CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE

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March 29, 1965
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owed For R p~p~~a~1 A ~1p Cq R PB00446R000300160009-3 March 29,~t~S3 REC~RD67 - SENATE $1 million annually until the level of $10 million is reached., The ceiling of $10 million will remain thereafter. S. 22 passed Senate March 25. (Presidential recommendation.) Yakima project, Washington: Authorizes $5.1 million for the extension, construction and Operation of the Kennewick division of the Yakima project with an irrigation po- tential of 7,000 additional acres (present irri- gated acreage is 19,000). All but, approxi- mately $135,000 is reimbursable. S. 794 passed Senate February 10. TAXES Motor Fuels Taxation Compact: Grants the consent of Congress to any of the several States and the District of Columbia to enter, into a compact relating to taxation of motor fuels consumed by interstate buses and to an agreement relating to bus taxation pro- ration and reciprocity. S. 307 passed Senate March 15. ORDER FOR ADJOURNMENT THURSDAY Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate adjourns today, it adjourn to meet at 12 o'clock noon on Thursday, next. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. AUTHORIZATION FOR SECRETARY OF SENATE TO RECEIVE MES- SAGES; FOR COMMITTEES TO FILE REPORTS; AND FOR THE VICE PRESIDENT OR PRESIDENT PRO TRMPORE TO SIGN EN- ROLLED BILLS AND JOINT RESO- LUTIONS Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that during the ad- journment of the Senate, following to- ' and Colfax, 1921-22; assistant professor social day s session, until April 1, the Secre- science, Monmouth College, 1922-23; associ- tary of the, Senate be authorized to re- ate professor 1923-24; professor and chemis- ceive messages from the President of the try department, 1924-27; assistant professor United States and the Howse of Repre- political science, Vanderbilt, 1928, associate sentatives; that committees be author- professor, 1930, professor, 1938, chemistry ized to file reports; and that the Vice department, 1940, research professor 1951-61, ore be professor emeritus, 1961-. Instructor at President or President pro tem , p authorized to sign duly enrolled bills and Iowa State Teachers College, summers 1926- 27. Penfield traveling scholar, 1932-33, 1938- joint resolutions. 39; member Institute for Advanced Study, The PRESIDING OFFICER, Is there Princeton, 1946, 1948, 1949; adviser atomic objection? The Chair hears none, and it energy section; State Department, 1946. is so ordered. Foreign editor Nashville Evening Tennessean, ference, but we do know that we did not try to make it succeed, except futilely on the fringes of the League during the Manchurian crisis in 1931-32. In 1945 we dutifully created another League of Nations and en- tered it, but we also plunged at once into two crusades-an old-fashioned balance-of-power fight with the Soviet Union and a crusade against communism everywhere. In other words, we heavily overcompensated for the failure of isolationism by coming close to as- suming responsibility for everything every- where in the world. Our quick assumption of global responsi- bility was si naled b Ch hill' g y urc s Iron Cur- 1939-47; radio commentator Woodrow tain speech at Fulton, Mo., in March 1946, Wilson Foundation, 1944-46, director 1950-55; in Truman's applauding presence, and by the Fulbright lecturer Conference on American proclamation a year later of the Truman doc- Studies Cambrid U 1954 ge ., , School of Inter- trine, forbidding the expansion of commu- Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, an national Studies, New Delhi, 1959-60. With nism anywhere and in effect forbidding all extremely knowledgeable and valuable AEF World War I. Member American Assoc- revolutions around the globe, since they article entitled: ".What .Is Our Role in lation of University Professors (member exe- might turn Communist. East Asia?" written by Denna F. Flem- cutive council), American Committee in Ge- The Truman doctrine was the rashest and ing, emeritus professor of International neva Staff, 1932, American Academy Political most sweeping commitment ever made by any Raeons u Vanderbilt University, nal and Social Science, American Political Science government at any time. In it Mr. Truman pears in the March issue of the Westerap- n oliiticalo Science rAssociation 3)(president the advisers to own whom he listened, and at the Political Quarterly. 1941), Phi Beta Kappa Associates, Acacia, same time sought to foil his Republican Professor Fleming's qualifications are Delta Sigma Rho, Kappa Delta Pi, Phi Beta critics, who had won the congressional elec- obvious fxollci,his autobiographical sketch Kappa, Phi Kappa Phi, Democrat, Methodist, tions of 1946 on charges of softness on com- from the latest edition of "Who's Who," Mason. Club: Nashville Round Table (presi- munism. No man ever gave greater hostages hich I ask es be printed at the conclu dent, 1937). Author: "The Treaty Veto of to fortune. Within 2 years the success of won of the American Senate," 1930; "The United the Communist-led revolution in China my. remarks. I also ask unani- States and the League of Nations (1918-20) ", punched a hole in Truman's doctrine as big mous consent that the full text of his 1932; "The United States and World Or- as a continent, one containing the world's article be printed at the conclusion of ganization (1920-33) ", 1938; "Can We Win largest and oldest people. A year later, in my remarks. the Peace?" 1943; _'While_America slept," 1950, the Korean war broke out and President 19AA? T; _ objection, it is so ordered. (See exhibits 1 and 2.) No. 66----4 Without United States and the World Truman was compelled to defend his global Court," 1945; "The Cold War and Its Origins policy in what became a long frustrating war. (1917-1960)," Vols. I and II, 1961. Home: His Republican opponents at first applauded, 4721 Sewanee Road, Nashville 4, Tenn. but in the end they saddled him with "Tru- 5,993 Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I EXHIBIT 2 recommend this earnestly to all my col- WHAT IS OUR ROLE IN EAST ASIA? leagues both in the Senate and House, (By D. F. Fleming, Vanderbilt University) and urge them, whatever may have been (NOTE.-D. F. Fleming is emeritus profes- their commitments under the pressure sor of International Relations at Vanderbilt of events, to reappraise the whole situa- University and the author of a two-volume tion in southeast Asia. We may not agree history of "The Cold War and Its Origins, with every detail of Professor Fleming's 1917-60." He has recently served as visit- scholarly presentation, but his general ing professor at the University of Arizona.) Conclusions seem to me to be unanswer- The cold war is nearly 20 years old and it is able, namely that we need an entirely obviously waning in its main theater. Dre new approach and that only disaster ing World War II Roosevelt and Hull labored long to create a basis for making and keep- perhaps on a cosmic scale lies ahead, if ing the peace in cooperation with the Soviet the United States does not change its Union, the great ally which had borne the position and policy, and does it promptly. heavy brunt of the fighting on land and suf- The war is escalating steadily, as could fered most from death and destruction. be foretold when President Johnson fol- However, when Roosevelt and Hull passed lowed his mistaken advisers' Counsels. from the scene in 1945 their successors It is clear, of course, that when this abruptly reversed the ovie pon on and opted u- , with article was written and printed it Was roppee, a ro, and d for the Soviet Union over i E- r the containment and East encircle- just before the United States' bombing of ment of both the Soviets and communism North Vietnam, but that merely em- throughout the world. phasizes the validity of Professor Flem- The same complete reversal of healing ing's contentions, policies had happened twice before in our his- I also ask unanimous consent that a tory, after the death of Lincoln and after the very pertinent letter to President John- fall of Wilson. In 1918 the tragic results of in- son, summarizing the extent of our foll exe reversal were delayed, but they came in- Y. exorably. The stupidities and agonies and written by Florence Luscomb, of which infinite wastes of World War I had convinced she sent me a copy, be likewise printed many millions of the best citizens the world at the conclusion of my remarks, over that a new start had to be made, a The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without League of Nations must be created that would objection, it is so ordered. get all the nations into one body and pre- (See exhibit 3.) vent any more suicidal balance-of-power ExHrsrr 1 wars between rival alliances. Never in all hu- man history had an overpowering need been Fleming, Denna Frank, teacher; born Paris, so clear and clamant, yet it was quickly de- Ill., March 25, 1893; son Albert and Eleanor nied in the U.S. Senate, where the opponents (McCormick) F.; graduate East Illinois State of Woodrow Wilson preferred to return to iso- College 1912, Pd. D., 1949; A.B. University of lation and let the world drift as before. Our Illinois 1916, A.M., 1920, Ph. D., 1928; student lead in refusing responsibility for the peace Columbia, 1928; married Doris Sigrid Anund- was followed by Britain and Fran th i ce e n sen, June 29, 1929. Principal high school, crises of the League of Nations and the world Hume, Ill., 1912-14, teacher high school, drifted into a far worse world war in 1939. Freeport, 1916-17, Walla Walla, Wash., 1917; We do not know that our leadership in the principal high school, Tonica, Ill., 1919-21, League of Nations would have made the dif- Approved For Release 2003/10/10 CIA-RDP67B00446R000300100009-3 5994 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- SENATE l~ja~'~h 29, 1965 man's war," and it was primarily responsible for the defeat of his party in the 1952 elec- tion. Eisenhower went to Korea, as he had promised, and afterward accepted a stale- mate peace. Then for some 7 years under the leadership of John Foster Dulles our objective was "lib- eration" and the "rollback" of both commu- nism and Russia in Europe. The Soviets did accept a negotiated withdrawal from Austria and they withdrew voluntary from Finland, but the main lines of their World War II ad- vance held. This was not strange, after what happened at Munich in 1938. During the long years of the cold war we were taught that there was a great Red mono- lith which controlled all Communists every- where, including the Chinese. Today, every- body knows that there is the deepest kind of split between Russia and China and that all the Communist states of East Europe are evolving lives of their own, usually in the di- rection of somewhat more freedom at home and better relations with the West. After leading the world in spending at least a tril- lion dollars on cold war armaments we have not been able to reverse the main result of World War IT in Europe. There has been no rollback and we have come to understand that the terribly exhausted and devastated Soviet Union of the postwar years was both incapable of attempting and unwilling to at- tempt the world conquest which our post- Roosevelt leaders so hastily ascribed to her, arrived in Korea, on September 8, 1946, Gen- eral Hodge found a peoples Republic govern- ment already organized by a national assem- bly representing all Korea. He suppressed this broadly representative government In the south; and in the north the Russians man- aged to install their kind of rule. In the south we set up a rightist tyranny under Syngman Rhee, which was soon decisively re- pudiated in the election of May 30, 1950. Contrary to the almost universal assump- tion, we do not know which side began the shooting in Korea on June 25. We do know that the North Koreans were well armed and ready and that they had been conducting a propaganda campaign for unification, but Rhee's government had been publicly threat- ening for months to march north. It had been defeated at the polls and may have been desperate. We do not know, either, that the Soviet government was behind the swift North Korean invasion of the South. It was boycotting the U.N. Security Council at the time, in supportof seating Red China in the U.N., and was not present to veto U.N. action in South Korea's defense. If Moscow knew about the invasion, would it commit such an obvious blunder? We know that that the U.N. quickly ap- proved the Truman administration's almost instant decision to fight to defend South Korea, and that on October 7, 1950, it very reluctantly approved our new objective of going north to destroy the North Korean and which we soon accepted as our first ar- government and unify Korea by force, the th same thing which the North Koreans had . l at f all Korea viable. The South Koreans know this and nothing can suppress a deep and growing yearning for the reunification of Korea, which would enable all to live in at least relative decency. We are apparently trying to turn South Korea back to Japan, but the South Koreans bitterly resent that kind of solution. Are we incapable of any constructive thinking about the Korean problem? Or shall we wait until events take it out of our hands? Do we really want to subsidize the unhappy South Koreans for- ever? A dispatch from Seoul to the New York Times on May 31, 1964, states that discon- tent is running high, along with rapid in- flation, that we had to send more than 1 mil- lion tons of food last year, that "20 percent of South Korea's work force is unemployed and other heavy proportions are under- employed." But for the moment martial law, declared after conference with our officials in South Korea, represses student riots and demonstrations.4 Vietnam As unrest simmers in South Korea what is the situation in Vietnam, another Asiatic peninsula? 6 There, during World War II, we at first aided the Communist-led revolution of Ho Chi Minh against the Japanese and the French. But later, as soon as the Commu-? nist nature of the revolution became evident, we took the side of the French in their effort to reimpose their colonial rule on the Viet- namese. Then our Government increasingly poured every kind of aid into the hands of the French, deluging them with weapons and aid to the value of some $3 billion, but they could not win. With Infinitely less aid from China the Vietnamese bled theFrench Army until by 1954 the French people could stand no more. Secretary of State Dulles fought hard to prevent the making of peace. He and Admiral Radford had plans for entering the war ourselves, but the reluctance of Congress and President Eisenhower prevented that and all of Mr. Dulles' threats could not avert the calling of a peace conference at Geneva. However, Mr. Dulles' stance of "angry negation" did prevent the victorious Vietminh from taking control of all of their country. Vietnam was divided at the 17th parallel, another tragic victim of the cold war. Then after 8 years of French defeat the United States moved into South Vietnam in 1954 and set up another despot, Ngo Dinh Diem, who with Dulles' backing refused to permit the elections which the Geneva Con- ference had called for to unify the country, because he knew the other side would win. Washington stood behind the misrule of Diem's family for nearly 10 years, until it finally led to an army rebellion last year. We backed the Diem tyrrany because the Communists had renewed guerrillawar soon after the elections were frustrated, as they were expected to do. Lt. Gen. S. T. Wil- liams, chief U.S. military adviser in South Vietnam at the time, wrote in U.S. News & World Report on November 9, 1964, that he was instructed to expect attack from the north when the deadline for the elections expired in July 1956 without their being held. This new war is now more than 6 years old and it is reaching the proportions of the earlier one. Again we have poured in bil- lions in weapons and supplies, and we have sent some 22,000 American officers and troops to train the city boys of Saigon and other towns to go out into the jungles and fight their rural brothers, which they are not keen about doing.e We tell ourselves that the . iona - tide o $ In his last months President Kennedy attempted. This decision, as I see it, was the, gave us magnificent leadership In?jjae di- greatest single foreign policy mistake in our rection of ending the cold war. In his ad- history. It converted a small war, already dress at American University, on :June 11, won, Intoo a fire from end catastrophe end, killed 1968, he acknowledged Russia's abysmal post- war weakness and called for a reappraisal of some 2 million people and wounded another our attitudes toward her and toward the 3 million. By the time the war ended South cold war. President Johnson has also fur- Korean military casualties alone had risen thered this trend. to 1,312,836 and he other side suffered a still But there remains the Far East. There, greater slaughter? Indeed, in the latter Communist China has weathered severe set- stages of the war our Army frankly labeled backs and is gathering strength. She Is also its objective to be "Operation Killer." The still in the militant stage of her revolution Korean war also cost us 144,173 American and very angry at us because of our support casualties and led us into the huge arma- of the Chiang Kai-shek regime on Formosa rents budgets which still continue. and in the mouths of two Chinese harbors, Is this the kind of solution toward which because of our tremendous military power we are sliding gradually in South Vietnam? on Okinawa and along her coasts, and be- Before we answer "Yes, we must win," we cause of our other blockades of every kind- should reflect on the results in Korea. There, economic, diplomatic, and political. More- after more than 10 years, Rhee's oppressive over, she sees us occupying and fortifying government was finally overthrown by na- the tips of two peninsulas on the Asiatic tional student uprisings, to be succeeded by mainland, Korea and Vietnam, which are a veiled military dictatorship. In south very close to her heartland. All the condi- Korea we maintain an army of 600,000 tions for deep and permanent resentment on Koreans, the fourth largest army in the China's part are present. world, most of whom would otherwise be un- For our part the prosecution of the cold employed or underemployed. Yet we also was in Asia has always aroused the strongest keep there on the front line 52,000 American emotions of our political rightwing. The combat troops which cost us more than $100 defection of China to communism had not million a year. This is a part of the approxi- been expected and it has never been for- m.ately $3 billions annually which our world- given. Nor has a much wider section of our wide military forces cost us-about the same people been able to forget the bitter frustra- as our annual balance-of-payments deficit, tions of the Korean war. So why not simply which we have had steadily since the Korean turn the focus of the cold war toward the war buildup in 1950. Because of these ever- Fax East and keep our tremendous arms ex- mounting foreign deficits we now owe $25 penditures going another decade or two? billion in short-term Indebtedness abroad And .why not really push the cold war to and have only $4 billion in unearmarked gold "victory" In Asia? to cover it. Senator FRANK CHURCH, of Before we go in this direction we should Idaho, has asked recently if this is to go on soberly review our involvements in Asia and forever, in a discussion of "The Korean try to ascertain what our objectives there are. Paralysis." s ' What would happen if there Korea should be a bad economic weather in the world and a run on New York? Korea is a good place to bt h? What South Korea's Plight does the record show there? ? It shows first, that we proposed the division of Korea at the What, too, is to be done about South 38th Parallel to prevent the Russians from Korea? Her agricultural economy is too weak occupying all of Korea, which they could to support her 25 millions, rapidly Increasing, re minerals th , ere a easily have done, and that they readily while in North Korea agreed. When our occupation forces finally water power, and industries enough to make 11). F. Fleming, "The Cold War and its z Encyclopedia Americana, p. 387; Time, origins, 1917-60" (New York: Doubleday, Nov.13, 1050, p. 23. 1961),11,589-661. 8 The Nation, Apr. 16, 1964, pp. 347-48. York Times service). 5 Fleming, op. cit., pp. 667-706. e The extreme difficulty of inducing our proteges to become victorious fighters has been described many times in the dispatches, Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 March 29, A RR roved For RV8R&JRggJWR>L C i ~7BOSQ Vietcong rebels are from North Vietnam are killing Vietcong alone, for much larger and some of them are, but relatively few. numbers of villagers also die. A dispatch The facts about who the rebels are have of March 22 from Saigon to the Arizona Daily been stated in an authoritative book by Prof. Star says: "The spectacle of children lying Robert Scigliano of Michigan State Univer- half alive with napalm burns across their sity. This university worked in South Viet- bodies was revolting to both Vietnamese and nam under a large U.S. contract until the op- Americans who entered. the village." eration fell under Diem's disfavor, It is This is one reason.why the Vietcong are Scigliano's judgment that only a small part winning the war. They control and govern of the Vietcong come from North Vietnam some two-thirds of South Vietnam and there, and that nearly all of these have been south- is small reason to believe that there will be erners who withdrew to the north after the time to put into effect the plans which we Geneva agreements. The claim of massive have' for mastering the country and making infiltration from the north, he says, "does it Into a showcase of contented living. The not appear to be supported by the available South Vietnamese have been fighting for evidence." 