GETTING TO WORK AND BACK PART 2

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160031-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 18
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 31
• Publication Date: February 25, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

Approved For Release 2003/1Q/1U,CIA-RDP6IBOO4k6RV300160031-8
3854 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? March 2
card on juvenile arrests. Nonetheless, the
table denaoristratea the average experience
for this gioup ot offenders known to the Fed-
eral process through criminal fingerprint rec-
ords during theyear 1963. It also sheds some
light on the chronic offender, loOal and Fed-
eral. The fact that three-fourths of the ar-
rests of these offenders were for local charges
and that most of the Federal charges are
likewise local violations supports this con-
tention.
The average age for these offenders (table
A) in 1963 ranged from 43 years for the
gambler to almost 29 years for those persons
who during the course of their criminal ca-
reer have been arrested for auto theft. Aver-
age age for first arrest for auto theft was 23
years, robbery 25 years, and gambling 36
years. All of these offenders show a much
lower average age for first arrests for any
offense, beginning with 19 in auto theft to
29 years for gambling and Federal liquor
law? violators.
Average criminal careers for these offend-
ers, i.e., span of years from first to latest
arrest, was highest for gambling, 14 years,
followed by robbery and the assaultive
crimes of murder and felonious assault, 13
years. Auto thieves, who are generally
younger, had the shortest average span of 9
years but during that time accumulated, on
the average, six arrests. The robber was high
with' nine arrests In 13 years, the burglar
eight in 12 years, narcotics offenders eight
arrests in 11 years, and the Federal liquor law
violator four arrests in 11 years. When these
Charges are examined in relationship to the
offenses Which make up the Crime Index the
robber contributed four such offenses out of
the total of nfrie charges, the burglar four of
eight, the auto thief three, and assaultive-
type offender three. Only one of the four
'arrests charged to the Federal liquor law
violator fell in the Crime Index or serious
crime category. These, of course, are only
those crimes known to have been committed
by these offenders through detection, arrest,
and submission of fingerprint data.
Repeating the same type of crime had its
highest level among narcotics violators, 48
percent having two or more narcotic arrests.
The liquor law violator repeated in 39 per-
cent of the individual records, bogus check
offenders 38 percent, gamblers 37 percent,
burglars 37 percent, auto thieves 33 percent,
and the robber 25 percent.
The term "leniency" as explained above, in
table 4 refers to known instances where an
offender received probation or suspended
sentence, parole, or conditional release. The
frequency of leniency action is counted for
any charge during the course of the criminal
career of the offenders. Two-thirds of those
offenders who had been arrested for rob-
bery, buglary, auto theft, or bogus checks
received leniency during their criminal ca-
reer. The gambler had the lowest percent-
age of leniency, followed by the assaultive-
type offender. Leniency action for the indi-
cated charges of serious assault and murder,
and sex offenses had the lowest percentage.
Leniency was received on gambling charges
only in 15 percent of the total; however, the
lightness of the sentence usually connected
with this offense would account for this.
On the other hand leniency for auto theft
charges was 46 percent and for narcotic of-
fenses 36 percent.
TABLE A.---Profile of known repeaters by type of crime
_
Murder
and
serious
assault
Rob-
bezy
Bur-
glary
Auto
theft
Nar-
cotics
Gam-
bling
Bogus
checks
Sex
offenses
Federal
liquor
viola-
tors
Average age 1963
36
34
32
29
34
43
35
36
40
Average age first arrest for charge indi-
cated
27
25
23
23
28
36
29
26
34
Average age at first arrest
22
20
20
19
22
29
23
21
29
Average criminal career (years)
13
13
12
9
11
14
11
12
11
Average arrests during criminal career_
8
9
8
6
8
6
7
8
4
Crime Index arrests
3
4
4
3
2
1
2
3
1
Frequency of arrest on indicated charge
(percent):
1
81
75
63
67
52
63
62
86
61
2-
14
18
21
21
21
18
20
11
20
.8 or more
5
7
16
12
27
19
18
3
19
Frequeiaey of leniency action on any
charge (percent):
1-
32
34
35
39
35
30
36
33
41
2
15
18
18
17
15
9
17
16
12
3 or more
9
14
13
11
10
0
13
12
6
Total_
66
66
66
67
60
45
66
61
69
Leniency on indicated charge (percent) _ _
14
22
24
46
36
15
38
15
51
Average arrests after first leniency
5
6
5
4
6
4
5
6
2
Mobility:
Arrests in 1 State (percent)
39
33
31
28
63
60
32
37
69
2 States
31
28
30
31
27
24
25
28
22
3 States
14
16
17
17
10
8
16
14
6
4 States Or more
16
23
22
24
10
8
27
21
3
After the first leniency action, these knoWn
offenders were arrested on new charges dur-
ing the course of their criminal career
ranging from a high of six for the robber
and sex offender to two new charges for the
Federal liquor law violator. The mobility of
these criminal types is apparent from the
number of States in which arrests were re-
corded during their criminal history. The
robbv,, auto thief, burglar, and bogus check
Oftendei shoW 'high mobility. The gambler
and the Federal liquor law violator on the
other hand are mostly local types; that is,
restrict their ,activity to one State.
This new sts.tistical program on the careers
in crime is in the development stage and it
is anticipated that more definitive infoima-
,
ticni will be made available in future issues
Of this publication, as well as other periodi-
cals.
PRAISE FOR PRESIDENT JOHNSON
(Mr. BENNETT asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute, to revise and extend his remarks,
and to include extraneous matter.)
Mr. BENNETT. Mr. Speaker, anyone
can shoot from the hip. Especially a
politician. Most of us are prone to re-
act quickly, and sometimes violently, in
defense of what we believe is a good
cause. It is a lot easier to shoot now
and ask questions later, just so we can
be recorded on the right side.
The man who will take his time and
make a decision based on all the facts
available, without shooting from the hip,
Is the man to be praised and congratu-
lated.
Such a man is our President, Lyndon
Baines Johnson, who has not reacted to
the extremists over the situation in
South Vietnam. His steadied and stud-
ied judgment is what we have had, and
what we needed. Thank goodness for
President Johnson, for he is standing the
test in Vietnam.
An excellent editorial in the February
27, 1965, issue of the Jacksonville Jour-
nal points up the test of President John-
son's skill in this critical time, and I
insert it below in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD:
THE BIG TEST
Rejection of feelers for negotiated settle-
ment of the Vietnam fighting by President
Johnson comes as no easy task, but as a de-
cision of great importance to the entire West-
ern World as well as the United States.
The administration will be criticized by
many who feel that we are engaged in a
fruitless, bloody endeavor that can only lead
to an all-out war with the Communists or,
at the very best, a costly stalemate.
The end, of course, is too far in the fu-
ture and the events which will lead to that
end are too involved now for anyone to fore-
see what it will be. Nevertheless, it appears
that President Johnson is determined to con-
tinue our efforts to aid the South Vietnamese
regardless of their seeming indifference, in-
eptitude, and general confusion.
The real test has descended upon Lyndon
B. Johnson after 14 months as President?
the bitter that he has to take along with the
sweet of public acclaim and congressional
obedience. Up to now he has had going for
him comparative quiet in foreign affairs and
only the domestic issues drew top priority.
These domestic issues called for skillful
manipulation with Congress and a thorough
understanding of pure political application
to the problems before him. This was right
down Mr. Johnson's alley. His long years
in Washington, his acute sensitivity to the
types of politicians he had to deal with and
his knowledge of the machinery of Govern-
ment gave him the upper hand in solving
these problems.
Lyndon Johnson got a big break in his
moratorium, his period of foreign inactivity,
and he used it to command an overwhelm-
ing election victory for a presidential term
Of his own.
He must have known it couldn't last and
it didn't.
The Vietnam problem has become com-
pounded and so complex that no one can
rightfully say which step is the bona fide
step to make. If the United States pulls out
of Vietnam she is not only subject to the
ultimate communistic takeover of Asia, but
she loses tremendous face doing it. If she
stays, there is the big chance of World War
III or many, many more casualties.
President Johnson is no longer sparring
around with congressional friends and politi-
cal foes. He is at last in the ring with the
No. 1 challenger. In his first foreign affairs
dilemma, he has drawn a stem-winder.
The way he handles the situation will not
only affect the Vietnam crisis, it will affect
his leadership both here and abroad.
Mr. Johnson is prudently, we believe, walk-
ing carefully. This country and the free
world annot afford a misstep.
VIETNAM
(Mr. RYAN asked and was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD, and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, the National
Broadcasting Co. program "Meet the
Press" on January 31, 1965, had a dis-
cussion which I believe is most useful in
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1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE 3853
the courts in meting out punishment to
violators. The time has come to meet
this problem head on, and to take from
the courts the power to turn loose on
society the second and third offenders to
continue preying on our citizens. My
bills leave the courts no discretion in sen-
tencing the guilty, and I think this legis-
lation will go a long way in solving a
growing problem.
How many times have we read of the
ex-convict with a long string of arrests
and convictions for armed robbery finally
killing an innocent businessman in the
course of another crime? How many
times have we read of a criminal free on
bond while awaiting trial being caught
in the act of committing a similar
offense?
How many times, Mr. Speaker, have
we sat idly, by and watched the courts
repeatedly turn loose these vultures to
continue preying on society, while the
hue and cry mounts against those of us
who happen to like to hunt, and who
happen to like to own guns, and who
abide by all of the laws of our society?
Passage of this legislation will stop the
hysterical cries to unduly penalize the
law-abiding citizens through imposition
of rigid and unworkable restrictions on
sale, registration, or taxation of firearms,
when the heart of the problem is to find
a way to protect these same good citizens
from the criminal in our midst.
I have no quarrel, Mr. Speaker, with
those who wish to place needed and
workable restrictions on the easy avail-
ability of firearms to the mentally in-
competent, the criminal, or the unsuper-
vised teenager. I have no quarrel with
those who wish to prohibit our Nation
becoming the world's dumping ground
for surplus arms that are generally
worthless and more often than not, ex-
tremely dangerous for the purchaser to
use.
But I shall vigorously oppose any effort
to impose sweeping restrictions upon the
law-abiding citizen, while this Congress
and the respective States blandly ignore
the cause of our Nation's most serious
problem. I urge my colleagues to join
with me in this effort, and call their at-
tention to the following information.
The District of Columbia Police De-
partment furnished the statistics on the
type of weapons used in major crime
here, and the limited information on the
nature of the criminal is from the most
recent issue of the FBI's uniform crime
report:
Weapons used in, homicides and aggravated assaults and robbery
MURDER
Fiscal year
Total
Revolvers or pistols
Rifles
Shotguns
Knives
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
Number
Percent
1952
59
19
32.2
2
8,4
9
15.2
1853
68
15
22. 0
2
2.9
20
29.4
1954_
73
17
'22.3
2.7
24
32. 9
1955
44
ii
25.0
12
27.3
1956
55
18
82.7
3
2.5
15
27.3
1957
63
18
28. 6
1
1.8
4
6.3
15
23. 8
1958
77
20
25. 0
3
3.9
1
1. 3
27
35. 1
1959
69
20
29. 0
1
1.4
2
2. 9
21
30.4
1960
72
18
25. 0
2
2.8
5
8.9
21
29.2
1961
82
26
34. 1
1
1.2
2
2.4
19
23.2
1962
86
24
29.2
2
2.4
4
4.7
16
18.8
1963_
83
21.
25.3
2
2.4
4
4. 7
21
25. 3
1964
104
37
85. 6
3
2. 9
1
1.0
29
27. 9
AGGRAVATED ASSAULT
1952
4,347
265
5.8
3
.07
14
0.3
1,652
34. 1
1953
4, 698
281
6. 1
6
. 1
17
.4
1,542
33. 5
1954_
4,431
215
4.9
16
.4
35
.8
1,485
33. 6
1955_
4,550
228
5.0
16
.4
30
.7
1,420
31.2
1956
2,824
230
8.5
9
.5
31
1. 1
1,435
50.8
1957_.
2, 545
223
8.8
' 21
.8
27
1. 1
1,312
51.6
1956
' 2,791
259
9.3
23
.8
23
.8
1,204
43.1
1959
2,659
277
11 .1
17
.7
27
1. 1
1,086
43.4
1961)
8, 067
295
9. 6
26
.8
41
1.3W
1,213
39.5
1961
2,900
302
10.4
21
.7
- 34
1. 2
1,278
44.1)
1962_
2,966
393
13.3
23
.8
39
1.3
1,218
41.2
1963
2,998
415
12.8
21
. 7
31
1. 0
1, 161
38.7
1964_
2, 734
467
17. 0
20
. 7
27
1. 0
1,082
39.1
NOTE.-During fiscal year 1964 pistols were used in 482, or 18.3 percent, of the 2,631 robberies; shotguns, 17; and
rifles, 8.
In 1963 the FBI initiated a statistical pro-
gram utilizing these criminal Identification
records for the purpose of providing an analy-
sis of criminal and prosecutive history of
known offenders. Law enforcement agen-
cies-local, State and Federal-subrait to the
Identification Division of the FBI criminal
fingerprint cards on persons arrested. Sub-
missions are not made uniformly by all law
enforcement agencies on all charges. Gen-
erally, the practice is to submit a criminal
fingerprint card on all serious offenses, fel-
onies and certain misdemeanors. On the Fed-
eral level, nearly all arrested persons are
fingerprinted by the Federal investigative
agencies, U.S. marshals and the Bureau of
Prisons.
Through this positive means of identifica-
tion the criminal history of an offender be-
comes known. It is limited to the degree,
of course, that the offender is detected, ar-
rested and fingerprint cards submitted. At
the present time the criminal history and
other characteristics of offenders who are
being handled in the Federal criminal ad-
ministration of justice are being stored in
automatic data processing equipment. Each
of the fingerprint tiles of these known of-
fenders in the Identification Division is being
"flashed," which establishes a method of fol-
lowing up on these offenders as to future
criminal involvement which can be added
over time.
During the year 1963, some 56,126 indi-
vidual records were processed in the above
manner. They are for the most part persons
arrested on a Federal charge in 1963, parolees,
probationers or persons who violated the lat-
ter leniency, commitments to Federal inititu-
tions, some District of Columbia offenders,
and a number of serious State and local vio-
lators being sought by the FBI under the
Fugitive Felon Act. Excluded from this proc-
ess were military criminal fingerprint sub-
missions and chronic arrests for immigra-
tion violations.
Some preliminary analyses of this new in-
formation of these offenders are set forth
herein. Of the 56,126 individual offenders
who were actively handled in 1963, 75 per-
cent had two or more arrests and 25 percent
a single charge. Only 7 percent were female.
By race, 73 percent were white, 25 percent
Negro and 2 percent other races. A distribu-
tion by age in 1963 and age at first known
arrest for these 56,126 offenders is shown
below:
Percent distribution by age
Age
1963
At 1st
arrest
Under 20
7.7
88. 4
20 to 24
20. 9
27. 7
25 to 29
17.8
13.3
30 to 39
27.5
12.9
40 to 49
16.3
b. 2
50 50 59
7.2
1.9
60 and over
2.6
.6
In reviewing the above, keep in mind that
both policy and practice not to fingerprint
juvenile offenders influences the above dis-
tribution. Of the more than 266,000 arrests
accumulated by these offenders during the
course of their criminal careers, 74 percent
were local or State violations and 26 percent
Federal violations.
The vast majority of these offenders, 75
percent with two or more charges, had an
average criminal career-span of years from
first to latest arrest-of 10 years, During
this period these offenders were arrested an
average of 4.5 times. According to these
criminal histories, 52 percent had received
leniency in the form of probation, suspended
sentence, parole or conditional release. This,
of course, is the criminal experience of the
repeater who failed the confidence entrusted
in the form of certain treatment. For the
purposes of this study, probation, suspended
sentence, parole and conditional release are
referred to as "leniency." It goes without
saying that probation and parole are special
forms of treatment of criminals, but since
they represent a lesser punitive action than
incarceration, the term "leniency" is used
here to point up this characteristic. Of those
granted leniency, 68 percent received it once,
20 percent twice, and 12 percent three or
more times. As a group these offenders who
received leniency averaged three new arrests
after the first leniency action. Their career
criminal record averaged 12 years and 6 ar-
rests. From the standpoint of mobility, 54
percent of these offenders confined their
activity to one State, 25 percent were ar-
rested in two States, 10 percent in three
States, and 11 percent in four or more States.
The mobility problem from jurisdiction to
jurisdiction within a State, and particularly
within a metropolitan area, is undoubtedly
far greater.
The tabulation on page 32 captioned "Pro-
file of Known Repeaters by Type of Crime"
is an initial attempt to reveal some profile
characteristics of criminal types. The sole
test for selection and inclusion is one of the
criminal groups was an arrest for such a
crime during the course of a person's crim-
inal career. It was not limited to arrests for
specific crimes in 1963. Thus, there is some
duplication of offenders in certain categories
in that the same person may have been ar-
rested for burglary and robbery and so would
appear in both categories. Generally, crimi-
nals do not confine their activity to a single
type of criminal act. Average age at first
charge and age at arrest for the first indi-
cated charge has a tendency to be higher
than in reality due to the lack of fingerprint
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1965
Approved For Reler6Ra3figit9pdfAIRNINO4ig8W00160031-8
analyzing the complex situation in Viet-
nam. The guest on that Sunday was
Prof. Bernard Pall. The panel consisted
of Robert Goralski, NBC News; Margue-
rite Higgins, Newsday; Peter Lisagor,
Chicago Daily News; and Lawrence E.
Spivak, permanent panel member and
producer. The moderator was Ned
Brooks.
Dr. Fall is a well-known expert on
southeast Asian affairs and has written
two very well received books on the sub-
ject: "Street Without Joy," and "Two
Vietnams." Dr. Fall, a professor of in-
ternational relations at Howard Univer-
sity, brings insight and knowledge to the
problem of Vietnam. I call the atten-
tion of my colleagues to the following
transcript of "Meet the Press":
[From "Meet the Press," Jan. Si, 19651
MEET THE PRESS
Mr. Bsooics, This is Ned Brooks, inviting
you to "Meet the Press." Our guest today
on "Meet the Press" is recognized as an out-
standing authority on Vietnam and south-
east Asia, Dr. Bernard Fall. He has trav-
eled widely in North and South Vietnam, and
he has interviewed many Communist offi-
cials including North Vietnamese President
Ho Chi Minh, Dr. Fall served in the French
underground and the French Army. He is
the author of several books on Vietnam.
Also he is professor of international rela-
tions at Howard University In Washington,
D.C. We will have the first question now
from Lawrence E. Spivak, permanent mem-
ber of the "Meet the Press" panel.
Mr. SPIVAK. Dr. Fall, in the past you have
spoken and written of American illusions
about Vietnam. What do you consider our
major illusions are?
D. FALL. I will say that the major illusion
In the past was that an insurgency is mainly
a military operation, or let us say counter-
insurgency is merely a military counter-
operation. As it turns out, insurgency is
mainly an operation designed to take over a
country's control, not simply defeat its mili-
tary forces.
