CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300150018-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 58
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 25, 2003
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: April 28, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
April 28, 1965
Prison System" as proposed by the House
instead of $4,300,000 as proposed by the
Senate.
Department of Commerce
Amendment N. 34: Deletes Senate propos-
al to appropriate $293,000 for "Registration
and voting statistics, Bureau of the Census."
This item was disallowed witliont prejudice,
the conferees feeling that the matter should
be settled at a later date after action has
been taken on pending voting-rights legis-
lation. The amonnt proposed in the amend-
Meat would have been available for only two
naCoths?an insufficient period of time to
accomplish worthwhile results, and a greater
surri RS proposed in the budget estimate
would have been subject to a point of order.
Commission on International Rules of
? Judicial Procedure
Amendment No. 35; Appropriates $25,000
for "salaries and expenses" instead of $50,-
938 as proposed by the Senate. The con-
ferees further agreed with the statement in
the Senate Report (No. 167) to wit: "the
Committee directs that the Commission not
Incur any obligations payable with apprp-
priated funds on or after May 1, 1965".
United States Information Agency
Amendment 11.9. 36: Appropriates ?$8,000,-
000 for "Special International Exhibitions"
Instead of $8,000,000 as proposed by the
House and $11,700,000 as proposed by the
,Sienate; and deletes the Senate proposal to
allow 625,000 for representation and enter-
tainment expenses.
TITLE II
? Appalachian regional development
Department of Agriculture
Amendment N. 37: Appropriates $100,000
for "Salaries and expenses, Research" as
proposed by the House instead of $200,000
as proposed by the Senate. No funds are
provided for planning a fruit and berry lab-
oratory.
Amendments Nos. 38 and 39: Appropriate
$300,000 for "Payments and expenses, CoOp-
erative State Research Service" instead of
$100,000 as proposed by the House and
$500,000 as proposed by the Senate; and per-
-.mit its use for contracts and grants for basic
and applied research.
Amend,ments Nos. 40 and 41: Appropriate
$750,000 for "Cooperative extension work,
Payments and expenses" instead of $500,000
as proposed by the House and $1,500,000 as
,proposed by the Senate.
Amendment No, 42: Appropriates $1,-
575,000 for "Conservation operations" in-
Stead of $1,500,000 as proposed by the House
and $1,650,000 as proposed by the Senate.
Amendment No. 43: Appropriates $600,000
for "Watershed planning" as proposed by
the Senate instead of $400,000 as proposed
by the House.
Amendments Nos. 44 and 45: Appropriate
$10,220,000 for "Watershed protection" as
proposed by the Senate instead of $8,000,000
as proposed by the House; and provide $3,-
100,000 for loans as proposed by the Senate
instead of $2,500,000 as proposed by the
House., .
Amendment No. 46: Appropriates $300,000
for "Salaries and expenses, Economic Re-
search Service" instead of $200,000 as pro-
posed by the House and $100,000 as proposed
by the Senate.
Amendment No. 47: Appropriates $325,000
for "Salaries_and expenses, Farmers Home
Admini4ration" instead of $250,000 as pro-
,posed by the House and $400,000 as proposed
by the Senate.
Amendment No. 48: Appropriates $7,100,-
000 for the "Direct loan account" as pro-
posed by the Senate instead of $6,000,000 as
proposed by the Mouse.
Amendment No. 49: Appropriates $50,000
for "Salaries and expenses, Rural Community
Development Service" instead of $35,000 as
proposed by the House and $65,000 as pro-
posed by the Senate.
Amendments Nos. 50, 51 and 52: Appro-
priate $2,000,000 for "Forest land manage-
ment" as proposed by the Senate instead of
$1,500,000 as proposed by the House; au-
thorize $1,000,000 for acquisition of land
as proposed by the Senate instead of $500,000
as proposed by the House; also appropriate
$1,225,000 for "Forest research" instead of
$1,125,000 as proposed by the House and
$1,325,000 as proposed by the Senate.
Department of Defense?Civil
Amendinent, No. 53: Appropriates $14,153,-
000 for "Construction, general, Corps Of Engi-
neers" instead of $13,778,000 as proposed by
the House and $14,790,000 as proposed by
the Senate. The amount allowed provides
$375,000 for small flood control projects as
proposed by the Senate, but disallows the
amount of $547,000 for recreation facilities
which was added by the Senate.
Department of the Interior
Amendment No. 54: Authorizes the pur-
chase of not to exceed ten passenger motor
vehicles, as proposed by the Senate.
Amendment No. 55: Appropriates $16,000,-
000 for "Appalachian Region Mining Area
Restoration" instead of $15,850,000 as pro-
posed by the House and $16,250,000 as pro-
posed by the Senate. The amount allowed
provides $500,000 for evaluation study in-
stead of $750,000 as proposed by the Senate
and $350,000 as proposed by the House.
Amendment No. 56: Appropriates $1,350,-
000 for Bureau of Sport Fisheries and Wild-
life as proposed by the House instead of
$1,750,000 as proposed by the Senate.
Increased pay costs
Amendments Nos, 57-67; Appropriate
$3,426,445 for increased costs of various Sen-
ate activities as proposed by the Senate.
TITLE IV
Claims and judgments
Amendments Nos. 68 and 69: Appropriate
$31,411,444 for claims and judgments as pro-
posed by the Senate instead of $23,643,495 as
proposed by the House; and include the
items set forth in Senate Document No. 19.
GEORGE MAHON,
ALBERT THOMAS,
MICHAEL J. KIRWAN,
JAMIE L. WHITTEN,
Joins J. ROONEY,
JOHN H. FOGARTY,
WINFIELD S. DENTON,
FRANK T. Bow,
CHARLES R. JONAS,
1VIELVIN R. LA/RD,
ROBERT H. MICHEL,
Managers on the Part of the House.
DEPARTMENTS OF LABOR, AND
HEALTH, EDUCATION, AND WEL-
FARE, AND RELATED AGENCIES
APPROPRIATION BILL, 1966
Mr. FOGARTY. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Committee
on Appropriations have until midnight
tomorrow night to file a report on the bill
making appropriations? for the Depart-
ment of Labor, and Health, Education,
and Welfare, and related agencies for
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1966, and
for other purposes.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from Rhode
Island?
There was no objection.
Mr. LAIRD reserved all points of order
on the bill.
ist.7
INTER-AMERICAN BAR
ASSOCIATION
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent for the immediate
consideration of the concurrent resolu-
tion (H. Con. Res. 349) welcoming to the
United States the Inter-American Bar
Association during its 14th conference to
be held in Puerto Rico.
The Clerk read the title of the concur-
rent resolution.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the present consideration of the concur-
rent resolution?
There was no objection.
The Clerk read the concurrent reso-
lution, as follows:
H. CON. RES. 349
Whereas the Inter-American Bar Associa-
tion was organized at Washington. District
of Columbia, May 16, 1940, and is now cele-
brating the twenty-fifth anniversary of its
founding; ,and
Whereas the Inter-American Bar Associa-
tion will hold its fourteenth conference at
San Juan, Puerto Rico, during the period
May 22-29, 1965; and
Whereas this is the first time that the
Inter-American Bar Association has planned
a conference in the Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico; and
Whereas three previous conferences of the
association have been held in the United
States; and
Whereas the purposes of the association,
as stated in its constitution, are to establish
and maintain relations ,between associations
and organizations of lawyers, national and
local, in the various countries of the Amer-
icas, to provide a forum for exchange of
views, and to encourage cordial intercourse
and fellowship among the lawyers of the
Western Hemisphere; and
Whereas the high character of this inter-
national association, its deliberations, and
Its members Can do much to encourage un-
derstanding, friendship, and cordial relations
among the countries of the Western Hemi-
sphere; and
Whereas there were adopted by the
Eightieth Congress, in its second session, and
by the Eighty-sixth Congress, in its first ses-
sion, concurrent " resolutions of welcome
and good wishes to the Inter-American
Bar Association on the occasion of its hold-
ing conferences in the United States: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives
(the Senate concurring), That the Congress
of the United States welcomes the Inter-
American Bar Association during its four-
teenth conference to be held in tile Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico, and wishes the asso-
ciation outstanding success in accomplish-
ing its purposes; and be it further
Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be
transmitted to the secretary general of the
Inter-American Bar Association.
- Mr. POLANCO-ABREU. Mr. Speaker,
the Inter-American Bar Association will
hold its 14th conference in San Juan,
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, May 22
to May 29, 1965. Approximately, 1,500
lawyers, representing the Inter-Amer-
ican Bar Association and coming from
the United States, from Canada, and
from the various Latin American coun-
tries, will attend the conference
We, in Puerto Rico, are highly hon-
ored that this distinguished group has
chosen to visit us on this occasion.
House Concurrent Resolution 349
would recognize the 14th conference of
? ,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965
the Inter-American Bar Association and
the 25th anniversary of the founding of
the association and would extend wel-
come and good wishes for the outstand-
ing success of the association in accom-
plishing its purposes.
Similar action was taken by the 86th
Congress, 1st session, and by the 88th
Congress, 2d session, by similar concur-
rent resolutions.
I hope that our colleagues will unani-
mously support House Concurrent Reso-
lution 349, which appears fitting and
appropriate at this time.
The concurrent resolution was agreed
to.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the
table.
INTER-AMERICAN BAR
ASSOCIATION
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend and thank my colleagues for the
adoption of House Concurrent Resolu-
tion 349 of which our distinguished col-
league, Mr. SANTIAGO POLANCO-ABREU,
the Resident Commissioner of Puerto
Rico is the author, and of which I have
a companion resolution, House Concur-
rent Resolution 354, expressing the wel-
come of the Congress of the United
States to the Inter-American Bar As-
sociation to its 14th conference to be
held at the beautiful city of San Juan
In the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico,
May 22-29. The Inter-American Bar
Association composed of members of
the bar of the United States and all
the Latin American countries except-
ing Cuba, of course, while it retains its
Communist character, who banded to-
gether for the development of the law
and legal institutions to forward the
Peace and the prosperity of the Ameri-
cas. I am proud to be a member of the
Inter-American Bar Association and to
haVe attended the Inter-American Bar
Association Conference in Bogota some
4 years ago. I look forward with par-
ticular pleasure to attending the im-
pending conference in San Juan.
Today, as we seek to establish peace
through law and to build a world gov-
erned by law it is essential that we em-
phasize the role of the law in the build-
ing of a peaceful and a better world.
Lawyers have always been the architects
of institutions to progress the cause of
peace and a better life for mankind. To-
day the troubled and still, I regret to
say, lawless world challenges the genius
of the lawyers of all lands who believe
in the supremacy of law over the con-
duct of nations as well as men. The
lawyers of the Western Hemisphere have
much to offer in the building of such in-
stitutions. The Honorable Roy Ballant,
of Washington, D.C., founder of the In-
ter-American Bar Association, is to be
commended for bringing the lawyers of
the free nations of our Hemisphere, ex-
cept Canada, into this Inter-American
Bar Association. Much good has this
association accomplished. Greater ac-
complishments lie ahead for it.
I am sure the San Juan Conference in
the inspiring Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico will do much to hasten the day of
which Mr. Justice Jackson spoke in his
opening statement at the Nuremberg
trials when "every man shall live by no
man's leave underneath the law."
SITUATION
(Mr. BO asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1 min-
ute and to revise and extend his re-
.)
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend the attention of the Members of
this great body to the remarks made by
the President of the United States on
yesterday at his press conference rela-
tive to the crisis in Vietnam. This, of
course, has been a subject of continuing
discussion on the part of the American
People.
The President on yesterday, Mr.
Speaker, spelled out the policy of this
Government to maintain freedom in that
part of the world and elsewhere against
Communist aggression. He restated the
policy first laid down in his speech at
Baltimore recently. To those who have
been critical of our policy, I suggest that
they read the press conference statement
In full. I know that Members of this
body, on both sides of the aisle, have gen-
erally supported the position taken by
the President. And I am happy to note
that in public opinion polls taken in
depth throughout the Nation very re-
cently, the American people support the
President of the United States.
The foreign policy of our Government
must indeed be a bipartisan foreign
policy and I hope the American people
generally will read this statement and
understand the issue before our Nation.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. BOGGS. I am happy to yield to
the distinguished majority leader.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, I join the
distinguished gentleman from Louisiana
in the statement he is making and I
associate myself with his remarks. In
his statement yesterday the President
once again enunciated the aims and as-
pirations of the United States with re-
spect to the crucial struggle in Vietnam.
He stressed our determination to help a
free country remain free. He stressed
yet again that our fundamental purpose
Is to achieve a peaceful settlement that
will permit the people of this area to
live their lives in freedom and security.
I would like to associate myself with this
objective and under leave to extend my
remarks I include the statement made
by the President on yesterday:
STATEMENT OF THE PRESIDENT
We are engaged in a crucial struggle in
Vietnam.
Some may consider it a small war. But
to the men who give their lives, it is the last
war. And the stakes are huge.
Independent South Vietnam has been at-
tacked by North Vietnam. The objective of
that attack is conquest.
Defeat in South Vietnam would be to
deliver a friendly nation to terror and re-
pression. It would encourage and spur on
those who seek to conquer all free nations
within their reach. Our own welfare and
our own freedom would be in danger.
This is the clearest lesson of our time.
From Munich until today we have learned
that to yield to aggression brings only great-
er threats?and more destructive war. To
stand firm is the only guarantee of lasting
peace.
At every step of the way we have used our
great power with the utmost restraint. We
have made every effort to find a peaceful
solution.
We have done this in the face of the most
outrageous and brutal provocation against
Vietnamese and Americans alike.
- Through the first 7 months of 1964, both
Vietnamese and Americans were the tar-
gets of constant acts of terror. Bombs ex-
ploded in helpless villages, in downtown
movie theaters, even at a sports field. Sol-
diers and civilians, men and women, were
murdered and crippled. Yet we took no ac-
tion against the source of this brutality?
North Vietnam.
When our destroyers were attacked in the
Gulf of Tonkin, we replied with a single
raid. The punishment was limited to the
dead.
For the next 6 months we took no ac-
tion against North Vietnam. We warned of
danger; we hoped for caution in others.
The answer was attack, and explosions, and
Indiscriminate murder.
It soon became clear that our restraint was
viewed as weakness. Our desire to limit con-
flict was viewed as a prelude to surrender.
We could no longer stand by while attack
Mounted; and while the bases of the attack-
ers were immune from reply.
And so, we began to strike back. But we
have not changed our essential purpose.
That purpose is peaceful settlement. That
purpose is to resist aggression. That pur-
pose is to avoid wider war.
I say again that I will talk to any govern-
ment, anywhere, and without any conditions;
if any doubt our sincerity, let them test it.
Each time we have met with silence, slan-
der, or the sound of guns.
But just as we will not flag in battle, we
will not weary in the search for peace.
I reaffirm my offer of unconditional dis-
cussions. We will discuss any subject, and
any point of view, with any government con-
cerned.
This offer may be rejected, as it has been
in the past. But it will remain open; wait-
ing for the day when it becomes clear to all
that armed attack will not yield domination
over others.
And I will continue along the course we
have set; firmness with moderation; readi-
ness for peace with refusal to retreat.
For this is the same battle which we have
fought for a generation. Wherever we have
stood firm, aggression has been halted, peace
restored, and liberty maintained.
This was true under President Truman,
President Eisenhower, and President Ken-
nedy.
And it will be true again in southeast
Asia.
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. Mr. Speaker
will the gentleman yield?
Mr. BOGGS. I am happy to yield to
the distinguished minority leader.
Mr. GERALD R. FORD. As the gen-
tleman from Louisiana has noted, both
privately and publicly I have supported
the President's present firm policy in
Vietnam. It is also fair to state that
all Members of our party on this side of
the aisle in the House have supported
the present course of action in Vietnam.
This is a critical and serious situation
that demands our MaxinIUM; strength
both at home and in Vietnam. In this
instance particularly, I feel we should
have a very high degree of bipartisanship
In order to convince the opponents, the
Communists, that they should not mis-
calculate the intentions of America. If
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
they miscalculate because of statements
made by any public officials the dangers
to all mankind could be significantly in-
creased. Consequently I call upon? all
Americans, particularly those in elected,
office in the Federal Congress, to stand
firm and steadfast against Communist
aggression in southeast Asia or else-
where.
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. Speaker, I thank
the gentleman and commend him and
his colleagues of his party for their
statesmanship.
The SPEAKER. The time of the gen-
tleman has expired.
BIRTHDAY GREETINGS TO AN
ELDER STATESMAN
(Mr. MATSUNAGA asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and tO revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, al-
though this day has not been declared a
national holiday, it should not go by
without our observing that it was on this
day, April 28, 83 years ago, that a great
Americaniand An elder statesman was
born?a man younger and more agile in
mind and spirit than many a man half
his age?our eminent colleague, the gen-
tleman from Illinois, the Honorable
BARRATT O'HARA.
A man of tremendous driving force and
energy, he continues to serve his Na-
tion and his constituents with amazing
vigor. He possesses those indispensable
elements of statesmanship, independ-
ence, and personal courage. He never
hesitates to speak out on his personal
convictions, whatever the trend of cur-
rent public opinion may be.
We in, this Chambey have often sat
spellbound by the force and eloquence of
his speeches.
Few men in public life possess the
wealth of experience in diverse fields that
BARRATT O'HARA possesses?in journal-
ism, radio broadcasting, law, politics, and
BARRATT O'HARA has distinguished him-
self as one of the greatest criminal law-
yers this country has known, a reputable
magazine editor, a well-known radio
commentator, the youngest Lieutenant
Governor in the history of the great State
of Illinois, and as the only veteran of
the Spanish-American War now serving
In Congress. He is also a veteran of
World War I.
As Lieutenant Governor of Illinois and
as the presiding officer of the State sen-
ate, he commenced an investigation into
the wages paid to working women,. This
pioneer work in the field of women's
rights resulted in giving the whole mini-
mum wage movement its impetus. The
'administration, in which he played a
major role, established the first public
utilities commission in Illinois.
BARRATT O'HARA entered his career
the Congress of the United States at an
age when most men think only of re-
tirement, at a youthful age of 66. He
has singe_ then given to the Nation in-
valuable service as a legislator totally
committed to the public good.
As a Representative from the 50th
State, I feel deeply indebted to BARRATT
O'HARA for his eloquent and moving pleas
which he made in support of Hawaiian
statehood. The Honolulu Star-Bulletin
singled out his speech delivered on this
floor in 1950 as the most effective made
in behalf of Hawaiian statehood in the
81st Congress and printed it in three in-
stallments, He eloquently stated at that
time:
The pattern of the Old World of the horse
and buggy should be modernized even in the
matter of selecting territories to be taken
into the Union of the States. My faith is
in my country and the purity of its purpose
to ask nothing for its own people that it
does not seek to make possible for all men to
attain in a world of brotherhood.
Mr. Speaker, BARRATT O'HARA 011 his
83d birthday abounds in spirit and imag-
ination which the young in age can well
emulate, as we struggle for the attain-
ment of the Great Society.
As one who has enjoyed a close per-
sonal friendship with BARRATT O'HARA, I
fervently hope that he will continue to
serve his country and his constituency in
Congress until he is 100?as he has vowed
to do. God knows the world needs men
of BARRETT O'HARA'S caliber, integrity,
understanding, and foresight.
Mr. ALBERT. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. MATSUNAGA. I yield to the dis-
tinguished majority leader.
Mr. ALBERT. I am happy that our
colleague from Hawaii has taken this
time to pay tribute to one of the finest,
noblest men I have ever known. I as-
sociate myself with the remarks of my
friend from Hawaii. BARRATT O'HARA's
careers have been as distinguished as
they have been varied. I doubt that
there is a single other person in public
life in America today who has seen life
from so many angles and who has appre-
ciated its challenges as much as the
gentleman from Illinois [Mr. O'HARA].
One of the most articulate men I have
ever known, one of the most courageous
men, one of the sweetest characters on
earth, BARRATT O'HARA?may he live long
and may his ideals continue to prosper.
Mr. MATSUNAGA. I thank the
majority leader.
(Mr. PEPPER asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, I merely
wish to associate myself with the de-
served tribute which has been paid to
this noble colleague of ours, Mr. BARRATT
O'HARA, from Illinois. His eloquence, his
nobility of spirit, his lofty idealism con-
stitute an example and an inspiration
not only for his colleagues but also for
his countrymen. May his days continue
to be long and fruitful in this Chamber
and upon the earth.
Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle-
man from California.
Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, I should
like to associate myself with the remarks
of the distinguished gentleman from
Florida. I cannot express them as well
or as eloquently as he, but I join him in
paying tribute to my great leader, the
great BARRATT O'HARA.
Mr. EDMONDSON. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
8359
Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle-
man from Oklahoma.
Mr. EDMONDSON. I thank the gen-
tleman.
I, -too, welcome the opportunity to join
in this expression of love and admiration
for the great colleague from Illinois
whose eloquence continually stirs this
legislative body.
I believe if there could appropriately
be given a name to this outstanding
Member of the House, it would be "the
happy warrior of the Congress of the
United States."
Congressman O'HARA is a great legisla-
tor, a great humanitarian, a great
speaker, and a great individual. It is a
continuing source of pleasure and in-
spiration to serve with him in this body.
Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle-
man from New Jersey.
Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, I
should like to associate myself with the
remarks of the distinguished gentleman
from Florida. As a member of the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs who has
served on the committee with Congress-
man O'HARA, I want all Members to know
and the RECORD to include that no one
makes a finer contribution to the com-
mittee and no one engenders a more
?humane spirit in the legislation which
emanates from the House Committee on
Foreign Affairs than BARRATT O'HARA.
BARRATT O'HARA served in the great 80th
Division during World War I. Its motto
was "The 80th Only Moves Forward."
One of the reasons it always did was
BARRATT O'HARA. BARRATT has always
moved forward for his fellow man and
still does. I hope he continues to do so
for many years to come.
Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. PEPPER. I yield to the gentle-
man from New Jersey.
Mr. JOELSON. Mr. Speaker, I want
to associate myself with the remarks
made. The thing which has always im-
pressed me most about Mr. O'HARA is his
youthful spirit and his youthful outlook.
I know how many years he claims, but I
also know he is not a man who looks
back. He always looks forward. I think
some "young fogies" could well benefit
from this youthful, effervescent spirit.
It has been a pleasure to work with him.
(Mr. WRIGHT asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. WRIGHT. Mr. Speaker, I simply
want to join our colleagues in this well
deserved tribute so deeply felt by all of
our Members for our colleague, BARRATT
O'HARA. His alert, inquisitive mind
and his high-spirited idealism mark him
as a young man. BARRATT O'HARA will
always be a young man.
As one Member of this House, I shall
treasure always the opportunities I have
enjoyed to visit With BARRATT O'HARA 011
numerous occasions. I feel myself richer
for having been exposed to his wealthy
store of knowledge and his magnificently
charitable spirit.
His mind and his heart are big. His
vision is broad. And his friendship is
truly a thing to treasure. ,
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8360 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965
(Mr. CONTE asked and was given per-
mission to address the House for 1
minute.)
Mr. CONTE. Mr. Speaker, I would like
to join with my colleagues in extending
my greeting to the gentleman from Illi-
nois, BARRATT O'HARA, on his birthday. I
think one of the finest things that can
be said about a man is that he is a good
man. In my book BARRATT O'HARA is a
good man.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to wish him
many, many decades of good health, hap-
piness, and success so that in the golden
years of life he may harvest the rich divi-
dends and spiritual satisfaction which he
has so ably earned in a lifetime of dedi-
cated service to his State and his country.
Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. CONTE. I yield to the gentleman
from New Hampshire.
Mr. CLEVELAND. Mr. Speaker, I
wish to associate myself with the re-
marks of the gentleman froin Massa-
chusetts [Mr. CONTE] and the other
Members here who have paid well de-
served tribute to the gentleman from
Illinois, my distinguished and indomi-
table calleague [Mr. O'HaRal. His ready
wit and perceptive comment have added
much to our deliberations and I am
grateful to him for his constructive con-
tributions to this body.
Mr. REID of New York. Mr. Speaker,
will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CONTE. I yield to the gentleman
from New York.
Mr. REID of New York. Mr. Speaker,
I would like to associate myself with the
remarks of the gentleman from Massa-
chusetts and the gentleman from New
Hampsbtre and the gentleman from
Hawaii and very simply say to My good
friend and distinguished colleague BAR-
RATT O'HARA that-I greatly value his
friendship. He is a man of principle,
conviction, and courage. He has en-
nobled this House by his courage and
his actions.
I might say he has always been
a stanch friend of Israel, the only democ-
racy in the Near East. His support of
that country has meant much to the
course Of freedom in the Near East.
I would merely add, BARRATT, I hope
that you not only prosper in your im-
portant work in this House for many
years but in congratulating you on your
birthday, may I wish that you live to
be 120 years young.
Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker,
will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CONTE. I yield to the gentleman
from Ohio.
Mr. BROWN of Ohio. Mr. Speaker, I
appreciate the gentleman from Massa-
chusetts yielding to me. I wish to join
in paying tribute to BARRATT O'HARA to-
day. He and I belong to a rather exclu-
sive club, I think, perhaps with one or
two other Members, not the Spanish-
American War veterans but, rather, the
former lieutenant governors of our re-
spective States, which we were at almost
the same time. Of course, BARRATT and
I are about the same age? give or take
20 or 30 years. However, for a time when
he first came to Congress--and I think
I should say this for the benefit of the
other Members of the House in case there
is any question in your mind as to his
ability?I managed him. When I say I
managed him I mean I was in charge of
booking all of the various prizefights
and fisticuffs in which he engaged. He
was known in the prize ring and up and
down the eastern seaboard as "Kin"
O'HARA. He packed a very great wallop
and we had a lot of fun out of it. "KID,"
I hope you continue in good shape and
in good condition and that you do your
roadwork regularly and keep your legs
sound and hold your left out in Lout of
you a little bit and watch out for those
right uppercuts. I think you will finish
the course all right. Congratulations.
(Mr. MADDEN asked and was given
permission to address the House for 1
minute.)
GENERAL LEMIE TO EXTEND
Mr. MADDEN. Mr. Speaker, I, too,
wish to join the many Members of Con-
gress who would like to pay tribute to
the gentleman from Illinois, BARRATT
O'HARA, on his 83d birthday. I ask unan-
imous consent that all Members who
wish to pay tribute to him may extend
their remarks at this point in the RECORD.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. AL-
BERT) . Is there objection to the re-
quest of the gentleman from Indiana?
There was no objection.
Mr. MADDEN. In addition to what
my colleague, the gentleman from Ohio,
Congressman BROWN, has stated as to
being a member of the exclusive club of
former Lieutenant Governors, I want to
point out that BARRATT O'HARA was
elected Lieutenant Governor of Illinois
in 1912. A great number of Members
do not know that he was the first public
official in the Nation to expose the slave
labor conditions in the child labor sweat-
shops.
Lt. Gov. BARRATT O'HARA pioneered the
first public hearings that exposed to the
Nation the fact that children were work-
ing in those days at starvation wages in
the sweatshops of the city of Chicago
and also throughout the Nation. He
was the pioneer public official who spon-
sored legislation that did away with the
sweatshops in that early day.
He not only accomplished a great deal
as Lieutenant Governor of Illinois, but
he was also one of the great lawyers of
the Middle West and was associated for
a number of years with Clarence Dar-
row in the practice of law.
He also was nationally known as a
newspaperman and his writings were
published by newspapers and magazines
throughout the Nation before and dur-
ing World War I.
Mr. Speaker, he is the only Spanish-
American War veteran in the Congress
of the United States. We all hope that
BARRATT O'HARA will be a Member of this
body for many, many years to come and
we congratulate him on his 83d birthday
today.
Mr. HUNGATE. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. MADDEN. I yield to the gentle-
man.
Mr. HUNGATE. We, from Missouri,
are proud to offer the gentleman from
Illinois, BARRATT O'HARA, as an example
of the benefits to be derived from attend-
ing Missouri University. He was not
only a great fighter, but he was the best
football player pound for pound that at-
tended that school. We commend his
career to everyone.
Mrs. KELLY. Mr. Speaker, the great
State of Illinois is known as the Land
of Lincoln and, in this day, it has given
other great men to our Nation and to
public service.
I refer to two gentlemen whom I have
the good fortune to have as my friends
and' colleagues, the Honorable WILLIAM
L. DAWSON and the Honorable BARRATT
O'HARA. Both of these Representatives
serve their country well and both of them
have celebrated their birthdays this
week.
I join my colleagues in wishing them
the best of health, happiness, and all
good fortunes for many years to come.
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, I want
to take this opportunity to join my col-
leagues in paying tribute to an outstand-
ing Member of this body, the Honorable
BARRATT O'HARA, on the occasion of his
83d birthday.
We in the House are fortunate indeed
to have among us a man whose outstand-
ing career is certain to merit him a place
in American history. There are few in-
deed who are privileged to have had so
much adventure and to have given so
much service to their fellow men in one
lifetime as BARRATT O'HARA.
Youthful explorer, Spanish American
War and World War I soldier, news-
papermen, youngest attorney general in
Illinois' history, motion picture execu-
tive, brilliant defense lawyer, author, and
Congressman?each of these careers and
achievements would require a lifetime of
an ordinary man. BARRATT O'HARA has
accomplished them in 83 short years.
It is a measure of the stature of this
outstanding American that he first came
to Congress at an age when most men
have retired. Since his election from the
Second District of Illinois to the 81st
Congress, he has earned the respect of
his colleagues for the depth of his wis-
doM and the breadth of his vision.
It has been my distinct privilege to
have served with Mr. O'HARA on the
House Foreign Affairs Committee. He
has never ceased to amaze me with his
energy and abilities. His counsel and ad-
vice to me have been of inestimable
value through the years.
Today in congratulating BARRATT
O'HARA on his birthday, I want to add my
sincere best wishes to him for many more
years of fruitful service to his constitu-
ents and to our Nation.
SUBCOMMITTEE ON COMMERCE
AND FINANCE OF THE COMMIT-
TEE ON INTERSTATE AND FOR-
EIGN COMMERCE
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. Speaker, I ask
unanimous consent that the Subcommit-
tee on Commerce and Finance of the
Interstate and Foreign Commerce Com-
mittee be permitted to sit during general
debate this afternoon.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentleman
from Arkansas?
There was no objection.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE 8411
Apra 28, 1965
undertaken, especially aimed at employing
the unskilled and the semiskilled, ,
A month later, in an address to the City
Council of New ork, I proposed that New
York City launch a broadscale attack on
hardcore poverty in our city?to be aimed at
the roots...of tl problem and its contribu-
tory factors.
Immediately some critics asked us to de-
fine precisely the poverty we were going to
attack. During the ensuing discussion, I felt
like saying what klumpty Dumpty said in
"Alice in Wonderland":
"When I use a word," Humpty Dumpty
said, "it mearfs just what I choose it to
mean?neither more nor less,"
I think most of us know, today what we
mean by poverty. The figure used nation-
ally?which we found to fit New York City,
too?is one out of every five. In New York
City about 1,800,000 individuals, belonging to
389,000 families, live in conditions approxi-
mating poverty. Of course, the dictionary
definition of poverty?"having little or noth-
ing in the way of wealth, goods, or subsist-
ence" ha z little practical application to
'America in 1965. Most of the poor today
have Some goods, and almost all have or re-
ceive some subsistence.
,
But really, when we speak of the poor, we.
know whom we are talking about; But the
entire range of the poor are hard to define
precisely. They range from completely nor-
mal and law-abiding New Yorkers to some
who have what the experts call a deep social
pathology?with a sense of total alienation
from existing social institutions as well as
from the positive elements in their own com-
munities and neighborhoods.
Most of this latter group have no respect
for law and order. They include the drug
addicts, the addict pushers, the numbers
runners, the petty thieves, the muggers, and
others who form a, special underworld of the
poor?which preys primarily upon the poor.
It is this underworld whose members con-
stitute our greatest single social liability who
are the greatest menace to their own corn-
=Mites as well as a source of endless social
cost to society as a whole. These elements
were responsible for most of the evidence and
perpetrated most of the looting in last sum-
mer's convulsive riots. This subgroup gives
a bad name to Negroes and to Puerto Ricans.
