to
deploy U.S. military personnel abroad.
Furthermore, the United States and Viet-
nam are parties to the agreement for mutual
defense assistance in Indochina of Decem-
ber 23, 1950, which was concluded pursuant
to Public Law 329, 81st Congress. This
agreement provides for the furnishing by
the United States to Vietnam, inter alia, of
military assistance in the form of equipment,
material, and services.
The Manila Pact, ratified in February 1955,
which established 'SEATO, included South
Vietnam as a protocol state. This treaty was
approved by the Senate by a vote of 82 to 1.
.A Presidential decision was made in 1954
to extend aid to South Vietnam; President
Eisenhower said in a letter to the Presi-
dent of South Vietnam: "The purpose of this
offer is to assist the. Government of Vietnam
in developing and maintaining a strong,
viable state, capable of resisting attempted
subversion or aggression through military
means."
U.S. ASSISTANCE TO VIETNAM
Since its formation in 1954 the Republic
of Vietnam (South Vietnam) has received
over $3.5 billion in U.S. economic and mili-
tary assistance. This large amount of aid
for a relatively small nation (approximately
15 million population) has been necessary
because of Vietnam's location on the borders
of Communist Asia and the external and in-
ternal pressures it must resist to remain in-
dependent. In furtherance of U.S. policy
in Vietnam bath economic and military as-
sistance programs are being carried on.
During the past fiscal year ending June
30, 1984, $233.9 million was provided in eco-
nomic assistance, as follows:
Some $46.8 million for the counterinsur-
gency program which finances technical as-
sistance and commodities for strengthening
rural development, the national police, com-
munications, public works, and similar proj-
ects. Under this program U.S. technicians
are living in and providing advisory assist-
ance to the 45 rural provinces; commodities
such as medical kits, radios, building ma-
terials, school equipment, livestock and
pesticides are provided for direct use in
counterinsurgency and self-help activities
at the village level.
There was $113 million for the commercial
import program under which essential im-
port requirements such as raw materials, fer-
tilizer, and some industrial equipment are
financed so as to maintain the country's eco-
nomic foundations. Under this program U.S.-
financed imports flow through private com-
mercial channels.
There was $68.2 million of U.S. surplus
agricultural commodities under the food-for-
peace program, Public Law 480, of which $39.2
million (title I) was sold to meet basic needs
for foodstuffs and agricultural raw mate-
rials, $26.8 million (title II) was given to
support counterinsurgency activities, such as
food for resettled families until the next crop
harvest, $2.2 million (title III) was donated
for distribution to needy persons by U.S.
voluntary organizations.
Some $5.9 million for improvement of edu-
cation, health and telecommunications fac-
ilities, and other economic development pro-
jects under the advice and guidance of U.S.
technicians.
Under the military assistance program,
over $200 million of military equipment, sup-
plies, and services were programed for Viet-
nam in fiscal year 1964, and some 53,000 U.S.
servicemen are currently assisting in train-
ing, logistical support, base defense, and com-
bat operations with the Vietnamese armed
forces when requested by the Government of
South Vietnam, in the war against the Com-
munist guerrillas.
[From the Chicago (Ill.) Tribune, June 20,
19651
REPORTER FINDS VIET WAR EASY-PROVIDING
(By Arthur Veysey, London bureau chief)
SAIGON, VIETNAM, June 19.-Covering the
war in Vietnam is easy for a reporter. Stories
are everywhere, waiting to be told.
Contrary to often stated charges, reporters
willing to leave the air-conditioned hotels,
restaurants, bars, and the press conferences
of Saigon are free to travel where they like.
They find a welcome everywhere among
American military men.
Military transportation of all types is open
to the reporter for the asking. He even gets
preference on scheduled flights carrying
troops and supplies. If no scheduled flight
is available, the reporter need only wait on
an airfield and sooner or later a plane will
come along. The pilot happily gives the re-
porter a lift.
TALKS OF CENSORSHIP
There is no censorship. In 2 months mov-
ing about the country, I met no restriction
that I considered unreasonable. Of course,
the reporter is expected to use his common-
sense. The reporter who, for example, files
a story that planes have taken off for North
Vietnam while the planes are still on the way
is quite properly shunned by fliers who feel
the reporter's irresponsibility endangered
their lives.
In Saigon, the reporter lives in a hotel or
apartment he provides for himself. Army
dining rooms, bars, shops, post exchange
shops, and movies are open to him. In Da
Nang, the military has- taken over a seaside
motel for reporters covering the war from
there. Elsewhere, the reporter bunks with
whatever outfit he happens to be with at
mealtime or bedtime. The outfit usually
gives him the best it has and charges him 50
cents or a dollar.
SACKS PIO'S EFFORTS
Each military outfit has an officer or ser-
geant assigned as public information officer.
By and large, the PIO's do their best to see
that the reporter gets the story he seeks,
as well as transportation and quarters.
Some reporters accuse the command of
using the PIO's as "prison wardens" to make
sure reporters "don't get out of line." But
my experience is that the PIO's are a much
greater help than hindrance to an experi-
enced reporter who understands military
ways.
The best PIO's see that the reporter gets to
the people with the story, introduces him,
and then leaves him to get the facts him-
self. Sometimes, PIO's who have had unfor-
tunate experiences with reporters sit in on
interviews by reporters they are meeting for
the first time.
Some inexperienced or lazy reporters ex-
pect PIO's to do the work for them and give
them the story. Ironically, these same re-
porters are usually those who protest about
"restrictions" and "spoon feeding."
The reporter's worst problem lies in poor
communications between Saigon and the
rest of the world. The cable service is bad
and 24 hour delays are common on big news
days. The service is expensive-about 25
cents a word to American cities. This is
one of the world's highest press rates. Agen-
cies are arranging their own radio circuits,
These would tie into existing cable networks
in Manila, Hong Kong, or Tokyo.
Despite the ease with which a reporter can
travel within Vietnam, most of the reporters
spend most of their time in Saigon. A daily
briefing by the command PIO in the air
conditioned U.S. Information Service audi-
torium supplies the raw material for the bulk
of stories filed daily from Vietnam.
RECEIVE MIMEOGRAPH PAGE
At the briefing, a PIO officer hands out
two or three mimeographed pages listing in-
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 july 12, 1-W%roved For I Wa L9A 7iB0t$ 00180003-7 -.A3701
cidents.,eporters can ask for further., de- by the age of 14 he was totally blind. He as "Twin Vision Books" combined
tails, but rarely get them. Sometimes, the did not sit long in idleness. Within 3 braille and inkprint storybooks.
PIO produces one or two military men di-
reedy involved in some incident. These men years he was an active participant and Dr. tenBroek has served on numerous seem to speak from carefully prepared state- officeholder in local blind organizations advisory committees and study com-
ments and seem to hedge when asked for in Berkeley, where he went to attend the missions for State and Federal Govern-
further details. California School for the Blind. By 1934 ments; recently, for example, he wag a
The briefings lead to charges that the mill- he had joined with Dr. Newel, Perry, consultant to the Subcommittee on Spe-
tary is guiding the news. If a reporter is Perry Sundquist, and others to form the cial Education of the U.S. House Com-
content with the briefings as his main source, California Council of the Blind-a proto- mittee on Education and Labor, and was
of material, the charge sticks. But any re- type of the State level of the National a member of the California Governor's
porter is free to seek facts elsewhere and as Federation which followed 6 years later. Study Commission on Public Welfare.
soon as he leaves headquarters he finds a
free world for news gathering. From its inception the national move- After 21 years as president of the Na-
This is no new situation. It existed in ment of the organized blind was shaped tional, Federation of the Blind, Dr.
World War II and in the Korean war. In in the image of the revolutionary ap- tenBroek retired in 1961 at the time of
those wars, censorship and long distances proach to blindness which was preached the federation's Kansas City convention.
between, the fronts and the cable head made and practiced with equal brilliance by its His resignation did not, however, bring
.th
the r which strole
reporter more difficult founder. It was preached up and down an end to his active participation in the
p meets today the land, in convention and conference,
Vietnam. to blind and movement of which he had been founder
si ht d d
g e au fences alike, in and chief architect. He subsequently
a continuous succession of.. memorable accepted a position as the NFB's delegate
public addresses stretching over more to the World Council for the Welfare of
than 20 years. the Blind. In that capacity he attended
But the new philosophy of normality. the meeting of +v- --A ---11-
... H., ~..' ' the summer or 1962.
HON..PHILLIP BURTON during his twoscore years in office. It I have known Dr. tenBroek for many
or, CALIFORNIA was also practiced. In the same year in years. He has been a constant source of
h h h
t
'
is
e Federation was founded, inspiration to me as we have worked
IN T49 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES a
TenBroek received his doctorate in juris-
Speaker, in 1940, when the National Fed- search fellow at Harvard University, and with my colleagues in the Congress his
eration of the Blind was formally in- was appointed a tutor at the University address delivered at the second anniver-
_. --
traordinary social. movement. The blind versity of California, moving steadily THE FEDERATION AT 25: POSTVIEW AND PREVIEW
people of the United States, long im- upward through the ranks to become a (An address delivered by Prof. Jacobus ten-
mobilized in the protective custody of full professor in 1953 and chairman of proek at the 25th anniversary convention
almshouse and lighthouse keepers, were the department of speech in 1955. In banquet, the National Federation of the
1963 he accepted an appointment t as pro- Blind, Washington, D.C., July 8, 1965)
at last on the move-and on their own. 1963 of political science n the as p Berkeley Wilde tells us: "Most modern calen-
One of the men who met at Wilkes- fessor dars mar the sweet simplicity of our lives by
Barre-founder of the national federa- campus. reminding us that each day that passes is
tion and creator of the vision which in- During this period Dr. tenBroek pub- the anniversary of some perfectly uninterest-
spired it-was a 29-year-old California lished more than 50 articles and mono- ing event." We must approach the task of
professor named Jacobus tenBroek, graphs-plus 3 books-in the fields celebration and review with some pause and
whose own blindness had not deterred of welfare, government and law, estab- some humility, neither exaggerating our im-
him from earning a college degree and lishing a reputation as one of the Na- portance nor underestimating it, it is my
three postgraduate degrees in political tion's foremost scholars on matters of task in this spirit to capsulize our history,
convey our purposes, and contemplate our
'science and law-a fourth degree from constitutional law. One of his volumes- future.
Harvard was later to be added. "Prejudice, War, and the Constitution"- The career of our movement has not been
D;, tenBroek's own successful strug- won the Woodrow Wilson Award of the a tranquil one. It has grown to maturity the
gle for independence stood in stark con- American Political Science Association in hard way. The external pressures have been
trast to the stifling atmosphere of over- 1955 as the best book on government and unremitting. It has been counseled by well-
protective shelter, enforced dependency democracy. His other books are "Hope wishers that all would be well-and it has
and foreclosed opportunity which every- Deferred: Public Welfare and the Blind," learned to resist. It has been attacked by
where prevailed among the agencies and 1959 and "The Antislavery origins of the fight back. It hasadministrators
been scolded by guardians
institutions for the blind. The worst 14th Amendment," 1951. In the course and caretakers-and learned to talk back.
effect of this prejudice, in his view, was of his academic career he has been a fel- It has out its eye teeth on legal and political
to isolate these sightless "wards" not only low of the Center for Advanced Study in struggle, sharpened its wits through count-
from normal society-and from their the Behavioral Sciences, at Palo Alto, and less debates, broadened its mind and deep-
self-appointed "custodians"-but even has twice been the recipient of fellow- ened its voice by incessant contest. Most
from significant association with one ships from the Guggenheim Foundation, important of all, it has never stopped moving,
another-by depriving them of the In 1956 he was awarded the honorary de- never stopped battling, never stopped march-
means and responsibility for mutual ef- gree of doctor of letters by Findlay Col- ing toward its goals of security, equality, and
opportunity for all the Nation's blind. It
fort and collective self-advancement. lege of Ohio. has risen from
poverty substance, from
It might almost be said that for ten- In 1950 Dr. tenBroek was named a obscurity to global reputation.
Broek the end of sight was the beginning member of the California State Board It is fitting that the anniversary of our
of "vision"-the vision of a democratic of Social Welfare by Gov. Earl Warren. own independence movement should coincide
people's movement in which blind men Subsequently reappointed three times to with that of the Nation itself. The two
and women would no longer be led but the policymaking welfare board, he was revolutions were vastly different in scope but
would take the lead themselves in their elected its chairman in 1960 by the other identical in principle. We too memorialize
own cause, and in so doing point the way members, and served in that capacity day of independence-independence from
to a new age of individual independence until 1963. y a wardship not unlike that of the American
and social integration for all blind colonists. Until the advent of the National
He has been the president since 1945 Federation, the blind people of America were
American . of the American Brotherhood for the taken care of but not represented; protected
Born in 1911 as the son of a prairie Blind, an educational and charitable but not emancipated; seen but rarely heard.
homesteader, young tenBroek lost the foundation which publishes an inter- Like Patrick Henry on the eve of revolu-
sight ,of one eye as the result of an acci- nationally circulated braille magazine, tion, we who are blind knew in 1940 that if we to dent. at the age of,7. Thereafter, his re- the Blind American, and has pioneered f th wishes m be free, if, we meant to gain
inestimable privileges ed participation
maining vision rapidly deteriorated until in the provision of such notable ventures for or which we had so long yearned, , then we
then we
Monday, July 12, 1965 prudence from the University of Califor- together in the field of social welfare.
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 A3702
w r
Approved e , gQ@M101'ZWC( RD 00030018000T3tkJ 12, 1965
must organize for purposes of self-expres-
sion and collective action; then we must con-
cert to engage in a noble struggle.
In that spirit the National Federation of
the Blind was founded. In that spirit it has
persevered. In that spirit it will prevail.
When the founding fathers of the federa-
tion came together at Wilkes-Barre, to form
a union, they labored in a climate of skep-
ticism and scorn. The experts said It couldn't
be done; the agencies for the blind said it
shouldn't be done. "When the blind lead
the blind," declared the prophets of doom,
"ail shall fall into the ditch."
But the federation was born without out-
side assistance. It stood upright without
a helping hand. It is still on its feet today.
At the outset we declared our independ-
ence. In the past 25 years we have estab-
lished it. Today we may say that the Na-
tional -Federation has arrived in America-
and is here to stay. That is truly the "new
outlook for the blind."
We have not reached our present stand-
ing, as all of you know, by inertia and idle-
ness. The long road of our upward Move-
ment is divided into three phases-cor-
responding to the first decade, the second
decade, and the third half-decade of our ex-
istence as an organization. Each of these
three, periods; though a part of a con-
tinuum, has had a different emphasis and
a different character. Let us look at each of
them.
The federation was not born with a silver
spoon In its mouth-but, like the Nation it-
self, it was born with the parchment of its
principles in its hand. Our basic philosophy
and purposes-even most of our long-range
programs-existed full-panoplied at our
origin. We were dedicated to the principles
of security with freedom; of opportunity
without prejudice; of equality in the law
and on the job. We have never needed to
alter or modify those goals, let alone com-
promise them. We have never faltered In
our confidence that they are within our
reach. We have never failed to labor for
.their implementation in political, legal, and
economic terms.
The paramount problems of our first dec-
ade, the 1940's, were not so much qualitative
as quantitative; we had the philosophy and
the programs, but we lacked the membership
and the means. The workers were few and
the cupboard was bare.
Each month as we received our none too
bountiful salary as a young instructor at the
University of Chicago Law School, Hazel and
I Would distribute it among the necessaries of
life: food, clothing, rent, federation stamps,
mimeograph paper and ink, other supplies.
So did we share our one-room apartm8nt.
The mimeograph paper took far more space
In our closet than did our clothes. We had
to move the mimeograph machine before we
could let down the wall bed to retire at
night. If on a Sunday we walked along Chi-
cago's lakefront for an hour, 4 or 5 fewer
letters were written, dropping our output
for that day to fewer than 25.
The decade of the forties was a time of
building: and build we did, from a scattering
of seven State affiliates at our first conven-
tion to more than four times that number
in 1950. It was a time of pioneering: and
pioneer we did, by searching out new paths
of opportunity and blazing organizational
trails where no blind man had before set
foot. It was a time of collective self-discov-
ery and self-reliance: of rising confidence in
hitch
our joint capacity to do the job-to
up our own wagon train and hitch it up we acter denied. Plans have been laic, acZivi- We have nouns new and dynamic leader-
did. ties undertaken, and concerted actions set in ship, in the person of a president imbued
In the decade of the forties we proved our motion for the clear and unmistakable pur- with youth and creative vigor. We have re-
organizational capacity, established our rep- pose of bringing about our destruction. gained our fund raiser-the wizard of St.
reseptative character, initiated legislative Nothing less Is sought than our extinction Louis-and with him has come the prospect
programs on the State and National levels, as an organization." of renewed resources. We have restored and
and spoke with the authority and voice of No Federationist who lived through that rejuvenated the Braille Monitor, as not only
the blind speaking for themselves. In these decade, can, forget how the battle was the voice but the clarion call of the federated
very terms the decade of the fifties was a joined-in the historic struggle for the right blind, We have reached across the seas, ex-
time both of triumph and travail. The tri- of self-expression and free association. The
umph not unmixed but the travail was single most famous piece of legislation our
passing. - r movement has produced-one which was
Our numbers escalated to a peak of 47 never passed by Congress but which made its
statewide affiliates with membership running full weight felt and its message known
to the tens of thousands. Our resources throughout the world of welfare and the
multiplied through a campaign of fund- country of the blind-was the Kennedy-
raising. Our voice was amplified with the - Baring bill.
inauguration of the Braille Monitor as a It is fitting that John F. Kennedy, then the
regular publication In print, braille and tape, junior Senator from Massachusetts, was a
which carried the word of federationism to sponsor of that bill of rights for the blind,
the farthest parts of the Nation and many who gave his name and voice to the defense
distant lands. of our right to organize.