7 This was verified in the New nearly 20 years, first against French rule, York Times as recently as July 5, 1964. In then against American control, and they are other words, even the Vietcong from the desperately tired of the never-ending strife. north are patriots fighting in the land of their They may turn neutralist at any time. birth, and this is true even if they were born In these circumstances we hear increasing- and trained in North Vietnam. ly demands and plans for bombing North For many years our correspondents on Vietnam, to stop all aid from the north. It the spot have testified that the Vietcong is wholly righteous for us to pour mountain- were arming themselves by taking American ous aid, including many troops, into South weapons from our side. This has not been Vietnam, but diabolically wicked for trickles too difficult, since there is a false relation- of aid to come in from North Vietnam. The ship between our officers and the conscripted advocates of victory at any price see these youth of the towns, often seized forcibly. supply routes destroyed first, then the cities When two companies in an ambush broke of North Vietnam, if necessary, and finally and ran, "We beat them back to their posi- those of China, If the Chinese intervene, as tions with, rifle butts, but finally there was they have already promised to do if we at- no holding them," said U.S. Capt. Ralph tack North Vietnam. They made the same C. Thomas. He added that this was the pledge when we invaded North Korea in 1950. second, time In 10 months that one battalion It is questioned now that the Soviets would had fallen into ambush by violating the honor their alliance obligations to defend most elementary rules, and that some Viet- China against us, yet Walter Lippmann namese officers refuse to discuss battle plans warned us, an July 3, that "we must avoid the in advance or even to consider American ad- extreme of wishful thinking, which is to be- vice when it is offered. To most of them lieve that in a war between China and the the Americans' *cl)ief function is to provide United States the Soviet Union would be equipment, supplies, and air cover. (AP dis- neutral or on our side." We should remem- patch from Tra On, Vietnam, by John T. her, too, that on February 25, 1964, the So- Wheeler. The Arizona Daily Star, Dec. 20, viet Union warned the United States that if 1964.) we extend the war into North Vietnam the It should have been evident to us from Soviet people would render "the necessary the start that we cannot go into a far coun- assistance and support" to "the national Jib- try and teach the youth to fight a deadly eration struggle In South Vietnam." 8 We war against their brothers for our reasons. might recall thoughtfully also that years of Failure was surely indicated by the ability bombing everything in sight in Korea did not of the North Vietnamese and Chinese to filter give us victory there. There, too, we had arms Into South Vietnam, on the backs of total control of the air, men and in small boats at night, as they It is quite true that China Is In poor shape have been doing steadily in recent months. to fight and it is equally true that from our These supplies are rivulets, when compared bases off her shores we have the power in to the mighty flood of war machines of every turn China into a vast, helpless morass, or kind which we pour into South Vietnam, but a desert, with our conventional and atomic they are sufficient to tighten steadily the bombs. The targets are all pinpointed, ready Vietcong ring around Saigon. for the death of unlimited millions of Chi- In its environs one of our supply ships has nese. If it be granted that a nuclear world been sunk In port, a major airport has been war could be avoided, we have the power to shelled devastatingly and a hotel full of our work our will upon China. Yet it does not officers bombed with grievous results. No follow that the Chinese leaders would fail American is safe, and a returning ship's offi- to go to the aid of North Vietnam if we cer reports that few Vietnamese shops will attack her. They believe deeply In the kind sell him anything lest they be bombed by the of war which won them control of China and Vietcong, which is winning in South Vietnam, There These rebels have the most vital. things is also strong reason to believe that they that men can fight for at stake, and it does think we would not risk the worldwide con- not make them less determined to win when sequences of destroying their country with h we destroy t eir villages and families with our superweapons. high explosives and napalm and defoliate This Is the alternative to making peace their countryside with chemicals. We must which faces us. On August 3, 1964, the re- not think that in using these methods we liable Australian correspondent Denis Warner but never more clearly than in one from Mal- colm W. Browne to the New York Times (and Portland Oregonian) on July 23, 1964. Refer- ring to the apparently incurable habit of our trainees of getting themselves massacred in ambushes, a "high American officer"' said "We're begging, we're pleading, we're re- minding them [the Vietnamese troops], we're cajoling: we cry, we stamp out in fury, we do everything, we bring them ice cream. But we haven't succeeded." What more could we do to make ferocious fighters out of people who don't have their hearts in it? 7 Robert *c1gliano,_ South Vietnam, Nation. T)'nder Stress (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963), p. 148. 5995 Why Are We in Vietnam? Before we slide gradually into such a hu- man and moral catastrophe we ought to ask ourselves very carefully what it is that we are fighting for in South Vietnam. For "free- dom," it is most commonly said. That is a word that comes easily to the tongue and there is no doubt that the Asiatic Commu- nists do live under many regimentations and controls. On the other hand, there is small reason to believe that we could win a fair election in South Vietnam and no reason to believe that we could win an election cover- ing the entire country. Among other reasons, the Vietnamese know that degrading poverty and destitution have been eliminated in China, and the liberty to eat is an elemental one. They would vote also for freedom from war and foreign control. In the Eisenhower years it used to be said that we must not lose the tungsten mines and rubber plantations of South Vietnam. The latter are still mainly in French hands, and the French want the war stopped to save their investments. They still have half a billion dollars to lose. There is also much surplus rice in South Vietnam, of which we too have a surplus. But in the last analysis our reason for being in South Vietnam, be- yond economic motives, is a belief that this peninsula is an extremely strategic spot and that if it "went" Communist all southeast Asia and beyond would turn. Red. This is the domino theory which has been used to justify every move in the cold war. In 1947 it was said that if Greece went Com- munist so would Turkey, the Middle East, Iran, and beyond. So, too, would Italy and France in the West. In 1950 the Korean war was justified in the same way. We have been taught likewise that if Formosa were lost the Chinese would soon take the Philippines, then Hawaii, then Catalina Island, and our own Pacific coast. Under this theory any American interven- tion anywhere in the world can be justified. If South Vietnam goes, it is said, then a long set of standing dominoes will fall down through New Zealand to the south polar continent, which fortunately has been neu- tralized. But would they? The Vietnamese are a tough and patriotic people. They were ruled by China for centuries and have no wish to be again. Nor is there any evidence that Red China has dominated North Viet- nam or North Korea. On the contrary, she has helped them both to industrialize, from her own limited means. China hopes to cut a big figure politically throughout the vast underdeveloped Southern Hemisphere. Would she begin by making colonies out of her small neighbors? North Vietnam and China do need the surplus rice of South Vietnam, but would they take it without payment? Of course it is unthinkable to us that South Korea or South Vietnam should become Com- munist, but is that automatically involved in peace settlements which would neutralize both states by international agreements be- tween the great powers, including China? It would be a great gain to establish peace described the continued administrative and between the divided halves of Vietnam and military decline in South Vietnam; the re- Korea and permit them to trade with each Tentless rise of the Vietcong forces to some other. There could be many slow stages in 250,000, including battle-tested reserves; and the drawing together of the north and south He Chi Minh's ability to send his 15 divisions states. Neither would, or should, give up its throughout southeast Asia, followed by presently established life quickly or without "the Chinese divisions that-lie behind." Say- compromises and guarantees. I venture the ing flatly that victory for the South Viet- belief that we cannot prevent the reunion nam Government is out, Warner could find of these divided peoples indefinitely, but no military counter within our capacity ex- that we can decide whether it is to be done cept nuclear war. In other words, we would gradually and by agreement, by revolution, or have to destroy Vietnam, at least, perhaps by war. most of southeast Asia and presumably War with China? China, to win. "The war," he said, "would Peaceful agreements would of course in- have to be nuclear or it would be lost." volve moderating our hostility to China, but is that really impossible? I well remember The New York Times, Feb. 26, 1964. how we usedto,love -the Chinese, when they Approved For Release 2003110/10: CIA-RDP67B00446R0003001 60.009; 3 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 5996 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 29, 1965 were ragged, docile heathens, the subjects On March 25, 1964, Senator FULBRIGIST, "It may take 10 years or more of no-win and of our devoted missionary efforts. But since chairman of the Foreign Relations Commit- no-lose. * * * But with the resources at they became fighting men and Reds I note tee, made his historic address on thinking hand we can control this thing and bring it that they have become totally wicked. How- unthinkable thoughts. He did not ask for to a satisfactory conclusion." ever, I observe also that we have been able our withdrawal from Vietnam, but he did This assumption that the long deteriora- to start ending the cold war with the equally condemn the "relegating of an increasing tion in South Vietnam can somehow be held wicked Russians after they gained missile number of ideas and viewpoints to a growing in suspension defies all of the forces which power capable of destroying us. category of 'unthinkable thoughts.'" He are operating there. As one commenator on This, too, will happen in China in the noted that when we refuse to believe some- the 1964 CBS Annual World Affairs Roundup next 10 or 20 years, after which there will be thing because it displeases or frightens us, said about Diem's 10 years as our man in, no question of our clinging to the fringes "then the gap between fact and perception Saigon, these were wasted years. We sup- of China and occupying islands in the For- becomes a chasm and actions become irrele- ported an image, an illusion. Shall we now mosa Strait which she believes to be hers. vant and irrational." He urged us to think waste another decade in trying to support When China gains the power to destroy us "about the festering war in Vietnam." a kaleidoscope of unpopular rulers? she will take control of the fringes of east On July 10 a statement signed by 5,000 uni- This is a self-defeating endeavor. As Asia and leave it to us to convert a locaYwar versity professors was issued in Washington W_ M. Bagby observed in the New York Times into a world holocaust. The basic choice calling for the neutralization of North and on December 5, "The more overt our inter- before us is between destroying China with South Vietnam 12 vention, the more Saigon appears to be our our nation-killing weapons soon or begin- It was doubtless impossible for the John- puppet. We cannot successfully support ning to make peace with her, as the other son administration to move in the direction dictatorships propped up by feudal lords nations of the world are doing. We must of making peace in southeast Asia and with and white men," and "China cannot be kept choose the latter course If we are to remain China until after the 1964 political campaign out of South East Asia by white men." If our basic purpose is to keep her qut, we would a civilized people, and we could begin was over. Now it will fall to do so its defeat it by extending the war and bringing permitting ting China to take the seat in the he peril. A Lou Harris opinion poll has already in Ctroops. Only a negotiated set- by Nations which Is guaranteed to her shown that more people favored neutralizing in Chinese hi can recs. forestall the entry of by its charter, before the other members South Vietnam than opposed it, and that tlement Chinese troops, first into North Vietnam and seat her anyway. Then we could work for 45 percent opposed expanding the war to e then se the South-an eventuality and the neutralization and real self-government North Vietnam and only 26 percent favored Vietnamese dread. of the people of Formosa, while that is still escalation 33 President Johnson must know, Inevitably, too, by our very presence in a possible solution. also, that the Republicans won the 1952 elec- Vietnam we are dealing with China. We it is unreasonable to suppose that we can tion on the frustrations of the Korean war are not dealing simply with the 3 million much longer control the entire Pacific Ocean, and that they could win in 1968 on the frus- people in the corrupt city of Saigon, but with including the edges of Asia? against the will trations of another endless war to regulate some 40 million Vietnamese, with about of the great powers and vast populations affairs on China's borders. Surely the Presi- three-quarters of a billion Chinese, and with which live there. As in Europe, we shall dent is astute enough to avoid carrying the the Korean people. Each of these three na- have to accept the fact that world war II albatross onus of a "Johnson's war." On the tions is determined to have unity and free- did have great and irreversible consequences other hand, he can carry the country with dom from foreign control, including ours. in Asia. Max Freedman wrote from London him if he exerts strong leadership in making Objections to Negotiation on May 28 that "it is difficult for any British peace in Asia. The current Republican de- official to feel that Washington can have any mand for victory and liberty in every part But, it is said, our whole Asian policy enduring influence over the affairs of Laos of the world is nothing less than a demand would crumble if we turned toward negotia- and Vietnam, except at a price in men and for American domination of the earth, but tions with Peiping. The reply is, said Em- money which the American people will re- it is far too late for that. We have learned mett Hughes in Newsweek, January 11, 1965: fuse to pay" 6 On May 17 James Reston the limits of our power in Europe, and the "We do not seriously possess an Asian policy. wrote that the French had learned three limitations of our sway in Asia must also Since World War II we have simply rushed- things: that however much the Vietnamese be learned. This will be very painful, since, or stumbled-toward various ramparts." He might differ from the . Chinese they hated as George Kennan said recently, the- Ameri- might have added that this is the very them less than the white man; that they are can tendency is "to view any war in which launched Of us the Truman a docine, antirevolutionary could be established against China's bor- achieving limited objectives ' ' * but as a career. ders." is struggle to the death between total virtue To the objection that we cannot negotiate We are now learning the same things the and total evil." 14 ' from weakness, Hughes replies that the truth same, hard way, but fortunately we do have Our greatest investment in Vietnam is in is that one only negotiates from a position leaders who recognize the inevitable. With prestige, but is our prestige to be conserved of weakness. Victors impose terms. He his usual courage and candor, Senator WAYNE by making a bad matter steadily worse? It denies also that we have no negotiable assets MORSE was the first high official to challenge cannot truthfully be denied that the results to employ. We could offer to reduce our the futility of our adventure in South Viet- of our efforts in Korea and Vietnam have forces in Korea sharply, without eliminating name. He pointed out that we have always been in both cases: division and tyranny, a tripwire there, and China greatly needs considered southeast Asia to be beyond our war and desolation, poverty and unhap- trade with us. defense perimeter and demanded an end to piness for these small peoples. We have also This is one of those rare moments when our Vietnamese adventure. On March 10, achieved almost exactly the same results in levelheaded men in the Congress and among Senator ERNEST GRUENING, of Alaska, made Laos. Is this the way to conserve the prestige our citizens can exert themselves effectively the same demand. He asked that we stop of the leader of the free world? And is to turn their country from a bankrupt course wasting billions of dollars 'seeking vainly in wise and courageous action on our part to into one that would bring both honor and this remote jungle to shore up self-serving end such evils incapable of generating profit to us. Time, too, is short. General corrupt dynasts or their self-imposed succes- prestige? de Gaulle is almost certainly right In believ- sors." He considered every additional life The Urgency of Negotiation ing that each succeeding month will see the sacrificed in this forlorn adventure a tragedy. The first essential is to recognize that our growth of Communist strength in South He did not say, either, every "American" life. gamble in Vietnam has failed. In the 6 Vietnam. We might remember also that it On February 19, 1964, Senator MIKE MANS- months since this article was first written was the never-ending losses of French officers S'IELD, the majority leader in the Senate, made the situation has gone from bad to much that signalized French defeat in Vietnam. a deeply impressive address in which he de- worse, both militarily and politically. Coup Yet we have already committed enough of nied that any American national interest has succeeded coup and the military defeats our instructor officers and noncoms to justified our assumption of primary respon- have grown in magnitude. We tried hard Vietnam to man 4 of our 18 divisions, and sibility in the Vietnamese war. "We have," to prove that we could learn antiguerrilla we have already suffered 1,800 casualties. he said, "teetered too long on the brink of war, for application on all continents, and (Bernard B. Fall, in the New Republic, Jan. turning the war in Vietnam, which is still a we have failed. We could not succeed as alien 16, 1965.) Are we incapable of learning Vietnamese war, into an American war to be mentors against the will of the Vietnamese from the hard experience of others? paid for primarily with American lives." 11 people. Now there are almost no moral re- But the warhawks cry in unison: "If we He was strongly supported by Senator E. L. sources left in South Vietnam for continuing accept neutralization that will certainly be BARTLETT, of Alaska, who deplored the way in the war. Twenty years of it are more than followed soon by a Communist takeover." which our policy in southeast Asia was enough. That could be. The longrun probability is "locked in rigid, inflexible terms." He urged Yet, astoundingly, there are people in that all of Korea and Vietnam may have to greater support of President de Gaulle's diplo- Washington who now propound the doctrine live through a period of evolving communism, macy, which calls for neutralizing Vietnam, of going on with the manageable mess. just as the East Europeans are. It is cer- and a less emotional and less abusive discus- Newsweek reported this development on Jan- tale that peace in South Vietnam would sion of Communist China. 'nary 11, 1965, quoting a specialist as saying: mean strong participation in the Government by the National Liberation Front, the pol- Arizona Daily Star. 12 Portland Oregonian, July 11, 1964. itical arm of the Vietcong. But it does not 10 New York Times. 13 Washington Post, Mar. 30, 1964. follow that a coalition government would 11 Ibid., Feb. 20, 1964. 