It is our city's worst blight.
This is not the true underworld. The
underworld f itm now defining belongs to
the poor. Its denizens come from the poor.
They are poor.
It is not generally known, but these crimi-
nal poor prey most of all on other poor. The
law-abiding poor are the easiest victims.
They have the least security for what they
own. Their property is the most accessible,
and also the most disposable and the least
traceable.
This victimization of the poor is one of
the main indignities of poverty. Most of the
poor think that they get less police protec-
tion than others do, In New York City, at
least, this is not deliberately so, but it prob-
ably works out this way because of the greater
difficulty of policing_poor neighborhoods.
I dwell on this subject because it often
goes unnoticed by those concerned with the
problem of poverty. Yet it is a major aspect
of the rising crime rate in our cities.
The underworld of poverty, while only a
tiny part of the poverty population, plays a
Major part in the world of the poor, as an
ever-preSeht Menace and symbol Of the degra.
dation of poverty. This underworld must be
an object of our sPecial attention in the war
on poverty. None of our present programs
confront it, It must be confronted,
? The basic challenge is to give all the poor
the opportunity and the wherewithal to bet-
;er, their ,reep,nornic condition. They must
No.15-8
also be given the hope and the desire to
do so,
New York City and the Nation have ac-
cepted the challenge. The question is: How
are we meeting it? What is our plan?
Our plan consists of many parts, in order
to meet the many-faceted problem. We in-
tend to do a great many different things, de-
signed to meet the needs of different groups,
as well as different factors in the causation
of poverty.
Unfortunately, thus far, we have been able
to start only a few of the things we must do.
We have begun to work on the special pro-
grams authorized under the Economic Op-
portunity Act, the Neighborhood Youth
Corps, the Job Corps, and the activities that
fall under the community action plan pro-
vided under title II of the Economic Oppor-
tunity Act.
All these programs are now in the begin-
ning stages of implementation. In New York
City our expectation for 1965 is to involve
approximately 25,000 people?mostly youth?
as direct beneficiaries and participants in
the various programs under the Economic
Opportunity Act.
Preschool training programs will be pro-
vided for approximately 7,000 children from
disadvantaged neighborhoods.
Special loans and other aids are to be made
to small businesses to enable qualified indi-
viduals from these disadvantaged neighbor-
hoods to start ,and to conduct businesses of
their own.
For the aged, there will be basic services
including employment opportunities.
Most of these sample programs I have just
mentioned will be operated and conducted
from the disadvantaged neighborhoods. Ex-
cept for the professional experts required for
training, counseling, and administration, all
the personnel required for these programs
will be solocitcd from the neighborhoods.
I want to refer hereto the two trailblazing,
neighborhood-based poverty programs in New
York City which have served as prototypes
for others throughout the country: Haryou-
Act in Central Harlem, and mobilization-f or-
youth on the Lower East Side.
Although these programs were originally
designed to combat juvenile delinquency,
experience soon dictated that their scope
should be enlarged to include a broad-scale
attack upon the conditions underlying
poverty.
Much has been learned from these two
pioneer undertakings. We, in New York City,
are trying to apply what has been learned.
Meanwhile, we will continue to support mo-
bilization-for-youth and Haryou-Act with
New York City funds. The mobilization-for-
youth program is, of course, of special in-
terest in Puerto _Rico because one of the
major population components in the 67-block
area covered by mobilization-for-youth is
Puerto Rican,
Now, I want to turn to the special Puerto
Rican aspects of our antipoverty program.
You might be interested in a few facts and
figures about the Puerto Ricans in New 'York.
Puerto Ricans born in New York get more
education than those born in Puerto Rico
who come to New York. The avera,ge is 2
years more education for Puerto Rican men
and 3 years more for women. Nevertheless,
compared to the rest of the population,
Puerto Ricans are still at a disadvantage.
According to the 1960 census, Puerto
Ricans 25 years old and older averaged 3
years less education than the comparable
figure for the total population of New York
City.
Almost 30 percent of Puerto Ricans 25
years old or older had less than 5 years of
education, compared to only 9 percent for
the entire population of the city: In the
same age group, only 10 percent of Puerto
Ricans had completed high school, and only
a percent had gone on to college, compared
to 24 and 18 percent for the total population.
The unemployment rate for Puerto Ricans
is double that of the city average.
In 1960, 33 percent of all Puerto Rican
families in New York City had incomes of
less than $3,000, compared with 13 percent
of all families in New York City.
Only 3 percent of Puerto Rican families
had incomes of $10,000 or more, in contrast
to 22 percent for all New York City families.
Even these statistics have their bright side.
The fact is that more than 5,000 Puerto
Ricans have jobs with the city government.
More than 100 auxiliary teachers, who are
completely bilingual, are working for the
board of education. Almost all of them are
graduates of the University of Puerto Rico.
More than 6,000 Puerto Ricans own their
own businesses.
These are just sample figures which help
in drawing a profile.
All the programs to which I have already
referred are aimed at expanding the horizons
of opportunity and lowering the barriers of
discrimination for the benefit of New York
City's Puerto Ricans, as well as for Negroes
and other disadvantaged groups. In the pre-
school training program, special emphasis
will be given to the language barrier. Bi-
lingual teachers will be employed.
Puerto Ricans from among the ranks of the
poor will be trained in subprofessional
capacities for service to the poor?as assist-
ants to visiting doctors and nurses, as at-
tendants in hospitals and nursing homes, as
itinerant helpers in the households' of the
aged, as maintenance personnel for apart-
ment houses.
This kind of training can and will be pro-
vided in neighborhood centers for the un-
skilled, untrained, and unlettered.
We plan to mobilize Puerto Rican profes-
sionals?or at least Spanish-speaking profes-
sionals?to train these subprofessiOnals.
It is our belief that one of the expanding
areas of employment opportunities for the
future is in providing increased services to
the/sick, the disabled, the young, the aged?
indeed, to all who need the kind of help
which must be furnished by human hands
and cannot be automated.
Late last summer a group of Puerto
Ricans, acting through an organization
called the Puerto Rican Forum, asked me to
arrange a financial grant from the city gov-
ernment to enable them to plan a compre-
hensive anti-poverty program based on the
special needs of Puerto Ricans in New York.
I approved a $70,000 allocation for this pur-
pose. Additional funds have since been
granted. Recently, the Puerto Rican Forum
submitted a comprehensive multimillion-
dollar program. The proposals of the Puerto
Rican Forum, which are complex, are under
active study and consideration. Other
Puerto Rican groups in New York have sub-
mitted alternative proposals. From all these
proposals, a program will be worked out
which can be fitted into the overall frame-
work of the city's anti-poverty plan and
provide an adequate reflection of special
Puerto Rican needs.
One of the ideas proposed by the Puerto
Rican Forum especially intrigued me. It
was proposed to subsidize the maintenance
and spread of Puerto Rican culture in New
York City through a network of existing
Puerto Rican organizations. This is linked
up with the war against poverty. Actually,
it would be difficult to allocate governmental
funds for this purpose. However, we are
still studying this approach, and are try-
ing to find a way to get fiscal support for
a Part of this undertaking.
In any event, fwant to tell you that I am
determined, as mayor, to insure that the
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8412 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965
Puerto Ricans of New York receive a full
share of the benefits of the poverty pro-
gram?the share to which they are entitled
by virtue of their numbers and by virtue
of their need.
The full scope of the powers, authority,
and resources of every department of the city
government is to be focused on the achieve-
ment of this objective.
I would like to underline this point, be-
cause I believe that the uniqueness of New
York City's poverty program lies in the fact
that the entire range of city government
resources has been placed, by executive or-
der, within the orbit of the poverty pro-
gram. To head up the poverty program, I
selected one of the highest ranking officials
of the City of New York, the president of
the city council, Mr. Paul Serevane, who is
also one of the most accomplished admin-
istrators to come up through the ranks of
the city government in my memory.
My purpose was to give the poverty pro-
gram a top priority among all the programs
of the city government. Li a real sense,
the entire city government is engaged. in
the poverty program, and deeply committed
to it.
I consider each Puerto Rican in New York
a New Yorker like other New Yorkers?a
New Yorker equal in all respects, in his
rights and his claims for privilege and op-
portunity.
We certainly welcome the Commonwealth
and its office in New York as the interpreter,
advocate, friend, and defender of the Puerto
Ricans in New York. There are, in fact,
many individuals and organizations claim-
ing to be the spokesmen of all Puerto Ricans
in New York. That is natural. I honor and
recognize them all for their efforts. How-
ever, I want recognition, too, as one who
speaks and works for the interests of the
700,000 Puerto Ricans in the 5 boroughs of
New York City.
In-this connection, I want to pay tribute to
the activities of the Commonwealth in New
York City, particularly through its migration
division. I want to express my appreciation
to Labor Secretary Frank Zorilla, under whom
the migration division operates. Secretary
Zorilla deserves praise for his supervision
of this fine activity. And of course, I want
to mention the director of that division, a
true friend, although he frequently presses
us hard, Joe Monserrat I was very happy
to approve recently the appointment of one
of the key employees of the migration divi-
sion, brilliant young Joe Morales, to one of
the top positions on the staff of the anti-
poverty operations board.
If I were to summarize the prescription to
meet the needs of the war against poverty,
it would be a prescription for most of the
things that are being done today. But I
would prescribe a much bigger scale, with a
much broader sweep. And there are many
additional programs which cry to be
launched.
Emergency actions are needed now to fore-
stall emergency situations later.
We need that public works program I pro-
posed 15 months ago. We need it now more
than ever. Of course, the cast would be very
great, and the cost of stepping up all the
other programs I have been talking about
would be very great, too.
Yet the money must be found, as it cer-
tainly would be found if We faced a military
emergency abroad.
There must be substantially greater Fed-
eral grants directly to the localities for edu-
cation, for training, for housing, for all the
programs I have been talking about and that
have been discussed at this conference. But
the local and State governments must be
ready to strain their resources, too. This
means more taxes, which is not easy to con-
template and even less to institute. But it
must be done. The people must be con-
vinced that it must be done.
Will the sum of all the programs I have
discussed cure poverty? Frankly, I don't
know. Neither does anybody. I know one
thing: we must try everything. We cannot
afford to stop.
There are lions in the streets, angry lions,
aggrieved lions, lions who had been caged
until the cages crumbled. We had better do
something about those lions, and when I
speak of lions I do not mean individuals. I
mean the spirit of the people, those who have
been neglected and oppressed, and dis-
criminated against, and misunderstood and
forgotten. Some of them now have the
spirits of angry lions. We must promptly
set about to remedy the conditions which
brought them into being. And we have no
time. The time is now. It is already after
midnight on the clock of history. We can
only pray that the clock will stop awhile
and give us the breathing space to work our
Wills in accordance with our consciences, to
the best of our abilities.
THE PRESID POLICY IN
(Mr. MOR and was given
permission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD.)
Mr. MORGAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise
to commend President Johnson for his
course of action in Vietnam and to ex-
press my appreciation for his frank and
open statement to the American people
and to the peoples of the world in ex-
planation of U.S. policy in that area.
Public opinion polls have shown that a
vast majority of the American people
support the President's policy in Viet-
nam. After his press conference yester-
day, that support should increase, both
here and abroad. The President empha-
sized again that we have learned the
lessons afforded by the appeasement of
Munich. He could not have been more
right when he said that failure to resist
In Vietnam would deliver a friendly na-
tion to terror and repression, encourage
those who seek to conquer other nations
In their reach, and endanger American
welfare and freedom.
I am also proud of the restraint being
exercised by our President in his deter-
mination to provide the maximum
amount of deterrent with the minimum
cost. The carefully controlled bombings
which the President has authorized are
coupled with his desire to stop the loss
of lives and end the conflict. I was
pleased to read his words:
I do sometimes wonder how some people
can be so concerned with our bombing a
cold bridge of steel and concrete in North
Vietnam but never open their mouth about
a bomb being placed in our Embassy in South
Vietnarn.
President Johnson repeated that our
bombings of their bridges, radar stations,
and ammunition will cease the moment
the North Vietnamese end their aggres-
sion. In renewing his offer for uncondi-
tional discussions and reemphasizing the
firmness of our position, the President
not only deserves the fullest support of
every American, but that of freedom-
loving people everywhere.
TIME FOR A SPECIAL COMMITTEE
ON THE CAPTIVE NATIONS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House the gentle-
man from Pennsylvania [Mr. noon] is
recognized for 60 minutes.
(Mr. FLOOD asked and was given per-
mission to revise and extend his re-
marks.)
-Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan-
imous consent that various other Mem-
bers be permitted to extend their re-
marks in today's RECORD at the end of
my remarks on this subject.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentleman
from Pennsylvania?
There was no objection.
GENERAL LEAVE TO EXTEND
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, I ask unan-
imous consent that all Members have 5
legislative days in which to extend their
remarks upon this same subject.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentle-
man from Pennsylvania?
There was no objection.
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, present de-
velopments in various parts of the world,
particularly in Vietnam, make the es-
tablishment of a Special Committee on
the Captive Nations a definite necessity.
Let us not forget that the captive people
of North Vietnam also have a stake in
the outcome of the current crisis there.
Despite the eased tensions in Eastern
Europe, let us not forget that the various
totalitarian Red governments do not
represent the underlying captive nations
and in a variety of ways continue to op-
press and exploit the captive peoples.
Let us also not forget that Moscow's de-
ceptive policy of peaceful coexistence
cannot conceal the realities of Soviet
Russian imperiocolonialism in the cap-
tive non-Russian countries of the em-
pire-state called the Soviet Union. And
let us not forget that the captive nation
of Cuba is still off our shores and is being
systematically exploited by Moscow and
Peiping alike for Red totalitarian pene-
tration of Latin America.
In short, Mr. Speaker, as our interest
and energies are being absorbed by cer-
tain particular events, let us not forget
the general and basic state of the captive
nations in Eastern Europe, Asia, and
Latin America. And the best way in
not forgetting them at this time is to
create now a Special Committee on the
Captive Nations. This is the time for
such a committee.
A BRIDGE TO TRUE UNDERSTANDING
As Representatives of the American
people, we have now a wonderful oppor-
tunity to construct a bridge of true un-
derstanding between ourselves and the
neglected captive nations and peoples.
Diplomatic bridges with totalitarian
governments in the Red empire are not
necessarily bridges with the underlying
captive nations. We need more than one
type of bridge for the terrain is sub-
stantially different between the oppres-
sor and the oppressed, the colonialist and
the colonial, the exploiter and the ex-
ploited. A Special Committee on the
Captive Nations in this Congress would
be our bridge of true understanding of,
and abiding faith in, the close to 1 bil-
lion captive people.
It has been my privilege to introduce
the original resolution proposing thit
bridge of true understanding. Dozen:
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Although the buildings' and health de-
partments list some of the violations as haz-
ardous to the lives and health Of he Men,
wQmen, and children who live the build-
ings concerned, the landlords do hot consider
themselves -or-fin/pals.
What is more important, however, is that
the courts and the judges themselves do not
consider them criminals, nor their acts more
serious than MAZY parking violations.
Despite the fact that the penalty for con-
viction for a hosing misdemeanor can run
as high as a $500 fine and 30 days in jail,
it rarely does. In fact, many violators con-
tinue to find it far less expensive to pay
their fines than to fix their houses.
In 1964 there were a total of 20,613 con-
victions in housing court and of these, 19718
were fined a total of $332,498?an average of
$16.86 per case. In January of this year, 957
cases were reported as convictions and 892
persons were fined $17,220, an average of
$10.90 per case.
To put the court's attitude toward hous-
ing violations and the slumlords into proper
perspective, one need look no further than
traffic court, where the standard fine for
parking a car in a restricted area is $15.
Even the amount of the fines in housing
court is not an accurate barometer for meas-
uring the punishment of housing violators.
The average fine per case does not take into
consideration the total number of violations
per case.
In many instances, the fine averages out to
no more than $4 a violation. For this reason,
it is not difficult Jo see why many landlords
find it far more economical to pay a small
fine rather than have the violation fixed be-
fere the matter falls into the jurisdiction of
the housing court. In some cases, landlords
even save money by paying the fine.
For instance, yesterday one of the land-
lords convicted for failure to provide heat
for 2 days to his 60-family apartment house
In Manhattan was fined $25.
After paying his fine he told a reporter
that the boiler was broken for the 2 days,
but that during that time he saved almost
5,000 gallons of fuel, at 6 cents a gallon?
$300.
Despite the high percentage of convic-
tions?more, than 90 percent?the criminal
prosecution of housing code violators does
not function, as a deterrent to continued
abuse. Landlords plead guilty to violations,
but then appear at another time to make the
plea to other charges.
The procedures of the court do not usually
'help the tenant who must endure the viola-
tion While the court action is taken.
At present there are often delays of as long
as 3 months between the time an inspec-
tor makes a recommendation for Court ac-
tion and the first appearance of the violator
in court. The matter does not usually end
there, because in many cases there are con-
tinued adjournments and it may be a year
before the case is finally settled.
For many landlords, housing court has
taken on, the flavor of traffic' court, where,
despite a person's feeling that he is not
guilty, he will often plead guilty and pay a
fine. If he were to plead not guilty, he would
then have to appear on another day for trial,
and even then he, could not be sure the city
Would be ready with its case. If his time is
more Valuable, he pleads guilty and is fin-
ished witia, it.
' ItOWOVO the "operators"?landlords who
buy and sell slum buildings for profit, and
Who milk' them for every penny they can get
out of them?will often "shop around" for a
more lenient judge and will plead not guilty
on a clay when a strict judge is on the bench.
On the day for trial, before the lenient judge,
they will change their plea to guilty and
accept the low fine imposed.
No. 75-12
The "operators" also manage to avoid hav-
ing their names sullied with convictions by
having the name of a corporation substituted
on the court records,
Another factor that works against the ad-
.
ministration,. of justice in housing cases is
that in the cases of flagrant violators, it is
often difficult to find out who is the legal
owner of the building.
Although "managing agents" usually col-
lect the rent, when it comes time to appear
in court for a series of violations they are
frequently "fired" and no longer work for
the owner.
The department issuing the summons for
the violation must then try to find the true
owner of the property. This is often more
difficult than it may seem. The person who
is -held legally responsible for the building
often maintains that he is still not the
owner.
In these cases, the true owner hides behind
a facade of corporation names and post office
box numbers, or uses a telephone answering
service so that he can screen his calls. In
this way he "cannot be contacted" for the
service of summonses_ or for complaints to
be registered with him.
A typical day in housing court begins with
the crowded corridor and the usual press of
bodies trying to get into the courtroom.
Yesterday there were 44 cases on the docket
and the courtroom was half empty. The
court clerk?the "Bridgeman"?called off the
name of a defendant, who would approach
the bench. The clerk would ask if he was
acquainted with the charges, rattle off the
defendant's rights and then ask for a plea.
It was a bad day for the defendants.
In 20 cases, they pleaded guilty and were
fined an average of $32 a case. One defendant
paid $110 for four cases involving a total of
16 violations?or an average of $6 per
violation.
Another landlord paid a $50 fine for a vio-
lation consisting of a faulty elevator.
Another claimed his tenant refused to al-
low his apartment to be painted and that an
Inspector Issued a summons anyway. He re-
ceived a $10 suspended sentence.
Of the rest of the cases, 20 were adjourned
for trial. In the four others, warrants were
issued for the defendants' arrest for failure
to appear in court.
When the name of the landlord for 286
Fort Washington Avenue was called, 16 peo-
ple rose and approached the bench. They
were the landlord, his attorney, and 14 ten-
ants from the building.
After pleading guilty, without an explana-
tion, the landlord, W. Genuth, of 273 Have-
meyer Street, Brooklyn, was fined $25 for
failure to provide heat in the 60-apartment
building. As the judge pronounced sen-
tence, the tenants walked out quickly?ob-
viously not satisfied.
Outside the courtroom they got into an
argument with Mr. Genuth because they
claimed that he had harassed them.
John Churko, a spokesman for the tenants,
claimed that for the last 4 years they have
had trouble with him. He said that the
landlord had continually refused to make
repairs or to paint the apartments. He said
that for a period of 7 weeks early this year,
the tenants had to walk to their apartments
In the six-story building because the ele-
vator was not working.
Mr. Genuth denied g).e charges of harass-
Merit but admitted that the elevator was
not working for that length of time.
"Vandals broke the control panel on the
elevator," he said, "and it took 7 weeks to
the day to have it repaired. It cost me more
than $7,000, but they don't want to listen
to me."
As for the no-heat violation, Mr. Genuth
agreed that the building was without heat
8443-
for 2 days but said someone had broken
the boiler. He showed a bill for $900 for
repairs to the boiler, and for rusted bolts
that allowed the water to seep out.
He blamed labor troubles for the "vandals"
who had destroyed his property.
"It cost me more than $12,000 for all the
work on the building so far this year," he
said. "I try but I just can't keep up with
it all. I have tenants in the building who
are paying $65 a month for six rooms un-
der rent control. They should have rent
controls but they should make it like $25
a room instead of about $19. For me it's
an investment, but I can't make money on
this."
A half hour later, at 12:20, another day
in housing court had drawn to a close.
Judge Maurice Downing, graying and re-
served, refused , to talk with a reporter and
left immediately.
Long criticized by civic groups for many
reasons, the housing court and its judge re-
main unchanged.
Not too long ago, a city official, who is deep_
ly concerned about the dual failure of the
housing code and the housing court to bring
about a solution to the problem of slum-
lords, brought up the topic with a criminal
court judge, who sits on housing court.
According to the city official, the judge
maintained that he just didn't feel that
most housing violations were true crim-
inal acts. According to this judge, most
housing problems should be settled by the
tenants and the landlords, not by the crim-
inal courts.
As long as judges feel this way?and
more than one certainly does?the housing
court will continue to offer little relief to
the thousands of New Yorkers being victim- *
ized daily by landlords who operate freely
as slumlords within the framework of the
law.
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS?PART
LIII
(Mr. MULTER (at the request of Mr.
SCHEITER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, the fol-
lowing article on New York City's slum-
lords appeared in the New York Herald
Tribune on March 10,1965.
The article is part of the series on "New
York City in Crisis" and follows:
NEW YORK CITY IN CRISIS--CITY ARMED WITH
POPGUNS IN ITS WAR ON SLUMLORDS
(Norz.--In the greatest city in the world,
perhaps the basic ill is slum housing. As
part of the Herald Tribune's continuing in-
vestigative series, "New York City in Crisis,"
Reporters Martin J. Steadman and Alfonso
Narvaez have spent 1 month intensively ex-
amining the problems of the slumlords and
the dwellers. Today, in the fourth article,
the Tribune offers possible?and vitally nec-
essary?solutions.)
(By Martin J. Steadman, of the Herald
Tribune staff)
The New York City Buildings Department
is fighting the growing slum problem with
one hand tied behind its back.
A month-long Herald Tribune investiga-
tion found that loopholes in the law, lenient
judges, and an outmanned buildings depart-
ment let hard-core slumlords milk old-law
tenements at the expense of the tenants.
Here are some of the problems the build-
ings department faces:
No legal staff. Cases against slumlords are
prepared by clerks.
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8444 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 28, 1965
Delays of as long as 3 months from the
time court action is recommended and the
scheduled court appearance of the defendant.
Penalties imposed on landlords by judges
in housing court are extremely lenient.
? Rarely does a slumlord go to jail. The aver-
age fine last year was $16.86, far less than
what it would cost a landlord to make the
repairs demanded by the buildings depart-
ment.
Only eight process servers are available to
try to track down the hard-core slumlords.
The buildings department is forced to resort
to service of summons by mail, a dubious
legal maneuver. Result: There are now 1,600
cases pending where the landlord has not
appeared in court following mailed service of
the summons. The backlog of cases is
growing.
The department tried to hire a private
process service agency last year, paying first
$1.50, then $2.50, per summons. But the
agency found it unprofitable and notified the
city that it would not do the job any longer.
The buildings department does not have
statutory potver to subpena witnesses, take
testimony under oath, and compel the pro-
duction of books and records of slumlords.
Each year since 1960, a bill has been intro-
duced in the legislature to give the depart-
ment these powers. Each year the bill has
died in committee.
The receivership program, which allows the
city to seize a slum tenement, fix it up and
collect rents until the job is paid for, is just
limping along. To date, only 74 buildings
have gone into receivership, The buildings
department considers receivership a potent
weapon in code enforcement. The mere
threat of seizure has brought compliance by
reluctant landlords in 154 buildings. But
the staff for this highly touted program
numbers only 17 people, with just 1 attorney,
borrowed from another department. The
entire receivership staff boasts three clerks,
two typists, a stenographer, eight inspectors,
and two process servers.
Overlapping jurisdiction. Lack-of-heat
violations come under the jurisdiction of the
health department. Lack-of-hot-water vio-
lations come under the jurisdiction of build-
ings. Usually both violations are traceable
to. a defective boiler. Though civic groups
have clamored for consolidation of housing
enforcement agencies for years, New York
City still clings to the old way of doing
things.
The shortcomings in budget and staff of
the buildings department were recently
pointed up by the Community Service So-
ciety, a quietly effective nonprofit civic group
which keeps a close watch on housing prob-
lems. The agency wrote:
"No substantial improvement in code en-
forcement can be expected until the Depart-
ment of Buildings receives a budget com-
mensurate with its responsibilities."
CSS also took the occasion to criticize the
courts. "Until fines are greater than the cost
of repairs, it is not likely that this method of
enforcement will be as effective as it should
be."
The buildings department has been shaken
by scandals many times over the years.
Inspectors have been dismissed and jailed
over taking graft. After the last grand jury
report, in 1959, Mayor Wagner reached out
for a cop to head the department. He got
Harold Birns, a former assistant district at-
torney in Prank Hogan's rackets squad.
Since then the buildings department has
been functioning in relative quiet. Commis-
sioner Elms has fired 30 inspectors sum-
marily, but no major scandal, or charges of
organized graft collecting have disturbed his
administration. As for enforcement of the
housing code by the buildings department,
statistics indicate It is doing a greater
amount of enforcement each year.
Inspectors reported 425,526 housing viola-
tions on 30,562 buildings in 1964. The pre-
vious record high, in 1983, was 307,716. That
figure was considerably higher than the 195,-
585 violations reported in 1962.
Most of the increased inspection activity
was caused by the "cycle survey," a cellar-to-
roof inspection of every building in a slum
neighborhood, instituted July 15, 1963. The
cycle survey teams do not wait for tenant
complaints.
To date, cycle survey teams have visited
30,105 buildings, containing 157,209 apart-
ments. When the program began, 40,208
violations were pending on those buildings.
The inspectors handed out an additional
227,925 violations.
All this inspection activity shows up in
housing court, of course. There were 22,411
cases brought by the buildings department in
1964, up from the 16,086 in 1963. More than
90 percent of the cases end in convictions,
and last year 20,613 landlords paid $332,498
In fines.
The last figure is disturbing to civic groups
as well as law enforcement officials. The
average fine in 1960 was $26.67. Each year
since, it has declined, until last year the
landlords were walking out of housing court
with average fines of less than $17.
In 1964, only 10 landlords went to jail.
In 1863, only seven jail terms were handed
down.
But many observers feel that even with
the increased activity, the buildings depart-
ment is losing the fight against spreading
slums.
City Councilman J. Raymond Jones, speak-
ing at a budget hearing last DeceMber, re-
marked: "We give the buildings department
a teacup and expect it to stop the Hudson
from flowing Into the bay."
The buildings department budget for this
fiscal year is $10.2 million. Commissioner
Birns Is asking $15 million for next year.
Almost the entire buildings department
budget goes for the salaries of 1,642 em-
ployees, including 866 building and housing
inspectors. The payroll amounts to $9.9 mil-
lion of the $10.2 million budget.
The budget for the executive staff of the
buildings department has always been rather
niggardly compared to the plush budgets for
other city departments.
There are only 20 lines in the budget, in-
cluding the commissioner and two deputies,
for the administration of a central office and
five borough offices. Two of the lines are
unfilled, which means two of the officials are
doubling in their jobs. There is no public
relations officer attached to the buildings de-
partment, perhaps the only major city de-
partment without one.
There are 43,000 old-law tenements on the
city streets. Built before the turn of the
century, many of these buildings would have
been ordered battled up long ago if there
weren't a housing shortage in the city.
The vacancy ratio at present?the key
figure in determining just how much leeway
the city has in getting tough with land-
lords who do not comply with the law?is
now at a very low 1.7 percent. In effect, this
means that even if the city wanted to vacate
a bad building, vacancy ratio figures insist
that officials must go slow?there is no place
to move the ousted tenants.
The vacate order is the ultimate weapon
against the slumlord. His tenants are
ordered out and the premises bearded up.
But because there is no place to put the
tenants, the buildings department Could
close only 27 old-law tenements in 1962, 34 in
1963, and 51 in 1964. In the 4 years between
1934 and 1937, the city boarded up over 2,000
slum buildings, an average of over 500 a
year.
But it was easier for Mayor La Guardia,
brandishing a hatchet or a flit gun, to order
a slum building boarded up immediately.
The vacancy ratio in the 1930's ran well up
to between 12 and 17 percent. Adding to the
enormity of the problem faced by Mayor
Wagner and his building department is the
simple fact that these tenements are now 30
years older than when Mr. La Guardia was
crusading against them.
Last,May, the city commissioned a study of
the present housing code by the Columbia
University Legislative Drafting Research
Fund. Headed by Prof. Prank Grad, the
study team is expected to take 3 years, at a
-Cost of $255,000, to analyze the deficiencies
in the present code, and return recommenda-
tions.
Professor Grad said yesterday that he filed
a preliminary report on consolidation of
housing enforcement agencies several months
ago, but the city has not yet released his
recommendations.
The professor declined to discuss his find-
ings, but it was learned that he urged con-
solidation as a long-overdue measure.
Reforms in the tenements come in fits and
starts. In 1901, the legislature passed the
sweeping tenement house law, outlawing
any more construction of the dingy, unsafe
buildings. Toilets were moved into the
houses from the backyards.
In 1929, the legislature mandated fire-
retarding of cellars and halls, and in 1955,
the multiple dwelling code was amended to
require central heating in every apartment
house.
This could be the year for greater tene-
ment-house reform?perhaps a tightened
multiple dwelling law and city housing code
If the people and their elected officers want
it.
(Mr. OTTINGER (at the request of Mr
SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex--
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat--
ter.)
[Mr. OTTINGER'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. OTTINGER (at the request of Mr.
SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point In the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. OTTINGER'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
PROPOSAL FOR PEACE IN
(Mr. PEPPER (at the reque
SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, the
situation in Vietnam is one of such criti-
cal character that I am sure we all are
glad to see outstanding and dedicated
Americans earnestly thinking about the
problem and offering their ideas as to
what would contribute toward the solu-
tion of the problem in a way consistent
with the interest of freedom of the peo-
ple of Vietnam. I submit for the Ap-
pendix for the consideration of my col-
leagues and fellow countrymen sugges-
tions which I believe to be worthy of note
which have been made upon the subject
by Mr. John Bethea, an instructor in the
Department of Social Science at the
University of Miami, and together with
the proposal of Mr. Bethea, an article by
Mr. Clarke Ash, associate editor of the
Miami News, commending the plan
which Mr. Bethea proposes.
[The material referred to appears in
the Appendix.]
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Aprn 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?11QT.ISf $445
THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPIVIENT OF
? PUERTO RICO
(Mr. PEPPEA (at the request of Mr.
Scilxuxit), was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. PEpPER, Mr. Speaker, it is with
a great deal of pleasure that I submit for
the reading of tny colleagues an address
by the distinguished Resident ComMIS-
stouter of Puerto ,Rico, the Honorable
Santiago Polanco-Abreu, and the well
deserved introduction by Mr. Roy Val-
iance, president of the Inter-American
Bar Association, delivered before Inter-
American Bar Association ad the Dis-
trict of Columbia Bar Committee on
Inter-American Relations, at the Na-
tional Lawyer Clubs of Washington, D.C.,
on April 27, 1965.