With the funds to back us up, with a broad Eight years ago he rose in the Senate to
base of membership behind us, with con- introduce and speak for his bill "to protect
structive programs of opportunity and en- the right of the blind to self-expression."
largement, with growing public recognition He told how some 43 State associations of
a
t
f
d
t
d i
"
n
o
e
era
e
blind persons had become
and understanding, the federation in the
fifties galvanized its energies along and ex- single nationwide organization, the National
"It
ed
l
d
"
panding front. We sent teams of blind ex-
perts into various States, on request of the
Governors, to prepare master plans for the
reform of their welfare services to the blind.
We aided our State affiliates in broad pro-
grams of legislative and administrative im-
provement in welfare and rehabilitation. We
particpiated in opening the teaching profes-
sion to qualified blind teachers in a number
of States. We assisted in bringing to com-
pletion the campaign to secure white cane
laws in all of the States so that blind men
might walk abroad anywhere in the land sus-
tained by a faith justified by law.
We shared with others the credit for in-
fusing-into Federal welfare the constructive
objective of self-care and self-support, pro-
gressive improvements in the aid grant and
matching formula, and the addition of dis-
ability insurance. Over the unflagging op-
position of the Social Security Adminis-
tration, we secured the acceptance by
Congress, in progressive amounts, the prin-
ciple of exempt income for blind aid
recipients; at first temporary, and finally per-
manent permission for Pennsylvania and
Missouri to retain their separate and rehabili-
tative systems of public assistance; and we
began to lay the groundwork by which our
blind workers in the sheltered shops might
secure the status and rights of employees.
We pushed, pulled, and persuaded the civil
service into first modifying, then relaxing,
and finally scrapping its policy of discrimi-
nation against blind applicants for the pub-
lic service.
i _--
....i
a
inst the dM-
enter
g
ses as
In
io
f
t
ance o
trinaire, aloof resis
------1
we had the cordial good will, practical un- cidedly "soft on custodialism," overfriendly
derstanding, and humane regard of an ever- to the agencies which opposed us. There
growing number of Congressmen. were others with a burning passion for lead-
All of a sudden, in the furious fifties, the ership and office, an ambition which burned
National Federation of the Blind was very the deeper as it burned in vain. There were
much noticed. Our organizations became the still others whose grievances were personal;
objects of intense attention-if rarely of af- real enough to them if not substantial in
fection-on the part of the agencies, ad- fact. All of these factors combined in the
ministrators, and their satellite groups which 50's to form a temporary crisis of con-
had dominated the field. fidence and collaboration.
As the organized blind movement grew in But then, as suddenly as it had begun, the
affluence and in influence, as affiliates sprang civil turmoil ended. Those who had desired
up in State after State, county after county, power for their own ends or for itself; who
across the land, as a ground swell of protest had sought to change the character and
rose against the dead ends of sheltered em- officers of the movement, departed to form
ployment and segregated training, of welfare their own organizations. Shaken in its
programs tied to the poor law and social unity, depleted in resources, diminished in
workers bound up in reds ape, the forces of membership, the Federation began the hard
custodialism and control looked down from task of rebuilding and rededication.
their lighthouses and fought back. That task has been the primary assign-
"The National Federation of the Blind," ment of the sixties, and today, at the half-
said its president In 1967, "stands today an way point, we may report that it has been
embattled organization. Our motives have accomplished. During the 5 years past we
been impugned, our purposes reviled, our have regained stability, recovered unity, and
:
ec
ar
He
Federation of the Blind.
is important that these views be expressed
freely and without interference. It is im-
portant that these views be heard and con-
sidered by persons charged with responsibil-
ity. *. * *" He pointed out that in various
communities this freedom had "been preju-
diced by a few professional workers in pro-
grams for the blind." He -urged that "our
blind citizens be protected against any exer-
cise of this kind of influence or authority to
interfere with their freedom of self-expres-
sion through organizations of the blind."
The Kennedy bill was simple and sweeping
in its purposes: to insure to the blind the
right to organize without Intimidation; and
to insure to the blind the right to speak
and to be heard through systematic means
of consultation with the responsible agen-
cies of Government,
That bill of rights was not enacted; but
It gained its ends in other ways. Lengthy
and dramatic public hearings were held by
a committee of Congress, at which dozens
of blind witnesses both expert and rank.-
and-file testified to the extent of coercion
and pressure brought against them by the
forces hostile to their independence. "Little
Kennedy bills" were introduced in a number
of State legislatures and enacted by some.
The forces of opposition called off their at-
tack -upon the organized blind and beat a
strategic retreat. -
Meanwhile, in that second decade, the
federation faced another bitter struggle
within its own house. Not all federationists
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lr obi the Lowell'Optic, May15; 1965]`
June 'ARTiiUR L. ZNo,'A REMEMBRANCE
The death of Justice Arthur L. Eno, pre-
siding officer of the Lowell District Court, is
an occasion of mourning and of remem-
brance for the city. of Lowell and all of her
era t fat even now seems so remote, yet con
taiped` th.sg Ingredients that would be bound
together to fashfon a living city.
In his `birth' and youth he attended upon
the closing days of another' century. As a
first generation American. he would be caught
up in the crucible of the great "melting pot"
from which this Nation would draw her
greatest strength
.. Of his origins among the tenement people
of Lowell 's "Little' Canada:" he would ever
be mindful: `And" for" these people among
whom he was nurtured there would ever be
gratitude ' respect, and remembrance.
At the ae of 25 he served in the conflict
hailed 'as r he war to end all` wars." He re-
ceived a commission as second lieutenant in
the Department of the Army. Two'years
later, in 1'919, he returned here to renew his
place in the life of the community.
His"civic career would be highlighted by
his cherished 'participation in the work of
the Lowell Memorial Auditorium Building
Commission from 1919 until 1922.
Admitted to the State bar in' 1914 at the
age of 22 years he would be appointed a
special justice of the district court 13 years
later In 1927, His career In the judiciary
would reach its apex in October of 1944 as
then Gov. LEVERETT SALTONSTALL appointed
Eno presiding justice of the Lowell District
Court. For over two decades Judge Eno lent
to the judiciary those energies and talents
that had in earlier life earned for him the
recognition of a grateful community.
' But If Judge Eno's career is to be best
understood, it must _need be equated in terns
Of his contribution to the people of Lowell.
In the administration of justice his could not
be described as an attitude. of 'detached dis-
interest. While he applied himself in the
judicial exercise with impartiality it was
never Without an awareness of social context.
Judge Eno gave countless hours away from
the bench in attempting to bridge the gap
between fathers and mothers, husbands and
wives, caught up in the anxieties and prob-
lemspeculiar to those with such difficulties.
As presiding justice of the State's third
oldest and sixth largest district court 'lie
maintained an acute interest in the proba-
tionary function of the court-always mind-
ful that the end to which .any punishment
may be given is correction and reform.
His membership in a variety of civic, mili
tary, and social organizations bespoke an
abiding interest in the life of the community.
It was In the Lowell Historical Society, how-
ever, that Judge Eno would find his one great,
interest fulfilled. For asone who was to have
played himself so prominent a role in the
contemporary annals of the city, it was only
natural that he should have so highly valued
the respect for and importance of local his-
tory:
He cherished a prize collection of memo-
rabilia on Lowell and her people. This inter
erst was not static, however. He pursued al-
ways an Interest, in later years increasingly
detached from direct involvement owing to
demands of healt and age, in the continu-
Ing gvolution of local governmental, social,
afid ,cultlar""allife and activities.
He was in tjie_i'ullest sense a true. child of
I4owell, .I,n the 74 .years that would be al-
lotted' huh. by, providence he would make
good use, His emotional, e)cperiences would
be thgee,gf his people, of his city, and of his
06u4 try and the world.
As a lover story he proved himself to
be a lover of h s fellowmen,
Thirty-nine years ago Judge Arthur L.
Eno sat in Lowell's Memorial Auditorium to
hear another contemporary, Frank K.
Stearns, address these parting words on the
occasion of this city's centennial observance:
"We are but the trustees of a fleeting mo-
ment. Our problem so huge and pervasive,
will not be solved in the lifetime of any
here present. What shall we do, however,
during our stewardship must have incalcula-
ble importance in the results of a far distant
future; and on us, the people of Lowell now
in being, devolves a duty as imperative as
any that beset the men of 1826.
"Right worthily did they perform their
tasks. Right worthily may we, in our differ
ent condition, emulate them. They were
men and women of vigor; men and women
of heart. They were men and women moved
in all parts alike as we are, often discour-
aged, often perplexed, often tempted. They
did their work; they held their peace; they
faced their crises, and they have left us a
priceless heritage. It is our task to go for-
ward as bravely as did they; to deal as re-
sourcefully with what now disquiets or
perplexes us, and to rear on the foundation
which they have so well and truly laid, a
monument which later centuries may not
disdain to honor.
"'Build the more stately mansions, 0, my
souls
As the 'swift seasons rolll
Leave thy low-vaulted past!
Let each new temple, nobler than the last,
Shut thee from heaven with a dome more
vast
Till thou at length art free,
Leaving thine outgrown shell by life's un-
resting sea' "
tank, Vietna
Defies Communists
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. DONALD RUMSFELD
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE, HOUSE 0F.R9P,4ESENTATIYk8
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. RUMS]?'ELD. Mr. Speaker, the
second in the series of. articles written
by Mr. Lloyd Wendt, editor of the
Chicago's American who is now in Viet-
nam on a factfinding mission, reports
on one of the special-forces officers of
the U.S. Army and his thoughts con-
cerning the war in South Vietnam.
I commend it to the readers of the
RECORD :
YANK, VIETNAMESE FORTRESS ATOP ROCK
DEFIES COMMUNISTS
(By Lloyd Wendt)
Nui BA DEN, SOUTH VIETNAM.-Anyone who
believes the war in Vietnam can't be won
by our side hasn't talked to Capt. James M.
Kennedy.
Captain Kennedy and his 18 special-forces
officers of the U.S. Army and Air Force are
dug in atop Nui Ba Den, which translates
"Black Virgin Mountain." They advise a
strike force of Vietnamese volunteers and are
building a radar installation in the heart
of Vietcong country.
The Vietcong surround this hill, about 60
miles northwest of Saigon. They know all
about the installation. For a year they've
been trying to do something about this
fortress in the sky, without success. The
site is vital, near the Ho, Chi _Minh trails
which, supply the -Vietcong and near the
A3693
Cambodian border, whence the Vietcong
gets men and guns from North Vietnam via
jungle trails through Laos.
Except for U.S. helicopters, .Captain Ken-.
nedy and. South Vietnamese Lieutenant Lich,
the local commander, are cut off by the Viet-
tong. Yet morale was never higher., The
radar goes up in plain view, 3,200 feet in the.
sky; patrols from Nui Ba Den slip down
through the jungle to hit and .cut up Viet-
cong forces, using their own. guerrilla tactics.
The time will come, Captain Kennedy pre
diets, when more bases like this will enable,
the Government , to. cut. the supply routes and
infiltration trails of the Vietcong, and that
will be the beginning of the end for the
invasion from the north.
'.'We're going t' win this war," says Ken-
nedy, a dark, handsome young Californian
from Palo Alto who, gave up plans to be a
preacher when he joined the special service
forces. "We have proved, repeatedly, that our
men can fight and cut up the Vietcong.
When we get the strength to shut off sup-,
plies and reinforcements for the Vietcong
they will dry up. It's that simple.
"The Vietcong aren't supermen, Our pa-
trols from the strike force fight and defeat
them repeatedly. Don't believe. what you
may hear about the South Viets not being
fighters, they are excellent. My life and the
lives of my officers depend on them and we
couldn't be in safer hands."
Kennedy issues a few quiet orders to the
barefoot men in jungle camouflage who are
packing supplies up to headquarters from
our helicopter. Then he returns to his fav-
orite theme.
"We'll end the war when we make it clear
to North Vietnam and to China that what
they are trying to do will be unprofitable.
It will simply cost them too much. Once
they realize that, they'll have to go back
behind the demarcation line (at the 17th
parallel) and the Vietcong in the south will
dry up, We do not have to drive out or kill
every Vietcong to win. Plenty of them are
discouraged. already. ,
"The` South Viet people, on the whole,
simply want to be let alone. They go along
in this area because they are terrorized by
the Vietcong. The guerrillas come out of the
jungle, take over a village and kill or threaten
to kill hostages unless the village goes along
with them, So, until our strength here
grows, naturally the village goes along.
"But let me tell you, the Vietcong doesn't
attempt to attack us in force. They know
better than to get into a real fight."
Captain Kennedy looks like a movie hero
in a mountain setting wilder and stranger
than anything Hollywood has yet devised.
His native forces, under command of Lieu-
tenant Lich, swarm over the mountain, man-
ning guns, mortars, rocket launchers, and
booby traps designed for welcoming the Viet-
tong. The men are small and tough and as
hard to see as the tigers and cobras that also
inhabit this area. Except when they come
out, as of now, to pack up the supplies from
the "choppers."
"You can reach Nui Ba Den only by "chop-
per," which the Vietcong diligently attack by
gunfire as they come in to land. We came
over with Capt. Ernest Strum and his "Rat
Pack Six" aboard a UHIB "Huey" chopper.
Our machinegunners on each side of the
chopper poured some fire down on the Viet-
cong occupying Nui Can ridge half way up
the mountain as we came in. This disturbs
the accuracy and enthusiasm of the Vietcong
gunners on the ground, Captain Sturm ex-
plained. It also checks out the guns, in case
they're really needed.
The fortified camp is a bleak stretch of tan
rocks and tan sandbangs bristling with weap-
ons.
The jungle has been cleared for a quarter
of.4 miledown_the slopes to rob "Charlie"-
the Vietcong-of any cover should he decide
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Approved FCo6 IgIEIONAL RECORD DPAPPENDIX00030018000Ju y 12, 1965
to advance. The strike force men on duty
now are Cambodian inhabitants of South
Vietnam. Different ethnic groups train and
serve together and come to the peak for 6
week tours of duty.
Captain Kennedy and his officers, desig-
nated by their green berets, serve continu-
ously, 7 days and night a week, for weeks and
months on end. They live armed to the
teeth, ready for emergency, as the,
work they're directing slowly takes shape.
Kennedy is 29, soft spoken but fervent as
he talks about the meaning of this South
Vietnam war. In 1954 he was graduated from
Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He
also was a lay reader in the Episcopal Church
and had about decided to go into the min-
istry after serving his army time. But then
the fire and mission of the special forces got
into his blood.
"Where could a man of my age do more?"
Kennedy demands, speaking of his bleak life
on this hill. "I am responsible for the lives
of several hundred people. Where would I
get a job like that in cizilian life at my age?
I know that we are going to save this country
for these people. Where could you find work
more rewarding that that?"
Kennedy and his men were in special good
humor because we were leading a pack of
choppers bringing in supplies. It was the
first good weather in days.
"We've been living on K rations," Kennedy
explained. "Last night, though; we had a
feast when our strike force killed and cooked
a python. It was delicious. Too bad you
didn't get here sooner.
Nui Ba Den is in the heart of war zone C,
where operations are of maximum toughness..
Not only the Ho Chi Minh trails but the
Cambodian and Laos jungle nearby make it
impossible for the area to be sealed off from
the north. The rice and vegetable growers
on the plains are almost defenseless when
the Vietcong rolls out from the jungle.
The villagers can only fight when they vol-
unteer to serve in the popular force like that
commanded by Lieutenant Lich. Then they
have guns provided by the United States,
through the South Vietnamese Government,
and a base protected by the U.S. forces in
cooperation with South Vietnam.
The presence of a base like this, and forces
like those under Lich, tell the people of Tay
Ninh Province that all is not lost.
Since Nui Ba Den must be maintained
from the air, the men are trained elsewhere
and flown in. The base is so firmly estab-
lished that the Vietnamese troops bring in
their wives, who have established a small
village part way down the mountain. There
also, the U.S. forces aided in the building of
a new Buddhist pagoda, replacing the one on
the mountaintop, Which is now a fort. The
mountain got its name by the death in an-
cient times of a young woman dressed in
black who was killed by a tiger as she was
en route to the pagoda to be married. "There
are still some tigers here," said Kennedy. "I
saw one only a few days ago."
The Americans, all 19, live in three stone
galleries about 10 by 24 each. One is the
galley and dining room, the others are for
desks and bunks. The cave-like living was
enlivened a few hours ago when a krait
slithered out from a crack in the walls. It's
the Asian version of the deadly coral snake
and it was quickly stomped to death.
"Life is rugged up here but we can take it
because we know we are doing useful work
that is going to succeed," said Kennedy.
"There is nothing wrong with the situation
in Vietnam that some hard work won't cure.
This country is a really rich rice bowl, which
is why the Communists want it. When they
do get an area they take most of the rice for
their troops. This is what will always hap-
pen. The South Vietnamese have no wish
at all to raise rice for China.
"Once we get the Vietcong off the people's
backs by cutting their sources of supply
you'll find this war here will end relatively
fast."