The second illusion has been that the de-
feats in Vietnam, as they have occurred over
the past 5 years, can be ascribed to any par-
ticular group, whether it is the Buddhists or
the students or let's say incapable Viet-
namese military leaders. That too is an illu-
sion. The faults, the mistakes go far deeper
than that.
Mr. SPIVAK. You have also said that policy-
makers during the past 8 to 10 years have
made "monstrous errors in judgment in
Vietnam," What were some of the mon-
strous errors?were they just illusions or
were they specific errors?
Dr. FALL. Some were simply and purely the
failure to recognize what the problem really
and truly was. For example, you can go back
to the French period. I recall reading of-
ficial statements that the French were win-
ning the war at a particular point, and the
French were far from winning it. In 1954
there was the illusion that the French
Navarre plan would succeed. By the time
Navarre became commander in chief, the
French Army was on the ropes. Later on, one
of the greafer illusions, I recall, was to depict
Diem as a Churchill in southeast Asia, as a
man deeply interested in democracy. Diem
was a dictator, and Diem failed to recognize
precisely that one of his problems was lack
of contact and progressive loss of contact
with his own people. And lastly we came
down to the military illusions, again, of the
1961-62 period. You will recall, for ex-
ample, the statement of October 2, 1963, that
the American troops could be withdrawn by
1965 and that in fact 1,000 troops could be
sent home. Well, far from sending home
1,000 troops, in the meantime the Military
Establishment, the American commitment in
Vietnam had to be increased practically by
50 percent. And far from the situation im-
proving?and it hadn't improved even then
when the statement was made; in fact it was
far worse than it had ever been before?the
situation of course has greatly deteriorated.
Mr. SPIVAK. Former Vice President Nixon
the other day said if our strategy in South
Vietnam is not changed, we will be thrown
out in a matter of months, certainly within
the year. Is that an illusion, or is that an
error of judgment?
Dr. FALL. There is a very interesting par-
allel between Mr. Nixon's statement last week
and Mr. Nixon's statement in February 1954,
when he also made a statement saying that
the only way to win Vietnam is to commit
the United States fully in the war, at that
time on the side of the French. I don't think
that the United States has to be thrown out
within 3 or 4 months or for that matter
within a year. I would say the United States
has the wherewithal to stay in Vietnam if
she so desires. The whole point is, of course,
what is the price tag?
Mr. SPIVAK. Ile also said "Our security re-
quires the United States to end the war in
Vietnam by winning it." Do you agreed with
that?
Dr. FALL. I don't know from what basis of
information Mr. Nixon speaks. He is now a
private person just as I am a private person.
Obviously no country likes to lose a war.
Whether the American security is involved
In Vietnam is a matter of discussion. Quite
a few people inside Government disagree on
whether Vietnam is essential to the United
States directly in the same sense, let's say, as
Hawaii Is essential, I understand. As you
know, one, there are some people who speak
of "back to Waikiki" if Vietnam is lost, and
others say Vietnam is more or less expend-
able.
Mr. SsivAx. What is your judgment? Do
you think our interests are involved in this?
Dr. FALL. I would say American interests
are involved. Whether vital or not, I don't
think so.
Mr. SPIVAK. You don't evidently hold to
the domino theory, that is if we lose South
Vietnam we may finally have to fight in the
Philippines or possibly Hawaii?
Dr. FALL. As I said before, I don't think we
have to lose South Vietnam any more than
we have to lose Europe because we lost Czech-
oslovakia. Whether the domino?the domino
theory could have been invoked for that
matter when we lost China. I would say
that the United States has the wherewithal
In southeast Asia to contain communism on
a basis that's acceptable to the West and
without the loss of effective strength.
Mr. LISAGOR, DT. Fall, you have said just
now that you think the United States has the
wherewithal to stay in Vietnam. You have
said in other places that you think the
credibility of the American counterinsur-
gency is involved in Vietnam. If we have the
wherewithal and if the credibility of our
counterinsurgency is involved, why should
we not stay in Vietnam?
Dr. FALL. Because a counterinsurgency op-
eration can become terribly expensive. This
has happened before, for example. The
British had the wherewithal to stay in Cy-
prus, and they fought for 5 years with 40,000
troops against 300 Greeks, then decided to
call it quits.
The French were staying in Algeria and
fought on for 8 years and were not losing
militarily but decided that politically it was
better to pull out.
Mr. LISAGOR. But the British stayed on the
northwest frontier in India for scores of years
and didn't withdraw. Isn't our interest in-
volved so deeply in South Vietnam today in-
sofar as it contains Chinese Communist ex-
pansion, that we might well consider staying
there, and also isn't it true that the war
isn't terribly expensive, relatively speaking?
3855
Dr. FALL. Exactly, relatively speaking.
Surely. Everybody points to the 300 casual-
ties dead or 1,500 wounded, and they say
"This is very easy. This is less than what we
lose in car accidents in American military
camps in the States."
The hard fact is, it commits right now
about one-fourth of the total cadre, officer
cadre, lieutenants, majors, for example, .of
the U.S. ground forces, in Vietnam. This is
from a speech by Lt. Gen. Creighton Abrams,
Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army. It is expen-
sive. It commits an American amount of
aid expenditure which is almost one-third of
the total aid budget, more or less. So it is
an expensive war.
This kind of small war tends to grow on
you literally, and this is one of them. So
the judgment has to be made by the U.S.
Government, and I am sure it will be made by
the President, whether holding on, as we say
is not in fact more expensive than arriving
at the diplomatic solution?at a solution
which will not mean "selling out" the West-
ern interests in Vietnam.
Miss HIGGINS. Dr. Fall, you mentioned Al-
geria and France and her decision to get
out before she was militarily beaten. Are
you saying that America in Vietnam is a co-
lonial power as France was in Algeria?
Dr. FALL. Absolutely not.
Miss HIGGINS. There is a difference that
can be made then to the Vietcong, and our
position is not as politically assailable as
that of France?
Dr. FALL. The trouble is, whether you and
I know that the United States?and we do
know it?that the United States is no colo-
nial power in southeast Asia or for that
matter anywhere else, is totally irrelevant to
the Communist propaganda cadre, the "can-
bo" on the ground, who points at the Amer-
ican officer, at the American noncom, who
is there and says, "You see, your troops are
again, your government troops are again
commanded by those Americans, just like
they were when the French officers were
there."
This is, of course, one of the troubles, and
this is recognized.
Miss Ilissucs. What would the Vietcong
and the Communist propaganda say if Amer-
ica broke its pledged word in Vietnam, and
do you think that any other ally to whom
we pledged defense and help would trust us
If we broke our pledges in Vietnam?
Dr. FALL. The question is not breaking an
American pledge. The question is arriving
at the situation which will save Vietnam.
For example, if the United States were to
arrive at such a saving of Vietnam by using
as a diplomatic argument the American
Forces, such as the 7th Fleet, the Pa-
cific Air Force, et cetera, this is not break-
ing a pledge to Vietnam. The President has
said that the United States is in Vietnam
at the request of the Vietnamese people.
As you well know, one of the problems may
well arise where a proper neutralist gov-
ernment comes to power in Vietnam, like
Kong-Le in Laos, who from one day as pro-
American turned into proneutralist, and
asks the United States to get out. Then
what?
Miss Ilzocncs. Then you are saying that
you don't believe we can break our word,
and if we find a solution, it has to be within
a framework of having kept our pledges,
correct?
Dr. FALL. I think the United States is
keeping its pledge right now.
Miss Brooms. The Russians have an-
nounced a very important official visit to
Hanoi. Is that news that should cheer us
or depress us?
Dr. FALL. I wish there were a simple answer
to that. Personally I would say that the very
importance of the Russian mission?is not
that Kosygin, the Prime Minister goes, but
some of the specialists in certain fields, such
as rocket forces for example, such as air
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transport, such as Russian foreign aid. It
seems to me that the Russians have reentered
southeast Asia. As you know after the Laos
crisis there was a certain feeling in the West
that the Russians had decided to call it quits,
at least on the southeast Asia mainland and
perhaps would concentrate on India and In-
donesia, just like the United States might
decide to concentrate for her aid on some key
countries. Apparently as of yesterday, we are
facing a reentry of the Russians into the field.
Two versions are likely. Either the Russians
have decided that the Chinese might be close
to winning and can't afford to let China go
away with that victory?or vice versa, the
Russians have decided that the commitment
may become far bigger and rather than be
dragged into a war on China's side, step in to
facilitate perhaps a meeting between the
Communist side and the U.S. side.
Miss HIGGINS. You are one of the few
Westerners who have visited North Vietnam.
As you know, many of the Vietcong deserters
who come over to our aide say they come
over because even the peasantry in turmoil-
ridden South Vietnam is better off than the
peasantry in North Vietnam. What is your
observation, what is the state of the econ-
omy? Is it as bad as they paint it?
Dr. FALL. As you know, I have been to
North Vietnam even before the Communists
took over, sO I have a basis for comparison
in the case. The country obviously is dreary.
To give you an example there are probably
50 automobiles in a city of 600,000 people, like
Hanoi. But one thing, the North Vietnamese
sell one thing that we can't beat, and that
is peace. Obviously, yes, they are behind the
rebellion in South Vietnam. On the other
hand in North Vietnam a peasant doesn't get
napalm. He works hard but he stays alive.
Point 2, the North Vietnamese have built
up a respectable Industrial establishment.
Like most Communist countries they try
hard, and at least they have the wherewithal
to do it well.
Point 3, the Communists have a large army.
They have a large army and above all, right
now, they think they are wining.
Miss HIGGINS. But what about whether a
peasant in Vietnam, as the deserters to our
side say, is often hungary, is that possibly
true?
Dr. FALL. That is?they are likely to have
short rations, but the fact the man is a de-
serter shows he is not one of the hard core.
Mr. GORALSK/. Dr. Fall, you said earlier that
we can win in Vietnam. How do we do it?
If you were in a position of responsibility in
this country, if you were determining foreign
policy, what would you do in Vietnam to
win that war?
Dr. FALL. This is obviously?we always ar-
rive at the professor who thinks he has all
the solutions. In all seriousness, I think
that the "United States has in southeast Asia
the combination of American?the mix of
American forces available makes an Ameri-
can posture, defense posture in there credi-
ble. The United States is doing badly?let's
not kid ourselves?on the ground inside
South Vietnam. All the mythology is by now
just about gone. We know it. But the
Communists in North Vietnam still risk two
things, (a) an American massive bombard-
ment which would knock out those indus-
tries?and this is the only thing that they
really did do in the last 10 years?and (b)
the immediate Chinese Communist counter-
invasion of North Vietnam which would oc-
cur in all likelihood. In other words, North
Vietnam would be reduced to the state of
North Korea. North Vietnam is not?I re-
peat, definitely not?and probably the
Kosygin visit shows this?a totally helpless
Chinese satellite. The North Vietnamese did
not fight the French for 30 years and the
Americans now for 10 just for the joy of
selling out to Peiping.
Mr. GORALSKI. You don't believe that esca-
lating the war would be helpful at all at this
stage?
Dr. FALL. This already has been proved.
The U.S. massive bombardment operation in
North Korea called Operation Strangle was
arm utter failure against Communist com-
munication lines. The French Operation
Vulture in 1954, which was designed to knock
out Communist communications against
Dlenbienphu was a failure. There is no such
thing as bombing supply lines in the jungle.
Mr. SPIVAK. Dr. Fall, I am not quite clear
as to what you are getting at in the advice
you are giving here. You say that the
United States can wipe out industry in
North Vietnam, I believe you said, in 24
hours. You say that the North Vietnamese
are scared to death of having the Chinese
Communists come in. What objection then
is there for us to use the force we have to
hit them as hard as we can, which is what
Nixon and others want to do?
Dr. FALL. Because it is militarily/meaning-
less. This 1,s exactly it. All we would do is
knock out factories which the Communists
did not have in 1954 when they defeated the
French, and all we would get in return is
probably 14 Communist divisions down our
necks in South Vietnam.
In other words, the fear of the bombard-
ment, the fear of Chinese pressure, and, of
course, vice versa, of American pressure, is
useful in diplomatic confrontation to even
out the stakes.
Militarily it is nonsense. Just look at the
bridge of Ban-Ban?incidentally, at which I
was shot at in 1953?which the Communists
rebuilt or bypassed inside 3 days. This is a
typical example of what you can do with
massive airpower in a counterinsurgency op-
eration.
Mr. SPIVAK. Do you say that neither side
can win, or that we can go on and spend a
lot of money there and that we can't win;
the best we can do is to hold our own there?
Dr. FALL. That is exactly it. Neither side
can win. This is going to be one of those
guerrilla standoffs, of which we have sev-
eral on record. I come back once more to
Algeria?again, I repeat, it is not the colo-
nial comparison; it is a tactical comparison.
The Algerians knew?and I was, in 1963, in
Algeria?that they couldn't lick the French
militarily. There wasn't going to be a Dien
Bien Phu. And vice versa, the French also
knew they weren't going to be able to wipe
out the Algerians. It was out of that stand-
off that a negotiation came.
Mr. Sarvsx. But Dr. Fall, we know in this
country, for example, we can't wipe out
crime, and yet we have to have police de-
partments to fight it, and we have to go right
on fighting it all the time. This is about
the situation that we are in there. We feel
we have to continue fighting whether or not
we can win, even if it is just to keep things
stable. Don't you go along with that theory?
Dr. FALL. I go along with the theory on
crime, not on counter-insurgency, for the
good reason that, yes, the United States fights
crime, but not at the price of martial law in
the cities. Martial law is rather considered
an extreme in anticrime fighting. In other
words, yes, if South Vietnam were, by sheer
miracle?and this would take a long time?if
South Vietnam tomorrow morning were at
a sort of guerrilla standoff with the Com-
munists, then after peace, after some sort of
settlement had been arrived at, counterin-
surgency in the sound sense of civic action
of local improvements will come in its own.
Mr. SPIVAK. Dr. Fall, as a Frenchman aren't
you thinking a little too much of French
defeats and not of American power?
Dr. FALL. You may recall that I used the
British standoff in Cyprus. I could add the
British standoff also in Palestine. Counter-
insufgency operations have been lost?the
Germans in Russia lost a counterinsurgency
operation. There were 49 separate insur-
gency wars since 1900, and the winning side
has, in many cases, been the guerrilla, for
various reasons.
Mr. Lisacoit. Dr. Fall, to clarify what you
have said, are you now saying that there can
be no winner and there can be no loser in
Vietnam, that the most we can do is to have
a standoff there or outlast the Communists?
Is that what you are saying?
Dr. FALL. That is substantially correct, yes.
Mr. Lisscoa. Well, one of the penalties of
an expert, it seems to me, is that he is always
having his views quoted back at him. You
have said that you wouldn't bet that the
United States can win in South Vietnam or
save it from a Communist takeover. You
have said that the cutting off of weapons
supply from the north will do very little good,
and you also say that if we strike north, the
Communists are likely?the Chinese Commu-
nists are likely to enter the fray. Under
these conditions what kind of a deal do you
see in the making, except the deal of total
surrender, or giving up, under conditions
that the Communists may impose?
Dr. FALL. Well, the whole point is?I will
come back to what I just said before, and
what you quoted Is right there in line with
this?that the American ability of striking
at North Vietnam, in case of a resumption
of any kind of insurgency after a settlement
has been attained?just like in Korea, the
American capability of retaliation is not the
two American divisions on the 38th parallel.
it is the-overall American defensive posture
in the Pacific. That is the same thing in
Vietnam.
Mr. LISAGOR. But I think you said to Mr.
Spivak that you thought a bombardment of
North Vietnam would be militarily meantrig-
less.
Dr. FALL. That is correct. In other words,
as soon as the United States?let me make
this quite clear?as soon as the United States
bombs North Vietnam, there goes the baby
with the bath. The North Vietnamese lose
whatever was worth gaining in that fight.
In other words, to win South Vietnam for
the North Vietnamese unless they are totally
irrational?and so far they have not been
in 30 years?would simply mean losing the
last chance of making this a net gain. To
get South Vietnam at the price of every
North Vietnamese city being totally flat-
tened, even though this is militarily mean-
ingless, makes it, of course, politically hope-
less.
Mr. LISAGOR. What you are saying is that
the threat should be posed but not the ac-
tion, is that it? In other words, we should
try to blackmail North Vietnam without fol-
lowing through if that becomes necessary?
Dr. FALL. We, (a) yes, we should black-
mail North Vietnam, (b) I would feel, ob-
viously, that if the threat has to be carried
out, we must realize that its carrying out will
not change substantially the military prob-
lem. Any more than in Korea?than it did
in Korea. In other words, we must realize,
as?I think it was the President, or was it
the Secretary of State, who said it might
then become a 10-year operation, still with
the same result, perhaps.
Miss Hiccnes. But is there any such thing
in Asia as a short guerrilla war?
Dr. Fait. Some of the guerrilla wars like
in Malaya, for example, lasted 13 years at
the ratio of 350,000 troops, on the British
side, 85,000 of whom were British, against
8,000 guerrillas. In other words, the British
were fighting at 35 to 1, and it took them
13 years. In Vietnam right now, the West-
ern forces, the United States advisers, plus
Vietnamese, fight at four and a half to five
to one. It is generally accepted that to break
even?not to win, to break even?in a revol-
utionary warfare operation, it takes a 10
to 15 to 1 superiority. In other words,
right now, brutally spoken, we don't have
the wherewithal on the ground to break
even. So the holding operation under those
circumstances is going to be a long, bleed-
ing operation.
Miss Ilmones. Do the Vietcong, to make
it perfectly clear, have the capacity to force
the military decision in Vietnam?
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1965 Approved For RelemAg9tVg(WRIAittPc00_01M300160031-8
Dr. PAVE,. Not of the Dienbienphu type.
no. The Vietcong as we Just said before,
the Vietcong, like the Algerian FLN, for that
matter, or Mr. ?rives, Colonel Grivas on Cy-
pruz, could hold on for 10 or 15 years.
Miss Hicsius. Then the only way that they
could "win" would be for us to willingly give
up for political reasons?
Dr. FALL. NO, there is a second alternative
which I mentioned before, and I think you
mentioned it in your interesting column
today, the fact is that some of the South Viet-
namese leaders may pull a Kong-Le on us.
They may literally, just from one government
to the next, finally come up and say, "Well,
thank you very much, United States, this is
where the kissing stops," and the United
States is then caught. So these two alterna-
tives exist: Defeat, or?in qther words, long-
range bleeding?or the inside overthrow.
Mr. BROOKS. We have about 2 minutes.
Mr. CORAL SKI. Dr. Fall, there are a lot
of people who believe that South Vietnam is
not a military problem, it Is a political prob-
lem, stability within South Vietnam. Do you
think that political stability is possible, given
the situation today?
Dr. FALL. No.
Mr, GonAtsw. How is it going to be
achieved? Who is going to come out on top?
Dr. FALL. There we come back to the old
story of instant democracy. There is no such
thing in the area, On the Other hand there
is such a thing as basic democracy. We keep
forgetting that it was Mr. Diem who after 30
years-40 years of elected village chiefs,
abolished elected village chiefs in June 1956.