Mr. Speaker, the introduction and ad-
dress of our colleague are as follows:
HiutriiA,so Poi,swco-AaaEu
Born October 30, 1920, in BayamOn, P.R.
Attended elementary and high school in Isa-
bela, P.R. Bachelor of arts and LL.B., Uni-
versity of Puerto Rico, 1943. President of the
student council. Popular Democrat. Prac-
ticed law in Isabela and San Juan. Ap-
pointed legal adviser to the tax court of
Puerto Rico, August 1943. Married Viola Or-
sini, 1944; no children. Elected to the House
of Representatives, Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico, 1948, 1952, 1956, 1960. Member of the
constitUtiOnal convention of Puerto Rico,
1851-52. Chairman, committee on finance;
vice chairman, committees on interior gov-
ernment, appointments, and impeachment
proceedings, and member of the committee
of rules and calendar. Appointed speaker of
the house, January 17, 1963. Member of the
American Bar Association, Bar Association of
Puerto Rico, Puerto Rican Atheneum, Asso-
ciation of American Writers, Lions' Club, and
Pan-American Gun Club. Advocates eco-
nomic and social change in Latin America
and in this respect believes Puerto Rico has
a fundamental role to fulfill. Has traveled
in Europe, North America, and in most Latin
American Republics. Elected November 3,
1964, for a 4-year term as Resident Com-
missioner.
TUE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF PUERTO Rico
(Address by Santiago Polanco-Abreu? Resi-
dent Commissioner of the Commonwealth
of Puerto Rico)
I am greatly honored by the invitation of
the Inter-American Bar Association and the
D.C. Bar Committee on Inter-American Rela-
tions to join with them here today to speak
on the economic development of Puerto
? Rico. It is extremely rewarding to me that
this distinguished group is interested in the
problems of Puerto Rico and how we are
handling them. And, with your permission,
would like to look at the Commonwealth
against the larger backdrop of the two-thirds
of the world which lives in deep poverty.
Certainly all of us are perturbed by the
enormous gulf which separates the "have"
from the "have not" nations, and even more
perturbed by the fact that this gulf seems to
be growing, rather than diminishing.
Happily, there have been some noteworthy
exceptions to this trend of the rich getting
? richer, while the poor get poorer or barely
hold their own. The rates of economic
growth in Japan, Israel, and Puerto Rico, for
? example, are now much higher than the
growth rates of more highly developed coun-
? tries. In contrast with most underdeveloped
countries, moreover, their growth has been
nothing short of spectacular. Today, Japan,
Israel, and Puerto Rico are on the other side
of the fence, sending their technicians and
providing technical assistance to their less
fortunate neighbors.
Recognizing that Puerto Rico is no more a
typical case than Japan or Israel, it is never-
theless worthwhile, I believe, to understand
something of its economic development his-
tory in order to see more clearly some of the
problems characteristic of underdeveloped
countries and some of the solutions that
have proved workable in Puerto Rico.
In. 1898, when Puerto Rico was ceded by
Spain to the United States, the island was
indeed underdeveloped. Most people lived
in poverty on small subsistence farms.
Families were large and few children could
be educated. Coffee was the only important
export, and the total volume of oversea
trade was small, indeed. The beginning of a
modernized Puerto Rican economy was the
development of sugar as a major export in-
dustry.
Growth of the sugar industry provided a
necessary base for the more diversified eco-
nomic development that was to come much
later. The method of its development, how-
ever, was most damaging to the people of
Puerto Rico. The sugar industry, largely
owned by U.S. interests, took out from
Puerto Rico far more in profits than the
amount it invested or reinvested.
The depression of the 1930's hit Puerto
Rico with great severity, Sugar and coffee
prices tumbled to ruinous levels. Many cof-
fee plantations, which had been severely
damaged by hurricanes in 1928 and 1932, were
not replanted. , Everywhere there was deep
social and political unrest. Puerto Rico was
on the brink of revolution. Federal relief
programs, although substantial in size, were
not sufficient to offset the collapse in the
economy.
When it did come in 1940, the revolution
was a peaceful one. A newly formed political
party, led by Luis Mufioz Marin, won a slim
victory at the polls. Mufioz had cam-
paigned, not on the traditional basis of
Puerto Rico's political status, but on immedi-
ate and pressing economic and social issues.
He promised bread 'for the hungry; land for
the landless peasant; and freedom from po-
litical domination by the absentee sugar
companies. His victory brought hope to a
people that had for many years been mired
in hoplessness.
During the war years, Mufioz and his new
Popular Party administration laid the
groundwork for the economic and social de-
velopment programs which were later to be
put into high gear. They also had a revenue
windfall of $160 million from countervailing
excise taxes on rum, which sold in large
quantities in the United States during the
war. And although this was badly needed
for public assistance and a score of urgent,
immediate problems, the government made
the decision to invest this revenue in a num-
ber of public corporations intended to spear-
head Puerto Rico's economic development.
Included among these publicly owned cor-
porations were utility companies in the fields
of power, water supply, transportation, and
communications. There were five others
that had specific economic development ob-
jectives?the Government Development Bank,
the Industrial Development Co., the Land
Authority, and the Agricultural Co. Today,
there are 22 public corporations in operation.
Most of the larger ones are self-financing
and today their assets total well over a
billion dollars. Their establishment early in
the program and their continued record of
sound and constructive management have
been major factors in the success of the
development program as a whole.
To appreciate the strategy of the develop-
ment program that was being planned and
started in the 1940's, one needs to know some-
thing about Puerto Rico and its resources.
The island Is only about 100 miles long and
36 miles wide. We hays sunshine, beaches,
and the sea, mountains, a tropical rain
forest.
Coffee and tobacco, and fruits and vege-
tables are grown in the mountains; and we
have a rapidly expanding livestock and poul-
try industry, which produces about as much
farm income as Sugarcane, our traditional
crop.
It began to be clear even in the 1940's that
Puerto Rican economy could not depend pri-
marily on agriculture. The entire surface of
the island has less than an acre of land per
person and only about a third of it is suit-
able for crops of any kind. Even forestry is
limited by the rugged terrain and by the
great variety of trees and undergrowth typical
of forests in the tropics. Prospecting for
minerals started years ago and continues ac-
tively, but none has yet proved exploitable.
With limited land and no commercial re-
sources of fuel or minerals, industrial devel-
opment has had to be the key element in
Puerto Rico's economic development program.
But there were many people in the 1940's, in-
cluding some of the experts, who believed
that an industrial program was doomed to
failure in a small agricultural country with
such limited physical resources. In any case,
it seemed quite clear that private investors
would not initially undertake so rash a ven-
ture unless the Government functioned as a
very active catalyst.
At first the Government constructed and
operated five factories, but it soon became
evident that it would be impossible for the
Industrial Development Co. to create jobs for
Puerto Rico's rapidly rising population by this
method. Some way had to be found to enlist
private capital on a large seale in the indus-
trial program. A sound program of tax ex-
emption, Which was legislated in 1948, has
proved to be the key incentive necessary for
the development of private industrial enter-
prise in Puerto Rico.
Puerto Rico's program of tax incentives
and assistance to private industry rests on
two basic elements in Puerto Rican-United
States relations. In accordance with its as-
sociation with the United States, Federal
taxes (with minor exceptions) do not apply
in Puerto Rico and there are no tariffs or
other restrictions on the flow of trade and
money between the two areas. since most
Federal taxes, including the Federal corpo-
rate income tax, do not apply in Puerto Rico,
the Puerto Rican Government, by exempting
corporation from its own taxes, is able to
grant complete tax freedom. Under present
legislation, it does so for manufacturing and
hotel enterprises for a period which ranges
from 10 years of tax exemption in the San
Juan metropolitan area to 17 years in less-
developed parts of the island.
Free trade with the United States, the
other key element in United States-Puerto
Rican relations, meant that a manufacturing
operation in postwar Puerto Rico was not
limited to what was then a very small local
market. A plant, efficient enough to com-
pete with U.S. producers and also able to
pay ocean frieght costs, was in a position to
sell without any other restrictions in what
was, and is, the world's largest common
market.
Our promotion efforts were at first slow in
yielding results. By 1950 only about 80 new,
privately operated plants had been promoted,
and most of them were relatively small. By
1955, 300 new privately owned factories had
been established. Today, 10 years later,
there are more than a thousand new,\ pri-
vately owned factories operating in Puerto
Rico. Most of them are affiliates of U.S.
manufacturing concerns.
These factories produce over 300 different
products. Apparel, textiles, electronics, ma-
chinery and petrochemicals are among the
largest and fastest growing of the new Puerto
Rican industries. About three-quarters of
their output is exported, mostly to the
United States. Last year (1963-64), exports
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of the new industries totaled 6556 million,
more than three times the value of our ship-
ments of sugar and other agricultural prod-
ucts. Manufacturing industries now employ
105,000 workers at an average wage of $1.16
an hour.
Puerto Rico is no longer a one-crop agri-
cultural economy, moreover. Agricultural
production has continued to expand and di-
versify. The value of livestock and poultry
products, for example, is now about equal to
sugar. But even with a growing total of
agricultural production, manufacturing is
today more than twice as important as agri-
culture as a source of income and as a stim-
ulus to the general economy.
To develop manufacturing to the point it
has already reached has taken considerably
more than tax exemption, free trade, and
promotion. The Puerto Rico Economic De-
velopment Administration and our voca-
eational education system have had to train
thousands of workers and supervisors.
Many manufacturers have needed and have
received marketing, engineering and other
forms of technical assistance, as well as lab-
oratory and testing services. For nearly a
decade, the Industrial Development Co. has
maintained a stock of about 50 new factory
buildings throughout the island ready for
immediate occupancy. The company and
the Government Development Bank stand
ready to participate in almost any kind of
financing arrangement that seems mutually
beneficial to the prospective manufacturer
and to the people of Puerto Rico.
Tourism development VMS another logical
target for Puerto Rico. The island's kind
climate, its golden beaches, and its beauti-
ful scenery provided the natural resources
on which a major tourist industry could be
built. Nevertheless, tourism, was a relatively
slow starter.
But in the past 7 years the growth of
Puerto Rican tourism has been spectacular.
We have about 7,000 hotel rooms, two-thirds
of which have been built within this 7-year
period.
Primarily because of the swift expansion
of manufacturing and tourism, the growth
of the Puerto Rican economy as a whole has
been among the most rapid anywhere in the
world. Discounting price increases, the in-
crease in real commonwealth gross product
during the past 5 years was 68 percent, an
average of 9.5 percent, compounded annually.
The largest gains in real gross product or
real national income recorded elsewhere by
the United Nations were 9.13 percent for Is-
rael between 1952 and 1960, and 9.6 percent
for Japan between 1954 and 1960.
It is, of course, a great flow of capital in-
vestment that accounts for Puerto Rico's
record, or near-record rate of economic ex-
pansion. For 7 years, gross investment in
fixed capital has been 20 percent or more of
Commonwealth Gross Product. Last year it
was 24.6 percent. Such a high rate of in-
vestment is characteristic of highly-devel-
oped countries like Holland, Sweden, Canada,
and the United States but not of underde-
veloped countries where capital is ordinarily
very scarce.
Recognizing the high productivity of new
investment in our economy, Puerto Rico has
not only welcomed but actively promoted
the investment of outside capital. As a re-
sult, about half of the funds invested in
Puerto Rico have come from external sources,
mainly the United States. There are three
principal channels through which these
funds flow in: First, direct investment,
mainly in factories, hotels, and commercial
establishments; second, the sale of bonds and
other obligations of the Commonwealth and
municipal governments and of the public
corporations; and third, the purchase of
Federal Housing Administration guaranteed
mortgages by the Federal National Mortgage
Association (called Fanny May) and other
investors outside Puerto Rico.
Direct investment of externally-owned
funds in Puerto Rican factories already ex-
ceeds half a billion dollars. Outstanding ob-
ligations of the Commonwealth and munici-
pal governments and of Puerto Rico's public
corporations total nearly a billion. Nearly
two-thirds of this is accounted for by the
public Corporations, of which the Water Re-
sources Authority is the largest.
I have been speaking in economic abstrac-
tions. Now let me translate this into human
terms. In 1940, Puerto Rico's per capita in-
come was $121. By 1960 it had inched up to
$279. In 1964 it reached $832, almost triple
the figure of 14 years earlier. Even allow-
ing for price increases, this meant that real
per capita income had more than doubled in
the past 11 years. In 1950, per capita income
in Puerto Rico Was barely 18 percent of the
U.S. average, but by 1960, it had risen to 30
percent. So even in comparison with the
United States, the gap has been closing
rapidly. These per capita figures have, of
course, deep human meaning. They mean
that a man who was worried about being
able to afford a pair of shoes 25 years ago,
now worries about finding parking space for
his Chevrolet; and that the woman who then
wondered if she could feed her children, now
is concerned with providing them with high
school or college education.
Let me cite some revealing indexes of this
new, relative prosperity. In only six years,
the people of Puerto Rico raised their per
capita consumption of animal proteins from
54 percent of the United States average to
82 percent. In these same six years, the
registration of motor vehicles increased two-
fold, while the number of telephones has
doubled in only 3 years. University enroll-
ment is twice that of 9 years ago, and per
capita expenditures for public health are
now about the same in Puerto Rico as in
the United States. One of the most drama-
tic results is that a Puerto Rican baby at
birth can now expect to live to 70 years.
All these are impressive gains, but it is
certainly logical to ask how much of Puerto
Rico's experience has any relevance to the
needs of other developing areas, and how
much is peculiar to its own special condi-
tions. Primary among these, of course, is the
special economic-political relation with the
United States.
Let it be said from the outset that Puerto
Rico's spectacular growth could never have
been achieved without its special relation-
ship to the United States. But it is equally
true that this relationship did not automa-
tically give Puerto Rico a passport to pros-
perity. The fiscal and trade relations with
the United States which exist today are
almost precisely the same as those which
existed from 1898 to 1940. Yet prior to 1910,
the economic situation of Puerto Rico was
desperate. The great change in productivity
and per capita income has taken place only
in recent years, and despite the fact that
the economic intrinsics have not changed.
"Why?" you may ask.
And here let me say frankly that I will
give you a personal opinion, rather than a
scientific evaluation. I believe that the
heart of Puerto Rico's spectacular growth
lies in the very high quality and notable
stability of its government; in its true,
genuine concern for social as well as eco-
nomic development, and in its constant con-
sideration of the human element.
Puerto Rico has been fortunate in having
a stable, dedicated, democratic local govern-
ment, whose chief executive and leading fig-
ure was Governor Luis Munoz Marin until
his retirement this year. It has been a gov-
ernment characterized by unfaltering devo-
tion to the public welfare, by noteworthy
sentiment of honesty, and by the tireless
participation of a number of men of unusual
competence and imagination.
Secondly, the Puerto Rican Government
never lost sight of the fact that its economic
development programs were for people, and
that they had to be translated into social
and economic benefits for people as rapidly
as possible. The people, in turn, having
confidence that the government was deeply
responsive to their needs and hopes, were
willing to make necessary sacrifices over
many years while the development programs
were getting slowly underway. It was es-
sentially a political challenge and, in all de-
veloping areas, one of the most critical and
most difficult?to provide inspiration and
hope of the type which unleashes a sustained,
creative outpouring of energy, even when
early, visible returns are meager. Providing
this kind of inspiration was one of the out-
standing accomplishments of Governor
Mufioz and his government.
Finally, both in government and in other
fields, there has been an extraordinarily rapid
accumulation of education, of expertise,
and of skills. Barely 16 years ago, there were
virtually no industrial skills or tradition in
Puerto Rico, for example. Today, most of
the highly sophisticated industrial plants
have Puerto Rican managers, to say nothing
of Puerto Rican engineers and technicians.
A whole new generation of industrial and
commercial entrepreneurs has sprung up with
astonishing speed. This is only one facet
of Puerto Rico's vast effort in education.
In sum, the basic reason for Puerto Rico's
rapid growth has been good government, a,
genuine concern for people, and a passion
for education. Stirred together, these have
accounted for the explosion of energy which
has allowed Puerto Rico to tackle successfully
a job which many regarded as impossible.
Indeed, It is fair to say that the economic
benefits of Puerto Rico's special relation-
ship with the United States have barely
compensated for its dearth of raw materials.
lack of local market, and its former lack of
industrial tradition or capital. These special
benefits merely gave Puerto Rico a fighting
chance. Many other developing countries
have, on balance, a fax more promising
pattern of intrinsic circurdstances than
Puerto Rico has, even today.
In final analysis, which countries succeed
and which ones flounder, usually reduces it-
self to the human element. The great nat-
ural riches of any country, in the absence of
good government, are only a mockery. Yet
basically poor countries can, with good gov-
ernment, achieve remarkable feats, seemingly
in defiance of the laws of economic gravity.
Although perhaps the case of Puerto Rico
is unusual, this, in my opinion, is the really
important lesson of Puerto Rico's develop-
ment. There are, of course, a number of
specific Puerto Rican techniques and ex-
periences which could be studied--and are
studied?by other developing countries. I
refer, for example, to Puerto Rico's highly
effective promotional techniques for attract-
ing maximum amounts of investments and
tourists, and the mechanisms of the Eco-
nomic Development Administration for
translating these into income and jobs at
an accelerated rate. But in essence, these
techniques are meaningless unless there is
honesty, dedication, and competence in gov-
ernment, to provide overall planning and
leadership. Alongside such prime require-
ment, all else pales into insignificance.
While the Puerto Rico experience merits
the study of underdeveloped countries, in my
belief, it also illustrates a very valuable les-
son for developed countries. It is these
countries which are asked, through various
channels, to help finance the development of
the poorer countries. For them to do so will-
ingly and enthusiastically it is useful to be
able to appeal to their self-interest, as well
as to their conscience.
For years the theory of development has
been that, once an area was well on the way
to higher income, it would become a suffi-
ciently attractive market that the countries
contributing to its development would profit
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April 'f8, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- HOUSE
economically, as well as morally and polit-
ically. Here Puerto Rico has become a telling
example.
In 1940, when its per capita income was
only $121, Puerto Rico's outside purchases
were negligible; it bought an insignificant
$107 million a year from the United States.
But in 1864, as a direct result of its growing
prosperity, Puerto Rico purchased nearly
one and a quarter billion dollars from the
continental United States?an increase of
more than 10 times.
This level of purchases makes puerto Rico
one of the most important U.S. markets in
the world, moreover. Though it is difficult
to believe, little Puerto Rico?with only
2,500,000 people?now is a more important
market for U.S. products than 17 European
nations combined. it buys more from the
United States than all 44 countries of the
African continent. It purchases more than
all the east coast countries of South Amer-
ica, including Brazil and Argentina, plus all
the Caribbean Islands combined?a total of
14 countries,
In the entire world, only Canada and Japah
buy substantially more from the United
States than Puerto Rico; Great Britain, and
West Germany purchase slightly more. But
on a per capita basis, Puerto Rico is far
ahead of all these important markets, buying
8490 per capita per year of U.S. products.
This has become an important factor in
the economy of 47 States and there are now
150,000 jobs in the continental United States
which are dependent on Puerto Rico's high
level of purchases.
In sum, a formerly poor area was an
insignificant market. As a direct result of
its rapid economic development, however,
it has become one of the really imoprtant
World markets, despite its small size and
popultaion. This suggests that, if other
underdeveloped conutries could also increase
their per capita income, even at a much more
modest rate, the growth in new and profita-
ble markets for the developed nations could
'become almost staggering in scale.
I would like to end on a frankly political
note. In the Caribbean, historically, Cuba
has been a rich island, happily endowed with
great expanses of fertile fields, raw materials,
and other natural blessings. Puerto Rico
has been the poor cousin, whose heavy popu-
lation pressure against scarce natural re-
sourCes is one of the most unfavorable in
the world. Yet in the 5 years since Castro
has ruled rich Cuba, its per capita income
has declined by 15 percent. During these
same 5 years, Puerto Rico's per capita in-
come has risen by more than 50 percent.
can think of few statistics which are more
sobering. And, for developing areas, I can
think of none that are more meaningful.
(Mr. PEPPER (at the request of Mr.
ScnEuEs) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. PEPPER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. PEPPER. (at the request of Mr.
SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. PEPPER'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. HELSTOSKI (at the request of
Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
REcoai? and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. HELSTOSKI'S remarks will
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
8447
ap- preme court and county court judges. He
sponsored legislation making possible Cross
Bay Boulevard, beach protection, and the
7-mile long Rockaway boardwalk.
He was elected to Congress in 1928. While
a Congressman for four terms, he was a
member of the Post Office Committee. He
was responsible for legislation benefiting
postal employees and was made an honorary
member of the National Post Office Clerks
Association.
In 1933 he helped to obtain funds for
many new buildings and improvements in
Queens, including the Far Rockaway and
Flushing Post Office. He was cosponsor of
the Home Owners Loan Act which enabled
more than 1,500 Queen.s homeowners, faced
with foreclosure, to keep their homes.
Mr. Brunner resigned from Congress in
1935 and was elected Queens Sheriff in 1936.
Later that year he resigned to be elected
president of the Board of Aldermen.
The last president of New York City's His-
toric Board of Aldermen, served until 1938
when the board was abolished and the pres-
ent city council created.
In 1941 he was named by the late Borough
President George U. Harvey to serve as com-
missioner of borough works.
A real estate appraiser, realtor, and insur-
ance broker with offices at 215 Beach 116th
Street, Rockaway Park, Brunner kept busy
with community affairs.
He was instrumental in advancing the
protection of the beach front through the
erection of jetties, the building of the 7-mile
boardwalk, and the extension of the city's
transit system to the Rockaways.
Mr. Brunner served as president of Rocka-
way Beach Hospital for 14 years and as presi-
dent of the institution for the past 5 years
under its new name of Peninsula General
Hospital.
During his administration he spearheaded
the campaign to build the new 200-bed, $5
million building which opened in June 1960,
and the $500,000 nurses and interns residence
and auditorium opened this year.
He was presidential chairman of the board
of the Rockaway Chamber of Commerce
serving as president in 1940, 1941, 1962, and
1963, and as board chairman in 1964 and 1965.
He was a past president of the Rockaway
Rotary Club and the Rockaway Park Busi-
nessmen's Association, and was a director of
the Neponsit Property Owners Association.
Mr. Brunner was past president of the
Long Island Real Estate Appraisers; a mem-
ber of the Long Island Real Estate Board,
the New York State Real Estate Board, the
National Real Estate Board, and the New
York State Real Estate Appraisers, and was
a director of the Lawrence-Cedarhurst Fed-
eral Savings & Loan Association.
He was also a director of the Queens Amer-
ican Red Cross chapter, the Queens Society
for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children,
and the Queens Division of the United Hos-
pital Fund.
Mr. Brunner served as Queens chairman
for the World War II bond drive, the Greater
New York fund and the United Hospital
fund.
He was a life member of the Queensboro
Elks Lodge and the Daniel M. O'Connell
American Legion Post. He was also a mem-
ber of the Rockaway Council of the Knights
of Columbus, the Holy Name Society of St.
Francis de Sales Catholic Church, the Hemp-
stead Golf Club, and the Old Timers Basket-
ball Association.
The funeral is under the direction of the
Dennis S. O'Connor Funeral Home, 9105
Beach Channel Drive, Rockaway Beach.
THE LATE WILLIAM BRUNNER
(Mr. ADDABBO (at the request of Mr.
SCHEUER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. ADDABBO. Mr. Speaker, Queens
County, N.Y., has lost a distinguished
citizen, a former Member of this body,
the Honorable William F. Brunner.
Mr. Brunner gave a lifetime of service
to his community, State, and Nation.
This man will be sorely missed, and I ex-
tend my heartfelt sympathies to his loved
ones.
Following is the article outlining the
life and service to, his fellow man of Mr.
Brunner as it appeared in the Long Is-
land Daily Press:
WILL/AM BRUNNER FUNERAL TUESDAY
Former Representative William F. Brunner,
of Neponsit, is dead at 77.
He died yesterday in Peninsula General
Hospital, Edgemere.
Mass will be offered Tuesday at 10 a.m. in
St. Francis de Sales Catholic Church, Belle
Harbor.
Burial will follow in St. John's Cemetery,
Middle Village.
Mr. Brunner died yesterday at 1:45 p.m. in
the hospital which he served as president
of the board of trustees for the last 19 years.
He relinquished the presidency earlier this
month.
Already a patient in the hospital, Mr.
Brunner left his hospital bed to attend a
dinner in his honor on April 12 when he
announced his retirement as president. Ile
was named president emeritus and was
presented with a plaque.
The plaque has been set up in the hos-
pital's lobby. The next day, Mr. Brunner
was back in his hospital bed.
Mr. Brunner was born in Woodhaven,
September 15, 1887, and moved with his par-
ents to Rockaway Beach in 1908.
Throughout his lifetime, his major inter-
est was the Rockaways.
He married the former Theresa Poggi in
1919, and they have a son, William Brunner,
Jr., and four grandchildren. Mr. Brunner
lived at 145 Bch. 145th Street.
Mr. Brunner graduated from Public School
44, Rockaway Beach in 1902, and attended
Far Rockaway High School until 1906. He
then attended St. Leonard's Academy and
graduated from Packard Commercial School.
At the age of 13 he delivered bread and
rolls at 4 a.m, before school, and then again
after school for his parent's bakery. He
managed and played with the New York
Nationals, one of the outstanding profes-
sional teams of the era. In 1912 the team,
traveling between New York and ,Minneapolis,
won 42 of 45 games. Three years later the
team compiled a 45-to-1 record and played at
the San Prancisc0 World's Fair.
Before World War I, he engaged in gen-
eral contracting, trucking, and the ice busi-
ness under the name of Consolidated Ice
& Trucking Corp. He served for 18 months in
the Navy during World War I and saw duty
abroad the flagship, U.S.S. Seattle.
After his discharge he started a sightseeing
bus route between Rockaway Park and Rock-
away Point.
While driving a bus, his friendS talked him
Into, entering politics. Brunner was elected
to the assembly as a Democrat for seven terms
beginning in 1922.
As an assemblyman he had legislation
passed creating a new municipal court dis-
trict for the Rockaways and Broad Channel.
He cosponsored a bill creating a new city
court judge for Queens and additional su-
END OF THE ROAD WITH
SOCIALIZED MEDICINE
(Mr. HERLONG (at the request of
Mr. SCHEUER) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
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8448 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE April 2S, 1965
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. HERLONG. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I offer here
a letter received recently by a doctor in
this country from Americans now living
in Germany.
I think this is another example of the
end of the road with socialized medicine:
MUNICH, GERMANY.
DEAR DR. : I am sitting around
the house recuperating from an appendec-
tomy and naturally our conversation has
been related to things medical and eventu-
ally we got around to discussing you and
medical practices in the States. Therefore,
I thought I would take this opportunity,
since I have the time, to bring you up to
date on the adventures of clan in
Germany.
As you probably remember, almost 3 years
ago, my wife transferred over here in a preg-
nant condition. How, I understand, but
why, I will never know. To say that she
was emotionally distraught by the situation
would be an understatement. She had vi-
sions of torture chambers and SS doctors
experimenting on her. She refused to even
see a doctor for the first 7 months. I think
we both sort of hoped that if 'we ignored
her condition long enough it might possibly
go away. We finally faced the facts and she
collected names of several doctors from our
English-speaking friends.
The first one we tried had an office in an
old building straight out of a Charles Adams
cartoon. The doctor himself fit the part.
He was shorter than my wife but when he
met her he clicked his heels, bowed low, and
kissed her hand. There was no physical
examination. Just information as to what
hospital and the revelation that she would
probably not see him again until after the
baby was born since a midwife at the hos-
pital took care of all this nasty stuff. As
you may well imagine, this just about did
it. I was now searching for a competent
psychiatrist as well as an 0.B.
The Second doctor we tried was reCom-
mended by a German friend. She was a
"Frauen Arzt" who spoke limited English.
She Was highly recommended as a surgeon
and an O.B. Her office downtown was very
modern even by stateside standards. She
turned out to be quite a character. Her
practice was most "privet" which means
she had to be good since the Deutschers
would never spend their own money for
something they could get free from the so-
cialized doctors. She made frequent trips to
the States for research and is supposed to be
quite famous for a plastic surgery operation
on the uterus. She gave my wife an exami-
nation and put her on calciurn pills. She
also gave her the address of a gymnasium
where She was supposed to take exercises to
prepare her for a "natural childbirth." She
promised that she Would be at the hospital
even though the hospital had an around-the-
clock midwife for such things. Claire decided
to string along with her since the was the
best we had found. That is, everything ex-
cept the gymnasium.
As it turned out, Claire never really con-
vinced herself that she was going to have this
baby in Deutschland. She was 3 weekS late
when Dr. put her in the hospital to
induce labor. It didn't work and several
days later it started itself. / took her to
the hospital and into the labor room. They
are quite democrtic about things like that in
a "privet" hospital. In fact I could have
spent the afternoon watching the whole show
if I so desired.
Her labor was in bed with a pillow. When
Claire asked Dr. when they were going
to the delivery room she tinEwered that the
baby would be delivered right where she was.
"What, in a bed?" "Of course," Dr.
answered, "where else would you expect a
baby to be delivered?" When Claire told
her that all previous babies had been de-
livered on an operating table she answered,
"How horrible." Of course this was no ordi-
nary bed since the foot eventually broke away
and there were fittings for stirrups.
All did not go well, however, since Alex-
ander "Der Gross" not only had knotted his
cord but also had it wrapped around his neck.
It was impossible to knock Claire out com-
pletely since every bit of oxygen they could
get was needed. He was quite blue when he
was finally delivered but fortunately he sur-
vived with no ill effects. Dr. explained
that Claire had an emotional block that pre-
vented her from delivering the baby on
schedule. She said the sac was loaded with
excess calcium.
The hospital for a "privet" patient is run
quite similar to a hotel. The door is kept
closed and nurses come in only for the bare
essentials. Visiting is unlimited day or night.
No water is ever provided the patients since
they are very down on drinking water over
here. Claire could have all the beer and
champagne she wanted, but no water. "Sekt
macht Mulch." You ought to try that on
your patients if you could run it by the AA.
The price of this "privet" room was about
$9 (United States) a day. In winter they
have a Heizung charge of about 75 cents they
add on to this. The use of the nursery and
the delivery room was about the same or a
little cheaper than the States. My Travelers
insurance paid for everything except about
$17 of the total bill. Dr. charged $200
for her fee. This you must realize is about
top price here since most people use the
government facilities.
We have lived over here almost 3 years
and I think I have seen enough to say a few
competent words regarding socialized 'medi-
cine. I feel that Germany is not only 50
years behind but I can't see how they can
ever catch up under the present system. The
first thing that strikes you is the great num-
ber of amputees you see. At first I thought
this was due to the war but it suddenly
dawned on me one day that most of these
people were young and born after the war.
The cause of this, and German doctors I have
spoken to about it have admitted the same,
is that doctors do not have the time, for
reasons I'll explain later. They can only go
so far and then they amputate. They get so
much money for each patient and they can-
not let a single patient monopolite their
time, They must see an average of 60
patients a day to make a living. About 95
percent of these amputations would be un-
necessary by stateside standards. I know of
a German family of eight who periodically
go to the doctor with imaginary aches and
pains because he will prescribe tea for them.
They then get their tea free from the gov-
ernment. If you multiply the million of tea
drinkers by the number of people who clutter
the doctor's office for aspirin, band-aids, eye-
wash, cotton, etc., it is easy to see why a
patient who really needs medical aid cannot
get it. The doctor is the middleman in this
governmental dispensary but he does not
discourage it. He needs the 60 signed yellow
slips each day to make a living.
A patient entering a hospital has no doctor
responsible for him but is subject to every
doctor working in the hospital. A doctor
treating a patient in the hospital may find
that when he returns the next day, another
doctor may have amputated on the patient
he was treating. I heard one young doctor
complaining that on a "privet" patient no
one could do anything unless he had the
permission of the doctor in charge of the
patient. He said it prevented him from
doing a lot of things he wanted to do. All
I could do was to whisper, "Thank God."