14 New York Times, July 1, 1964. fail. James Robinson, the southeast Asia Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 March 29, roved For R 1 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 expert of NBC, said on December 29; "What can still patrol most of the vast Pacific we are fighting in Vietnam is a historical Ocean with our great sea and air armadas. evolutio}I. A neutrality there like Cambodia's We can still defend the Philippines from is feasible. What, we would have would be a invasion, as we should, and perhaps Japan, coalition government that would last a long though we cannot much longer prevent a time.", - P. large trade and closer relations between Ja- Is tliis a worse. prospect that deepening pan and China. We can also help to stabi- anaro1Iy in South Vietnam and a complete lize the great Indonesia-Malaysia region. Communist takeover? Peter Grose reported A very impressive book by Robert G. Wes- from Saigon in the New York Times on No- son has demonstrated with great cogency vember 8 that the National Liberation Front that our economic power base is declining (which is not entirely Communist) already rapidly, relative to the rest of the world. has a shadow government which covers all "Already," he warns, "the day is late." Since of South Vietnam," backed by powerful pro- 1945 our power "to shape events has shrunk fessional and guerrilla forces and biding its to less than half of what it was" and "the time for, a_nl,oment when leaders in Saigon next 15 years may well see America's poten- turn in desperation to request a cease-fire. tfal in the world halved again." Instead of These parallel hierarchies, wrote C. L. Sulz- opposing the rise of other powers, he urges berger on January 14, "have spread inexora- us to accept the reality of becoming "one of bly as Saigon's national administration has several equals" in a multipolar world. The rotted. The fractional area it still holds is United States, he cautions, "does not have contested by rival warlords and political leisurely time to become accustomed to a cliques. The disaster hitherto nibbling at world changing to its detriment." His final our heels now stares us in the face." admonition Is that "the fixation of the cold What is feasible? war obscures Yfsion,.but reason can still play How much longer, too, can we continue to a part in making the best of an unpromising treat enormous China as something which and worsening situation. With cool thought, does not exist, but which must be sur- much can be done to bring to pass that civil- rounded and contained? Surely this is an ization means good, not evil." 1'f immaturity which we can no longer afford. Clok beyond will' fail to fhe Pacific unless We need to remember rapidly that the Chi- we a, to power h friendly relations the nese are not only the largest people in the with China, a people, her to improve the World but by far the oldest in civilization, are ad her great d the, as the Russians have and perhaps the able,jt. Certainly they have ranks already of improved the proved more cconont,tente tads joining the an unparalleled ability to survive. They are d and satisfied now united and strongly organized to ad- peoples. We have become good neighbors vance into tog 20th century. It will be in- with the Japanese, whose Hiroshima ashes n fi itely better for us to help them with trade than to fear and hat-, and fight them. Again it is left to west.coast leaders to see this, Gov. Pat Brown, of California, recently said in Washington: "We have tried to get the world to join us in rejecting all economic and political ties .with China." This policy "has failed, as the steady Increase in trade with the Chinese Communists demonstrates. All we have ,left is the vigorous hostility of the Chinese. which our policy has pro- vok,ed." 15 It is time we realized that such hatreds and such adventures as.the Vietnamese war cannot be afforded., Twice in my lifetime the world has lived through the long agonies of world war, In 1914 the big governments blundered, stumbled, and slid into war. Be- fore 1939 three raging-tearing aggressor gov- ernments plunged the world into war-Hit- ler's Germany, Mussolini's Italy, and Tojo's Japan. Today we are having our very last chance to organize all of the governments and peoples-including the Chinese-into one, group, the United Nations, for the pur- pose of establishing law and order and coop- eration among them, in the atomic age. If we fail in this, Western civilization, at the least, will cease to exist. The choice before us is that simple and plain. We must therefore shake off the current dangerous delusion that strong-arm tactics cannot only seize control of a great political party but get us anything we want in the world. We must work instead to establish a world community of all the peonies, while there is still time. "Let us," said President Kennedy more than a year ago, "make the most of this, opportunity and every oppor- tunity, to reduce tension, to slow down the perilous arms race, 'and to check the world's slide to final annihilation." 16 This is certainly the only feasible course to take. It means giving up some of our aspirations for ,power_ on China's borders, some of ourfix tions that all Communist rule is wholly vile and that the law of social evolutign never works in Communist coun- tries. If.power is what we must live by, we 11 San Francisco Chronicle, Apr. 27, 1964. I'D. F. Fleming, "The Turn Toward Peace," the Annals, January 1964, pp. 157- 169. 5997 volved in political falling dominoes is minor and uncertain when compared to the immi- nent peril of the escalating military ones. Our good name in the world is also at stake. We cannot compensate for losing the guerrilla war by imperiling everyone on earth. In the nuclear age there Is no prestige In making war, or in trying to determine the internal affairs and civil wars of little nations everywhere. Nationalism is defeating all those who make this attempt, and it will continue to do so. There is prestige in lead- ing for peace. In the terms of the Times edi- torial, this is a time to achieve greatness by restraint. It is also high time for a peace conference in which the United Nations plays the healing role for which Secretary General U Thant is so well fitted. EXHIBIT 3 CAMBRIDGE, MASS., President LYNDON B. JOHNSON, February 20, 1965. The White House, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: American policies in Vietnam: 1. Make a "scrap of paper" out of our sol- emn pledge to "refrain from the threat or the use of force to disturb" the 1964 Geneva agreements which prohibited "the introduc- tion into Vietnam of foreign troops and mili- tary personnel as well as of all kinds of arms and munitions" and specified that "no mili- tary base under the control of a foreign state may be established." with China. The same ashes, which we do oI Infamy" with our bombing of North Viet- not like to remember, should tell us that we nam, with which we are not at war. too must become good neighbors with China 3. Have kiiled American boys by the hun- and that this is the best way to be trul dreds and Vetnamese by the tens of thou- helpful to her small neighbor, who could sands, become prosperous if we removed from them 4. Are trapping to into another Koree the grievous burdens of arms, war, and sun- which will slaughter Americans by the dared nationhoods?B thousands. 5. Have burned alive countless babies and The escalation course mothers with the napalm we have supplied As this article is printed, the alternative to drop on peasant villages where Vietcong is all too clear. No one could read the eight are "suspected" of being. main articles and leading editorial in the 6. Have saddled on the Vietnamese people New York Times of February 14, 1965, with- an endless succession of undemocratic, bar- out knowing that the United States had barous and corrupt governments hated by the started on a collision course toward a nu- overwhelming mass of the people. clear world war, one which would kill 100 7. Assert America's right to dictate half million of us. (McNamara's figure.) the world away what kind of government any If the Vietnamese war is escalated much people may establish. further, no man may be able to stop it. 8. Are losing all Asia to us, making Asians Or, if catastrophe be avoided, we are headed hate and fear us as ruthless imperialists. 11 toward a vast `4i o i m teu war throughout east Asia With the North Vietnamese, Chinese, and North Korean armies, a war which could not be won. Nor would the responsibility be ac- cepted or borne-in 1968 or at any time-by the leading voices now crying for more and bigger bombings, including China's nuclear installations. If holocaust or exhaustion are to be avoided, President Johnson is entitled to strong and insistent backing by his true supporters for a policy of making peace in the Far East. The disaster alleged to be in- "Robert G. Wesson, "The American Prob- lem: the Cold War in Perspective" (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1963), pp, 6, 276, 280. "On July 27, 1964, Newsweek (p. 41) pub- lished a careful estimate of China's readi- ness for war with us over Vietnam. It de- scribed modern new Chinese towns along the border; "about 300,000 troops in the area, with another 200,000 in reserve"; two full air force armies with 1,200 jet fighter planes nearby; and thousands of Vietnamese train- ing in the hills. On July 18 Henry Tanner cabled from Moscow to the New York Times that Soviet officials have made it plain to foreigners on many occasions that the Kremlin could not hope to avoid being dragged into any full- scale war in Vietnam Involving the United States. - ---------------1, -r-.- bling with world war and the destruction of the human race. These policies are utter madness and can only lead America to disaster. Our security, national interest, and honor require that the United States agree to end- ing the war and negotiating peace, by recon- vening the Geneva Conference In order to establish a free and independent South Viet- nam which shall be neutral and without bases, military forces, or arms of any foreign state, and with a government democratically elected by all the people of South Vietnam. Mr. President, i implore you to take this honorable way out of the morass in so th u - east Asia in which we are being engulfed. Sincerely yours, FLORENCE H. LUSCOMB. AMERICA WILL BE PROUD OF RAMPART DAM Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, last month the Department of the Interior finally released a very important report on the market for power that will be pro- duced at Rampart Dam on the Yukon River in Alaska. The massive study of the Interior Department encompasses re- search performed by all bureaus of the agency concerned with. the Rampart Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R00030016000.9-3 5998 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B004 6R000300160 a9ri 29, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE project. Participating in preparation of the report were the Bureau of Reclama- tion, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Bureau of Land Management, the Fish and Wildlife Service, the National Park Service, the Bureau of Mines, the Bureau of Outdoor Recreation, the Alaska Rail- road and the Geological Survey. The Department has emphasized that the re- port, which is approximately 1,000 pages long and divided into three parts, is a report of the field offices of the bureaus involved and does not represent the final Rempart recommendation of the Secre- tary of the Interior. Upon release of the report, Secretary Udall appointed a six-man task force to make an analysis of the field reports with a view to developing the definitive rec- ommendation of the Department on Rampart. Mr. Gus Norwood, executive secre- tary of the Northwest Public Power As- sociation, and the organization he serves have long been strong supporters of the Ram art project and have given invalu- prising preface and 10 parts, transmitted February 9, 1985, by Burke Riley, Department of the Interior Regional Coordinator for Alaska to Col. Clare F. Farley, District Engi- neer, Corps of Engineers, Anchorage, Alaska. The report was prepared pursuant to the Army-Interior Agreement of March 14, 1982. It is a coordinated study prepared by the Bureau of Reclamation, Bureau of Indian Af- fairs, Bureau of Land Management, Fish and Wildlife Service, National Park Service, Bureau of Mines, Bureau of Outdoor Recre- ation, Alaska Railroad and Geological Survey. TASK FORCE TO REVIEW To assist him in arriving at conclusions and recommendations for discussion with the Secretary of the Army, and for a joint recom- mendation to the President, the Secretary of the Interior on February 11, 1965, appointed a six-man task force headed by Henry P. Caul- field, Jr., Director of Interior's resources program staff; Joseph M. Morgan, Division of Water and Power Development; James T. McBroom, Fish and Wildlife; Joseph C. Mc- Caskill, Mineral Resources Division; Rod- erick H. Riley, Bureau of Indian Affairs; and Eugene Zumwalt, Bureau of Land Manage- ment. RAMPART DAM FACTS The project as designed by the Corps of Engineers calls for a 530-foot dam with a head of 465 feet, 280-mile reservoir covering 10,600 square miles, with storage capacity of 1,265 billion acre-feet, 4-foot average annual drawdown, average annual flow of 113,000 cubic feet per second, reservoir filling period of 22 years, proposed 18 units of 280,000 kilo- watts or 5,040,000 kilowatts producing 34.2 billion kilowatts per hour firm energy, with prime power of 3,904,000 kilowatts. Invest- ment is estimated at $1.1 billion plus $650 to $1,120 million for transmission plus a Fish and Wildlife request of $580.5 million. Physically the dam would be somewhat smaller than Grand Coulee but produce 21%z times as much energy. SCHEDULE Filling of the reservoir could start as early as 1972 with first power in 1975 from five generators at low head operation. Low load- ing would permit filling the reservoir in 16 years, while heavy loading would delay the last units to as late as 2020. The report assumes full reservoir by 1993, but Case II assume 18th unit in 2010. CONCLUSIONS On the basis of a quick review of this report, the following tentative conclusions are submitted. Rampart is the lowest cost power source available to Alaska. The Fish and Wildlife requests are unreasonable. Nonetheless, hatcheries and fish spawning channels and studies to mitigate duck nest- ing problems are essential. The assumption of 50-year repayment is utterly unreasonable. The charge-off of all costs to power violates the concept of mul- tiple-purpose development. The report ap- pears to be on the high side in estimating construction costs. The Bureau of Reclamation should be com- plimented on the outstanding depth and thoroughness in making the studies of al- ternative power sources and the five trans- mission case studies. The evaluation of possibilities for develop- ing each mineral appears narrow in view of the early stage of Alaska's mineral explora- tion. Under similar assumptions of counting only the sure known loads, the building of Grand Coulee Dam would have been delayed many, many years. The report as a whole appears to be pre- occupied with conventional feasibility in a situation which so obviously calls for a de- velopment-minded and pioneering-minded attack. h One indication of a more positive approach is the recognition that Rampart Dam would be helpful in bettering the lot of the natives d t able, assistance to those who look forward eagerly. to its construction. When the Department of the Interior released its recent report, Mr. Norwood made a prompt analysis of the document which is published in the March edition of the Pacific Northwest Public Power Bulletin. As Mr. Norwood's knowledgeable com- mentary on the report is very useful to all who are interested in Rampart, I ask, unanimous consent that the text of the article "America Will Be Proud of Ram- part Dam" be included in the record at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: AMERICA WILL BE PROUD OF RAMPART DAM (By Gus Norwood) The Nation that built Grand Coulee Dam, Hoover, Shasta, Fontana, and many other great works, now approaches the hour of decision on the greatest clam of all. In a monumental report, the Department of the Interior agrees with the conclusions of the earlier Corps of Engineers report Rampart Dam is feasible. The long, rocky road toward construction of Rampart Dam in Alaska passed another milestone February 9, 1965, with publiceanti of of the three-volume, 998-page Dep~ the Interior "field report." Secretary Stewart L. 1Udall initiated the next step by appointing a six-man task force to review the field report and consider the comments which will be submitted by the Governor of Alaska, Federal agencies and in- terested citizens and organizations. CONSERVATIVE STUDY ,n fact ,.ears t`-- and It t a--gy - - factors, assumed high construction costs, per mile for ow k~~ov slow development of markets, and full repay- and $210,000 per mile for wood pole 138 kilo- power would cost about 2 mills at the bus ment within 50 years. volt. The figures appear too high. bar at 100 percent load factor, and then The 5-inch thick report is not available Lowest costs are achieved for Case II-B let the power marketing agency take it from for public distribution. A limited number of at 8.33 mils at load centers assuming $763 there. copies has been issued to the reviewing agen- million for transmission. This assumes 3 America will be proud of Rampart Darr. ties, major Alaska newspapers, key libraries, percent interest and 50-year repayment of Let's get with it. the Alaska congressional delegation and in- each portion of the dam using the first unit terested associations such as Yukon Power as a spare and then placing 1/17th of the dam for America and the Northwest Public Power in the payout schedule as each unit is placed TRUTH-IN-PACKAGING Association. in operation. LEGISLATION ALTERNATIVE POWER Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, S. 985, arketd Res Port, Rampart t ofProect, Alaska, rert evaluates and Inuclearealte natives, and the five which Was amended slightly from its Market for Resources and Effect volumes, 998 gas Part Natural January 1965, 2 three plates , and beat hydro, projects pages, oto p 126 tables, inches, that Rampart is thbest. and concludes so-called trS. 387 uthf in-the 88th packaging Congress 2 WES 28 photographs, , 8 by 101/2 us through a higher standard of living an saving much money for other programs for natives. By resolution and on the basis of the earlier power marketing report of the De- velopment and Resources Corp., the mem- bership of the Northwest Public Power As- sociation voted to endorse the construction of Rampart Dam. The fine-tooth comb study by the Depart- ment of the Interior justifies the associa- tion's full endorsement of the start of early construction. As the task force and the various Federal agencies and the Governor of Alaska make their evaluation, it is suggested that major weight be given to the ground rules for this project. First, the payout schedule should be set on the TVA basis of actual service life or 100 years, whichever is less. It cannot sufficiently be emphasized that a 50-year-old hydro project of this scale is better than. a brand new steam plant. It i:, ridiculous to pay off such a project as if it, were an FHA mortgage on a frame house. FIVE MARKETING CASES For an assumed dam and transmission cost of $1.85 billion the cost of power is estimated at 2.05 mills at bus bar and 3.48 at load centers. The most pessimistic Case I, assuming very slow load growth, would result in de- livered power at 4.62 to 7.01 mils leaving out Fish and Wildlife requests. All five transmission case studies assume basic use of 500 kilovolts alternating current with two lines to the Juneau or Haines area, and either two or three to the Anchor- age. area. Case IV includes the dramatic 500 kilo- volt direct current line 2,000 miles to Snohomish at a $514 million cost, 1,330,000 kilowatts delivery capacity and a delivery or transmission cost of 1.91 mils at 100 per- cent load factor and 2.72 mile at 70 percent load factor. To this transmission cost would be added the bus bar cost of 2.1 to 2.4 mils, thus making the Seattle price about 4 mils at 100 percent load factor and 5 mile at 70 percent load factor. -. A major purpose of the project should be the economic development of Alaska and a reasonable cost allocation should be made Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 March 29, moved For R eel j 1f18/1%jC~I~ TgSTl30g4 000300160009-3 ,5999 referred- recently to the Senate Coin- Here is what happened: shoppers in the group (40 minutes), she merce Committee rather than. the Sen- Six teenaged girls and a home economics commented: "If I'd known the store better ate Judiciary Committee which had teacher were selected at random from York- I could have cut my shopping time in half." town High School In Arlington, Va., a suburb The students were not told how long a jurisdiction over said S. 387, In the of the Nation's Ca ital. time House of R.enresenta.tives three narlra"_ p period to buy for, but most-on their of this session have been referred to the House Judiciary Committee. At the time of referral to the Senate, Commerce Committee, the Chair ruled that I or any Senator could move to have the said S. 985 referred to, the Senate Judiciary Committee if it were reported out of the Senate-,Commerce Committee and called up for Senate action. I have .made my position clear in this matter in a released minority report on the packaging bill. I said it was bad for the public, bad for the consumer, bad for the workers-? involved, bad for the businessmen, and bad philosophy for Government and also Government's re- lations with b'American, siness, workers, and con- sumers. The Legion maga- zine asked that I state y views in very brief words. These views may be found on page 17 of the . American Legion magazine, April, 1965 issue. Senator HART. also expressed his views. Mr. President, for the information of the Members of Congress and the public, I ask unanimous consent that the fol- lowing articles on packaging and label- ing be placed at this point of the RECORD in the order noted; "Who Said Shoppers Are Stupid," in Nation's Business, 1965, "Let's Keep Politics Out of the Pantry," by Charles G. Mortimer, chairman of General Foods Corp., in Look magazine, January 26, 1965; and, lastly, Senator EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN'S views against a Federal packaging law,, name- ly, S. 985, in American Legion magazine, April 1965. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: WHO' SAYS SI,soPPERs ARE S'ru ip? A Nation's Business experiment finds that even inexperienced teenagers are not at all confused by packaging, pricing, or labeling. A heart-tugging melodrama is playing in Washington these days, starring Connie the Confused Consumer in the role. of typical American shopper. Connie's ordeal takes place in an average supermarket, where alluring but deceptive labels leave her dazed and helpless. In her moment of peril, Connie is rescued by Uncle Sam, armed with something called "Truth-in-Packaging." This melodrama has received rave.notices from some people in the Nation's capital. But not. from business. And not from most consumers. They see the melodrama as more fiction than . fact. Political concern about the consumer in recent years has been channeled into a drive for enactment of so-called truth-in-packag- ing legislation. It would give the Federal Government the power to set up new and complex controls and standards over the packaging and labeling of many consumer items. This ,would be. in addition to present Fed- and labelin .. g "I bought the large jar of instant coffee, Nation's Btsi3;1es5, conducted its own ex- for example. I can't see buying the small periment, tq test the, need for. greater con- size or just one can or jar of something, be- sumt:r protection, The experiment showed cause that means you'll have to come back that even young, inexperienced students can to shop again real soon. To me, having be intelligent and resourceful shoppers in something on hand-convenience-that's today's supermarket, that they are neither what's important." befuddled nor deceived by what they buy. Although Barbara was one, of the fastest Does she think that shopping skill is some- thing a girl can pick up on her own? "If you've been eating for 17 years you can't help but learn something about food and food buying." Barbara watches the ads for price fluctua- tions, especially in meat and produce. Is there anything she doesn't like about shopping? Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R0003OD160009=3 --. 6.,,,.. ?* ?+- ..+ - ..,,+. +?..-v vc-?c4 t, a 4ri1SC4 vi aiJVu4 a categories of food and household commodi- week, according to Mrs. Nicholas. She says ties. None of the volunteers was told the the girls generally showed good judgment purpose of the test. None was told how much and bought wisely. "The way they con- to spend, how many items to buy in the vari- ducted themselves .indicates that they are ous categories, or which brands to select, closely observing how their parents shop," Two of the students had no previous shop- she adds. ping experience and none was familiar with WHAT THE LIST INCLUDED the supermarket used in the experiment. All The shopping lists handed to the six. stu- shopped immediately after the terse briefing, dents and Mrs. Bain consisted of these ite ms: after school hours b themsel d t vas n i h y , a w - Canned goods: Pork and beans, peas, to- out consulting with the others. The school matoes, pineapple, plums, peaches, vegeta- had no official connection with,the experi- hia nts gi n i you " -may ? . Packaged goods: Dried beans, dry cereal, were a homemaker," and "Use your own judg- cocoa, instant potatoes, gelation (flavored), ment." - - ..a. Frozen products: Lemonade, orange juice, hearings as fooling or confusing the Nation's fish fillets, broccoli, peas. housewives. Household and toiletry items: All-purpose When the students completed their swings cleanser, laundry detergent, dish detergent, through the supermarket they were inter- paper napkins, paper towels, facial tissues, viewed separately by a Nation's Business edi- tooth paste, wax paper. or. In addition, their purchases (bagged The store where the student volunteers and returned to the school) were carefully shopped is a Kroger Co. supermarket, a typi- checked over by Mrs. Lucy Nicholas, a teach- cal suburban facility. Its manager, John er of home economics at Yorktown High. Williams, an 8-year employee of the com- The experiment results showed that: pany, stocks 10,000 Items in his shelves and Purchases the girls made were-in the display cases. In laundry detergents alone judgment of Mrs. Nicholas-intelligent. his customers may choose from no less than They were able to buy with a minimum of 10 different brands. wasted motion and with few requests for as- Here's a closer look at the youngsters: sistance from store personnel. Amber Ingram is a 16-year-old sophomore None had any difficulty understanding who had never shopped the Kroger store. In printed Information concerning price, weight fact, she had done no supermarket shopping or content of the Items she bought. alone prior to the Nation's business experf- The experiment revealed other things about mt. the young shoppers. It showed that they' "i saw products I hadn't seen before and are very much aware of brand names, that . I feel that from now on I'llhave more inter- they are well informed on new methods of est in the stores and what's in them." packaging, and that they pick Items off the Amber's bill came to $18.10. She. looked shelf more on the basis of family Influence for specials, buying three cans of name- and personal taste than price advantage. brand peaches, two boxes of a two-for-39- A typical comment: "Sure, I knew that cent facial tissue, for example. brand A was less expensive than brand B, "I didn't need a pencil and paper to figure but I bought Brand B anyway because I think out what was the best buy. I did it in my it's a better product." head. I would just work out which was the There was nothing In the test results best buy per can," she said. which indicated that the shoppers found "If it is something you can keep a long packaging and labeling deceptive. time, something that won't spoil or any- Mrs. Patricia Bain, another home eco- thing like that, you can afford to buy a nomics teacher at Yorktown High, also larger quantity." shopped the Nation's Business list. Any difficulty at all? Considering the sketchy briefings they got, "No difficulty." the shoppers turned in surprisingly uniform performances, both as to the time they were Barbara Howe, the 17-year-old senior, had in the store and the amounts they spent. home economics training only in the eighth Mrs. Bain shopped the longest-50 minutes- grade. She does do the family shopping and spent the least. Her bill came to $12.47. sometimes, but admits she's "usually in a Unlike the students, Mrs. Bain made fat hurry" when she does, which may ac- mostly single-item buys in all 35 categories. count for her speedy trip through Kroger's. Married, though with no children, she is She had been in the store only a few times. accustomed to shopping for only her hus- Her sole difficulty was in locating the frozen band and. herself-and for the limited stor- fish. age capacity in their apartment. Barbara's bill totaled $15.22. She looked "The youngsters really got more for their for multiple buys, too, although she feels money than Mrs. Bain did," comments Mrs. that quality and brand names play the big- Nicholas, "but their buying has to be con- gest part in her, shopping decisions. When sidered in light of the fact that they come interviewed, she tossed around odd-size con- from larger families. They tended to shop tent figures and number-of-servings data more for specials and for a longer period." like a seasoned homemaker. Barbara Howe, a 17-year-old Yorktown Does she think it's deceptive for such senior, has a family that includes her par- things as cake mixes to depict the finished ents, ,a 14-year-old sister and a Chihuahau. _ oaks? She says she definitely had "supply" in mind "I,don't think that's deceptive at all. Who Approved For ONGRESSIONALI RECORDDP6SpNOA JR000300160 arch 29, 1965 "Waiting in the checkout lines." Joan Carolyn Welch was the other- senior in the experiment. She's 17 and is taking a commercial course in high school. Joan likes to Shop. "I enjoy looking at the various brands and products on display. There's so much you should know. Like looking for specials. Food stores don't make much profit on what they- sell, you know." Her shopping bill was $14.66. Another bargain-seeker, she scanned the cardboard sale notices as she moved through the store. She had no trouble with amounts expressed in fractions. Joan says she often doesn't worry about how expensive an item is if she thinks it tastes better. "Shopping is something a girl can pick up on her own," she said, "but you have to learn how to put together a nutritious, bal- anced menu. A home economics course can help you there." Her only complaint about labeling: "May- be more products could indicate the number of servings on the package. This helps when you're planning a meal" Janet Carabin, 16, had never shopped alone for groceries. She hadn't been in the Kro- ger supermarket for a couple of years, but she quickly got her bearings by checking the overhead signs and aisle markers and wound up tied with Barbara for fastest shop- ping time. Her bill was $19.56, highest of the test. She bought some sale items, found the pack- aging information clear and helpful. In conversation with a Nation's Business editor she mentioned some of the recent innova- tions in food packaging. Among them: vegetables which come in a plastic bag that can be immersed in the cooking water. Janet Redmon, another sophomore, is 16 and does all the food buying for her family. "I go every Friday," she said. "I like to do it; it's as much fun to me as going to a movie." Janet spent $18.25 and chose a variety of brands, INFORMATION ADEQUATE She is guided by name brands and the amount in a package. Package and label information? She finds it adequate. (When she took a can of plums from one shelf she carefully examined it to determine the water content.) One of the items Janet bought was the "Big Bonus Box" of powder for an auto- matic dishwasher-"four extra ounces free." What she likes most about shopping is "keeping up with all the new changes. I think they should always be thinking of new conveniences for the consumer. I say more power to them." Carol Simpson, 16, is just starting the food phase of a home economics class in York- town High's 10th grade. She spent $15.45 and kept an eye peeled for good buys. She does some of the family shopping and likes the variety offered in supermarkets. She finds the package information helpful. "Sometimes I'll check it closely, espe- cially if I'm buying for a specific recipe." Carol thinks brand, color, and appetizing pictures might influence! her shopping choices, but she says that her mother's pref- erences probably have played a big role, too. Any confusion? "Only in locating a few items in the store." To get a seller's-eye view of consumer savvy, Nation's Business interviewed person- nel of the Kroger supermarket and other salespeople at supermarkets in the Washing- ton, D.C., area. WHAT THE SELLERS SAY The portrait of the typical shopper drawn by these people hardly corresponds with that painted by those who are calling for more Federal regulation. Far from being - timid, confused souls hoplessly adrift in "super- marketland," most buyers, especially house- wives, are a flinty band that surveys the newspaper food sections during the week and then descends on weekend supermarket sales with the determination of commandos hitting the beach, say sellers. Some people, of course, are always going to be confused or misled by any system of competitive pricing and promotion. But regulations by Uncle Sam or anyone else aren't likely to help this minority of shoppers, marketing experts make clear. "They're getting shrewder all the time," said one supermarket manager, shaking his head. "They come through the door clutch- ing bargainbuys clipped from our newspaper ads and the specials from ads by all the other stores in the neighborhood." This comparison of one store's offerings against another's is sometimes called cross- shopping in the trade. Buyers who care- fully note only the bargain sales and then systematically pick them off in one market after another are sometimes known more irreverently as gravediggers. SHARP SHOPPERS At Arlington's Kroger supermarket, meat department manager Jack Linkenhoker tells of finding a shopping list that had been dropped by mistake into a display of pack- aged hamburger. On the list the shopper had scribbled all the sale items being offered that day by five different stores. "People are sharp," says Mr. Linkenhoker. "They know what they want." Walter P. Margulies, president of Lippen- cott & Margulies, Inc., a New York industrial design firm, says: "Every day there is a na- tionwide vote taken by consumers in the supermarket and other stores. "They vote for the products they select and buy. If they find they've been cheated, they never buy that product again. "This is a much more effective form of regulation than anything the Government could set up. People have a great variety of likes, needs, and notions. They don't want to go back to the era when they could have any color car they wanted as long as it was black." Some of the dangers of Federal regula- tion are pointed out by designer William Snaith, president of Raymond Loewy-Wil- liam Snaith, Inc. To define the individual character of a product and make sure the consumer under- stands its qualitative difference when com- pared with similar products, the container industry has in recent years "engaged in in- creasingly ingenious, economical, and con- venient container shape developments," Mr. Snaith says. "The consumer doesn't buy a 'quantity' in itself, but rather the benefits obtained through the very special, different charac- teristics of a product. Anything that can be done to project this difference in terms of package shape, appearance, and function is of benefit. "The proposed legislation will, in effect, deny the consumer this important additional aid in making an educated selection. It will tend to encourage an increasing degree of package uniformity which will effectively dis- guise important differences in character, taste, performance and convenience between different products competing in the same general area." WHAT OTHER STUDENTS SAID After the supermarket experiment, Nation's Business interviewed 28 other Yorktown High School students, asking them to answer in writing such questions as these: How much experience have you had in supermarket shopping? What is it you like most about shopping? What do you like least? Do you ever find yourself confused when you are in a supermarket or ordinary grocery store? If so, what is it that confuses you? Do the packages, cans and other containers displayed tell you what you want to know about the products? The young people who answered the ques- tionnaire are all taking home economics. They range in age from 15 to 17. Most of them have shopped in supermarkets and sev- eral indicated they do the regular buying for their families. Most reported that they enjoy shopping. Adverse comments centered largely on time spent waiting in checkout lines and the hustle-bustle of aisles crowded with shopping carts. Reaction to packaging information was generally favorable. Few reported any diffi- culty in understanding information on labels, though there were several who suggested that more food processors include information as to number of servings. Said one 16-year-old: "I like to shop because practically all of your needs are displayed by one company or an- other and the conveniences of the modern supermarkets are most helpful." Many young homemakers in the United States today have had special training in pur- chasing. Nationally, an estimated two and a half million teenagers are enrolled in junior. and senior home economics courses. Many of these.courses include specific instruction on how to shop intelligently for clothing and food items. In Arlington, according to home economics supervisor, Katherine R. Conafay, the food Instruction gets into such details as how to vary menus, how to read labels, how to dif- ferentiate package sizes, quality and quantity. Companies in the food and clothing indus- tries make mountains of information on their products available to teachers of home eco- nomics. Some of this information is, in turn, passed on by the teachers to their students. Some of it is specifically designed to help young people make intelligent purchases, re- gardless of brand. The availability of such literature (many States also publish consumer aids) is a fac- tor which merits noting in the present con- troversy over the consumer. Most people agree that business must fairly and clearly identify its products. Ar?- guments arises over how well this is now being done. Groups and individuals who oppose more Federal regulation argue that existing laws and industry practices have produced packaging that is both honest and understandable. LET'S KEEP POLITICS OUT OF THE PANTRY (By Charles G. Mortimer, chairman, General Foods Corp.) The typical American housewife is intel- ligent, experienced, and better informed about running a home than her counterpart in any preceding generation. Let's call her Mary Jones. Right now, she's shopping at her favorite supermarket. Because it, too, is typical, its shelves are lined with some 8,000 different items. Yet Mary Jones knows just what she wants, and she gets it. Into her cart go the prepackaged meats, quick-frozen vegetables, canned soups, frozen juice con- centrates, prepared cake 'mixes, heat-and- serve rolls and all the other good things the Jones family will have served up to them at their dining room table in the week to come. As she leaves the supermarket, Mary Jones takes it for granted that what she has bought is the purest, most nutritious, easiest-to- prepare food the world has ever seen. Hav- ing spent 40 years in the food business, I can attest to the fact that her assumption is correct and, what's more, that the prices she has paid are the most reasonable to be found anywhere on earth. But what Mary Jones probably does not know-and what disturbs me deeply-is that the machinery of free competition which has made ours the best fed nation on earth Is in danger of being tampered with. It Is Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 !arch 29, 1PTT' RESSIONAL RECORD SENA' E Frank J. O'Neill, Anchorage; Bernice Henry Burton; Mr. and Mrs. Herbert Jordan, Anchorage; Florence C. Brown, Hancock, Anchorage, Alaska; Mr. and Anchorage; Mr. W. C. Dueharl, An- Mrs. Merrill Gilmore, Anchorage; Mr. chorage; Mrs. Fannie Masduchari, Ella Goldin, Spenard, Alaska; Louis G. Anchorage; Mary D. Totten, Anchor- Howard, Anchorage; Rev. J. L. Steward, age; Irene E. Ryan, Anchorage; John Anchorage; Mr. and Mrs. John C. Kelly, B. Ryan, Anchorage; Jerome Murphy Anchorage; Sjlady S. Funkhouser, Jr., Anchorage; Neill Caffel, Anchor- Anchorage; Walter L. Wathe; Mrs. age; Laura O'Malley, Anchorage; Tracy Martha Fair; Mrs. David Ruskin, An- Bushue, Anchorage; Peggy O'Malley, chorage; Herbert D. Soil, Anchorage; Anchorage; banna Povich, Anchorage; Patricia Soll, Anchorage; Cecil J. Lewis, William Van Alen, Anchorage; Juanita Elmendorf; Cleosta L. Lewis,, Elmen- Runestad, Anchorage; Jewel Berger, dorf; Jacqueline N. Sewell, Spenard; Anchorage; Grace Ormand, Spenard; Norman Burnside, Fort Rise; John A., Will, SGeryard, Anchorage; W. Allen, Murray, Harrison. Anchorage; John Bedford, Anchorage; Kathleen Owens; Robert E. Massy; Mrs. Katrina StQnorov, Anchorage; Bill Robert E. Massy; Mrs. L. H. Johnston, Smith, Anchorage; Mary P. Brudie Jr.; L. H. Johnston, Jr.; E. S. Lott, and children, Anchorage; Helen W. Thomas; Nancy H. Rice; Eddie Berkley, Anchorage; James Vester- Alberta Pennywell; Edna Rifter, Mrs. felt, Anchorage; S. Walker, Cincinnati, Carroll Colvin; Mrs. Kittie Cherry; Ohio; Robert Patterson, Anchorage; James Stewart; Willie Edward; Carl M. Harry E. Bates, Elmendorf, A.F.B., Hendersen; Inez Buxton; David M. Alaska; Ann Brown, Anchorage, Sims; Blanche G, Brown; E. R. Mc- Alaska; Mattie McGuire, Anchorage, Donnell; Mickey McLaughlin; Thomas Alaska; Alvin F. Browder, Clinton, Ala- J. Moore; R. C. McFarland; Mr. O. F. ska; Phyllis Argo, Sepnard; Janie Agee; Greg Simon; Cora Bogan; Peter Year~sley Year ley, Rhonda; Gamble, Anchorage; Hattie e Mae Baines; Delduke; Mrs. Future M. Walton, Mrs,, Toby nchorage Donald Toby J. O. Rice; James Parker, Jr., Elemendorf Holton, AFB; Henry Atkins, Jr., Elemendorf Anchorage; Corinne Jones, Anchorage; AFB; Ronald L. Moore; Leroy J. Smith, S. Armand Michell; David M. Sims, EAFB; M. E.. Reese, Anchorage; Roberta Shiloh Baptist Church; Rodney I. Bur- Smith, Anchorage; Gregory W. Govan, ton, Shiloh Baptist Church; Margaret ' Anchorage; Herbert J. Turner, EAFB; Burton, Shiloh Baptist Church; D. S. Russell L. Flood, EAFB; Arlin G. Rose, Osbourne; James T. Smith, Anchorage; Anchorage,_ Alaska; Lillie M. Wright, Albert T. Martin, Anchorage; Alan Anchorage, Alaska. Merson, Unitarian Fellowship; Bessie M. Youngbloc4; Mrs. Betty Lou EXHIBIT 2 (Charles) Stevens, Anchorage; Charles Stevens, Anchorage; Shelby J. Fall, Anchorage; Harriett C. Jones, Anchor- age; Clarence O. Coleman, Anchorage; Mervis Bowman, Spenard; Annie P. Zimmerman; Fred Zimmerman, Anchorage; Claude A. Mitchell, U.S.A.F.; Leo A. Josey, Sr.; Rev. B. E:, Rodgers; Merlyn M. Runestal, _ Anchorage; Mary E. Hall, Fairbanks, Richard E. Hall, Fairbanks; Emma Stokes; Pink Stokes; Mrs. E. L. Berkley, Anchorage; Cammie L. Watkins; Jesse L. Jones; Kermit L. Matthews; Bennie B. Burton;, E. M. Johnson; John L. Maakestad, nchor- age; Bill M. Lark; Cora Bogan, Anchor- age, Alaska; Antoinette Chubb, Anchorage; Alice S. Green, Anchorage; Marie Murray; Lois Simon; Greg Si- mon; Anne M. Lockhart, Anchorage; Parnell Lockhart, Anchorage; Jessie Lockhart; Marian Lenys; Rufie Payne, Spenard Nathaniel Leale; Janes Walk- er, Elmendorf; Shirley Cody, age. Edward B. Smith, Anchorage; Mrs. Ollie E. Smith, Anchorage, Alaska; Bill Mad- den, Anchorage; Pat Coleman;, Rev. Clarence W. Davis; Ernestine Burdilte, Anchorage; Robert J. Davis, Sr.; Louis 0. Howard; Bessie Higgins; Les Camp- bell; H. C. Wiley; R. C. McFarland; J. Smith; T. E. Jarman, Elmendorf; H. Jackson, Elmendorf; J. L. Clark; E. E. Clark; Linda Lake; Dennis nis P. P. Lee; L. Anderson; Jean Elaine, Anchorage; Katie M. Bates, Anchorage; E. A. Kennedy, Anchorage; Mr. and Mrs. 