As you look around at Kennedy and his
men against the backdrop of rocks and guns
you realize that the rugged individualism
that made America free is still alive in to-
day's young men. You share Kennedy's
faith in the tough, tiny South Vietnamese
all around you. You know, after you talk
with evangelical young Kennedy at Nui Ba
Den that this war is going to be won by our
side some day.
Voting Rights Act of 1965
SPEECH
of
HON. EDWARD R. ROYBAL
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, July 9, 1965
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 6400) to enfore
the 15th amendment to the Constitution of
the United States.
Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Chairman, I want
to join with my colleagues from both
sides of the aisle in urging the adoption
of H.R. 6400, the Voting Rights Act of
1965, to enforce the 15th amendment to
the Constitution, in order to guarantee
that the full and free exercise of the
right of citizens of the United States to
vote will not be denied or abridged.
Events in many parts of the country in
recent months have again clearly shown
the need for additional Federal legisla-
tion to guarantee this right for all
Americans.
No one can deny that the safety, and
even the lives of our fellow citizens are
at stake. In my opinion, the full
majesty and full resources of the United
States must be exerted to preserve and
protect the precious heritage of freedom
and equality we all are entitled to enjoy.
President Johnson, in his eloquent ad-
dress to the joint session of Congress,
voiced a deeply moving and forceful call
to action on this vital legislation.
I urge that the Members of the House
now answer that call with speed and de-
termination-to assure, once and for all,
the unrestricted exercise of the right to
vote, possessed by every American by
virtue of his citizenship in this "land of
the free."
Certainly, 95 years after ratification of
the 15th amendment is not too early for
the Nation to make good on its promise
to protect the elementary right of all its
citizens to full suffrage.
This bill provides for automatic sus-
pension of literacy or any other tests or
devices used to discriminate against
would-be voters where less than 50 per-
cent of the voting-age population was
registered or voted in the 1964 presiden-
tial election.
In addition, it authorizes use of Fed-
eral examiners to register and assure the
right to vote for all citizens previously
unable to exercise that fundamental
right.
Another strong feature of this legisla-
tion is its outright ban on the poll tax
as a requirement for voting in State and
local elections, in the same manner as
the 24th amendment to the Constitution,
ratified in January 1964, outlawed the
poll tax in Federal elections.
All in all, the measure represents a
clear, practical, effective, and legisla-
tively responsible way to enable citizens
to vote without the fear or threat of dis-
crimination.
For that reason, I hope the Members
of this House will pass the Voting Rights
Act of 1965 without further delay, so that
the Congress may again take a leading
part in the noble crusade to create a
better America, to banish the phrase
"second-class citizen" from our vocabu-
lary, and to fulfill the revolutionary
dream of freedom and equality for all
Americans.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RICHARD T. HANNA
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 24, 1965
.Mr. HANNA. Mr. Speaker, the day
is long past when the Pacific Ocean was
merely America's geographic and eco-
nomic backyard. For, today a Pacific
nation, Japan, stands as America's most
important customer, second only to
Canada. A Pacific State, California,
now leads the Nation in exports. Fur-
thermore, two developments of great his-
toric moment and of profound concern
to this country are presently occurring
in the Pacific Basin-the emergence on
the one hand of a dynamic and growing
Pacific community of free nations, a
community which has become an in-
creasingly important factor in the
growth of our economy, and the emer-
gence on the other hand of a militant Red
China as a real and growing threat to
that community, to our own security,
and to world peace. These crucial de-
velopments, Mr. Speaker, demand that
we turn more of our attention to mend-
ing our diplomatic fences in the Pacific.
Nowhere is this more urgent than with.
respect to our most important partner
in Asia, Japan. Now, I have, from time
to time, pointed out specific areas of
difference between our country and
Japan where I felt we could take more
positive approaches toward achieving
mutually satisfactory solutions. In this
regard, I would like to call the attention
of my colleagues to an editorial from
yesterday's Washington Post which suc-
cinctly presents a full portrayal of prob-
lems affecting our relations with Japan,
problems which can and must be solved.
Entiled "Our Pacific Partner," this edi-?
tonal makes the point' that yes, this
country did very generously help Japan
achieve her present eminence, but now
vie would be very wise to take positive
action in good faith to solve our differ-
ences with Japan in order to insure our
present good friendship for a future in
which we are very much going to need
it. I think that the point is well taken.
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as ~ helped American institutions of higher
education is not. a new one inside Congress or
out, but a House, subcommittee has lately
been giving the subject its most intensive
scrutiny to date on Capitol Hill.
The initiative came from the House Gov-
ernment Operations Committee's new Sub-
committee on. Research and Technical Pro-
grams chaired by Representative HENRY S.
REUSE, Democrat, of Wisconsin. This sub-
committee, established in February, is the
latest among several groups formed in the
House to consider the conduct. and implica-
tions of the $15-billion-plus-a-year Federal
research and development effort.
REuss's subcommittee based its investiga-
tion on 3 days of hearings in mid-June and
a canvass by letter of some 300 "selected
faculty members in a number of fields, as well
as university administrators and other dis-
tinguished citizens." About 170 replies were
received in time to allow the subcommittee
staff to put together a compendium intended
to provide a cross section of opinion and to
publish it as a committee print in advance
of the hearings? About half of the 170
responses are represented either by full
letters or excerpts. There are plans for in-
eluding later replies in the published record
of the hearings.
ANSWERS TO A QUESTIONNAIRE
The. subcommittee's "poll" was based on
questions grouped under five major headings
and, according to the introduction "to the
committee print, the questions were "com-
piled from extensive literature which has
appeared in the last few years. They seemed
to the committee to summarize the. salient
aspects of the problem."
The questions are clearly not the sort that
can very usefully be answered yes or no.
Because of the'broad focus of the questions
and the variety of viewpoints expressed, the
results of hearings and the canvass are in-
eVltably inconclusive. Eut'the subcommittee
has made a solid contribution by giving seri-
ous attention to a number of Interrelated
questions which have been vexing people in
higher education since the rise of big science,
And the record of the investigation will be
a useful pne, not least.,becaifse thq net was
cast wider in the, academic community than
usual and brought in a number of people
besides those wl o by virtue of achievement
or position are, ex cathedra, perennial wit-
nesses before Congress.
Both the letters and the testimony in the
hearings reflect a consensus that the war-
time marriage between Government and the
universities is, for better or worse, perma-
nent; in general, they support the judgment
of the Carnegie survey of 2 years ago that,
on balance, the relationship is beneficial to
the universities.
This Is not to, say that on a number of
counts there were not expressions of serious
concern.. The quality of teaching under-
graduates are getting was the subject of
fairly widespread although certainly not uni-
versal worry. Sharpest concern was directed
to the independent liberal arts colleges,
which are seen as suffering, indirectly at
least, from emphasis on'research in the uni-
versities.
Most pessimistic perhaps was one un-
named member of the faculty of the Colum-
bia University graduate school of business
who said: "Small liberal arts colleges are
threatened not (so much) by Federal grants
as by economics of scale in higher educa-
tion, which raises the question whether these
institutions,are viable."
11d11c11Yic.t$Pical was a view that liberal
arts cpileggs must and can do more to create
1 "Qoniligt. $.e ,yieell the Federal Research
Programs and the Nation's Goals for Higher
Education,'y availablefrom the Committee on
Government Operations, House of Repre-
sentatives, Washington; D.C.
an atmosphere in which research-particu-
larly in the sciences-is an integral part of
education, as has been successfully done in
a number of the "prestige" colleges.
It was generally recognized that the key
to the problem is faculty and that able young
scholars in fast-moving fields will not emi-
grate to the colleges and stay there if such
action forecloses their chances for a research
career. Most of the suggestions for mitigat-
ing the isolation of the researcher in the
liberal arts colleges implied establishment of
new or modified Federal programs as well as
cooperative programs among 'institutions.
The main recommendations were for ar-
rangements to lighten the characteristically
heavy teaching, loads in the colleges, to make
it easier for college faculty to use the library
and laboratory facilities of the universities
and national laboratories, and to enable
college scholars to work periodically for sus-
tained periods with leading men in their
fields.
As for undergraduate education in the uni-
versities, it was acknowledged that teach-
ing may be left largely in the hands of grad-
uate teaching assistants. This can be unsat-
isfactory, but a fairly strong segment of opin-
ion held that this is not necessarily a bad
thing. One who expressed this latter view
without sounding like Pangloss was C. H.
Braden, a professor of physics at Georgia
Tech.
"Perhaps the principal consideration,"
wrote Braden, "is the increasingly large frac-
tion of the college age population that at-
tends college. This, coupled with the in-
crease in population, means that colleges
must employ mass production techniques
that deliver a good quality education to large
numbers of'students. In the future it will
be a graduate degree, rather than simply a
college degree, that will be a mark of aca-
demic distinction, and it will be in the gradu-
ate program that the close contact between
faculty and student will be achieved which
formerly marked the undergraduate pro-
gram also.
"This new order of things need not im-
ply an inferior undergraduate education.
On_ the contrary, many mass production
colleges offer programs of the highest com-
petence. The generally accepted way to of-
fer such a program is to place the under-
graduate program under the close supervision
of distinguished faculty members who have
an interest in undergraduate teaching, and
such faculty are not rare, and then pro-
vide much assistance in the way of junior in-
structors, technicians, and student assist-
ants, Moreover, many young instructors are
superior teachers because of their enthusiasm
and close contact with problems of current
interest."
On the final morning of the hearings when
several representatives of research-supporting
Federal agencies appeared, the discussion
turned to agency regulations which have pre-
vented graduate assistants working on fed-
erally funded research from teaching. The
National Science Foundation, an agency with
a special sensitivity to university opinion and
with room to maneuver, because of its re-
sponsibilities for education as well as re-
search, has revised its rules so that its
graduate-student beneficiaries can do some
teaching, and the general trend among the
agencies would appear to be toward more
flexibility. A crucial factor in the matter,
however, would appear to be university in-
sistence that graduate students teach as part
of their regular program and teach well.
Criticism of teaching standards elicited a
counterattack from Lloyd V. Berkner, direc
tor of the Southwest Center for Advanced
Studies, Graduate. Research Center of the
Southwest, who was expressing a hard line
not uncommonly held by senior men in the
hard sciences.
"In my opinion," said Berkner, "the com-
plaint against the teaching in our great re-
A3687
search universities arises primarily from stu-
dents (and their indulgent parents) who
would like the university to be a kind of
advanced high school-a continuation of the
sheltered life the student has enjoyed at
home.
"The university must assume its students
are mature Individuals who attend because
of their dedication to learning and desire
careers in a society that today fully depends
on sufficient education. , The basis of that
learning must be books and a modern, rigor-
ous curriculum. This means that the teach-
ers at the university level, though dedicated
to the highest standards of scholarship, can
only be supplementary guides to a student
who is forced to assume responsibility. These
qualities of the institution will themselves
assure the quality of the undergraduate (and
graduate) education which it offers. To ma-
ture its students, to give them self-discipline,
the university must be tough. The intellec-
tual: competition is high, and to develop
qualities of independent decision and lead-
ership expected of university graduates by
society, the university cannot hold the stu-
dent's hand or cajole him. In such an en-
vironment the success of the student must
depend primarily upon himself-his intellec-
tual qualifications, his growing self-disci-
pline, his inquiring mind, his self-develop-
ment toward qualities of leadership.
"Graduate' students have to teach because
they must learn to teach and they have to
start somewhere. Moreover, the teaching
experience by the grduate student requires
that he think more clearly, formulate his
presentation more precisely. Teaching is an
important part of his own graduate experi-
enceequally important, it is conducted
under, the tutelage and guiding hand of
men who, through their own research in
creative frontiers, are holding themselves
in the forefront,of today's science."
Berkner also. doubts that humanistic
studies,are.:suffering as the result of Federal
expenditures on science. He argues that
Federal support of scientific research has re-
leased large sums for the development of
nonscientific university activities. In addi-
tion he feels that research in the "hard"
social sciences-those that submit to quan-
tification-should be supported by the Gov-
ernment, but that the "soft" social sciences
"uncontrolled by experiment should be left
to private support."
ANOTHER VIEW
A diametrically opposed view was expressed
by one in quite a different field and stage in
his career, Norman S. Care, an instructor
in the philosophy department at Yale.
Care argues that there is little money
available to support research in the hu-
manities. He points out that humanists are
on the short end of a salary differential be-
tween them and scientists and, on top of
that, d scientist can usually count on the
Federal Government's underwriting summer
research while his colleague in the human-
ities often must teach to piece out his salary.
Another hurdle to research in the human-
ities, says Care, is generally heavier teaching
loads for humanities faculty compared with
the sciences.
"The upshot," says Care, "is that aca-
demicians in the humanities, are not only
materially deprived, but also made out to be
professionally second rate. There is a form
of status attached to having research grants,
and lack of opportunity to secure such aid is
sometimes interpreted as a sign that one's
discipline is somehow not respectable in a
vigorous and practical society. I have
encountered this kind of artificial ranking
among both students and faculty in my
experience on the campuses of two major
State universities and one large private uni-
versity. However, it is worth adding that this
form of grading is not common on campuses
with strong traditions of education in the
liberal arts."
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 A3688
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apolitical scientist, whose name was with-
held by request, wrote complaining about
grants to the social sciences. "Apparently
only research prafects which are Completely
susceptible to quantification and computer-
ization will be considered by NSF," he said.
-This appears to be an artificial limitation
which can only have an adverse effect on the
kinds of research undertaken by political
scientists. I have no quarrel with quantifl-
cation where it is applicable, but strongly
disagree with the notion implicit in such a
requirement that only that which can be
measured and counted is significant."
On the fundamental matter of concentra-
tion of Federal funds for university research
in science projects and in a relatively few
institutions, there seemed to be virtual
unanimity among witnesses and those who
responded to the questionnaire that there
should be no major redistribution of funds or
discontinuance of the project grants which
have been instrumental in creating the
present pattern. Rather, it appeared there
was fairly strong sentiment for, putting addi-
tional funds into programs which will im-
prove the research atmosphere in liberal arts
colleges and the quality of instruction and
research in universities which fall distinctly
short of excellence. Sentiment for the
greater use of "institutional" grants to
strengthen aspiring universities seemed
strong, although there was equally firm
espousal of the principle that Federal funds
should not be spent without reasonable
assurance of significant improvement in the
institution receiving them,
One interesting excursion into high policy
occurred on the final day of hearings: when
it was asked if many of the problems being
discussed might not be solved if education
programs were consolidated under the juris-
diction of one agency. On hand were Com-
missioner of Education Francis leppel, Com-
missioner Mary I. Bunting of the Atomic
Energy Commission, and representatives of
NSF, the National Institutes of Health, the
Office of Science and Technology, and the
Bureau of the Budget. While the subject was
not pursued at length, the clear consensus
was that present diversity is regarded to be
of advantage to both the Federal Govern-
ment and the universities.
The task of the subcommittee is now to
review the record and decide what, if any,
action is in order. Congressman REUSS says
he emerged from the hearings disturbed by
the patent fact that, "Unless we do some-
thing about it, there's going to be a very
considerable shortage of university teachers
in the next few years. Maybe closed circuit
TV and computers can do the job (the in-
evitability of such measures was mentioned
during the hearings), but If we do short-
change the undergraduate and graduate stu-
dents In the universities we are not only go-
ing to hurt them, but we're going to hurt the
Nation too."
He said that the investigation had con-
firmed in the minds of the subcommittee
that the Federal research program is indis-
pensable, "but some nagging questions- pre-
sent themselves."
"Many research grants do take teachers off
teaching.
"The Federal research program has re-
sulted in a great imbalance between a few
favored universities with graduate depart-
ments and the other thousands of colleges
and universities in the United States.
"Teachers have lost caste s * ? and Fed-
eraI research grants have in part made it so.
"There is an observable imbalance between
the support of science on the one hand and
of the social sciences and the humanities on
the other."
REUSS has no ready solutions for these
problems, though he does say -We must make
up our minds whether we want the Federal
Government to support the humanities the
way it supports-science."
RECOMMENDATIONS COMING
The end product of the subcommittee in-
vestigation will probably be a report recom-
mending legislative and administrative
changes. The subcommittee is supposed to
deal with problems which transcend depart-
mental programs and committee lines of au-
thority. Specific action would appropriately
be left to the Committees with authorization
authority.
Examination of the conflict between Fed-
eral research programs and goals for higher
education was the first venture of the new
subcommittee, and the experience of wres-
tling with a formidable subject does not seem
to have daunted it. Next In prospect, al-
though not scheduled, is consideration of
problems in such areas as transportation
technology, sewage and waste disposal, and
building construction, which are important
to the public but have been the object of
relatively little federally financed research.
An effort would be made, says REUSS, without
batting aneye at the far-flung implications,
to look at the relative payoff of various Gov-
ernment research programs.-John Walsh.
Thirty Thousand Communities
Without Water
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN R. SCHMIDHAUSER
or IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. SCHMIDHAUSER. Mr. Speaker,
I would like to call to the attention of
the Members of the House of Represent-
atives an excellent discussion of the wa-
ter problem in rural America.
The article was written by Mr. Clyde
T. Ellis, general manager of the National
Rural Electric Cooperative Association.
It appeared in the July issue of Rural
Electrification:
THIRTY THOUSAND COMMUNITIES WITHOUT
WATER
(By Clyde T. Ellis)
The above is the title of a booklet recently
published by the Farmers Home Administra-
tion. I think the fact that the adjective
rural does not appear before the word com-
munities is significant. It would be super-
fluous. Even city folks would know at once
that the reference must be to rural com-
munities, for it would be inconceivable to
them in this age of "space walks" and "moon
shots" that an urban community in the
United States could be without a water-
supply system.