The Deutscher of today is still not a free-
thinking individual. The stigma of the
"police state" is still stamped somewhere
In the back of his brain. He would rather
be legal than right. He derives maximum
security from the multitude of laws and
stamped legal documents he must carry for
ordinary living. The "Stempel" is his God.
Because of this ingrained characteristic he
feels that this grist mill they call medicine
emanating from the "Bund" is the best they
can expect. They accept it without com-
plaint because they have been conditioned
for it and chalk up the loss of an arm or a
leg as "ungluck."
My appendicitis began about 5 weeks ago
In Berlin. After about 24 hours of a pain
in my side I came back to Munich. Claire
drove me to the emergency ward of the
public hospital to get a blood count. I was
taken to a small room by the intern and
given two flat thermometers. I was in-
structed to crawl up on a narrow table and
take my temperatures. The intern then left
the room. How these Deutschers can bal-
ance on that narrow table and rectally take
their own temperature while holding another
thermometer in their armpit is an arcrobatic
feat I will never master. I think I estab-
lished medical history by having the same
temperature at both ends. I now know
that if you hold a thermometer under each
armpit they will both read 37.5? C. and sur-
prise the doctor.
I finally got the blood count and it reg-
istered 11,000. I didn't know if that was
high or not hut they did want to operate
right away. I stalled them and got in touch
with Dr. ---- who recommended a surgeon.
I entered the hospital on a Sunday evening.
I met the doctor and talked to him for about
2 minutes. I was later given a stomach shave
and an enema. The next morning I was
given a sedative and wheeled to the operat-
ing room. There was no physical examina-
tion or past history interrogation. I could
have been a born bleeder or subject to
coronary attacks but the doctor would have
never known it. The only information they
had on me was my address and that I was a
"privet" patient. I was told later that since
they don't have the time to do these things
with the government patients that most doc-
tors have also eliminated it from their pri-
vate patients.
It will be 5 weeks tomorrow since the op-
eration and I am still not back to work. I
had actually gone to Berlin last Monday to
resume flying but I was seized with pains
every time I breathed, running from the scar
up to the base of my right rib cage. I had
to come back to Munich. I saw the doctor
yesterday and he explained "auf Deutsch"
that my "Blinddarm" was on the wrong side
of my liver and they had quite a bit of trou-
ble getting it out. He prescribed "spaziern
and frische Luft."
Well, enough of this ranting. I just
thought that maybe you would be interested
in our experience on this medical frontier.
Claire said that she may possibly add some-
thing so I will close. If you ever possibly
tear yourself away and decide to aggravate
the outflow of gold by taking a European
vacation, we would love to have you stay with
us. Give our best to everyone.
Best regards,
(Mr. FA,scrrx, (at the request of Mr.
SCHEITER) was granted permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
[Mr. PASCELL'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. GONZALEZ (at the request of
Mr. SCHEVER) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
means that the local contractor who had
local people working for him would not be
subject to the hazard that some contractor
from another part of the country might un-
derbid him on the basis that he could import
cheap labor into that area and could under-
bid the local contractor, and depress the local
economy.
In the 87th Congress I coauthored an
? amendment to the administration's Ur-
ban Mass Transportation Act which ap-
plied the Davis-Bacon principle to that
program. The Senate Committee on
Banking and Currency agreed to the
amendment which then became Part of
the Mass Transportation Act enacted in
mid-1964. In 1964, the 88th Congress
also accepted revision of the Davis-Bacon
Act, which I also coauthored, to include
the fringe benefits previously mentioned.
The fact that the Congress has stead-
ily extended and improved the original
Davis-Bacon concept is gratifying.
However, additional revision is needed.
The legislation which I have offered
would fill an acute gap in the present
law.
The Davis-Bacon concept should be
extended to the maintenance contracts?
such as those dealing with the replace-
ment, modification, reconstruction, and
demolition of a structure or project?
which are made after the original con-
struction has been completed. At this
time, on military and other Federal in-
stallations in my own State and through-
Out America, we have the strange zigzag
pattern where prevailing wages?and
thus protection for local contractors and
local workers?are honored during the
construction phase but ignored when
maintenance work?including replace
-
Ment, modification, reconstruction, or
demolition?occurs. Whole crews of out-
of-State workers are brought in to per-
form such work below prevailing local
wages while our local contractors and
workers are literally standing outside the
fence looking in. This condition is nei-
ther logical nor consistent. It certainly
is not fair. The Federal Government
should riot condone unfair practices after
construction while preventing them dur-
ing construction. It should not, through
Inaction, encourage substandard work-
ing conditions. Interestingly enough, on
State public works projects in California,
alteration, demolition, or repair work, as
well as construction, have been covered
since the "little" Davis-Bacon Act,
adopted by the California Legislature in
1937. The State act has worked success-
fully and has, the support of contractors
and workers in the areas involved.
- Mr. President, revision of the Federal
law is long overdue. I hope that the
Congress rill choose to amend the Davis-
Bacon Act along the lines suggested in
S. 1797.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the text of S. 1797 be printed
at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the bill was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
s. 1797
A bill to amend the Davis Bacon Act to ex-
tend its application to contracts for the
maintenance of Federal installations
Be it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That section
7 of the Act entitled "An Act relating to the
rate of wages for laborers and mechanics em-
ployed on public buildings of the trnited
States and the District of Columlaia by con-
tractors and subcontractors, and for other
purposes", approved March 8, 1961, as
amended (40 U.S.C. 2'76a-6), is amended to
read as follows:
"Szc. 7. A contract for maintenance work
on a public building or public work, includ-
ing the , replacement, modification, recon-
struction, and demolition thereof, shall, for
the purposes of this Act, be deemed to be a
contract for the construction, alteration,
and/or repair thereof."
ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF
BILLS AND RESOLUTION
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, the dis-
tinguished junior Senator from Okla-
homa [Mr. HARRIS] has asked to be listed
as a cosponsor of S. 1675, creating a
commission to be known as the Presiden-
tial Commission on Simplification of the
Income Tax Laws, a bill introduced by
me. I ask unanimous consent that he
may be included as a cosponsor and that
his name be added at the next printing
of the bill.
The PRESIDING OrriCER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. HARRIS subsequently said: Mr.
President, in my opinion, nothing has
greater influence and impact on our
business lives and actions than the in-
come tax laws. Therefore, those laws
Should be so simple that all of us can
know in advance the consequences of our
acts and business dealings. It is impera-
tive that the income tax laws and returns
be simplified.
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask un-
animous consent that at the next print-
ing of S. 1670, a bill to provide pollution
control tax incentives, the name of the
Senator from Indiana [Mr. HARTKE] be
added as a cosponsor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask un-
animous consent that at the next print-
ing of Senate Resolution 102, the name
of the senior Senator from Alaska [Mr.
13ARTLETT] be added as a cosponsor.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
NOTICE OF HEARINGS ON REAP-
PORTIONMENT OF STATE LEGIS-
LATURES
Mr. BAYH. Mr. President, as chair-
man of the Senate Judiciary Subcommit-
tee on Constitutional Amendments, I
wish to announce further hearings on
the matter of reapportionment of State
legislatures. These hearings will be held
on May 5, 6, and 7, 1965, in room 1318 of
the New Senate Office Building begin-
ning at 10 a.m.
RESUMPTION OF PUBLIC HEARINGS
ON S. 1599, AND RELATED BILLS,
TO ESTABLISH_ A DEPARTMENT
OF HOUSING AND URBAN DEVEL-
OPMENT
Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, I wish
to announce that the Subcommittee on
Executive Reorganization of the Senate
Committee on Government Operations
will resume public hearings on S. 1599,
and related bills, to establish a Depart-
ment of Housing and Urban Develop-
ment, on May 19 and 20, 1965, at 10 a.m.
In room 3302, New Senate Office Build-
ing. Individuals and groups interested
in testifying should contact Mr. Jerome
Sonosky in room 162, Old Senate Office
Building, extension 2308.
NOTICE OF RECEIPT OF NOMINA-
TIONS BY COMMITTEE ON FOR-
EIGN RELATIONS
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, as
chairman of the Committee on Foreign
Relations, I desire to announce that
today the Senate received the nomina-
tions of Charles W. Adair, of Virginia, to
be Ambassador to Panama; William R.
Tyler, of the District of Columbia, to be
Ambassador to the Kingdom of the
Netherlands; Nathaniel Davis, of New
Jersey, to be Minister to Bulgaria; Henry
J. Tasca, of the District of Columbia, to
be Ambassador to Morocco; and Henry
A. Hoyt, of Pennsylvania, to be Ambas-
sador to Uruguay.
In accordance with the committee rule,
these pending nominations may not be
considered prior to the expiration of
6 days of their receipt in the Senate.
NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINA-
TION OF FRED MOORE VINSON,
JR., TO BE AN ASSISTANT ATTOR-
NEY GENERAL
Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, on
behalf of the Committee on the Judici-
ary, I desire to give notice that a public
hearing has been scheduled for Wednes-
day, May 5, 1965, at 10:30 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, on the
following nomination: Fred Moore Vin-
son, Jr., of Maryland, to be an Assistant
Attorney General.
At the indicated time and place per-
sons interested in the hearing may make
such representations as may be pertinent.
The subcommittee consists of the Sen-
ator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND],
chairman; the Senator from Maryland
[Mr. TYDINGS], and the Senator from
Nebraska [Mr. HausicAl.
- NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINA-
TION OF EDWIN L. WEISL, JR.,
TO BE AN ASSISTANT ATTORNEY
GENERAL
Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, on
behalf of the Committee on the Judici-
ary, I desire to give notice that a public
hearing has been scheduled for Wednes-
day, May 5, 1965, at 10:30 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, on the
following nomination: Edwin L. Weisl,
Jr., of New York, to be an Assistant At-
torney General.
At the indicated time and place per-
sons interested in the hearing may make
such representations as may be pertinent.
The subcommittee consists of the Sen-
ator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND],
chairman; the Senator from Arkansas
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28
[Mr. MCCLELLAN], and the Senator from
New York [Mr. JAvrrs].
NOTICE OF HEARING ON NOMINA-
TION OP DON J. YOUNG, TO BE
U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE
NORTHERN DISTRICT OF OHIO
Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, on
behalf of the Committee on the Judici-
ary, I desire to give notice that a public
hearing has been scheduled for Wednes-
day, May 5, 1965, at 10:30 am., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, on the
following nomination: Don J. Young, of
Ohio, to be U.S. district judge for the
northern district of Ohio, vice Frank L.
Kloeb, retired.
At the indicated time and place per-
sons interested in the hearing may make
such representations as may be perti-
nent.
The subcommittee consists of the Sen-
ator from Mississippi [Mr. EASTLAND],
chairman; the Senator from Arkansas
[Mr. MaCteLeAre], and the Senator from
Nebraska [Mr. HausxA].
NOTICE CONCERNING NOMINA-
TIONS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE
ON THE JUDICIARY
Mr. EASTLAND. Mr. President, the
following nominations have been referred
to and are now pending before the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary:
Ernest W. Rivers, of Kentucky, to be
U.S. attorney for the western district of
Kentucky for the term of 4 years, vice
William E. Scent, resigned.
Joseph P. Hoey, of New York, to be
U.S. attorney for the eastern district of
New York for the term of 4 years. He is
now serving in this office under an ap-
pointment which expired April 13, 1965.
Raymond J. Pettine, of Rhode Island,
to be U.S. attorney for the District of
Rhode Island for the term of 4 years. He
is now serving in this office under an ap-
pointment which expired April 13, 1965.
Olin N. Bell, of Missouri, to be U.S.
marshal for the eastern district of Mis-
souri for the term of 4 years. He is now
serving in this office under an appoint-
ment which expired-April 13, 1965.
George A. Bayer, of Alaska, to be U.S.
marshal for the district of Alaska for the
term of 4 years. He is now serving in this
office under an appointment which ex-
pired April 13, 1965.
Francis M. Wilson, of Missouri, to be
U.S. marshal for the western district of
Missouri for the term of 4 years. He is
now serving in this office under an ap-
pointment which expired April 13, 1965.
E. Herman Burrows, of North Carolina,
to be U.S. marshal for the middle district
of North Carolina for the term of 4 years.
He is new serving in this office under an
appointment which expired April 17,
1965.
Paul D. Sossamon, of North Carolina,
to be U.S. marshal for the western dis-
trict of North Carolina for the term of
4 years. He is now serving in this office
under an appointment which expired
April 17, 1965.
John Terrill, of Wyoming to be U.S.
marshal for the district of Wyoming for
the term of 4 years. He is now serving
in this office under an appointment which
expired April 13, 1965.
F. Russell Militia, of Missouri, to be
U.S. attorney for the western district of
Missouri for the term of 4 years. He is
now serving in this office under an ap-
pointment which expired March 28, 1965.
On behalf of the Committee on the
Judiciary, notice is hereby given to all
persons interested in these nominations
to file with the committee, in writing, on
or before Wednesday, May 5, 1965, any
representations or objections they may
wish to present concerning the above
nominations, with a further statement
whether it is their intention to appear at
any hearings wIdch may be scheduled.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendments
of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 7091)
making supplemental appropriations for
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1965,
and for other purposes; agreed to the
conference asked by the Senate on the
disagreeing votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. MAHON, Mr.
THOMAS, Mr. KIRWAN, Mr. WHITTEN,
Mr. ROONEY of New York, Mr. FOGARTY,
Mr. DENTON, Mr. Bow, Mr. JONAS, Mr.
LAIRD, and Mr. MICHEL were appointed
managers on the part of the House at
the conference.
The message also announced that the
House insisted upon its amendment to
the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 1) pro-
posing an amendment to the Constitu-
tion of the United States relating to suc-
cession to the Presidency and Vice Presi-
dency and to cases where the President
is unable to discharge the powers and
duties of his office, disagreed to by the
Senate; agreed to the conference asked
by the Senate on the disagreeing votes of
the two Houses thereon, and that Mr.
CELLER, Mr. ROGERS of Colorado, Mr.
COWMAN, Mr. Meet].',wee, and Mr. POET
were appointed managers on the part of
the House at the conference.
ADDRESSES, EDITORIALS, ARTI-
CLES, ETC., PRINTED IN THE
APPENDIX
On request, and by unanimous consent,
addresses, editorials, articles, etc., were
ordered to be printed in the Appendix,
as follows:
By Mr. SCOTT:
Address on the future of Pennsylvania's
urban communities, delivered by. Gov. Wil-
liam W. Scranton before the general assembly,
at Harrisburg, Pa., on April 20, 1965.
By Mr. FULBRIGHT:
Article on urban renewal success of Ray-
mond Rebsamen, of Little Rock, Ark., pub-
lished in the Arkansas Gazette, of April 25,
1965.
By Mr. CHURCH:
Prize-winning essay entitled "How the
Handicapped Are Overcoming Barriers to Em-
ployment in My Community," written by Miss
Marybeth Meffert, of Boise, Idaho.
Editorial tribute to State Representative
T. P. Terrell, of Pocatello, Idaho, published in
the Idaho State Journal of April 11, 1965.
JOE THORNE AND THE
WAR
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President?
The PRESIDING GierICER. The
Senator from South Dakota is recog-
nized.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that I may be
permitted to proceed for 5 minutes be-
yond the regular 3-minute limitation.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, the Senator from South
Dakota is recognized for 8 minutes.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, on
Easter Sunday, one of South Dakota's
most outstanding young men, 1st Lt.
Josef L. Thorne, of Brookings, was killed
when the helicopter he was piloting was
shot down in Vietnam. Joe Thorne, one
of the alltime great football stars in
South Dakota's history, was known and
respected across our State. He was a
hero to thousands of South Dakota
schoolboys. His death brings the war
in Vietnam closer to the heart of every
South Dakota citizen.
The son of Mr. and Mrs. M. L. Thorne,
of Brookings, Joe was married to the
former Diane Hover, daughter of Dr.
and Mrs. Glen Hover, of Clear Lake,
S. Dak. His wife and his 3-year-old son,
Travis, have been residing in Clear Lake
during his absence. Three brothers,
Roy, of Sioux Falls, Tim and Tracy, both
at home, and two sisters, Mrs. Dennis
Weiland, of New Orleans, and Julie, at
home, also survive him.
Mr. President, Joe Thorne was an un-
usual man. He was described by his
coach at South Dakota State University,
Ralph Ginn, as "one of the greatest
young men I have ever worked with.
His football record speaks for itself, but
as a man, he was first team all the way."
Coach Ginn continued:
He made a terrific impact on our football.
I have never known of a player in our con-
ference that opponents respected More than
they did Joe ThOrne. We never had a foot-
ball player at South Dakota State that com-
manded as great respect of his teammates
and coaches as Joe
To illustrate Theme's humility, Coach
Ginn told how he would frequently pass
up sitting with stars on the football
team bus to join some third or fourth
stringer who barely got to make the trip.
Mr. President, one of the saddest
aspects of Joe Theme's death is that
those closest to him feel that it was a
needless sacrifice. His father and
mother told me in broken tones over the
telephone that they hoped I would do
everything in my power as a Member of
the Senate to end this "foolish war in
Vietnam." These grieving parents ex-
pressed the hope that their son's death
would dramatize the futility of trying to
Impose a solution by arms in an area of
political chaos and economic misery.
Said Mr. Thorne:
It is too late to save Joe, but do everything
you can to get those other boys out of there
before it is too late. Let's work out a settle-
ment of this war, save our own boys, and
stop shooting up that little country.
In a letter which Mr. Thorne sent me
following his son's death he referred to
photos and movies which his son sent
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home that "depict much of the life of
the Vietnamese and the need they have
for almost anything other than arms
and military." Then he wrote:
SWOT, GEORGE, I will do everything within
my power to assist you, in bringing to the
minds of our people the real need in Viet-
nam.
Joe's lovely widow, Diane, also told me
in a, telephone conversation that the only
consolation she could draw from his
death is the hope that it might somehow
hasten a settlement of the war.
Lieutenant Thorne's father sent me a
copy of a letter from his son dated Feb-
ruary 19, with permission to quote Por-
tions of it into the CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD. The letter reads as follows:
Today the Vietnamese are having another
coup (anyway a shakeup in the govern-
ment). The Army and Air Force (Vietna-
mese) are fighting among themselves. I still
don't know what's going on.
I'm doing fine and don't worry about a
big war breaking out over this thing here in
Vietnam. To be honest the cause is lost.
We can't possibly win (at least as long as
the Vietnamese do things the way they do).
Don't get me wrong, when I say we can't win,
doesn't mean?the United States is getting
beat. Lately we have lost some people In
hotel bombings, etc., but if the Vietnamese
people could be depended on, it wouldn't
happen. I don't think the Vietnamese peo-
ple care one way or another. They are the
ones who are getting beat, not us.
You can't win when you can't drive over
any road in the whole country. The people
can but the soldiers can't.
We could come over here and clean this
up, but it wouldn't do any good, cause the
sante thing would happen when we pulled
out.
Mr. President I believe that there is no
American vital interest in the outcome
of the Vietnamese turmoil which justifies
the death of men like Joe Thorne. There
are predictions in the Washington press,
more specifically in a recent column by
the noted Columnists Rowland Evans and
Robert Novak, that our Government is
preparing to send upwards of 100,000
American 'boys to Vietnam. Does this
mean that we are prepared to sacrifice
a hundred thousand Joe Thornes in this
highly questionable ventaire in the south-
east Asia jungle? If we take that course
we will have ignored the warnings of
such respected generals as Dwight
Eisenhower and Douglas MacArthur,
who have both said that it would be
disastrous for America to get sucked into
another major land war on the Asian
mainland.
I believe that President Johnson is try-
ing to avoid that course. I applaud his
repeated offers to enter into negotiations.
I only hope that he will marshal all of
his great skill and wisdom to seek out
every possible way of reaching a peaceful
settlement of this war before it claims
many more Joe Thornes.
It is, encouraging that the President
has named Averell Harriman to repre-
sent our country in the proposed con-
ference to Insure the neutrality of Cam-
bodia. That conference could open a
window to discussions of' the Vietnamese
war. Mr. Harriman was a key figure in
No.
negotiating a settlement-in Laos in 1962.
He has the experience and the wisdom
needed to undertake additional steps to-
ward peace in southeast Asia.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent
that news accounts of Lieutenant
Thorne's death, published in the Brook-
ings Register of April 21; a feature ar-
ticle published in the Sioux Falls Argus-
Leader of April 23; and a stirring report
on April 20 by KELO?TV sportscaster,
Jim Burt, be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
Mr. President, I also ask unanimous
consent that two thoughtful editorials,
one entitled "Time To Review Our Viet-
nam Policy," signed by Mr. Fred C.
Christopherson and published in the
Sioux Falls Argus-Leader of April 25,
and the other, entitled "Sincere Dis-
senter," published in the Watertown
Public Opinion of April 19, be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the articles,
report, and editorials were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the Brookings (S. Dak.) Register, Apr.
21, 1965]
HELICOPTER SHOT DOWN: LT. JOE THORNE
VIETNAM CASUALTY
First Lt. Josef L. "Joe" Thorne, 24, son of
Mr. and Mrs, M. L. Thorne, of 2028 Elmwood
Drive, Brookings, and one of the alltime
great football stars at South Dakota State
University, was killed Easter Sunday when
his helicopter was shot down in Vietnam, his
parents were notified by the Department of
the Army.
Lieutenant Thorne, a 1963 graduate of
State, was assigned to the 145th Aviation
Airlift Platoon with the American advisory
forces in South Vietnain.
According to the initial telegram received
Monday morning by the Thornes, he was air-
craft commander of a UH-1B helicopter
which was on a combat assault mission Sun-
day night when his aircraft was hit by hostile
small arms ground fire. The craft crashed
and exploded on impact.
A second telegram, received Tuesday, veri-
fied that Lieutenant Thorne had been Identi-
fied as one of the casualties.
Mr. Thorne said the body of his son will
be brought to Brookings for burial. How-
ever, no arrangements had been made at
press time today, awaiting further informa-
tion from the Department of the Army.
A native of International Falls, Minn.,
where he was born November 17, 1940, Lieu-
tanent Thorne had spent most of his boyhood
days at Gettysburg, S. Dak. The family
moved to Beresford when he was a junior
in high school and he graduated from that
school in 1958. He enrolled in the fall of
1958 at South Dakota State University in
Brookings, where he starred on the Jack-
rabbit football teams of 1959, 1960, and 1961,
and spent another year at State, "receiving a
degree in civil engineering in August of 1963.
It was also in August 1963 that he was
commissioned a second lieutenant in the
Army Reserve Officers Training Corps at
State. Assigned to active duty status on
Eeptember 18, 1963, he attended school at
Fort Sill, Okla., then took flight training at
Fort Wolters, Tex. and later at Fort Rucker,
Ala.
He was assigned to Vietnam the first part
of November last year for a 12-month tour
of duty, and was nearing the halfway mark
in his oversea tour at the time of his death.
Lieutenant Thorne was married to the
former Diane Hover, daughter of Hr. and Mrs.
Glen Hover, of Clear Lake, and was the father
8467
'of a 3-year-old son, Travis. Mrs. Thorne
and their young son had been making their
home in Clear Lake while he was in Vietnam,
and she was enrolled as a student at State.
In addition to his wife and son, Lieutenant
Thorne is survived by his parents; three
brothers, Roy, of Sioux Falls, Tim and Tracy.
both at home; and two sisters, Mrs. Dennis
Weiland, of New Orleans, La.., and Julie, at
home.
[From the Brookings (S. Dak.) Register,
' Apr. 21, 19651
THORNE ONE OF ALLTIME GRID GREATS Al'
STATE
A name that will not soon be forgotten in
the annals of South Dakota State grid greats,
Joe Thorne appears destined to go down in
history as one of the finest athletes to ever
wear the blue and gold of the football jack-
rabbits.
A two-time all-North Central Conference
selection, Thorne was killed Sunday night
when his assault helicopter was shot down
by hostile gunfire over Vietnam.
Thorne, named by the Associated Press as
a second team Little All-American selection
in 1961, holds three school records. It was
in that same year that he scored 50 points in
NCC play and tied with Dan Boals, of State
College of Iowa, for "most valuable back"
honors in the conference.
Said Ralph Ginn, head football coach at
State upon learning of the death of Thorne,
"This certainly brings the war close to home
when we lose a young man such as Joe. His
loss is a terrific loss to our society."
Ginn often referred to his 191-pound back
as "the best fullback I've ever had." His
blocking ability and his prowess on defense
earned him the respect of his coach as much
as his running talents did.
Thorne's 3 school records, all set in 1961,
include most times carried in 1 game, 30
against SOI; most carries in 1 season, 171,
and most net yards in 1 game, 200 against
Morningside.
But it wasn't on the grid turf alone that
Thorne stood out. Said Ginn, "As far as the
boy is concerned, he was one of the greatest
young men I've ever worked with. His foot-
ball record speaks for itself, but as a man he
was first team all the way."
Ginn continued, "In your years of coaching
you work with a lot of boys. It seems like
some become a part of you. That's the way
It was with Joe."
"He made a terrific impact on our football.
I've never known of a player in our confer-
ence that opponents respected more than
tphlaecye. did Joe Thorne. It was the same every
Ginn commented that it was too bad op-
ponents didn't have the opportunity to know
him other than in football.
"We've never had a football player at
South Dakota State that commanded as
great respect of his teammates and coaches
as Joe did." Coach Ginn labeled Thorne "a
great captain." He was cocaptain with
Mike Sterner of the 1961 team when the
Jackrabbits shared the league title with
State College of Iowa.
Thorne was named "most valuable" mem-
ber of the Jackrabbit football team, both in
1960 and 1961, by the Brookings Rotary Club
and the Collegian, campus newspaper at
State.
In 8 years (1959-61) as a member of
Jackrabbit football teams, he gained a total
of 2,156 net yards rushing in 426 carries, for
a healthy ,5-yard-per-carry average. He
scored 140 points during his 3-year career,
including 12 touchdowns and 2 points after
touchdown-74 points?in 1961; 7 touch-
downs and 3 points after touchdown for 48
points in 1960; and 3 touchdowns for 18
points in 1959.
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8468 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965
'From the Sioux Fans (S. Dak.) Argus-
Leader, Apr. 25, 1965]
LETTERS AND GIFTS ARRIVE AFTER WORD OF
THORNE'S Dzerx
(By Bob Renshaw)
CLEAR LAKE, S. DAK.?TOO young to Com-
prehend that his daddy will not be coming
home, 3-year-old Travis Thorne played with
candy eggs the Easter bunny brought to the
home of his grandparents, Dr. and Mrs. G. P.
Hover.
He has been living here with his mother
while his father, Lt. Joe-Thorne has been
oversee. In the last letter to his wife
Thorne, who was one of the allthne great
football stars at South Dakota State Uni-
versity, told of plans to attend an Easter
service -on the beach in Vietnam where he
WEIS serving as a helicopter pilot.
That letter, along with two others, arrived
after she had been notified that her husband
had been killed when his helicopter was shot
down Easter Sunday night. Easter gifts?
a Vietnamese robe for his wife and suit for
his son?as well as gifts for his younger
brother in Brookings and for a neighbor girl
with whom Travis plays have also come since
his death.
REQUESTS DUTY
When he first arrived in Vietnam, accord-
ing to Mrs. Thorne, he flew VIP's and mail
for a couple of weeks and then started flying
troops into battle. He requested duty as
pilot of an armed ship. His wife said he ex-
plained that he would be flying in the same
combat areas and it would be no more dan-
gerous flying an armed helicopter than an
unarmed troop carrier.
Mrs. Thorne said he had told her father
that he wasn't afraid of dying, but that he
hated to leave Diane and Travis for so long.
Some of his loneliness for his family was ex-
pressed in his last letter when he said, "* ? *
You know, Diane, all the things I've done
over here. Well, all I have to do now is re-
peat everything and it will be time to come
back. Hope God stays with us and sees fit
for me to return. No sense worrying about
It.,,
SENSES TENSION
His last letter was written at the forward
base of Nah Trang on the back of his orders
because he had left his stationery at the
home base in Phan Thiet. Mrs. Thorne said
that in his letters starting with March 30
she seemed to detect a feeling of growing
tension.
April 6 for the first time he told of enemy
fire coming close, with tracer bullets striking
within a half mile of the hotel where he was
staying. Lack of good housing had never
been a problem because troops are billeted
in old resort hotels built by the French dur-
ing the time they were in Vietnam.
Mrs. Thorne said his letters told how sorry
he felt POT the children in Vietnam, how they
would gather around in swarms when the
helicopter landed and how they loved to
have their pictures taken.
Funeral services for Lieutenant Thorne will
be held at South Dakota State University,
Brookings, when the body has been returned.
Mrs. Thorne requested that all memorials be
sent to the Joe Thorne Memorial Fund,
South Dakota State University. It will be
used to establish an athletic scholarship at
the university.
She said her husband didn't care for a lot
of publicity. "Joe really didn't like big
splashes. He would be saying 'no' to all
this," she continued. "He was very sincere
about everything and hated a big show. He
wanted people to like him for what he was."
ECHOES SENTIMENTS
Ralph Ginn, who coached Thorne at
South Dakota State University, echoed Mrs.
Thorne's sentiments. "Joe wanted to be good
and was willing to pay for it. But he got a
real thrill from achieving and not from the
glory that went with it," said Ginn.
To illustrate Thorne's humility, Ginn told
how he would pass up sitting with stars on
the bus to join some third or fourth stringer
who barely got to make the trip. "He was
very appreciative of what coaches and oth-
ers did for him," said Ginn. "I never heard
him criticize a teammate and he never ali-
bied to me. I never had a player who held
so much respect of teammates, coaches and
opponents."
Jim BURT'S SPORTS SCOREBOARD, APRIL 20, 1965
BURT. The war in Vietnam came closer to
home today. Especially to those who knew
Joe Thorne. The former South Dakota State
football star's body was recovered today after
the helicopter he was piloting was shot down
yesterday. When such a tragedy occurs, it
gives cause for reviving exploits of an in-
dividual?and with Joe Thorne, this is not
difficult. (Pix.)
Prx No. 1. We can easily recall watching
and describing Thorne's explosive running?
his devastating blocking. He was one of the
most brilliant grid performers we have seen.
Thorne's name still is attached to three
South Dakota State school football records.
Most times carried in one gaine-30?most
times carried in one season-174 and most
net yards gained in one game, 200.
Bram He was cocaptain of the Jackrabbit
football team in 1961. All North Central
Conference fullback in 1960 and 1961. He
tied with Dan Boa's of SCI in 1961 for Most
Valuable Back Award. He won the Collegian's
Most Valuable Player Award both in 1980 and
1961. In 1961 he was second in the North
Central Conference scoring with 50 points.
In his 3-year varsity career he carried 426
times?gained 2,178 yards, lost only 22, for a
net of 2,156. In his senior year his average
per carry was 5.5 yards. He scored 22 touch-
downs, ran for 4 extra points, for a scoring
total of 140 points. He was named second
team fullback on the 1961 AP Little All-
American team. Thorne was dratted by the
Green Bay Packers but never played pro ball.
His football record is there to be admired?
and challenged. But, Joe Thorne as an in-
dividual went deeper than that. As Head
Football Coach Ralph Ginn said "As a man
he was first team all the way." (Pix.)
Pim No. 2 (super name).
Bum Those comments are typical of those
who were closely associated with the former
star athlete. Joe's wife Diane lives at Clear
Lake with her parents and 3-year-old son
Travis. She said, "Joe loved what he was
doing. He was fighting for a cause and never
once did he complain or regret what he was
doing. I'm sure Joe had no regrets, he could
never sit on the sidelines." Coach Ginn said
he has never known a player in the North
Central Conference which commanded more
respect from opponents. Joe probably flew
his copter like he played football. An in-
tense, determined, bulldozing runner who
saw no barriers. Joe Thorne joins a list of
valiant Americans who have fought?and
died?heroically for their country. Joe
Thorne?the athlete?and the man?will
long be remembered.