'Dan Hawkins; Nellie Harrison, Anchorage; Percy B. Bell, Seattle, Wash.; Eva Duncan, Anchorage; Abra- ham Hopen; Eddie Hawkins, Anchor- a'e; `Ida Mae Patterson, Anchorage Mike, Fresh, Anchorage, Alaska. Arthur Nukllinei Laura O. Joyce, Anchor- ale; George M. Parkzo :Anchorage; ndz M, Part ko, Anchorage; Roscoe >`3atte, Anchorage; Jun e Robinette; Laura M. Adams, Metlakatle, Alaska; Wm. Adams, Metlakatla, Alaska; Thomas J. Walkee, Jr.; Mr. and Mrs. THERE ARE SOME THINGS WORTH MARCHING FOR Why hold a civil rights march in Anchor- age? Why not? Are the people of Anchorage any less concerned with or involved in the current struggle for individual liberty in the United States than Americans elsewhere? There were no "Incidents" during yester- day's march. But in the days preceding it many had questioned the wisdom of holding such a demonstration. The day is long past due when we should consider what is taking place in Alabama or Mississippi or elsewhere in the United States as local disturbances. There are more Negroes in Selma, Ala., than whites. Yet the white voters of Selma outnumbered the Negroes more than 90 to 1. The power of the State, enforced through local government, has been used to deny American citizens the right to vote. Two weeks ago, Alabama State troopers beat and tear gassed unarmed men, women, and chil- dren.. They did so with the full authority of the State behind them. Is this a local problem? Does a State have the right to strip from some of its people rights and protections guaranteed them by the Constitution of the United States? Certainly not. The Governor of Alabama, in taking the oath of office swore to uphold the U.S. Constitution as well as that of the State of Alabama. That is why people marched in Alaska yesterday. They wanted to demonstrate their concern. They wanted to express the conscience of America. They wanted to pay tributed to some people who have died so senselessly in a battle that should have been decided within our Nation's boundaries a century ago. - What is taking place today is not an Ala- bama problem. It is not a southern prob- lem. It is a problem-and concern-of free- men protesting State-imposed injustice. As the director of the Anchorage Council of Churches so clearly put it yesterday, we march to call attention to Memorial Day and St. Patrick's Day and Fur Rendezvous. Who can seriously object to men marching in favor of human rights? 6029 The PRESIDING OFFICER. What is the will of the Senate? Mr. GRUENING. I suggest the ab- sense of a quorum. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The legislative -clerk proceeded to call the roll. Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so dered. THE MESS IN VIETNAM-VIII Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, the news from Vietnam continues to be highly disturbing but not unexpected in view of the facts underlying our engage- ment in that area. The Washington Post for March 27, 1965, contained a story from Saigon by Jack Foisie which begins as follows: The United States is rapidly reaching the day it must ask South Vietnam to surrender some of its sovereignty-at least tempo- rarily. Little by little the facade surrounding our involvement in South Vietnam crumbles. First we clung to the fabrication that our military men were in South Vietnam only as "advisers" teaching the South Vietnamese how to fight a jungle war. But little by little that fabrication er- roded until it became apparent that our advisers were frontline troops. With the air strikes into North Vietnam by U.S. Planes, manned solely by U.S. mili- tary personnel, the truth stood out plainly for all to see. We have repeatedly stated that the United States is militarily involved in South Vietnam only at the specific re- quest of the duly constituted South Viet- namese Government. Mr. Foise's article indicates that we may soon "go it alone" and take over the war in the ngw role as a "cobelligerent." This certainly means we are coming out into the open. For 2 months now we have steadily escalated the war in Vietnam, carrying our air strikes into North Vietnam. - As the New York Times put it in its lead editorial entitled "Something More Than Bombs" on March 28,,1965: . Military pressure alone-which implies a demand for unconditional surrender-is un- likely to win the balance in the Hanoi lead- ership toward a negotiated settlement. Posi- tive American proposals, which suggest a way out and a viable future for North Vietnam, are the essential complement, The time has long since passed for rethinking our position in Vietnam. The continued escalation of the war in Viet- nam-carrying the war further and fur- ther into North Vietnam-can only have disastrous consequences for the world. Unbiased observers of the scene have repeatedly pointed out that the war in Vietnam can be settled only by political means. It is a political struggle which we have erroneously assumed could be settled by bombs alone. It is a basic struggle of South Viet- namese against South Vietnamese. One side is aided by men and weapons from the United States. The other side is aided by men and weapons from North Approved For Release 2003/10/10: CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 6030 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE March 29, 196 Vietnam. But, as has also been repeat- edly pointed out, while the Vietcong are aided and advised by Hanoi, that does not. necessarily mean that Hanoi can press a button and cause the Vietcong to desist from their fight to gain control over South Vietnam. Even if Hanoi agreed to stop aiding the Vietcong, the latter would still continue to fight even as many of the South Vietnamese whom we are aiding would continue to fight if we withdrew every fighting man and every last piece of U.S. military equip- ment. I have long proposed that the war in Vietnam be brought to the conference table. That will inevitably be done-why not now? Without adequately explaining our ul- timate aims, we have escalated the war by air strikes into North Vietnam. Do we seek the overthrow of the gov- ernment of Hanoi? Our actions seem to indicate this. Do we seek to destroy and conquer all of North Vietnam? Our actions seem to indicate this. We have ignored the proffers of inter- cession by the Pope, the Secretary Gen- eral of the United Nations and others- all of whom-have counseled against fur- ther escalation of this conflict. We should promptly accept one of these of= fers of assistance to arrange for an im- mediate cease-fire in all of Vietnam. Once the shooting has ceased-once men are no longer being killed and maimed- we should offer to negotiate the issues and to arrange for supervised elections in Vietnam, offering the people of Viet- nam at those elections the various choices open to them as to the type of government they desire. The image of the United States has become badly tarnished in the past months. We should work as hard as we can to regain our position in the world as a peace-loving, peace-seeking nation. Our present posture as a war-seeking na- tion is not at all in keeping withthe will of our own people. We should change that posture and change it now. In his article yesterday in the New York Times entitled "The Taylor Mis- sion on Vietnam," Mr. James Reston stated : The President's decision to bomb North Vietnam has not achieved its objective. It has not persuaded the Communists to stop their infiltration and military subversion in South Vietnam. It has committed the prestige and power of the United States in a war against the North Vietnamese Com- munists without success, and the question now is whether to increase the pressure or withdraw. I ask unanimous consent that the news story by Mr. Jack Foisie in the Wash- ington Post for March 27, 1965, and the editorial entitled "Something More Than Bombs", and the James Reston column entitled "The Taylor mission on Viet- nam" in the New York Times for March 28, 1965, be printed at this point in my remarks. There being no objection, the articles and editorial were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Mar. 27, 1965] UNITED STATES MAY ASIC SOUTH VIETNAM To GIVE UP SOME SOVEREIGNTY (By Jack Foisie) SAIGON.-The United States is rapidly reaching the day it must ask South Vietnam to surrender some of its sovereignty-at least temporarily. America's involvement here is becoming too substantial for its representatives to re- main junior partners in all aspects of the conduct of the war. As American troop strength continues to grow, and it now in- cludes combat troops such as the Marines at Da Nang Air Base, the need will increase for American command of the operations to which they are committed. This will involve not only direction of U.S. units but some higher command positions, it was learned. Eventually, the Vietnamese may remain supreme only at the very high- est staff levels, where grand strategy is made and where American advice is needed. Defense Secretary Robert S. McNamara and others in the Pentagon prefer to say that American units now here are not committed to combat. But, as a matter of fact, the rule of shoot only when shot at has gone out the window. The 4,000 marines of the 9th Expeditionary Brigade are guarding the Da Nang Base-but they are doing so in the most aggressive way possible, for that is their order. Intheory theirorders come from the Viet- namese joint general staff. But actually they come from Gen. William Westmoreland, America's four-star adviser in Vietnam. The next step is to formalize this chain of command. It will provide the fast reac- tion time the marines may need someday. Many in the Vietnamese hierarchy under- stand that the United States has become a cobelligerent with the right to demand the command of American troops. In some cases, Americans will command Vietnamese units as well. The war is about at that stage. The United States already has assumed virtual command of the air war. It is an open secret that for months American-flown Skyraiders have been as active as Vietnamese Skyraiders in strikes against the Vietcong. In a recent meeting with correspondents, an Air Force spokesman admitted this.. Since American jets went into action against Vietcong targets a few weeks ago, the need for quick decisions and coordina- tion found the Vietnamese unready for so- phisticated air operations. So the Ameri- cans took over to plan and execute jet bomb- ing strikes. Occasionally there are ruffled feelings. A Vietnamese unit commander may want a strike to soften up the enemy. The Ameri- can adviser overrules him, saying the target is not suitable. But generally the new re- lationship is being worked out very well at the field level. The same accord at the staff level is yet to come. The American mission here also needs to ask the Vietnamese to surrender sovereignty in another field-censorship of foreign press reports. There is none now. But an Ameri- can meeting of high government press officers last week considered the adoption of such press censorship. The immediate block to such a plan is the Vietnamese Government. Its censorship of Vietnamese newspapers is severe and is im- posed on political as well as military grounds. The American involvement, and the pre- dominance of U.S. reporters on the scene, has caused our own military to provide press facilities and assistance. Can the American command talk the Vie namese into letting the Americans cens( their own press? If the government of Prime Minister Pha Buy Quat agrees, it represents another crac in the sovereignty which the prideful Viet namese regard so highly. [From the New York Times, Max. 28, 1965 SOMETHING MORE THAN BOMBS The limited American air war agains North Vietnam is now entering its eight: week. It is not too soon to ask what it ha accomplished--and why it has not accomp lished more. The aim of the continuing air offensive accompanied by threats of further escala tion, was to persuade the North Vietnames Communists to halt their armed Infiltratioi into South Vietnam. When it was under taken, one of President Johnson's highes advisers predicted privately that the Corn munists' will to fight would be weakened in 2 months. So far, there is no indicatior that he was right; on the contrary, there clearly has been a stiffening of Communist positions, as Secretary Rusk has admitted. The Soviet Union has announced that arms aid is on its way to North Vietnam. More important, a direct Soviet-American confrontation in southeast Asia through the use of Soviet "volunteers" in North Viet- nam has been publicly threatened by the top Soviet leader, Communist Party First Secretary Brezhnev. The Vietnamese and Chinese Communists have stiffened their positions even more. Hanoi, which a few weeks ago privately indi- cated agreement to French and United Na- tions proposals of negotiations-while refus- ing a cease-fire-now rejects such proposals. Backed by Moscow, the North Vietnamese insist that there can be no talks while American bombing continues. Peiping has taken the most extreme position of all. It insists there can be no negotiations before the "complete, unconditional" withdrawal of American troops from South Vietnam. The Vietcong, which shows some signs of independence from Hanoi, has enthusiasti- cally adopted the Peiping line. Meanwhile, the American bombing-not tc mention use of nonlethal gas-has signift cantly alienated world opinion. Concert about the danger of a major war is wide spread. Equally important, there is pro found puzzlement about Washington's ob jectives and tactics. The trouble is that President Johnson, master of domestic politics, had until lac: week seemed to forget that war is politic: too, even if pursued by "other means." El launched a military offensive, but neglecte his diplomatic offensive. Now the President has promised America aid for "wider and bolder programs" of re gional economic development benefiting al of southeast Asia, including North Vietnam Despite its vague terms, this promise indi Cates that Washington is beginning to fac up to the need to offer its opponents in southeast Asia a diplomatic, political, anc economic exit from the military cul-de-say In which we as well as they are now en. trapped. Persuasive peace proposals can be a politi- cal weapon not only toward world opinion, al a time when Americans are bombing Asians but in presenting moderate Communists with an alternative they can support within the Communist camp. That camp is di- vided, not only along national lines but within each national capital. And nowhere are the divisions more critical than in Hanoi. Neither the Vietcong nor the Chinese Corn- comunists can be swayed by the bombing of North Vietnam, which causes them no direct Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 "CONORIMP NAL TIRCO15'= S t ATE..--- - _____ _ 6031 ain. They are pressing to intensify the war. 'he Vietcong, particularly, has made major ailitary gains in recent months and sees very successive Saigon coup as another nail n the coffin of .its enemies. It will not be asy for Hanoi, in these circumstances, to hift course and seeka negotiated settlement, even with Soviet backing. .Military pressure alone-which implies a iemand for unconditional surrender-is un- ikely to swing the balance in the Hanoi eadership toward a negotiated settlement. ?ositive American proposals, which suggest ~ way out and a viable future for North Viet- nam, are the essential complement. President Johnson's statement last week ;ould be the precursor of proposals offering Hanoi, once peace is restored, access to the .rice of South Vietnam, trade with the West, an end of the embargo and diplomatic boy- cott that Washington and Saigon have im- posed since 1954, and entry to international development assistance. Area development schemes covering the entire Mekong Valley could be pushed. These, linked with con- crete proposals for negotiations and firm offers of a phased American withdrawal from South Vietnam in accordance with the Ge- neva agreements, could not fail to influence events. An immediate Communist response might not be forthcoming. But the words would be heard both within the Communist regimes and outside. World opinion would be rallied. That support will be needed, especially if the war in Vietnam is about to enter a new and more virulent phase. [From the New York Times, Mar. 28, 19651 WASHINGTON: THE TAYLOR MISSION ON VIETNAM (By James Reston) WASHINGTON, March 27.-In the next few days, President Johnson will go through an- ? other critical review of his policy on Viet- nam. It is one of those moments in history when the decisions taken by a few fnen here In Washington could have a profound effect on the history of the net generation. The immediate question is clear enough. The President's decision to bomb North Viet- nam has not achieved its objective. It has not persuaded the Communists to stop their infiltration and military subversion in South Vietnam. It has committed the prestige and power of the United States in a war against the North Vietnamese Communists, without success, and the question now is whether to ncrease the pressure or withdraw. THE RRCALL OF TAYLOR Gen. Maxwell Taylor, the U.S. Ambassador a Saigon, and former head of the Joint ;hiefs of Staff in Washington, has been )rought home to participate in the decision. fe will be in consultation here next week on At number of critical questions. Should the United States begin attacking the transporta- tion system-the bridges and tunnels on the railroads closer and closer to the North Viet- iamese capital of Hanoi? Should the U.S. aombers go farther north to destroy the new worth Vietnamese industries around Hanoi and Haiphong? If such raids bring the American bombers into the range of the North Vitnamese Mig fighters, shoulfl the United States attack the bases from which these bombers come north of Hanoi and. even in South China? General Taylor's mission to Washington is described officially as "routine," but there is nothing "routine" about the decisions to be made, for 'they involve the risk of war with China which controls one-quarter of the In the face. ,of this difficult situation .there has been a lot of talk about the wisdom of negotiating a compromise settlement over Vietnam, but the capitals of the world have little encouraging information. The British explored the prospect of a Viet- namese settlement with Soviet Foreign Min- ister Andrei A. Gromyko in London, but he brushed them off. The administration has made many more private inquiries about a negotiated settlement than it cares to admit, but these have been rebuffed. President Johnson has been in touch with Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson of Canada, who has a representative on the International Control Commission in Vietnam, on the pros- pect of useful negotiation; but Mr. Pearson has had to report to the President that the North Vietnamese are not interested, at least for the present. Even the French,' who have been leading the campaign for a negotiated settlement in Vietnam, concede privately that they re- ceived no encouragement either in Hanoi, or in Peiping. The issue, therefore, is not whether Presi- dent Johnson is ready for negotiations. The North Vietnamese Communists have been re- jecting a negotiated settlement for months. As long ago as last July the North Viet- namese official daily newspaper Hoc Tap said: "The liberation of South Vietnam can be settled only by force. To that end it is necessary to smash the reactionary adminis- trative machinery and the imperialists' mer- cenary army. This revolution can and should be decided only by revolutionary ac- tion, using the force of the masses to defeat the enemy forces; it cannot be settled by treaties and agreements." COMPLICATED ISSUE The issue before the President and his as- sociates, including General Taylor, is there- fore much more complicated than the na- tional argument about negotiations would make it seem. In fact, the North Viet- namese insist on seeing the struggle as a test of the cold war all over the world. For example, North Vietnam's Premier Pharr Van Dong recently was quoted in a Hanoi newspaper as follows: "With rudimentary equipment, the popu- lation of South Vietnam is victoriously fight- ing the U.S. imperialists armed with the most modern weapons. This experience of our compatriots in South Vietnam attracts the attention of the world, especially the peoples in South America. Our South Viet- namese citizens are teaching other peoples that they are certainly capable of defeating the U.S. Imperialists and can rely on their own strength to liberate themselves." . GENERAL GIAP'S VIEWS The leader of the North Vietnamese Com- munist army, General Giap, has been even more specific. He is the man who defeated the French army in Vietnam in the fifties, with a loss of 176,000 French casualties. He recently commented: "South Vietnam is the model of the nation- al liberation movement of our time * * If the special warfare that the U.S. imperial- ists are testing in South Vietnam is over- come, this means that it can be defeated everywhere in the