This statistic in the booklet's title drama-
tically underscores the wide gap between city
and rural life in much the same way as did
the statistic used in 1935 relating to the lack
of electric service in rural areas. It seems
to me that the statistic does something else
too. It virtually cries out for a massive, full-
scale program directed at eliminating the
disparity in water service.
According to FHA, all of the 30,000 com-
munities without water systems have less
than 2,500 population. About 15,000 are un-
der 100 population. Moreover, one out of
every four farm homes and one of every five
rural nonfarm homes do not have running
water. This figure cannot be interpreted to
mean that the 75 to 80 percent of rural
homes which have water necessarily have
a dependable and safe source. Many are
contaminated now. In many sections, cis-
terns, wells, and ponds often go dry and there
is frequently the possibility of contamina-
tion. As the water table keeps dropping, the
necessity of hauling water during periods of
sparse rainfall is becoming more widespread.
Nitrates from fertilizers, detergents, and
waste products pose a constant threat of
pollution to shallow wells which thousands
of people in rural areas still must rely on.
Cities, on the other hand, are able to dig
deep wells or buy equipment to purify other-
wise unsafe water. But little- towns and vil-
lages, and rural areas generally, usually do
not have sufficient financial credit to develop
adequate sources and treatment plants,
Rural American cannot attain its rightful
place within the Great Society-which Presi-
dent Johnson sets forth as a present-day
objective-until something major is done to
solve the water problem. There are hopeful
signs of progress in this direction. At
present, many bills are pending in Congress
which would provide increased amounts of
loans ad grants to rural areas.
One bill (S. 1766) which Senator GEORGE
Arxs:N, of Vermont, introduced in early April
Is concerned entirely with meeting the need
in rural areas. It would authorize $25 mil-
lion annually in grants of up to 40 percent
for rural communities of under 5,000 for the
purpose of development and improvement of
water systems. In addition, it would provide
for grants to help communities prepare plans.
The Farmers Home Administration would
administer the program, combining it with
,its on-going water system loans activities.
FHA's loan-insuring ceiling would be lifted
from $200 million to $450 million, making a
great deal more funds available for water
system loans.
Lack of adequate pure running water is
a big hindrance to rural areas development,
to the war on poverty, to the rural electrifi-
cation program, to wholesome rural living.
Lack of modern water service is also a
serious handicap to rural areas, not only in
their' efforts to attract new, job-creating
enterprises but also to provide recreation and
other facilities for their residents.
I am sure that you will be interested in
following the course of this legislation. Our
legislation and research staff will keep you
of the rural electric systems informed.
One aspect of Senator Alxzu''s bill which
seems extremely significant is that 93 of the
100 members of the Senate have signed it as
cosponsors. This certainly is an impressive
indication that the problem of rural water
supply is being recognized as one of deep
national concern.
While legislation can do much to help bring
water service to rural America, as legislation
helped to bring electricity, it alone cannot do
the job. It will take concentrated local
group action and leadership and know-how.
Many of our rural electrics are already fur-
nishing this type of assistance. Many- more,
I am sure, will want to lend their support to
continue the progress of rural America
toward modern living.
410- Sri.
The Vietna W(az/A Wit "Wes Scene
Amid Death, Terror
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD RUMSFELD
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, the
following report on the situation in Viet-
nam, the first of a series written by Mr.
Lloyd Wendt, editor of the Chicago's
American, will be of interest to the read-
ers of the RECORD. Mr. Wendt, a news-
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 July 12, 1 roved For I-llf=Bf11R>11700180003-7 A3689
papermar Of long experence and great ter about the bombings. The deadly attack
ability, is on a factfinding mission in on My Canh restaurant is fresh in their
Vietnam. His first-hand observations minds and there is no doubt there will be
more such attacks. A jovial major exclaims:
are of particular value in gaining up to "Nine more days and a wakeup and I go
date perspective on the situation in that home." The wakeup is his actual day of
strife-torn co ingytry: departure. He?"can't stop talking about it.
THE VIETNAM WAR: A WILD WEST SCENE The advisers are professionally optimistic.
ANjti.D_pEATH, TERROR But no one asserts that the war is going
(By Lloyd Wendt) well. 'Despite the step-up in the U.S. com-
mitment, there is no discernible improve-
SAIGON, SOUTH `gIETNAM.-This beleaguered ment. You gradually realize that this is
city is 12 hours away from Chicago 'as time because we're re-fighting the French and
flies, half the world awa geographically, and
about 200 years back as wars go. To get the Indian wars in Vietnam and it will take
some time before our modern know-how is
or some other good Indian war story from
America's colonial iiast.
That's the trouble with this war. There
are the good Indians and the bad Indians
and it's very hard telling which is which.
The bad Indians, called the Vietcong, have
come down from the north, recruited some
locals, and are everywhere.
'in this city a Vietcong"(Communist) who
looks like anybody else, may blow up the
place next door, or garrote you as you ride
in a pedicab. lie may lead his forces out of
the darkness to murder, with sadistic torture,
every man, woman, and child in a village a
few miles away. Then he fades into the
jungle or the mangrove swamp.
The Vietcong fights from ambush, hits and
runs, controls one-third of the population in
this country of 14 million by his terror. He
can't be made to stand and fight, except when
he chooses.
Professional U.S. fighting men grow grim
when they speak of the Vietcong. Our side,
the good Indians-the South Vietnamese, are
excellent fighting men, too. But you can't
fight the Vietcong when you can't find him.
When you come down at Tan Son Nhut
airport from Chicago, you know at once
there's a war on, and it isn't going too well.
This is the capital, yet from your plane
you can see the smoking wreck of an Air
Force ' C-123, shot down by Vietcong ground
fire to crash through three homes only 15
miles out, Sixteen dead. Two miles north
of the airport a. B-57 Canberra has just been
shot down.
At the airport are troops, sandbags, con-
crete revetments, planes armed with bombs,
and other ,planes returning from a strike,
their drag chute blossoming behind them as
they land.
A block from where you put Lip with the
troops, in what is humorously called a hotel,
they are setting up posts before it wall of
sandbags where tomorrow some Vietcong
terrorists will be shot. Not all of them get
away.
In the jungle, the swamps of the delta,
and on the central highlands, the war is
strictly from the American wild west.
Troops and posses hunt the raiders. Em-
boldened by the monsoons, which keep the
cloud cover heavy and the planes away,
the Vietcong increases his attack. He gets
fresh forces and supplies from the Commu-
nist North across more than 1,000 miles of
jungle border, and another 1,000 miles of
coastline. The jungle is so thick a plane
can crash into it and never touch ground'.
Here in Saigon, of course, there's a slight
variation on the wild west theme. It's more
like Kipling. A backdrop of the exotic east,
millions in the ' streets in this war-glutted
capital. Soldiers and barbed wire everywhere
as Air Vice Marshal Nguyen Cao Ky, new boss
of the Vietnam` Republic; tightens security.
The trim, pretty Vietnamese women in pa-
jama-like gowns are everywhere, conducting
the town's yast business, including the con-
struction of streets and buildings. The war-
boom is huge and thrilling, and'it's worth
your life to try to cross a street against
Renaults, motorbikes, and pedicabs.
At headquarters, where the increasing
thousands of American advisers plan new
techniques to, aid our" Viet allies, men mut-
adapted to the ancient problem.
Yet, things may not be as bad as they
first seem. An Air Force (SAC) strike first
called a bust turns out to be at least a
minor success. In a battle not far from
the capital, at Dinh Tuong, a Communist
defector enabled our side to ambush the
bad guys. We killed 30 and captured 29,
including the entire politburo [high com-
mand] of the province.
And the Air Force finally got through to
deliver 16 strikes, despite the weather, to aid
our entrapped force in at Tou Mourong.
Maybe that force, written off as lost, can still
be saved.
The capital is by turns glum and optimis-
tic. At night you can hear the sounds of
howitzers and mortars only 15 miles away.
Still, the Vietcong have been 15 miles away
many times. There are no lines, no fixed
positions, and no assault in force can pos-
sibly come to Saigon.
All the bad Indians can do is hit and run
keep up the war of fear, slip in men and
supplies from the north as attrition sets
in, and hope the United States gets dis-
couraged and tired.
If the United States gets too discouraged
and tired and withholds its support, that
will be the end for Saigon and South Viet-
nam. But nobody In his senses around here
thinks that could happen. So, Saigon grim-
ly carries on'the fight, and also-does business
as usual, only five times as much.
Professors Were To Blame for Berkeley
Mess
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA "
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, Judy 1 2, 1965
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, a great
deal has been printed and discussed
about the situation at the University of
California, known as the Berkeley mess.
Recently Dr. Rafferty, State superin-
tendent of public instruction in Califor-
nia, who is also a member of the board
of regents of the University of Califor-
nia, made a talk before the Common-
wealth Club of California. Flashes from
that address of June 25, as published in
the Commonwealth of July 5, follow:
"PROFESSORS WERE To BLAME FOR BERKELEY
MESS-REAL FIGHT IS OVER UC CONTROL"-
DR. RA-FFERTY
(From Address by Hon. Max Rafferty)
In a book I wrote a few years ago, I listed
the following almost certain outcomes of the
kind of life-adjustment, progressive educa-
tion we were conducting in practically all
California schools:
1. Violence: When an educational philos-
ophy is almost completely permissive-lets
a child express himself at any cost, holds we
must avoid frustrating or inhibiting the child
in any way, then the result is indiscipline,
discourtesy, and doing what comes naturally;
this means violence, for a human animal is
a violent one.
2. Immortality and obscenity: When we
educators began replacing "Evangeline" and
"Silas Marner" with "Catcher in the Rye" and
James Baldwin's latest, we were just asking
for what we have since gotten.
Some English teachers, fascinated with
so-called "avant garde" literature, assigned it
indiscriminately to children, and sowed a
whirlwind of literary filth which has since
grown into wholesale obscenity on the part
of too many young people. Once you agree
that there are no positive standards, no eter-
nal truths, no lasting values in life or in
education-then anything goes.
CHILDREN MUST BE CIVILIZED
3. Decline of personal morale: It was the
new behavioristic. psychology which warned
educators and parents against any interfer-
ence whatsoever with the divine right of the
child to express himself--even if this self-
expression turned out to be at the expense
of those around him and at the cost of school
discipline generally. The outcome was pre-
dictable: the beards, the sandals; the long,
lank hair; the general aura of unwashed
disinhibition.
Education exists to take kids who are nat-
urally disposed to nature in the' raw, and
show them finer things in life to aspire to.
When you permitted an educatioanl philos-
ophy to take over in this State which holds
that the words "the good, the beautiful, the
true," are all meaningless-that everything
in life is relative-why, you were just asking
for what; you got. And you certainly got it,
did not you?
4. Contempt, for law, and. the democratic
process: This country has just as large a per-
centage of decent, law-abiding youngsters as
it ever had. But the minority, who always
got into trouble in the past, are getting into
worse trouble now.
"EASY WAY OUT,". PREVAILING DOCTRINE
Why? The doctrine of "permissiveness"-
another name for,the "easy way out"-took
over both the homes and the schools two
decades ago, and produced the least re-
pressed and worst behaved generation this
country has ever seen.
For months now the entire country has
been gazing unbelievably at Berkeley. In
the sacred name of free speech, police cars
have been bashed in and campus police held
prisoners.
The university president resigned, and
then un-resigned. So did the chancellor.
The board of regents, charged with determin-
ing university policy, became so palsied at
'the mere possibility of bruising some beat-
nik's constitutional rights that for months it
was afraid even to bring the matter to a vote.
The people of California are outraged. ' No
other word fits. Almost every letter I get
these days winds up with: What's causing
this Berkeley mess?
College kids have always raised Ned. But
they have always been punished too-until
now. Now they get away with everything
from kidnapping to outraging public
decency, and nothing happens to them.
PROFESSORS BLAMED
Why? Not due to the administration or
the regents. But because of the professors.
They're responsible in two ways-directly
and indirectly.
Too many of them openly or tacitly en-
dorse disorderly, or even criminal conduct by
their students. We got nothing but ob-
struction from those professors who con-
trolled the different faculty senates and com-
mittees.
The professors fouled things up indirectly
because the administration and some regents
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were afraid some professors would quit.
Many of the regents are appalled at the
prospect that several of their more prestigi-
ous professorsmay resign out of sympathy
for the poor downtrodden filthy speech
boys, deprived of their sacred right to bellow
obscenities over the campus public address
system.
PROFESSORS WON'T GO
Not me. I'm the only regent except Dr.
Kerr who is a professional educator-I know
my own kind. And I know we leave a teach-
ing job voluntarily only when, offered a bet-
ter job elsewhere. We leave it to better our-
selves--not to show sympathy for some loud-
mouthed showoffs who are doing their best
to disrupt the scholarly pursuits of a great
university.
For every professor who will quit if we
apply discipline at Berkeley, two will quit if
we don't.
`Why,! you ask, "should intelligent,
scholarly professors act in such strange
ways." Well, one thing they're trying to
achieve is control of the university by the
faculty, instead of by the people. They're
seemingly enamoured of the European way
of running a university. Over there, you
know, the professors are the university. They
make the rules. They establish policy. They
hire and fire each other. Here, we Americans
have long held the somewhat quaint idea that
a people's university ought to be run by the
people, not by stray groups of employees or
students.
WHO'S GOING TO RUN UNIVERsrry?
The real fight at Berkeley is over who's
going to run the store. Are the people, who
spend hundreds of millions to subsidize and
support the university, going to turn the
institution over to the inmates?
Here's my recipe: (1) Put all discipline in
the chancellor's hands and out of the faculty
committees. (2) Tell the chancellor to do
whatever is necessary and let him do it. (3
If the chancellor can't or won't do it, fire him
and get one who will. (4) If any students
or professors don't like It, remind them that
they can easily go elsewhere.
REAL STUDENTS HAVE REAL GRIEVANCE
After law and order have been reestab-
lished, the job has just begun. There is a
very real if somewhat incoherent grievance
on the part of the sincere and sober students
with which all of us should concern
ourselves.
This Is a loss of identity, erosion of self-
respect, increasing inability to identify as an
individual with a "multiversity" numbering
almost 28,000 souls. It's a kind of creeping
facelessness.
One Berkeley undergraduate wrote me re-
cently: "I sit in a lecture class with 600 other
students and I'm No. 327. The professor's
lectures are piped in electronically. I never
see him. The tests are collected automati-
cally, corrected automatically, handed back
automatically. I engage in group activities,
group health services and group recreation.
I came to the university to find myself-to
learn how to become a person. Instead, I've
become a number."
We're all to blame. We've let the univer-
sity become a factory. We've been too will-
ing to let George do it.
Always and forever, we who cherish the
proud title of Californians will keep a spe-
cial place in our hearts for the Berkeley
campus. To us, she and she alone will al-
ways be "Cal." She belongs, thank God, to
us all. Too great to be defiled by fools. Too
wondrous ever to be turned over by default
to any others save ourselves alone.
ANSWERS TO WRITTEN QUESTIONS FROM FLOOR
Question. (C. K. Gamble) : Too many egg-
heads on Berkeley's teaching staff? Answer.
Most professors are eggheads in some ways.
But I'm more concerned with lack of balance
in certain fields, particularly economics, po-
Iitioal science, and to some extent history.
Question. (Wilson E. Cline) : Character of
Berkeley different from other U.C. campuses?
Answer. Yes; no other campus like it. Low-
cost housing adjacent where many nonstu-
dents and hangers-on live; at other campuses
it's 15 miles away-makes it difficult to
mount spontaneous demonstrations after
driving 15 miles and thinking about it.
Question. (Richard Johnston) : Student
unrest justified? Answer. For. vast major-
ity---yes. They've lost touch and can't call
it "alma mater" now. It was easy to identify
with Berkeley years ago. This is important-
look back to your own college days; aren't
the things you remember the ways in which
you identified with your university? But
the rioters had no grievance. They were put
there. The brochure they published on the
regents was a slick job-very clever-done
professionally, not the work of students, nor
financed by students.
Question. (John A. Rowe, Jr.) : Should
students use campus as soundingboard?
Answer. Yes, but there should be both sides
by men of equal glamour-not Gus Hall,
brought in with trumpets, and answered, 5
months later, by a kindly, if doddering, local
professor.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES B. UTT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, under unani-
mous consent to extend my remarks in
the Appendix of the RECORD, I wish to
include an address by Mr. Robert R.
Gros, vice president, public relations,
Pacific Gas & Electric Co., San Fran-
cisco, Calif. This address was given be-
fore the Advertising Association of the
West in Honolulu, Hawaii, and was en-
titled "The Fifth Freedom." Mr. Gros
points up the importance of the incen-
tive system which has produced the
abundant life in America, and compares
it with the Socialist Systems operating
in other countries.
He gives ample warning against the
creating of a welfare state, which would
reduce us to a country of mediocrity. He
states that we must fight the concentra-
tion of power in Washington, or in any
State capitol, and that we must hold
taxation within reason. He states that
excessive taxation erodes freedom. I
highly recommend the implementation
of his recommendations:
One of the best things that I can say to
you fellow advertising people today is that
even the Russians finally have decided it
pays to advertise. As you probably have read,
on May 4 Pravda printed an article which
said, among its otherwise doctrinaire ver-
biage, that advertising brings "higher turn-
over, faster selling, and other economic
benefits." Pravda astonishingly went on to
say: "The famous expression 'advertising is
the motor of trade' no doubt has sense."