This is a perfect example of what I mean.
In other words, in Vietnam we have to come
'back, finally, and acknowledge the fact that
we have to start from scratch, if we want to
stay in at all. You are right, it is a civilian
operation.
Mr. Gounsiti. Some people say, good or
bad, Ngo Dinh Diem, whether he was an. auto-
cratic dictator or a George Washington of
Asia, that we probably would be in a better
position today had he not been overthrown
in November 1963, and the whole family
was back in power. What do you say to
that?
Di. FALL. By the time Mr. Diem was mur-
dered we had lost about the control of two-
thirds of the population of Vietnam. The
only thing that Mr. Diem did for us?he
plastered over. The facade was kept up, that
Is right. In Saigon we didn't have any up-
risings. The fact is we had lost over 8,000
village chiefs in Vietnam by that time. The
fact is that of the 8,000 strategic hamlets
only 1,500 were viable by the time he died.
This, neither the Buddhists in Saigon nor the
CIA did it. It is what Diem did to himself.
Mr. SPIVAK. Dr. Fall, from your knowledge
of the present situation in South Vietnam,
do you think it is possible to get a stable gov-
ernment there now?
Dr. FALL. No sir.
Mr. SPIVAK. Not at all, not even a military
dictatorship?
Dr. FALL Military dictatorship is usually a
very poor substitute for stability. It just
establishes, perhaps, for one time, the facade
of stability. Remember there are neutralist
military dictatorships.
Mr. SPIVAK. Dr. Fall, I hate to quote you to
yourself, but in a recent current history ar-
tiffie you wrote, "It should be obvious by now
that, in the present state of affairs in South
Vietnam, everything is Communist infil-
trated," Does that apply to the government,
too?
Dr. ,FALL COTTeGt.
Mr. BROOKS. I am afraid we are going to
have to call that the, question and the answer
because we have run out, of time, Thank
you very much for being with us, Dr. Fall.
No, 39-7
MEDICARE AND ELDERCARE,
CONFUSED DOMESTIC ISSUE
(Mr. MACKAY asked and was given
permission to extend his remarks at
this point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
Mr. MACKAY. Mr. Speaker, the
most confused domestic issue in na-
tional politics today is the subject of
medicare and eldercare. Neither of
these labels disclose the actual contents
of the packages being proposed by the
administration and by the American
Medical Association.
It is easy to hear opinions for or
against each proposal but it is difficult
to find a concise, factual analysis and
comparison of the bill popularly known
as medicare?H.R. 1?and the plan more
COMPARISON OF MAJOR PROVISIONS OF THE ME
AMENDMENTS TO IT PROPOSED
EXISTING LAW
A. Brief
Permits States to include in their plans
under title I a program of medical assistance
for the aged (MAA); that is, to provide med-
ical vendor payments (payments directly to
the suppliers of medical services) for aged
persons who are not old-age assistance recip-
ients, but whose income and resources are
insufficient to meet the costs of necessary
medical services. Vie State plan for medi-
cal assistance for the aged may specify medi-
cal services of broad scope and duration pro-
vided that both institutional (hospitals, etc.)
and noninstitutional (outpatient clinics,
etc.) services are included.
There is no dollar ceiling, the overall
amount of Federal participation is governed
by the extent of the State programs. The
Federal share varies from 50 percent (for
States with per capita income equal to or
above the national average) up to 80 percent
for lower per capita income States.
3857
recently introduced known as elder-
care?H.R. 3827 and H.R. 3728.
At my request, and for the benefit of
myself and my constituents, the Legis-
lative Reference Service of the Library
of Congress has prepared an objective
analysis and comparison of these two
plans.
I realize that what may emerge from
the Ways and Means Committee of the
House may be somewhat different from
either of these bills. I am convinced,
however, that this analysis and com-
parison widely disseminated can elimi-
nate such confusion in the minds of
many people.
Furthermore, I believe consideration
of this information will assist those in.
and out of Congress in evaluating the
specific legislation to be recommended
by the Ways and Means Committee:
DICAL ASSISTANCE FOR THE AGED LAW WITH THE
BY THE ELDERCARE ACT OF 1965
HR. 3727 (CONGRESSMAN HERLONG) ; N.E.3728
(CONGRESSMAN CURTIS) AND OTHERS
summary
Adds a new section to title I which would
authorize a State, at its option, to provide
MAA in the form of premium payments for
guaranteed renewable private health insur-
ance. Such coverage would have to be made
available to all aged residents in the State.
As to MAA recipients, there would be State
and Federal participation in the full cost of
the payment. As to individuals above the
MAA maximum income limit, there would
be part payment by the individual, in such
proportions (based on his income) as the
State agency may determine, up to such
higher level as the State agency may con-
sider appropriate. Above this level all the
premiums would be paid by the individual.
Certification of income under oath shall be
accepted as conclusive for eligibility pur-
poses. Increases Federal participation in
State MAA expenditures by 5 percent as to
that portion in the form of health insurance
coverage under the new section.
Modifies MAA income and resources test to
one of income alone. Excepts from prohibi-
tion against enrollment fees and premium
charges the assistance provided under the
health insurance coverage above. Provides
that a statement of income under oath shall
be accepted by State agency as conclusive
for eligibility purposes.
B. Eligibility for assistance
To be eligible an individual?
(1) must have attained age 65;
(2) must not be a recipient of old-age
assistance;
(3) must have income and resources, as
determined by the State, insufficient to meet
all of the cost of the medical services out-
lined below. The State plan must provide
reasonable standards, consistent with the ob-
jectives of the program, for determining
eligibility and the extent ,of assistance.
C. Scope of benefits
(1) same as existing law;
(2) same as existing law;
(3) modified so that assistance would be
provided in behalf of individuals whose in-
come (rather than income and resources) is
insufficient to meet the cost of necessary
medical services.
The State plan for medical assistance for
the aged may specify medical services of any
scope and duration, provided that both in-
stitutional and noninstitutional services are
included. Federal participation is restricted
to vendor medical payments: i.e., payments
made by the States directly to the doctor,
hospital, etc., providing medical services on
behalf of the recipient.
The Federal Government shares in the ex-
pense of providing the following kinds of
medical services:
1. Inpatient hospital services;
Same as existing law.
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COMPARISON OF MAJOR PROVISIONS OF THE MEDICAL ASSISTANCE FOR TIME AGED LAW WITH THE COMPARISON OF MAJOR PROVISIONS OF THE MEDICAL ASSISTANCE FOR THE AGED LAW WITH THE
AMENDMENTS TO IT PROPOSED BY THE ELDERCARE ACT OF 1965-Continued
H.R. 3727 (CONGRESSMAN HERLONG); H.R. 3728
EXISTING LAW (CONGRESSMAN CURTIS) AND OTHERS
C. Scope of benefits-Continued
2. Skilled nursing home services;
3. Physicians' services;
4. Outpatient hospital (or clinic services) ;
5. Home health care services;
6. Private duty nursing services;
7. Physical therapy and related services;
8. Dental services;
9. Laboratory and X-ray services:
10) Prescribed drugs, eyeglasses, dentures,
and prosthetic devices;
11. Diagnostic, screening, and preventive
services; and
12. Any other medical care or remedial care
recognized under State law.
The Federal Government does not share in Removes exclusion from Federal matching
the expense of providing medical services to as to aged individuals who are patients in
inmates of public instetutions (other than institutions for tuberculosis or mental dis-
medical institutions) , to patients in mental eases, or who have been diagnosed as has-
or tuberculosis institutions or to patients in ing tuberculosis or psychosis and, as a result.
medical institutions as a result of a diagnosis are patients in a medical institution.
of tuberculosis or psychosis after 42 days of
care.
D. Matching formula
Federal share: Federal payments reimburse
the States for a portion of their expenditures
under approved plans for medical assistance
for the aged according to an equalization
formula which ranges from 50 to 80 percent
depending upon the per capita income of
the States as related to the national per
capita income. States at or above national
average get a 50-percent Federal share.
Federal medical percentages applicable
Percentage
Alabama 78. 29
Alaska 50.00
Arizona 58. 75
Arkansas 80.00
California 50.00
Colorado 60.00
Connecticut 50.00
Delaware 50. 00
District of Columbia 50.00
Florida 60.69
Georgia 73. 69
Guam 50.00
Hawaii 50. 00
Idaho 67.43
Illinois 50. 00
Indiana 52. 06
Iowa 57. 63
Kansas 56.63
Kentucky 75. 27
Louisiana 73. 46
Maine 65. 65
Maryland 50. 00
Massachusetts 50.00
Michigan 50.00
Minnesota 56. 42
Mississippi 80. 00
Missouri 50. 45
Montana 59.69
Same as existing law except that as to
amounts expended on MAA in the form of
private health insurance coverage under the
new section the Federal medical matching
percentage will be increased by 5 percent.
For such health insurance expenditures Fed-
eral matching will run from 521/2 percent to
84 percent as noted below:
for July 1, 1963, through June 30, 1965
Percentage
Alabama 82.20
Alaska 52.50
Arizona 61. 69
Arkansas 84. 00
California 52.50
Colorado 52.50
Connecticut 52.50
Delaware 52. 50
District of Columbia 52. 50
Florida 63.72
Georgia 77. 37
Guam 52.50
Hawaii 52. 50
Idaho 70.80
Illinois 52. 50
Indiana 54. 66
Iowa 60.61
Kansas 59.46
Kentucky 79. 03
Louisiana 77. 13
Maine 68.93
Maryland 52. 50
Massachusetts 52,50
Michigan 52. 50
Minnesota 59.24
Mississippi 84. 00
Missouri 52. 97
Montana 62. 67
AMENDMENTS TO IT PRorosED BY THE ELDERCARE ACT OF 1965-Continued
H.R. 3727 (CONGRESSMAN HERLONG) ; H.R. 3728
EXISTING LAW (CONGRESSMAN CURTIS) AND OTHERS
Federal medical percentages applicable for July 1, 1963, through June 30, 1965-Continued
Percentage Percentage
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Puerto Rico
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Dakota
South Carolina
Tennessee
Utah
Texas
Virgin Islands
Vermont
Virginia
West Virgins
Washington
Wyoming
Wisconsin
(27 P.R. 9230)
Seventy-five percent Federal matching is
authorized for certain rehabilitation services
for aged recipients and for the training of
welfare personnel.
The Federal Government pays 50 percent
of administrative costs.
Pass along provision: No provision in ex-
isting law to insure that public assistance
recipients receive higher payments because
of legislation liberalizing the Federal match-
ing formula.
55. 10
50.00
56.38
50.00
66. 55
50. 00
74. 99
73.03
50.00
65.65
50.00
5500 0000
50.90
67. 87 80.00
75.53
61. 45
6642., 7258
50. 00
756015... 070065
5520.. 0050
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Puerto Rico
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virgin Islands
Virginia
Washington
West Virgina
Wisconsin
Wyoming
57. 85
52. 50
59. 19
52.50
69. 88
52. 50
78. 74
76.68
52.50
68. 93
52. 50
52. 50
52. 50
52.50
84.00
72.31
79. 31
64.52
65.39
67. 99
52. 50
68. 30
52. 50
75. 35
55, 13
52. 50
0
n-r1
09s
7:k7
tTica
Eno
(no
Same as existing law.
Same as existing law.
E. State plan requirements
In order to be eligible for Federal par-
ticipation, the State must provide medical
assistance for the aged according to a plan
submitted to the Secretary of Health, Edu-
cation, and Welfare, and approved by him,
which meets the requirements set out in the
law. The State plan provisions are generally
the same as those required for the other
public assistance programs with the follow-
ing exceptions:
A State plan-
1. Must not require a premium enrollment
fee, or similar charge, as a condition of
eligibility.
2. Must not impose property liens during
the lifetime of the individual receiving bene-
fits (except pursuant to court Judgment on
account of benefits incorrectly paid) and
any recovery provisions under the plan must
be limited to the estate of the individual
after his death and the death of his surviving
spouse.
The following changes are made in MAA
State plan requirements:
1. Provides an exception with respect to
assistance furnished in the form of health
insurance coverage under the new section.
2. Same as existing law.
Approved For Release 2003/10/10: CIA-RDP67600446R000300160031-8
Getting to Work and Back?Part 2
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OP
HON. DONALD J. IRWIN
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, February 25, 1965
Mr. IRWIN. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to call to the attention of my col-
leagues to the second half of Consumer
Reports' excellent opening article in the
series called "Getting to Work and
Back." The article follows:
GETTING TO WORK AND BACK?PART 2
To many freeway enthusiasts, objections
based on personal' or local considerations
seem selfish and even perVerse. Sacrifices,
they urge, must be made to the common
good. There is some merit in this view.
Individual objections can be pressed beyond
reason.
Opposition can be expected to grow even
more effective during the remaining years of
the Interstate System construction program,
as more communities experience for them-
selves just how a freeway affects community
life?and as all the easy routes are com-
pleted, leaving unfinished and perhaps un-
finishable the routes that dispossess the
largest number of people, remove the largest
amounts of taxable land from the rolls,
despoil the best loved parks and views, or
otherwise rouse the ire of the local citizenry.
If the high dollar cost and the high social
cost of urban freeways were necessary to
achieve a fast transportation system,, the
benefits might be balanced against the costs.
But commuters are increasingly learning
that for the trip to work downtown, the new
freeways are not fast.
Consumers Union has examined unpub-
lished data, for example, for a 12-mile-long
stretch of Chicago's Congress Street (Eisen-
hower) Expressway, composed partly of 8
lanes posted at 55 miles per hour and partly
of 6 lanes posted at 60 or 65 miles per hour.
When traffic is flowing freely, a driver can
cover the 12 miles with ease in 13 minutes.
But during rush hour, the trip over the same
12 miles may take as long as 35 minutes.
This figure, impressive though it is, seri-
ously understates the problem. For it does
not include the excess time it takes to get
into or out of a parking garage in rush-hour
traffic, to weave through the congested local
streets to a freeway entrance, to queue up at
the entrance, and then to crawl up the ramp
and push a way into the moving stream of
traffic.
Wasted time can be evaluated in various
ways. One approach values the commuter's
time at some arbitrarily chosen amount, such
as $1.50 per hour. On this basis, 30 min-
utes wasted each way each day costs each
commuter some $325 per year. More compli-
cated calculations have also been made.
None of them takes into account what it
means to wife, husband, and children to be
cheated out of an hour together?and to
have a father arrive home fretful, grumpy,
exhausted, and late for dinner after battling
traffic congestion on the new freeway.
4)UR CONGESTED FUTURE
Freeway proponents point out that the ur-
ban freeway system is not complete as yet.
Appendix
Thus laymen may be tempted to dismiss cur-
rent freeway congestion as mere growing
pains--a temporary affliction that will be
cured when the rest of the Interstate System
freeways are opened to traffic.
Transportation engineers know better.
The ultimate inadequacy of the center-city
portions of the Interstate System was re-
vealed in 1961, in a study commissioned by
the Automobile Manufacturers Association
and published under the title "Future High-
ways and Urban Growth." This study, made
by the traffic consulting firm of Wilbur
Smith and Associates, considers the urban
traffic situation in 1972, assuming that all
Interstate System and other planned urban
freeways are completed by that date. Its
conclusion: the annual rate of urban free-
way construction will thereafter have to be
doubled,
The Interstate System plan called for
building 5,000 miles of urban freeway during
the 16 years from 1956 to 1972; the 1961
report calls for building an additional 5,600
urban miles during the 8 years from 1972
to 1980.
BAN CARS OR BEAT THEM TO TOWN?
After looking at traffic-plagued cities,
some critics have proposed that private
automobiles be banned altogether from their
congested central areas?thus forcing would-
be drivers onto public transportation.
This solution, is hardly popular; yet it is
very close to what is actually happening?
with no formal law or regulation to keep
cars out?in some larger cities today. Fewer
than 5 percent of the people employed in
Manhattan south of 60th Street, for ex-
ample, drive their cars to work?not because
many of those who don't aren't eager to
drive in, but because a combination of
clogged streets, bridges, and tunnels, inade-
quate parking facilities, and high parking
charges bar their entry.
Similarly in Chicago, only about 12 per-
cent of those entering the central business
district in rush hour drive in. In other
large cities the barriers to entry are more
porous?but access is strictly rationed all
the same. Though few officials will openly
admit it, congestion is quietly accepted as
the cheapest device for discouraging addi-
tional drivers from driving to town. Indeed,
congestion is politically popular in an off-
the-record way because you don't have to
float a bond issue to finance it.
It is here that the true significance of
San Francisco's BART system, described
above, becomes apparent. The bay area
proposes to solve its journey-to-work prob-
lems, not by banning cars or by making it
excessively slow, costly, and unpleasant to
drive, but by offering a cheaper, faster, more
convenient, less irksome way to get to town.
The ideal urban transportation plan, al-
most everyone now agrees, would combine a
rapid transit system of BART quality or
better with a ,freeway system adequate
to carry the rest of the traffic. These two
aspects of a sound plan are not incompatible.
Chicago's Congress Street Expressway and
rapid transit line is the pioneering example
of combined planning. It is, for the most
part, an 8-lane expressway with' a 2-track
rapid transit line, and space for a third track,
down the median. Rapid transit requires
only about one-fifth of the width of the
right-of-way; yet it has a theoretical peak-
hour capacity of 30,000 seated passengers in
each direction per hour (60,000 in the peak
direction if the third track is installed).
The expressway, occupying four-fifths of the
right-of-way, begins to jam up when more
than 6,000 cars (9,000 occupants) travel along
it per hour in either direction. The express-
way cost about $188,500,000; the rapid transit
line cost an additional $36 million.
Two other new Chicago expressways also
have space down the median for rapid tran-
sit, but funds to build the transit lines are
lacking. Los Angeles, San Francisco, and
Washington, D.C., similary plan to use free-
way medians for a portion of their transit
lines. The moral for other cities is clear. If
a new freeway is being planned to enter your
downtown area, has adequate consideration
been given to provide room along it for fu-
ture transit needs?
PRETTY GOOD ISN'T GOOD ENOUGH
Opponents of rapid transit make a com-
pletely valid criticism of the Congress Street
transit line arrangement. They point out
that even though its 2-track transit line
could carry 30,000 seated passengers per hour,
it actually runs many fewer cars than its ca-
pacity would allow and thus attracts only
13,500 passengers, including standees, during
the rush hour. Hence the automobile ex-
pressway continues to jam up. To appre-
ciate what's wrong with the Congress Street
transit line, and with most other public
transportation in the United -States today,
let's compare Chicago's Congress Street line
with San Franciscos BART standards.
First and foremost, 50 percent of the pas-
sengers on the Congress Street line Must
stand during the peak hour. Even for the
riders who do find seats, comfort is far below
BART standards. The cars are not air-condi-
tioned for example. And the service is only
technically rapid transit. Scheduled speeds
range from 17 to 26 miles per hour, as com-
pared with BART's 50 miles per hour (both
including the time of stops at the stations).
