ANOTHER DIENBIENPHU

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300170027-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 7, 2003
• Sequence Number: 27
• Publication Date: January 1, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

1965 Approved For Release 2003/10/15 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300170027-2
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,- APPENDIX A65
1964, release of the GTA Daily Radio
Roundup, St. Paul, Minn. This focuses
attention on the practice of the.Com-
modity Credit Corporation of dumping
Government grain, which has resulted
in disastrous economic hardship to the
American farmer.
This release deals with wheat, but the
practice that is under attack in this ar-
ticle has also been employed in the feed
grain commodities. This has driven the
price of feed grains down and has done
much to stimulate the glut in livestock
production. As a result, many farmers
have been driven to the wall in compet-
ing with the biggest farm market monop-
oly in the .world, the Government of the
Vnited States.
This article which I insert hits the nail
right on the head, and I compliment
GTA for its willingness to bring, to the
attention of the American farmer these
policies which are detrimental to his best
interests.
The article follows :
GTA has a primary responsibility only to
the farm people who own it. That comes
first. This primary responsibility is not to
the Government, not to the buyers of grain,
not to the consumers, the politicians or any-
body else-just to the farmers. And we feel
now that an explanation is owed to the grain
farmers for the miserably low wheat prices
that were bid to them generally during har-
vest this year.
These wheat prices could have been about
20 cents per bushel higher, and there is a
very simple explanation why they were not.
Beginning in July the U.S. Government,
through its Commodity Credit Corporation,
began the most massive dumping operation
in history. The CCC was originally formed
to help farmers, not to put a ceiling on their
prices. But here is what actually happened
and unfortunately continues to happen.
During the first month of the 1964 harvest
the huge Government corporation dumped
50 million bushels of wheat with the ex-
pressed and vocal intention of preventing
farmers from getting higher prices for their
CCC sold this wheat to buyers who other-
wise would have been ready customers for
your wheat from your cooperatives and other
handlers. But, you didn't sell this, wheat;
the Government did, Incredibly, during the
harvest period of approximately 90 days more
than 150 million. bushels of Government
wheat was dumped on the market. Buyers
got some of the most unbelievable bargains
in history because the CCC wheat flooded
the market and put a low ceiling on farm
wheat prices.
This is immensely disturbing, GTA has
looked into the history of Government oper-
ations all over the world, and we have found
"no precedent for this behavior. No other
country does it. GTA General Manager M.
W. Thatcher had this to say about it:
"CCC price support activities when con-
ducted, to help farm producers have no
stronger advocate than GTA, But," Mr.
Thatcher said, "we oppose CCC's misuse of
the farm program."
GTA's grain experts estimate that with-
out this CCC dumping during this harvest
wheat would have gone on the market about
20 cents a bushel higher than it actually
sold for. Twenty cents a bushel on a crop
of 1,200 million bushels is $240' million.
That is what was taken out of the wheat
producers' pocket by the dumping action
by CCC.
We are sorry to have to expose this beha-
vior. We do not believe that the President
of the United States, or the Vice President,
or the Congress had any intention that the
farm law would be administered in this
manner. We believe that these decisions
were made by a small handful of persons,
perhaps very inexperienced, in charge of CCC
who were determined to use its power to
punish those farmers whom they refer to as
noncompliers.
We also believe that the purpose of the
present wheat legislation is very clear, and
it is that those who comply with the program
receive certificates worth on the average
about 50 cents a bushel. That is their pay-
ment for complying. Punitive action by the
Government to hurt them, as well as the
noncompliers, was never intended by Con-
gress. The punishing ceiling that CCC oper-
ations impose on wheat prices in the mar-
kets, a deliberate thing that punishes all
growers without reason, is plainly obnoxious.
Moreover, the dumping operation that we
described did not actually rid the Govern-
ment of one single bushel of surplus. And
why not? Because by dumping 150 million
bushels CCC drove market prices so low that
farmers were sealed within a narrow-price
range and had no choice but to put their
new grain under loan. The Government just
took the grain right back into its ware-
houses. It took different kernels, true, but
ultimately as much or more grain than was
dumped came back into CCC's bins. It need
not have been thus if enough price leeway
had been allowed so producers could sell in-
stead of going in to the loan program. That
wheat might have been sold through your
farmer cooperatives and regular market
channels instead of to the Government which
ultimately will probably dump it again and
keep the vicious circle going.
If this is the policy of the Federal Gov-
ernment, then there never will be any "mus-
cle in the marketplace" for farmers. Instead,
in time there will not be any cooperative
marketing system, at all. It is that serious
and that dangeros to producers.
That is why we at GTA believe that we
would be derelict in our duty to farmers if
we did not call this maladministration to
the attention of the voters.
And that, we should ' add, is in concur-
rence with resolutions adopted by GTA dele-
gates at their recent annual meeting and
expressed in resolutions by other regional
cooperatives, just like GTA, of which there
are more than two dozen in the Nation.
If the Government continues this process
of nationalization, it should openly advo-
cate it. Then the voters would have a
chance to make a decision.
J. Edgar Hoover Commended by City of
Lakewood Resolution
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CRAIG HOSMER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 7, 1965
Mr. HOSMER. Mr. Speaker, the city
of Lakewood which, incidentally, recently
was awarded first honors in the 1965
Pasadena Rose Tournament, by action
of its city council on December 22, last,
has commended the fine work of FBI
Director J. Edgar Hoover. The coun-
cil's Resolution 1575 reads as follows:
RESOLUTION 1575
Resolution of the City Council of the City of
Lakewood commending J. Edgard Hoover
and the Federal Bureau of Investigation
Whereas, J. Edgar Hoover and the Federal
Bureau of Investigation have recently been
under attack for alleged dereliction of duty;
and
Whereas, the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion, under the direction of J. Edgar Hoover,
has an exemplary record in efficient and just
police work; and
Whereas, by reason of the successful opera-
tion of the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
law enforcement in each city, county and
State is benefited and strengthened; and
Whereas, said J. Edgar Hoover and the men
in his Bureau should be commended for their
contribution to maintenance of law and order
in the United States, rather than being con-
demned: Now, therefore, the City Council of
the City of Lakewood does hereby commend
J. Edgar Hoover and the men of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation for their successful
and unshirking performance of duty in the
maintenance of law and order in the United
States.