[From the Sioux Falls (S. Dak.) Argus-
Leader, Apr. 26,1965]
CHRISTOPHERSON'S NOTEBOOK: TIME TO RE-
lam OUR VIETNAM POLICY
The expanding military activity in Viet-
nam is disconcerting, and more and more
people are beginning to wonder just how and
where it will end.
About the developments in Vietnam today
is a scene of frustration and Uncertainty
comparable to that which prevailed while
the Korean struggle was underway several
years ago.
In respect to Korea, there was confusion
about our objectives and our methods. The
same attitude exists now.
The conflict in Korea was terminated, hap-
pily, before it broadened into a major war.
Many like to believe that the Vietnam epi-
sode will end similarly. But there's doubt,
plus bewilderment, accentuated by the reali-
zation the problem seems to become more
perplexing week after week.
KEEN PUBLIC INTEREST
This deep concern about Vietnam was
very likely the reason why an overflow crowd
assembled at luncheon in Nettleton Manor
Thursday to hear Senator GEORGE McGovssue,
of South Dakota, discuss the matter. The
luncheon was first scheduled to be a small
one with members of the Public Affairs Com-
mittee and the directors of the Chamber of
Commerce. But so many were eager to be
present that the public generally was in-
vited.
Perhaps the interest was intensified by
the fact that McGovenie previously had inch- "
cated a difference with the administration
on Vietnam policy, suggesting that we
should explore the possibilities of negotiat-
ing a settlement.
In his Thursday speech here, he explained
why he considered negotiation both desir-
able and feasible. And, judging from the
reception he received and the close attention
paid to his remarks, there were many in the
audience who shared his opinion.
THE ALTERNATIVES
The question about alternatives naturally
arises. If we don't negotiate, what do we do?
One answer is to say we should either go
into Vietnam with great enough strength to
smash the opposition. Another is that we
should withdraw.
Flaws can be found, however, with both of
these suggestions.
If we go into the conflict with a full de-
termination to smash the opposition, we in-
vite sharp retaliation from both Red China
and Russia. And that means moving right
to the brink of major war and perhaps over
It. We faced the same problem in Korea and
our leaders wisely refrained from taking that
gamble.
The other prospect?that of withdrawal?
is also inadequate. If we do so, it may be
maintained through the Asiatic southeast
that we are, as the Red Chinese insist, just
"a paper tiger." Withdrawal would be her-
alded widely as an American defeat and a
Red Chinese triumph and it could be charged
that we had deserted those who had de-
pended on us.
WE DO HAVE STRENGTH
Between the two alternatives?an all-out
smash or withdrawal?is the possibility of
negotiation.
There are those who say that this isn't the
time for a discussion of that and we should
wait until we are ready to negotiate from
strength. This means, of course, after we
have beaten North Vietnam into a state of
at least partial submission.
One may be sure, though, that the Red
Chinese also may be reluctant to allow us
to acquire this so-called position of strength.
There will be growing resistance.
But what seems to be overlooked by many
is that we are right now, as Senator McGov-
ERN pointed out Thursday, in a position to
negotiate from strength.
We have the power in the Pacific and
Asiatic waters to smash Red China to bits.
The Red Chinese know this. And when
you have that kind of strength behind you,
you aren't negotiating from a position of
weakness. We could approach the confer-
ence table with some mighty powerful cards
on our side and those negotiating with us
would be well aware of this.
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
WEIAT WE DID IN KOREA
Every major step taken in this extraor-
dinary day and age involves, of course,
calculated risk.
That Was the case when President Eisen-
hower aided in the negotiation of the set-
tlement In Korea, But the fighting was
stopped and our prestige was unharmed.
It is entirely possible that the same step
can be taken in respect to Vietnam. With
proper negotiation, very likely something
can be clone, to maintain a degree of prestige
on both
Just what can, be done in respect to the
self-government of, Vietnam is, I grant, a
disturbing problem. The government has
changed freely there even under our super-
vision and may shift just as readily in the
future.
orEN rErNDs NEEDED
What may be said in general is that the
whole situation is so confusing that it is
well that our minds be kept open. Negotia-
tion-rnay or may not be the answer but
Bluely we should explore its possibilities in
complete detail.
We are heading directly, as someone said
..the other_day, along a collision course with
Red China. bet's utilize the power of our
strength to try to make a change before it
is too late.
F. C. CEIRISTOPHEASON.
[From the Watertown (S. Dak.) Public
Opinion, Apr. 19, 1965j
? ,
,ST-IcQPREDXSRVPITEal
,
There are many degrees of political cour-
age but South Dakota Senator _OsoSeE MC-
'GOVERN is exhibiting one of the greatest?
espousal of the unpopular side of a great
netional issue, even as his political peers
try to shut him up.
The issue: Should the United States be-
econe increasingly involved in South Viet-
nam as the dangers of an escalated war loom
greater?
McGovEaN's stand: No. ,
lie stands fast on this line and hasn't been
ehary about saying so, even when such per-
sonal friends and influential big names as
Hussar FlurEENREY and McGeorge Bundy have
urged him to keep silent on behalf of na-
tional unity. McGovEaN keeps right on op-
posing the U.S. role in Vietnam and doing
so out where JCItS of people see and hear him.
Chicken"? Appeaser malcontent? By no
means. ,McGovEEN points out that he is
neither a. pacifist nor an isolationist but
simply, ,"I don't belieVe military aid can be
used effectively in southeast Asia. The prob-
lems there are ones of internal,political revo-
lution."
In other words, in the McGovern book,
America is charging along a jungle path in
Vietnam that 18 pot only militarily futile
but very costly and extremely dangerous. He
recently told Bucknell University Students,
"It seems clear that we are now on a spiral
of bloWS and counterblows Which could lead
to a major war under the worst possible con-
ditions for the United. States."
He, has recalled his food-for-peace days and
reflected: "The extensive traveling I did in
Asia and Latin America convinced, me that
the basic problems in these areas are ones
of huhger, illiteracy, and bad government.
These are the problems we should attack. In
South Vietnam, we inherited the hostility
and Mess pat came from 59 years of French
Misrule and. exploitation."
MoGovEEN obviously is under no illusions
as to the political hazard of his own position.
For the junior Senator from a prairie State to
so aiplaillantiy oppose a major policy and com-
mitment pf his own party and administra-
tion, and to do it repeatedly while spurning
big brother atteMpts_ to shush him, takes a
? brand of 'nerve One doesn't yery often'
these days, particularly not in politics. And
to compound it, McGovEEN displayed some-
thing of the same independent attitude when
he openly expressed his disappointment over
some facets of the admiuistration's Pew farm
program * * "-* and vowed to -work to cor-
rect them.
MCGOVERN'S views have not prevailed and
it is unlikely that they will. But whether
they do or not, the man who endorses them,
and does so most effectively, has increased
his stature among many people for his sin-
cerity, his steadfastness, and his willingness
to "go for broke" in behalf of an ideal he
honestly believes is right.
VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965
Mr. STENNIS, Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may yield to
the distinguished Senator from Oregon
for 2 minutes.
Mr. MORSE. I shall defer to the Sen-
ator from Mississippi.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, as the
debate on the yoting yightsjoill has con-
tinued, I have become more and more
amazed that the Senate would even seri-
ously consider passing the section of the
bill that would abolish poll taxes in State
and local elections. I shall not speak on
this subject now, except to sound a grave
warning that to pass a bill to abolish the
poll tax by statute would actually leave
our Constitution in shambles and would
make a mockery of the Senate's respon-
sibility. The real question before the
Senate is not the approval or disapproval
of the payment of a poll tax as a prereq-
uisite for voting.
The real and only question is the con-
stitutional question as to whether the
Senate has the power and authority to
pass such a measure by means of a
statute. No less a person than the Presi-
dent of the 'United States, yesterday in a
press conference, said that to abolish the
poll tax requirement by statute would
raise a constitutional problem. He said
he believed that if the poll tax were to
be abolished, it must be abolished by an
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States. That statement comes
from the highest source of responsibility
under our Federal Government. Cer-
tainly those are not idle words and this
statement by the President is consistent
with what he said as a Senator on March
9, 1949?00NGRESSI0NAL RECORD, page
2047. The President?then a Senator
from Texas?said:
The framers of the Constitution of the
United States were plain, specific, and unam-
biguous in providing that each State should
have the right to prescribe the qualifications
of its electorate and that the qualifications of
electors voting for IVIembers of Congress
should be the same as the qualifications of
electors voting for members of the most nu-
merous branch of the State legislatures. For
that reason, and that reason alone, I believe
that the proposed anti-poll-tax measures in-
troduced in previous sessions of this body
and advocated in the President's civil-rights
program is wholly unconstitutional and vio-
lates the rights of the States guaranteed by
section 2 of article I of the Constitution.
Not only has the President recently
spoken on this subject, but also the At-
torney General of the United States, Mr.
Katzenbach, has stated most recently
that the provision of the bill that would
abolish the poll tax in the election of
8469
State officers is invalid. The Attorney
General made that statement in his testi-
mony before our subcommittee. He also
made the statement to a national tale-
vision audience recently on "Meet the
Press."
Not only have those two high officials
spoken out on this issue, but also the dis-
tinguished majority leader, the Senator
from Montana [Mr. MANSFIELD] and the
distinguished minority leader, the Sena-
tor from Illinois [Mr. DnucsEw] are op-
posed to that part of the bill which at-
tempts to abolish the poll tax by statute.
They know that it would be unconstitu-
tional to do so.
That the poll tax cannot be repealed
without constitutional amendment is so
well settled and firmly established that
further discussion of the question would
seem unnecessary. In 1960, by a vote of
50 to 37, the Senate clearly established
the precedent that a constitutional
amendment was necessary to abolish the
poll tax in Federal elections. In 1962,
the Senate reaffirmed that position when
it adopted a resolution proposing a con-
stitutional amendment applicable to Fed-
eral elections. That amendment is now
part of the Constitution. In the course
of debate on that resolution the Senate
rejected by a vote of 59 to 34 the conten-
tion that the poll tax could be abolished
by mere statute.
The Attorney General of the United
States has said that the provision with
regard to abolishing the poll tax in the
election of State officers is invalid. He
made that statement in his own testi-
mony before our subcommittee, and he
also made it to a national television au-
dience on "Meet the Press."
The distinguished majority leader is
opposed to that part of the bill which
attempts to abolish poll taxes by statute
because it would be unconstitutional to
do so. The distinguished minority leader
has stated his opposition to this section
of the bill on the grounds that it is un-
constitutional.
The law on this is as clear as a bell.
In 1951 the Supreme Court affirmed
Butler v. Thompson, 97 F. Supp. 17,
(D.C.E.D. Va., 1951), wherein the district
court cited the case of Breedlove v. Sat-
ties, 302 U.S. 277 (1937), and held:
To make payment of poll taxes a prerequis-
ite of voting is not to deny any privilege or
immunity protected by the 14th amendment.
Privilege of voting is not derived from the
United States, but is conferred by the State
and, save as restrained by the 15th and 19th
amendments and other provisions of th Fed-
eral Constitution, the State may condition
suffrage as it deems appropriate.
That decision of the U.S. Supreme
Court now stands as the law of the land.
It is there for all to see. It is absolutely
clear.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may be per-
mitted to continue for an additional 2
minutes.
The PRESIDING OrTICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. STENNIS, Mr. President, every
Member a Congress is under duty to
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8470 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965
support the Constitution of the United
States. This is a constitutional matter
that must be acknowledged. Every Sen-
ator must be governed by it, whether or
not he agrees with its holding.
I do not impugn the integrity or sincer-
ity of anyone. I point out that the de-
cision should be made by each individual
Senator. It cannot be avoided or dele-
gated to another party by merely shrug-
ging the shoulders and saying, "We elect
to let the courts pass on it." That pro-
cedure would not follow the letter or
spirit of the Constitution of the United
States.
Every Senator must be governed by the
constitutional conclusion that he may
have on this question, regardless of how
he may feel with reference to the poll
tax itself.
The proposed bill was drafted in the
atmosphere of massive public demon-
strations, introduced in the Senate, and
referred to the Committee on the Judici-
ary; under such limitations it was neces-
sary that the committee hold only a few
days of hearings and then frantically
meet in executive session to report a bill.
On several occasions, reports reached
the public that a revised or substitute
version had been agreed upon by a ma-
jority of the committee; then, before
that substitute could hardly be printed,
numerous amendments would be offered
thereto. Finally, upon the last day in
which the committee had to consider this
measure, what may well be called a con-
glomerate bill was put together and re-
ported to the Senate.
I commend the majority and minority
leaders, the Attorney General of the
United States, and the President for
coining out positively and definitely With
a flew and correct statement on this
matter. It seems to me, with all due def-
erence to every Member of this great
body, that merely to let the court decide
such a measure would be a dereliction of
our duty.
How derelict of our strict duty can
we become? How mueh can we abdicate
our responbilities as members of the leg-
islative branch of the Government just
because the marchers march in Wash-
ington and at the White House? I can-
not believe that a majority will succumb
to this emotional appeal to set aside the
Constitution. I know that we should
promptly vote this provision down.
I hope that we may have an early vote
upon this far-reaching act.
Mr. HILL, Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. STENNIS. I yield.
Mr. HILL. I commend the Senator
from Mississippi for his very fine state-
ment. I wish to a associate myself with
his statement.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, I thank
the Senator.
Mr. TOWER. Mr. President, I asso-
ciate myself with the remarks of the
junior Senator from Mississippi.
THE PRESIDENT'S NEWS CON-
FERENCE OF YESTERDAY ON
VIETNAM
mr. MORSE. Mr. President the
President's news conference of yesterday
marked another effort on the part of his
administration to cloak a policy of war
In the mantle of peace.
But all the while the President speaks
of our desire for peace, he ignores all the
efforts the United States has led in the
last 20 years to devise means of keeping
peace. I refer to our participation in
and support of the United Nations and
of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organiza-
tion.
The President speaks eloquently about
the lessons of history. But he has missed
the greatest lesson of all, which is that no
one nation can determine where and how
the peace shall be kept without fighting
eternal wars.
The specter of Munich, which was
raised yesterday by the President, is the
favorite image of the advocates of the
war in Vietnam. But which of them is
willing to argue that in 1938 the United
States should have sent troops to Czech-
oslovakia to fight Germany alone?
Which of them is willing to say that the
intervention by Italy, Germany, and the
Soviet Union into the Spanish Civil War
was a good thing because each of them
thought they were stopping the other's
aggression before it could get started?
The real lesson of Munich and the
Spanish Civil War is that nations acting
unilaterally to protect their self-interest
as they see it are going to get into wars.
It is especially tragic to see two great
ideological contestants again fighting
over the prostrated body of a third coun-
try, very much as the fascists and Com-
munists fought over the corpse of Spain,
all in the name of preventing someone
else's alleged aggression.
It was because of the events that led
up to World War II and because of the
war itself that the United Nations was
set up, and no nation desired more
earnestly than the United States that it
be used to save mankind from another
scourge of war.
Yet when the President of the United
States talks about the international his-
tory of the last 27 years and its lessons,
he makes no mention at all of the United
Nations and its peace-keeping function.
Apparently we are well on the way to
emulating the French Bourbons who for-
got nothing and learned nothing.
The President is quite wrong in be-
lieving that we who oppose our policy in
Vietnam have ignored the terror and the
bombings committed by the Communists.
No doubt his attention is drawn to our
criticisms and not to our condemnations
of the Communists. But one can hardly
say that Americans have the right to
fight a civil war in another land and still
remain immune from retaliation or at-
tack. I have roundly criticized time and
time again the tactics and terrorism a
the Vietcong. I have critized the bomb-
ing of the American Embassy in Saigon,
and the killing and maiming of innocent
civilians, both American and South Viet-
namese. Likewise I have critized the
atrocities of the South Vietnamese prac-
ticed upon the Vietcong with U.S. mili-
tary standing by doing nothing to en-
force the Geneva Treaty covering the
treatment of war prisoners. I have
criticized terrorism and atrocities com-
mitted by Vietcong.
Of course the sad part is that the
United States cannot expunge the rec-
ord as to our own involvement in this
dirty war. We have escalated it. We
have participated in it. We have walked
out on our peace keeping obligations
under international law.
What in the world would lead the
President to think that North Vietnam
would not attack, starting with our
escalation at Tonkin Bay? We can start
with the American course of action in
Tonkin Bay. From that time on, North
Vietnam has proceeded at an ever-
escalating rate to make war. We asked
for it. We should have taken North
Vietnams violations of international law
at Tonkin Bay to the United Nations in-
stead of going beyond the point of self-
defense by committing acts of aggression
of our own.
We have made the Vietnam civil war
our war, and no one has done more to
make it our war than President Johnson.
In my opinion, we have been fortunate so
far that our casualties have been so light
and the attacks upon American civilians
as few as they have been.
I invite the President's attention to the
fact that despite the barrage of statistics
from the Pentagon ,eeking to demon-
strate that the Vietcong are being killed
in large numbers, and that they are kill-
ing large nuMbers of civilians in South
Vietnam by terrorist methods, the Penta-
gon informs me that it has no figure of
any kind on the number of Vietnamese
civilians killen by the military activities
of the United States and the South Viet-
nam Army. Yet people who have been to
that sad country tell of hospitals being
filled with victims of our air raids and our
fire bombings, and the ground activities
of the South Vietnamese Army. Also no
statistics are being given the American
people of the civilians the bombings in
North Vietnam are killing.
It takes at least two to make a war.
We are one of the parties making it in
Vietnam today.
The President's press conference yes-
terday was a graphic demonstration of
how impossible it is for contesting par-
ties to prevent war, or to stop a war
before it can get started. All the admin-
istration is able to do under its present
policy is to do what nations have been
doing for hundreds of years before us,
and that is to try to justify its own war.
With the hope that it may in some
form reach the President's eyes, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at the
conclusion of my remarks a speech pre-
pared by Benjamin V. Cohen entitled
"The United Nations in Its Twentieth
Year," and delivered at the Hebrew Uni-
versity of Jerusalem on April 27, 1965.
The PRESIDING arleiCER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, Mr.
Cohen outlines the obligations of the
great powers to observe the United Na-
tions Charter. I am satisfied that
neither the United States nor the rest
of the world will escape the scourge of
war until we do, in fact, observe that
charter.
Do not forget that Mr. Cohen is not
only one of our greatest international
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v)Nt..7 sSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8471
lawyers but also do not forget that dur-
ing his period of service to the U.S. Gov-
ernment, he has represented it in several
international conferences.
Mr. President, I close by inviting the
attention of the Senate to an announce-
ment just received on the ticker, as fol-
lows:
SAmorr.?Air strikes against North Viet-
namese roads, bridges, and railroads are not
choking off aid to the Vietcong, and a land
invasion of the north should begin immedi-
ately, the commander of South Vietnam's
Air Force says.
"If we are just going to bomb communica-
tion lines, the Vietcong will be able to stand
up for a long time, I'm afraid. So the next
step must be big?either a big escalation of
the war or negotiations," Brig. Gen. Nguyen
Cao Ky told the Associated Press in an ex-
clusive interview today.
While the bulk of the raids against North
Vietnam have been flown by U.S. Air Force
and Navy planes, Ky's propeller-driven Sky-
raider bombers also have been over North
Vietnam nearly every day.
The 34-year-old general has flown three
Of the missions himself and was grazed by
enemy flak on one of them. Three of his
pilots have been shot down.
"The raids against communications are
not really effective," he said. "The Commu-
nists can always find ways of moving through
the jungle.
"But if we were to set up a kind of 'na-
tional liberation pont' in the north, we
could do the same things to the Communists
that they've been doing to us here. We have
superiority in the air over North Vietnam's
central area from the 17th to the 20th paral-
lels, and we could easily supply guerrillas of
Our own there.
"The people in that area are basically anti-
Communist and I'm sure they would help us.
Then we could really start cutting their sup-
ply lines and giving them something to worry
about."
Let there be no doubt in the minds of
the American people that our South
Vietnamese allies are going to continue
to put on the pressure that the United
States escalate the war into a big front
in Asia.
I repeat?what the administration
does not like to hear me say?namely, a
deep conviction of mine based upon my
conclusions from the briefings I have
received as a member of the Committee
on Foreign Relations. I believe that. if
we follow the Johnson course of action in
Asia, in not too many months from now
we shall be involved in a massive war in
Asia which will take hundreds of thou-
'sands of American boys to Asia.
What is the alternative that we should
try? It is an alternative that the Presi-
dent has not attempted to try.
In my judgment, the only way the
President can prove his intentions for a
Peaceful settlement of the war in Asia
is to proceed to use the procedures of
international law as they now exist.
That means that the President should
lay the problem before the United Na-
tions, pledging his cooperation to the
United Nations to help enforce the peace
in Asia. We slionld ask our alleged
allies, who are also signers of the United
Nations Charter, to assume their obliga-
tion to ,take United Nations action in
southeast Asia,
Until the president does that, he will
continue to be. justifiably criticized, as I
have been critipizing him.
If we wish peace, we must resort to
peaceful procedures to accomplish that
end, instead of making statements which
seek to shroud the war in Asia with
peace talk.
Once more I repeat that the United
States is no longer in a position that per-
mits it to conduct bilateral negotiations
with North Vietnam, the Vietcong and
Red China. Negotiations for peace must
now be conducted by nonparticipants
sitting at the head of the table under
the auspices and procedure of the United
Nations.
Mr. President, the administration is
going to great lengths through its own
officials and through newsmen it can in-
fluence to depict the protests on Ameri-
can campuses' against our Vietnam war
as irresponsible, "off-beat," and disrepu-
table. Last week, on April 22 and 23, a
"teach-in" on the Vietnam war was held
at Rutgers University in New Brunswick,
N.J.
I ask unanimous consent to have three
articles from the campus paper, the Rut-
gers Daily Targum of April 26, printed
at the close of these remarks. One is an
editorial headed: "The Dawn of a New
Era." The second is a letter to the edi-
tor from Hank Wallace, and the third
is a report entitled: "Teach-in Triumph,"
written by Steve Herman.
This report on the value, the impact,
and the conclusions of a teach-in on the
Rutgers campus cannot be brushed off by
an administration and a Secretary of
State anxious to silence questions and
criticisms of an anxious intellectual com-
munity. If they continue trying to do
so, they are going to find themselves
deserted and frankly opposed by an in-
creasingly large body of American public
opinion.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the REcORD,
as follows:
[From the Rutgers Daily Targum, Apr. 26,
1965]
THE DAWN OF A NEW ERA
The dawn surely rose over Warren Bus-
man Friday morning. As daylight broke
through the foggy horizon surrounding Scott
Hall at 5:30 a.m., so did the dawn of a new
era in the history of the university break
through as Busman began to talk. It was
brillant climax to what will go down as
the greatest event at Rutgers in the last 25
years?it is not likely to be duplicated for
another 25.
FEVER PITCH
The teach-in Thursday night-Friday
morning to protest the war in Vietnam was,
indeed, the faculty and student body's finest
hour. The electric intensity which accom-
panied the magniflcient and impassioned
faculty oratory spread infectiously through-
out the 1,000-man audience until it reached
a fever pitch during the now historic Sus-
man-Fitzpatrick exchange. Never again will
this university, in all likelihood, see a sim-
ilar expression of political-emotional senti-
ments expressed by such a percentage of the
student body.
Although we have complained in the past
about student nondirection and nonactivity,
We were stunned by the turnout and the gen-
eral seriousness of purpose which character-
ized Friday's rally. Although the atmosphere
was one of gaiety?helped along, no doubt, by
relaxation of Douglass curfew laws?there
was an overriding importance to the students
involved which extended far beyond the
scope of socialisation.
For once, the university was truly a forum
of ideas. A certain portion of the faculty
proved incontravertibly that they were re-
sponsible to both their profession and to
the student body.
Contrary to James Reston in Wednesday's
New York Times, this was not "propaganda of
the most vicious nature." This was a logical,
clear forward interchange of ideas?it is un-
fortunate, perhaps, that the "stay-in-the-
war" partisans could not have found a more
effective spokesman for themselves than Wil-
liam Fitzpatrick. He was hopelessly out-
classed.
HIGH POINT IN DRAMA
The teach-in team was superb. Susmon
was at his bombastic, dazzling, persuasive
and didactic best. His interlude with Fitz-
patrick hit a high point in sheer drama never
again to be equaled. The three standing
ovations he received during his peroration
were indicative of the heights of esteem in
which the student body holds him. The cold
assertive logic of Lloyd Gardner's assess-
ment of American-Asian relations, and the
southern tones of Carter Jefferson's surveyal
of the French role in southeast Asia best
complemented Susman's oration.
There was one extremely sour note
sounded, however. Notwithstanding the ap-
parent spuriousness of the alleged "Colonel"
of the "Christian Unity Party"?a purported
neo-Fascist front?we have nothing but utter
contempt for the university students who
went along with the hoax. We do not partic-
ularly consider the Nazi Party to be an
amusing divertissement. We are also in no
way amused by either the sickeningly infan-
tile and puerile actions of the students who
"sieg heiled" along with Stetler or by the
students who disgraced themselves and the
university with their vile banners in Scott
Hall. Such apparently psychopathic minds
have no place in any institution of higher
learning.
Disregarding this one blemish, the teach-
in was a brilliant success. The faculty has
proven themselves to be responsible to the
student body and the student body has
proven themselves worthy of a topflight
faculty. We may never see its like again.
LETTERS: FINEST 8 HOURS
DEAR SIR: Years from now Rutgersmen will
say this was their finest 8 hours.
The potential of our university was real-
ized at the teach-in Friday morning.
Pulled together in a few days by a small
group of professors, everything clicked:
Proponents on all sides of the Vietnam
problem were spontaneous and outspoken,
yet the exciting lecture series and the effec-
tively distributed breaks were kept tightly
on schedule but not stifled by coordinator
Dr. Seymour Zenchelsky,
Happily, Rutgers College's finest hours
were shared by hundreds of Douglass girls,
for whom curfew was waived to further the
coed-izing of the new Rutgers University.
Student response was overwhelming: Scott
Hall walls were lined with standees through
half the morning, and an astonishing num-
ber of students saw the adjournment at 8.
Luckily WRSU recorded the entire program
on a dozen tapes. Jan Ploshnick recom-
mended at 7:30 a.m, that an audio transcript
be sent to the White House.
Perhaps a written transcript also could be
produced in booklet form, available to stu-
dents, faculty, and the public.
Since the time of the flood 200 years ago,
Rutgers has never more nearly approached
its destiny as a great university.
HANK WALLACE.
TEACH-IN TRIUMPH
(By Steve Herman)
The clock radios went off, alarm clock bells
rang, people groggily got out of bed, washed
up, and then hurried to their first period
_
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8472 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965
class. It was the beginning of another day.
For others, however, Friday morning was the
end of what must be described as one Of the
most exciting and wonderful evenings in
their lives. For at 8 a.m. "the teach-in" to
expose students to the various Issues in
problems in connection with the Vietnam
problem came to an end,
The lecture discussion marathon began at
12 midnight in Scott Hall 123 before approxi-
mately 1,000 students?most of whom were
either concerned and worried ebout U.S.
policy in Vietnam or were just curious to see
what the whole thing was about
The audience was not made up of "kooks,"
but consisted of a cross section of the Rutgers
community. And, as a matter Of fact, the
only "kooks" who were present were some
very unsophisticated and crude representa-
tives of the campus radical rightvring fringe.
They carried signs with such slogans as
"Better Dead than Red," "Blast the Chinks,"
and "? communism." These "kooks"
also tried to rattle and heckle some of the
professors, but they were all skillfully "put
down.?' (After observing the performance of
some of these characters, one student com-
mented "the lack of political acumen of the
rightwingers is exceeded only by their stu-
pidity.")
At 12 when Professor Zenchelsky started
the program, Soott 123 had a standing-room-
only crowd, with people sitting on the stage,
in the aisles, and in the lobby outside the
room. The crowd surpassed any expectations
that anyone may have had and it was a
credit to most of the people there that they
remained courteous and attentive few 8 hours.
Even more credit, however, has to gei to
the dozen professors who participated in
this demonstration. They were all mag-
nificent (Warren Busman was "super") ?
they had to be to keep the attention of
such a large crowd. There was no repeti-
tion from one professor to another, each
was an expert on his subject, and each one
added something which was very construc-
tive. They all spoke from the heart as well
as the Mind and their sentiments were felt
by the entire audience.
Sitting in Scott Hall?a little dizzy at
times because of the smoke and lack of
sleep?one got the impression that "this is
college." There was a free and unobstructed
exchange of some very controversial ideas
on a most important and meaningful topic.
And the message that the scholars were so
eloquently sending was being received by a
large and very enthusiastic audience.
It seemed that in the middle of the night
on legit Friday?an apathetic, disinterested,
and bored student body had come to life?
' it was serving a reirpose?it was accomplish-
ing something. After leaving the teach-in--
whether one agreed with the views or not--
you had the feeling that something extraor-
dinary had taken place. Something con-
structive was done?time was spent with
professors who spoke on a topic on which
there would be no test, no grade, no quiz.
Once again thank you profs?you were all
great?it was an evening which will never
be forgotten and an experience that un-
fortunately will probably not be repeated.
? 1
Eau's=
Tam UNITED NATIONS IN ITS 20TH YEAR: THE
DAVID NILES MEMORIAL LECTURE AT THE
HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM, APRIL 27,
1965
(By Benjamin V. Cohen)
It is a high honor to be asked to inaugu-
rate the David Niles Memorial Lectures at the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
I was privileged to know David Niles. He
was a retiring, self-effacing man of quiet
powers. Even with his close friends he sub-
ordinated his person to his work and to their
work and even more frequently to other peo-
ple's welfare. He was by profession a social
worker and both in public office and in non-
governmental work his principal concern was
to help disadvantaged persons and groups to
participate on a basis of *quality in the life
and work of the community in which they
chose to live.
Quite early in his career he became inter-
ested in politics and government in order to
secure the social and economic legislation
necessary to protect disadvantaged persons
and groups in our modern industrial society.
He became active in the progressive move-
ment in the 1020's. Be took a prominent part
in the LaFollette-Wheeler, third party cam-
paign in 1924 and became a close friend of
the LaFollettes, father and sons, of Senator
Wheeler and Senator Norris. And in nearly
every presidential campaign thereafter he
was active in organizing an independent
committee of liberals to support the more
liberal candidates of the two parties.
I think it was Justice, then professor, Felix
Frankfurter who first suggested to Harry
Hopkins that David Niles belonged in the
New Deal in Vrashington. David first worked
as a personal assistant to Harry Ffopkins,
then to President Roosevelt and then to
President Truman?concerning himself prin-
cipally with the problems of the disadvan-
taged and minority groups.
In these positions David worked quietly for
years in Washington. Ile had a real passion
for axtonimity, not being concerned with re-
ceiving public credit for what he did do and
not troubling to deny blame attributed to
him for what others did.
His years with President Truman were par-
ticularly productive. He gave significant as-
sistance to President Truman in organizing
and establishing in December 1946 the Presi-
dent's Committee on Civil Rights. It was the
report of this Committee which gave great
Impetus to the movement for effective Fed-
eral civil rights legislation in the United
States in the last decade. But nothing gave
David Niles quite so much satisfaction, I am
sure, as his work with President Truman on
the Palestine problem. President Truman
was deeply affected by the plight of the Jew-
ish refugees in Europe at the close of the
war and he turned to David for advice and
assistance. President Truman discovered
that the majority of the refugees wanted to
go to Palestine and he was determined to
help them get there.
I cannot tell you all the things David Niles
did or did. not do during the critical period
of the Angelo-American Inquiry, the parti-
tion plan in the United. Nations, and the
subsequent struggle of the Jews in Palestine
to gain their independence and to establish
the State of Israel?because I do not know.
But I do know that there were great and
honest differences of opinion within the
American Government and feelings ran high
among those opposed to the establishment
of the State and those in favor of it. There
were those who suggested David was bring-
ing political pressure on the State Depart-
ment as if control of foreign policy in a
democracy through the President and the
Congress was unwarranted political pressure.