Moreover, the Congress Street line is only
9 miles long; much of its potential patronage
lies beyond its outer terminus. Where it
does reach, there are inconvenient arrange-
ments for handling passengers driven to the
train by their wives, inadequate peripheral
parking for those who want to drive to the'
station, and inadequate feeder buses to bring
passengers to the train. At the other end of
the line, Chicago's distribution system for
carrying passengers to their destinations fails
to serve a number of new midcity develop-
ments where the transportation demand is
heaviest.
These shortcomings are typical of most
mass transportation lines in the United
States today. Indeed, many are much worse.
Mass transportation is patronized mostly by
people who do not own cars, by those who
would prefer to drive to work but can't afford
it, and by those who fear they won't be able
to find a parking place or to afford those that
are available.
Chicago could remedy Congress Street's
transit shortcomings at relatively moderate
cost?much less than the cost of an addi-
tional freeway. It could also build high-
quality transit lines along its other freeways
at moderate cost.
But opposition from railroad interests and
the highway lobby blocked action on transit
improvement in the 1961 Illinois Legislature.
It boils down to this: commuters are not yet
organized as effectively as the highway lobby
is, nor are they as sure of what fits their best
interest. For instance, they are often misled
when automobile club executives and other
opponents of rapid transit tell them that the
A893
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894
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
,
BARAsystem and similar proposals will ban-
, .at Mgst only 5 percent or So. pf the trips
pe le want to make, The figures may be
t, but the implication isn't. k-.'or the 5
rcent of trips that modern transit.can han-
lti best are the all-infportant_trips to and
reln werit.
?Rof..E or THE COMMUTER RAILROAPS
Many suburban commuters face a different
rt Of transportation ,crisio.; Their cornmu-
nitiee'. problem does.not.t.ake the shape of a
MOntinientil, trat,C :jam or overcrowded
ransit, but rather a notice Posted at the local
'railrOaci station , that the, line proposes to
ialSe. its fares or curtail its passenger serv-
diScontinue service altogether.
-C.Ornintlters ,faced with situations such as
the PtteP ,naffid together to protest, or hire
lawyers to protest for them, at Interstate
-....`:(.?-b9.040t.0,:PPIKallail.9n.liearings and at State
??ntilitysommission proceedings. They
lag.r* titfoln, their local, oalcials and. State
to "save our, commuter railroads"
refleviAg them of taxeg and by paying
teP._tax
,ide2pia. has Pi0Ilee,FP4 a, better solu-
,ti?4 to the,conninter railrgad PrOblem. , Dur-
pg the 1950's. farsighted Philadelphia pub-
9408;4, ,loOking it a map of the Penn-
.;4-P,a0Z liatr.91:tglitpn area, noted that the
gbis;of-Way of the dozen or more cOnilnuter
;.alining out in all directions
W . Philadelphia, and from, Cam-
.;491;LAP144, ,nsed, to .greate ...a Magnificent
pub lc t rtation_syst,ena?if the, lines
?together and service standards
.9, when the. railroads serving
.began petitioning for fare. in-
? creases; -arigl,for-perinfselon to curtail service,
'.the City countered with an alternative pro-
, _
poaai
_
?
At oerck buy' eeivie from the railroads
Aorangpwit,asuet-411y drafted con-
at, . Wild, seek ?to supply top-speed,
QOP4altr 4r-banditigiled..?.611Verlliiera"?
." ilted-loci4rito be the finest electric con1.7
ter bare in, the UnIted,StateS?todaY. , These
if:Ca-re would be added U.) Wasting ached-
Sato. shorten ,the intervals between trains
prOvide "pats for,more passengers. The
ii4sWould be required to lower instead
-their fares. Btstions would be im-
fovea ?itlpnalparking provided
rae city would foot the bills,
?'*ifth ;Wm, a ,Federal Clemonstration
?
14.vi ,4141 proved so successful that
tzt.ln Was tried Initially on two cora-
'haf geen extended, to several more.
?Vivo weighboring, counties, through the
4outliwiterzi Pennsylvania Compact
.."(SEPACTi, have now joined Philadelphia
.0414 Redexal Governrilent in supplying
lie 4.egded PAO. Railroad .commuters are
??otti441;etier service for less money, and the
c,?14?y is benefited through fewer
? kglarrkluing_the downtown streets and free-
ayS. 'A siMilar plan has since been
'141112clied ,ort, fEnne .Bost011. commuter rail-
' rgad 1,nes,
? The R34110.4,4phiffia4 is -important be-
0. three .major features that distin-
h. it froin,the usual "save our commuter
iliOada" pleas.
The subsidy is used directly for the bane-
'it of railroad, patrons, not to bail out rail-
' bondholders.
The plan does not Just seek to maintain
existing service.. It assure more and better
? rStrtice at lower fares,
-;Every dollar spent?and this is the in-
heart,of Philadelphia's plan?brings
he city and its suburbs _one step closer to
'a -ebagicia*, areawicle rapid transit eye-
'ten- Capable of providing services close to
B Ey.11clauls
190f,,,, for example, John Bailey of
stirAcT, klikniAtted a.. report showing how
-railroad right-of-way could be utilized to
provide a high speed 216-mile rapid transit
system with Elilverliner comfort, peripheral
parking, and convenient central-city distri-
bution at a cost of only $130 million. And
$27 million worth of this conversion program
had already been completed. New cars had
been purchased, peripheral parking provided,
and other improvements made. As a result,
Bailey's package could be completed for an
additional ,cost o only. $103 million?less
than the cost of building 8 or 10 miles of
downtown freeway.
The Regional Plan Association has been de-
veloping a similar plan for New York city's
? commuter railroads.
WHAT'S THE ANSWER FOR YOUR CITY?
A surprising number of North American
cities are now considering rapid transit pro-
posals leading toward San Francisco-type
service?and a few have already started
building transit systems.
Toronto residents, for example, voted 10 to
1 for a new subway back in 1946. Trains
rolled over the first 4.5 miles of the system in
1954?and success was so imniediate and ob-
vious that plans for expansion were promptly
dratted. Some 6.5 miles are currently in op-
eration?not very much, but enough to keep
from 10,000 to 25,000 cars off Toronto streets
each weekday. Construction now underway
will provide 21 miles of transit by 1967, and
future plans now call for 39 miles by 1980.
Along with new transit construction, Toronto
is also developing a computer-based traffic
control system to handle the cars and trucks
remaining on the streets with maximum
efficiency.
Montreal is similarly building a new sub-
way system-26.2 miles approved to date?
? aftermayor was elected on the platform:
"Vote for me and get a subway."
Philadelphia voters last November ap-
proved, by a substantial margin, an $87,300,-
000 bond issue to finance subway extensions.
The Philadelphia-Camden rapid transit line
is being extended into the south Jersey sub-
urbs at a cost of $50 million. And there is
the pending proposal already described to
convert 216 miles of Philadelphia's cornmu-
ter railroad lines into a high-speed transit
system approaching BART standards.
Atlanta has plane for a 65.4-mile rapid
transit network. Voters last November ap-
proved a constitutional amendment that is
the first step toward that goal.
Boston is planning major improvements
with the help of State funds from a 2 Cents
,a pack increase in the cigarette tax, imposed
following a monumental traffic tieup in De-
cember 1963. Its old transit authority serv-
ing the city and 13 suburbs has been re-
placed by a new agency authorized to im-
prove service to the city and 77 suburbs.
New York, Chicago, Cleveland, and Pitts-
burgh have plans for extending and improv-
ing their existing transit systems?but these
? plans fall short In varying degrees of San
Francisco BART standards.
A few other cities?St. Louis, for example?
have transit plans gathering dust in munici-
, pal office files, and several cities, such hs
.Baltimore and Seattle, are beginning to get
ready to make transit plans.
This optimistic review of North American
transit progress is subject to one major quali-
fication: All of the plans require public tax
funds to subsidize construction; but to date
only Toronto, Montreal, and San Francisco
have firmly committed public funds in ade-
'quate amounts. Thus a tremendous field is
waiting for action?not necessarily to rally
-support for BART-type public transit in
every large city, but at least to examine the
issues carefully and come up with reasoned
support of some locally feasible solution to
the transportation problem.
That Toronto, Montreal, and the San Fran-
-disco Bay area should be the leaders in lay-
ing money on the line for high-quality transit
is hardly coincidence. "If you would make
your city loved," said an ancient Greek prov-
erb, "you must first make her lovable." To-
ronto, Montreal, and San Francisco have
March 2
made themselves lovable cities?and it is at
least partly in an effort to preserve their
inherent quality from the freeway and the
parking lot that residents of these cities and
their suburbs have been willing to tax them-
selves for rapid transit.
The presence of three Canadian cities on
the list is also worth a comment. American
cities facing a choice between downtown
freeways and rapid transit are deterred from
choosing transit, even when it makes excel-
lent sense, by our national freeway financing
program. Since 90 percent of the cost of the
new urban freeways included in the Inter-
state System and 50 percent of the cost of
most urban freeways in excess of the Inter-
state System come out of the Federal "high-
ways trust fund," even cities that want a,nd
need rapid transit have to date been tempted
by the Federal carrot to build more freeways
instead.
A change is in sight, however. The Urban
Mass Transportation Act passed by Congress
in 1964 establishes a national policy of aiding
public urban transportation. If adequate
funds are appropriated to achieve the goals
set forth in the 1964 act, cities may at last
be free to plan their transportation in terms
of sound engineering and public policy
rather than in terms of which plan will
draw the lushest Federal subsidy. The next
report in this series will consider financing
proposals in more detail.
The War in Vietnam?IV
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF'
HON. THADDEUS J. DULSKI
OF NEW YORE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, Lucian C.
Warren, Washington correspondent for
the Courier-Express, Buffalo, N.Y., just
recently returned from a trip to Viet-
nam.
A series of reports on conditions as he
found them is now appearing in the
Courier-Express. I am sure my col-
leagues will find Mr. Warren's observa-
tions very interesting and, with unani-
mous consent, I include the fourth part
of the series in the Appendix of today's
RECORD:
[From the Buffalo (N.Y.) Courier-Express,
Feb. 24, 1965]
THE WAR DI VIETNAM, iv--R.Aza OF VIETCONG
SUCCESSFUL
(By Lucian C. Warren)
(Guerrilla warfare traditionally is a series
of small but deadly battles in which units
of a regular army undertake to capture?or
kill?detachments of irregulars hiding in and
living off the countryside. Here Lucian C.
Warren, Washington correspondent for the
Courier-Express, accompanies a detail of
South Vietnam soldiers in a successful raid
on a nest of Vietcong guerrillas.)
DANANG, SOUTH VIETNAM.?"The idea is to
get your man in there as quickly as possible
and then clear out," barked the Marine offi-
cer at an eagle flight predawn briefing at
Danang Air Base.
"If your chopper is hit and goes down,
there probably can be a recovery. The sec-
ond H-34 should go alongside and effect a
rescue. Get the man and the guns and get
out and don't worry about the chopper."
Not long afterward more than a score of
11-34's took off, from Danang Airbase on the
'first leg of what the Marines call an eagle
flaght, an operation designed to drive Corn-
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_
Approved For IReemmaiNgtityltpac kaByltjagomig
mUnist Vietcong farces out of jungle hiding
places, capturing their equipment and kill-
ing off or capturing them.
stop was a rendezvous_ at Tani_ Sy
e South Vietnamese 1th Regiment
,betal1ons, the forces Which Were to be flown
into a Vietcong-infested area -Ns the mop-
ping-up operation.
I Was permitted to join a segment of the
8d Battalion of the _btli Regiment, whose
foreign advisers were Warrant ?Meer Wallace
l'hom.pson, an Australian Army man from
Sydney and Staff Sgt. Donald J. Shepherd, of
SpringAeld,
Not long after sunup, the choppers were
Sufclily loaded With the Vietnamese soldiers.
Me ones in my craft-9 men with short
haircuts, none over 5 feet 4 inches tall?
talked ha Vietnamese and seemed eager for
the fray. ?
sg OKE SIGNAL
At e9 :Q5 am., the choppers swung low over
the northern Thang Binh area,-south of the
Coastal City of Hoi Ana, A lead helicopter
dropped a red smoke signal indicating the
Spot for the soldiers to be landed.
r 414 .efateax.Xed With the soldiers and lost no
time in running to the nearest _stretch of
Scrubby evergreen growth.
We Were not 410 at. But the presence of
the ConlinUnitit Vietcong in the area was at-
tested to within 15 minutes when armed
"Hueys"?as they call the Ben tnilB hen-
ooptens?beganblasting away at the enemy a
*Duple of Miles away.
,Sp.=7 7,ONTZEET.A <
WarraXt Oflicer Thompson was in constant
touch With the leaders of the operation via
his WalAie-talkie. As electrical rockets and
MaChineguns kept up a steady fire from the
alilieya ahead, we learned that Borne Vietcong
perk on,`_ tile run, others had taken to fox-
holes,, while still, other were heading for the
Truong Chiang River in hope of safety there.
' At Intervale of between 15 minutes to an
hour, our segment of the attacking force
Moved up according to plan.
VIII Yi Thong, commander Of the 2d C0911-
pally, 3d Battalion, a slight, bespectacled
? e, at each halt Would take out his
jabber over, his walltie-talkie, then smile
? With satisfaction as the operation unfolded
suceeeptipy.
tneonn
? .'se's a good little digger," said Shepherd.
"Digger" is the affectionate slang term ap-
plied to the Vietnamese Soldier by their
American advisers. ,
"Get lain to tell you about his Sunday
? operation," added Thompson.
At one of the longer breaks in the moving
up operation, Thong proudly recounted how
on simday they had ambushed 120 Vietcong
and captured, among other things, 57 Rus-
sian recoilless rifles, a 160 millimeter mortar,
6 Japanese machineguns, 4 M1 rifles, 3
tartanachineguns, and 6,000 meters of signal
Wire?all in an agiounting to 1 ton of Viet-
cong war equipment that could not longer
be used in their South Vietnam war of terror,
,
halting English but glowing with pride,
?
he told how a Collpie of days earlier he had
helped conduct a successful et'acuation mis-
sion for 200 Cath011e Vietnamese refuges, who
wished to be freed from Vietcong terrorism
in their home territory.
A helicopter picked me up and returned
she to banang before the current Eagle Flight
Mission had been completed. But later an
Official c9,inhaunive noted these successful
fesuics: 4. Vietcang killed, 13 captured, and
"a large quantity_ of weapons seized, as against
? Only 1 'killed and, 2 wounded of the South
Vietnamese foICed,
, ,
abiall,OPeration, but one of the signs that
? ItrA.cle Sa43.lila ibUtb, Vietnamese ally are
iearning a trick or two about guerrilla war-
tare.
'
The
Principles of Lincoln
EXTENSION- OF REMARKS
OIP
HON. CHARLES A. HALLECK
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. HALLECK. Mr. Speaker, on Feb-
ruary 12 the 156th anniversary of the
birth of Abraham Lincoln, an impressive
address on "The Principles of Lincoln"
was delivered at a Lincoln Day dinner in
West Lafayette, Ind.
The address was delivered by James E.
Dornan, Jr., a member of the faculty of
1:111rdue University, located in the Second
Congressional District of Indiana, which
it is my privilege to represent.
Abraham Lincoln, a man of all the
people, was the first Republican Presi-
dent of these United States, and as we
again honor his memory with a special
reenactment of his second inaugural,
under leave to extend my remarks I offer
Mr. Dornan's excellent exposition of the
principles which were Lincoln's guide-
lines, and which have been guidelines for
the Republican Party through the years:
Mr. Chairman, Representative and Mrs.
Ffalleck, distinguished guests at the head
table, and my fellow Republicans, it is of
course a great privilege and a pleasure to
have the opportunity to address this dis-
tinguished assemblage on such an oc-
casion. I am sure that you have all noted
with satisfaction, as I have, the tremendous
turnout; coming as it does on the heels of
the thrashing which we received at the polls
in November, the size of the crowd tonight
indicates quite clearly that reports of the
death of the Republican Party have been
magnificent exaggerations, and augers well
for the future.
Before beginning my formal remarks, I
would like to express the hope that my ap-
pearance here this evening will serve to lay
to rest a certain myth concerning univer-
sity professors which has received rather wide
circulation of late: It is not true that all
professors of political science in the United
States in the 1960's are liberal Democrats.
And some of you may someday want to tell
your grandchildren that on February 12,
1965, you actually saw and heard one who
isn't.
As your county prosecutor, George Hanna,
indicated in his very kind introduction, I
am a transplanted easterner, who has left
the State of his birth and taken up residence
elsewhere not in order to run for the U.S.
Senate?which as you are well aware is a
very popular reason for changing residence
these days; rather, I have come to Indiana to
assume a teaching position on the faculty
of a great university, and thereby to reside
in the heartland of America?that part of
America which, it seems to me, best repre-
sents in this age of collectivism the spirit of a
free people, that part of America which nur-
tured the giant of history whose memory we
honor here this evening. And we are assem-
bled this evening to renew, to rekindle in
ourselves, that spirit of a free America; and
to renew it by recalling for ourselves once
again Abraham Lincoln's contribution to its
formation. By so doing, we hope to draw
from It the strength to weather the serious
hours ahead.
For there can be no doubt that these are
serious hours?for us assembled at Purdue
on this February 12, for all Republicans
gathered at similar dinners across the Na-
tion, for all Americans, for all mankind?
and I shall therefore speak to you in serious
tones.
a)160031-8
A895
A little more than six decades ago, half-
way around the globe in Zurich, Switzerland,
a bald and stocky middle-class lawyer wrote
a short treatise which he entitled "What Is
To Be Done." Released soon afterward to
an unreceptive world, the little pamphlet
was largely ignored by its intended reader-
ship, the working class of Europe, and totally
unnoticed by the statesmen then presiding
over the power centers of the West, its cir-
culation, in fact, as James Burnham has
noted, was restricted to a rather motley group
of emigre revolutionaries scattered through-
out the capitals and major cities of Europe.
But ignored though it was, that short pam-
phlet contained a blueprint or world revo-
lution whose course races on in today's
world, virtually unchecked. Its past suc-
cesses are revealed by a brief examination of
a world atlas: 63 years after the publication
of "What Is To Be Done," Marxism-Lenin-
ism?the revolutionary doctrine expounded
within its pages?is more than a mere set of
ideas; it is a way of life for nearly a billion
people in 13 nations, whose territory covers
nearly one-third of the total land surface of
the earth. It is, moreover, the organizing
doctrine for revolutionary parties in 75 addi-
tional nations?parties large and small, pow-
erful and impotent?all engaged in an un-
ceasing struggle to extirpate from the very
face of the earth all other political doctrines
and systems and movements, and to replace
them with their own narrowly rigid version
of the good society. The author of the
pamphlet was, of course, the man we know
as V. I. Lenin; and six decades after the
publication of his treatise Americans who
have never heard his name confront the con-
sequences of his mind, his energy, and his
fearful talent.
In fact, for better or for worse, the entire
recent record of American foreign policy and
indeed of world history is very largely the
record of our attempts to understand and
counteract those consequences.