The city clerk is directed to forward certi-
fied copies of this resolution to the President
of the United States, to our Congressman and
Senators as well as to said J. Edgar Hoover.
Adopted and approved this 22d day of De-
cember 1964.
ROBERT W. BAKER,
Mayor.
JO BENNITT, y
City Clerk.
Autumn in Full Glory
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LINDLEY BECKWORTH
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 7, 1965
Mr. BECKWORTH. Mr. Speaker, I
desire to include in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD the enclosed article entitled
"Autumn in Full Glory" by Woodroe
Wylie, Carthage, Tex., Route 1.
The article follows:
AUTUMN IN FULL GLORY.
(By Woodroe Wylie)
Ever since I was a boy, I have wanted to
write a discourse, on autumn. The changes
and scenes that take place are most spec-
tacular. Everywhere one looks or listens
there are distinct admissions or omissions of
multivarious events.
On November 5, 1929, at Carthage Tex., a
flock of wild geese became lost at night in
low clouds and blinding lights. The be-
wildered geese honked all night long. Some
people were*amused at their musical sounds
while others were annoyed because the geese
kept them awake. The flight of the geese is
timed with the falling of the leaves.
The most glorious show that nature has to
display is the changing colors of the leaves
in October and November. Perhaps the most
beautiful colors are pink, yellow, burgundy,
orange, and red. For those who have a poet's
soul, their eyes can feast upon the beauteous
glory until their starved souls are content.
In the valley of the many colored leaves, a
mazy, meandering stream flows toward the
rivulet. Its progress comes almost to a
standstill when it brushes against some
clogged leaves and brush. But then it bursts
forth with its freedom, and it seems to make
musical laughter in its progress. Here, be-
fore in the lustrum of spring when beauty
reigned supreme, the songbirds would gather
in this hallowed grove to take a bath in the
stream, consequently displaying their win-
some plumage. The ones that sang the loud-
est laid claim to that strip of domain.
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A66 CON
is a variety of tress- lackgum,
Nearb
y
sweetgum, maple, hickory, and others-thillhat
t f the
th
AL RECORD - APPENDIX January 7
are dotted upward to
e op EXTENSION OF REMARKS
slope. It is perhaps here that God's crea-
tion of beauty is at its best, for each specie or
of tree and every leaf seems to be vying HON. WILLIAM L. SPRINGER
for splendor's prizes. Amid the glory of the
beautiful trees is a unique one. It is the
pine tree, and it knows no changing season,
f 11. is een the year round The
e gr
o
f it
g
s
or
winds pierce the giant pine trees' needles, Thursday, January 7, 1965
and most beautiful musical sounds issue
forth. A million produce music, but none is
too audible nor any out of key. The soft,
mournful sounds summarize the events of a
lifetime.
Over the flood of years, methinks that I
can see a little bright, blue-eyed boy, in a
shy, concealed way, grab his long-visored cap,
gather up some sacks, and set forth for au-
tumn's rich fruits. He encounters a strange,
frightening bird called the screech owl. This
unique bird has a mysterious talented voice;
in the black hours of night he haunts people
who . have departed from the straight and
narrow way. Some guilty, superstitious ones
will get up and turn over an old shoe. Now
barefooted and on tiptoe, the boy reaches
the desired woodlands, scales the persimmon
tree, and feasts upon the rich, luscious fruit.
Then he fills his sacks with chinquapins, war-
nuts, and hickory nuts. He looks about him
and sees the squirrels gathering nuts and
taking them up large trees to deposit them
in hidden holes for winter food. Their
thoughts are so much like his own.
Then falls the cruel, telling frost. Each
leaf seems to cling to its accustomed place
tenaciously, but volleys of wind smite it
again and again, and like a human gasping
for his last earthly breath, at last it gives
way to eternity. The fallen leaves scurry
over one another like little children play-
ing leapfrog. Then at last the leaves come
to :rest, and I lament that in all their beau-
teous glory they must, like common earth,
rot. The gayer hours of life were ours; the
worst is mine.
With the passing of the leaves go many
songbirds, which were heavenly sweet and
earthly present. Then the ones left are
deleted of their gay songs. Their pleasures
seem to have terminated during the flight of
their earthly companions of the air and the
falling of the leaves. Even the persistent
musical voice of the pretty bluejay is no
longer heard, "Cing, chang, ching." The
multitude of )c kingbirds has departed and
taken their multivarious songs. with them.
The most abundant birds left are the crows
and blackbirds which, at their best, only
produce a cacophony of sounds.
The wise old owl perches himself on the
top spray of the loftiest tree in the forest.
He has seen many seasons come and go, and
from his vantage point he appears to be
taking inventory. Beyond the Woods, out
in the open meadows, a wilderenss of wild
flowers in their gay sisterhood was mutilated
by Jack Frost's wintry breath. Upon sur-
veying the scene in the woodlands, the owl
still has left with him hawks, doves, quail,
But the war in South Vietnam is fought
province by province. In province after
province, the balance of the fighting is al-
ready close. And in too many provinces, a
local catastrophe can too easily result from
the injection of no more than one or two
additional main force enemy battalions.
In Quang Nal, for example, the anti-Com-
munist forces have already been pushed back
so far that the enemy controls just about
the entire province, except for the main town
and two or three other strong points. In
main force battalions, moreover, the balance
in Quang is probably already about 7 to 5
in favor of the Communists.
Obviously, therefore, there is grave risk
in Quang Nai of some such local catastrophe
as the capture of the provincial capital and
destruction or capture of all the defense
forces by a Communist surprise attack. This
is not the only province, either, where risks
are being run, In-Darlac, to. name another,
the odds are now better than even on a sec-
ond Communist-inspired rising of the Rhade
tribespeople.