world." On this point, incidentally, the Johnson administration tends to agree. They see the war in Vietnam as a critical test of the Com- munist technique of military subversion, which must be defeated now or faced in many other places`' in the world, including the Western Hemisphere. This is what the return of General Taylor is all about. The bombing of North Vietnam is not achieving its objectives. The Communist attack on South Vietnam is not subsiding. So new de- cisions have tp, be made in the next few days, and they may be among the most important political and military decisions since the last world war. -Approved for Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 MEETING OF . THE JOINT COMMIT- TEE ON ORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS Mr. MONRONEY. Mr. President, ni ask unanimous consent to have printed in the body of the RECORD, the minutes of the meeting held on Wednesday, March 17, 1965, by the Joint Committee al1 the Organization of the Congress. There being . no objection, the min- utes were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: MINUTES OF THE MEETING OF THE JOINT COM- MITTEE ON ORGANIZATION OF THE . CON- GRESS The organizational meeting of the Joint Committee on the Organization of Congress was held at 10 a.m, on March 17, 1965, in the old Supreme Court chambers of the Capitol Building. All members of the committee were present. Motion was duly made, seconded and unanimously adopted that Senator A. S. MIKE MONRONEY be elected chairman to represent the Senate membership of the joint com- mittee. Motion was duly made, seconded and unanimously adopted that Congressman RAY MADDEN be elected chairman to represent the Members of the House of Representatives on the joint committee. Senator MoNRONEY and Congressman MADDEN shall act as co- chairman for purposes of conduct of subse- quent committee meetings, committee hear- ings and the like. It was called to the attention of the joint committee that under the terms of Senate Concurrent Resolution 2, a chairman must be designated for the committee for purposes of handling disbursements from the Senate contingency fund and other administrative matters. On motion duly made, seconded and unanimously adopted, Senator MoN- RONEY was elected chairman of the joint committee for these purposes and Congress- man RAY MADDEN was elected vice chairman to act as cochairman of the committee. The committee then discussed staffing re- quirements and the necessity of obtaining office space for the staff and space for sub- sequent committee hearings and meetings. Senator CLIFFORD CASE and Congressman JACK BROOKS were appointed a subcommittee to Obtain space for these purposes. It was agreed that the cochairman of the committee would call another committee meeting and recommend an agenda for hear- ings and committee work after the staff had been selected. The cochairmen of the committee were au- thorized to insert the minutes of the organi- zational meeting in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD as notice of the formation of the committee and the appointment of officers as set forth herein. There being no further business to come before the committee, it was on motion duly made, seconded, and unanimously adopted adjourned at 11:05 a.m. A. S. MIKE MONRONEY, Cochairman. RAY J. MADDEN, Cochairman. JOHN SPARKMAN, Acting Secretary. ADJOURNMENT UNTIL THURSDAY AT NOON Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, if there is no further business, I move, pur- suant to the order previously entered, that the Senate adjourn until Thursday Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160 9-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE arch 29, 1961 The motion was agreed to; and (at 1 o'clock and 26 minutes p.m.) the Sen- ate adjourned, under the previous order, until Thursday, April 1, 1965, at 12 o'clock meridian. CONFIRMATIONS Executive nominations confirmed by the Senate March 29,1965: POSTMASTERS ALABAMA Walker E. Morris, Cherokee. L. D. Stapp, Epee. ALASKA Lester Suvlu, Barrow. ARKANSAS Dee R. Robbins, Norman. CALIFORNIA Patrick F. Chevreaux, Elverta. Frank J. Noll, Madera. Gerald J. Stephens, Stirling City. Mary E. Rogers, Summit City. Thomas J. McCaffrey, Vallejo. CONNECTICUT Wilfred O. Racicot, Dayville. DELAWARE Albert B. Carter, Camden-Wyoming. Alfred R. Smith, Greenwood. FLORIDA Robert H. Wetzel, Sr., Babson Park. Philip A. Crannell, Titusville. GEORGIA Jack B. Smith, East Point. Lillie T. Boswell, Greensboro. Edward P. Anderson, Grovetown. Lowell D. Morgan, Springfield. Ralph C. Martin, Uvalda. ILLINOIS Walter J. Malackowski, Calumet City. Stanley H. Cowan, Dundee. John B. Reis, Fairbury. Robert T. Elgin, Fairmount. Maurine C. Brown, Gardner. William L. Parker, Genoa. Harold, L. Morrison, Hoopeston. William F. Knobbs, La Harpe. George B. Murphy, Odin. Edward A. Schroeder, Pekin. Roman J. Mazurowski, Tinley Park. Glenard E. Miller, Willow Hill. INDIANA Harold L. Shepard, La Porte. Rex L. Tobias, Warren. Stanley P. Switt, Westville. IOWA Evelyn P. Lupkes, Kesley. Wallace L. Sheehy, Lawler, Lawrence G. Phillips, Stratford. KANSAS Willena J. Martin, Chase. Raleigh J. May, Haven. Loyd L. Baughman, Longton. Paul W. Wade, Mayfield. Charles H. Seller, Mulvane. Earl D. Medlen, Rantoul. Myron L. Van Gundy, Reading. Robert A. Franken, Troy. KENTUCKY Bobbie T. Hunter, Providence. James P. Edwards, Russellville. Doris K. Burns, Sanders. LOUISIANA Roger Frere, Madisonville. Henry L. Parham, Mangham. MARYLAND Albert A. Phillips, Hampstead. Margaret A. Stotler, Hancock. Hilda B. Free, New Market. Nicholas S. Price, Sparks. Thomas H. Wallace, Street. Evelyn F. Lednum, Tilghman. MASSACHUSETTS Frank Zalot, Jr., Hadley. James I. Keyes, Sharon. Lawrence B. Connelly, Sherborn. John J. Kelley, Jr., Truro. MICHIGAN Robert L. Hunsberger, Bloomingdale. Kenneth G. Kienitz, Ithaca. James M. Stubbert, Mason. Theodore Russ, New Buffalo. John L. May, Paris. George E. Smith, Sand Lake. Gerald A. Farnan, Shepherd. Donald F. Gillard, Spruce. MINNESOTA Hjalmar Hulin, Aitkin. Michatel C. Rooney, Benson. Marcellus J. Simonson, Wood Lake. MISSOURI Emmet R. Carey, Brookfield. Wilson S. Tally, Clinton. Robert F. Reddick, Crystal City. Janet K. Lewis, Des Are. Edward C. Grimes, Gallatin. Martha F. Mead, Harrisburg. Thomas G. Williams, Lathrop. Robert W. Burford, Leeton. V. Wayne Shroyer, Mercer. Don O. Baker, Newburg. William J. Blanton, Norwood. George T. Lipscomb, Wellsville. NEBRASKA Ella E. Jackson, Crookston. Robert D. Nealon, Wolbach. NEW JERSEY Jeanne L. Tamplin, Hewitt. Warren T. Moulton, Rahway. NEW YORK Philip J. Dittmeier, Manorville. Francis P. Secor, Otego. Louis P. Kriss, West Islip. NORTH CAROLINA Howard Young, Bakeraville. Paul E. Buck, Burnsville. Ann F. Watts, Germanton. Anne B. Collins, Laurel Springs. Elma P. Drew, Magnolia. Mildred A. Crowder, Peachland. James W. Jenkins, Pendleton. Sybil M. Biconish, White Oak. NORTH DAKOTA Thelma A. Hovet, Buxton. OHIO Miles S. Snyder, Jr., Brookfield. Thomas R. Armstrong, Mendon. Thelma M. Schneider, Middle Bass. C. Thomas Sharp, Pleasant Plain. Harold W. Kinney, Richmond. OKLAHOMA Ruth M. Phillips, Gore, Beatrice H. Jones, Porter. OREGON Mabel E. Pounds, Adrian. Max E. Gardner, Springfield. Lavonne H. Moe, Sweet Home. Elizabeth A. Barber, Ukiah. PENNSYLVANIA Ernest E. Roberts, Bechtelsville. Harry P. Snyder, Columbia. Paul B. Robinson, Concordville. Phares C. Cramer, Conestoga. Arthur E. Smith, Crooked Creek. Abram B. Lauver, Dalmatia. Raymond G. Mathews, Doylestown. Charles C. Kerlin, Falls. Walter E. Lucas, Fleming. Ruth L. Funk, Glenwillard. Harvey A. Baddorf, Halifax. James J. Kelly, Herminie. Charles L. Gilmore, Lahaska. William E. Nolan, Lake Ariel. Herbert A. Hall, Lakewood. Warren B. Stapleton, Lewisburg. Edward B. Henning, Mehoopany. Alice H. Bustin, Milan. Ernestine C. Buttorff, Millmont. Althea M. Best, Neffs. Raymond E. Hausman, New Tripoli. Norma A. Stoudt, Palm. Ralph S. Meyer, Pocopson. George Novak, Sayre. Robert L. Clink, Snow Shoe. Lloyd S. French,Starrucca. Walter H. Hoffman, Strasburg. Everett A. Holmes, Thompson. Walter P. Quintin, Thornton. George P. Kraft, Washington Boro. SOUTH CAROLINA Douglas E. McTeer, Early Branch, Farrell E. Rodgers, New Ellenton. John W. Rogers, Pelzer. Vertie Lee Salley, Salley. Milledge D. Penn, Ward. SOUTH DAKOTA Leonard H. Nelson, Miller. TENNESSEE Joe F. Corlew, Bruceton. Avos B. Halsell, Moss. TEXAS Sam A. Kelley, Alvarado. Annie M. Whittley, Barksdale. Edwin Zajicek, Buckholts. Robert L. Baldridge, Jr., Clifton. Walter Kutzer, Comfort. Evaline W. Bartlett, Glen Flora. Leonard W. Pierce, Gordon. Katherine B. Carter, Hawley. Ramon G. Amaya, San Diego. O. C. Sewell, Jr., Sulphur Springs. Sammie O. Smith, Telephone. VERMONT Francis H. Eddy, East Wallingford. James D. O'Brien, Shelburne. VIRGINIA Agnes M. Allen, Goshen. Norman J. Hogge, Hayes. Charles R. Jordan, Haymarket. Stuart M. Petke, West Point. WEST VIRGINIA Charles G. Robison, Fairview. Glenn W. Hammer, Weston. George A. Fahey, Wheeling. WISCONSIN Lawrence J. Vandehey, Aburndale. Vernon A. Plamann, Greenville. Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 March 29, 7595 Who is my brother? He is the man who finds life good, Who knows great joy CONGRESSIONAL ? RECeOR D APJENDIy In man's response to faith and truth, Who recognizes beauty in the meanest place Aid to Education: A Mandate From tale People SPEECH HON. HERBERT TENZER of NEW YORK IN, THE ROUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Friday, March 26, 1965 The House in Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union had under consideration the bill (H.R. 2362) to strengthen and improve educational quality and educational opportunities in the Nation's elementary and secondary schools. Mr. TENZER, Mr. Chairman, I am ,;Pleased to lend my support to the Ele- mentary and Secondary School Educa- tion Act of 1965, With our expanding and growing economy, we must continue to improve the education of the Ameri- can People. We must build more class- rooms, improve the quality of teaching, and equalize educational opportunities for every American child. , The youth of our country is pur most important national resource. As a na- tion we have a... vital interest in their education. For this reason I fully sup- port the goal which the Education Act seeks to attain-_tilat of bringing better education- to millions of disadvantaged youth who need .it most and to provide Incentives for everyone. who wants to learn. I oppose across-the-board aid to pri- vate schools on constitutional grounds. I do favor categorical aids which in my opinion would not be unconstitutional. This bill does not violate the principle of separation, of church and state. America has accepted her role as the defender of human liberty and democracy. Now we must realize the fullest educational potential. of all American children-the underprivileged as well as the affluent-- to strengthen our position as the d We implore you to vote against any ef- forts to amend or recommit (H.R. 2362). HARRY VANHOUTEN, Executive Director City Teachers Asso- ciation of New York, Time Life Build- ing, New oYrk City. Please be advised.tllat the Executive Coun- cilToffthe American Federation of Teachers, A1491 Hatch Act Liberalization EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. HERVEY G. MACHEN OF MARYLAND dent Johnson's elementary and secondary Thursday, March 25, 1965 school program. In support of this position our union is , Mr. MACHEN. Mr. Speaker, a new now conducting a nationwide referendum. publication, the Federal Times, contains ':CS ASLE,S.CoaEN, an editorial in the March 10 edition President American Federation of Teachers. about liberalization of the Pernicious Pb- litical Activities Act, otherwise known as We appreciate the courtesy shown to our the Hatch Act. I have introduced a bill, representatives by you and your office last H.R. 4959, to strike out the restrictive week. We are happy that House Education passages of the act and allow Govern- and Labor Committee approved H.R. 2362, ment employees to play active political the Elementary and Secondary Education Act roles. of i965 We urg . e your lull support to H.R. 2362 as approved by the committee. This is a good education bill and should be passed by the House now. CLAYTON E. ROSE, New York State Teachers Association. As chairman of the Hewlett Woodmere Teachers Association i urge that you oppose all amendments to H.R. 2362 the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965. Vote against any motion to recommit. Vote for and please urge your colleagues to vote for the final passage of this long overdue bill. Yours respectfully, JOEL RINDLER, Hewlett High School, Hewlett, N.Y. That you oppose all amendments to H.R. 2362 the Elementary and Secondary Edu- cation Act of 1965. Vote against any motion to recommit. Vote for and please urge your colleagues to vote for the final passage of this long overdue bill. Yours respectfully,. NICHOLAS A. GIROLAMO, Chairman, Federal Legislative Commit- tee, South Nassau Zone Teachers As- sociation, Forest Lake School, Wan- tagh, N.Y. As chairman of the Valley Stream North High School Faculty Association, I urge that you oppose all amendments to H.R. 2362, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965; vote against any motion to recommit; vote for, and please urge your colleagues to vote for the final passage of this long over- due bill. Yours respectfully, ALPHONSE P. MAYERNIK. Valley Stream North High School. fender of liberty and democracy. The Union of Orthodox Jewish Congrega- Among the malty telegrams and letters tions of America has gone on record in favor which I received urging my support of of President Johnson's bill providing for the education bill were the following ten- Federal aid in education opportunity for egrams from educational organizations America's underprivileged children, regard- and schools: less of whether they attend public or re- We urge full support schools. of President John- MOSES I. FEUERSTElx, son's education bill. Urge opposition to any National President, The Union of Ortho- amendments and urge you to vote against dox Jewish Congregations of America. recommittal. ,.te r,, , WILLIAM RYNACK, Entire Orthodox Jewish community Metropolitan Association of ly opposed to any amendments to education Higher Education of the National Education Association, Time and Life aid bill especially judicial review amend- E Build, duc ang, New York City. ment which would torpedo every possibility of bills hoped for enactment, Strongly urge "r- you to vote against judicial review and other The city teachers association of New York crippling amendments for which you will urges you to'vgte in .favor of the Elementary earn our deep gratitude. and Secondary Education Act of 1965 H.R. 2362) in its present form. ( RABBI Moaxra SHERER, Mr. Speaker, my bill would not open a floodgate of political activity by Gov- ernment employees. It would be a sense of Congress measure under which the Civil Service Commission and other Fed- eral agencies could relax restrictions. More civic and political leaders are realizing every day that certain restric- tive provisions of the Hatch Act are keeping Government employees in a sort of iron maiden in which they are penal- ized if they move in any direction. The increasing number of nonpartisan political groups can be directly attributed to the Hatch Act. This is causing a situation in the Washington area which is almost unique In the United States. We in Congress and the man in the White House exemplify the highest tradi- tions of partisan politics. Yet not 5 , miles away in the Washington suburbs, we are being surrounded by political jurisdictions replete with nonpartisan political parties composed mostly of Gov- ernment employees which have been "hatched" from the two-party system. I submit that this ridiculous situation must be changed. With this in mind, I offer the follow- ing editorial from the Federal Times: RESTRICTION OR PROTECTIONI Several proposals have been made to amend or repeal the Hatch Act. This is the 1939 law which bans partisan political ac- tivity or campaign participation by Govern- ment workers. One proposal would ease the restrictions, thus permitting employees to engage in po- litical activity within limits set by their agencies. The other would eliminate all re- strictions. Any plan which expands the freedom of action for individuals is welcome. However, Government employees need to realize that complete freedom has its price. The Post Office currently has a mailb ag full of trouble as it investigates charges of political pressure during fund solicitations in the recent campaign, The complaints are based on charges that postal regional offices designated one man to receive campaign contributions. The money reportedly was collected from postmasters and mail carriers. Funds raised were then said to have been channeled to political can- didates. This is the second investigation of a Hatch violation during the last election. The first case dealt with sale of $100 tickets to the Democratic gala by officials in the Rural Elec cation Administration. Investigation Approved For Release 2003110/10 :.CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 roved For Release 2003/10/10' : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 A1492 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX March 29, 1965 on this has been completed but no findings have been announced. It is easy to conjure up the problems that could arise if all restrictions on political ac- tivity of Government employees were re- moved. A request for a political contribution would be difficult to refuse-if the request Came from the boss. A flood of propaganda leaflets could pile up on desks. Briefing sessions could turn into political rallies as partisan presentations colored the reporting of facts. Whether the problems envisioned ever would develop is an academic question. The point to be made is this: If the Hatch Act is to be modified, then guidelines must be clearly established to insure that the new freedom granted will not destroy the protec- tion provided under the old rules. Joseph McCaffrey Commentary HON. WILLIAM S. MOORHEAD OF PENNSYLVANIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, March 4, 1965 Mr. MOORHEAD. Mr. Speaker, mur- der is an appalling act no matter where it occurs, on Route 80 in Alabama or on the streets of Pittsburgh, my own city. One is sometimes tempted to believe that it is a less shocking act today for many people than it was only a decade ago. But are we really so hardened to violence? Joseph McCaffrey spoke about this last Friday evening in a very perceptive WMAL-TV broadcast. I think his words should be carefully read and pondered by all Americans. JOSEPH MCCAFFREY COMMENTARY, WMAL-TV, MARCH 26, 1965 We have learned nothing since the murder on November 22, 1963. The Two Faces of the Opposition to broaden the scope of the administration measure and at the same time mesh its ma- chinery more smoothly into the Constitu- tion. By already retreating from support of h President's bill ft HON. CHARLES E. G00DELL OF NEW YOBS: IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES e one major provision o that has the effect of flagrant discrimina- tion,among the States, DIRKSEN has tacitly acknowledged the value of a far more thor- ough inspection than he gave the text before he stamped it with the label of the official Monday, March 29, 1965 Senate Republican leadership. The major amendment he now will support is directed Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, under at an enforcement formula by which elec- the leave to extend my remarks in the tions in four States-Arkansas, Florida, Ten- RECORD, I include the following article nessee, and Texas-where the statistics of by Mr. Arthur Krock which appeared in Negro vofrom ting denote Federal discriminati ton by are rmsoe the Sunday, March 28, 1965, edition of of the fact that they impose no literacy test, the New York Times: though their voting percentages in Novem- IN THE NATION: THE Two FACES OF THE ber 1964, were below the 50 percent require- OPPOSITION went of the bill for this immunity. (By Arthur Krock) FORD'S STAND VALIDATED WASHINGTON, March 27.-EVERETT McKIN- It was on the sound presumption that LEY DIRKSEN, of Illinois, the leader of the revolutionary, legally controversial legisla- Senate minority, defined the- clasic role of tion drawn in such haste would develop the political opposition as an obligation to fudamental flaws that Representative FORD, support the party in power when it is right the House minority leader, declined the invi- tation from DIRKSEN and the Democratic the formula is that the opposition should leadership to introduce (and thereby spon- always seek first by thorough inspection to sor) the administration text. He wanted to eliminate what it considers wrong in an preserve flexibility to the House Republicans, otherwise constructive piece of legislation. and the time to make a sound evaluation But DIRXSEN'S immediate method of as- of how and in what respects, this flexibility Press g the opposition's role toward the should be used to improve the legislation, President's voting rights bill gives scant sere- from the minority standpoint. FORD finds ice to the corollary. And this has pointed up sufficient evidence of the soundness of his the dilemma in which the small Republican position in DIRKSEN'S rapid persuasion that minority in Congress finds itself painfully the bill needs clarifying language to assure involved. it- will not protect, in four or more States, The dilemma is: should their leaders join the discriminatory practices against Negro the responsible majority party in drafting voting that it is precisely designed to forbid. legislation, especially measures whose objec- Such are the two concepts of Republican tive has been a traditional Republican pol- opposition. And thus far, with the Fresi- icy? Or should minority leaders await the dent's measure in the committee hearings final formulation by the majority before de- stage, and under heavy political pressure for tiding what their party position is to be on rapid translation to a similar truncated ex. the details of the draft? DIRKSEN, as leader amination by the whole congressional body, of the Senate Republicans, grasped the first FORD's theory of the role and responsibility horn of this dilemma. The House minority of an opposition has justified itself better leaders grasped the second. than DIRxsEN's. Furthermore, he is initiat?