You ask, What has all this got to do with
our topic for this evening? Just this. Forty
years, almost to the day, before the publica-
tion of Lenin's pamphlet, another middle-
class lawyer?this one tall, rather slender,
and anything but bald, put his pen to paper
in Washington, D.C., and issued another in
the long series of documents which together
constitute America's political heritage, pro-
claiming that freedom is the ultimate politi-
cal value for all mankind. That document
we know as the Emancipation Proclamation,
and its author is known to history as the
Great Emancipator, not only because he freed
the slaves, but because his entire life is testi-
mony to the glory of a free society.
Lenin and Lincoln?wholly dissimilar in
personal appearance, in manner of living, in
political philosophy?alike only in the com-
mon first and last letters of their surnames,
and in the symbolic equality which the
thought of each has come to assume for the
contending forces in the revolution of our
time. It is normally thought that only com-
munism offers the people of the world a
revolution in the 20th century, but the truth
Is that the democratic way of life offers to
mankind a far more profound revolution,
promises, in short, a liberation of the human
spirit unknown in world history. And the
conflict between these two revolutions?the
Communist revolution and the democratic
revolution?represents the crisis of our age.
It is a conflict which goes forward on many
levels; but I would suggest that at its most
fundamental level, it is a conflict of spirit?a
conflict essentially moral in nature that will
be won by that force which succeeds in con-
vincing the greater number of men that its
principles represent the common aspirations
of humanity.
And what are the ingredients of the spirit
of freedom, the principles which we offer in
opposition to the oppressive dogmas of
Marxism-Leninism? They are, I suggest,
nothing more nor less than the principles
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which inspired the political career of the
first Republican President, and which con-
stitute the Republican spirit today.
The highlights of that career are of course
familiar to all of you, for they have been
immortalized in poetry and in prose, in the
legendary tales which are a part of the con-
ventional wisdom of our society and In the
ponderous tomes of our academicians.
Every American knows of Lincoln's birth in
the humblest of surroundings in the Ken-
tucky Appalachian country; of his family's
move west, like that of countless thousands
of others in the period of our national migra-
tion, in search of the American dream; of
his railsplitting and boatman days in south-
ern Indiana, where he spent the formative
years of his life. Equally familiar is his early
entrance into the rough and tumble world
of Illinois Whig politics; his three-term
service in the State legislature and his leader-
ship of the Whig forces there, his thrilling?
if unsuccessful?attempts to win election to
the U.S. Senate, and his role in the founding
of the Republican Party all mark him as one
of the prominent political leaders in the long
history of-arty politics in the United States.
And, finally, history has ranked Lincoln
among the greatest of Presidents, the savior
of the Federal Union, whose resolute refusal
to shrink from the use of force in defense of
the right made possible the astounding
growth of the American Republic in the last
century, and our emergence on the interna-
tional scene as a world power. All this is
familiar to you, and I need not therefore
try to emulate those who have written of his
life more eloquently than can I.
But with the principles which inspired
that career you may not be as intimately
familiar; it unfortunately appears to be true
that the Republican Party during the course
of the past several decades has chosen to
define its position most often in terms of
immediate issues, and only rarely in terms of
a carefully articulated body of fundamental
principle. This, I believe, has cost us dearly;
and as a contribution to the self-analysis
In which our party is currently engaged, I
would like to attempt a brief summary of
the ingredients of the Republican spirit.
1. The Republican spirit is infused with
a spirit of realism, infused with an aware-
ness of the limits set by human nature it-
self to the achievement of the good, infused
with a sense of the posSible. The Republi-
can knows that precisely because of the kind
of being that man is, he will choose the
wrong road as often as the right, he will
neglect his obligations as often as he will
meet them, he will abuse political power as
Often as he will employ it as the servant of
justice. The Republican knows that precise-
ly because of the kind of being that man is,
utopian solutions to problems in the politi-
cal and social order cannot work must, in
fact, lead inevitably to disaster. And I re-
mind you that the entire career of Abraham
Lincoln reflects his own essential realism,
his willingness to work with conditions as
he found them, his refusal to commit him-
self to crusades for unattainable ends. Per-
haps best indicative of his attitude?and
least remembered today?was his funda-
mentally gradualist approach to the question
of the abolition of slavery, reflected in his
insistence that abolition ought to proceed at
a pace which took into account existing con-
ditions in the South. This insistence of Lin-
coln's, of course, earned him the lasting
enmity of the radicals in his own party.
2. The Republican spirit includes a pro-
found respect for history and for tradition.
The Republican asserts that the pattern or
future events will largely resemble those Of
the past, that history is one of our most
reliable teachers, that what has worked well
In the past is likely to work well, with appro-
priate modifications, in the future. Here let
me remind you of Lincoln's profound re-
spect for the work of the founders of the
American Nation, and his insistence that
their work must not be undone, even at the
cost of a bloody Civil War.
3. Upon his understanding of political
reality and of history rests the concept of
government and governmental power which
lies at the core of the Republican's political
position. Because of his understanding of
human nature, the Republican knows that
the social and economic injustice that lies
all about us can only partially and gradually
be eliminated through common action in
this political order, and partially eliminated
at that only after ardnous and long struggle.
He knows, moreover, with Lord Acton, that
all power tends to corrupt?is likely to be
abused?and that therefore the power of any
man or group of men to direct the lives of
others must be carefully circumscribed lest
It degenerate into tyranny. And he knows
that the record of several thousand years of
recorded human history bears unimpeach-
able witness to the degeneration of political
power into tyrannical government.
Therefore, the Republican spirit embodies
a notable suspicion of the overly powerful
state and a favorable disposition toward
limited government, toward the separation,
diffusion, and checking and balancing of
political power rather than its concentra-
tion. Today's Republican believes with
Abraham Lincoln that a government should
do for its citizens only what its citizens
cannot do for themselves. And so, too, the
Republican is an ardent defender of the
American constitutional system, which is
characterized by a limited national govern-
ment, by the principle of federalism, by a
system of separation of powers and checks
and balances; for the Republican believes
that we have developed in the United States
the best governmental system yet devised for
the protection of freedom.
4. The Republican spirit rests on a belief
in liberty?not only because the alternative
promises unimaginable horror, but more im-
portantly because the path of freedom is the
only path to the fulfillment of the indi-
vidual and to the achievement of that which
man as a being is peculiarly capable, the
only path which permits him to exercise
those God-given faculties of soul and mind
and body which set us apart from the apes.
And the Republican spirit rests, also, on a
belief in equality?not a suffocating equal-
ity, imposed from above, that would make
every man like every other man, but moral
equality and equality of opportunity, a
guarantee to every individual that he shall
receive the change to enjoy the blessings of
liberty. And here once again Lincoln is our
exemplar: for what is his life but a testi-.
monial to the possibilities for achievement
offered to the free man by a free society?
5. The Republican spirit manifests a be-
lief in the need for order imposed by law,
and for social responsibility on the part of
government and citizen alike., Too aware
of the moral ambiguity of human nature
not to recognize that liberty can readily de-
generate into license, the Republican insists
on a most careful balancing of the claims
of freedom and order, and demands that his
government stand ready to protect the free-
dom of all against the abuse of freedom by
some. And all Republicans acknowledge
their obligation and the obligation of gov-
ernment to the unfortunate members of our
society who, through no fault of their own,
have been unable to share in the good life
of a bountiful America. But we insist, as
did Lincoln, that this obligation is to be
fulfilled through the framework of a free
society, and must never degenerate into a
simple exercise in vote buying through
promises of ever-larger expenditures from
the public treasury.
6. And, finally, the Republican spirit is
infused with respect for the free economy
and for the right of property. This respect
is founded on the recognition that freedom
2
is indivisible; that logically and historically
economic freedom cannot be septesated from
other kinds of freedom; that economic
power cannot be separated from political
power; that economic power concentrated in
the hands of government is just as imrilediate
a threat to liberty as political power so con-
centrated. If freedom is to have any meaning
stall, it surely must include the opportunity
to employ to the full our talents and abilities,
the opportunity to enjoy the fruits of our
labor, the opportunity to accumulate wealth
and to utilize it in accordance with our de-
sires?all, of course, within a framework of
social responsibility.
And on behalf of both these principles?
respect for order and for property as the
bulwark of the good society?Lincoln spoke
eloquently throughout his public life.
"There is no grievance," he said, "that is a
fit subject for redress by mob law." And in
one of the last public addresses of his life,
his 1864 speech to the New York Working-
men's Association, he said: "Property is the
fruit of labor?property is desirable?is a
positive good in the world. That some
should be rich, shows that others may be-
come rich, and hence is just encouragement
to industry and enterprise. Let not him
who is houseless pull down the house of
another; but let him labor diligently and
build one for himself, thus by example as-
suring that his own shall be safe from
violence when built."
These, I think, are the ingredients of
the Republican spirit, the principles to
which all Republicans are dedicated and
which distinguished us from almost all
Democrats, the principles which we offer in
opposition to the spirit of collectivism ram-
pant in today's world. And it is within the
framework of these principles that the Re-
publican seeks his solutions to the complex
problem of 20th-century America: he looks
long and hard at proposals for further expan-
sion of national governmental responsibility
for the lives of Americans; he favors instead
expanding the scope of State and local and
private responsibility in meeting social
problems; moreover, he believes that in to-
day's affluent society a good number of our
problems can be met at those levels. The
Republican, further, examines each problem
on its merits, in search of a solution that
Is satisfactory within the framework of a
free social order, and on this basis takes his
stand on such issues as medicare, on povertY
wars, on aid to education, on welfare. And
In the course of this examination he looks
with care at the possible effect of policy pro-
posals on the American constitutional sys-
tem?a system which in its ofiginal con-
ception provided for the balanced distribu-
tion of governmental power among three
branches of Government, and provided most
of all for reasoned deliberation on public
problems by a Congress of the people's rep-
resentatives. And when the Republican ex-
amines that system today, he sees it under
relentless attack by proponents of a political
orthodoxy who favor a constant aggrandize-
ment of presidential power, a steady reduc-
tion in the prerogatives of Congress, and a
regularized usurpation by the Supreme Court
of the legislation function. Against all this
the Republican offers increasing resistance?
as Lincoln himself had to struggle constant-
ly in his time to maintain the balance of our
constitutional system against those who
would have made the President and the Su-
preme Court the pawns of a dominant legis-
lature.
Now what do our critics say of the Re-
publican spirit as it unfolds in the 1960's?
First, they charge that the Republican spirit
is essentially negative, that we oppose every
attempt to deal with the complex forces at
work in our time, and initiate no counter-
proposals of our own. Well, let me remind
you that Lincoln's political posture had its
negative aspects, also: he opposed slavery,
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C.A.J/Nc.xtuasSIONAL RECORD?APPENDIX,
aided South Vietnamese forces drove the
Vietcong back into the jungle, the Thanh
QUitians weren't overly cordial to their
rescuers. .
,
'As-a matter of fact, iriost of the villagers
tiirneirtheir backs on their rescuers during
the first few days, convinced that the rescue
opdra,tion was momentary and the dreaded
Vietcong would eventually return.
But little by little the pacification forces
showed they meant business. They brought?
in rice and medicine. A battalion was sta-
tioned there along with a number of APC's
(armed personnel cavalry vehicles) as a
means to keep the Vietcong away.
And When the rescurers finally erected a
combination bamboo and barbed wire forti-
fication around the main portion of town,
the thaw became complete. The hamlet was
considered totally pacified. ,
RED /NPESTED
It w,as to this supposedly happy scene that
I was escorted one afternoon by Maj. John D.
Hamilton, of Niles, Mich., a U.S. senior adviser
to South Vietnalnese 4th Army Cavalry.
The road, to Thain Quit was along the
nation's Highway Route 1 which connects
Danang and Saigon over a 400-mile stretch
of some Vietcong infested territory.
Although both Danang and Thanh Quit
are considered pacified and relatively safe,
the connecting road is not rated safe enough
to travel without some form of protection.
Hence two A1,0 vehicles preceded and fol-
lowed the jeep in which I rode, and there was
one stretch of the road, where the jungle was
only 200 yards away, that had been nick-
named the "bamboo shooting gallery" be-
cause of the fondness the Vietcong had for
trying to pick -off occupants of moving ve-
hicles, particularly if they were recognized as
Americans. ?
BAROMETERS -
On this day, however, there were no inci-
dents. As we entered the hainlet, little chil-
dren Waved gaily and shouted "Halloo, halloo,
"You can see," said the major, "how we're
regarded. The attitude of the children is
always a good barometer of how their parents
Alas, the. clkildren's "ballooS" Were a bit
deceptive, considering the state of the village
that day. We stopped at the headquarters
for the South Vietnamese battEigon, and the
Major suggested we take a stroll through
"No, no," cried Capt. Pham Van Nghin, of
the local South Vietnamese battalion, "Viet-
cong here, Vietcong here."
AtacK aMtativ
In.halting English, Captain Pham told his
tale. For, some reason most of the battalion
had been moved elsewhere the day before, a
fact that apparently the Vietcong intelligence
was quick to gather in. They moved in
quickly, cut the bamboo and barbed wire
fortifications and began throwing their
weight around. Even at this moment, some
of the. Vietcong were reported confiscating
some of the town's goods at its marketplace.
Our caravan Made a quick turnabout and
returned ,to Danang. Each of us had a rifle
ready' to use; we wore bulletproof vests and
the APC's ,had Inachineguns readied for
action.
A 'Lox?, nluin WAR
We made the trip baelt to Danang without
incident, but the sudden unpacified state of
the hamlet moved Major Hamilton to corn-
i,s a good example of why there is
going to be ne quick solution to this war.
"It is obvious it is going to be a long, hard
war. It is difficult to get dramatic results
of big, sustained victories.
Fx.PrOTS_ TO .WIN
"However, in the long run I think we are
getting somewhere. I didn't come over here
with the idea of losing this war, but winning
it. I still have every hope of doing so, and
in spite of what happened this afternoon I
am not discouraged."
I learned later that the missing battalion
personnel was returned quickly to the ham-
let, the Vietcong chased out again and the
barbed wire, bamboo fortification restored.
Pacification Is a laborious, continuing, and
repetitious process.
Noted Writer R. 0. Beckman Gives Daily
Lift to Senior Citizens
- EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. PAUL G. ROGERS
OF 'FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. ROGERS of Florida. Mr. Speak-
er, at a time when life is taking on a new
aspect, when busier days reach a slower
pace, when the senior citizens reaches
retirement, he often finds that his con-
ception of retirement differs from reality.
Instead of facing the challenges of youth,
the senior citizen may be faced with
keeping his interest alive. Rather than
give in to idleness of the mind, indiffer-
ence to the world around him, many of
our senior citizens today are like the
youth of today?they have, gruht to
preserve their enthusiasm, and have re-
fused to give In to challenges.
One such person is Mr. R. 0. Beckman,
who's columns appear regularly in the
Port Lauderdale News, and who's audi-
ence is growing regularly as well. Mr.
Beckman's writings offer inspiration to
his readers, and give sound principles for
living to young and old alike.
I include one of Mr. Beckman's col-
umns in the RECORD at this point in order
that he receive the widest possible
readership:
BURDEN OF 70 YEARS NO REASON FOR BOREDOM
(By R. 0. Beckman)
From a reader nearing the age of 70 come
reflectionS about later life, which' he and
his wife regard as a bore. He writes:
"Have you ever thought how depressing
it is to wake up every morning the same old
person? Pulling on the same old pants or
skirt for what will be just another day, brew-
ing coffee in the same old pot? Then there's
the difficult decision of whether you want
your eggs boiled, poached, fried, or scram-
bled. (Why doesn't someone devise some
new ways?)
"From force of habit you scan the morning
paper or turn on the wireless, only to learn
of more grisly deaths on the highway, ju-
venile delinquents that have run amok or
more slaughter in Vietnam or the Congo.
After coffee, you automatically reach for
one of the brand of cigarets you smoked for
15 years.
"Passing a mirror on her way to the kit-
chen, the wife makes a face and remarks
she looks like an old hag. You can't decide
whether it would be unconvincing to say she
, doesn't, or too early in the day to start
an argument by agreeing with her. Time
drags along through the day. No phone
March 2
calls or visitors and no mail except for ad-
vertising that's unwanted, The clock chimes
every hour but nothing happens. We may
recall the joys of the good old days or re-
new a long-standing argument as to whether
to cash in on some stock we own or leave it
to relatives since we have no children. And
so to bed?exhausted from killing time."
If this couple is truly as bored as the letter
implies, it is high time to take a fresh look
at the mixed frustrations and blessings of
life in the 1960's. Without a mental shot of
adrenalin, they will be senile in no time.
This can be avoided by snapping out of hum-
drum and ho-hum, effecting a change in ideas
and scene, and extending their interests.
Changes in daily routine, new outside con-
tacts, travel, community service?these lend
new purpose, meaning, and depth to life.
A person who looks backward too often may
turn into a pillar of salt like Lot's wife.
LIVE IT UP
Why deplore or laugh at youth for its af-
fectations or mistakes? It is generally try-
ing on one face after another to find its own.
Why should the couple not spend extra sav-
ings to bring pleasure to themselves and
others? Cicero once asked if anything could
be more absurd than to multiply luggage-
as one nears a journey's end.
Dr. Harlan Hatcher, University of Michi-
gan president, has a word of comment which
fits age as well as youth.
"The easiest way is to live listlessly on a
dead level of monotony, or to drift with the
accepted and the expected into quiet desper-
ation. The next easiest is to consume your
energies in undirected revolt or rebellion or
starve them in cynicism and unbelief. The
most difficult and most rewarding is to com-
bine knowledge and understanding of the
requirements for change with those golden
moments of clear visitation and faith in what
it is possible for man to become. This is
the source of joy and the excitement of the
creative spirit which lifts us to a higher
level where richer values and delightful
colors surround and support our lives."
Award for Excellence
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. TORBERT H. MACDONALD
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. MACDONALD. Mr. Speaker, re-
cently the Revere Journal, a newspaper
which has covered the news for the citi-
zens of Revere, Mass., in an objective and
skilled manner, since 1881, won the first
place award for general excellence among
weekly New England newspapers having
over 5,000 circulation.
The award was Made on behalf of the
New England Weekly Press Association
by President John T. Hough at the asso-
ciation's annual award dinner in Boston.
More than 300 publishers, editors, and
other members of the organization were
there, including Postmaster General
John Gronouski, to see a panel of eight
distinguished fellows of the Nieman
Foundation at Harvard University award
first place to the Journal on the basis of
its "all-round outstanding attributes and
high professional standards."
I am particularly pleased to see the
Journal recognized in this way, Mr.
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1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A901
Dr. Gustavo Bounous, an Italian immi-
grant to Canada. Dr. Bounous lived for
a short time in America but was forced
to move to Canada when his temporary
visa ran out. Mr. Maurice R. Marchello,
an attorney in Chicago, uses the case of
Dr. Bounous to show how the national
origins quota system works to the detri-
ment of the United States.