That expression does have a great deal of
sense because you and I long have known
that advertising functions as the yeast of
American business. And it is American busi-
ness and American productivity that under-
pin the good life in this country.
What's been happening to this good life
of ours? Or, put another way, is our good
life in jeopardy of being taxed and welfared
to death?
When I walked into this room today, it
occurred to me that the gratifying attend-
ance at this luncheon quite possibly might
come from a rumor among the Waikiki out-
rigger set that I was going to reveal the
low-down on the new income tax revisions
or that I had some hot poop on the Federal
budget.
Recently we've had some tax cuts, thank
heavens. However, the 1966 Federal budget
stands at about $100 billion-no small figure
in even the space age. Necessarily that
budget provides more money just to service
the national debt's interest than the entire
Federal budget amounted to as recently as
1940. Clearly there has been no decrease in
the Government's spending-just more reve-
nue produced by our prosperous economy.
I can't begin to comprehend a budget of
nearly $100 billion. In the first place, the
Federal budget's very language is a tongue
foreign to my business-trained ears-it is
characteristic Federalese, replete with double
talk and, in parts, I suspect, with the purpose
of confusing rather than convincing. Nor
can I really comprehend the astronomical
figure of 100 billion anything. I do know,
though, that there have not been nearly 100
billion seconds since the birth of Christ. To
spend $100 billion you would have to get
rid of a mililon dollars a week for more
than 19 centuries.
So long as I'm free to speak my mind, my
conscience forces me to cry out in protest
when our Government plunges even further
into the Grand Canyon of debt to provide
so many things we Americans don't need,
don't want, and can't afford. I'm sure you'll
agree that we're being taxed today for many
projects we'd be better off without. In other
words, we're geting more government than
we need. It would be good if we actually got
all the government we pay for.
But big government isn't about to remove
its fingers from my pocket or your billfold.
A huge, impersonal tax machine doesn't
have much regard for the dignity of the dol-
lar you and I earn. It's not much consolation
to see a sign, such as the one displayed in a
New York bank, that reads: "Remember, part
of all you earn belongs to you."
The fact is that America has become the
House Beautiful, with wall-to-wall taxa-
tion. And unless we take positive action now
we could well lose our mansion of freedom.
Now let me assure you that I'm neither a
pessimist nor a cynic. To the contrary, I'm
the kind of optimist without whom the poor
old pessimist wouldn't know how happy he
isn't. America Is still the greatest nation
ever to exist on this planet-but we didn't
get that way through phony economics or
through the big spending bureaucrats in
Washington.
Our United States was not built by govern-
ment ukase. It was built by the energies of
a self-reliant people who did things for them-
selves and through cooperation with each
other. It was built by a people who pushed
across the western plains in wagon trains,
who created homes in the wilderness through
log-rolling bees, who reclaimed and lands by
their own efforts-whose missionaries sailed
to these beautiful islands, bringing civiliza-
tion with all its boons and problems. I ad-
mire them the more if the Old saying is true
that they "came to do good and stayed and
did well"-for they obviously did both. Yes,
our forebears were men and women who con-
stantly demonstrated their capacity to fend
for themselves. And they worked for honor-
able profit. This Is the American way-this
is the way of freemen.
As a natural consequence of our heritage,
plus the harsh facts of today's cold war, to
most Americans the concept of freedom
means political and religious liberty. The
inalienable rights of "life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness" were declared as God-
endowed by the free and farseeing statesmen
who founded our Republic. Soon after, they
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f either of these were adopted as an
axrendmgnto, file Constitution, it would be
provided that one house of a State legisla
turP~R3ud be afrortioned on a basis "other
tl{iri population provided that the voters of
the Mate approve of such an arrangement by
rN'en
This proposal is one of several approaches
designed for the purpose of attempting to
rev,r?se the dictate of the Constitution as
presently written and as first ruled upon in
concrete situatiorra by the Supreme Court in
the cAse of aicer v. Carr in f962 and in'
other eases since' that time. In these and
other cases it was held in substance that
one person's vote should 'have the same
weight as another person's vote without re-
gard to an individual's station in life,
whether rich or poor, man or woman, highly
educated, or, poorly educated, without regard
to religious belief, to political belief, to race
or color or national origin, and without re-
gard to the section of a State in which he
happens to reside. It is precisely the struggle
for, the foregoing objective that consumes
many chapters of the history of representa-
tive government. Time and time again de-
vices have been forced or foisted upon the
people having the effect of producing govern-
mental coercive authority, on the basis of
some, consideration "other than population,"
devices for the objective of either disallowing
any vote at all or for the purpose of reduc-
ing some individual's vote to a minute frac-
tion of another individual's vote. It is with
reluctance that the melancholy fact must be
recognized that such propositions are still
seriously argued in approaches such as that
contained in the Dirksen proposal.
The Dirksen proposal only pretends to pro-
vide for apportionment in one house on some
tion shall have more representation than an-
other similar sector of the population; it in
fact provides that because of differences in
people, whatever those differences may turn
out to be, one persons' vote shall be counted
as much more important than another per-
son's vote. The distinction may be based
on place of residence, so that an individual
is given much greater representation because
his home is surrounded by several acres of
forest or farmland. The distinction may be
based.on artificial boundaries, such as those
marking off a town, city, or county, so that
an individual is given much more representa-
tion because he happens to reside within such
boundaries. Whatever the reason or justifi-
cation, or excuse, there is no escape from the
fact that"the scheme provides for more vot-
ing weight for one class of persons than for
another class of persons, all of whom make
up the population.
There seems to be no doubt that the pur-
pose of the Dirksen proposal is to provide
greater representation for the so-called rural
inhabitant and smaller representation for the
so-called urban inhabitant; and by pro-
viding that such disproportionate voting
strength shall come into existence only by
approval` of all the voters in a referendum,
a bow is made to the concept of "one man,
one vote." In other words, the creation of
a. body of the legislature on the basis of
10 votes for 1 person and one-tenth of
a vote for, another person should be all right
and acceptable if such an arrangement is
adopted on the basis of "one man, one vote."
The Dirksen proposal tells the American
people that they should vote away a large
part of their voting rights. In terms of the
procedure set up by the Dirksen proposal,
it is ,exact y the same as if the amendment
provided that 'freedom of speech, shall be
abridged if a majority of the voters in -a
State so provide, or that freedom of wor-
ship, or4freedom of assembly, or freedom to
petition for redress of grievances, or any one
of them, shall be abridged or limited or re-
duced if not eliminated in any State in which
a majority of the 'voters so determine in a
single election. Such a principle opens up
a route by which `all individual rights can
be tampered with, and it should be rejected
for that reason alone.
But, finally, the so-called rural elements
should look more deeply at the threat to
their own rights which is imbedded in the
Dirksen proposal. By allowing representa-
tion in one house on a basis "other than
population," a large Pandora's box is opened
because no limitation is placed on what the
other basis or bases shall be. In an attempt
to increase power, such standards ' as per
capita income could be' used, or amount'of
taxes paid to the State` per capita, or amount
of wealth owned or' controlled, or amount
of formal education attained on the average
by each citizen. Every one of these stand-
ards would tall under' the category of a
basis "other than population," resulting in
one class of of citizens having more voting
strength than another 'class. Everyone of
them ? has existed or been proposed in the
past as a standard for disproportionate vot-
ing strength. And every one of them would
today favor the so-called urban voter and re-
duce the representation of the so-called rural
voter. In the matter of political power, such
temptations should not be dangled before
the urban population. Under a banner of
favor to them, rural voters should not` be
deceived into supporting a method by which
their own future voting equality is placed
in jeopardy, for a constitutional amend-
ment looks not only. to today but also to
the far future, and there is no certainty'that
future urban political force's shall be always
self-restraining.
`
ften
Today's urban dweller is more o than
not the son or daughter or grandson or
gether that there 1s very little substance to
the rural-urban conflict so-called; but these
filial ties will weaken as time passes, ' leav-
ing rational standards as the principal lim-
itation on the struggle for political power.
Whatever the other differences between in-
dividuals, the principle that each person
is the same in the voting booth is one which
enhances the dignity and solemnity of each
Individual and is most likely`to produce the
feeling of stability that breeds confidence
in American institutions:, Therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Prince Georges Demo-
cratic Forum strongly opposes not only the
specific provisions contained in the Dirksen
proposal but also any other proposals em-
bodying the philosophy that one citizen's
vote in any State is to be counted either
as more or less important than another's,
no matter what the justification expressed
for such discrimination; and be it further
Resolved, That copies of this resolution be
sent to such State and Federal elected offi-
cials as determined by the board of directors
of the Prince Georges Democratic Forum.
Reds Rouktd--iron1' Vietnam Ri
HON. DONALD RUMSFELD
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. RUMSFELD. Mr. Speaker, the
editor of the Chicago American, Mr.
Lloyd Wendt, who is in Vietnam on a
factflnding mission, reports in the third
of his series of articles on an important
Victory of the South Vietnamese against
the Vietcong and the efforts to recon-
A3685
struct and rehabilitate the area involved.
Of particular interest are are Mr. Wendt's
observations' on the relations between
the Americans in Vietnam and the peo-
ple of that country:
REDS ROOTED FROM VIETNAM RICE BOWL
(By Lloyd Wendt)
GO CONG, So7TB VIETNAM -We are deep
in the delta rice bowl, where cleanup opera-
tions against the Vietcong have yielded 255
Vietcong killed, according to reports. Our
sector, Go Cong Province, the smallest in
Vietnam, is quiet now.
.Col. Roy Preston, of Miami, Okla., com-
mandingthe advisers here, and his. assistant
Maj. Earl Scales, of Baraboo, Wis., already are
busy with their pacification and reconstruc-
tion chores.
Go Cong, on the Mytho River, appears in a
jubilant mood as the news comes through of
government victories. Just a few days ago
the South Vietnamese troops ambushed the
Vietcong in nearby Mytho Province and cap-
tured Muot Ha, the Vietcong province chief
and his entire politburo.. It is hailed as one
of the most impressive of government victo-
ries and has been followed by the cleanup
today.
There Will still be some Vietcong in this
area, they once controlled about 30 percent
of the villages and hamlets. But the tide
of war in this area Is running against. them,
and this is where the rice comes from.
"Now our own local guerrillas can be more
active," said Capt. Anthony Harring, of Cairo,
N.Y., an aide to Preston. "Where the Viet-
cong had control they heavily taxed the
farmers.. Those. who have been freed are
glad to have their freedom. They'll fight
to keep it."
In this area the Vietcong had maintained
control by raiding villages for hostages, by
recruiting some of the young men, and by
the continued aid from former Viet Minh,
men who fought the French and who object
to any form of central government.
The disorganization in the area is a heri-
tage of the French regime. Few were edu-
cated, there was little local self government,
and in the past resistance to injustices was
left to the Viet Minh, or Communists, trained
by leaders from the north.
Now the Americans are trying to change
things, setting up schools, aiding in village
reorganization, and bringing in technicians
to aid with the rice problems. The area is
an a salt dome and the salt water regularly
comes up to attack the crop.
Consequently, Da Cong province raises only
one rice crop a year. The salt can be de-
feated, it is believed, by the creation of fresh
water reservoirs.
The acceptance of the new American pro-
gram is obvious. The people clearly want
to be friends. They are taking advantage of
the hamlet reorganization program. And
the "Chieu hid" program, the government's
plan for welcoming converted Vietcong back
into village life, seems to be working. There
now are 45 Vietcong men and 18 women in
the district jail, getting reorientation train-
ing. All will be put to work on reconstruc-
tion projects, and ultimately they'll get their
freedom.
"They are well treated," said Preston.
"This makes sense. When word gets out
that the Vietcong who gives up is treated well
there'll be an increase in conversions. We
won't have to kill 'em or drive 'em out to
win."
The provincial chief, Lt. Col. Nguyen Viet
Thanh, was not about to exhibit his Vietcong
prizes, however. Thanh was too occupied
to take visitors to the jail. So Preston's
word for it that prisoners are not mistreated
was accepted.
Preston is proud that in Go Cong Province
there was an election, democratic style, May
31. "There were nine candidates for six
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y 12, 1965
provincial council offices," he said. "Consid-
ering that the Vietcong tries to kill elected
officers, this is pretty good. There was an
89-percent turnout of the registered voters.
Try to match that In one of the United
States.' ,
We were invited to a hamlet reorganiza-
tion meeting hi the home of the chief of
Long Ong, population 318. The meeting was
attended by the chief and his advisers,
Preston and his aids, Gail Friemark, the
American district rehabilitation adviser, 39
chattering children, and one black duck,
which marched solemnly about the room
throughout the proceedings.
It was the task of the village officials to
prove that Long Ong had met six conditions
of rehabilitation. As it turned out, the ham-
let had held an election, it had purged itself
of the Vietcong, It had a flourishing yellow
Buddhist pagoda, and it otherwise qualified.
The village officials, in their western busi-
ness garb, were pleased to learn that Long
Ong would henceforth be recognized as loyal
to the government. When the meeting con-
cluded each picked up his gun, the armed
guards outside dispersed, and the women
came out of the kitchen to resume their
household chores.
"These people want democracy once they've
learned how to get it," said Preston. "We
have excellent relations with the local popu-
lation. This province will ultimately be com-
pletely restored to the government."
Preston certainly proved that Americans
are welcome here. The big, sandy haired
Oklahoman towers above the Vietnamese as
he goes about the village and the Province
with minimum protection. He'd make' an
easy target for the Vietcong. "It's perfectly
safe," he insisted. "Naturally, we are careful,
and we don't go about at night."
Those are the chores the soldiers have
when the fighting stops. If a single day's
demonstration of their work is an adequate
criteria, the Americans here'are doing OK.
Poverty War Saps American Spirit
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ROBERT McCLORY
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. McCLORY. Mr. Speaker, the
various ramifications of the so-called war
on poverty have brought to light waste,
Democratic partisan activity, misman-
agement, and disregard of State and local
prerogatives. Recently, my friend, Wil-
liam H. Rentschler of Illinois, who was
a Republican candidate for the U.S. Sen-
ate in the April 1960, primary, reported
on a startling activity in the war on
poverty which should shock every Mem-
ber of this House.
I commend this article to my col-
leagues in the House and to the Amer-
ican public:
POVERTY WAR SAPS AMERICAN SPIRIT
(By William H. Rentschler)
.[ was jolted by a phone call the other day.
It came out of the blue from a Princeton
University lad who told me he was lining
up summer jobs for college students, and
asked if the .company which I head could
find a place for a student or two.
I told him I thought he was a little late-
well into July-to be talking about summer-
time employment.
"Oh," he said brightly, "I'm talking about
next summer."
That really floored me.
I said I couldn't possibly tell what our
needs would be a year from now and sug-
gested that he get back in touch with me in
April or May of 1966.
Then I asked, "Are you looking for a job
for yourself next summer?"
"No, sir," came the reply. "I'm trying to
find job opportunities for other students."
My next question was, "Well, why can't
they get in touch with me direct?"
"I suppose they could, but that isn't the
way this program works, he replied.
"What program?" I inquired, by now a lit-
tle baffled. "Are these students hiring you
to find summer jobs for them?"
"Oh, no, sir, this is part of the, uh, part
of the poverty program, you know, the pov-
erty program the Government is running."
When I regained consciousness, I had just
enough strength left to ask still another
question: "Do you mean to tell me that the
poverty corps is sending you around now
to find jobs for college students next
summer?"
"Yes, sir."
All I could do was splutter. "Incredible.
Do you get paid for this mission?"
"Oh, sure, and it's really helping me out
this summer," the young man said earnestly.
"I can use the money."
Perhaps I lack understanding. I may well
be dumb, unsympathetic, and hardhearted.
Maybe my arteries and attitudes are getting
brittle.
But I can't for the life of me see any pos-
sible justification for this sort of activity in-
of all things-the poverty program, or, for
that matter, In any other Federal appendage.
Back 15 or so years, I myself was a Prince-
ton undergraduate. Despite the contrary
opinion of my children, that really wasn't
the "Dark Ages." Students were just as hard-
up then as they are now. -
But if they needed jobs, they went out
and knocked on doors and made their own
phone calls and sold themselves without
sending around in their behalf gray flannel
envoys and/or budding undergraduate bu-
reaucrats at taxpayer expense.
Poverty czar Sargent Shriver really ought
to be ashamed of himself.
I freely admit that my impression of the
whole "poverty" effort from the very begin-
ning has been skeptical at best and down-
right negative at worst.
Demagogs and shrewd politicians down
through the ages have scaled the heights by
pledging to wipe out poverty and create an
idyllic, unscarred land of milk and honey.
But history shows that Government-guided
poverty programs invariably fail to do the
noble job and just as invariably add scads
of bureaucrats and precinct captains to the
public payroll.
This Nation has come closest to eradicat-
ing true poverty-not through an endlessly
inventive sheaf of Government programs-
but rather because the unique American free
enterprise economy has brought more people
more material well-being than any system
yet devised by man.
The Johnson -Shriver "attack" on poverty
differs little from all the rest, except perhaps
that it is more wide-ranging, more ingenious,
and embellished more by massive modern-
day public relations technique. It is some-
thing of a political grab bag, a fountain of
cascading dollars over which Democratic
politicians are already scrapping and snarl-
ing. Stripped bare of its glitter, it is a pro-
gram calculated to elect and then perpetuate
incumbent administrations and politicos,
and only secondarily will it get at the tough,
demanding job of really reducing the rolls of
the poor.