- OPPOSITION PARTICIPATION ing changes on which his party can lay claim DIRKSEN volunteered for the job of co- to having made improvements In a text from author of the President's voting rights bill, which its Senate leader originally precluded an offer which the administration was very himself by coauthorship. as a way of life here in the United States. Republican coresponsibility with the Presi- It may be that our population of almost dent and with MIKE MANSFIELD, the Senate 200 million people has precluded us from majority leader, for the bill as a whole. abiding by that old philosophy of "live and Representative GERALD FORD, of Michigan, let live" * * * we can't seem. to adjust to liv- the House minority leaders, backed by such ing in close proximity with our neighbors. prominent Members of his rank and file as That is, if our neighbor is not an exact Representatives JOHN LINDSAY, of New York copy of ourselves. City, reserved the opposition function of try- The recent violent deaths in Alabama in- ing to amend the text where his group might dicate that we want those copies to think as find this essential to the constitutional and we do, too. It is not enough that they be practical attainment of the objective. The ur own color-they must also have our difference between tl.ese concepts of the re- f o o prejudices and our hatreds, quired role of a constructive opposition is Peace on earth to men of good will, fundamental where a matter of domestic But men of good will seem to be harder policy is concerned. to find these days. It may be that television REPUBLICAN CORESPONSIBILITY contributes to this blood thirst we are now When congressional action proposed by the If the witnessing. in power involves war, or the presence the Old West was as It is portrayed on party television, today the West would have under-. of an emergency that could lead to war, the takers as the wealthiest men, and the States classic role of the opposition is to participate of the West would be populated with gun- actively of with dthe ents majority F. D. Rat all stand True toting Idiots. B But the Old West wasn't like that. The man to make a partner of the Republican mi- winners were the men who could think and nority in such situations evoked the famous did think-the gun slingers were on the complaint of Harold E. Stassen: "They come periphery. . to us for counsel," he said, "not at the take- Yet today we dignify them, via television., offs but after the crash landings." And as the men who won the West. If the West seldom if ever has a titular minority leader had depended on them for its development, committed his party, as DIRKSEN did, to the it would be as barren today as the moon. extent inherent in his status, to full part- the coop r tion of heritage neighbor with neighbor, with drafting of major domestic legislation. help in return for help, and with a respect His reasons were substantial. But the for the other man and his beliefs. price of minority leadership as DIRKSEN is For these things violence can never be a required bytthis preclusion f e opposition the flexibility instance substitute. EXTENSYON OF REMARKS of HON. BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 29, 1965 Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, for some time now I have been very much disturbed and uneasy over the situation in Vietnam, and about the possible es- calation of the conflict in southeast Asia-both frightening threats to our goal of a peaceful world. I was therefore tremendously encour- aged and impressed by President John- son's recent proposals for economic as- sistance to that region when peace has been restored; and I am hopeful that from this positive approach we may be able to effect a prompt and responsible solution to the problems which now face us in that area. In addition, I was certainly heartened by the endorsement by the New York Times of such proposals, in Its editorials of March 27 and March 28. Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 1-1 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 March 29, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX Under leave to extend, my remarks in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, I ,am taking the liberty of inserting these two edi- torials, which speak for themselves. [From the New York (N.Y'.) Times, 'ivlr. 27, 1965] A VITAL STEP TOWARD PEACE President Johnson has taken a major step forward by offering to help in wider and bolder programs of regional economic de- velopment in southeast Asia once peace is restored,. In effect,,he has begun to open the long-awaited diplomatic track with which some of his advisers had hoped the bombing of North, Vietnam would be accompanied. The President's statement, vague and guarded as it is, begins the vital process of defining the kind of settlement the United States is prepared to accept in Vietnam. Much more, definition will be needed, along with concrete proposals for bringing about the honorable negotiation the President has just evoked as an objective. For each passing day makes it clearer that military measures alone will neither defeat the Com- munist guerrillas nor attract their political masters to the conference table. The regional approach is essential. A set- tlement within the confines of Vietnam it- self will be difficult to achieve. If compro- mises are to be found, they will be found only over a wider region that covers the four successor states of Indochina and, perhaps, much of southeast Asia. A regional development plan that would enable southeast Asia to produce a huge rice surplus for North Vietnam and mainland Chinas-both critically short 'of food-could not fail to play a positive part in peace dis- cussions. The Communist effort to seize the rice-surplus areas of southeast Asia by war would appear less attractive once it be- came clear that vastly larger supplies could be obtained through peace. Such a prospect exists in the United Na- tions plan for an international Mekong River development that would outshadow the Tennessee Valley Authority in size and scope. The urgent common interest that Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and South Viet- nam have developed in this project has taken precedence over their ancient national rival= ries. Presumably this is the kind of project President Johlisgxl,. has in mind, It can help lead the way not only to a settlement in Vietnam but to a stable peace in Asia. It is the route the United States failed to take in 1953 and 1954 when fighting was ended in Koree, and Indochina. From 1953 to 1964, the United States has plowed almost $15 billion into military aid and defeWe support in the Far East, but less than $1 billion into development loans and technical assistance. The armistice with Communist. China and North Vietnam did not bring peace, in part because both sides were less interested in organizing coopera- tion than in, pursuing the cold war. The opportunity that was missed it decade ago may be recovered again if the United States pushes forward now with Imaginative pro- posals for Asian development which, at the same time, may help bring about the peace negotiations that will make development possible. [From the New York (N.Y.) Times,'Mar. 28, 1965] SO,A'IFsr'stINC. MORE .T114N.. ]~QI4I$ The lilliited Ain?ricau air war against North Vietnam Is ,pow entering its eighth week. it is not. toQ soon to ask what it has, accom-. pushed-and why it has not' accomplished more, The aim of the continuingt air offensive, accompanied by threats of further escalation, was to persuade the North Vietnamese Com- monists to -bait their armed infiltration into South Vietnam, When it .was undertaken, one of President Johnson's highest advisers predicted privately that the Communists' will to fight would be weakened in 2 months. So far, there is no indication that he was right; on the contrary, there clearly has been a stiffening of Communist positions, as Sec- retary Rusk has admitted. The Soviet Union has announced that arms aid is on its way to North Vietnam. More important, a direct Soviet-American con- frontation in southeast Asia through the use of Soviet volunteeers in North Vietnam has been publicly threatened by the top Soviet leader, Communist Party First Secretary Brezhnev. The Vietnamese and Chinese Communists A1493 crete proposals for negotiations and firm of- fers of a phased American withdrawal from South Vietnam in accordance with the Ge- neva agreements, could not fail to influence events. An immediate Communist response might not be forthcoming. But the words would be heard both within the Communist re- gimes and outside. World opinion would be rallied. That support will be needed, espe- cially if the war in Vietnam is about to enter a new and more virulent phase. have stiffened their positions even more. The 1967 Centennial of the Alaska Hanoi, which a few weeks ago privately in- dicated agreement to French and United Na- tions proposals of negotiations-while refus- ing a cease-fire-now rejects such proposals. Backed by Moscow, the North Vietnamese in- sist that there can be no talks while Ameri- can bombing continues. Peiping has taken the most extreme position of all. It insists there can be no negotiations before the com- plete, unconditional withdrawal of Ameri- can troops from South Vietnam. The Viet- cong, which shows some signs of independ- ence from Hanoi, has enthusiastically adopted the Peiping line. Meanwhile, the American bombing-not to mention use of nonlethal gas-has signifi- cantly alienated world opinion. Concern about the danger of a major war is wide- spread. Equally important, there is profound puzzlement about Washington's objectives and tactics. The trouble is that President Johnson, a master of domestic politics, had until last week seemed to forget that war is politics too, even if pursued by other means. He launched a military offensive, but neglected his diplomatic offensive. Now the President has promised American aid for wider and bolder programs of re- gional economic development benefiting all of southeast Asia, including North Vietnam. Despite its vague terms, this promise indi- cates that Washington is beginning to face up to the need to offer its opponents in southeast Asia a diplomatic, political and economic exit from the military cul-de-sac in which we as well as they are now en- trapped. Persuasive peace proposals can be a polit- ical weapon not only toward world opinion, at a time when Americans are bombing Asians, but in presenting moderate Commu- nists with an alternative they can support within the Communist camp. That camp is divided, not only along national lines but within each national capital. And nowhere are the divisions more critical than in Hanoi. Neither the Vietcong nor the Chinese Com- muhists can be swayed by the bombing of North Vietnam, which causes them no direct pain. They are pressing to intensify the war. The Vietcong, particularly, has made major military gains in recent months and sees every successive Saigon coup as another nail in the coffin of its enemies. It will not be easy for Hanoi, in these circumstances, to shift course and seek a negotiated settle- ment, even with Soviet backing. Military pressure alone-which implies a demand for unconditional surrender-is un- likely to swing the balance in the Hanoi leadership toward a negotiated settlement. Positive American proposals, which suggest a Way out and a viable future for North Vietnam, are the essential complement. President Johnson's statement last week could be the precursor of proposals offering Hanoi, once peace is restored, access to the rice of South Vietnam, trade with the West, an end of the embargo and diplomatic boy- cott that Washington and Saigon have im- posed since 1954, and entry to international development assistance. Area development schemes covering the entire Mekong Valley could be pushed. These, linked with con- EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. RALPH J. RIVERS OF ALASKA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 22, 1965 Mr. RIVERS of Alaska. Mr. Speaker, I hereby offer for the attention of my colleagues and others the second part of "An Event of National Significance," as depicted in the 1964 Annual Report of the Alaska Centennial Commission. I refer to the projected observances in Alaska in 1967 celebrating the 100th anniversary of Alaska's existence under the American flag. The Commission is made up of 16 prominent Alaskans. They are Vernon Forbes, its chairman from Fairbanks; Mrs. Alice Harrigan, its vice chairman from Sitka; Claire O. Banks of Anchor- age; William R. Cashen, of College; Jack Farnsworth, of Soldotna; Bill Feero, of Skagway; Mrs. Genevieve Harmon, of Juneau; Jack R. Peck, of Anchorage; Donald E. Perkins of Nome; Robert Powell, of Anchorage; Mrs. Doris Volzke of Ketchikan; Arthur F. Waldron, of Anchorage; Edward M. Wolden, of An- chorage; Frank P. Young of Fairbanks; George Sharrock, of Anchorage; and and Mrs. Helen Irick, of Kodiak. Staff for the Commission consists of an execu- tive director, Herb Adams, and a secre- tary, Mrs. Beverly Swanson. This part concerns projects and pro- grams of the Alaska Centennial Com- mission that aim at enhancing Alaska as a tourist destination, and with the task of carrying out other programs of com- memoration : AN EVENT OF NATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE-PART 2 ENHANCING ALASKA AS A TOURIST DESTINATION In its planning for 1967, the Alaska Centen- nial Commission is seeking not only to stage events that will attract attention and audi- ences in 1967, but also is seeking to enhance Alaska as a tourist destination in that year and years hence. PERMANENT PROJECTS Toward this objective, permanent centen- nial projects are being adopted by local centennial committees across the State. To quality for 25-cent-per-capita grants, which were approved by the 1964 legislature, such projects must meet a community need, be commemorative of the centennial year, and have a reasonable prospect of completion by 1967. Such grants also must be matched by the local committee. . At the centennial exhibition site in Fair- banks a 40-acre exhibition of Alaska and Alaskan history is planned by 67 North, the Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R(D00300160009.3 A1494 Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX March 29, 1965 Fairbanks Centennial Committee. In part clean-up campaign that will be conducted aided by centennial per capita grants, the across the State. Sponsorship of the project exhibition will also be financed by city and is being proposed to a number of statewide building housing Huerlin paintings, and an Local histories are being compiled by sev- Indian village. ? eral centennial committees and they are be- In Anchorage, permanent centennial prof- ing assisted by the commission. In some ects being planned are three geodesic--domed cases, this basic information will be utilized buildings and a monument to William Henry for a local history guide or map; in others it Seward. Projects being explored by groups will be published as a community history. other than the committee itself are an Alas- Labor and business groups and associa- kan animal zoo and a sports arena. In Sitka, an authentic Russian tearoom is being established near the Ferry Terminal by the Sitka Centennial Committee. Re- construction of a native fish camp of the 19th century is also planned. Illustrations of other permanent centen- nial projects are restoration of two gold-rush buildings by the Skagway Centennial Com- mittee, reconstruction of Fort Kenay by the Kenai Centennial Committee, construction of museums by the Homer Centennial Com- mittee and by the Wrangell Centennial Com- mittee, and establishment of an aquarium and forest products display by the Peters- burg Centennial Committee. Permanent centennial projects being ex- plored include the construction of a replica of an early log church by the Gastineau Channel Centennial Committee, establish- ment of a salmonboat tourist attraction by the Ketchikan Centennial Committee, es- tablishment of a library by the Metlakatla Centennial Committee, construction of an auditorium by the Sitka Centennial Com- mittee, preservation of an aboriginal site by the Soldotna Centennial Committee, crea- tion of a memorial to Vitus Bering and his voyage of discovery by the Cordova Centen- nial Committee, and purchase of museum cases for the library by-the Kotzebue Cen- tennial Committee. In addition to adopting permanent proj- ects for themselves, local committees and the State Commission are encouraging similar action by other organizations. An illustra- tion is the Sitka Historical Society's fund- raising effort, endorsed by the Sitka Centen- nial Committee, to preserve the Russian mission, a registered national historic land- mark. On the State level, the commission is inviting State societies and associations to give thought to projects they will sponsor as contributions to the centennial year. HISTORIC SITES Another important means of enhancing Alaska as a tourist destination is through erection of historical markers and placement of historical plaques. More than 80 high- way markers are now in place, and this pro- gram of the department of highways is con- tinuing. Fifty bronze plaques to identify sites and buildings important in the history of Alaska have been purchased and will be mounted on buildings such as the Elk's hall in Juneau (where the first elected legislature met) and at sites such as Kasilof (where the Russian colony of St. George was estab- lished). Sites and buildings important in the histories of communities will be marked by local centennial committees. Interpretive markers are slated for erection in 1965 at Old Sitka and Castle Hill, both State-owned historic sites. Funding for physical improvements at the flag-raising site of Castle Hill is. being sought by the commission. At the same time the commission is pro- ceeding to identify sites for marking, it is carrying out an inventory of sites now marked. With this information, two publi- cations-a guide to historic sites in Alaska and a history map-will be issued in advance of 1967. Based upon these, history-land trails, growing in importance as tourist at- tractions, will be organized. CIVIC IMPROVEMENT Another means of enhancing Alaska as a tourist destination is the planned paint-up, tions of all kinds are being urged to mark centennial year by producing their histories. Being compiled by the Alaska Council of Churches to mark the centennial is a history of religious groups in Alaska. SCHOOLS, CHURCHES Schools are expected to participate by pre- senting Alaska, past and present, through assemblies and special programs. Together with churches, schools may participate in the organization of symposia for reflection upon culture and civilization in Alaska. CARRYING OUT OTHER PROGRAMS OF COMMEM- ORATION During 1967, pioneers-the builders of Alaska-will be honored in ceremonies. And, organizations are being urged to pay especial recognition to their members who have played significant roles in the public life of the State. PUBLICATIONS A series of monographs dealing with se- lected aspects of Alaska's history and people is being planned in conjunction with the University of Alaska. Aimed at making good accounts of important developments widely available, all titles in the series would be in similar format. Issuance of publications by others is being encouraged by the Commission. Tentatively slated for publication by 1967 are: "Alaska History" and "Alaska Aboriginal Culture" (National Park Service), and "Geographic Dictionary of Alaska" (U.S. Board on Geo- graphic Names). A new biography of Seward (Oxford Uni- versity Press), a new history of Russian- America (Viking), the story of the Alaska- based Russian attempt to gain Hawaii (Uni+ versity of California), and an account of 19th century American exploration of Alaska (Yale)-all scheduled for publication in ad- vance of the centennial year, will call atten- tion to the approach of the centennial. MEDALS, STAMPS The centennial of the purchase will be commemorated by bronze and silver medals bearing the centennial emblem on one side and, on the reverse, a profile of the man whose vision resulted in the purchase, Wil- liam H. Seward. The medals will be sold by local centennial committees with all profits going toward their projects. A commemorative postage stamp will also be issued. The U.S. Post Office Department is being urged to designate Sitka as the place for first-day issue. Visitors to Alaska in 1967 will receive cer- tificates noting the centennial, and they will be able to purchase privately produced souvenirs of much variety. Progressive Growers' Association Survey EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER OF CALIFORNIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 29, 1965 Mr. GUBSER` Mr. Speaker, the Pro- gressive Growers' Association in my con- gressional district has just completed a survey of its,membership of 700 farmers. This survey shows that a drastic curtail- ment of planted acreage in tomatoes, strawberries, miscellaneous vegetables, brussels sprouts, cucumbers, and beans bvill result if supplemental foreign labor is not available for California farmers. Obviously, this will create extreme hard- ship for the employees in canneries and other allied industries, many of whom are Mexican-Americans. It is ironic that certain propaganda groups are fighting the realism that crops simply will not be planted without supplemental labor and in so doing are hurting the minority groups they profess to be helping. Below is a table showing the planting intentions of 700 farmers with or with- out supplemental foreign labor: with supple- mental foreign labor Without supple- mental foreign labor Percent Percent Tomato----------- 3, 579 3, 94.8 33.3 Strawberry ------------- 234k 66.2 25.7 Miscellaneous vege- tables________________ 674% 102.4 51.7 Brussel sprouts ------___ 1,218 99.7 35.3 ____ __ ______ Cucumbers------------- Beans ------------------ Beans------------------ 157 65 67. 