I recommend these informative arti-
cles to all of my colleagues; therefore,
with unanimous consent, I insert them
in the Appendix of the RECORD.
The articles follow:
D. BOUNOUS STORY?WE LOST HIM
TORONTO .?Montrealer Gustavo Bounous,
dynamic example of brain drain at work
in Canada's favor, received a top national
medical award here last night for shedding
a bright new light on how shock from bleed-
ing causes death.
Dr. Bounous' work, which won him the
medal in surgery from the Royal College of
Physicians and Surgeons of Canada, opens
up the possibility of saving patients who suc-
cumb to hemorrhagic shock despite trans-
fusions.
An Italian surgeon trained in Turin, Dr.
Bounous, 36, moved to Montreal early in
1962 from Indianapolis when he was forced
to leave the United States because his tem-
porary visa ran out.
Working with laboratory dogs, Dr. Bounous
tackled the puzzle of why early transfusions
and treatment save patients in shock from
bleeding but fail after a certain time that
varies from person to person.
Dr. Bounous found that the chemical
structures of cells in the lining of the bowel
Change in a state of shock until they reach
a point where they can no longer accept
oxygen. This cell exhaustion weakens the
bowel lining, permitting poison body waste
to escape and kill.
Putting dogs into a state of shock by loss
of blood, he measured the ability of intestine
cells to accept oxygen at intervals. He found
that chemical changes gradually reduce the
ability to take oxygen from the blood. The
enzyme substance that permits the trans-
fer of oxygen from blood to cell finally is
depleted, causing complete breakdown of
the cell.
If medical science can isolate and identify
precisely what chemical is depleted in shock,
it might someday be possible to give patients,
who fail to respond to transfusions, a life-
saving injection of the chemical.
CONGRESSMEN MUST ACT NOW?BIASED IMMI-
GRATION POLICY LS BRAIN DRAIN TO UNITED
STATES
(By Maurice R. Marchello)
We as Americans of Italian origin do not
envy Canada's gain in acquiring a fine citizen,
but we are deeply concerned with the loss to
America of such exemplary citizen prospects,
due entirely to the shortsighted laws which
limit and restrict them from entering our
country.
We respectfully submit that all Americans
should be equally concerned with this "brain-
drain"?especially our Congressmen, who now
have the power to correct it.
One can only conjecture how great this
brain loss must have been over the past
years. Just try to imagine what a tragic loss
of talent our country would have suffered
in the past 30 vital years if the Italian-born
Fermi, Fubini, and Conto?to mention a few
outstanding scientists?had to cope with
the quota system to gain admittance to our
country,
Fortunately, these three brilliant contribu-
tors to our country, because of their special
circumstances, were able to avoid the immi-
gration quota law restrictions.
Enrico Fermi, the father of the atomic and
nuclear age, was accorded political sanctuary
in our shores because he was an anti-Fascist
exile.
Eugene C. Fubini, the valuable Assistant to
our Secretary of Defense McNamara, and who
controls our military communications satel-
lite program was admitted outside the quota
because his wife was an American citizen.
The late Chicagoan, Armando F. Conto, a
television pioneer and a well-known figure
in communications engineering, also was ad-
mitted as a nonquota immigrant because he
was fortunate enough to have married an
American citizen, whom he met in Europe
when she was a student of foreign languages.
Congress now has the opportunity with
presidential sanction to abolish forever the
hypocrisy of our antiquated immigration pol-
icy. The quota system based on where a man
is born has too often damned the gifted
equally with the deprived.
American immigration policy should serve
the best interests of Americans. While spe-
cifically we are now pointing up the hard
plight of the humble, talented Italian pro-
spective immigrants, we ask no more for them
than we do for others, regardless from whence
they come.
There is also the great need to correct, with
compassion, certain wrongs done in the past.
The agonizing separation of families brought
about by the old quota system also is a strong
consideration for the passage of the proposed
legislation. -
Basically, the recommended legislation
gives equal treatment to all. So, let us now
search not only in the heretofore favored
lands of the Nordic Anglo-Saxons, but let us
also climb the hills of Rome and Turin and
explore the Mediterranean shores where, in
the future, perhaps another Fermi, Fubini,
and Conto type immigrant will add luster to
the American firmament.
And when Congress does its rightful duty
as urgently requested by our President and
enacts the new legislation, the sad story of
the U.S. loss of Dr. Gustavo Botmous will not
be repeated.
Taking Off?In-Flight Movies
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES ROOSEVELT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Speaker, be-
cause there have been some recent news
reports on the possibility of prohibition
of in-flight movies on the North Atlantic
run, I wish to call to the attention
of my colleagues a timely and cogent
article in the February issue of American
Aviation.
The article follows:
TAKING OFF
(By William V. Henzey)
It is doubtful if there ever has been a
single addition to onboard service so well
received by the public as in-flight entertain-
ment. And few industry moves have been so
productive of beneficial results.
As a result, it is difficult to get excited
about the opposition to movies, stereo, et al.
by some airlines. The opposition has been
synthetic. It had its biggest heyday during
the IATA traffic conference in Athens last
fall.
But could there have been a carrier in the
group who seriously thought the in-flight
entertainment wave could be rolled back?
A ban by IATA, or any other group, on
movies would have drawn the wrath of the
public down on the association and its mem-
bers. In fact, we doubt that the govern-
ment agencies involved, particularly our
CAB, would have done less than boot a field
goal with the appropriate resolution.
Some carriers talked about the added cost
of installing movie and stereo equipment and
indicated that once socked into the struc-
ture it would ultimately find its way into
higher fares. This is ridiculous. Of course
there is an added installation cost. But it's
peanuts in the overall picture.
An airline that would raise the cost angle
would 'add from $1 million to $5 million to
its annual advertising budget without bat-
ting an eye. And if the relatively minor cost
is worrisome to some carrier, let it cut down
on the supply of booze on its flights (but
not too far).
The fact is, no airline protest was ad-
vanced with the idea that it would be suc-
cessful. Airline traffic and marketing men
will tell you their longtime regular pas-
sengers were switching to the competitor
who was showing a movie they hadn't seen.
But it goes beyond drawing passengers
from one carrier to another. TWA's Torn
McFadden put it well recently When he said,
"In-flight movies are the greatest contribu-
tion to passenger relaxation since the ad-
vent of pressurized cabins."
McFadden's point is that the tensions of
first-time riders are eased and boredom on
long flights is relieved. And what an im-
pact it must have on those who haven't yet
flown to realize that somewhere, 5 or 6 miles
up going just under the speed of sound,
thousands of people are oblivious to every-
thing but James Bond's newest device for
mayhem.
Yes, in-flight entertainment is here to
stay a d it will spread throughout the
world'sj airlines before the year is out.
The War in Vietnam?V
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. THADDEUS J. DULSKI
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I wish to
include the fifth part of a report on Viet-
nam by Lucian C. Warren, Washington
correspondent for the Courier-Express,
Buffalo, N.Y., which follows:
[From the Buffalo Courier-Express, Feb. 25,
196-5]
THE WAR IN VIETNAM, V?REDS ENTER
PACIFIED HAMLET
(In warfare it sometimes becomes difficult
to sustain victory after a battle has been won,
and this is especially so in guerrilla warfare.
Here Lucian C. Warren, Washington corre-
spondent for the Courier-Express, discovers
how resilient are the Red Vietcong of the
southeast Asia jungles and how communities
captured from them refuse to stay pacified.
This is the fifth in a series by Warren on his
firsthand experiences in South Vietnam.)
(By Lucian C. Warren)
DANANG, SOUTH VIETNAM .?A pacified ham-
let, in the language of U.S. military advisers
and the South Vietnamese Government, is
one which has been successfully wrested from
the Communist Vietcong.
Such, supposedly, is the hamlet of Thanh
Quit, where a few thousand South Vietnamese
peasants reside in a 2-square-mile area, 12
miles south of Danang, the nation's second
largest city.
There is no doubt that Thanh Quit was for
many months in the grip of the Vietcong.
So much so, in fact, that when superior 'U.S.-
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1965 Approved For RetositieggegfACW612.S.)0
Speaker. The managing editor and pub-
lisher, the Journal, Mr. Sidney Curtis,
his e tor, Mr. Robert Long, and their
st0.4 halre,Me,Intcained a high degree of
etCppeAlce In ?erving their. ConurnmitY
bou. 0,5 11.404re,e of public infOrniation
and as a forum for constructive expres-
Igen on the part of their readers. I am
pleased to make their recent honor
? known to my fellow Members of the CCM-
.
greSS and to Point out that the Journal
is an ezgtraple of the kind, Of reporting
our democratic form Of
government ,a working reality.
?I include at this_point a reprint of the
editorial which appeared in the Journal
acknowledging this award:
WE ARE Panto
It was with a deep sense of personal pride
and humility that the publisher and editor
of the Revere Journal accepted the first
place award for general excellence at the
New ?England `weekly Press Association An-
nual A.wards Dinner last weekend.
Competition for the award presented to
the winner for "all-round outstanding at-
tributes and high professional standards" is
keen. The judging in the contest was done
by fellows of Nieman Foundation at Har-
vard thaiversity and in being declared the
Whiner in its class the Journal is justifiably
proud.
? We are proud for many reasons. Each
week we endeavor to give to the people of
this community a newspaper encompassing
411 the events occurring in our city?from
city council and school board sessions to the
zaeetings of the Girl Scouts and other or-
ganizations. In these stories we deal only
With the facts as they happen and reserve
? Our Opinions for our editorial columns.
zn an effort to see that the finished prod-
UCt is pleasing to the eye and easy to read,
Publisher Curtis has established a type-
setting plant that is second to none. It
features the latest equipment and makes the
typography of this newspaper one of the
best to be found anywhere. Even as this is
being written the publisher is on a business
-trip seeking to purchase an offset press so
that the readers of the Journal will be
presented their news in the latest and most
Modern manner.
-However, while we have all the material
resource,S at opr,command, it still takes the
bard work and ,Ideclication of a loyal group
of employees to publish a prize-winning
Weepy.
-
The enthusiasin and tempo necessary to
meet this goal is furnished by Publisher
Curtis, .He striVes for perfection in every
endeavor and will never walk away from
a fight. He sets a hard hitting policy and
In following his leadership we have been
able to publish a top weekly newspaper that
is looked, upon with respect and admiration.
One of the Nieman fellows who served
-- a judge in the contest in a panel dis-
cussion said the Journal showed "great en-
thu.slasm for local coverage and its stories
were beautifully developed. It also showed
it was a real ,crusatling newspaper and
backed' up its fight for better government
With strong editorials." Another of the
judges stated the Journal "was well-written
and its production was excellent "
?, We are, proud of the honor that has been
bestowed upon us. We attempt to give our
readers the besLpaper possible each week
and the ?presentation of this award assures
ne that we are fulfilling this obligation?we
vill,-reSAIX119 to extend_ our efforts in order
-Prove that We are worthy of this high
consideration,
Good Citizenship
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WALTER S. BARING
gRa
OF NEVADA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I should
like to have inserted in the Appendix of
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the prize-
winning speech written by Miss Linda J.
Thyne, of Babbitt, Nev., which she en-
tered in the Veterans of Foreign Wars
"Voice of Democracy" contest, this year.
This year over 250,000 high school stu-
dents participated in the contest com-
peting for the four scholarships which
are awarded as the top prizes.
The text of speech follows:
GOOD CITIZENSHIP
There has probably never been a time in
our history when our citizenship was the
subject of more widespread and anxious con-
cern than today.
There is always the danger that we may
think of our citizenship too narrowly.
When we think of citizenship, we are likely
to think of voting, or of serving on a jury,
or of our services as public officers, or of
paying taxes, or of the possibility of being
drafted into the Army as soldiers. These are
the specific tasks of the citizen and each is of
the highest importance, but back of them
stands living?living so that life shall be
good and full, free and worth of the human
race.
You cannot separate your citizenship and
the exercise of your civic duties from the rest
of your life. Your aspirations, interests,
ideals, tastes, and habits influence the per-
formance of your civic duties. If your life
is noble and rich, your citizenship will ex-
press that nobility. If you are dishonest in
your thinking and indifferent to the well-
being of others, these qualities will degrade
your citizenship.
Religious ideals have been called the foun-
dation of citizenship. Citizenship finds its
tallest expression in the roots of religion,
Which has ever emphasized the fatherhood
of God and the brotherhood of man. God
gave man free will. Will to do what he
pleases. Each person can make his own de-
cision whether or not he wants to take up
the challenge of citizenship.
One of the safeguards of citizenship is
education. The American citizen has always
had complex domestic problems to solve and
to act upon. We now have, in our schools,
30 million young people who not only face
domestic issues but who must become global
minded. Our country and the world is
changing so rapidly that new problems of
life and government arise overnight and if
we are to meet them with full intelligence,
we must continue our study and education
throughout our years.
We hear much conversation about the tre-
mendous progress that we have made in our
country, and we have. We certainly have
made material progress. But where are we
really in some respects? Namely, In the re-
spect of citizenship?
Although man's inventions are getting
bigger and faster, it does not necessarily
follow that man himself is getting better.
While we have become a nation of technologi-
cal giants, we are also rapidly becoming a
nation of spiritual midgets. Morality is
determined by self-interest. "What's best for
160031-8
A903
me" is the philosophy pursued by? far too
many people.
Good citizenship includes a better human
understanding, a better communication be-
tween peoples, a better appreciation of our
American free enterprise system and a radi-
cally changed attitude toward government
and political processes.
It is the citizen's obligation to cherish and
Improve the great inheritance of democracy
and self-government. There must be a re-
awakening on the part of all our people in
their concern for individual liberty and free-
dom of initiative.
I believe that the dearest possession com-
mon to everyone of our 186 million people?
is his citizenship. But I believe that the
priceless privilege carries with it the duty as
well as the challenge of defending our na-
tional honor, welfare and security by every
means necessary.
An anonymous poet was right when he
said:
"Let no one tell you as you grow
That nothing to the flag you owe,
Let no one whisper that it means,
But pleasant days and peaceful scenes,
And merely calls to mind a land,
Where wealth abounds on every hand,
Because no more that flag will fly,
When men for it refuse to die."
Voice of Democracy Contest Essay
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HALE BOGGS
OF LOUISIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, it is a
pleasure for me to call to the attention
of my colleagues in the House of Repre-
sentatives a splendid "Voice of Demo-
cracy" essay, written by a fine young man
in my district, the Second Congressional
District of Louisiana. Mark Stephens,
a student at Lutcher High School in Lut-
cher, La., has been chosen the winning
contestant in my State in this annual
essay contest sponsored by the Veterans
of Foreign Wars of the United States.
Young Mark Stephens now has the op-
portunity to compete with contest win-
ners from the 50 States for four scholar-
ship Prizes: A $5,000 scholarship, first
prize; a $3,500 scholarship, second prize;
a $2,500 scholarship, third prize; and a
$1,500 scholarship, fourth prize. These
prizes will enable deserving high school
students, who have written the top es-
says, to help defray their expenses for
their first year in a college or university
of their choice.
The VFW is to be commended for spon-
soring this "Voice of Democracy" con-
test--which provides young people in
high schools across the Nation with the
opportunity to think seriously about the
meaning of democracy and to write stim-
ulating essays on their personal views of
our form of government.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to offer for
inclusion in the RECORD this thought-
provoking essay on democracy by Mark
Stephens 9f Lutcher:
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March 2
(By-Slark Stephens, Lutcher, La.)
-
The American system of government Is
based on the belief that most of the people
will be mostly right most of the time. The
fate of America, for better or for Worse, is
entrusted to the judgment and mercy of the
majority. But in the deeper sense, rbelleve
that the trust is meant to be shouldered by
each individual and that all the individualt,
working together must produce solutions to
our problems.
Through the years our faith in the con-
science of America has been well placed; but
often, prejudice, bigotry, and fear in indi-
viduals have led people into large partisan
groups fighting selfishly for their own in-
terests. Good judgment has suffered and
will continue to suffer because of this selfish-
ness. Usually our voting has resulted in a
middle-of-the-road approach to problems.
But when fair and reasonable policy is
adopted, using the good points from all sides,
is it really always the result of the wishes
of a tolerant, reasonable majority of the
voters and leaders? I believe that much of
the so-called "reason" today results from
? unreasonable people claehing together so
hard that none gets his way entirely.
I really believe that on several occasions
our country has lived in spite of its citizens
and leaders, in spite of their ignorance in
grasping the most important challenge con-
fronting American citizens. That challenge
is to put emotions and reason into their
proper perspective and to make judgments
based on intelligence and humanity. Men
often forget that emotional inspiration is
a gift and not a cause. It can give us energy,
but it cannot be allowed to control our
thinking. History teaches us that men are
too diverse to be satisfied with one opinion.
Judging many opinions requires a clear head.
Our Government was designed to allow us
to use the minds of many men. The Found-
ing Fathers set up a system that allows us to
pick the best from these many minds
and permits us to use it to set up govern-
ment policy. Certainly the authors of the
Constitution realized that most ideas worth
mentioning in Congress would be worth
fighting for and that even if men changed
their positions on issues, it would not be
because they had changed their minds. The
system of compromise allows these men to
do what is best for America. But I do not
think that we really give this system its
best chance to work unless we are reason-
able in our loyalty to party, State, and po-
litical belief. If a man is a liberal for the
sake of being a liberal and always votes lib-
erally and is always suspcious of anything
that might be called conservative, he will
cheat himself of any good conservative
beliefs.
I believe that there is too much of this
prejudice today between parties and sections
of the country. The challenge of reason has
yet to be met completely. Certainly most
people are not too extreme, but too many
people are, and too many extremists influ-
ence our thinking, and too many extremists
are our spokesmen. This situation clouds
the issues and makes so much of our work
nearsighted and intolerant. Those who
really believe that this country could ever
become completely liberal or conservative
and stay completely liberal or conservative
and still survive, miss one point in history:
That life, for people or for nations, is like a
pendulum; it swings both ways and we have
to be ready to swing with it when neces-
sary.
If we are to use our system of free thought
and choice so that we can meet the many
different types of problems, each individual
American must .clear the air around him as
much as possible and find a good set of val-
ues. As long as our opinions are shaped so
much by narrow thinking, we shall never be
able to go left when we need to go left, or
right when we need to go right, or quickly
or slowly. We shall rise and decline and we
may fall, like so many other nations before
us. When the voice of patriotism is a psy-
chiatric case who warns us to arm for pro-
tection against the Supreme Court, when the
spokesman for a wise and necessary belief
such as States' rights is an arrogant, crude
insensitive racist; and when the voice of
equality comes from a screaming rioter in
the streets, this blindness is a real threat.
But in the same fundamental reasons that
we have for believing in God, we find cause
for hope, hope that Americans, now and to-
morrow, will support the cause of sane, hu-
mane judgment and that America's promise
can become its future.