It is both cynical and unfair to make lavish
promises and lift the hopes of the genuinely
needy while Ivy Leaguers and other leaguers
are paid to ferret out next summer's jobs for
presumably able-bodied, even if not filthy
rich, college students.
In one of John Steinbeck's books, a tired
old man who long ago led a wagon train west-
ward across the American plains and moun-
tfa.insto the Pacific offers this doleful lament:
"Westering has died out of the people.
Westering isn't a hunger any more. It's all
done. * * * It is finished."
Perhaps the spirit that shaped America
is "all done * * * finished."
I hope and pray and believe in my heart
it is not.
But if a trace of the old daring remains,
the poverty program and others akin to it,
by damping the inborn initiative of pliable,
impressionable young people, is surely stifling
the spirit and character which made Amer-
ica great in its "wagon train" era and which
must prevail to make it greater in this "age
of astronauts and automation."
To nurture what remains of that flickering
spirit, we must challenge and stir and uplift
our youth. We must inspire them to dream.
We must hold out the promise of oppor-
tunity-not security. We must instill the
hunger to serve mankind-not be served.
We must demand the best they can give-
and not readily accept less.
Through the Peace Corps, Sargent Shriver
rekindled for one brief shining moment the
rare, irresistible spirit of a younger Amer-
ica. But now he has lost it. What con-
fronts us this day is no job for bureaucrats
or planners, for Federal moguls or Federal
agencies.
It is plainly a task and stubborn challenge
for each individual American.
Research Subcommittee Has Made a
"Solid Contribution" to Evaluating the
Impact of Federal Research Grants on
Higher Education, Science Magazine
Says
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HENRY S. REUSS
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, July 12, 1965
Mr. REUSS. Mr. Speaker, in its July
2 issue, the magazine Science, published
a comprehensive article on the investiga-
tion by the Subcommittee on Research
and Technical Programs of the impact of
Federal research grants on our colleges
and universities.
The author of the article, John Walsh,
comments that:
The subcommittee has made a solid con-
tribution by giving serious attention to a
number of interrelated questions which have
been vexing people in higher education since
the rise of big science. And the record of
the investigation will be a useful one not
least because the net was cast wider in the
academic community than usual.
The article goes on to provide a concise
account of some of the most important
statements and findings in the subcom-
mittee's investigation.
Because I believe this matter will be of
interest to many Members and particu-
larly to institutions of higher education
in their home areas, I include the full
text of the article:
SUBCOMMITTEE SURVEYS EFFECTS OF FEDERALLY
SUPPORTED RESEARCH ON HIGHER EDUCA-
TION
The question of the extent to which Fed-
eral support of research has harmed as well
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 July 12, 19 oproved For R G DC 14AL D7-BOQP M"Qr0300180003-7
ute the fact that there is of necessity a basic
discretion vested in the police officer in deal-
ing with this kind of situation. Afterward,,
no one can fairly judge whether the pounds
of pressure exerted by his fist or by his billy
were scientifically calculated to be the least
amount of physio'al force needed to subdue
wait for someone else to can. Initiate the
discussion yourself.
What else do you do to achieve equal law
enforcement? Here is a checklist of specific
measures designed to achieve equal law en-
forcement and more effective law enforce-,
ment:
this person. And also in dealing with violent. 1. Keep police-community eommunica-
crime, the Police officer who knows that his tions open.
own life is in jeopardy has legal discretion
to take any reasonable means to protect it.
And in such measures he deserves the sup-
port of the community which he serves.
But there are some situations which aren't
in these categories. If the police have a pri-
soner. with his-arms handcuffed behind him
and four officers on the scene, it ought to be
possible to bring him into a precinct station
intact. Furthermore, I have often tried to
figure out exactly how you would go about
it if you were deliberately undertaking to
develop a 4-ipch cut on the top of the head
by "falling on the precinct steps." But in
the early months of my administration as
Police Commissioner, I saw some reports
which literally described this somewhat fan-
tastic feat as having been accomplished by
a shackled prisoner.
This doesn't mean that every error made
by a police officer is fatal or requires dis-
charge. He deals with difficult and com-
plicated problems. But if he deserves cor-
rection, he should have it, as in any other
walk of life. As a matter of fact, any situa-
tion where the truth is allowed to be covered
up by official reports is productive of the
greatest amount of hostility toward and dis-
regard for law. This is a major source of
problems in the area in which we are speak-
ing.
Direct Investigation of Important civilian
complaints by the civilian head of the police
is essential..'. The .community relations bu-
reau or complaint bureau should be manned
by permanently assigned officers chosen for
intelligence and courage enough to face hos-
tilityinside and outside of the department.
Their reports should go directly to the civi-
lian heads or heads of the department.
'Secondly, the administration of the de-
partment should make it known that it will
not tolerate the institution which, is best
known in police circles as "alley court." Our
law never has allowed for alley courts. The
Constitution does not allow for them. But it
has been an institution. There are police
officers who are sincerely convinced that un-
less they are allowed to bolster their author-
ity in the street by administering punish-
ment by fist or billy when they feel it is
necessary, they cannot maintain peace and
order.
The law prohibits this. Our total society
prohibits this... Punishment is not the
function of the police. It is the function
of the courts. The function. of the police
is to detect and apprehend and to bring
into court for punishment. "Alley court"
is ordinarily used against a minority group.
If it is used, It inflames the attitude of that
group-in this case the Negro population.
It produces the cries of "police brutality."
And it deprives the police department of
the most important ally that it can have-
the support of the law-abiding populace
residing in the core areas of the city for
the police department's war, against crime.
There are relatively few police officers who
believe in "alley court." They cannot be
allowed to perpetuate an utterly indefensi-
ble institution.
Thirdly, the administration of the police
department should open and maintain
means of communication between the police
department and all sections ..of the com-
munity it serves. Particularly in this dec-
ade, this must be done with the, Negro
community and its leaders. _Be available
to meet with them to exchange information
and to try earnestly to resolve problems.
If you are conscious of a problem, don't
2. Provide for direct staff investigation of
civilian complaints and final decision on
them by the highest civilian authority in the
police department.
3. End "alley court."
4. Identify police troublemakers on the
force and transfer them to noncritical jobs.
5. Ban "trigger words" in police action.
6. Enforce politeness in the giving of traf-
fic tickets.
7. End investigative arrests.
8. Increase law enforcement in high crime
precincts.
9. Drive out organized crime-and pay par-
ticular attention, to its manifestations in the
core areas.
10. Actively seek cooperation of all citizens
for law enforcement-particularly in high
crime areas.
11. Make certain that equal opportunity
exists for all in police department-recruit-
ment, assignments and promotions,
12. Ban the use of police dogs in core area
police work. A dog companion for a single
patrolman on a lonely beat may be useful.
That same dog at a racial demonstration is
a symbol of race hatred.
13. Integrate police teams-particularly
make certain of the integration of details
employed at racial demonstrations and the
careful selection and integration of "ready
forces" employed to respond to street con-
flicts.
14. Seek more police officers.
15. Seek better training for police officers.
16. Seek better pay for police officers.
I make no suggestion that any, of these
items are ones which can be the subject of
a simple order and then be forgotten about.
Least of all do I suggest that by listing these
items I would necessarily claim that any
police department had completely accom-
plished them. I do suggest that if they are
sincerely held objectives, if they are ten-
aciously sought, then significant progress can
be made.
These are policies of the Police Department
of the city of Detroit, as I have reviewed
them recently with the present Police Com-
missioner. They have been since the begin-
ning of Mayor Cavanagh's administration.
While the inauguration of these policies
brought many predictions of dire results
from prophets of doom inside and outside
the police department, the results have been
quite different. During Mayor Cavanagh's
administration Detroit has done significantly
better than the national FBI crime trend
index.
By what I have said it must be obvious
that I believe wholeheartedly in civilian con-
trol of police forces. There are many pro-
posals for achievement of this, including
civilian review boards. The best mechanism
in my view, by far, Is that of a civilian police
administration-dedicated to vigorous, effec-
tive, fair and equal law enforcement-which
has both responsibility for law enforcement
and control of police practice.
The great majority of police officers, I be-
lieve, want no part of any abusive practices.
They want and will support higher standards
of training, of pay, and of performance in
their profession.
Federal assistance in relation to some of
these local police needs should be sought-
particularly, I believe, in relation to, police
training, Recently in Washington I pro-
posed the founding of a National Police
Training College, organized, staffed, and
financed at a level to make it comparable in
police work to a West Point or an Annapolis.
15871
Such an institution could do more to en-
hance the level of local law enforcement
than any other single program I can think
of.
And now, finally, a word about a slogan
which seems to me to be tremendously im-
portant. I would like to see more public
concern about police work-not less. I
would like to see citizens feel that they .have
a tremendous stake in how their police de-
partment operates and feel a duty to support
it in the proper discharge of its duties. I
would like to see them willing to "get in-
volved."
What about the woman murdered in
Queens last year within sight or hearing of
38 people-not one of whom called the
police? They didn't want to get involved.
What about the police officer engaged in
a desperate struggle to prevent a would-be
suicide from throwing himself off an express-
way bridge recently in Detroit? When the
officer asked for help in trying to lift the
man to safety, one citizen gave it. Others
passed by, not wanting to be involved.
What commentaries these are on our civi-
lization.
The effort to involve citizen support for
law enforcement is basic in a democratic
society. Without it the police effort can
degenerate into an occupation army atti-
tude. With citizen support the police are
the community's right arm in fighting the
evils which make city living difficult.
Let me quote briefly from a speech I made
to a national police-community relations
conference in 1963:
"In precinct 10, our most difficult precinct,
we had a community relations meeting just
a month ago that was supposed to be a regu-
lar quarterly meeting, but it wasn't a very
ordinary affair. There were 450 citizens (90
percent of them Negro) seated in the police
garage-the only place we had that was big
enough to accommodate them. They were
seated on hard folding chairs, and they
stayed there for 3 hours to talk in detail
with the precinct inspector and the officers
in the precinct about law enforcement in the
precinct. During the course of this 3-hour
meeting there was not one complaint about
discrimination or brutality.
"The most popular man in the meeting
was the precinct Inspector who was bringing
the most vigorous kind of law enforcement
to the 10th precinct. What they were asking
for was more enforcement in their particular
block or neighborhood, rather than wanting
to have the police removed. They were tell-
ing us where stills were, or where blind pigs
were operating, or who was pushing people
around in their neighborhood. This is the
kind of information which makes, the law
enforcement job so much easier. We gave
out 10 department citations for dramatic
work of assistance to the police on the street.
For instance, two gunmen had gone into a
bar, held it up. Three of the Negro citizens
who were at that meeting, when the gunmen
left with the swag, went out the door after
them, chased them, caught them, and held
them until the police got there. Now, we
don't really recommend that with civilians
in our town. But after it was done, we
couldn't very well do anything but say that
it was an act of considerable courage.
"What we do encourage is having people
tell us when they see things going on. Most
of the other nine citations were given to peo-
ple who had done that. They had seen
something suspicious that ended up being
the commission of a crime. Through this
we get help for law enforcement.
"The sort of communication that was
represented by that precinct 10 meeting,
magnified a thousandfold, is the essence of
democratic participation in law enforcement.
Such avenues of communication have to date
served in this great industrial area to let us
move toward further progress in human rela-
tions without the eruptions of violence
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which plagued other great cities this past
summer. May this progress continue."
In general I think I can report that such
progress still continues.
Basically, all good law is the codification
of the wisdom and morality of past ages. It
is never safe to deal long with practical
problems without relating them to moral
standards. Let me end with such a state-
ment. In Romans, chapter 13, we find these
lines:
"Owe no man anything, but to love an-
other; for he that loveth another hath ful-
filled the law.
"For this, Thou shalt not commit adultery,
Thou shalt not kill. Thou shalt not steal,
Thou shalt not bear false witness, Thou shalt
not covet; and if there be any other com-
nlandment, It Is briefly comprehended in this
saying, namely, Thou shalt love thy neighbor
as thyself.
"'Love worketh no ill to his neighbor;
therefore love is the fulfilling of the law.
"'And that, knowing the time, that now it
is high time to awake out of sleep: for now
Is our salvation nearer than when we
believed.
"The night is far spent, the day is at handy
let us therefore take off the works of dark-
ness, and let us put on the armour of light."
they knew him because he made the war
real, it hardly seems that long.
Millions of others know him Only as a
legend.
Ernie had landed on Is Shims with the
77th Infantry Division just the day before.
He had a hacking cold. On the way over,
he put on a jacket for the sea breeze was
brisk.
"I'm the old one-hose shay," he told Bill
Me,Gaffin of the Chicago Daily News. He
was a health-worrier-constantly fussing
about his ailments.
The operation on le Shima was expected to
be a snap. The island is only a dot off Oki-
nawa. But later, when Ernie saw a GI get
blown up by stepping on a mine, he remarked
to Milton Chase of Radio Station WLW,
Cincinnati:
"I wish I were in Albuquerque."
STRATEGY TALK
lished, and have remained in our files for
the past 20 years. Now we are publishing
them for the first time starting next Mon-
day in the Washington Daily News and other
Scripps-Howard newspapers.
We want them to serve as a memorial.
But, more than that, we would share the
Pyle magic with those younger Americans
who never had the privilege of knowing him.
FOLLOW-UP
In these last 15 stories, Ernie writes about
42 Americans. We have tried to locate as
many as we could to find out what has hap-
pened to them over the years. We have been
surprisingly successful, all things considered.
These were among the last men Ernie
talked with. They still speak of him with
warmth and affection; the shock of his death
still lingers. Some recall he had a premoni-
tion of death: he felt his string had run out.
They have mementos of him; a cigaret lighter,
a short-snorter, or some GI joke they will
never forget.
Not surprising, many feel they were the
last he talked to, the last to see him alive.
They sometimes feel they were his best and
closest friends. This is not surprising either.
Ernie was that kind.
Ernie Pyle has been dead for 20 years.
But he is still very much alive, as the stories
we have dusted off, and the memories of his
GI friends, will show.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not,
morning business is closed.
Ernie arose early on the morning of April
18, he chatted briefly with Maj. Gen. A. D.
Bruce, commander of the 77th, at his com-
mand post on Ie Shima.
"I gave him the latest dope and our future
plans," the general recalled later. "I was
surprised and pleased that he came to the
same conclusions I did."
That was Ernie. He knew war intimately.
About 10 a.m., he set out in a jeep with
Lt. Col. Joseph B. Coolidge of Helena, Ark.,
commanding officer of the 305th Regiment,
to look for a new command post site. Three
others were with them: Maj. George Pratt of
Eugene, Oreg., Dale Bassett of Baush, Colo.,
and the jeep driver, john Barnes, of Peters-
burg, Va.
Except for an occasional mortar round, or
a red flag indicating a mine, it was quiet,
routine.
Another Jeep preceded them. Ahead were
some trucks.
MACHINEGUN
As they neared a junction outside the
little settlement of le, a Japanese machine-
gun opened up from the left, cutting up dust
in a nearby field. It was too close for com-
fort. Why the gunner had let the other ve-
hicles pass andzeroed in on Barnes' no one
will ever know. Barnes braked sharply. The
men piled out and took cover in a ditch.
The gunner had a clear field of fire.
Pyle, Coolidge and Barnes were safe as
long as they hugged the ground. Pratt and
Bassett were a little forward. Ernie and
Coolidge raised their heads. Pyle spotted
Pratt and asked:
"Are you all right?"
Those were his last words.
ERNIE WAS DEAD
"The Jap let go again," Coolidge wrote
later. "He had had time to adjust his
sights. Some shots chewed up the road
in front of me and ricocheted over my head.
After ducking, I turned to ask Ernie how
he was. He was lying face up, and at the
time no blood showed, so for a second I
could not tell what was wrong"
Ernie was dead. He bad been hit in the
left temple. Coolidge called to some sol-
diers nearby to ask for a medic. None was
available, but it didn't matter.
Ernie was buried in Ie Shima. A few
years ago, I watched a representative of the
Japanese Government place a wreath on the
site of that grave. Later, his body was
removed to Hawaii.
UNPUBLISHED WORK
The Scripps-Howard Newspapers con-
tinued publishing a number of Ernie's col-
umns after his death.
"We believe he would have wanted us to;
as a great reporter, as a great newspaper-
man, and a great person, he would have
wanted his stories to go through," his editors
explained.
But 15 of Ernie's columns were never pub-
REMEMBERING ERNIE PYLE
Mr. HARTKE. Mr. President, there
are many persons throughout the Na-
tion who recall the warmth and the
clarity of the war reporting of Ernie
Pyle, whose vignettes of war from the
level of the average GI were so unfor-
gettable.
It was 20 years ago, on April 18, 1945,
that Ernie Pyle died of a sniper's bullet
on Ie Shima. Earlier this year I offered
a bill, S. 1673, proposing a commemora-
tive stamp. Ernie Pyle was a native of
Dana, Ind., and a graduate of the In-
diana University School of Journalism.
Today an article in the Washington
Daily News, which Ernie Pyle once edited,
recalls the circumstances surrounding
his death. It.also reveals the existence
in the Scripps-Howard files of 15 unpub-
lished trnie Pyle columns which will ap-
pear in the papers of the chain in the
days ahead. I shall look forward to
reading those dispatches, so long after.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the article to which I refer
may appear in the CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FIFTEEN UNPUBLISHED COLUMNS BY ERNIE
PYLE RELEASED
(By Jim G. Lucas)
It was April 18, 1946.