5 69.2 19.1 34.7 it should be pointed out that though the survey indicates that one-third the usual tomato acreage, 3,579, will be planted for a total of approximately 1,200 acres that these plants are pred- icated in 98 percent of the cases upon the possibility of harvesting by machine. Thus, jobs for human beings will be sac- rificed in favor of the inferior quality which will result from machine picking. This, too, will have an adverse effect up- on Mexican-Americans and other domes- tic workers. The 47th Anniversary of the Byelorussian Democratic Republic EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. WILLIAM B. WIDNALL OF NEW JERSEY IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 29, 1965 Mr. WIDNALL. Mr. Speaker, on March 25, the courageous people of the formerly independent Byelorussian Dem- ocratic Republic marked the 47th anniversary of the Proclamation of In- dependence. In the United States, a convention of Americans of Byelorus- sian descent was held on March 21, 1965, to commemorate this date. Although their former compatriots remain under the iron rule of Communist Russia, there is no doubt that the citizens of present-day Byelorussia joined silently, but forcefully, in this observance. For the flame of freedom burns deep within the Byelorussian people. The successful effort at independence in 1918 was the culmination of many attempts Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 March 29, A006oved For 1L RV 7BQWPfi 1 00160009-3 to secure for themselves a national identity over the years. But self-deter- mination is a word that is not in the Communist lexicon, and this independ- ence was shortlived. Despite this fact, the traditions, customs, and spirit of a Byelorussian nation continues on. The importance of this national group, and its ability to identify as a national group, is underscored by the fact that their Communist masters feel the need for a separate "puppet" state within the bor- ders of the Soviet Union. By marking the anniversary of the Independence movement of these brave people, we expose the fiction of this pup- pet regime and encourage the legitimate aspirations of Byelorussians everywhere for self-determination in their home- land. Those of us who have the benefits of freedom can do no less than this, Residual Oil Quotas Should Go SPEECH or HON. JAMES C. CLEVELAND OF NEW HAMPSHIRE IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, March 17, 1965 Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, on March 10, 1965, I addressed the House concerning the continuing problems im- posed on New England by unfair residual oil quotas, see page 4613 of the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD, March 10, 1965. As I pointed out, these quotas are extremely unfair to New England and indeed the entire eastern seaboard. Hopefully, they will soon be abolished by this adminis- tration which is doing so much for the coal mining regions of this country and the all producing regions of this country, and so little for the consumer and so little for New England. It is encourag- ing to me that the message is getting through to the people in my district. William Rotch, the editor and publish- er of the Milford Cabinet, recently wrote a perceptive editorial on the subject. The Littleton Courier, whose editor Jack Colby has frequently spoken out against the injustices of the residual oil quota, has also commented perceptively on the subject. Because even now the decision by this administration on residual oil quotas is pending, I insert these editorials in the RECORD in hopes that their message will be read by those charged with this im- portant decision. [From the Milford Cabinet & Wilton Journal, Mar. 25, 1965] WHY GET EXCITED ABOUT RESIDUAL OIL? Chances are that most people in New Hampshire have never seen any residual oil and would not recognize it if they did. Yet, in Washington their Congressman is urging the administration to lift quotas on the amount-of residual oil that can be imported and charging that New England industries are bleeding to death in order to subsidize the coal interests of the Appalachian States. The residual oil story would appear to shed some light on how politics can replace the laws of supply and demand, of how world trade can affect New Hampshire, and why it makes sense to have Jim CLEVELAND stand up in Congress and make speeches calling for fewer restrictions on imported fuels. What is it all about? The Cleveland version of the story Is ex- plained in the adjoining column. But a few days before we read his remarks we were chatting with an engineer for one of the big New York power companies. We asked him to explain in simple language the problem of residual oil and why we should get excited about it. This explanation may be oversim- plified, but for what It is worth we pass it along. In the United States petroleum is refined in huge technically sophisticated plants that break down the crude oil into a variety of products. In some countries, Venezuela for one, the refining process is not carried so far, and after the gasoline is extracted what re- mains is a heavy black substance known as residual oil and valuable principally as an industrial fuel. Most residual oil comes from these foreign refineries and the amount that can be imported into the United States is limited by quota. "My company's plants are equipped to burn either residual oil or coal," our engineer friend explained. "The oil Is much cheaper and we would prefer it, but we cannot get enough. The Government quotas bear no relation to our needs, or to the increasing de- .nmands for electricity. "The result is," he went on, "that we burn more and more coal. This is nice for the coal. companies, and perhaps it helps Appalachia, but never forget that the cost is passed right along to the consumer, and if the coal inter- ests are being helped it is only at the expense of the people who use our electricity." This explanation ties in with what JIM CLEVELAND has been saying in Washington. By limiting imports of residual oil the ad- ministration forces New England industries to use a more expensive fuel. Chances are the consumer never knows what is hitting him; he just knows that prices keep going up. So we elect a Congressman to go down to Washington where we hope someone listens when he declares that New England is will- ing to pay its full share of the costs for the national welfare, but it deeply resents the constant and silent tribute it has to pay to the special interests of the coal-producing States. [From the Littleton (N.H.) Courier, Mar. 18, 1965] TRIBUTE TO SPECIAL INTERESTS "We in New England are more than ready as we have always been, to pay our share of costs for the national welfare, but we deeply resent and deplore this silent exaction of tribute to special interests." Making this statement on the floor of the House in Washington recently was Congress- man JAMES C. CLEVELAND, and reference was being made to restrictions of residual oil coming into New England. These controls on a fuel so basic to our economy "are slowly bleeding us" for the benefit of coal-produc- Ing areas, Congerssman CLEVELAND charged. The coal industry today is vigorous and healthy, with even brighter prospects ahead, and the residual oil quotas could be dis- carded completely without affecting the coal areas. Yet it is these areas, representing powerful economic and political blocs, that are responsible for the continued mainte- nance of the quotas that place a heavy finan- cial burden on the consumer of fuel in New England-with no relation to the economic problem of our coal-producing areas. "These same coal-producing areas have won a huge Federal subsidy in the form of the Appalachian bill," Congressman CLEVE- LAND pointed out. "Let me say that we in New England are most sympathetic with the economic problems of Appalachia. We, too, are part of the Appalachian chain and we know what it Is like to lose whole industries A1495 on which the economic life of our communi- ties depends. We are fighting back and mak- ing a good fight. We do not ask the rest of the country for special favors. But we do ask for terms of fair competition. "While our taxes will be taken to help fi- nance this tremendous Appalachian program for 11 States, we are also paying additional tribute to the coal States in the form of high fuel costs, unnecessarily imposed, through the discriminatory residual oil quota system. "New Englanders are being asked to sup- port the Appalachia program, yet at the same time we are being forced to endure hardship through the fuel policy imposed largely by the power of the Appalachian coal States." As the Congressman points out, it is high time that controls on a fuel so basic to the New England economy be removed once and for all. There Is no room for discrimination of this or any other kind. EXTENSION OF REMARKS ON. LIONEL VAN DEERLIN OF IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 29, 1965 Mr. VAN DEERLIN. Mr. Speaker, the current furore over gas warfare has_ a curious sidelight which could encourage distrust of official statements. This con- cerns the manner and timing of "reve- lations" that gas was used 2 years ago against villages in Yemen. My special Interest in this matter stems from the fact that first accounts of the Yemen incident came- as a news scoop by a husband-wife foreign cor- respondent team, my friends Tom and Harle Dammann of San Diego, Calif. That scoop, for which Mr. and Mrs. Dammann were nominated for a Pulitzer award, is referred to in the following editorial carried Thursday, March 25, in Chicago's American: GAS WARFARE: A SWITCH The worldwide reaction to the use of riot- control gases against Communist forces in Vietnam has up to now followed a highly predictable pattern. The United States is being bitterly denounced for allowing the use of gas in warfare-any gas, even the nonpoisonous types used against rioters in many countries-and the Communists are wringing all the propaganda value out of it they can, which is plenty. A remarkable twist has been given the sit- uation, however, by the Senate Foreign Re- lations Committee-perhaps by accident, perhaps not. It indicates that Washington may have outsmarted itself, not for the first time, and is now taking the heat that should have been directed against President Nasser of the United Arab Republic. Senator BOURNE B. HICKENLOOPER, Of Iowa, senior Republican on the committee, late last week said he'd concluded that the United Arabic Republic had been using gas warfare against villages in royalist-held territory of Yemen. This was not exactly news in itself. In June 1963, Chicago's American carried de- tailed reports from Saudi Arabia on the gas warfare charges made by the Imam Moham- med el-Badr, deposed King of Yemen.* The stories were filed by our Middle East corre- spondents, Tom and Harle Dammann, who had checked them out with representatives of the International Red Cross and American and British military observers. Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3 A1496 Approved~8 e IMA3 f1( *6CIB-RDPRM"$iiR0003001699RPcW 29, 1965 According to eyewitness reports passed along to the Dammanns, bombs that had fallen near the Imam's headquarters in Ye- men had killed some victims and caused hemorrhaging or severe blistering in others. There were charges, unsubstantiated, that "radioactive weapons" had been used. The Red Cross was asked to investigate, and for a time Saudi Arabia planned to bring up the charges in the United Nations. Subsequently, though, the story dropped out of the news. The official bodies con- cerned joined in damping it down, even though the reports of gas warfare never were disproved and seemed to have been confirmed all down the line. Evidence is that the hush-up was the re- sult of pressure from Washington. Whether it came from the White House, the State De- partment, or the Pentagon is not clear, but it appears that publicity for the poison-gas charges would have conflicted with the Ken- nedy administration's then-current policy of backing Nasser. It might, moreover, have endangered disarmament talks then going on with the Soviet Union, since there were hints that the gas bombs had been supplied by West Germany. HicxENLooPEa's statement, coming so con- veniently before the announcement that gas had been used in Vietnam, may indicate that the wraps are coming off, and. we'll now hear a lot more about the Yemeni charges. That, of course, would help direct world censure against Egypt and away from us. This kind of maneuvering may be "smart," but it's also repellent. The whole story indi- cates managed news is still current policy in Washington-that public opinion is still regarded as something to be turned on and off at will and directed where the government wants it. That belief needs to be fought, now and always. Department of Agriculture's Opposition to Cargo Preference Act EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. EDWARD A. GARMATZ OF MARYLAND IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 29, 1965 Mr. GARMATZ. Mr. Speaker, as a sponsor of the Cargo Preference Act, better known as the 50/50 Act, I was very much interested in An article in this morning's Baltimore Sun. The purpose of the above-mentioned act is to assure that 50 percent of the shipments made under the AID program are shipped in U.S.-flag vessels when they are available. Several of the Gov- erment agencies do everything they can to avoid this law but the Department of Agriculture has been the greatest of- fender. This is borne out in the article which follows: DEPARTMENT of AGRICULTURE CALLED HOSTILE To U.S. FLEET NEW YORK, March 28.-The Department of Agriculture was charged today with display- ing "overt hostility" toward the American- flag merchant marine. The denunciation, directed primarily against Charles S. Murphy, Under Secretary of Agriculture, came from the Seafarers In- terllational Union. Signed by Paul Hall, president of the SW, the letter charged that the Department of Agriculture has consistently been hostile to the merchant marine "and that, while ex- pending billions of dollars annually to sup- port a small segment of our farm population, has never missed an opportunity to wail loudly about the high cost of using Ameri- can ships." COPIES SENT OUT The original letter was sent to Murphy. Copies were sent to all members of the Mari- time Advisory Committee, which was created by Executive order of President Johnson last June to consider the problems of the Amer- ican maritime industry. Hail represents the SIU on that Committee. Copies of the letter were also sent to the chairmen of the Senate Banking and Cur- rency Committee, House Banking and Cur- rency Committee, House Agriculture Com- mittee, Senate Commerce Committee, and House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Com- mittee. Hall's letter strongly criticized Murphy's recent testimony before the International Finance Subcommittee of the Senate Com- mittee on Banking and Currency. MURPHY IS QUOTED On March 16, Hall said, Murphy told the subcommittee members, in essence, that the use of American-flag merchant ships is detri- mental to the export of U.S. farm products to Russia and other Communist countries. Murphy has also been severely criticized by the American Maritime Association and the American Tramp Shipowners Association. The two associations have assailed him for saying that America has lost wheat sales to Russia because of the Cargo Preference Act. The legislation assures that part of any U.S.- financed agricultural product sales be shipped by American vessels. The letter sent by Hall noted that the amount spent by the Agriculture Depart- ment for farm subsidies is 12 times the amount spent for all programs of assistance to the merchant fleet, and that 3 subsidies paid on cotton alone cost American tax- payers $800 million a year. This figure is 10 times the annual cost of the entire cargo preference program, it added. INTENTION CALLED CLEAR "We have been told by representatives of the Department," Hall added," "that Agricul- ture has no wish to thwart the clearly ex- pressed intention of Congress that this. Na- tion shall have a strong merchant marine. "Yet we are continuously being confronted with new evidence of Agriculture's antipathy toward the merchant marine. Certainly your attempt, before the International Finance Subcommittee, to again downgrade and de- valuate the role of our merchant marine, in our Nation's commerce, is a striking case in point." The SIU president also noted that his union had detailed a series of specific charges against the Agriculture Department in a 40,000-word presentation to the Maritime Advisory Committee November 16. In the presentation, the union had called for the replacement of the Secretary of Agriculture, Orville Freeman. "Although 4 months have elapsed," Hall continued, "Agriculture has not seen fit to respond to this document, but instead has continued topursue thesame policies which gave rise to the charges therein." A Responsible Republican Opposition EXTENSION OF REMARKS of HON. CHARLES E. GOODELL OF NEW YORK IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Monday, March 29, 1965 Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, under the leave to extend my remaks in the RECORD, I include the following article which appeared in the Friday, March 26, 1965, edition of the New York Times: WASHINGTON: A RESPONSIBLE REPUBLICAN OPPOSITION (By James Reston) WASHINGTON, March 25-The Republicans in Congress are proving to be a constructive opposition. They are working against over- whelming odds-32 to 68 in the Senate, 140 to 294 in the House-but they have main- tained a sense of purpose and even a sense of humor. This is not an easy exercise. When a party has been overwhelmed at the polls, as the Republicans were in 1932 and again in 1964, the task of reconstruction seems almost hopeless. Its leaders are scattered, its num- bers reduced in the Congress, its power un- dermined In the States, its organization dis- rupted and its party workers demoralized. Yet the Republican, though they have been out of power for 24 of the last 32 years, are not acting like a bitter or obstructionist mi- nority. They are supporting President John- son's foreign and domestic programs when they think he is right and trying to put for- ward constructive alternatives when they think he's wrong. THE VOTING RECORD The voting rights bill is a dramatic illus- tration of the point. The Republican leader in the Senate, EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, not only worked with Attorney General Kat- zenbach in drafting the bill, but Is now help- ing guide it through the Judiciary Commit- tee against the opposition of the southern Democrats. The Republican leader in the House, GER- ALD R. FORD of Michigan, along with Repre- sentative JOHN LINDSAY, of New York, Rep- resentative WILLIAM M. MCCULLOCH, of Ohio, and other Republicans, are leading a cam- paign to strengthen the voting rights bill and extend its provisions to many thousands of deprived Negroes not covered by the ad- ministration's proposals. There Is no evidence that the Republican Party stands to gain, at least in the short run, by a vast increase in Negro voting. On the contrary, all indications are that the new Negro voters will side overwhelmingly with the Democratic Party, and could even help win back for the Democrats in the 1988 pres- dential election the Southern States won by the Republican last year. Yet the Republican leaders In this Congress are quite consciously trying to remove the charge leveled against the party in the Gold- water campaign-that it sought to win by appealing to the anti-Negro elements in both the North and the South. THE VIETNAM RECORD The controversy over policy in Vietnam also illustrates the constructive attitude of the Republicans in Congress. The Demo- crats are highly vulnerable to political at- tack for their record in that peninsula. They underestimated the power of the North Vietnamese, and helped destroy what little political unity existed under the Diem regime in South Vietnam. It is quite fair to say, as the Democrats constantly do, that they are merely carry- ing on in that country the policy started by the Republicans under President Eisenhower. They,.liave changed the whole character of the war in the last 3 years, yet the Republi- cans have supported the President more con- sistently than some of the leaders of his own Party. Seldom in the history of the Nation have the Executive and the Congress managed to find a working arrangement in which the President had adequate power and the legis- lature had adequate control, and this is certainly not the case now. The administration has the votes and the political skill to work its will on the home front-even on such controversial issues as Approved For Release 2003/10/10 : CIA-RDP67B00446R000300160009-3