Virginia Winner of Democracy Contest
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. WILLIAM M. TUCK
OF VIRGINTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. TUCK. Mr. Speaker, I would like
to call to the attention of my colleagues
a speech on the subject of "The Chal-
lenge of Citizenship, 1964-65" that won
first prize in the State of Virginia in the
annual Voice of Democracy contest spon-
sored by the Veterans of Foreign Wars of
the United States. Its author is C. Lin-
wood Duncan, of Danville, Va., in my con-
gressional district.
More than 250,000 high school students
participated in this contest, which has as
prizes scholarships ranging in value from
$1,500 to $5,000. The winning contestant
from each State will come to Washington
on March 9 for the final judging.
In his speech which won in the Vir-
ginia competition, my young constituent,
I am proud to say, has shown a deep un-
derstanding of the subject. He has
worded his thoughts in an interesting
manner, profound with the principles on
which this Nation has been built, and
with considerable originality. I hope
they may be widely read at this time of
international strife when they have such
a special meaning.
The speech follows:
The moment of truth?December 7, 1941?
war fell on the United States of America. A
spontaneous reaction occurred and recruit-
ing offices were jammed as the citizens of
America rallied to defend their Nation, from
which they had reaped such fullness of life
and such purposeful living. Now, this Amer-
ica, founded by the greatness of statesmen
with patriotic love in their hearts, was wit-
nessing a surge of an appreciative people.
These people arose to the occasion to fight to
preserve the inalienable rights established
by their forefathers, those fOrefathers who
had refused to be lured into complacency by
mercenary demagogs.
In retrospect the year 1776 saw a small
group of stalwart immigrants of assorted
nationalities establish an infant among
nations. These people knew what it was to
be suppressed and to feel the iron hand of
tyranny upon their shoulders. The one goal
of these pioneers was to carve out a land
which, after they had molded it into one
dedicated to honesty, integrity, and for-
bearance, would enable them to glean from it
the rewards due a citizen of a free country.
It was Alfred Lord Tennyson who wrote,
"Our vista ever widens as we move." Un-
doubtedly, this must have been the unwrit-
ten code of the early American pioneer.
With heart undaunted and his face turned
toward the unknown frontier, he pushed the
mountains and forests back, conquered the
unbridled rivers, and strode across gaping
gorges and burning sands. So determined
were his efforts that the tiny handful of
colonies became the domain of freemen and
the harbor of all those seeking refuge from
border to border and from sea to sea, that
he pushed onward and onward. The spirit
of these early pioneers was carried on for
over 165 years. Man fought and died for
America's cause; they did not take the ad-
vantages afforded them by citizenship for
granted, but were determined to use every
means they had to preserve these cherished
possessions for future generations.
The position that this country holds as a
leader of nations in the world today may well
be attributed to the strong men and women
who, over the years, have fought to build a
national integrity in an effort to forge a
firm foundation. For history has repeatedly
shown that no civilization survives without
such. Is America still the land of such
strength that even a struggling young na-
tion can look to her for guidance and inspira-
tion? Daily on our spinning globe, which
teems with unrest, this question is being
asked, as one by one nations buckle under
the deteriorating and undermining forces
of communism, socialism, apathy, and com-
placency. The answer to that question is
not an unquestionable yes. However, one
must give serious consideration to the part
that today's American youth must play to
make it a positive yes. Are young Ameri-
cans of this generation willing to accept the
enormous responsibilities handed to them
by their forebears; those of safeguarding
America's greatness and unlimited opportu-
nities? Can young America, despite a cod-
dled existence, in which a picture of uncom-
plicated and simple life has seemingly given
the impression that the world is floating on
a rosy cloud, face the facts of strengthening
themselves and their Nation? If so, the
United States of America can maintain its
rightful place in the sun as a nation under
God. with strength from God, a nation which
still leads in the fight against tyranny and
slavery.
As youth, we must not balk at the thought
of adhering to tradition and methods which
may ostensibly seem old-fashioned, for there
are principles of life which are ageless. By
the same token, we cannot afford to ignore
new and progressive ideas. The price of
freedom and citizenship is dear, hence not
one of us can stop here and feel secure. We
must be on the move constantly, ever widen-
ing our vistas until the world is purged of
festering sores and all men alive can be
blessed with the broadest concept of citi-
zenship, which provides for the human dig-
nity of man.
The War in Vietnam?VI
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. THADDEUS J. DULSKI
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, under
unanimous consent, I wish to include an-
other installment in the series by Mr.
Lucian C. Warren, covering his recent
observations in Vietnam. Mr. Warren is
Washington correspondent for the
Courier-Express, Buffalo, N.Y., and part
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VI' of 1116. report WWII appeared in thiLS
#18*?SPer, 6 4918,r 26 1066, folio*:
?.
- Aaiir
(By_ ucian C. Warren)'
(Lucian C. Warren, Washington cone-
SpOndent for the Courier-Express, is paying
an adventuroutvisit to troubled South Viet-
nam Where he has seen some of the fighting
between government troops and Vietcong
guerrillas. Here two high American officers,
one' of them a western New Yorker, discuss
for l4111 What it will take to pacify a country
widely infiltrated with an experienced and
determined enemy. Principally, they say, it
will take U.S. persistence and will to victory
in the face of temporary discouragement.)
SAIGON, SOUTH VIETNAM.?"If we have the
effort, willpower and desire to win this war,
then we'll win it,"
- 'Those were the words of a man who should
know, the rpan directly in charge of bossing
American military efforts in South Vietnam?
Brig. Gen. William E. De Puy, whose formal
title is, assistant chief of staff of the Amer-
ican military command for operations.
? A man directly beside him, in the U-8 twin
engine Army plane en route from Danang to
Saigon, nodded agreement.
concur wholeheartedly," said Lt. Col.
Donald p, Doerffein, fernierly of Kenmore,
NX? De Puy's executive assistant. "We, can
win if we'll just make .up our mind to do so."
.WORRY. CITED
, .
But What worries these two able military
,
- Men is SOILIB kind of psychological letdown
like Dienbienphu, the French military dis-
aster that convinced the French that their
cause *at hopeless. The resulting negotia-
tions resulted in the splitting of Vietnam at
the 17th parallel, with the northern half
going to the' Communists.
-"Tha,t clefeat, for the French wasn't as bad
as it was cracked up to. be," said De Puy.
'"All was by no means lost in a military sense.
Vat it turned out to be a major psychological
blow to the French will to win and they
pulled out. That must not happen to us."
REDS DISCIPLINED ,
. As he ialketit,De Puy looked out over the
rugged, Mountainous territory.
"See that," he said as he pointed to a
'whitish patch on a mountainside. "That's
rice being -cultivated the hard Way by the
Vietcong on the mountainside. What we're
up agalnet is disciplined, rUthless, and highly
dangerous 'Communist organization."
And with a touch of sadness in his voice,
he added: "And the South Vietnamese we are
'Working with are a people belonging to all
ki..048 0% Sea.% living in a newly created na-
tion that has no traditions and no clear idea
of a civil service. When they get the proper
leadership, they're wonderful fighters, but
the problem is to get the right leadership,"
DOERFLELN RETURNING
De Puy and Doerilein had just spent the
morning in Defiant, the nerve center for
military operations in the northern area of
South Vietnam, not far from the demilitar-
ized border zone.
An, aSseciation. of some months between
the tWo Men was to be shortly terminated
because Doerfieln had about completed his
year's tour of duty in South Vietnam and
will "be returning in early istarch to Washing-
ton, where he will have new duties with the
Offfee Of Base:arch and Development of the
Defense Department at the Pentagon.
,
' '? ' ' Alma N'AriVx
Doerflein 'has deep rocte in he Buffalo
area,. where he was born .and brought up.
Ills grandmother 43 N4S. Catherine Doerffein,
of 6l Fry Street; Hititelo, and his
'lather, Peter L. Doeillein,a, retired salesman,
IsoWifilneln Silver Spring, Md.' "
A rangy 6-tooter whose head scraped the
;1pp pt Army executive plane, Colonel
For ReeatiTs1181aickkeeRETP-5_
.11Psfl,U3D0160031-8
Doerflein has fond memories of a Niagara
frontier boyhood that culminated in gradu-
ation from Kenmore High School in 1943.
- From then on he was a rolling stone gath-
ering little moss, particularly in the matter
of a college education.
ATTENDED UNIVERSITY OF BUFFALO
Because of military service interruptions,
the colonel helped himself, cafeteria style,
to a college education where it was most con-
venient, including a 11/2-year start at the
University at Buffalo, followed by stints at
Princeton, the University of Kansas, and the
University of Omaha.
The prize finally was a bachelor of educa-
tion degree at Omaha. His wife is the for-
mer Bernice Jarosz, of Buffalo, now residing
with their three children at Tucson, Ariz.
Doerfiein listened attentively as his chief
expounded his views on the political-military
situation in Saigon. Like a good executive
assistant should, he let the boss do the talk-
ing, but it was clear that he was of like mind.
GENERAL'S COMMENT
What obviously bothered both De Puy and
Doerfiein most was the attitude of the folks
back home.
"The people back home just don't have a
clear picture of the picture here," complained
the general, "and what would happen with
a Vietcong victory. They're falling right into
the trap set by the Communists, who have
figured all along that Uncle Sam is a paper
tiger.
"I still think we're going to stick this one
out and win, but if we don't no one in this
part of the world will ever believe us again
and the other still free countries in this
area can quickly become Communist."
ASSESSMENT
The general was asked for a frank assess-
ment of the current military situation. In
reply, he did not try to paint a rosy picture.
As he sees it, the South Vietnamese forces
With American help have the Vietcong clear-
ly on the run in the southern or delta area
of South Vietnam, where 10 million of the
nation's 12 million live. The area immedi-
ately around Saigon has been well disin-
fected of the Vietcongs.
But De Puy acknowledged that the Viet-
cong at present have the upper hand in
South Vietnam's central highland, while in
the northern Danang area, there is presently
a military standoff or stalemate.
TIME ON OUR SIDE
But in the 1.orig run, it the United States
and South Vietnamese don't in the meantime
lose their nerve, the general feels reasonably
certain of victory. This is even attested by
the attitude of interrogated Vietcong prison-
ers, who fear defeat in any long war,
The general summed it up: "In general
there is more good news than bad news. And
don't forget that time is on our side. It may
take anywhere from 5 to 10 years, but this
War calt be won and it must be won."
CBS Officials Favor Shorter Presidential
Election Campaigns
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON;JOHN S. MONAGAN
- ? -or comsiscricur
? /N THE ROUBB OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. MONAGAN. Mr. Speaker, the
two highest officials of the Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc., have assured
me of their continuing Interest and sup-
port for House Joint Resolution 16 which
A905
I have filed for the purpose of limiting
presidential campaigns to 60 days. CBS
has an important and a responsible role
in every national election campaign and
it is encouraging to those of us who are
pressing for action in the House to know
that Mr. William S. Paley, chairman of
the board, and Mr. Frank Stanton, presi-
dent of the Columbia Broadcasting Sys-
tem, Inc., share our hope that we will
achieve this objective.
With permission to extend my re-
marks, I include herewith letters which
I have received from Messrs. Paley and
Stanton:
COLUMBIA BROADCASTING SYSTEM, INC.,
? New York, N.Y., February 12, 1965.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
Congress of the United States,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN MONAGAN: Thank you
very much for your letter of February 5, en-
closing copy of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
for February 4 and other material relating
to your proposal for a constitutional amend-
ment which would limit the presidential
campaign period to 60 days.
I certainly share your hope that some
step will soon be taken to achieve this ob-
jective which we both have been advocating
for some time now.
With all good wishes.
Sincerely,
WILLIAM S. PALEY.
COLUMBIA BROADCASTING SYSTEM, INC.,
New York, N.Y., February 15, 1965.
Hon. JOHN S. MONAGAN,
The House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
' DEAR CONGRESSMAN MONAGAN: It was kind
of you to write your letter of February 4. I
was delighted to read your insert in the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD, not only on February 3,
which you forwarded to me, but your further
insert on February 4. I am pleased indeed
that you support the principle of shorter
presidential campaigns.
As we at CBS have pointed out in the past,
the direct and immediate way to accomplish
this desired end of shortening presidential
campaigns would be for the political parties
themselves to come to an agreement on later
convention dates and hence shorter cam-
paigns. Perhaps this simple procedure is too
direct and it is too optimistic to expect it to
be adopted. Your resolution (H.J. Res. 16)
may be the slower but more certain way of
accomplishing what seems to us to be a most
desired goal. CBS fully supports your
objective.
With all good wishes.
? Sincerely,
PRANK STANTON.
Ed Freeman Made a Strong Mark at
? - Murray
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT A. EVERETT
DF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, March 1, 1965
Mr. EVERETT. Mr. Speaker, an out-
standing citizen in Tennessee, Ed Free-
man, has Just been made a managing
editor of a great newspaper of the Na-
tion, the Na,shvilie Tennessean. I had
the privilege and honor of being in col-
lege with Ed over 30 years ago.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX March 2
Bill Powell, an outstanding writer on
the Paducah Sun-Democrat at Paducah,
Ky., has prepared an excellent article on
Ed Freeman. I am greatly indebted to
Representative FRANK ALBERT STUBBLE-
FIELD, from whose district Ed Freeman
came, and Representative Dicx FULTON,
who represents the district where Ed
lives.
Ed Freeman has certainly made a suc-
cess due to his outstanding capabilities
and determination to work and to do a
good job whatever his task might be.
The article follows:
BILL POWELL'S NOTEBOOK: ED FREEMAN MADE
A STRONG MARK AT MTJRRAY
When I went to Murray State College in
1938 Ed Freeman had already graduated. I
heard a lot about him in a short time, how-
ever. Freeman was one of the favorites of
our journalism teacher, L. J. Bortin, and he
always got around to Ed quickly in trying to
convince some Of us that the lean times
should not discourage us or make us drop out
of college.
He admired Ed very much; Hortin had me
admiring Ed long before I met him.
Freeman, to him and then to me, was sym-
bolic of the poor youngster getting through
college and making fine grades without hav-
ing any backing at all.
Ed fired somebody's furnace and Slept in a
basement room to meet some of his college
expenses. He also worked on a National
Youth Administration job for a small
monthly check. He worked anywhere he
could and managed to pay his way, although
there were many weeks when Ed didn't have
a nickel in his pockets.
But it wasn't that Ed was just a hard-
worker: he made brilliant scholastic marks
and was one of the highest respected boys on
the campus for the way he behaved and the
way he treated people.
He was intensely serious, though, and never
seemed to have time to play.
"Ed smiled some but I don't believe I ever
saw him laugh," Bob Sanderson, our asso-
ciate editor who was in school when Ed was,
told me.
Ed graduated from Calvert City High
School in the early 1930's and finished his
Murray work in 1987.
When I got to Murray in the fall of 1938
Ed was working for the Murray Ledger and
Times. He later became editor of the paper,
which was a weekly at the time.
Then in 1940, while I was working on the
College News and the National Youth Advo-
cate, a small paper' put out for the NYA stu-
dents at Murray under the direction of the
late Emerson Crowley, Ed answered a "help
wanted" ad in Publishers Auxiliary, He got
a job on a Spokane, Wash., daily but didn't
have the money to pay his way there.
Ed didn't hesitate a moment said L. J.
Hortin. He packed a little suitcase and
started thumbing rides. He made good time
across the country and was soon at work.
He had majored in English and social
science and minored in journalism. He had
a fine editcation and was making good prog-
ress on the Spokane paper when he heard
of an opening on the Nashville Tennessean.
Ed liked the Tennessean and wanted to be
a part of it. He was extremely happy when
they hired him as a reporter. By 1943 Ed
was the paper's city editor, working at night.
He became day city editor 10 years ago and
for the first time since he had been on the
Tennessean he was at home nights.
The first of this year Ed Freeman became
managing editor of the big and outstanding
Tennessean and, incidentally, is back work-
ing at night.
The boy who fired furnaces and swept
floors to get through Murray carried his dedi-
cation and determination in college into his
newspaper job, and for a long time has been
a steady, dependable, and knowledgeable "old
pro" at covering and having covered the local
news that interests the Tennessean's readers.
Ed now supervises all editorial departments
of the paper and handles the communica-
tions with the mechanical department.
Ed is married to the former Miss Lois Far-
ley of Murray. They have a son, Mike, and
a daughter, Mrs. Mary Elizabeth Reynolds.
Mike is doing what Ed hoped he would
do?he is in the newspaper business. Mike
Is managing editor of a daily in Decatur,
Ala. Mary Elizabeth lives with Ed and his
wife at 4960 Stillwood Drive, Nashville.
Mike has two children and Mary Elizabeth
has one.
Ed is the son of Mr. and Mrs. C. K. Free-
man of the Calvert City-Palma area. Two
sisters, Mrs. Oma Bell and Miss Ona Free-
man (twins) live at Symsonia. Two
brothers are Clarence L. Freeman, who works
in one of the plants at Calvert City, and
John, who is an electrician in Pana, Ill.
The NYA helped Ed but it helped my grad-
uating class much more than it did him,
because the program was better established
and broader when I got there.
I went to Murray without a job but soon
found one helping with the chores at the
home of Mr. and Mrs. Callie Hale. Orville
Owens, of Symsonia, who is in Evansville
now, and Vincent Taylor, of Hardeman, near
Mayfield, went to Murray together the first
day of school. Orville had a basketball
scholarship and Taylor had a little money.
All three of us wound up on NYA making
all of our college expenses.
I don't believe any one of us would have
been able to stay in school 6 months without
the NYA.
Owens, incidentally, is part owner of a
large grocery store in Evansville. His partner
is Aubrey "Top" Ryals, who played on the
same basketball team Orville and I played
oath 1936-38 at Symsonia.
I lost touch with Taylor when he was in
the old Army Air Corps during World War II.
In Memory of Mr. Justice Felix
Frankfurter
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. J. PICKLE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, February 10, 1965
Mr. PICKLE. Mr. Speaker, our Na-
tion grieves over the passing of the
eminent Mr. Justice Felix Frankfurter.
Last week, Senator Dorsey Hardeman, of
San Angelo, Tex., Introduced Senate Res-
olution 176 in memory of Mr. Justice
Frankfurter, and this resolution was
unanimdusly passed and signed by our
distinguished Lt. Gov. Preston Smith.
Senator Hardeman is one of our State's
outstanding legislators and historians
and has been recognized for his achieve-
ments in many fields. I am pleased to
include a copy of this senate resolution,
which is as follows:
"SENATE RESOLUTION 176: RESOLUT/ON IN
MEMORY OF MR. JUSTICE FELIX FRANKFURTER
"(By Hardeman)
"Whereas the senate has learned with re-
gret of the passing of Mr. Justice Felix
Frankfurter, retired former member of the
Supreme Court of the United States; and
"Whereas having been born in Austria and
having come to the United States at an early
age, he rose to the height of his 'aaosen pro-
fession to become the 'Eloquent Dissenter'
of the Nation's highest judicial tribunal and
the 'needling conscience of the Court' with
his 23 years of distinguished service as an
Associate Justice thereof; and
"Whereas he was small of stature, but large
of intellect and personal and judicial integ-
rity who 'never sold the truth to serve the
hour' nor violated, with impunity, his oath
to support the Constitution and laws or the
country he loved and served; and
"Whereas he sought to stay the heavy hand
of arrogated authority so apparent in various
decisions by the Court, such as in Baker V.