Logically, of course, a mere local catas-
trophe in Quang Nai or some other province
ought not to achieve decisive results for the
Communists. This kind of logic is very
popular, nowadays, with the U.S. staff officers
in Saigon. They seem to forget that it was
also quite illogical for France to be deci-,
sively defeated at Dienbienphu, which was
a very small scale fight by normal standards.
The Vietnamese people have been at war
for too many years, with no end in sight.
On their resistance, as, on the French, a mere
local catastrophe can all too easily produce
decisive effects. The raw materials for an-
other Dienbienphu are plainly present.
To be sure, there is one vast, potentially
saving difference between 1964 and 1953.
This is not just Vietnam's war. It is also
our war; and the United States has gigantic
uncommitted reserves. But unless we soon
begin to bring American power to bear in
deadly earnest, we must gek ready for the
greatest American defeat in the history of
the United States. -
That is what now looms ahead, as a clear
possibility if not a probability. And using
Laotian pilots, in training planes converted
into bombers, to attack the Ho Chi Minh trail
cannot be described as bringing American
power to bear in deadly earnest.
Chains Open Fire on Family Farms
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ANCHER NELSEN
or MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, January 7, 1965
Mr. NELSEN. Mr. Speaker, the ques-
tions farmers are increasingly asking, no
matter what farm organization they be-
long to, are brought out in an article,
"Chains Open Fire'on Family Farms," by
Gene Cervi of the Rocky Mountain
Journal.
This alarming article was brought to
my attention by Mrs. Kenneth Tellers, of
Cologne, Minn., and I hope that my col-
leagues will give it their careful consid-
eration as the National Commission on
Food Marketing gets down to business in
Washington this week.
The article follows:
killdees, and the four-footed animals: wolf, in guerrilla fighting. Hence it is as certain
coon, skunk, mink, squirrel, opossum, and as anything can be that the draftees were
hare. The owl mops the brow of his sad sent to the southern front with'their bat-
ccuntenance and seems to say, "The birds talions.
have taken a leave of absence and will re- The appearance of organized units of the
turn with the arrival of spring. The flow- North Vietnamese army in the southern
ers and the leaves will appear in the regur- fighting is a new and startling fact, which
rection next May." might well divert the State Department's
When death comes to a bird, it usually wrath from Gen. Nguyen Khanh to Gen. Vo
is preceded by a brief illness. Birds do not Nguyen Glap. To be sure, this movement
feel any responsibility for whatever happens southward is not large by normal standards.
to them after death. Their plight is not so It cannot as yet amount to more than a
complex as the departure of us humans. couple of battalions a month.
Mr. SPRINGER. Mr. Speaker, I at-
tach herewith another article by Joseph
Alsop entitled, "Another Dienbienphu?"
Mr. Alsop has been on the scene in Sai-
gon and, apparently, understands bet-
ter than any other correspondent the sit-
uation there. He has been giving forth-
right reports in simple language about
South Vietnam.
The article follows:
(By Joseph Alsop)
Everyone in Washington is hard at work
worrying about the political situation in
Vietnam. They should also begin worrying
about the military situation which is the
prime cause of the recurrent political dif-
ficulty.
Just 11 years ago, this reporter left Saigon
to fly halfway around the world for an
earlier family Christmas. Doing exactly the
same thing this time, with exactly the same
cold dread of disaster-soon-to-come lying
clammy on one's stomach, was not an agree-
able experience.
Yet facts must be faced, however disagree-
able they may be. And the central fact that
now needs facing is the grim similarity of
the present military situation in South Viet-
nam to the Vietnamese military situation at
the end of 1953, on the very eve of Dienbien-
phu.
By December, 1953, the Communists had
managed to stretch the defense to the ut-
most, leaving the French high command
with almost no reserves in hand. This.year,
once again, the defenders' resources are bad-
ly overstretched. The central reserve
amounts to hardly a division and a half; and
a good part of this slender reserve is actually
pinned down in the Saigon area, because of
the strength of the Communist underground
in the city.
In December 1953, the Communists also
had large reserves outside the war zone, in
the form of the newly trained division in
China whose commitment in Vietnam then
caused the French disaster at Dienbien-
phu. This year, once again, the Communist
reserves outside the war zone are extremely
important, theoretically comprising the en-
tire North Vietnamese Army. And units of
this reserve have almost certainly begun
to be infiltrated southward, over the Ho Chi
Minh trail.,
This startling fact must be deduced from
recent captures of very young North Viet-
namese draftees in South Vietnam. No gen-
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correct determination to terminate these
political payoffs.
We look forward to the "slugfest" for the
simple reason that commonsense, common
decency, and fiscal integrity dictate an end
to the misuse of Federal funds, both of the
tax dollars you are paying today and the
heavier Federal debt with which the future
of our country is being mortgaged.
We maintain that these programs are local
responsibilities and can be solved locally, as
Indianapolis has demonstrated. We main-
tain that under any circumstance they are
not being administered fairly, but are being
used to bribe the electorate, to subsidize po-
litical employees, to penalize the cities and
counties that exercise their own fiscal respon_
sibility, to benefit the relatively well off, and
to make the poor poorer. They cannot be
justified morally, nor can they be justified
economically or defended ethically. It's
One View of Recent Events in Vietn
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, January 7, 1964
Mr, ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, the sit-
uation in South Vietnam is one of con-
tinuing concern to Members of Congress.
The United States has made heavy com-
mitments in money and manpower in
the effort to defeat the Communist Viet-
cong rebels.