But I feel confident when all the records are
disclosed and all passion is spent it will be
revealed that the greatest service David Niles
rendered was to keep the President fully in-
formed as to how his policies and directives
were being carried out in the Various depart-
ments of government so that the President
could. knowingly exercise his constitutional
responsibilities. David performed this deli-
cate and difficult task with great ability and
skill. For this task conscientiously and
faithfully performed we should gratefully
honor his memory.
When I informed M. Truman I was to give
the first David Niles Memorial Lecture here,
he wrote me as follows:
"I was very fond of Dave Niles and I trusted.
him as I did. few men,
"If there ever lived a man dedicated to the
cause and plight of the abused, persecuted,
and 'Oppressed, it was Dave Niles. His con-
cern for these people was mirrored in his
face?a face I will always remember for its
solemn sadness and compassion.
"Yours sincerely,
"Matey S. TRUMAN."
In view of David Niles' great interest in
the United Nations as he watched the de-
velopment of the United Nations Palestine
partition plan, I thought it would be ap-
propriate for me to take as the subject of
the first David Niles memorial lecture?"The
United Nations in Its 20th Year." As I shall
be particularly concerned with some develop-
ments and trends which in my view threaten
to undermine the first and primary purpose
of the United Nations?that is to maintain
international peace and security?I do not
want you to think that I am unaware of the
great difficulties with which the United Na-
tions has had to contend and the consider-
able progress it has made in many spheres of
its activities.
When the charter was drafted it was con-
templated that the Great Powers would work
out an acceptable peace which the United
Nations could maintain. But a stable and
acceptable peace?a consensus or modicum
of common understanding on the basic prin-
ciples of coexistence?was never established
after the last world war. The Great Powers
were in no position to cooperate to maintain
a peace the terms of which they were unable
to agree upon. Rivalry and conflict among
the. Great Powers led to a cold war in which
the adversaries lost sight of their common
interest in peace and were prone to exploit
their differences rather than to attempt to
find means of composing them. Even apart
from the cold war the whole world was strug-
gling to adjust itself to revolutionary politi-
cal, economic and social changes, and the
adjustment in many areas was difficult, pain-
ful, and not altogether rational. There was
widespread need of adjustment to the radi-
cally Changed conditions of life which mo-
dern science and technology made possible.
In many areas the striving for economic im-
provement was accompanied by movements
to break the bonds of colonial rule and
fuedal and tribal relationships. The very
survival of the United Nations under these
circumstances attests to humanity's essential
need of the United Nations as an instru-
ment of international cooperation in a world
which has become increasingly intedepend-
ent despite ideological national and cul-
tural differences and outlooks.
It is amazing the number of international
institutions which have been created in the
last two decades within the framework of the
United Nations and its specialized agencies
to meet the varied needs of states and their
people. There is not only the United Na-
tions but UNESCO, UNICEF, the World
Health Organization, the Food and Agricul-
tural Organization, the Monetary Fund, and
the World Bank, GATT, the several regional
U.N. economic commissions, the expanded
program of technical assistance, the Special
Fund, the Trade and Development Confer-
ence, and many more. In the modern world
all states have felt the need in various ways
of participating in cooperative international
activities, and international cooperation is
becoming the norm in many spheres of ac-
tivities.
Technology has broken down the barrier:
of time and distance. New vistas bring new
opportunities but new dangers. For good or
ill, states cannot avoid multiple contacta
with the outside world and increasing orga-
nization on an international basis is neces
sary to avoid conflict and promote common
welfare. This is particularly true in the
case of states emerging from colonial status.
There can be no revolution of rising expecta-
tions in these underdeveloped lands without
access to the tools and know-how of modern
science and technology. To have such accesa,
colonialism must not give way to a narrow
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE
isolationism with its turbulent nationalism
or resurgent tribalism, but must be succeeded
by enlightened international cooperation.
Continued progress in the substitution of
international cooperation for the old colo-
nial relationship will be necessary in the
years ahead for the common welfare of the
people of the old as well as new states.
International cooperation within the gen-
eral frame*ork of the United Nations during
the past 20 years has been much more wide-
spread than it was within the framework
of the League of Nations between the First
and Second World Wars. This is an impor-
tant jneaaure due te the participation of the
United States in these activities in con-
trast with its nonparticipation in most of the
League's activities. The United Nations has
aspired te a universality which was denied
to the League because of America's absence.
But it is important to remember that the
universality to which the United Nations as-
pires is seriously threatened by the absence
of representation of the mainland of China in
United Nations' activities.
. Without going into detail I think I have
said enough to indicate that I am not un-
mindful of the growth and progress of many
international activities within the frame-
work of the United Nations during the last
20 years. But the many useful activities
of the United Nations should not blind us
to its faltering and disappointing progress
in the fulfillment of its primary objective.
While there may have been doubts and
misgivings as to how the primary objective
of the charter was to be achieved there was
and can be no doubt what the primary ob-
jective of the charter was and is. It is not
necessary to recite at length the purposes
and principles of the charter as enumerated
in articles 1 and 2 and as embellished in
the preamble. Paragraph 1 of article 1 states
the first and primary objective of the char-
ter?"to maintain international peace and
security." All of the other stated purposes
and principles of the charter are designed to
strengthen and safeguard the primary pur-
pose of maintaining peace among nations.
One.should, of course, avoid making dog-
matic judgments about bypassing the United
_Nations. The United Nations is not a totali-
tarian institution. The charter does not re-
quire that all international acts and trans-
actions be done in or throug the United
Nations. The charter expressly contemplates
that parties to a dispute which may endanger
the peace should, first of all, seek a solution
by peaceful Means of their own choosing.
But the charter provides no excuse for mem-
ber states, large or small, keeping disputes
for which no peaceful solution has been
found away from the United Nations until
they have actually erupted into war.
The basic law on which the charter was
construeted in simple. It imposes no strait-
jacket, no impossible burden or restriction
on any state. It is based on principles by
which all nations, large as well as small,
must live if mankind is long to survive on
this planet in this nuclear age. The law
of the charter which all members are pledged
to observe is twofold. First it requires all
states, large as well as small, to refrain in
their international relations from the threat
or use of force except in individual or col-
lective self-defense against armed attack,
and all measures taken in the exercise of
self-defense must be immediately reported
to the Security Council. Second, the charter
,required all statee, large and small, to set-
tle their disputes by peaceful means in such
a manner that peace, security, and justice are
not endangered.
These two obligations of the charter are
correlative. The surrender of the right of
states to use force was not intended to
leave states without any effective means of
securing a redress of their , grievances. A
state which resorts to force to redress its
grievances without first invoking the pro-
cesses of the United Nations violates the
charter. But a state which refuses to con-
sider the serious grievance of a sister state
and refuses to agree to any procedure for
peaceful settlement also violates the law of
the charter. Force is proscribed as a means
of settlement but members must be willing
to negotiate and submit their disputes for
settlement under some reasonable procedure.
While the primary purpose of the United
Nations must be to maintain peace, peace
cannot be maintained without some mini-
mum redress of genuine grievances. This
twofold law of the charter constitutes the
heart of the charter. The law of the charter
provides the minimum requirements neces-
sary to enable members to work together to
outlaw the use of force as a means of settling
International disputes and to provide pro-
cedures for the peaceful settlement of dis-
putes which threaten the peace.
There have always been questions and
doubts how the United Nations could enforce
the obligations of the charter against re-
calcitrant states, particularly the great
powers. But there can be no question that
the great powers as well as the small powers
obligated themselves to observe the law of
the charter. The veto may have given the
great powers the right to forestall Security
Council action, it did not give them the
right to deny their obligation under the
charter to respect the law of the charter.
The "Uniting for Peace Resolution" of 1950
formally recognized- the right of the As-
sembly to recommend action based on the
obligations of the great powers as well as
the small powers to observe the law of the
charter.
In the early days of the charter the Soviet
Union withdrew its troops from Iran, and
France withdrew its troops from Syria to
avoid charges of charter violation. In the
early days of the charter it was assumed that
if there was a threat to or breach of inter-
national peace, the United Nations would in
one way or other be activated in an effort to
stop the fighting and to restore peace. The
U.N. may have been an imprefect instrument
but it did help to restore peace in Greece,
Kashmir and Korea. It also helped to re-
store peace in Israel when the State of Israel
was first established and again at the time
of the Suez difficulties even though the one-
sided character of some of the Assembly's
resolutions in the latter case may have been
unfortunate and unwarranted.
Professions of faith in the United Nations
and the law of the charter continue to be
made in their formal addresses by heads of
states and governments. But there has been
a perceptible decline in the recognition and
observance of the law of the charter, in the
obligation to seek peaceful settlement or con-
tainment of disputes through the United Na-
tions before using or threatening to use force
to resolve them. There are, to be sure, ex-
planations for these adverse developments?
ideological differences between the east and
the west and marked contrast in social and
economic conditions between the north and
the south. These would be sufficient expla-
nations for nations trying to settle their dis-
putes peacefully when they could without
burdening the United Nations with their
troubles. But these are scarcely justification
for nations taking the law into their own
hands and threatening to use and actually
using force without first submitting the case
to and seeking the good offices of the United
Nations to obtain a redress of their griev-
ances. It is said, however, that the United
Nations cannot take care of its present bur-
dens and is in no position to assume more.
Feigned concern for the United Nations is
no excuse for any member violating the law
of the charter without even attempting to
fulfill its obligations Under the charter. If
8473
a member in good faith seeks the assistance
of the United Nations to obtain a redress of
its grievances against another state and the
United Nations is, in fact, unable to act, it
may then possibly be urged that there is a
hits,us in the charter that would relieve the
aggrieved state of its obligation not to take
the law into its own hands. But charter
obligations become illusory and the charter,
as the last best hope of peace on earth, be-
comes a dying hope if member states resort to
war for the settlement of their differences
'without first at least invoking the good offices
of the United Nations. Bypassing the United
Nations under such circumstances, I fear,
evinces more contempt than concern for the
future of the United Nations.
During the last decade or so, states have
with disturbing frequency resorted to force
or the threat of force without feeling even
a sense of obligation of reporting their action
in advance or even subsequently to the
United Nations. One need only mention Rus-
sia in the case of Hungary. India in the case
of Goa, and the United States in significant
aspects of the Cuban and South Vietnam
situations. I mention these instances not to
single out a few states but to indicate the
generality of the nonobservance.
Some authorities have tried to justify the
evisceration of the law of the charter by a
latitudinarian construction of the right of
self-defense under article Si and of the au-
thority of regional agencies under articles
52 and 53. I fear many of these interpreta-
tions are based on opinions that the legal
advisers are requested to render after, rather
than before, the political decision to resort
to force has been made by the responsible po-
litical officers. Some of the more latitudina-
rian constructions of the right of individual
'and collective self-defense seems to me to
militate against the spirit of the charter
which is to bring disputes to the United Na-
tions before they erupt into war. Perhaps
more important than the exact scope of the
right of self-defense is the recognition that
the right of self-defense, whatever it limits,
affords no excuse for not bringing a dispute
which threatens the peace of the United Na-
tions for settlement before the right of self-
defense is exercised if time permits and im-
mediately thereafter if prior submission is
not possible.
The rightful exercise of the right of self-
defense, in my view, is no excuse for continu-
ing to wage war without resort to the United
Nations for peaceful settlement. Neither
should the wrongful exercise of the right of
self-defense, if discontinued at the request
of the United Nations, deprive a member
state of its right to secure a redress of its
grievances as part of the United Nations proc-
esses of peaceful settlement.
In recent years there has also been an at-
tempt to justify the evisceration of the law
of the charter on the ground that the char-
ter does not forbid the use of force by one
state at the request of the recognized gov-
ernment of another state to assist the latter
state to quell a rebellion. Such a libertarian
construction of the charter does violence to
the letter and spirit of the charter. The
armed intervention of one state in the civil
war of another state whether at the request
of the established government or its rival
government is in fact the use of force by the
intervening states in its international rela-
tions, whether the civil war be called a war
of liberation or a war in defense of freedom.
True the charter does not forbid civil war
or deny the right to revolt. But it does not
sanction the right of an outside state to
participate in another's state civil war. If
a civil war in one state threatens interna-
tional peace the United Nations may inter-
vene to deal with that threat, but no mem-
ber state on its own responsibility has the
right to participate in the fighting in an-
other state's civil war, If differea states
. -
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8474 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
recognize opposing factions in a civil war
and participate in the fighting with oppos-
ing factions, they create and do not prevent
a threat to international peace. Events in
Europe in connection with the Spanish Civil ,
War made this obvious. This does not mean
that arms may not be shipped to a friendly
state threatened with rebellion; or that
troops may not be sent to a friendly state
to participate in a collective self-defense ac-
tion to repel an armed attack from another
state; or that troops may not be dispatched
to a friendly state to participate in a mission
of mercy to prevent the massacre of inno-
cent civilians. But taking sides and fight-
ing in another state's civil war is quite a dif-
ferent matter. See, Cohen, "The United Na-
tions, Constitutional Developments, Growth,
and Possibilities," Harvard University Press,
1961, pages 53-54,
It serves little purpose to debate the legal
soundness of some of the interpretations
given the charter under the impact of politi-
cal forces. A recent study of the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace ("The
OAS, the U.N. and the United States," by Inis
L. Claude, Jr., International Conciliation No.
547, March 1964) demonstrates how under
the impact of the cold war the U.S. Govern-
ment has come close to shifting its legal po-
sition completely on the relations between
the United Nations and regional agencies.
There is a sort of Gresham's law operating
in the field of charter interpretation. No
state can or will long operate under a rule
of law that is not respected by its fellow
states. A restatement of the rule may fare
no better unless there is a change in the
political environment and the forces which
shape the decisions of the responsible po-
litical officers of the state. I do not agree
with many international lawyers and teach-
ers with would like to have the Legal Com-
mittee have a monopoly on the legal ques-
tions arising under the charter in the Gen-
eral Assembly. I think it important that the
highest political officers have a realtistic un-
derstanding of the meaning and effect of
charter interpretations and not merely ac-
cept the advice of their legal experts pro
forma when it does not matter, only to re-
ject and ignore it when it really touches a
vital political nerve. ,
But whatever the causes or explanations,
the law Of the charter which was to outlaw
the use of force as a means of settling dis-
putes between states has fallen into desue-
tude. If we continue to accept this aban-
donment of the basic law of the charter re-
quiring all nations, large and small, to seek
in good faith peaceful settlement through
the processes of the United Nations before
resorting to war, we shall have allowed the
very heart to be torn from the charter. Im-
portant as are the technical and social serv-
Mee the United Nations may render the
underdeveloped countries, these are but
fringe benefits which will wither away once
the heart of the United Nations ceases to
beat.
? ?
What has gone wrong? Is it the fault of
the charter? Is it due to the veto? Is it due
to the excessive voting power of the small
new states in the Assembly? Have we really
exhausted the untried resources and poten-
tialities of the charter?
The *barter May not be perfect. But it is
not the charter that obstructs the way to
petite. The charter sets forth a few basic
principles but leaves to successive genera-
tions Who will live under it the responsibility
of huffing suitable means of carrying out
thote principles. The charter is not a self-
operating mechanism. Its operation de-
pends not so much on the words of the char-
ter as on the way member states exercise
their rights and meet their responsibilities.
Some means are specified in the charter but
these are not necessarily exclusive. Within
widest limits other means are not prohibited.
The charter is not a code of civil procedure
to be strictly construed. I know no better
canon of construction to be used in deter-
mining charter power than that laid down by
Chief Justice Marshall in McCulloch V. Mary-
land, 4 Wheaton 316, 421, for determining
constitutional power: "Let the end be legiti-
mate, let it be within the scope of the Con-
stitution, and all means which are appro-
priate which are plainly adapted to that end,
Which are not prohibited, but consist with
the letter and spirit of the Constitution, are
constitutional."
It is the right and responsibility of mem-
ber states to and means which are appro-
priate, which are not prohibited, but con-
sist with the letter and spirit of the charter,
to carry out purposes of the charter. There
has been a tendency, I fear, for members to
seek excuses and alibis for not working under
the charter rather than to make any sus-
tained efforts to find means of carrying out
the purposes of the charter. It is quite pos-
sible that the means which may prove most
helpful now are not necessarily the means
which would have been most helpful in years
past or the means which may be most help-
ful in the more distant future.
It seems to me that we have tried to build
the United Nations too much in the image
of the nation state?to muster power to light
wars rather than to develop the tolerance
and understanding to prevent war. We have
tried to exorcise differences by a majority
vote rather than to seek means of composing
and reconciling differences and containing,
within reasonable, tolerable, and livable
limits, those which cannot presently be com-
posed or reconciled.
Of course until there is much greater
progress toward general and effectively safe-
guarded disarmament it is necessary and in
the interest of the United Nations and world
peace that the member states maintain a
reasonable balance of armed strength so that
the most aggressive states will not be
tempted to secure their interests by war
rather than peaceful means. Of course it is
in the interest of the United Nations and
world peace that member states cooperate not
only in the United Nations but in regional
and functional organizations so that they
will be better able to support the efforts of
the United Nations to maintain peace in the
world. We live in a pluralistic world and
diverse and varied efforts--political, eco-
nomic and social within and without the
United Nations?are needed to strengthen
the forces of peace, freedom anal well-being
throughout the world, provided however that
such efforts do not countenance the waging
of war in disregard of the United Nations
Charter.
In this divided world in this nuclear age
there is no substitute for an organization
like the United Nations which teanscends
the interests of states and groups of states
and seta above their divergent interests the
common interest and the transcending vital
Interest of all states in the maintenance of
peace.
Military alliances may deter war for a
period by maintaining an uneasy balance of
power, but military alliances are not likely
to develop means or procedures for peaceful
settlement or containment of vital differ-
ences among states or groups of states par-
ties to different alliances. NATO, SEATO,
and CENTO were to function in support of
the United Nations and its charter princi-
ples, but in fact there has been little or no
effort to relate their work to the United
Nations, Many supporters of NATO, the
greatest of the postwar military alliances,
would give it priority over the United Na-
tions. Yet NATO has not been able to se-
cure peaceful settlement in its own area; it
reluctantly acquiesced in the United Nations
intervention in Cyprus when all else failed.
NATO has in no way responded to the de-
April 28, 1965
tente with the Soviet Union with any arms
control proposals. Indeed it has tended to
regard with suspicion any arms control pro-
posals which would affect it. At the time of
the 1961 Berlin crisis, NATO was used not in
support of the U.N. and peaceful settlement
but as an alternative to resort to the United
Nations. When crises developed in Laos and
South Vietnam, SEATO was invoked not in
support of the U.N. and peaceful settlement
but in lieu of the United Nations.
If one believes in the therapeutic effects
of shock treatment in international affairs,
in the therapeutic value of periodic armed
confrontations such as occurred in Berlin,
Cuba, and Vietnam, one need not be con-
cerned by the fading out of the United Na-
tions and what was once called man's last
best hope of peace on earth. But such con-
frontations in this nuclear age involve risks
which responsible statesmen conscious of
their responsibilities to future generations
cannot continue to ignore.
The United Nations was established to en-
able responsible statesmen to work together
to avoid these risks. It was intended to pro-
vide an instrumentality through which mem-
bers could unite their power and resources,
spiritual and material, to protect their one
and all-important common interest in the
maintenance of peace in this nuclear age. Of
course the charter will fail of its purposes if
states insist on using force or the threat of
force when it suits their interests without
giving the United Nations the chance to use
its good offices to compose differences which
threaten the peace.
It is not the lack of power which might
be called to the support of the United Na-
tions which stands in the way of the realiza-
tion of the promise of the United Nations.
It is the lack of genuine effort on the part
of the member states particularly the great
powers, to use the as yet untapped resources
of the United Nations to develop processes
and procedures for the peaceful settlement of
disputes among states. It is putting the cart
before the horse, to put it mildly, to worry
about how the United Nations is going to
muster power to enforce peaceful settlement
before it has developed processes and pro-
cedures for reaching peaceful settlement's
which can command the respect of states
whose vital interests and possibly very ex-
istence are at stake. Intemperate invective
and unrestrained cold war debate hastily
followed by the counting of votes, in many
instances uninformed and unaffected by the
facts or merits of the controversy, consti-
tute a rank betrayal of the purposes and
principles of the charter.
It is extraordinary that so little sustained
thought and consideration has been given to
the development of the processes of concilia-
tion and mediation as part of the pacific
settlement functions of the United Nations.
The sidetracking and soft-pedaling of the
pacific settlement functions of the United
Nations may be ascribed in large part, as
I have indicated, to the cold war. Issues
formally brought to the United Nations for
peaceful settlement have been exploited for
propaganda purposes and serious efforts to
harmonize differences have been notice-
able by their absence. The mediation and
conciliation functions of the United Na-
tions have been neglected and allowed to
to atrophy. Obviously in dealing with differ-
ences among sovereign states, particularly
at this stage of international organization
when states are excessively jealous of their
sovereignty, an agreed solution is to be pre-
ferred to an imposed solution. Even states
eager for a solution are loath to agree i1.
advance to accept arbitration or an imposed[
solution for fear, sometimes for groundles;
fear, it may involve unexpected terms dif.
Rauh or impossible to explain to their people.
The imposition of a solution may produce
serious divisions and strains within the
United Nations, while an agreed solution, if
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oril 2, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 8475
can be brought about, is an undisputed
iievernent and builds international con-
ence in the United Nations,
"'he process of conciliation and mediation
courages good faith negotiations and col-
;tive bargaining among states. It tends to
rb the instinctive habits of states when
tional passions are aroused to try to get
eir way by threats and counterthreats of
rce instead of seeking a fair accommoda-
pn by a little give-and-take on both sides.
There is Indeed at this stage of interne,-
onal organization perhaps more to learn
'oni the traditions and practices which
overn the peaceful settlement of labor dis-
mtes in modern industrial states than there
s from the study of the making and en-
orcernent of law Within a state. In the
arly days of labor unions there seemed to
be irreconcilable differences in the ideology
of labor and capital, and the law in many
states did not even recognize the right of
labor to organize. Labor did not trust the
courts, which labor felt shared the ideas of
management. To paraphrase the remarksof
Mr. Litvinoy regarding the relations of capi-
talism and communism, labor thought no one
could be neutral between management and
labor. In the early days of union activities
violence on one side or the other or both?
allegedly in self-defense, of course?was not
uncommon. Gradually the right of unions
to organize and bargain collectively was rec-
ognized by law, but both sides shied away
from compulsory arbitration unless it was
agreed to in ad.vance by both sides. But
custom., if not law, imposed upon both sides
the duty to bargain in good faith and make
every effort to reach a peaceful agreement.
If prolonged work stoppage threatens the
Welfare of the community it has become
customary for the state or conrimunity to in-
tervene, not by imposing a settlement but by
creating an environment which should fa-
cilitate an agreed settlement. Sometimes
the state or community will provide a cool-
ing-off period comparable to a waiting period
of 3 months following the? report of the
Council, which, under the convenant of the
League, states agreed to observel3efore resort-
ing to war. Sometimes the state or com-
munity will provide a cease-strike period
comparable to a cease-fire during which ne-
gotiations can proceed in a relaxed atmos-
phere. "Frequently the state or community
will provide a mediator or conciliator, or a
group of mediators or conciliators. These
skilled professionals will bring the parties to-
gether, find the essential facts at thT?oot of
the controversy, define and narrow issues, iso-
late and defer issues on which agreeinent is
clearly impossible, .suggest afternatiVe Solu-
tions, and at times make definite recommen-
dations for settlement that they think both
sides can accept and live with.
It might be said that in the labor relations
field an wiwritten common law has been
developed and accepted that all disputes af-
fecting the public welfare must be settled
peacefully; that is, without violence and
without protracted disruption of the public
service. No particular means of reaching a
settlement is prescribed, but all means can-
not be rejected. idediation and conciliation
processes will be available to assist the par-
ties reach an agreement by means of their
own choice, and compulsory arbitration will
be avoided as long as possible. But an agreed
settlement or modus vivendi must be reach_ed
or the parties will be obliged to accept an
Imposed settlement.
Much of what has been learned in the last
century in the handling of labor-manage-
ment disputes can be applied in the han-
dling of disputes among states. We should
worry lest about he power of the United -
Nations to,,, cOMpel or coerce settlement and
?
concern 011reelves more with the conciliation
and mediation procedures and processes the
United Nations can provide to assist states
- No. 75 16
compose their differences and settle their dis-
putes. The United Nations environment
should be most favorable to the development
of unparalleled facilities for conciliation and
mediation. Most member states, with little
or no direct interest in a direct dispute un-
less prematurely forced to take sides, will
naturally want to be helpful in facilitating
an agreed settlement by peaceful means.
Most disputes between states like most dis-
putes between labor and management in-
volve other legal issues and cannot be settled
by the application of any preexisting or
mutually acceptable rule of law. Conse-
quently they lend themselves more readily
to negotiated settlements than to inflexible
judicial settlements of ,political legislative
solutions. The disputant states, like labor-
management disputants, are less likely to fear
outside intervention to facilitate a negoti-
ated settlement than they are to fear out-
side intervention to impose or coerce a settle-
ment.
Indeed despite the neglect of the pacific
settlement functions of the United Nations
and the lack of preparations to enable the
United Nations to function effectively in this
area, there is enough in the past activities of
the United Nations to justify faith in the
great potentialities of the United Nations in
this area. There are the outstanding accom-
plishments of Count Bernadotte and Dr.
Ralph Bunche as mediators in the Israeli-
Arab conflict in 1948; the quick and ex-
traordinary resourcefulness and imaginative
statesmanship of Mr. Lester Pearson of Can-
ada which led to the creation over a week-
end in 1956 of a peacekeeping force not to
fight but to keep the peace in the most sen-
sitive areas in the Near East; the patience
of Mr. Frank Graham in containig the Kash-
mir conflict; the deft and dedicated efforts
of Dag Hammarskjold in handling the opera-
tions of the United Nations peacekeeping
forces in the Near East and later in the
Congo; and similar efforts of U Thant in the
tense Cyprus situation.
Indeed it is interesting to contrast the
failure of member states to earmark troops,
by special agreements with the Security
Council under article 43 of the charter or in
response to the Collective Measures Commit-
tee of the General Assembly, for enforcement
or sanction' actions with the increasing will-
ingness of member states to earmark troops
for peacekeeping operations as an adjunct
to pacific settlement. Canada, Denmark,
Finland, Iran, Italy, the Netherlands, Nor-
way, and Sweden and most recently the
United Kingdom have already volunteered to
hold troops on a permanent basis in readi-
ness for United Nations peacekeeping opera-
tions. (Issues before the 19th General As-
sembly, International Conciliation, No. 550
November 1964, pp. 19-24.)
These are significant stirrings of hope.
Yet one must regretfully observe that most
national statesmen?while paying lipservice
to the United Nations and tearfully lament-
ing its ineffectiveness and professing to wish
to see it strengthened?have done precious
little to develop and dramatize the great po-
tentialities of the United Nations under the
present charter in the field of peacekeeping
and pacific settlement. If, as they tell us,
there is no alternative to peace in this nu-
clear age, they should give at least a fraction
of the time they give to building up military
power to building up an effective adminis-
trative corps within the United Nations to
assist and promote the peaceful settlement
of international disputes. Certainly na-
tional statesmen might be expected to give us
much time to this task as they give to the
recently revived study of geopolitics which
seems to be based on the supposedly obso-
lete theory that there is no alternative to
war.
I will make only a few of many suggestions
which should be worthy of study in this con-
nection. One, there should be get up a re-
porting or rapporteur system to assist the
Security Council and the General Assembly
in handling disputes between states which
threaten the peace. Every precaution should
be taken to relieve the Security Council and
the Assembly from having to act on the un-
corroborated statements of the disputants
and their partisans. There should be
avail-
able to these organs reports?prepared by a
professional rapporteur or group of rappor-
teus?as objective as possible of the essen-
tial facts at issue and the positions taken by
the disputants.
Second, as part of or in addition to such
a corps of rapport,eurs, there should be small
corps of professional diplomats whose ex-
perience or training qualify them to act as
mediators or conciliators. Among other
things, it should be their duty to investigate
on their own initiative or on the request of
a specified number of member states the use
of force or the threat to use force by any
state or states which has not been brought
to the attention of the United Nations and
to report the essential facts to the Secre-
tary General. The Secretary General should
be authorized on the basis of such report to
offer the services of the mediating and con-
ciliating corps to the disputants to assist
them in negotiating a settlement of their
differences.
It is gravely disturbing that many de-
voted friends of the United Nations have
failed to grasp that the failure of the United
Nations is threatened as much or more by
the neglect of the great powers than by the
irresponsibility of the small states. Even the
revered Dag Hammarskjold who gave his life
for the United Nations, in appealing for the
support of the small states against Mr.
Khrushev's proposal to force his resignation
and to trifurcate the office of the Secretary
General, stated in the General Assembly in
September 1961: "It is not the Soviet Union
or indeed, any other big powers, who need
the U.N. for their protection; it is all the
others. In this sense, the Organization is
first of all their organization, and I deeply
believe in the wisdom with which they will
be able to use it and guide it." It is quite
understandable at that critical time
Hammarskjold should have reminded the
small states of their great stake in the United
Nations and their duty to act responsibly.
It was unfortunate, however, that the words
may suggest that the great powers have a
lesser stake in and a lesser need of the U.N.
If great powers do not sense their imperative
need of the United Nations to preserve the
peace, they will not give the United Nations
the support necessary for its growth and
survival. If the great powers do not have
confidence in the United Nations, they can-
not expect the smaller powers to have con-
fidence in it.
Recurrently and persistently a school of
realists tell us that the United States can-
not deal with conflicts between the great
powers because of the veto and the lack of
countervailing power. One would have
thought that the uniting for peace resolu-
tion in 1950 would have put that argument
to rest. Moreover, whatever criticism may
be made of the one-sidedness of some of the
resolutions in the Suez case, it certainly es-
tablished the continued vitality of the
uniting for peace resolution and rejected the
proposition that the great powers have a
right to ignore their charter obligations.
Strong arguments may be advanced that the
United Nations cannot muster the power, and
would be unwise to attempt, to impose its
will by force on the great powers or for that
matter on some of the lesser powers. The
primary purpose of the United Nations after
all is to keep the Peace and prevent war, not
to fight wars, to stop aggression not to pun-
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8476 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, ..lbt
ish the aggressor. But there is nothing in
the charter or outside the charter that would
justify the great powers any more than the
small powers to reject and ignore the con-
ciliation, mediation, and other peace-keeping
processes and procedures that the United
Nations might provide for the peaceful settle-
ment of disputes which threaten the peace.
If the United Nations withers away, it will
not be because it lacks the power to impose
its will by force but because the forces for
peace represented in the United Nations do
not unite their strength as the charter bids
them to do to bring the powers, great or
small, which are involved in the conflict, to
the conference table for good faith negoti-
ation. I have scant sympathy with those
Who are so devoted to the United Nations
that they would not saddle it with the bur-
densome task of bringing clashing powers to
the conference table for fear the conference
will be abortive. To what a pass the United
Nations has come when it scarcely takes no-
tice of a war in Vietnam which threatens to
escalate into a major world conflict.
It is not suggested that disputes affecting
the vital interests and very existence of states
may peacefully be settled by cold war debate
and the counting of partisan votes. On this
greatly diversified and deeply divided world,
a consensus Is not easily found. But even
amid diversity and division the common in-
terest in peace?in the continuation of life
itself on this planet?should be strong and
effective enough to provide the procedures
and processes to bring states in conflict to
the conference table and to assist them to
reach agreed settlements with which they
can live.
This does not mean that all debate in the
General Assembly and Security Council can
or should be suppressed. As in all political
bodies the delegates often speak as much to
their own constituents as to their fellow
delegates. To some extent this is unavoid-
able and with limits desirable. It does en-
able the delegates to inform and advise one
another of the grievances, problems, and pre-
dilections of their various constituencies.
But the cold war has unfortunately invaded
the United Nations and taken over to the
point that in some instances it has strength-
ened and accentuated divisions and actually
militated against the development of a feel-
ing of community, of shared Interests in
meeting the problems and adjusting the dif-
ferences which threaten not only peace but
life on this planet.