In newspaper offices all over the world the
bell on the wire service ticker jangled for
an Incoming bulletin. It read:
"At a command post in Shima, Ryukus
Islands, April 18-Ernie Pyle, war corre-
spondent, beloved by his coworkers, GI's and
generals alike, was killed by a Japanese me-
chinegun bullet through his left temple this
morning.
"The famed war correspondent, who had
reported the wars from Africa to Okinawa,
met his death at 10:15 a.m., about a mile
forward of this command post ? ? ?."
ONLY YESTERDAY?
That was 20 years ago. To the men who
knew and fought with Ernie at their side,
to the millions who read him daily and felt
LEGISLATIVE BRANCH APPROPRIA-
TIONS, 1966
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the unfln-?
fished business be laid before the Senate.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERIC. A bill-H.R.
8775-making appropriations for the
legislative branch for the fiscal year end-
ing June 30, 1966, and for other purposes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Senate will proceed to the
consideration of the bill.
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill.
the Saturday Evening Post of July 17,
there appears an article with Washing-
ton dateline by the distinguished jour-
nalist Stewart Alsop. And in the Wash-
ington Post of July 11, there appears a
feature with a Saigon dateline by John
Maifre, a reporter who is in the tradition
of courage and straightforwardness and
dedication which the American press
corps in Saigon has built in recent years.
Both articles deal with the critical
Vietnamese situation. Both shed addi-
tional light on the complexity of the
problems which confront us there. It is
not and has never been, as is now becom-
ing all to apparent, an open and shut
affair, a simple do or do not proposition
and these articles are most useful in
stimulating the kind of thought which is
essential if we are to deal with the situa-
tion effectively. For that reason, I com-
mend them to the attention of the Senate
and ask that they be included at this
point in the RECORD.
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 19 proved For RCONG I; 1'.3I 4AI 00300180003-7
158'73
There peing no objection, the articles merit of organized units to the' Vietcong. President Johnson had taken the almost
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,. The process has now reached a point where unprecedented step of assigning a senior
as follows' it is "academic," as a U.S. military spokes- career diplomat, U. Alexis Johnson, as Tay-
man, in Saigon has said, to distinguish be- lor's deputy, and Johnson was waiting as
[From the Saturday Evening Post, tween indigenous Vietcong guerrilla forces Taylor stepped from the plane wearing a
July 17, 1965] and organized units from the north, because white suit, a radical switch from his four-
A TIME OF TROUBLE there as so many of the latter. But this in- star uniform as former Chairman of the
(By Stewart Alsop) vasion has_, produced no shocked reaction, Joint Chiefs of Staff.
here or abroad. Also at the airport was then Lt. Gen. Wil-
WASHINGTON.-The mood of this city has This covert invasion has in turn forced liam C. Westmoreland, head of the Military
changed sharply in the last 6 months, the President to commit American ground Assistance Command, Vietnam, who would be
Last January, in the wake of Lyndon troops to combat. The process is sure to go getting his fourth star as a full general
Johnson's massive triumph at the polls, there further. Behind closed doors, Secretary of within 3 weeks.
was a confident feeling that, with this re- Defense Robert McNamara has talked of the Taylor read a brief statement including
markable man running things, nothing could possible necessity of committing to South the protocol sentence, "I have the greatest
go really wrong. Now the confidence has been Vietnam as many as 300,000 U.S. troops. He respect for General Khanh and his colleagues
replaced by an uneasy, foreboding sense that has said flatly that a war on the scale of in the government who carry the responsi-
the President and the rest of us may be in the Korean war "may have to be accepted." bilities of leaders." Then he drove in a black
for a time of great trouble. Consider the differences between the Lincoln limousine to the cramped Embassy
On the domestic front, the uneasiness is Korean war and what "may have to be ac- near the waterfront to begin work.
like "a cloud no larger than a man's hand." cepted" in Vietnam. The Korean war was A week earlier, Henry Cabot Lodge had
Its chief source is a single speech, delivered a response to overt aggression, a war officially vacated that Embassy. Last Thursday, a
in early June by William McChesney Martin, sanctioned by the United Nations, supported year and a day after Taylor's arrival, it was
Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, by this country's allies and fought when announced that the general was quitting the
Martin listed a series of 12 "menacing like- this country had a virtual atomic monopoly. place-in favor of Henry Cabot Lodge.
neSses" between the present economic situa- A Korean-scale war in Vietnam, if that is in Taylor inherited an unusually large Em-
tion and the situation in 1929, before the store, will be a very lonely war. We will have bassy staff when he took possession a year
great depression. no United Nations sanction, no support ago, a staff whose internecine quarrels over
'
Martin was careful to point out differences worth mentioning from any ally, and the the fall of President Ngo Dinh Diem were
too, but the "menacing likenesses" were passionate opposition of France and the en- not yet completely stilled. He also took
much more striking. The President's eco- tire uncommitted world. But that is not over a U.S. Operations (AID) Mission and a
nomic seers, like Treasury Secretary Henry all. U.S. Information Service staff totaling nearly
Fowler and Economic Adviser Gardner Certain Republicans disgracefully ex- 1,000 civilians, and a force of more than
Ackley, remain guardedly confident. But the ploited Truman's war for political gain. But 16,000 servicemen who were advising South
Martin speech was followed by a sharp, ner- all responsible opinion recognized that Vietnam's warriors in their fight against the
vous drop in stock prices. And the uneasy President Truman had no real choice but to Vietcong,
feeling persists that the present boom, the oppose the overt aggression in Korea. Presi- The day Taylor arrived, the Pentagon re-
longest since the 1929's, cannot last forever, dent Johnson has no real choice but to op- vealed that 146 Americans had died in action
and that some sort of economic trouble surely pose the covert aggression in Vietnam. But in South Vietnam since January. 1, 1961.
lies ahead. partly because the aggression is covert the The day before, almost prophetically, the
On the foreign front, the clouds are Vietnamese war is widely unpopular and very first Australian military adviser had died
visible-they seem to bigger and blacker and little understood, when the Vietcong attacked a remote Special
uglier every day. The Dominican affair has According to a recent Gallup poll, 54 per- Forces camp in the highlands named Nam-
raised the old specter of Yanqui imperialism cent of the voters want to "stop military dong.
in Latin America, and elsewhere in the world action," or "withdraw completely," or "stop A FRANTIC TWELVEMONTH
America-hating Is becoming an international fighting, start negotiations." If Korean- In the year since then, the military, politi-
pastime. Charles de Gaulle's France, which scale casualties now ensue-33,000 American cal, and economic picture has Changed dras-
used to be known as "America's oldest ally," dead, as against a few hundred so far in the tically. Lt. Gen. Nguyen Khanh lives in
is acting more and more like a hostile power. Vietnamese war-the war could become the polite banishment in New York, a bewilder-
NATO seems to be coming apart. But the most divisive in a hundred years. ing series of civilian successors and uni-
real source of the dark sense of foreboding Partly this is because a lot of people-not formed aspirants has come and gone and
that has been eroding Washington's self- only the intellectuals-feel an obscure sense today another military junta is in power.
confidence is Vietnam. of guilt about the Vietnamese war. Senator Some 300 more Americans have died as the
There is a tendency nowadays, especially JOHN SHERMAN COOPER recently cited one pace of war has increased. There are now
abroad, to suppose that President Johnson is reason why: "What do the South Vietnamese nearly 60,000 American troops in South Viet-
an impulsive fellow. In fact, he made his people want to do? Stay independent? Join nam, including 9 combat battalions that
decision last February to bomb North Viet- the North? Keep the Americans there? have gone on the offensive, and at least 6
name only after long delay and much agoniz- Unless we ask the South Vietnamese what more battalions are on the way.
ing. All his advisers told him the same they want to do, our presence there looks like U.S. 7th Fleet aircraft have pounded North
thing-that otherwise the Vietnam war an occupation." Vietnam for 5 months as well as launching
would be lost. Thus the President had no The Communists are highly unlikely to ac- incountry strikes against the Vietcong,
real choice. cept a cease-fire or the other obvious pre- sweeping South China Sea avenues of infil-
All his advisers hoped, and some certainly conditions necessary to "ask the South Viet- tration and sending cruisers and destroyers
believed, that American air power alone namese people what they want to do." But to bombard shore positions.
would be enough to bring the Communists the gesture of offering to ask them ought to The U.S. Air Force, using almost its full
to the conference table in a mood to negoti- be made, if only to erase that sense of guilt. range of Century jet strike aircraft, has ham-
ate. As noted in this. space about a year Above all, the present policy on informing mered the enemy in both the north and the
ago, it is a favorite American illusion "to the American people about the Vietnamese south and at least 15 Army helicopter com-
suppose that air power is an adequate sub- war ought to be radically changed. Under ponies are providing rapid air mobility which
statute for what the British call the PBI, or that policy, a State Department public-rela- partly offsets the Vietnamese troop shortage,
Poor Bloody Infantry." It is clear by now tions underling lets slip the fact that Ameri- frequently carrying recently introduced U.S.
that, as in Korea and again and again in the can ground troops are to start fighting in Marine Corps and airborne combat units.
Second World War, the jab the Air Force
started will have to be finished, if it can be Asia, as though that were a matter of no im- Other American units have pitched in to
finished, by the PBI. portance. If a Korean-scale war is really in help an Australian infantry battalion that
What has happened is what a minority of prospect, then a time of very great trouble was getting its first taste of combat; the
apf surely lies ahead, and a combination of ob- Philippines have provided a surgical team;
the President's advisers feared
our might
'hahap- sessive secrecy and rosy pressagentry is no South Korean engineers are supporting the
ppenen. , When we a instrument rdvi so military pressure-il- way to prepare the country for that time. South Vietnamese; a New Zealand artillery
North Vietnamese Communists 11, battery is expected, and soon there may be
presorted to theirs: human bodies. But the [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, July the largest "third country" contribution of
they 1965] all: a complete South Korean combat divi-
have done so in a clever way. An overt, fuli-
scale, conventional invasion of South Viet- A YEAR OF ESCALATION FOR TAYLOR-VIETCONG, Sion.
nam, like North Korea's invasion of South HOWEVER, STEPPED UP ITS TEMPO A BIT ENEMY BOLSTERED, TOO
Korea, would have had a .shock effect, which FASTER THAN WE DID In brief, what was once a counterin-
might have "produced a really massive re- (By John Maffre) surgency effort Is moving toward full-scale
action, SAIGON- Just a year ago last Wednesday, war. Unfortunately, however, this war is still
Instead, the Invasion of South Vietnam Maxwell D. Taylor stepped from a presiden- going in favor of the Vietcong.
have ely tia jet at the airport here, a proconsul with Massively reinforced by North Vietnamese
h s larg
has invisible. by slow rt stages, and
y authority rare in American diplomatic his- cadres and equipped with a new family of
ply increased, very steadily, their commit- tory. Communist-bloc weapons, largely from Red
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 15874
Approved F g f (/1 BD-E6g R00030018000 ?y 12, 1965
Chinese, the Vietcong's regular and para-
military strength is now well in excess of
100,000. They dominate a far larger share
of the South Vietnamese countryside than
they did a year ago, particularly in the high-
lands, and they have regularly overwhelmed
government forces in regiment-size attacks,
sometimes even using motorized transport.
There have been some pluses on the Ameri-
can side. For one thing, the United States
has backed a positive policy of full commit-
ment to aid South Vietnam in preserving In-
dependence, notably by striking north and
~servmg notice that there is no longersuch a
thing as an Inviolate sanctuary.
Other U.S. pluses are less striking. The
official thinking of the American mission here
Is that despite the merry-go-round of govern-
ments, at least none has been unfriendly to
the United States.
Militarily, the United States has provided
the logistics for an increase of 100,000 in
the government's paramilitary forces and has
helped double the once feeble national police
to at least 42,000., Economically, in addition
to herculean efforts to expand and diversify
the productive base, the United States so
far has been able to stave off the threat of
runaway inflation.
NO HINT OF TALKS
The minuses are ominous. There is still
no strong, stable government demonstrably
responsible to the people. The downward
military trend since early May persists and
despite an Increase in recruiting, the strength
of the Vietcong relative to that of the gov-
ernment grows steadily larger.
Most important, efforts here and elsewhere
have not convinced Hanoi--or Pelpiug-that
it would be best for its leaders to send a
delegation to a conference table.
It was sometime last autumn that the
conclusion was reached that South Vietnam
by itself could not generate sufficient energy
to get the war effort off dead center. Attacks
on the 7th Fleet in August had demonstrated
that the "Democratic Republic of Vietnam"-
Hanoi-was prepared to act in a big way.
Within a few months, a startling increase
in Infiltration from the North had forced
South Vietnam and the United States to a
more realistic appraisal of the odds against
them. This increase In the odds,, was con-
firmed in February by the discovery of an
enormous cache of Chinese Communist weap-
ons which has been ferried into Vungro
harbor on the central Vietnamese coast.
The relatively modest plans for an increase
in American support were revised upward.
Other plans were made to help the Viet-
namese boost their total pf men under arms-
how fewer than 600,000-by 160,000. The
serious American military assessment, how-
ever, is that this level will not be approached
before the middle of 1966 and that it may
be 1967 before it is realized.
In the Interim, It was concluded that a
large infusion of U.S. combat units was
vitally necessary. Marine and Army troops
have poured into such strategic areas as
Danang and Chulai, a harbor is being pre-
pared farther south at Camranh Bay and air-
fields are being guarded at Bienhoa and
Vungtao, closer to Saigon.
In the opinion of one senior officer, the
Vietcong strategy aimed at full victory in
1965 has been blunted but has not lost its
thrust. Their success is becoming more and
more evident in this capital.
Power blackouts caused by sabotage are
becoming more frequent. Prices of food-
stuffs from the Mekong Delta in the south
and the highlands around Dalat are rising
because of shortages. The increasing threat
of terrorism was evidenced last week by the
evacuation of the largest American officers'
billet-in the Reg Hotel-because of a bomb
scare.
As far as the American mission Is con-
cerned, it has achieved greater coheslveneas
despite Its proliferating numbers. The point
has been made repeatedly that no recom-
mendation was made to Washington by Tay-
lor unless It was approved by all mission
heads.
Taylor made it a practice to defer to the
judgment of General Westmoreland and his
staff on military matters. A source close to
Taylor observed recently that in addition to
his confidence In Westmoreland, whom he
recommended for a second star 10 years ago
and whose fourth star he pinned on last
August, Taylor had enough problems on his
hands without wanting to dabble in military
waters again.
OLIN D. JOHNSTON MEMORIAL
FUND
Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President,
I am honored to advise the Senate that
the friends of our late colleague, Olin
D. Johnston, have initiated the estab-
lishment of an endowed professorship of
political science and memorial student
scholarship fund in his honor at the Uni-
versity of South Carolina. I can think
of no more fitting tribute.
If there was anything more dear to
Olin Johnston's heart than the welfare
of the Federal employee, it was the edu-
cation of the American people. In the
truest American tradition, Olin, Johnston
pulled himself up by his bootstraps.
Born in the cotton mill town of Honea
Path, S.C., he worked in the mills from
the age of 10 until he was grown. At
certain times in his young life, he held
down two full-time jobs and also at-
tended school. His efforts were re-
warded. He earned his bachelor's de-
gree at Wofford College, and later a
master's degree and a law degree from
the University of South Carolina.
Throughout his public career he helped
young people in their efforts to earn a
college education. There are literally
hundreds of men and women today
who owe their opportunity for education
to Olin Johnston. They will not forget
him. Through the fine efforts of his
many friends; particularly Federal em-
ployees who knew and loved him, the es-
tablishment of endowed chair and a stu-
dent scholarship fund at the University
of South Carolina will serve as a living
tribute to his life and career.
I ask unanimous consent to insert in
the RECORD at this point a statement re-
garding the establishment of the Olin D.
Johnston Memorial Fund, and letters to
Mrs. Olin D. Johnston from the Presi-
dent and Vice President of the United
States, the Postmaster General, John A.
Gronouski, and the Chairman of the U.S.
Civil Service Commission, John W. Macy,
Jr.
There being no objection, the state-
ment and letters were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
COLUMBIA, S.C.-President Lyndon B.
Johnson writes that memorials to the late
Senator Olin D. Johnston which are being
established at the University of South Caro-
lina will be "a fitting tribute to the late Sen-
ator and a monument to his public career."
in a letter to Mrs. Johnston, the President
also wrote:
"Olin Johnston's death was a great loss to
the United States.. He was a man with deep
feeling, for people and a man who worked
tirelessly to. help others.
"He was a great believer in the value of
education, and I am pleased to learn that a
fund has been established to honor his
memory.
"It is my understanding that this fund will
provide for endowment of the Olin D. John-
ston professorship in political science, an
appropriate memorial, and for scholarships
In his name at the University of South Caro-
lina where he earned two degrees."
Mrs. Johnston has given the large and
valuable collection of the late Senator's
papers, representing 40 years of public serv-
ice, to the University of South Carolina.
The Olin D. Johnston Memorial Fund es-
tablished by the University of South Carolina
Educational Foundation is receiving wide
support. C. Wallace Martin, executive direc-
tor of the foundation, said the fund has "the
full endorsement" of national and State
leaders including the Senator's former col-
leagues in Washington, many of whom have
paid tribute to his memory on the floor of
the Senate and the House of Representatives.
Gifts are expected to come from through-
out the United States because Senator John-
ston's efforts in behalf of postal employees,
Federal workers generally and other groups
are well known and greatly appreciated. The
individuals he helped and befriended are
countless.
The postal supervisors of the Carolinas re-
cently endorsed the Olin D. Johnston Me-
morial Fund as an appropriate tribute to the
late Senator.