Ina current issue of America maga-
zine, Miss Marguerite Higgins, well-
known journalist and Pulitzer Prize win-
ner, reported her views on the situation
following a recent visit to South Viet-
nam. ,
Her article makes a number of per-
tinent points on current events in that
troubled country and I commend it to
the attention of my colleagues:
SAIGON SUMMARY: OUR COUNTRY PLAYED AN
INGLORIOUS ROLE IN THE FINAL DAYS OF THE
DIEM REGIME _
(By Marguerite Higgins)
What is the meaning of the five tragic self-
immolations that took place in Vietnam in
the 6 weeks following the November coup
d'etat against Diem? How did it come to
pass that under the military junta, which
seized power in the name of an end to "per-
secution," there have been more suicides by
fire over a short period than had ever been
the case under President Diem and his broth-
er Ngo Dinh Nhu? Even though virtually
ignored by the Western press, will this latest
spate of suicides by fire-without clearly
stated reason-destroy at last the false no-
tion that the repeated acts of self-immola-
tion in Vietnam were indisputable proof of
massive persecution of the Buddhist religion
by President Diem, a Roman Catholic?
Will historians be more equitable with
President Diem than his contemporaries
were?
On two trips in Vietnam in 1963, one be-
fore and one after the coup d'etat, this writer
was never able to And an instance of repres-
sion on religious grounds. Under Diem, there
was repression of Buddhists, Catholics, Con-
fucianists, etc., when-in defiance of clearly
stated laws-they took to the streets to dem-
onstrate against the Government. But
Diem's repression was not directed against a
religion. It was aimed at overt political oppo-
sition. There were deplorable police excesses
in Vietnam, but there is no sign that they
were desired or condoned by Diem any more
than police excesses in Alabama are con-
doned or desired by Washington.
There was, for a longtime, a clear double
standard in Vietnam, in which accusations
against Diem gained, in most cases, giant
headlines, but attempted refutations received
only perfunctory notice. For instance, last
summer Thich Duc Nghiep, the Xa Loi
pagoda spokesman, told reporters dramat-
ically that 366 persons in a Saigon suburb had
been arrested "because they were Buddhists."
That figure was headlined throughout the
world. But when I went to the suburb in
question, I found that a routine check was
being made of a neighborhood through which
the Vietcong often infiltrated. I stayed for
2 hours to talk with those rounded up as
they emerged from the police compound
after questioning. I talked to 20 persons-
picked up. So the charge of "365 persons
arrested because of being Buddhists" was
invention.
There is no doubt that the overwhelming
majority of the American press corps in
Saigon thought-out of the most idealistic
and patriotic motives-that they were serv-
ing a good cause in arousing world opin-
ion against Diem. Whether his strengths
and faults were greater or less than those of
his junta successors remains to be seen.
It is certain that under the military junta,
Vietnamese have been jailed for far less than
was necessary to send a person to prison un-
der Diem. Said a European observer; "Under
Diem, a Vietnamese had to do something
specific against the regime to get into trou-
ble. Under the military junta, a Vietnamese
can be jailed without charge, simply under
the suspicion that he was loyal to the Diem
regime when it was the legally constituted
authority."
Sanche de Gramont, of the New York
Herald Tribune, has estimated the number
of arbitrary arrests right after the coup as
around 500. So far, Mr. de Gramont and this
reporter, are the only ones who have written
with any detail about the junta's reversion
to some of the police state tactics the Saigon
press corps so bitterly cirticized in Diem.
Nowadays, some of the most ardent anti-
Diem writers, such as David Halberstam,
Saigon correspondent of the New York Times,
acknowledge that the Buddhist agitation of
last summer and fall was politically moti-
vated. In an admiring magazine article writ-
ten by his close friend George J. W. Goodman,
Mr. Halberstam is quoted as saying: "I always
said it. The Buddhist campaign was polit-
ical. * * * I thought I always emphasized
that this was a political dispute under a
religious banner-the only place an opposi-
tion had found to gather in an authoritarian
regime. * * *"
Whatever Mr. Halberstam's intentions, his
and other press dispatches last summer and
fall did create the impression in the outside
world that some kind of religious crisis was
going on -inside Vietnam. And it was the
image of religious persecution-false as it
was-that paved the way for Diem's down-
fall. Without the embarrassment of being
the patron of a country suspected of battling
Buddhists, it is- doubtful that the United
States would ever have reached the decision
to try to get rid of Diem. The authorities
in Washington knew, of course, that the
conflict in Vietnam was political, not reli-
gious. But they were reluctant to speak
out lest, in the process, they attract to Wash-
ington some of the onus being poured-
with hardly any contradiction-on Diem. -
By staying silent, Washington acted as if
it thought Diem guilty. And this helped to
complete the vicious circle.
Or as Roger Hillsman, Assistant Secretary
A23
of State for Far Eastern Affairs, put it:
"After the closing of the pagodas on August
21, the facts became irrelevant." So, evi-
dently, did a sense of perspective. What,
for example, about the fact that President
Diem was far more lenient to his political
opposition than President Sukarno of In-
donesia or Premier Sarit Thanarat of Thai-
land, both recipients of American aid?
Whereas some 300 political prisoners, at most.
were found in Diem's jails, the prisons of
Thailand, Indonesia and Burma were filled-
and are still filled-with tens of thousands
of political victims. -
"But," explained a procoup State Depart-
ment officer, "the world spotlight is not on
those countries, and it is on Vietnam."
At the State Department, there have been
some attempts to rationalize the coup d'etat
by describing it as necessary to save the
Vietnamese war effort from going to pieces.
One difficulty with this argument is that it
makes liars out of Secretary of Defense Mc-
Namara, Chief of Staff Maxwell D. Taylor
and Gen. Paul Harkins, who testified under
oath to Congress in October that the war
was making reasonable progress. If the
State Department ever took seriously the
argument that the disturbances in the cities
would affect morale in the countryside, it
betrays a regrettable lack of understanding
of the structure of -Vietnam and of the gap
between the countryside, where the war will
be won or lost, and the cities, where less
than 10 percent of the Vietnamese live.