Carr, 82 S. Ct. 691, wherein he charged that
the equal protection and due process clauses
of the 14th amendment?'have been invoked
by Federal courts as restrictions upon the
power of the States to allocate electoral
weight among the voting population of their
geographical divisions' which 'reverses a uni-
form course of decision established by a dozen
cases' and, continuing, he decried the 'mas-
sive repudiation of the experience of our
whole past in asserting destructively novel
judicial power' stating that such 'demands a
detailed analysis of the role of this (Su-
preme) Court in our constitutional scheme':
and
"Whereas his philosophy of government is
expressed in the oft-quoted statement that
'The Constitution has ample means within
itself to meet the changing needs of succes-
sive generations. * * If the Court, aided
by an alert and public-spirited bar, has ac-
cess to the facts and follows them, the Con-'
stitution is flexible enough to meet all the
new needs of our society': and
"Whereas it is the desire of the Senate of
Texas to pay its tribute of respect to the con-
tributions of Judge Frankfurter in the pres-
ervation of constitutional law and his refusal
to substitute political expediency for
'principles sanctioned by the wisdom and ap-
proved by the experience of the ages,' and to
express its sympathy to his surviving wife:
Now, therefore, be it
"Resolved, by the senate, That it hereby
express its sympathy to Mrs. Frankfurter and
Its respect to the memory of Judge Frank-
furter and that copies of this resolution, un-
der the seal of the Senate of Texas, be
forwarded to Mrs. Frankfurter; to the Clerk
of the Supreme Court of the United States;
and to the dean of the Harvard Law School.
by the secretary of the senate, and that this
resolution be printed in the senate journal
today.
"PnEsToN Swam,
"Lieutenant Governor, President of
the Senate."
I hereby certify that the above resolution
was adopted by the senate on February 24,
1965, by a rising vote.
CHARLES SCHNABEL,
Secretary of the Senate.
Our African Policy
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL C. JONES
OF MISSOURI
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, March 2, 1965
Mr. JONES of Missouri. Mr. Speaker,
I have been granted permission to insert
in the Appendix of the RECORD an edi-
torial which appeared in a recent issue
of the Daily Dunklin Democrat of Ken-
nett, Mo., written by Jack Stapleton, Jr.,
following the appearance in Kennett of
James J. Blake, Deputy Director of the
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'
law On the? ground that control of teenage
drinking was the responsibility of the home.
Officials of Pennsylvania and Connecticut,
Where the drinking age is 21, have long urged
New York to raise its drinking age. They
have contended that their teenagers cross
the State line and drink in New York, and
sometimes, as a result, are victims of tragic
?automobile a.scidents on the Way home.
Whether the, Democrat-controlled legis-
lature will sanction a drinking-age increase
for the Governor's signature was a question.
Assembly Speaker Anthony' J, Travia, of
Brooklyn, said he had not discussed such, a
Measure with:his Democratic. colleagues.
Senate ?Majority Leader Joseph Zaretzki, of
Ma.nhattari, noted that the, measure, was be-
ing studied by the legislative excise com-
mittees; but obseried, "Yon can:txtop drink-
ing by a law."
-
M. Zaretzki Suggested that "home influ-
ences" were, the best measures against teen-
age drinking. Some form of local option
- that will give counties adjacent to neighbor-
ing States the .power to regulate drinking
age Might be " possibility," Mr. Zaretzki
said. t
- V
Editorial Praising Senator Dodd's State-
mint on Vietnana.
. _ .
=TENSION OF REMARKS
HON. BERNARD F. GRABOWSKI
Coxistzcncur
IN THE HoUSE OF REPRESENT.ATIVES
Tuesday, February 16, 1965
4_ 4
Mr. ortooyvamt. Mr. Speaker, I re-
cently have made severaistaternents Con-
cerning my belief that the United States
would be making ft sad mistake to fail to
live up to her commitments to the free,
anti-Communist world and to South
Vietnam by pulling out of that country
? at this time.
Senator TuoigAs J Dorkp of-Connecti-
cut, has also voiced his views on. this vital
question and in doing so recently gave
- one of the best speeches yet delivered on
the subject.
The Washington Star has taken note
of Senator Doco's speech. Under leave
to extend 1115, remarks, I wish to include
the editorial which appeared in a recent
edition of the Star.
The editorial, follows:
DODD ON VIETNAM
One of the most impressive speeches to
date on Vietnam haabeen AeliveXed by Demo-
cratic Senator 'MMUS DODD, of Connecticut.
It provides an interesting obligato to the
Melling chorus of negotiation talk.
The Senator has not sugar-coated his
words. He thinks some of his friends and col-
leagues, such as CHURCH, of Idaho, and Mc-
GOVERN, of South Dakota, are off their rockers
when they call for negotiation now with the
Communists. He has put forward a powerful
argument against retreat at this time. And
he has set forth a devastating, even alarming,
assessment of the so-called militant Bud-
dhists. With events to back him up, he has
left little room for doubt that the leaders of
these vaguely organized religionists serve the
Communist cause.
In presenting this thesis, Senator Dons?
a man distinguished for many things, includ-
ing his role as a prosecutor of the Nazis at the
Nuremburg trials?has put special emphasis
on the fact that the free South Vietnamese
are fervent fighters against the guerrillas of
the Communist-led Vietcong. The statistics
are striking and encouraging, despite Sai-
gon's political instability. In the Senator's
words, the South Vietnamese are one of the
most anti-Communist people in the world.
And they include over a million refugees who
have fled from the Red north in a fighting
spirit.
There are other statistics worth quoting.
Some people have the idea, because of con-
fusing headlines and rather shallow news
stories, that the freeVietnamese are being
clobbered by the Red guerrillas. Nothing
Could be further_frOra the truth. Senator
DODD has cited verifiable figures showing
that the Communists, in terms of casualties,
are still very much on the losing end of the
struggle.
'So there is much to be said for Senator
DODD'S basic thesis that the United States
should yield no ground in Vietnam, Instead
and we agree, he advocates a tough line to
make clear to Hanoi, Peiping, and Moscow
that they will be risking a war of incalculable
consequences if they seriously try to drive
us out of Asia and destroy what is left of
freedom there.
RECORD OFFICE AT THE CAPITOL
An office for the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,
with Mr. Raymond F. Noyes in charge, is lo-
cated in room II-112, House wing, where or-
ders will be received for subscriptions to the
RECORD at $1.50 per month or for single
copies at 1 cent for eight pages (minimum
charge of 3 cents). Also, orders from Mem-
bers of Congress to purchase reprints from
the RECORD should be processed through this
office.
PRINTING OF CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
EXTRACTS
It shall be lawful for the Public Printer
to print and deliver upon the order of any
Senator, Representative, or Delegate, extracts
from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, the person
ordering the same paying the cost thereof
(U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 185, p. 1942).
?A917
LAWS RELATIVE TO THE PRINTING OF
DOCUMENTS
Either House may order the printing of
document not already provided for by law,
but only when the same shall be accompa-
nied by an estimate from the Public Printer
as to the probable cost thereof. Any execu-
tive department, bureau, board or independ-
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ports or documents in response to inquiries
from Congress shall submit therewith an
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usual number. Nothing in this section re-
lating to estimates shall apply to reports or
documents not exceeding 50 pages (U.S.
Code, title 44, sec. 140, p. 1938).
Resolutions for printing extra copies, when
presented to either House, shall be referred
immediately to the Committee on House
Administration of the House of Representa-
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istration of the Senate, who, in making their
report, shall give the probable cost of the
proposed printing upon the estimate of the
Public Printer, and no extra copies shall be
printed before such committee has reported
(U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 133, p. 1937).
GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS FOR SALE
Additional copies of Government publica-
tions are offered for sale to the public by the
Superintendent of Documents, Government
Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402, at
cost thereof as determined by the Public
Printer plus 50 percent: Provided, That a dis-
count of not to exceed 25 percent may be al-
lowed to authorized bookdealers and quantity
purchasers, but such printing shall not inter-
fere with the prompt execution of work for
the Government. The Superintendent of
Documents shall prescribe the terms and
conditions under which he may authorize
the resale of Government publications by
bookdealers, and he may designate any Gov-
ernment officer his agent for the sale of Gov-
ernment publications under such regulations
as shall be agreed upon by the Superintend-
ent of Documents and the head of the re-
spective department or establishment of the
Government (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 72a,
Supp. 2).
CONGRESSIONAL DIRECTORY
The Public Printer, under the direction of
the Joint Committee on Printing, may print
for sale, at a price sufficient to reimburse the
expenses of such printing, the current Con-
gressional Directory. No sale shall be made
on credit (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 150, p.
1939).
CHANGE OF RESIDENCE
Senators, Representatives, and Delegates
who have changed their residences will please
give information thereof to the Government
Printing Office, that their addresses may be
correctly given in the RECORD,
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Approved For mriggimElimiy500446R000300160031-8
REPRESENTATIVES WIT'H
RESIDENCES IN WASHINGTON
OPTICE ADDRESS: House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
iStreets northwest unless otherwise stated]
Speaker: John W. McCormack
Abbitt, Watkins M., Va_
Abernethy, Thomas G., 6278 29th St.
Miss.
Adair, Z. Ross, Ind 4000 Mass. Ave.
Adams, Brock, Wash
Addabbo, Joseph P., N.Y..
Albert, Carl, Okla __ __-:4614 Reno Rd.
Anderson, John B., Id_
Anderson, William R., 3006 P St.
Tenn.
Andrews, George W., Ala 3108 Cathedral
Ave.
Andrews, Glenn, Ala
Andrews, Mark, N. Dak
Ammunotio, Frank, Ill
Arena, Leslie C., Ill 4815 Dexter St.
Ashbrook, John M., Ohio
Ashley, Thomas L., Ohio
Ashmore, Robert T., S.C
Aspinall, Wayne N., Cob.... ..The Towers Apts.,
4201 Cathedral
Ave.
Ayres, William H., Ohio....
Baldwin, John P., Jr., Caif_
Bancietra, Bert, Iowa
Baring, Walter S,, Nes
Barrett, William A., Pa_......
Bates, William IL, Mass....
Satin, James P., Mont
Beckwarth, 'Lindley, Tex
Belcher, -Pam Okla
Zell, Alihonzo, Calif
Bennett, Charles E., Fla_ 1314 Rusticway
Lane,
Falls Church,Va.
Berry, E. T., S. Dak
118 Schotts
'Court NE.
Betts, Jackson E., Ohio
Bingham, Jonathan B.,
N.Y.
Blatnik, John A., Minn
Boggs, Hale, La
Boland, Edward P., Mass.__
-Bolling, Richard, Mo 3111Warrenton Dr.,
Silver Elpring, Md.
Bolton, Frances P. (Mrs.), 2301 'Wyo. Ave.
Ohio.
Bonner, Herbert C., N.C Calvert-Woodley
Bow, Frank T., Ohio 4301 Mass. Ave.
Brademas, John, Ind
Bray, William G., Ind
Brock, W. E. (Bill), Tenn
Brooks, Jack, Tex_--
Broomffeld, William S.,
Mich.
Brown, Clarence J., Ohio Brown, George E., Jr., Calif_
Broyhill, James T., N.C
Broyhill, Joel T., Va
Buchanan, John, Ala
Burke, James A., Mass
Burleson, Omar, Tex 2e37Devonshire
Burton, Laurence J., Utah_
Burton, Phillip, Calif
I3yrne, James A., Pa
Byrnes, John W., Ms
1215 25th St. S.,
Arlington, Va.
Cabell, Earle, Tex______
Cahill, William T, N.J.- Callan, Clair, Nebr
Callaway, Howard Et.,
Cameron, Ronald Brooks,
Calif.
Carey, Hugh L, N.Y
Carter, Tim Lee, Kg
Casey, Bob, Tex
Cederberg, Elford A., Mich_
Caller, Emanuel, N.Y The Mayflower
Chamberlain, Charles E.,
Mich.
Chelf, Frank, My
Clancy, Donald D., Ohio
Clark, Frank M., Pa 220 C St. SE.
Clausen, Don H., Calif
Clawson, Del, Calif
Cleveland, James C., N.H
Clevenger, Raymond F.,
Mich.
Cahalan, Jeffery, Calif 1028 New House
Office Building
Collier, 'Harold R., Ill
CObner, William M., Miss__
Callable, Barber B., Jr.,
Dante, Silvio 0., Mass
5619 Tamer Rd.,
Washington 16,
D.C.
Conyers, John, Jr., Mich
Cooley, Harold D., N.0 2601 Woodley Pl.
Corbett, Robert J., Pa
Corman, James C., Calif
Crsley, N. Neiman, Jr., Pa
Cramer, William C., Fla 6714Joallen Dr.,
Falls Church, Va.
Culver, John C., Iowa
Cunningham, Glenn, Nebr_4920 Yorktown
Blvd., Arlington,
Va.
Curtin, -Willard S., Pa
Curtis, Thomas B., Mo
Daddario, Emilio Q., Conn_
Dague, Paul B., Pa
Daniels, Dominick V., NJ
Davis, Glenn R., WiS
Davis, John W., Ga
Dawson, William L.,
de Ia. Garza, Eligio, Tex
Delaney, James 3., N.Y
Dent, John H., Pa
Denton, Winfield K.,
Derwinski, Edward J., Ill
Devine, Samuel L., Ohio
Dickinson, William L., Ala_
Diggs, Charles C., Jr., Mich..
Dingen, John D., Mich
Dole, Robert, Mans 6815 Joallen Dr.,
Falls Church, Va.
Donohue, Harold D., Mass....
Dorn, W. J. Bryan, S.0
now, John G., N.Y
Dowdy, John, Tex
Downing, Thomas N., Va
Dulski, Thaddeus J., N.Y 1719 New House
Office Building
Duncan, John J., Tenn
Duncan, Robert B., Oreg 914 Lakeview Dr.,
Falls Church, Va.
Dwyer, Florence P. (Mrs.).
NJ.
Dyal, Ken W., Calif
Edmondson, Ed, Okla
Edwards, Don, Calif
Edwards, Jack, Ala_
Ellsworth, Robert 7., Mans..
Erlenborn, John N., ill
Evans, 'Frank E., Colo
Everett, Robert A., Tenn
Wins, Joe L., Tenn 5044 Klingle St.
Fallon, George H? Md
Farbstein, Leonard, N.Y
Farnsley, Charles P., Ky
Farnum, Billie S., Mich
Fascell, Dante B., Fla
Feighan, Michael A., Ohio..
Findley, Paul, Il/
Fino, Paul A, N.Y
Fisher, 0. C., Tex Calvert-Woodley
rood, Daniel J., Pa TheCongressionaI
Flynt, John J., Jr., Ga
Fogerty, John Z., HI nsis New Rouse
Office Building
Foley, 'Thomas S., Wash
Ford, Gerald R., Mich 514 Crown View
Dr., Alexandria,
Va.
Ford, William D., Mich
Fountain, L. H., N.0 The Westchester
Fraser, Donald M., Minn
Frelinghuysen, Peter H. B., 3014 N St.
NJ.
Friedel, Samuel N., Md.......
Fulton, James G., Pa
Fulton, Richard, Tenn
Fuqua, Don, Fla
Gallagher, Cornelius E.,
NJ.
Garmatz, Edward A., Md
Gathings, E. C., Ark
Gettys, Tom S., S.0
Claim?, Robert N., Conn
Gibbons, Sam, Fla
Gilbert, Jacob H., N Y
Gilligan, John J., Ohio
Gonzalez, Henry B., Tex___200 C St. SE.
Goodell, Charles E., N.Y__ -3842 Macomb St.
Grabowski, Bernard F..
Conn.
Gray, Kenneth , Ill
Green, Edith (Mrs.), Greg_
Green, William J., Pa
Greigg, Stanley L., Iowa
Grider, George W., Tenn
Griffin, Robert P., Mich
Griffiths, Martha W.
(Mrs.), Mich.
Gross, H. R., Iowa
Grover, James R. Jr., N.Y
Gubser, Charles S, Calif..
Gurney, Edward J., Fla
Hagan, G. Elliott, Ga
Hagen, Harlan, Calif
Haley, James A., Fla
Hall, Durward G., Mo
HaIleck, Charles A., /nd 4926 Upton St.
Halpern, Seymour, N.Y
Hamilton, Lee H., Ind
Henley, James M., N.Y
Hanna, Richard T., Calif
Hansen, George, Idaho
Hansen, John R., /owa 800 4th St. SW.,
Apt. 5-701
Hansen, Julia Butler
(Mrs.), Wash.
Hardy, Porter, Jr., Va
Harris, Oren, Ark 1627 Myrtle St.
Harsha, William H., Ohio....
Harvey, James, Mich_
Harvey, Ralph, lnd
Hathaway, William D.,
Maine.
Hawkins, Augustus F.,
Calif.
Hays, Wayne L., Ohio 1828 Barger Dr.,
Falls Church, Va.
Hebert, F. Edward, La 26 Cockrell St.,
Alexandria, Va.
Hechler, Ken, W. Va
Helstoaki, Henry, NJ
Henderson, David N., N.C
Heriong, A. s., jr.,
Hicks. Floyd V., Wash
Holifield, Chet, Calif
Holland, Elmer J., Pa
Horton, Frank J., N.Y
Plosraer, Craig, Calif
Howard, James J., N.J Hull, W. R., Jr., Mo
Hungate, William L., Mo
Huot, J. Oliva, N.H
Hutchinson, Edward, Mich
Ichord, Richard (Dick),
Mo.
Irwin, Donald J., Conn
Jacobs, Andrew, Jr., Ind Jarman, John, Okla
Jennings, W. Pat, Va
Jcelson, Charles S., NJ?....
Johnson, Albert W., Fa Johnson, Harold T., Ca/if....
Johnson, Jed, Jr., Okla
Jonas, Charles Raper, N.C
Jones, Paul C., Mo 1111-Army-Navy
Dr., Arlington,
Va.
Jones, Robert E., Ala
-Karsten, Frank M., Mo
Keith, Joseph E., Minn
Bastennener, Robert W?
Wis.
Kee, James, W. Va
5441 16th Ave.,
Hyattsville, Md.
Keith, Hastings, Mass 5906 Harwick Rd.,
Kelly, Edna F. (Mrs.), N.Y_
Keogh, Eugene J., N.Y The Mayflower
King, Carleton J., N.Y
King, Cecil R., Calif
King, David S., Utah
Kirwan, Michael J., Ohio
Kluczynski, John C., Ill
Kornegay, Horace R., N.C
Krebs, Paul J., NJ
Kunkel, John C., Pa
Laird, Melvin R., Wis
Landrum, Phil M., Ga
Langan, Odin, Minn
Latta, Delbert L., Ohio
Leggett, Robert L., Calif
Lennon, Alton, N.0
Lindsay, John V., N.Y
Lipscomb, Glenard P.,
Calif.
Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67600446R000300160031-8