If the political organs of the United Na-
tions are to play their part in building peace
which will save the world from a nuclear
holocaust, there must be when there is no
clear consensus, a downgrading of voting
and an upgrading of efforts to create and
employ the processes of mediation and con-
ciliation to obtain the accommodations, com-
promises, and provisional arrangements
which are necessary if we are to live at peace.
But there are those who say let justice and
right prevail though the heavens fall. But
who is to determine what is just and what
Is right. Does justice lie with the strongest
battalions or the deadliest missiles? And
what justice can there be if the heavens
fall. / should think it might better be said:
Let justice be done so that the heavens will
not fall.
Antagonistic ideologies not reconcilable by
logic have in the past been reconciled by the
felt necessities of the times, even when they
contended not only for the things of this
earth but for man's immortal soul. The test
of life, the test of peaceful coexistence?like
the test of law as Justice Holmes has re-
minded us?is not logic but experience.
Slowly and surely the most hardheaded
statesman barring lapses in periods of ten-
sion and passion are coming to realize that
war no longer is a practical way of adjusting
international disputes.
What are some of the working rules which
should be observed in the United Nations in
order to make the most effective use of the
processes of conciliation in the settlement of
international disputes which threaten the
peace? They conform very closely with
those which have proved effective in the con-
ciliation and mediation of labor disputes.
Impartial rapporteurs and skilled mediators
should objectively try to ascertain the essen-
tial facts and to determine the extent to
which they may be in dispute; to ascertain
and define the essential issues which divide
the disputants so as to reduce, narrow and
contain them to the greatest possible extent.
They should also suggest alternative solu-
tions to compose those differences which
seem reconcilable with a little give and take,
and should suggest provisional and ad hoc
arrangements to circumvent or contain with-
in tolerable and livable limits vital issues on
which the parties are presently irreconcilably
divided. This generation must be wise
enough to find ways of leaving to the solvent
of time and the wisdom of succeeding gen-
erations problems which this generation is
unable to solve. If this generation does not
find and accept such ways there may be no
tomorrow. Let us not forget that the most
aggressive ideologies undergo changes over
the years. Even the most fanatical faiths
balk at self-destruction and mellow with
time. When men realize as Justice Holmes
so eloquently stated that "time has upset
many fighting faiths" (Abrams v. U.S., 250
U.S. 616, 630) and when men realize that
time has brought many unexpected changes
even in our lifetime, we should have faith
that the next generation may be able to solve -
the problems we are unable to solve. At
least we should do our best to give the next
generation a chance.
?
Let us now take a look at the none too
successful efforts at mediation and concilia-
tion in the recent ill-fated 19th General As-
sembly centering about the application of
article 19 of the charter to the Soviet Union.
Article 19 provides that a member 2 years in
arrears shall have no vote in the General
Assembly, although the General Assembly
may permit it to vote if it Is satisfied that
failure to pay is due to conditions beyond its
control. It was contended by the United
States, the United Kingdom and Canada
that the Soviet Union was more than 2
years in arrears because of its failure to meet
the General Assembly's assessments against
it for the UNEF (United Nations Emergency
Force) peacekeeping in the Middle resit and
for ONUC (United Nation's Operations in the
Congo) peacekeeping. The International
Court of Justice in an advisory opinion on
which its members were sharply divided,
nine to five, had found the assessments for
UNEF and ONUC valid and binding under
the charter. The General Assembly after
acrimonious debate in its 18th session had
voted to accept the opinion. The Soviet
Union and Prance have taken the position
that only the Security Council under the
charter can impose binding obligations, al-
though France supported the uniting for
peace resolution an 1950 and met her contri-
butions to UNEF voluntarily. The Soviet
Union had initially supported the peace-
keeping operation for the Congo in the Se-
curity Council, although it withdrew its sup-
port after Lumumba's ouster.
It is the contention of the Soviet Union
that it is not in arrears, and that neither the
Court's advisory opinion or the resolution of
the General Assembly can impose an obliga-
tion to pay for peacekeeping not authorized
by the Security Council. France which dur-
ing 1965 will similarly become in arrears be-
cause of her nonpayment of the Congo as-
sessments supports the Soviet contention.
It should be observed that both UNEF and
ONUC were financed partly by a modified
scale of assessments and partly by volunta
contributions. All subsequent peace-kee
ing operations have been financed by voila
tary contribution.
The United States, the United Kingdo:
and Canada have taken the position that t
General Assembly has accepted the Cour
opinion, that the President of the Assemb
must automatically apply article 19 and del
the Soviet Union the right to vote. Th,
further contend that on a point of order h
ruling should and would be sustained by
simple majority vote. Other members tal
the position that article 19 must be read 1.
connection with article 18 which providc
that the suspension of rights and privilege
should be considered important question
requiring a two-thirds vote.
The President of the Assembly and tla
Secretary General tried from November tc
February to mediate the dispute. They suc-
ceeded in quieting. considerably the usual
cold war debate and in avoiding a tabulated
vote save on the final motion to adjourn in
order to prevent a direct confrontation not of
arms but of wills between the Soviet Union
and the United States which might lead to
the breakup of the United Nations.
Conciliation efforts have not succeeded but
they have not finally failed. It seems a pity
that in a period of detente between the
United States and the Soviet Union, it was
not possible to find practical means and
measures of meeting the United Nation's
deficit so that the Assembly could get on
With its work without being bogged down in
legalisms. With a little give and take a prac-
tical settlement might have been reached
without resolving the controversial legal is-
sues which have been unduly and unneces-
sarily exploited. Neither the Court's ad-
visory opinion nor article 19 need stand in
the way of a practical settlement. To reach
a practical settlement it is not necessary to
accept or reject the Court's opinion.
It is important to recall just what the
Court did and did not advise: Not that the
General Assembly may not finance peace-
keeping by voluntary contributions, indeed
both UNEF and ONITC are partially financed
by voluntary contributions; Not that the
General Assembly may not authorize States
particularly interested to assume the pre-
ponderant burden as was the case in Korea
and later in Cyprus and Yeman. The Court
merely advised that the General Assembly
had the charter power, and had exercised it
In the case of UNEF and ONUQ, to impose
obligatory assessments to defray the costs of
peacekeeping.
But the Court did not decide that at this
stage of international organization in the
world where states are still inordinately
jealous of their sovereignty that it was- wise
statesmanship to finance peacekeeping on
the basis of obligatory assessments. politi-
cal body whose powers are essentially recom-
nriendatory should hesitate, particularly in
the absence of Great Power unity and an
overwhelming consensus, to require sovereign
states to finance actions which they oppose
and which they cannot be required to par-
ticipate in or assist directly. It is frequently
asserted that the peacekeeping functions of
the United Nations will not be undertaken
if there is no power of obligatory assessment.
I doubt this. Peacekeeping will not and
should not be authorized unless the States
supporting such action are-willing to support
or to find support for it. Obviously much
of the social and economic work of United
Nations and its specialized agencies could not
and would not be carried out on other than
an essentially voluntary basis.
It is no accident that both the United
States and United Kingdom last summei
(1964) proposed to the Working Group ol
the Assembly, which was studying meth-
ods for financing peacekeeping operations
involving heavy expenditures, a special pro-
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_
maybe expected to give good faith considera-
tion to the Assembly's recommendation, but
they are not bound to act against their own
better judgment nor to ignore the fact that a
numerical majority may in some instances
not 'he trillY representative of informed
world opinion.
When the cold war was at its height there
was excessive en-if:thesis on voting and a mis-
guided attempt to exaggerate the significance
of a mere numerical Majority. At this stage
of international organization a vote whieh
requires action can become effective only if
it moves to action states which have the will
and power to act. A vote will command
respect not by the mere number of states
back of it but by the worldwide feelings or
sentiments it reflects, by the worldwide
response or reaction to events it evokes, and
by the influence it brings to bear on the ac-
tions of the states to which it is addressed.
Many closely divided votes may only serve to
strengthen divisions rather than to develop
a consensus. ?
Small states cannot expect to dictate to
the more powerful states what they must do.
On the other hand small states also have
their rights, and large states cannot claim
the right to act in areas in which small
states are concerned without explaining and
justifying their action. As President Roose-
velt stated in his last state of the Union
message on January 6, 1945, when the charter
of the United Nations was being drafted:
"We cannot deny that power is a factor in
world politics any more than .we can deny
that power is a factor in national politics.
But in a democratic world, as in a democratic
nation, power must be linked with respon-
sibility and obliged to defend and justify
itself within the framework of the general
good." And the power of which President
Roosevelt was speaking was power which was
something more than transient military
force.
For the United Nations to function effec-
tively with its present membership at this
stage of international organization, greater
reliance must be placed on procedures for
peaceful settlement through conciliatory
processes. Less reliance should be placed on
voting on volatile political issues which in
the absence of a clear consensus cannot be
resolved by a vote.
In emphasizing the flexibility of the charter
and its adaptability to "exigencies"?to
paraphrase the remarks of Justice Holmes in
reference to the American Constitution,
"which could not have been completely fore-
seen by the most gifted of its begetters"?I
do not wish to rule out all charter amend-
ments. I only warn that we must exploit the
potentialities of the present charter in order
to develop a broader and deeper feeling of
worldwide community which must precede
any meaningful charter change. As we
broaden the areas of concensus, we increase
the possibility of strengthening the charter
by amendment.
Amendments to the charter enlarging the
Security Council and the Economic and So-
cial Council have been proposed by the 18th
General Assembly. (Resolutions 1991 A and
B (xviii) Dec. 17, 1963.) The Security Council
amendment would enlarge the Security Coun-
cil to 15 members. Of the 10 nonpermanent
members, 5 would come from Africa and Asia,
1 from Eastern Europe, 2 from Latin America,
and 2 from Western Europe and elsewhere.
The Economic and Social Council amendment
would enlarge ECOSOC to 27 members, of
which 9 would be elected each year for 3-year
terms. Seven of nine elected each year would
come from Africa and Asia, one from Latin
America, and one from Western Europe.
A larger' Security 'Council and ECOSOC
would appear desirable in order to reflect a
broader spectrum of world opinion. But it
would seem to the that if the Security Council
is to be enlarged there Should be provision to
edure for :handling such financing in the
leneral AsOembly. They "joined in Propos-
ag that' in the future in apportioning ex-
enses for peacekeeping operations the Gen-
ral Assert)]* acts only on 'the recommen.-
.ation of a special finance committee which
hould include the permanent members of
he Security Council and a relatively high
,ercentage of member states' in each geo-
raphical area that are large financial con-
rlbutors to the 'United Nations. They fur-
her proposed that: Such recommendation be
nade only on a two-thirds vote of the cam-
nittee membership. (U.N. Doc. A/AC 1137
50, Sept. 14, 1964.) :These proposals, I am
sure, ere designed not simply to offer some
protection in the future to the Soviet Un-
ion but to other lane contributors includ-
ing the United States and the United Xing-
done against being assessed for operations
which they oppose and in which they can-
not be forced to participate directly. At
this stage of international organization, it
Is neither wise statesmanship nor practical
politics to expeet states' to be able to get
substantial appropriations from their na-
tional legislatures to finance* international
operations to 'which they are opposed. At
this stage of international organization states
must learn to cooperate voluntarily before
they seek to enforce cooperation from recal-
citrant states.
The long period of watchful waiting .dur-
ing which the 19th Assembly did' nothing,
Clearly indicates that 'the member states do
not Want the future of the organization to
depend' upon whether the application of
article 19 to the SOViet 'Union Under the
present state of accounts is or is not auto-
matic, They' 49 not want to Offend the
United, States Which has been the financial
mainstay of the United Nations and the po-
litical champion of its expanding, role in
world affairs, Qta, the other hand they rec-
ognize that the United Nations cannot be
a worldwid,e organization for peace if the
Soviet Union is to be deprived of its vote.
The inenibers do not want the United Na-
tions to be stalled in its tracks.,They want
to find a way to get on wit its work.
Had a way not been found to adjourn
the Assembly until next September (1965),
the President of the Assembly would un-
doubtedly have refrained from ruling on
his own responsibility on the automatic ap-
plication of article 19. He would undoubt-
edly have asked the advice of the member
states. They also would have sought a way
to avoid Making a decision on application
of article 19. If need be a majority might
have voted to make this an important ques-
tion requiring a two-thirds vote under arti-
cle 18(3). In that case it would have been
unlikely that any decision could command
a two-thirds vote and efforts to find an 0A-
commodatien or compromise would have had
to be resumed.
A new Committee of 3$ has: been estab-
lished by the Assembly and is Instructed
in consultation with the President and Sec-
, ,
retary General to review the whole question
,of peacekeeping operations, including ways
of overcoming the present financial difflcul-
ties of .the organization and report by
June 15. (1985). It is to be hoped that
during the adjournmentthe Conimittee of
sa will find a way out of the morass. It
really should not be difficult if the Com-
mittee recOgnizes its job is to ?break the
deadlock and not to vindicate a, theory.
The legal questions need not stand in the
way of an acceptable and workable accom-
modation, The Gonunittee need , not, co-ea-
:U.0A .1c4.9,,,gavI.Spry opinion Of the Interna-
tional 001.1r,t 414ice It need n9t decide
whether the application of article '19 is or
Is not =tomato. The Committee Jmight
well recommend that, in light of the prac-
deal difliculties encountered which have
taralyzed the work of the 19th session, the
- -
Assembly should reconsider the nature of the
assessments levied for ITNEF and ONUC. It
might suggest that without prejudice to
its charter powers and without prejudice to
the advisory opinion of the Court, the Assem-
bly should declare the assessments to be
? recommendatory and nonmandatory while
urging all states to meet their share of such
?assessments. The states which voted for
these aSsessments should naturally feel
morally bound to meet their share. Should
some states fail to meet their quota, for
reasons which to them seem compelling: they
should be urged to contribute a substan-
tially equivalent amount to other operations
of the United Nations so that the overall
`costs of the United Nations may be equitably
shared by its members. Should there re-
main a deficit in meeting the costs of UNEF
and ?NIX, a special appeal should be made
for voluntary contributions to make up the
deficit.
If the Assembly is prepared to recognize
the unwisdom at this stage of international
organization of attempting to make its
assessinents for special peacekeeping op-
"erations obligatory, there should be reason
to hope that the Soviet Union and Prance
'would voluntarily meet their assessments
' or make substantially equivalent contribu-
tions to other essential activities of the
United Nations. In the absence of special
circumstances, States 'which do not con-
tribute to special peacekeeping operations
'Should not be entitled to a voice in the
administration of such operations. Of
course it may be a bit messy to reconsider
the mandatory character of a partially ex-
ecuted plan of assessments. But it is better
to offend the purists than to let the Assem-
bly be stalemated or blackout indefinitely.
It is to be regretted, as I have indicated,
that in a period of relative detente between
the West and the Soviet Union a negotiated
settlement has been so difficult to achieve.
It is particularly regrettable that the work of
the Assembly should have been stalled over
the financing of peacekeeping operations
because it has been in the field of peace-
keeping as an aid to peaceful settlement
that the most promising developments in the
United Nations in recent years have occurred.
It was somewhat reassuring to note that the
cold war debate was less acrimonious than
usual and that the membership as a whole
calmly exerted their influence to mediate
the differences between the United States
and the Soviet Union and to prevent a self-
defeating confrontation over article 19. De-
spite the unsuccessful attempt of Albania
to precipitate the confrontation, the many
new, small and weak members acted with
a sense of responsibility and restraint.
* *
The admission of many new small states
has created problems which cannot be ig-
nored. But the seriousness of these prob-
lems can be greatly minimized if the larger
states take the lead in developing practices
and procedures which encourage and promote
the use of the Assembly not as a forum for
fighting cold wars, but for ending them.
With the admission of many new and
relatively weak states it becomes the-
oretically possible for the General Assembly
to vote for action for the carrying out of
which the voting majority would shoulder
little or no responsibility or burden. It must
be remembered, however, that the action of
the General Assembly is recommendatory
and not mandatory. Its effectiveness must
depend upon its appeal to the judgment and
interests of states. Indeed, democratic
states cannot be expected to assist actively
In carrying out programs to which ..theh peo-
ple are strongly opposed. must berec-
ognised that voting in the Assembly on the
basis of the sovereign equality of states does
not automatically reflect world power, world
'wealth, or world 'wisdom. Member states
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD?SENATE April 28, 1965
insuze that not less than one-third of its
membership are drawn from a middle group
of states which, while not among the original
permanent members of the Council, are large
financial contributors. This middle group
might constitute a class of additional perma-
nent members without power Of veto or at
least an additional class of members eligible
for successive reelection. This middle group
should include states like India, japan, Brazil,
Italy, Germany, and, possibly, 'Nigeria.
Moreover if the Security Council is to be
enlarged in order to obtain a more balanced
representation it would seem to be desirable
If not necessary at the same time to provide
for a better balanced distribution of voting
power in the General Assembly. In light
of the great disparity of power between the
relatively small number of large States and
the large number of small States some
change in the distribution of voting power
in the Assembly is important to maintain
the influence of the General Assembly and to
give meaning and power to its resolutions.
It is likewist important to maintain the
capacity of the Assembly to act. responsibly?
to represent power as well as numbers?when
the veto forestalls action in the Security
Council. But it is not easy to find any ac-
ceptable principle of weighted voting to im-
pose oh the principle of sovereign equality
of States. A duel voting system perhaps af-
fords the best way of reconciling the sov-
ereign equality of states with a responsibly
balanced pewee structure. It might con-
ceivably be possible if and when the Great
Powers consent to an enlarged and better
balanced Security Council that the smaller
powers would concurrently consent to a dual
voting system in the General Assembly
whereby ordinary resolutions in the Gen-
eral Assembly wciuld require a double major-
ity vote?a majority of all members and a
majority of those states in the Assembly
which are represented on the enlarged Secu-
rity Council. Then important resolutions of
the Aiserably would require a two-thirds ma-
jority of the whole membership and a two-
thirds majority of those states in the Assem-
bly which are members of the Security Coun-
cil. This is a form of weighted voting which
avoids the need for weighing the votes of
individual states. It should create a better
relationship between the Security Council
and the Assembly and at the same time in-
crease the effective influence of the Assembly
on the Security Council.
But desirable as some amendments may
be, we must not let the obstacles in the way
of attaining them blind us to the potentiali-
ties of the present charter which is and was
*signed to be adaptable to changing condi-
tions and unforeseen exigencies. The means
which may be most effective for carrying out
the charter purposes when the Great Pow-
ers are working together may not be the most
effective means when they are in conflict.
The most effective means of carrying out the
charter objectives at one stage in the growth
of international organization may not be
the most effective means at a different and
more advanced stage. The charter is broad
in scope and allows a wide measure of choice
of means. It IS for each generation to have
the wisdom and imagination to choose the
appropriate means and procedures for keep-
ing the peace-in its time.
At the present time the important thing
is to find the means which enable the mem-
ber states to cooperate to the maximum ex-
tent to keep the peace within the frame and
law of the charter. The important thing is
not to impose the will of a majority of states
OE a minority of states but to provide an en-
vironment and a procedure for composing or
containing differences among states before
they erupt into war. The peaceful settlement
of disputes requires not armies but -Wisdom
and vision. Long ago in the days of Solomon
it was said that "Where there is no vision
the people perish." Let us hope that in this
nuclear age vision is not lacking when with-
out vision life on this planet may cease to
exist.
MIGRATORY FARM LABOR?THE
BRACER? PROBLEM
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, in re-
cent months, the Senate has been en-
gaging in serious colloquy concerning the
bracer? problem of importing labor to
harvest the crops.
A great many farmers, as the President
knows, are presently in serious straits,
wondering whether to plant their crops
because of the absence of available labor.
The other day, out of the blue, I re-
ceived a letter from a gentleman in New
York who owns property in my State of
Colorado, and in that letter he included
a copy of his letter to the Secretary of
Labor, Mr. Wirtz.
The letter details the problems which
farmers face in Colorado as well as in
other parts of the country, and he in-
cludes some exhibits from his own tenant
farmers in that area. I ask unanimous
consent to have this material printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NEW Ycenc, N.Y.,
April 5, 1965.
Senator PETER H. Donanvicx,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Ma. SENATOR: I am taking the liberty
to forward to you a copy of a letter which I
believe is self-explanatory in reference to the
sugarbeet labor situation.
The situation is critical, and anything
which you could do to help correct it in these
next few days before planting time for the
1965 crop would be a godsend.
Sincerely yours,
HARRISON D. 13r..sis.
NEW Yoloc, N.Y.,
April 5, 1965.
Hon. W. WILLARD WIRTZ,
Secretary of Labor,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Ma. SECRETARY: I doubt that you will
remember me from the New York Beta of
the Year Dinner at the Harvard Club May 16,
1963, but as a New York City banker of 40
years' experience and a third generation land-
owner from the Plains of Colorado where I
grew up knowing well and intimately the
vicissitudes of struggle with nature, I want
to impose on your time for a few minutes to
urgently discuss a matter of economic sur-
vival for some of our most valuable citizens?
the sugarbeet farmers.
The lapse of Public Law 78, and sudden
prohibition of the hiring of Mexicans, who
have worked our beets for some two genera-
tions, presents a crisis, not just a problem,
and a very serious crisis. The use of "bra-
ceros" must be reinstated at once.
Farming at best is a great risk, and the
beet farmers have been working valiantly
under the guidance of the sugar companies
to mechanize and dispense with hand labor.
Much progress has been registered with the
innovation of segmented seed and introduc-
tion of chemical weed eradicators, but nature
cannot be changed over night as can be re-
strictive legislation. The substitute labor
suggested Is just not available for those
farmers from a hundred to several hundred
miles from congested cities with large relief
populations. It Is doubtful that those on
relief would be efficient and effective on
farms, or would care to "go rural" for a '
month period. Furthermore, the capital co
of supplying required housing facilities f
the short-term city relief workers and th*
families would be prohibitive and uneo.
nomical.
The goal of complete mechanization Cf
quite likely be achieved?but it will tel
some time. When that time comes, the la
efficient labor that you are now trying to foi,
on the beet farmers will still be unen
ployed?and you will have only postpone
the solution while ruining the solid citize
farmer.
Our domestic beet-sugar industry prove.
a godsend to the consuming public in Worl.
War II, but can it endure economically wit]
a legislated 50-percent increase in labcy
costs plus the increased capital cost of meth.
anization? Forty or fifty years ago a farmei
could get along with four or five teams that
were worth about $100 per animal and ma-
chinery that cost $75 to $100 per item. Nov.
tractors, harvesters, etc., cost $3,000 to $6,000
each, and the average tenant farmer can
easily have a capital investment of $20,000
or so.
Our cost of sugar production should be as
low as economically possible, as our prices
are influenced or set by world supply. Does
it make sense to legislate a 50-percent in-
crease in labor cost when large producing
areas around the world produce with labor
costs only a fraction of ours? Also, is it
good international relations to kick our
neighbors south of the border in the teeth?
On my irrigated farmland of some 1,100
acres, I have six tenant farmers; they repre-
sent the kind of families that are the back-
bone of our American free-enterprise system.
One is a grandson of a former tenant of my
father, two are sons, and a fourth is married
to the daughter of a former tenant. The
boys and girls that have come from those
farms for three generations are real Ameri-
cans, and one son of a man who worked for
my grandfather and father went to Wash-
ington to head up a section. Are we going
to legislate those kind of people to second-
grade society and relief?
That is what we *111 do if we solve this
problem on the present approach of politics,
and continue to ignore the rules and laws of
economics.
It is wrong to throw a 50-percent labor
cost increase at the farmer when he is fac-
ing a water shortage for the second year in
a row. The Prewitt Reservoir in Logan
County, Colo., is still empty, and our North
Sterling Reservoir, dating from the early
1900's, has prospects of being only 50 percent
full with the irrigation season now less than
2 months away.
At best, farming is precarious, and my
tenant farmers work long hours for a modest
return, if. Nature is kind. As a landlord, my
six farmers, in the 9 years since I inher-
ited them, have produced a gross income
(including insurance, rebates for fire, wind,
and hail damage, and some $15,800 soil prac-
tices payments) of $259,615.02, but after
total expenses of $251,727.14 (which includes
only modest depreciation as some buildings
are 50 years old or more) my net income has
been only $7,887.88. This is an average of
6876.43 per farm over a 9-year period,
or an average of only $97.38 per tenant per
year. Not very exciting, considering the
constantly increasing cost of repairs, insur-
ance, and taxes?and my land is among some
of the better land in the area. Some of my
financial friends urge me to liquidate my
landholdings and employ the funds in
stocks and bonds to better advantage, but
I like to think that, in that expenditure of
$251,000, plus a greater one of my combined
tenants, we have helped make honest jobs
But if this keeps up, maybe in 2 year
when I retire from the bank I'll be forcer
to accede to their wishes.
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Aril 28, 19-o 1.01s1 CyltbSS1 ON AL RECORD ? SENATE 8479
I think that also I have among the better
tenants in the area. Sometimes it is diffi-
cult to keep them from becoming discour-
aged. With the outlook which your De-
ment is harnessing our beet farmers, they
may not obtain their usual credit facilities
from the local banks. The goal of your De-
partment and the Department of Agriculture
should be to reduce the need for farm sup-
port?not legislate so that there will be a
necessity for more. I enclose three photo-
stats of extracts from some of my tenants'
correspondence these past couple of months
to let you know eloquently how they feel and
vorry.
Cast for both the tenant farmer and the
Indlord are co/Latently rising (my farm real
,.'state taxes last year advanced from 11.2 to
14.7 percent, and it is imperative that we
grow the maximum dollar yield per acre
:Tops (beets) so far as sound rotation pro-
grams permit in order to break even and stay
Alt of the red. That is true in addition to
having good growing weather and conditions.
I have urged my tenants to cooperate fully
in soil conservation practices but on prin-
ciple have constantly insisted that they not
engage in those practices whereby they
might be paid for not growing crops which I
feel is boondoggling.
The planting season is here, and I hope
that your department and all other depart-
ments involved and bureaus in Washington
will reconsider and immediately advise the
growers that after careful study they will
have recourse to their tried and proven labor
sources.
While I am leaving this Wednesday for a
much needed week of vacation in Florida,
after finishing on March 23 a grand jury term
that started February 1 (which was in addi-
tion to my full-time bank job), I should be
happy to come to Washington for conference
it you feel that I could further clarify the
picture. I shall be a guest of Mrs. Nohowel,
222 El Brill? Way, Palm Beach, telephone
305-833-5821. I should gladly return and
make that sacrifice for my farmer boys.
I am taking the liberty to send a copy of
this letter to my Congressmen and Senators,
and also to frank A. Kemp, president of the
Great Western Sugar Co, a brother Beta
from. the University of Colorado and a very
able executive of the highest integrity.
Sincerely yours,
? HARRISON D. BLAIR.
JANUARY 6, 1965.
Mr. BLAIR: Enclosed is a clipping from a
local paper concerning the wage scale for the
beet labor. In the past it was 90 cents per
hour. And I understand in the future they
are going to raise it 15 percent each year till
it gets to a level where local labor will be
glad to come to work for us. The only thing
is us small farmers won't be around to pay
this kind of labor bill. About the only other
thing we can do is just let the weeds grow.
Any suggestions?
The reservoir is taking in a little water, but
they said that if some miracle didn't happen
we'd be lucky to get 50 percent of water. Be-
tween the wafer shortage and labor shortage
the future looks a little bleak.
JANUARY 23, 1965.
DEAR MR. BLAIR: Sounds like you are hav-
ing a lot of snow in New York. We had 5
inches of snow, which was most welcome.
This is the first moisture we have had all
Winter. We need 10 times as much yet.
The reservoirs are still low. Prewitt is com-
pletely dry yet.
As for the crop planning for 1965, looking
the situation over with the severe water
shortage we had last year and not to much
moisture ap yet, and also, with this beet
labor problem it encounters some very ser-
ious thinking and a lot of figuring.
I applied for 53 acres of beets, which I
doubt I will get, It will probably be between
40 to 47 acres. This will most certainly be
enough the way the outlook is on sugarbeets.
We already lost one beet payment in August
of 1964 for the 1963 crop. According to the
newspaper of Great Western we might lose
one or two payments in 1965 for the 1964
sugarbeet crop. Also, the water shortage.
As for beet labor, the Government is setting
the price. We will have to pay by the hour
instead of by the acre. We have to pay $1.30
an hour and hire domestic labor, which
mainly will be people who are on welfare.
I don't think I have to explain on how suc-
cessful this will be. My opinion is It will be
one of the biggest labor flops in American
history. They are too lazy to work nowadays.
Also, the Government is trying to push
through better living quarters for the labor.
They are talking about running water, bath-
rooms, and also furnish some of the house-
hold furnishings. The Government will
send inspectors around to look at labor
houses to see if they are suitable. It's one
big mess. Pretty soon the Government is
going to tell us what and when on every-
thing we do.
MARCH 24, 1965.
MR. BLAIR: It's getting nearer to planting
time and we are still in bad shape as far
as water and beet labor is concerned.
At last report they figured the reservoir
would end up with about 50 percent water,
unless some miracle happens which is pretty
doubtful. It's going to be pretty hard to
make ends meet with that poor of a water
supply. The farm loan people don't think
too much of loaning money to farmers with
half a supply of water.
They still haven't come up with anything
for our beet labor, and the company has
told us not to figure on any either._ You
said to go ahead and plant and see what
happens.
It might be a little late to replant if
we wait to see if they are going to be too
weedy to save. I'm not financially fixed to
take too many chances. You know that
bankers don't loan too much money on
hopes.
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT ON
REAPPORTIONMENT '
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President, I
have had the privilege of testifying be-
fore the Subcommittee on Constitutional
Amendments of the Committee on the
Judiciary in support of the proposed con-
stitutional amendment of the Senator
from Illinois [Mr. DIRKSEN] with respect
to reapportionment.
The other day, I had an opportunity
to read an excellent article on this prob-
lem written by Holman Harvey and Ken-
neth 0. Gilmore, and published in synop-
sis form in the Reader's Digest for March
1965.
I believe that this article clearly sets
forth one of the problems this country
has faced before; namely, that some
States have not gone ahead with reap-
portionment on their own.
It also clearly shows the great efforts
which have been made by the State of
Colorado in this particular complex sit-
uation and the difficulties Colorado has
encountered because of the Supreme
Court decision.
The article gives many of the basic
reasons why I feel?as I know many
others feel?that the passage of this con-
stitutional amendment is imperative and
should be accomplished as soon as pos-
sible.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have the article to which I have
referred printed in the RECORD for read-
ing by all Senators.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Reader's Digest, March 19651
REAPPORTIONMENT: SHALL THE COURT OR THE
PEOPLE DECIDE?
(NOTE.?It is more than a power struggle
between city dwellers and country dwellers.
At issue in today's political battles over the
makeup of State legislatures are flanda-
mental principles of democratic representa-
tion.)
(By Holman Harvey and Kenneth 0.
Gilmore)
Lightning struck last June 15 when the
Supreme Court handed down its one-man,
one-vote reapportionment decision. This
decree requirec both branches of every State
legislature to be strictly based on population
only. It represents the most far-reaching
Change in American political structure since
our Constitution was written 178 years ago.
Few issues in recent times have stirred
more controversy or created more confusion.
Nearly every State in the Nation?from Mon-
tana to Maryland, from Alaska to Florida?
is truggling to satisfy the Federal judiciary's
order. A dozen States have already re-
mapped their legislative districts. Others
are desperately trying to meet Court-imposed
deadlines or to devise delaying tactics. In
the meantime, proposals for a constitutional
amendment reversing the Court's action are
being seriously debated in Congress and in
the States.
Make no mistake, we are at a crossroads:
our form of government is in a major crisis.
What then are the stakes?
REPRESENT THE PEOPLE
"The basic issue," says Robert G. Dixon,
Jr., professor of law at George Washington
University, "is not simply 'one man one
vote.' It is fair representation, a concept
which philosophers and politicians have been
arguing about for ages."
Since the beginning of democracy in the
Greek city-states, man has groped for the
best ways to govern himself and to achieve
a true representation of the people's will.