For the Buddhists, intellectuals and stu-
dents who marched the streets in anti-Diem
demonstrations could not have cared less
about the war-before the coup, or after the
coup. Vietnamese students in particular tell
you quite frankly that one reason they prize
admission to a university is that it enables
them to avoid the draft. Vietnam's intel-
lectuals have narrow horizons, are exces-
sively inward turning, and make constant
and factional criticism their specialty. Ex-
cept for a handful of terribly militant leaders,
Buddhist monks are rather passive. If the
success or failure of the war were to depend
on these groups, Vietnam would have been
lost from the start. As to the effects in the
countryside of the critical clamoring by Viet-
nam's spoiled young intellectuals in the
cities, it was virtually nil. The American
attitude seemed to be that if a Vietnamese
student demonstrates, virtue is on his side
and the government is wrong. But in the
countryside there were many peasants and
plain soldiers who disapproved of the de-
fiance of the regime-in those rare places
where anyone knew anything whatsoever of
what went on beyond the next village.
If there was any slowdown in the war in
September and October of 1963, it was be-
cause the Vietnamese generals-under
American prodding-were concentrating on
thoughts of a coup d'etat, while Diem and
Nhu, out of fear of America, were concen-
trating on how to prevent a coup.
It was not until after the coup d'etat that
the Vietnamese war took a decidedly down-
ward turn. The military junta with its un-
certain leadership, after purges of key (and
scarce) officials, finally plunged much of the
countryside into the confusion from which
it purportedly was trying to save Vietnam.
No wonder the Vietcong took advantage of
the situation to seize the military initiative
for the first time in many months. No won-
der that, in the 2 months after the coup
d'etat, the military junta lost more real
estate, lives, and weapons to the Vietcong
than at any previous time in the war.
It was precisely out of fear of such predic-
table consequences of trying to , change
regimes in midwar that Secretary of Defense
McNamara and Central Intelligence Director
John McCone opposed a coup d'etat. But
they were overruled by the procoup d'etat
faction led by Ambassador Henry Cabot
Lodge, Under Secretary of State Averell Har-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX January 7
riinan, and Assistant Secretary of State for
Far Eastern Affairs Roger Hillsman.
The Diem-must-go decision came shortly
after the temporary closing of about a dozen
(out of 4,000) pagodas on August 21, which
outraged Washington. Diem said that his
only aim was to get the Buddhist leaders out
of politics and back to religion. The Viet-
namese leader insisted that unless he shut
down the propaganda machinery of the pago-
das and put a halt to the glorification of
suicide by burning, public disorder in the
cities would mount and world misunder-
standing would deepen. Washington dis-
agreed. Further, it felt that Diem had not
only humiliated it and flouted its advice,
but had broken a promise to be conciliatory.
Washington's anger was heightened by hor-
rendous stories of alleged killings and bru-,
talities during the pagoda raids. (There were
no such killings, as the monks themselves
later said.)
In any case, on August 24, the State De-
partment sent out word-without the knowl-
edge of Secretary McNamara or of CIA Direc-
tor John McCone-instructing Ambassador
Lodge to "unleash" the Vietnamese generals
with a view, to toppling the Diem govern-
ment if they could. Plotting among edu-
cated Vietnamese, including the generals, is
a kind of national pastime, as chess is to the
Russians. Until lately it had been a pretty
harmless pastime, because everybody knew
that real action was dependent on an Ameri-
can green light-and until August such a
green light had been withheld.
But on Sunday, August 25, Washington
publicly gave the generals a green light in a
Voice of America broadcast that virtually
called on the Vietnamese military to take
over. At the same time, Ambassador Lodge
asked the CIA to poll the Vietnamese gen-
erals and see when and if they were ready
to translate revolt talk into action.
Diem's shock at the Voice of America
broadcast and the CIA poll of the Vietnamese
generals can only be imagined by turning
the tables around. Suppose the United
States were engaged in a war against the
Communists in which we depended almost
totally on aid from Vietnam; suppose, In the
middle of that war, Vietnam issued a broad-
oast calling for the American Joint Chiefs of
Staff to overthrow the American Govern-
ment.
The miracle is that the Diem regime sur-
vived as long as it did the virtual declaration
of political war served on it that August by
Washington.
What, after many months of hesitation,
finally decided the generals (in mid-October)
to stage the coup? In separate interviews
with this correspondent, members of the
military junta spoke of these factors:
1. The late President Kennedy called, at
a press conference, for "changes of policy
and maybe personnel" In Vietnam.
2. Washington announced the withdrawal
of 1,000 American soldiers by the end of
1963, and possible total withdrawal by 1965.
(Said one general: "That convinced us that
unless we got rid of Diem, you would aban-
don us.")
8. The economic aid was cut. Many gen-
erals agreed that this cut was psychologically
the most decisive goad to a coup d'etat. "It
convinced us," a key plotter explained, "that
the United States was serious this time
about getting rid of Diem. In any case,
this was a war we wanted to win. The
United States furnished us with the jeeps,
the bullets, the very guns that made the
war possible. In cutting economic aid, the
United States was forcing us to choose be-
tween your country's help in the war and
Diem. So we chose the United States."
Ironically, President Diem did make some
important concessions to the United States
in September and October. For example,
in mid-September President Diem agreed
to every point put forward by the United
States in a program to reform and consoli-
date the strategic hamlet program in the
Mekong delta. Many Americans had long
felt that this program had been overex-
tended. At last President Diem agreed with
the diagnosis and decided to do something
about it. Why was this move toward the
American position never publicized? One
Western diplomat put it this way: "Am-
bassador Lodge and his deputy, William
Truehart, were so determined to get rid of
Diem that they were -opposed to putting
him in a conciliatory light. They were
afraid this would strengthen the hands of
those in Washington against a coup d'etat."
Even at the 11th hour, Ambassador Lodge
could, of course, have turned off the revolt
if he had chosen to give the slightest sign
that the New Frontier and President Diem
were even beginning to move to heal their
rent. As one member of the military junta
put it: "We would never have dared to act
if we had not been sure that the United
States was giving us its moral support."