Every 1 of the 15 postal employees of West-
minster in Oconee County, S.C., have con-
tributed to the fund, Postmaster Martin D.
Watkins noted in forwarding contributions
to the University of South Carolina Educa-
tional Foundation. They became the first
group to participate 100 percent in the sup-
port of the fund.
A permanent record of contributions will
be maintained, although donors may be
anonymous if the wish. Gifts to the fund
are tax deductible. Checks should be made
payable to the fund and sent to Olin D.
Johnston Memorial Fund, University of
South Carolina Educational Foundation,
Columbia, S.C.
THE OLIN D. JOHNSTON MEMORIAL FUND
Preamble: The late Olin D. Johnston
earned the eternal gratitude of the people of
his native State and of postal and other
Federal workers for his constant and coura-
geous efforts in their behalf. In South Caro-
lina he served in the legislature and was
twice elected Governor. As U.S. Senator,
Olin Johnston served on important
committees most diligently and capably, and
supported legislation worthy of merit. He
walked with Presidents and other men of dis-
tinction; yet he never lost the common
touch. In recognition of his life of service,
friends of the Senator have established the
Olin D. Johnston Memorial Fund through
the University of South Carolina Educa-
tional Foundation.
Purpose: To receive funds to endow the
Olin D. Johnston Professorship in Political
Science and to provide for an appropriate
memorial at the University of South Caro-
lina where he earned two degrees. All funds
received over and above the amount neces-
sary for these purposes will be set aside to
,provide scholarships in his name for deserv-
ing students from low-income families who
might otherwise be unable to continue their
education.
Sources: Funds are to be solicited from
friends of the late Senator Johnston in South
Carolina and throughout the Nation.
Publicity: The University of South Caro-
lina Educational Foundation will prepare
publicity releases for the press, radio, and
television. Cooperating organizations are
asked to include information concerning the
memorial fund in newsletters and other in-
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 July 12, 1*9 AR WO proved For RecII~122RM NA~II~~.((~ll.55 L ffrfi7.BO M B~p JV 0 300180003-7
Roosa (who joins him on the advisory corn
mittee) effectively deflated Reginald Maud-
ling's scheme for reform.
Dillon and Roosa at that time thought
that the need for some new form of reserves
was far, far in the future. it is only to their
credit that they _ have changed their minds.
Recently, in a commencement address in
Middlebury, Vt., Dillon bluntly warned that
the free world "is rapidly approaching a
financial crossroads." Failure to strengthen
the international monetary system, he added,
could result in a "worldwide recession * * *.
A strengthened international monetary sys-
tem must be installed before it is needed,
and not after the crash."
These are strong words. They reflect a
position that many economists and academi-
clans have taken for a long time. Even more
important, Dillon's evaluation indicates that
the United States will have a specific plan
to put forward to its trading partners later
in the year.
For all of the new clout that Dillon brings
to Fowler's Treasury, however, success isn't
assured. The big obstacle in the way is a
stubborn man named DeGaulle.
The French attitude seems to be that there
is no shortage of international liquidity-
just a shortage of British reserves. The
French are frankly tired of helping the Brit-
ish to "live above their means." Other con-
tinentalpowers like the Germans and Dutch
are fat and content at the moment, and show
no interest at all in monetary reform.
Well-informed International Monetary
Fund sources think that the problem won't
move off dead center until the French, the
Germans, and the Dutch themselves feel a
financial pinch. But everybody on this side
of the Atlantic is delighted that Dillon will
be at work generating and pushing ideas.
HIGH PRESSURE LOBBY BOYS.
MOVE IN FOR DIRKSEN AMEND-
MENT
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President,
Doris Fleeson, in a characteristically
trenchant and persuasive column, has
discussed the effect of the so-called Dirk-
sen apportionment amendment as a god-
send to State lobbyists who are fighting
for special interests and against the pub-
lic interest. She points out that the
famed, top proved lobbying firm of
Whitaker & Baxter has been retained to
fight for the Dirksen amendment on a
national basis. She shows how adverse
the passage of the amendment could be
to the public interest.
I ask unanimous consent that the col-
umn be printed at this point in the
RECORD,
There being no objection, the column
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A LIFELINE FOR STATE LOBBYISTS
(By Doris Fleeson)
Senator EVERETT DIRKSEN, Republican, of
Illinois, 'ever the exponent of free enter-
prise, is trying to preserve the greatest over-
the-counter market in America. This in-
formal institution deals in the buying and
selling of legislative favors in the 50 States.
Its brokers are the lobbyists for every va-
riety of interest and the customers whom
they shower with all manner of kind at-
tentions, including the financial, are the
State legislators. It has no rules, obeys no
ethical code and its motto is: "All the traffic
will bear:"
Very occassionally when the more greedy
overdo the act and scandal breaks out, pub-
lic opinion steps in. After the cyclone
passes, few legislatures enact the strong
No. 125-15
laws needed to regulate such conflicts of in-
terest in the future.
All these comfortable arrangements, a
commonplace in State politics, are now
threatened by the Supreme Court's one-man,
one-vote reapportionment order. It was ap-
parent from the start, though strangely ne-
glected in the comment, that the Court's de-
cision would create a whole new climate for
the lobbying operations which plague every
capital.
This immense dividend, like one-man, one-
vote, would be a casualty of the Dirksen
constitutional amendment that proposes that
one house of the State legislatures should
be apportioned according to factors other
than population. The amendment is a life-
line to the entrenched State lobbyists, an
open invitation to use their great skills in
a vast national effort to save their sanctuar-
ies.
Civil rights advocates were slow to recog-
nize that the fruits of President Johnson's
historic voting rights bill could be snatched
from them by the Dirksen amendment. It is
true that a callous appeal has been made
to Southerners on that ground, but impor-
tant and well-financed lobbying has not
come from the South.
Californians set up a committee early this
year to make contact in all the States and
assist Congress. It then hired the celebrated
firm of Whitaker & Baxter, which, in 5 years
of high-priced labor for the American Medi-
cal Association (1948-53), added "socialized
medicine" to the language and probably
staved off medicare until 1965.
The committee bears the dignified title of
Citizens Committee for Balanced Legislative
Representation. Adviser Whitaker has yet
to evolve another masterpiece in slogans but
has a "coordinator" here to help the Dirksen
forces. His own cautious forecast: "I think
the amendment can succeed."
The heaviest pressures come from the
State legislatures themselves. They are com-
fortable in their troughs. They are the most
out-of-date governmental machinery in the
Nation and the Court's reapportionment de-
cision was the direct result of their obdurate
refusal to modernize themselves.
The executive branch, State and National,
has been constantly reorganized and its tech-
niques altered to meet new conditions. The
courts, State and Federal, have undergone
various forms of reorganization and reform.
Congress reorganized itself in 1946 and the
House leader of that effort, Senator MIKE
MONRONEY, Democrat, of Oklahoma, is start-
ing a new drive to correct its demonstrated
deficiencies.
But the horse and buggy approach still
prevails in many State legislatures and their
internal weaknesses continue to lead to
stronger federalization. Many experts in
State affairs openly question their capacity
to handle jet and space age problems.
Their irresponsibility is largely due to mi-
nority control and this the Dirksen amend-
ment would helietuate.
~-t
BOMB hF9uih/PAY LATER
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may be per-
mitted to proceed for the next 5 minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. CHURCH. The pressure is on in
Washington to further expand the war
in southeast Asia. "Bomb Hanoi."
"Bomb Haiphong" the air hawks cry.
Plaster North Vietnam from the skies,
they say, and in the same breath criticize
the sending of more American ground
troops into South Vietnam, where the
guerrilla war is being fought. The air
hawks' prescription makes little sense,
15859
but it is cleverly designed to feed an un-
derlying public demand for a quick, cheap
victory in Vietnam. The truth is that
no such easy solution exists.
The war in the south will never be
won by a bigger bombing of the north.
As Dean Rusk has correctly pointed out:
The basic problem, the central problem, is
in South Vietnam. No miracle in the north
can suddenly transform or eliminate the
problem in South Vietnam.
Accelerating the war northward
through the air, however, could greatly
aggrevate the problem we face on the
ground in South Vietnam. Indiscrimi-
nate bombing of the population centers
at North Vietnam would almost cer-
tainly force Hanoi to launch some
form of massive retaliation. Since we
command the air, Hanoi's counterattack
would have to come on the ground. The
Saigon Government is up against the
ropes now, desperately hanging on
against the jabbing attacks of Vietcong
irregulars. If the disciplined armies of
Ho Chi Minh were to invade the south,
Saigon's survival would hinge entirely
upon an immediate and unlimited Ameri-
can intervention on the ground. It is
not unlikely that a half million American
troops would then be required to occupy
and hold South Vietnam, while the re-
mainder of Indochina would soon be
overrun by Communist armies.
Even in open terrain, like that in
Korea, bombing alone never stopped an
army on the march. What chance would
our planes have against vast numbers of
trained troops advancing beneath jungle
cover? Obviously, bigger bombing of
North Vietnam will not extricate us from
the jungle fighting in the South, but it
Gould easily lead to an immense inten-
sification of the ground war, and a pre-
cipitous rise in American troop casual-
ties to the tens of thousands.
If this happens, the stage will be set
for our Korean war experience to be re-
peated. Vietnam will soon be dubbed
"Mr. Johnson's war," and, as the taste
of it turns sour in the mouths of the
people, there may come again a Republi-
can candidate for President who will
promise, as Eisenhower did in Korea, to
bring an end to the attrition by accept-
ing the stalemate and arranging a truce.
By then, as the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
recently observed:
The United States could destroy the North
Vietnamese economy from the air, but to
what end? It would only make it easier for
China to pick the Vietnamese plum.
So, when Representatives FORD and
LAIRD, the Republican leaders in the
House of Representatives, call for ex-
panded bombing of North Vietnam, even
while they position themselves to wash
their hands of a spreading land war in
southeast Asia, I hope that President
Johnson continues to ignore them. He
will be better advised to listen to the
wise words of GEORGE AIKEN, the Repub-
lican dean of the Senate, who recently
warned :
I, too, have been somewhat disturbed over
reported statements of certain Republican
leaders in recent days and weeks which
might be interpreted as urging the Presi-
dent to broaden and intensify the war in
Asia. * * * I hope that my own party, the
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E B0 E6R0003001800Quly 12, 1965
Republican Party, will not acquire the title
of "war party" * " *. I hope the President
will have the courage not to be needled into
precipitating a great war.
I agree with GEORGE AlxEN, a man who
steadfastly refuses to seek any partisan
advantage from the war in Vietnam.
Those who urge an expansion of aerial
attacks on the north are actually inviting
an expansion of the ground fighting in
the south. The only country which will
benefit from a widening war in south-
east Asia is Communist China, not the
United States, or South Vietnam.
The struggle against the Vietcong in-
surrection within South Vietnam itself
may be long and frustrating, but it is
preferable to a major American war on
the Asian mainland. The clamor of the
air hawks should be ignored.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Idaho yield?
Mr. CHURCH. I am happy to yield to
the Senator from Pennsylvania.
Mr. CLARK. I am delighted that the
Senator from Idaho made the statement.
he has just made. I find myself in com-
plete accord with his point of view. I
should like to ask him one question for
clarification. Do I correctly understand
that the North Vietnamese have a well
trained regular army of about 300,000,
which has been committed only in very
small part In the fighting in South Viet-
nam so far?
Mr. CHURCH. The Senator is cor-
rect. There is indication that some units
may have been covertly infiltrated into
South Vietnam, but the great bulk of the
North Vietnamese Army has not been
committed to the war in South Vietnam.
Mr. CLARK. It must be clear that If
that trained North Vietnamese Army
were committed to the war, they would
overrun the country, unless substantial
additional American divisions were
promptly dispatched. Is that correct?
Mr. CHURCH. Yes; in that event, it
might well require the remainder of the
standing American Army to prevent
South Vietnam from being overrun.
Mr. CLARK. While we have no
knowledge, of course, whether that
North Vietnam army will be committed,
It must be clear that the very intensive
bombing of North Vietnam, including the
destruction of North Vietnamese indus-
try, could likely result in South Vietnam
being destroyed from the North.
Mr. CHURCH. I agree completely. If
our bombing is extended into the great
population centers of North Vietnam,
Hanoi will be strongly tempted to re-
taliate. Since Ho Chi Minh cannot re-
taliate by air, his only recourse will be
to order his army to invade the South.
When that happens, the United States
will, be involved in a full-scale ground
war in Vietnam.
The President should be commended
for the restraint he has shown in resist-
ing the pressures from the air hawks. I
applaud him for his efforts to avoid a
widening war.
Mr. M1T,T?R1. Mr. President, when I
came to the Chamber this morning, I
had not expected to speak on the sub-
ject which has just been under discus-
sion.
In the first place, no one that I know
of expects a quick, cheap victory in South
Vietnam. Second, no one that I know
of is advocating indiscriminate bombing
of civilians. In the third place, bombing
alone will not eliminate the threat of
war. I believe everyone agrees to that.
What our action is designed to do, what
President Johnson's actions are designed
to do, what Representative FORD'S and
Representative LAIRD'S actions are de-
signed to do, is to stop the supplying of
North Vietnamese troops in South Viet-
nam.
Perhaps to the Senator from Idaho
[Mr. CHURCH] that does not make sense.
He is entitled to his opinion. However,
I believe it makes a great deal of sense
and fits in with the President's policy.
INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC
CONFERENCE
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, on Jan-
uary 28, I cosponsored a resolution (S.
Con. Res. 14) with Senators JAVIrs of
New York and JORDAN of Idaho request-
ing that the President call for an In-
ternational Economic Conference.
It was felt then, as now, that such a
world conference should:
First. Review the long-term adequacy
of international credit.
Second. Recommend needed changes
in existing financial institutions.
Third. Consider increased sharing of
economic aid for development and mili-
tary assistance; and
Fourth. Consider other pressing inter-
national economic problems placed be-
fore it by a preparatory committee for
such conference.
We were concerned over developments
which could affect the stability of the
dollar, as well as the international bal-
ance-of -payments problem.
We knew that the United States had
to take the initiative to strengthen in-
ternational monetary and credit instru-
ments.
I, for one, have become greatly dis-
turbed in the ensuing months over the
silence of the State Department and the
Treasury Department to this call of ours
for an International conference.
In fact, there have been reports that
both the State Department and Treas-
ury Department opposed such an eco-
nomic conference, on the grounds that
it would not be fruitful.
According to these reports, it was felt
by administration spokesmen that the
work should be continued through exist-
ing bodies, such as the International
Monetary Fund. Also held was the feel-
ing that such a conference now would en-
tail a serious risk of failure, which would
have a widespread adverse effect.
It was also believed in some high ad-
ministration quarters that there was
no general consensus of the need for such
a conference.
Thus it was with a great deal of pleas-
ure to see that over the wtekend the
administration has had a change of
heart.
According to press reports of Sunday,
July 11, the Secretary of the Treasury,
Henry H. Fowler, at President John-
son's direction, has proposed just such
aconference as we called for last Janu-
ary 28.
But one question lingers in my mind:
If the administration had been opposed
to the idea following our suggestion of
January 28, what has occurred to
change this opposition into an insist-
ence now that it should be held? Could
it be that the administration is finally
awakening to the realization that such
action is and has been overdue?
Could the international monetary sit-
uation be worse than it would lead us to
believe, despite the rosy statements
which seem always to precede a sudden
change of plans?
But whatever the reasons-and they
will come out in the wash eventually-I
must commend the administration for
finally deciding that action is necessary
to call such an international economic
conference.
I ask unanimous consent that an arti-
cle, entitled "United States Asks World
Monetary Parley," from the Sunday Star
of July 11, be played in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
UNrrED STATES ASKS WORLD MONETARY PARLEY
(By Lee M. Cohn)
The United States proposed last night the
convening of an international monetary con-
ference to reform the world's financial sys-
tem.
Treasury Secretary Henry H. Fowler issued
the call, at President Johnson's direction, in
a speech prepared for the Virginia State Bar
Association in Hot Springs.
The proposed conference would rank in
importance with the historic Bretton Woods
meeting of 1944, which led to establishment
of the International Monetary Fund and
laid out the post-World War II monetary
system.
As sketched by Fowler, the purpose of the
conference would be creation of a system
to expand international liquidity-the sup-
ply of monetary reserves and credit available
to finance the growth of world commerce.
Shortages of liquidity may develop as the
United States eliminates its balance-of-pay-
ments deficits. These deficits through
most of the postwar period have supplied
the rest of the world with a huge flow of
dollars to feed the growth of reserves.
Fowler did not say when the conference
might be held, but other officials indicated
1966 as the target.
"'It must be preceded by careful prepara-
tion and international consultation," Fowler
said, adding:
"To meet and not succeed would be worse
than not meeting at all. Before any con-
ference takes place, there should be a reas-
onable certainty of measurable progress
through prior agreement on basic points."
But he emphasized that the United States
does not want to dally, because "not to act
when the time is ripe can be as unwise as
to act too soon or to hastily."
He suggested establishment of a prepara-
tory committee by the International Mone-
tary Fund at its meeting here in September.
Fowler said he will discuss monetary re-
form ideas with other finance ministers in
bilateral meetings here and abroad, both be-
fore and after the International Monetary
Fund session.
He presumably discussed the call for a
conference with Britain's Chancellor of the
Exchequer, James Callaghan, at their meet-
ing here late last month, and obtained his
endorsement.
Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300180003-7