In the last hours before his death, Presi-
dent Diem was stripped of any doubt what-
soever of Washington's hostility. Telephon-
ing the American Embassy from the palace
at 4:30 p.m. on November 1, after the bom-
bardment had started, President Diem asked
Ambassador Lodge: "What is Washington's
attitude toward this?" Lodge replied: "I
don't know Washington's attitude. After
all, it is 4:30 in the morning there."
"But you must have some idea," Diem said.
Whereupon Lodge turned the conversation
to the matter of Diem's safety, offering him
an airplane to take him out of the country.
Could anything have indicated more clearly
that in American eyes the success of the
coup d'etat was a fait accompli?
The only certain thing about the murder
of President Diem and Counselor Nhu is that
they were shot in the back (Diem in the neck,
Nhu in the right side) with their hands tied
behind them. Nhu also had a dagger or bay-
onet wound in the chest, which was appar-
ently indecisive.
These facts were established beyond all
doubt by this reporter through photographs
and through talks with military eyewitnesses,
attendants at St. Paul's Hospital (where the
bodies were first taken) and from informa-
tion given by two relatives, a niece and neph-
ew who handled the preparations for the
burial.
In the light of the way Diem and Nhu died,
there is a strong possibility that the shoot-
ings were ordered by some or all members of
the military junta. Would a junior officer
take such a responsibility on himself?
Now for the Buddhist leaders who started
it all: have they got what they wanted? I use
the word "leaders" advisedly, for of the Bud-
dhists in Vietnam, who form about 30 per-
cent of the population of 14 million people,
the overwhelming majority are largely non-
political. Buddhist monks tend to be some-
what passive. They would never have
dreamed of resorting to violent demonstra-
tions had they not been subjected to the
skillful and inflammatory propaganda that
poured from the humming mimeograph ma-
chines of the Xa Lot Pagoda. By the end of
last summer, the original grievances of the
Buddhist leaders in Hue-matters of prop-
erty rights, flag flying, etc.-had largely been
met by the Diem regime.
In the midst of the anti-Diem ferment I
wrote an article asking: "What do the Bud-
dhists want? They want Diem's head, not on
a silver platter, but wrapped in an American
flag?
You have to hand it to the Buddhist lead-
ers that they got what they wanted. But will
this satisfy the more militant Buddhist lead-
ers? It is heady stuff, even for Buddhists, to
have the attention of the entire world fo-
cused on you, and to exercise the kind of
political power than can topple governments.
Will, for instance, the venerable Thich Tri
Quang, the mastermind of the Buddhist cam-
paign and by far the most intelligent and
militant of all, be satisfied to take a political
back seat?
Thich Tri Quang is a Buddhist leader
from Hue who was granted asylum at the
American Embassy even though his past is
in some controversy. According to records
of the French- Colonial Office, he had twice
been arrested during the postwar French oc-
cupation of Indochina for dealings with Ho
Chi Minh. By his own admission, he was
a member of the Vietminh Communist
Liberation Front. He claims to have fallen
out with the Communists later. Again ac-
cording to the French, who still have repre-
sentatives at Hanoi, Thich Tri Quang's
brother is currently working for Ho Chi
Minh in the Communist Vietnam's Ministry
of the Interior, The duties of Thich Tri
Quang's brother are the direction of sub-
version in South Vietnam.
None of this, of course, proves anything
about Thich Trf Quang's current attitude to-
ward the Communist Vietcong. What does
seem clear is that he learned a lot from the
Communists about organization and propa-
ganda. He ran his emergency headquarters
at the Xa Loi pagoda like a company com-
mend post. Orders were barked out, direct-
ing a demonstration here, a protest meeting
there. Messengers scurried in and out, car-
rying banners with their newly painted slo-
gans. Respectful monks brought In the
latest anti-Diem propaganda blast for Thich
Tri Quang to review word by word.
In my discussion with Thich Tri Quang, I
was somewhat taken aback at his indiffer-
ence about the war against the Communists.
When I asked whether the occasional out-
burst of turmoil might not offer the Viet-
cong the opportunity to infiltrate among
the demonstrators, Thich Tri Quang
shrugged his shoulders and said: "It is pos-
sible that the current disorders could lead
to Communist gains. But if this happens it
will be Diem's fault, not ours."
In the same Interview in the Xa Loi
pagoda, Thich Tri Quang told me that his
preferred solution for Vietnam was neutral-
ism, adding: "We cannot get an arrange-,
ment with the north until we get rid of
Diem and Nhu."
The Vietcong are suspected of having led
several of the attacks against property on
November, 1, the day of the coup d'etat. For
instance, a small but violent gang of young
people attacked and demolished the newly
opened headquarters in Saigon of the Asian
Anti-Communist League. This league had
no connection, financial or otherwise, with
Diem. Yet the coup-day rioters systematical-
ly removed its anti-Communist literature
onto the streets, burned it, then wrecked the
headquarters.
Whether the new military junta's govern-
ment by committee can do any better than
Diem and Nhu remains in doubt. The junta
Is ripe for further coups and countercoups.
In any case, it was not because he enjoyed
being condemned by world public opinion
that President Diem engaged In repressive
measures (mild as they were by Asian stand-
ards). The new government will be faced
by similar problems, because the funda-
mental situation has not changed. For ex-
ample, the change of government has not al-
tered the tendency of Vietnam citified Intel-
lectuals to take to the streets.
Within 2 weeks after the coup d'etat,
10,000 students at Hue demonstrated noisily
against the military junta because it had not
dismissed several professors who had been
loyal to Diem, This is but one example of
pressure by mob. Can the military junta
long tolerate decisions enforced by street
mobs, or justice by demand of the newly
freed and utterly irresponsible Vietnamese
press? Three Saigon newspapers have
closed-and rightly-already. The smut and
sheer mendacity of the postcoup "free press"
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A25
of Vietnam is one of the blackest marks of
recent months in the annals of Vietnam's so-
called intellectuals. In view of the in-
discipline, factionalism and irresponsibility
of citified Vietnamese, can the military junta
long escape resorting to the same tight rein
held by President Diem?
The only sure thing in Vietnam today is
that the United States has set an extremely
this Nation in the direction of freedom and
respect for person, and they killed Mr.
Lincoln.
In this centennial year of the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation and the Gettysburg Ad-
dress-98 years after the assassination of
Abraham Lincoln-the ablest and most dedi-
cated spokesman for those ideals in the 20th
century was suddenly shot from the same
controversial precedent by encouraging, for kind of darkened crevices of hate.
the first time in our history, the overthrow They killed President Kennedy. The
in time of war of a duly elected government same hands; the same forces. The same har-
i hting loyally against the common Corn- / bingers of hate, greed, tyranny, avarice and
m nist enemy. arrogance demonstrated again and beyond
a doubt that they will still stop at nothing
In Memoriam: John Fitzgerald Kennedy,
President of the United States
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN D. DINGELL
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, January 7, 1964
Mr. DINGELL. Mr. Speaker, under
unanimous consent, I insert into the Ap-
pendix of the RECORD a memorial tribute
to our late President read to the Wayne
County (Mich.) Board of Supervisors on
November 26, 1963, by one of its mem-
bers, Dr. Broadus N. Butler. Dr. Butler,
a distinguished citizen of Detroit, is as-
sistant to the dean of the Wayne State
University College of Liberal Arts:
IN MEMORIAM: JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY,
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
(By Supervisor Broadus N. Butler)
At the height of the first ray of hope for a
new national climate of brotherhood, democ-
racy, and opportunity in this tragedy ridden
20th century comes the assassination of the
one President of the United States who has
symbolized not only for America, but for the
world, the ideal of executive leadership to-
ward the full recognition of human dignity.
This has been a century in which the re-
spect of person and human dignity has been
trampled unto death and degradation in
some dramatic way in each generation. This
century has seen three major international
wars take millions of lives, untold numbers
of smaller wars add up to more millions. It
has seen genocide in the extermination of 3
million Jews in Germany, the rise of com-
munism and massacres in Asia, the assassi-
nation of Mohandas Gandhi in India, apar-
theid and the killing of thousands of black
Africans, particularly in Angola and South
Africa. It has suffered killings, riots, and
more than 50 bombings of churches and
schools-killings of men, women, and chil-
dren-in the United States. The past decade
of this century has seen this violence go un-.
mitigated and unpunished in our own Na-
tion. It has watched the overthrow, by vio-
lence of government after government
throughout the world.
John Fitzgerald Kennedy tried in less
than 3 years to write a chapter of human
dignity and equality of opportunity for all
into our national life. He tried to see and
move optimistically toward a new climate of
brotherhood and hope at least in our own
land, if not throughout the world.
We must now face finally and ultimately
the stark fact that is no joke that fanatical
forces of the right and the left have tried
and are, still trying to write an obituary for
this great, overgrown and, they think, dying
Nation. One hundred years ago, Abraham
Lincoln told this to the 19th century Amer-
icans in the Emancipation Proclamation and
in the Gettysburg Address. He tried to set
to prove that the American creed of democ-
racy and brotherhood is not viable-that
America will die before she will be free. And,
like Mr. Kennedy, she will die unless we ac-
knowledge this shocking reality. We must
finally know that the extreme right would
rather see the Nation dead than see one
Negro free; the extreme left would rather
kill the Nation than see one American free.
That was the essence ' of the meaning of the
assassination of Mr. Lincoln. That was the
essence of the failure to implement the
original Declaration of Independence. That
is now the essence of the meaning of the
death of President Kennedy.
The President is not dead; the presidency
lives. But the only President since Abraham
Lincoln who devoted so much of his executive
resources and moral suasion to give real
meaning to civil rights, equal opportunity,
and human freedom is dead. No, we say
in disbelief. It cannot be. But, it is.
In our time, there is one and only one
significant difference between America and
Germany, Italy, Japan, and the other coun-
tries that died of their own involvement in
violence, America and America's creed of
freedom revived and saved them. America
retrieved them with men, the ideology of
freedom, and with all the moral power and
economic resources that it takes to recover
a dead society from itself and infuse it with
a new vision of life and hope-a new freedom
from its own ashes. Now, it is America. Can
America save America? Will God? Will
Americans? This time it is we, ourselves.
What will we do now? .
Goodby, dear Mr. President. May your
soul and your memory-your ultimate sacri-
fice-save a people and a nation so great as
ours that cannot otherwise save itself from
its own domestic violence. Will those who
could not learn from the deaths of Christ, of
Lincoln, of Gandhi now see that the shot of
hate that pierced John F. Kennedy, was
aimed to kill Thee.
Americans, be of good judgment and firm
dedication to complete his unfinished task.
In the transition from John Fitzgerald Ken-
nedy to Lyndon Baines Johnson there is one
great comfort for our saddened Nation. The
Presidency moves from strength, courage and
moral integrity to continued strength, cour-
age and moral integrity in the quest for
democracy, for domestic brotherhood, and
for international peace.
Our hearts go out to the President's family
and especially to Mrs. Jacqueline Kennedy
who has suffered the double personal tragedy
of the loss of a son and a husband in so short
compass.
May the wisdom of our departed President
rest upon and give strength to our new Pres-
ident, Lyndon B. Johnson. May his soul and
purpose pervade the whole American citi-
zenry across the land to remove the hate and
bigotry which besets us. May the people of
America now see the light and learn the
truth that his martyrdom beams forth so
clearly to us. Cannot we hark the painful
miracles of this year? Cannot we heed the
words of our great and departed exemplar
who implored us to "Ask not what your
country can do for you. Ask what you can
do for your country."
Jesus Christ said, in effect, "If you will love
God, you must love one another." Every re-
cent martyr has echoed, "If you will love one
another, you must love me." Let every
American learn to love-to respect the person
and dignity of-one another.
(Read to the Wayne County Board of
Supervisors, Tuesday, November 26, 1963.)
George Fisher
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN A. BLATNIK
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Tuesday, January 7, 1964
Mr. BLATNIK. Mr. Speaker, I wish
to take this opportunity to pay well-
deserved public tribute to a man of
unusual gifts and inexhaustible energy,
a man whose memorable contributions
to all of northeastern Minnesota stand
as a monument to his life's work, my dear
friend and dean of journalists on the
Mesabi Iron Range, Mr. George Fisher.
Celebrating his golden anniversary of
journalism, 47 years of which were spent
with the Hibbing Daily Tribune, George
Fisher announced his retirement on
January 1, 1964. Throughout these
many years of devoted service to the
public interest George Fisher has truly
been the voice, conscience, and spirit
of all the good people in the Iron
Range area. His retirement-surely
well-earned and deserving-brings to his
many friends and admirers feelings of
sadness mixed with pride over his
achievements and gratitude for his con-
tributions.
In true journalistic tradition George
Fisher started at the bottom of the lad-
der as a young reporter, working himself
up to be city editor, managing editor,
and finally executive editor. Not con-
tent to achieve excellence as.a journalist,
he has taken the lead in many local
matters of public interest, spearheaded
numerous civic projects, and been active
in many organizations. His untiring
efforts have on three occasions won him
the honor of being named Hibbing's out-
standing citizen.
Mr. Speaker, the eloquent and warmly
sincere editorial in the December 26,
1963, edition of my hometown news-
paper, the Free Press of Chisholm, Minn.,
sums up the thoughts and emotions of
all of us in northeastern Minnesota on
the occasion of the retirement of "Mr.
Hibbing," our beloved George Fisher. I
commend to all the moving story of this
remarkable man:
GEORGE FISHER'S TREASURES
Perhaps no other profession in the world
is so studded with joys, pin-pricked with
sorrows and jeweled with rewards of personal
satisfaction as is that of journalism.
Those who follow in the footsteps of the
fourth estate watch each day's events blaze
on the horizon, die in the ashes of forget-
fulness and torn newspapers, and then watch
them kindled into new flames as dawns an-
other day and the rising sun shoots new
directives.
THEY FEEL THE HEARTBEAT
The efforts of the vast working corps often
remain unsung. These men and women ask,
nor demand recognition. Their fruits of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX January 7, -? M.
their endeavors are spelled out in the accu-
racy of their stories, details and authenticity
of their research to educate a strong and
healthy nation. In times of joy, they fade
into the darkness and observe with an inner
satisfaction the happiness of a surging, for-
ward democracy of humanity. They feel the
anguish of war, the tragedy of assassinations,
the pain and death of accidents; the desola-
tion of destruction and violence, the heart-
beat of the new-born babe; the pride and
accomplishment of a college diploma; the
hope of the downtrodden; the hunger and
cold of the poor; the pulse of mankind's
yearning for peace.
An integral part of all of this fascination
for more than half a century has been the
dean of journalism on the Iron Range, the
indomitable, persevering, dedicated George
Fisher. Journalism is a field that knows
neither night nor day. Compensations and
remunerations are not measured in terms
of money. The reporter's "Beat", known to
the man on the street as an assignment, be-
comes like a drug. The events and hap-
penings of little towns, big cities, thriving,
teeming states, a young democracy, and
powerful nations race through the blood-
stream. Once the smell of ink, the hum of
the typewriter and linotype, the roll of the
presses, and the pressure of deadlines get
into your blood, there is no turning back.
One just keeps on driving, working, racing,
writing. This, Mr. Fisher has done with a
dignity and respectability that marks the
great men in journalism.
EDITIONS ARE MEMORIALS
This man's greatest memorial tribute are
the editions of the Ribbing Daily Tribune,
ageless, yellowed and preserved for the past
46 years. His chronicles, anecdotes and edi-
torials magnify the heartbeat of the Iron
Range. And as he gathered the material for
his many stories and columns, he sowed the
seeds of friendship which have blossomed
into a magnificent symbol of the kind of
wealth that money cannot buy. Because he
was fair, firm, determined, kind and just, Mr.
Fisher earned for himself a following that
encircles his beloved Iron Range, his grief-
stricken United States, and his embracing
world.
A BIGGER MAN
Though the formal records will show that
Mr. Fisher is retiring from his position of
executive editor as of January 1, 1964, his
colleagues and friends know way down deep
that the ring of the telephone, the clang of
the siren, the hum of the typewriter will
quicken his pulse, and an unexplainable
"something" known as a reporter's ninth
sense will start racing through his veins.
The years have been kind and good, spiced
with humor, rare joys, and some very bitter
sorrows. All have made Mr. Fisher a bigger,
more tolerant, and understanding reporter
and American citizen. His journalistic con-
tributions, his civic accomplishments, his
reservoir of friendships are treasures he can
always cherish.
We, your colleagues, are proud of you, W.
Fisher, and in sincere tribute, thank you for
a "job well done."
PRINTING OF CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
EXTRACTS
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to print and deliver upon the order of any
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(U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 185, p. 1942).
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lating to estimates shall apply to reports or
documents not exceeding 50 pages (U.S.
Code, title 44, sec. 140, p. 1938).
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Government (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 72a,
Supp. 2).
RECORD OFFICE AT THE CAPITOL
An office for the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,
with Mr. Raymond F. Noyes in charge, is lo-
cated in room 1-1-112, House wing, where or-
ders will be received for subscriptions to the
RECORD at $1.50 per month or for single
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the RECORD should be processed through this
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CHANGE OF RESIDENCE
Senators, Representatives, and Delegates
who have changed their residences will please
give information thereof to the Government
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correctly given in the RECORD.
CONGRESSIONAL DIRECTORY
The Public Printer, under the direction of
the Joint Committee on Printing, may print
for sale, at a price sufficient to reimburse the
expenses of such printing, the current Con-
gressional Directory. No sale shall be made
on credit (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 150, p.
1939).
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