As far back as the 11th century England be-
gan to move painfully toward more repre-
sentative government; kings formed various
councils consisting of lords, clerics, and pow-
erful landowners. Later, townships, bor-
oughs and counties were called into coun-
cils?originally to be consulted on property
taxes.
In America at the Constitutional Conven-
tion in Philadelphia in 1787, this was the es-
sential question: How could a balanced, gen-
uinely representative form of government be
achieved, one that would reflect the majority
will while protecting the minority and pre-
venting mob rule? A solution was ham-
mered out by our forefathers. So that the
large States could not be controlled by the
small or the small steamrollered by the large,
a two-house plan was born, with a House of
Representatives based on population and a
Senate based on geography.
Thomas Jefferson is reputed to have asked
George Washington why he favored the sys-
tem. Washington asked Jefferson why he
poured his coffee from cup to saucer. "To
cool it" was the response.
"Even so," Washington said, "we pour leg-
islation into the senatorial saucer to cool it."
As America matured into the world's first
successful example of modern constitutional
democracy, States adopted the Federal two-
house system. By 1961, all but 11 States had
constitutions that took into account inter-
ests other than population?geographic fac-
tors, mainly?so as to achieve fair represen-
tation. Missouri's "Little Federal" system
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furnishes an example. One house is appor-
tioned on the basis of districts of fairly
equal population in both city and lanai
areas, with districts adjusted every 10 years.
In the other chamber each of the 114 coun-
ties has at least 1 member. Under these
provisions, cooperation between city and
rural areas is a valued tradition.
THE CHICKEN VOTE
But?and this is where the rub came?as
America's cities grew, some States neglected
to reapportion their lower houses. The re-
sult was, in many States, unjust rural dom-
ination of legislatures. Delaware's house
districts had not changed since 1897. So
unbalanced was Connecticut's House of Rep-
resentatives that 1 vote in a rural town was
worth 429 votes in Hartford. In New Hamp-
shire's lower house, one district had 1,000
times more residents than another.
One remiss State was Tennessee, with no
revisions since 1901. A group went to court
to force reapportionment of the assembly,
with Memphis resident Charles W. Baker
suing the secretary of state, Joe C. Carr.
"The pigs and chickens in our smaller coun-
ties have better representation in the Ten-
nessee Legislature than the people of Nash-
ville, declared that city's mayor.
The case reached the Supreme COurt.
Contrary to all previous decisions?and to
Justice Felix Frankfurter's warning that the
judiciary "ought not to enter this political
thicket"?the Court ruled in 1962 that State
legislative districts are subject to its judicial
scrutiny.
The Baker v. Carr decision was a bomb-
shell. It spawned similar reapportionment
suits in 34 States. So varied were the court
interpretations that cases from six States--
Alabama, Colorado, Delaware, Maryland,
New York, and Virginia?were appealed to
the High Tribunal.
Then on June 15, 1964, the nine black-
robed men filed into the marbled chambers
and handed down their shattering decision.
In four eases the voting was 8 to 1; in the
other two, 6 to 3. In all cases, the long-
established "Little Federal" system was
knocked out. Chief Justice Earl Warren
justified the decision on the provision of the
14th amendment to the U.S. Constitution
which requires that no State shall "deny to
any person Within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws." He wrote: "Legis-
lators represent people, not trees or acres.
Legislators are elected by voters, not farms
or cities or economic interests."
QUESTION THE WISDOM
There were vigorous dissents to the deci-
sion. Justice Potter Stewart noted: "The
Court's draconian pronouncement, which
makes unconstitutional the legislatures of
most of the 50 States, finds no support in
the words of the Constitution, or in any
prior decision of this Court, or in the 175-
year political history of our Federal 'Union."
"It is difficult to imagine a more intolerable
and inappropriate interference by the judi-
ciary with the independent legislatures of the
States," said Justice John M. Harlan.
"People are not ciphers. Legislators can
represent their electors only by speaking for
their interests?economic, social, political?
many of which do reflect where the electors
live."
Aroused critics from both political parties
questioned the wisdom of the Court's flat.
The Wall Street Journal summed up the
feelings of many when it said, "The Court
had a chance to bolster our traditions by
requiring one house truly on population,
and permitting the other on a geographical
or other basis to reflect common interests.
Instead of stopping with that, its fiat threw
out institutions painfully wrought by exper-
ience and tried to substitute abstract
theory."
The House of Representatives was SO in-
censed that it rammed through a bill strip-
ping all Federal courts of the power to hear
or review State legislative apportionment
cases. The Senate passed a "sense of Con-
gress" with the purpose of asking the courts
to go slow in forcing State legislatures to
fall into line until the whole matter could
be reviewed.
MOSLEMS THAT COUNT
Today, as this momentous issue is debated
across the land, every citizen should ponder
these points:
1. The Court's decree threatens to spark
a chain reaction that may go all the way
down to the school-board level. There are
3,072 counties in the United States, and
91,185 local governments. How long will
it be before the Federal courts poke into each
of these units of representative democracy to
take head counts and draw boundary lines?
A Michigan court recently told Kent County's
Board of Supervisors that it mutt be reap-
portioned on a population-only basis. Other
suits have been filed in New York and Cali-
fornia. Where, exactly, will it end?
"Carry the Court's decision to its logical
conclusion," says William S. White, Pulitzer
Prize-winning biographer and journalist,
"and even the historic and deliberate popula-
tion imbalance in the U.S. Senate could not
in any logic longer prevail," After all
Navada's 285,000 citizens elect as may U.S.
Senators as do New York's 17 million.
2. The decision will swing 'the pendulum
from legislatures with outdated apportion-
ment and too much rural weight, to legis-
latures under the raw control of metropoli-
tan vote-getting machines. In 25 States,
more than half the population resides in
metropolitan areas. In 14 States, three pop-
ulous counties or fewer will elect more than
50 percent of the legislators? America's
sprawling urban areas will call the shots, up
and down the land. Chicago will hold sway
over Illinois, Detroit over Michigan, Philadel-
phia and Pittsburgh over Pennsylvania,
Phoenix over Arizona, and Las Vegas over
Nevada.
The specter of raids on State treasuries by
metropolitan-dominated legislatures con-
cerns many. They see pressures mounting
for more State funds for urban renewal, relief
cases and public housing?with many of the
funds being matched by U.S. tax dollars.
These spending programs in turn will garner
more votes for the city machines. Mayors in
some States may soon be far more influential
than the governors.
New York is perhaps the most vivid case.
Here 88 percent of the population has been
able to elect a majority in the Senate, thus
protecting certain underpopulated counties
of this large State with all its diverse inter-
ests. But, under the Court's rule, it is only
a matter of time before the New York City
metropolitan area, with 63 percent of the
State's population, will be completely domi-
nant.
3. Some groups of voters can be wiped out,
under a winner take all numerical system.
The Court's decision, notes the Christian
Science Monitor, "will tend to weaken the
complex American system for diffusing power
and protecting minorities." For example,
under a purely numerical system of redis-
tricting, South Dakota's 30,000 Indians, who
live in huge reservations covering entire
counties, will lose two State senators who
now watch out for their interests.
Representative WILLIAM M. McCultocx, of
Ohio, says: "People have ever-changing prob-
lems that sometimes fail to yield to computer
logic. Some may be lumbermen, miners,
1 Alaska, Arizona, California, Connecticut,
Delaware, HaWsli, Illinois, Massachusetts,
Missouri, Nevada, New Hampshire, Rhode
Island, Utah, Washington.
fishermen or farmers. Some may be of one
religion or national origin peculiar in need
or consideration. Some may direct their
needs toward secondary roads or superhigh-
ways, while others are more concerned about
the rapid transit system. Certainly the ma-
jority must have effective rule, but the mi-
nority, too, is entitled to effective representa-
tion, lest important segments of our people
be completely subject to the tyranny of a
teneporary majority."
Chief Justice Warren himself declared, in
1948, when he was Governor of California:
"Many California counties are far more im-
portant in the life of the State than their
population bears to the entire population of
the State. It is for this reason that I have
never been in favor of restricting the repre-
sentation in the [State] senate to a strictly
population basis."
4. The Court's decree is a dangerous in-
trusion by the Federal judiciary into the
political affairs of the States. Hardly was
the one-man-one-vote decision announced
before lower courts showed how fast and how
far they were willing to muscle in on the
deliberations of State governments. Just
2 days after the June 15 decision, a U.S. dis-
trict court directed the Michigan Apportion..
meat Commission to come up with a dis-
tricting plan in 48 hours. In a Vermont case
appealecato the Supreme Court, it was ruled
In January that the legislature must decide
upon a plan and then disband?even though
this defies the State constitution.
In Oklahoma a three-man Federal district
court ignored the machinery set up by the
State for reapportionment and autocratically
undertook to rearrange the States' legislative
districts itself. It set up a master plan that
was a nightmare of free-floating voting zones
and mistakes. Angrily. Oklahoma's Sena-
tor MIKE Moaremenr said: "Hasty and ill-
advised redistricting formulas promulgated
by the courts can result in confusion and
inequities. Good local self-government can-
not be imposed from above. It must be gen-
erated by the poeple themselves."
b. The Court's edict means that the citi-
zens of a State can no longer decide upon
their own form of representative government.
One of the six States involved in the Court's
June 15 ruling was Colorado. Few States
have so diligently attempted to work out
a method of representation tailored to their
own unique characteristics. Since it became
a State in 1876, its legislature has been reap-
portioned five times. In the spring of 1962,
citizens' groups gathered to work out a reap-
portionment amendment that would keep
pace with the State's increasing urban
growth. They split into two camps. One
wanted both houses of the general assembly
based on population alone; the other sup-
ported a Federal plan, keeping geographic
representation in the senate.
Each side took its case to the public. They
fought up and dawn the State with count-
less speeches, debates, newspaper ads, bill-
board posters, radio and TV spots. This ref-
erendum overshadowed all other election
issues in Colorado that year. And the out-
come was stunningly clear. The "Federal
plan" won by 305,700 to 172,725. It carried
every county in the State.
The amendment was challenged; it was up-
held by a Federal district court. And then,
on June 15, the Supreme Court threw out
Colorado's plan. In an amazing statement,
Chief Justice Warren said that, because the
plan adopted was contrary to the Court's
new ruling, Colorado's referendum vote was
"without Federal constitutional signifiance."
There were stinging dissents. Said Justice
Tom C. Clark: "Colorado, by an overwhelm-
ing vote, has written the organization of its
legislative body into its constitution. In
striking down Colorado's plan of apportion-
ment, the Court is invading the valid func-
tioning of the procedures at the States, and
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April 28, 195 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE
thereby commits a grievous error which will
do irreparable damage to our Federal-State
relationship."
Today Colorado's senate has been redrawn
to satisfy the Court. But the issue is still
being debated. Meanwhile, the voters won-
der what, if anything, their ballot is worth,
or their State constitution.
WILL OF TUE PEOPLE
Only one recourse is left to American cit-
izens who wish to restore our representative
system to its original integrity: an amend-
Ment to the U.S. Constitution. Today in
Congress, and in the States, forces are
gathering behind proposals that would:
1. Guarantee the citizens of every State
the right to decide for themselves, by one-
man, one-vote ballot, the apportionment of
their own legislature.
2. Guarantee that this power will not be
curtailed or reviewed by any Federal court.
3. Guarantee that one house of each leg-
islature can reflect factors other than pop-
ulation if such apportionment has been
submitted to a vote of the people.
This in essence would be the 25th amend-
ment to the Constitution. Whether it is
passed in Congress and ratified by the States
Will depend upon the support It receives
from the American people. The stakes
are high?as high as the preservation of
our Republic.
DR. TELLER CONTINUES TO BE
WRODR; LET US DEFEAT CIVIL
DEFENSE SHELTER PROPOSAL
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
throughout the great debate in Congress
on the ratification of the limited nuclear
test ban treaty, the chief opponent in the
scientific community, and practically the
only nationally noted scientist to op-
pose ratification of the treaty, was Dr.
Edward Teller.
Personally, I am very proud that the
limited n,uclear test ban treaty, so pa-
tiently and thoroughly sought by Presi-
dent Eisenhower and by President Tru-
man before him, was finally ratified by
the Senate during the term of our great
late President John F. Kennedy. It will
stand as one of the many monuments to
his wisdom and determination.
Throughout that time Dr. Teller was
wrong in opposing the ratification of this
treaty. He direly predicted doom for
this Natfon were the nuclear test ban
treaty to be ratified.
The treaty was ratified by an over-
whelming vote in the Senate, and the first
step toward permanent peace in this grim
period of international anarchy was
taken, the first step in a Journey of a
thousand miles, as it was so eloquently
stated by our late great President Ken-
nedy. In years to come historians may
look upon the ratification of the limited
nuclear test ban treaty as the most im-
portant single action taken by the U.S.
Senate in this decade. It is certainly
our hope and prayer and the prayer of
free people the world over that eventu-
ally peoples of the world will enjoy per-
manent peace.
. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. YOTJNG of Qhick. I ask unanimous
consent that I may proceed for 3 addi-
tional minutes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered,
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
Dr. Teller was dead wrong in 1962 and
1963. He is wrong now. The nuclear
test ban treaty has succeeded. There
have been no violations. In fact, our
Government has conducted more under-
ground nuclear tests than has the Soviet
Union.
Now this prophet of doom, Edward
Teller, is highly critical of Government
apathy toward the holes in the ground
referred to by high salaried civil defense
officials as "fallout shelters." He urges
that the Federal Government undertake
a mass shelter program, which by his
own estimate will cost at least $20 billion
over the next 10 years. This is a con-
servative estimate.
Herman Kahn, one of the foremost
proponents of fallout shelters, has esti-
mated that a reasonable program might
involve a gradual buildup from about $1
billion annually to somewhere in the
neighborhood of $5 billion annually. A
recent estimate by Prof. John Ullman,
chairman of the Department of Manage-
ment of Hofstra College, would place the
cost of an effective civil defense shelter
system as high as $302 billion. Regard-
less of which of the expert opinions is
cited, the price tag would be astro-
nomical. Even then, there is no guaran-
tee that a shelter program will be at all
effective. With extensive advances be-
ing made in rocket and nuclear tech-
nology, many shelters would probably be
obsolete and utterly useless before com-
pletion. One of the scientists now work-
ing on advanced weapons technology is
reported to have said: "You ain't seen
nothing yet, compared with what is
coming into sight in the way of new
weapons."
There is the possibility of more deadly
types of warfare for which shelters would
offer no protection whatever?chemical
and biological warfare. Any nation that
would unleash a thermonuclear war
would probably not hesitate to use other
methods equally as terrifying.
Is the Congress prepared to embark on
such a vast gamble and to spend per-
haps $200 billion of taxpayers' money?
Let us have no illusions. In reality this
is what the civil defense planners and
alarmists such as Edward Teller are ask-
ing us to do.
Anyone who has taken the trouble to
look into the matter is aware of the fact
that most building owners have ignored
or refused requests to provide shelters,
and that ordinary citizens have lost in-
terest. During each crisis the get-rich-
quick shelter salesmen appear. As soon
as the crisis abates and public interest
fades completely, they crawl back under
the rocks from whence they came.
Communities throughout the Nation
are awakening to the fact that thou-
sands of dollars of taxpayers' money
have been spent on foolish programs
with no tangible results except for the
fact that in many instances lush posi-
tions at the public trough were provided
for ex-politicians and city hall Parasites.
Mr. President, there is no shelter build-
ing program in Great Britain, France, or
in any of the major Western Powers. Re-
liable observers in the Soviet union re-
8481
port that there is no fallout shelter pro-
gram in Russia. Henry Shapiro, dean of
the American correspondents in Moscow,
wrote:
No foreigner here has seen any civil de-
fense shelters. The average citizen is un-
aware of the existence of shelters.
Preston Grover of the Associated Press
stated:
Attaches from embassies who have looked
around the country for sign of shelters have
found nothing. Foreigners live in many of
the newest buildings put up in Moscow, and
they have no bomb shelters.
In 1961, the New York Times published
a report from Moscow by Harrison Salis-
bury which stated:
About 12,000 miles of travel in the Soviet
Union by this correspondent in the last 4
weeks failed to turn up evidence of a single
Soviet bomb shelter. Diplomats, foreign
military attaches, and correspondents who
have traveled widely in the Soviet Union re-
port that there is no visible evidence of a
widespread shelter program.
Gen. Curtis LeMay and others have
said that our protection lies in spending
money for offensive and defensive weap-
ons, rather than in preparing to hide in
holes, waiting for conquering paratroop-
ers to come.
Mr. President, this year the Congress
is being asked to appropriate $200 mil-
lion to perpetuate this ridiculous shelter
scheme. This is twice the amount re-
quested by the President for the Peace
Corps; it is 125 times the amount re-
quested for the Commission on Civil
Rights; it is 28 times the amount re-
quested for the Small Business Admin-
istration.
Wherever and whenever possible our
President and we in the Congress should
be endeavoring to effect economy in
Government without curtailing vital and
needed programs both foreign and do-
mestic. In good conscience we should
not appropriate anywhere near the huge
sum requested for civil defense purposes.
To do so would be to make a sham of
efforts toward more economy in Govern-
ment, to encourage waste of taxpayers'
money at all levels of Government, and
a slap in the face to taxpayers.
Mr. President, the average salary in
the Civil Defense Division of the Depart-
ment of Defense is one of the highest
in any agency in the Federal Govern-
ment?$11,478 a year. Compare with
$10,085 for the National Aeronautics and
Space Administration, $8,318 for the
Small Business Administration, and
$8,467 for the Federal Bureau of Investi-
gation?agencies that are performing
essential and worthwhile public services.
Out of a total of 991 employees in the
Civil Defense Division of the Department
of Defense, 481?almost half?are
GS-13 or above receiving from $13,336
to $27,000 a year. The remaining 510
are paid from $4,417 to $10,982 a year.
Fifty-eight percent of those employed
with the Civil Defense Division are class-
ified as professional employees; that is,
GS-12 or above. Compare this with 35
percent in the FBI and 37 percent in the
NASA. What justification is there for
such a high percentage of supersalaried
bureaucrats in an agency performing so
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8482 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 1965
little service to taxpayers. The civil de-
fense bureaucrats receive the most and
do the least of all officials or employees
of any agencies or departments in our
Federal Government.
The PRESIDING OtoriCER. The time
of the Senator has again expired.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
I ask unanimous consent to proceed for
2 additional minutes.
The PRESIDING 0.10.toiCER. Without
objection, it so ordered.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President,
these officials and employees do very
little for their money except concoct
plans and send messages to each other,
and think up silly schemes which would
accomplish very little except annoy
citizens. They make estimates that if
thus and so happens, 50 million Ameri-
cans will be killed. It is said that figures
do not lie, but that liars figure. Inci-
dentally, they issue a civil defense book-
let on how to live through a nuclear
bombing. In it they state:
If you were near the explosion without
adequate protection, you would be seriously
affected by the immediate radiation, in ad-
dition to being killed.
There is no excuse whatever for the
waste of money and personnel for the
civil defense agency as now operated.
Since its inception it has cost American
taxpayers more than one and a half
billion dollars with no tangible results
whatever.
Mr. President, when I first began my
investigation, research and protests
against wasteful civil defense spending
early in 1959 I was virtually alone in the
Congress. Today I know that many of
my colleagues share my views. This is
evidenced by rollc,all votes at various
times on efforts to reduce such spending,
and by the fact last year we in the
Senate succeeded in defeating in corn--
mittee the civil defense bill passed in
the House of Representatives, authoriz-
ing an expenditure of $193 million.
I am hopeful that a majority of
Senators will agree this year to the ur-
gent necessity for drastically reducing
the appropriations for this boondoggle.
XHE PRESIDENT'S NEWS
44,S* CONFERENCE
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, yes-
terday the President met with the press
In a conference which was covered by
TV and radio. His words were widely
disseminated throughout the Nation and
the world. It is most fortunate that
they were because it was an excellent
and highly informative interview. The
President spoke with detailed knowledge
on a great range of subjects. His re-
sponses were frank, straightforward, and
most informative.
In particular, President Johnson's re-
marks on Vietnam and other interna-
tional issues are of exceptional impor-
tance. They should be read and reread
by all concerned both here and abroad.
Once again, he underscored his great
desire and continuing quest for a ra-
tional peace in Vietnam and southeast
Asia. He deplored the violence which
prevails there, noting correctly that it
Is being suffered most not in North Viet-
nam but in South Vietnam and by
Americans as well as Vietnamese.
He made clear that his desire is to see
a termination of this violence, on all
sides and as quickly as possible. To that
end, he stressed once again his willing-
ness to enter into unconditional discus-
sions. I would hope that this open door
to peaceful settlement will be noted,
along with his determination to stay
with the situation until the people of
Vietnam do have an assured freedom of
choice as to their future. Both his
words of peace and his determination
should be heeded in Hanoi, Saigon, and
among all those who are carrying on the
warfare in South Vietnam.
I would call attention, too, to the
President's expressed aversion to the
name-calling and labeling which has ac-
companied some of the debate and dis-
cussion of the Vietnamese question. Dis-
cussion in the Senate on Vietnam or any
foreign policy issue, as I have noted on
many previous occasions, has been and
can -continue to be useful. The Presi-
dent's comments on this matter in his
press conference point the way to their
most effective utilization. I quote these
words in full:
I don't believe in characterizing people
with labels. I think you do a great disserv-
ice when you engage in name-calling. We
want honest, forthright discussion in this
country, and that will be a discussion with
differences of views, and we welcome what
our friends have to say, whether they agree
with us or not. And I would not want to
label people who agree with me or disagree
with me.
These words are on appropriate answer
to those who have taken exception to
the immense value?indeed, the vital
necessity?to the Nation of free and re-
sponsible discussion of all points of view
on the Vietnamese situation.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the text of the President's press
conference be included at this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the text of
the news conference was ordered to be
Printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Apr. 28,
1965]
TRANSCRIPT or THE PRESIDENT'S NEWS CON-
? FERENCE ON PORE/GN AND DOMESTIC MAT-
TERS
(Norm?Following is a transcript of Pres-
ident Johnson's news conference in Wash-
ington yesterday, as recorded by the New
York Times.)
OPENING STATEMENT
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen, I
am glad to see that you are willing to trade
your new comfort in the west lobby for
these stmightbacked chairs in the East
Room.
Today I have somewhat of a conflict of
emotions. I wanted to give you due and
adequate 8-day notice of a press conference,
and at the same time I didn't want to man-
age the news by holding up announcement
of some appointees I have here today. Bo,
we have tried to reconcile the two, and a
little later in the statement I want to pre-
sent to you some men that, over the week-
end, I selected to occupy some important
posts in Government.
VIETNAM STRUGGLE
We are engaged in a crucial struggle in
Vietnam. Some may consider it a small war,
but to the men who give their lives it is
the last war, and the stakes are high.
Independent South Vietnam has been at-
tacked by North Vietnam. The object of
that attack is total conquest. Defeat in
South Vietnam would deliver a friendly na-
tion to terror and repression.
It would encourage and spur on those who
seek to conquer all free nations that are
within their reach. Our own welfare, our
own freedom, would be in great danger.
This is the clearest lesson of our time.
From Munich until today, we have learned
that to yield to aggression brings only greater
threats and brings even more destructive
war. To stand firm is the only guarantee of
a lasting peace.
At every step of the way we have used our
great power with the utmost restraint. We
have made every effort possible to find a
peaceful solution. We have done this in the
face of the most outrageous and brutal prov-
ocation against Vietnamese and against
Americans alike.
Through the first 7 months of 1964, both
Vietnamese and Americans were the targets
of constant attacks of terror. Bombs ex-
ploded in helpless villages, in downtown
movie theaters, even at the sports fields where
the children played. Soldiers and civilians,
men and woMen, were murdered and crip-
pled, yet we took no action against the
source of this brutality?North Vietnam.
When our destroyers were attacked in the
Gulf of Tonkin, as you will remember, last
summer, we replied promptly with a single
raid. The punishment then was limited to
the deed.
For the next 6 months we took no action
against North Vietnam. We warned of
danger. We hoped for caution in others.
Their answer was attack and explosion and
indiscriminate murder. So, it soon became
Clear that our restraint was viewed as weak-
ness; our desire to limit conflict was viewed
as a prelude to our surrender. We could no
longer stand by while attack mounted and
While the bases of the attackers were im-
mune from reply.
And, therefore, we began to strike back.
But America has not changed her essential
position?and that purpose is peaceful set-
tlement; that purpose is to resist aggression;
that purpose is to avoid a Wider war.
I say again that I will talk to any govern-
ment, anywhere, any time, without any con-
ditions; and, if any doubt our sincerity, let
them test us. Each time we have met with
silence or slander or the sound of guns, bat,
just as we will not flag in battle, we will not
weary in the search for peace.
So, I reaffirm my offer of unconditional
discussions. We will discuss any subject and
any point of view with any government con-
cerned. This offer may be rejected, as it has
been in the past, but it will remain open,
waiting for the day when it becomes clear to
all that armed attack will not yield domina-
tion over others.
And I will continue along the course that
we have set?firmness with moderation,
readiness for peace with refusal to retreat.
For this is the same battle which we've
fought for a generation. Wherever we have
stood firm, aggression has been halted, peace
has been restored and liberty has been main-
tained. This was true under President
Truman, under President Eisenhower, uncle]
President Kennedy, and it will be true again
in southeast Asia.
STEEL AGREEMENT
I want to go now to another subject.
I want to congratulate the negotiators for
the steel companies and the United Steel-
workers Union on the statesmanlike agree-
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April 28, 1965
CONGRESSIONAL R.ECORD SENATE 8483
Inelat that they reached yesterday to extend
their contract. I hope and I expect that it
will be approved by the union's committee
tomorrow.
While the settlement reached in steel is
? only an interim one, I think we can be con-
fident that the _Waal settlement will be a re-
sponsible one which full considers not only
the interests of the immediate parties but
also the larger public interest.
So far in 1965, our record of wage-price
stability remains intact. A survey of the
wage increases in more than 600 collective
bargains settled so far this year shows that,
on the average, the percentage' increases were
unchanged from the moderate increases
agreed on in the same period last year. A
number of important settlements were at
-approximately the level of our guideposts.
And this record of private action is most
encouraging.
rzerstat. BUDGET
Today I can report to you and to the
Nation that our expanding economy will pro-
duce higher Federal revenues this year than
We estimated to Congress in January.
can also report that our continuing
drive to hold down Government spending
Will produce lower expenditures this year
than we estimated to Congress in January.
As a result, we expect the actual budget
deficit for fiscal 1965 to be at least $1 billion
below the $6.3 billion estimated last Jan-
nary, when we sent our budget to Congress.
Our expenditures, therefore, will be de-
creased by approximately $600 million under
our estimate, and the revenues collected will
be increased approximately $500 million over
our estimates.
;OB CORPS CAMPS
I'm pleased also to announce today that the
war On poverty is setting 10 new Job Corps
conservation camps in nine States. They
have mu te 37 the number of centers that
provide skills and education to our young-
sters who are out of school and of work.
These-new centers will be located in the
States of .Arizona and Maine and Minnesota
and Montana, New Mexico, North Dakota,
Ohio, Utah, and Washington.
ADMINISTRATION POSTS
Now, today, I would like to introduce to
you some gentlemen that I intend to nomi-
nate for new assignments in this admin-
istration.
First, Mr. Alan Boyd. He is 42 years of
age, he's Chairman of the Civil Aeronautics
Board, he's a distinguished lawyer and a very
competent public servant. Mr. Boyd will
become Under Secretary of Commerce for
Transportation, the Senate being willing.
Mr. Warren Wiggins. Mr. Wiggins is 42
years old, with a master's degree in public
administration from Harvard. In 1962 he
was chosen cine of the 10 outstanding men
in the Federal Government. He's been with
the Peace Corps since 1961. Today I'm nom-
inating him as deputy director of the Peace
Corps.
Dr. John A. Schnittker. He's 41 years old,
With a Pb. D. from Iowa State University.
He's one of the Nation's outstanding farm
authorities. He's been director of agricul-
tural economics with the Department of
Agriculture. Today Fru nominating him to
become Under Secretary of Agriculture.
Mr. Charles 8, Murphy. This judicious
and able Man has served in Government for
21 years under four Presidents. He was
President Truman's special counsel in the
White House. He has performed with out-
ite,nding quality as Under Secretary of Agri-
etiltare. T.,pday I'm nominating him to be-
dome chairman, of the Civil Aeronautics
Board.
Gen. WilLiana F. McKee. He is a four-star
general who was a vice chief of the Air Force
and on retirement became special assistant
to the administrator of the National Aero-
No. '75-17
nautics and Space Administration. Secre-
tary McNamara has called him one of the
most knowledgeable and competent admin-
istrators in the Defense Department with
skills in research and development and ad-
ministration, procurement and logistics, and
today I'm nominating him to be the new ad-
ministrator of the Federal Aviation Agency.
Mr. Wilbur J. Cohen, Mr. Cohen is a dedi-
cated career public servant who has served
the' Government for 26 years as a full-time
civil servant and another 5 years as a con-
sultant. Since 1961 he has been an Assist-
ant Secretary of Health, Education and Wel-
fare. Today I am nominating him for a pro-
motion to become Under Secretary of Health,
Education and Welfare.
Mr. Donald F. Turner. Mr. Turner is 44
years old, a Phi Beta Kappa from Northwest-
ern University. He has a Ph. D. in economics
from Harvard and a law degree from Yale:
He's been a law clerk to Supreme Court
Justice and is widely and favorably known
throughout the Nation for his work and writ-
ing in the antitrust legal field. Ile is cur-
rently a visiting law professor at Stamford
University in California. Today I'm nomi-
nating him to become Assistant Attorney
General in. charge of the Antitrust Division.
Mr. Leonard C. Meeker, who is a career
attorney with 25 years of Government serv-
ice. He is a Phi Beta Kappa from Amherst
College. Since 1961, he has served as deputy
legal adviser in the State Department. To-
day I am nominating him to become legal
adviser in the State Department.
DOMINICAN CRISIS
We are all very much concerned about the
serious situation which has developed in the
last few hours in the Dominican Republic.
Fighting has occurred among different ele-
ments of the Dominician armed forces and
other groups. Public order in the capital at
Santo Domingo has broken down.
Due to the gravity of the situation and the
possible danger to lives of American citizens
in the Dominican Republic, I ordered the
evacuation of those who wished to leave. As
you know, the evacuation is now proceeding.
My latest information is that 1,000 Ameri-
cans have already been taken aboard ships
of the U.S. Navy off the port of Haina, 8
miles west of Santo Domingo.
We profoundly deplore the violence and
disorder in the Dominican Republic. The
situation is grave and we are following the
developments very closely. It is our hope
that order can promptly be restored and that
a peaceful settlement of their internal prob-
lems can be found.
DEATH OP MURROW
I have just received the sad news of the
passing of Edward R. Murrow. It came to
me just a little while ago. I believe that all
of us feel a deep sense of loss. We who knew
him knew that he was a gallant fighter, a
man who dedicated his life, both as a news-
man and as a public official, to an unrelent-
ing search for truth. He subscribed to the
proposition that free men and free inquiry
are inseparable. He built his life on that
unbreakable truth. We have all lost a friend.
QUESTIONS
1. Vietnam policy
Question. Mr. President, do you think
any of the participants in the national dis-
cussion on Vietnam could appropriately be
likened to the appeasers of 25 or 30 years
ago?
Answer. I don't believe in characterizing
people with labels. I think you do a great
disservice when you engage in name calling.
We want honest, forthright discussion in this
country, and that will be a discussion with
differences of views, and we welcome what
our friends have to say, whether they agree
with us or not. And I would not want to
label people who agree with me or disagree
with me.
2. India border strife
Question. Mr. President, what can you--
can yon tell us your reaction, or any informa-
tion you have, on the reports of seemingly
intensified fighting between the Indians and
the forces of Pakistan, and could this pos-
sibly relate or have an effect on the fighting
in Vietnam?
Answer. We deplore fighting wherever it
takes place. We have been in close touch
with the situation there. We are very hope-
ful that ways and means can be found to
avoid conflict between these two friends of
our country. I talked to Secretary Rusk
about it within the hour, and we are anxious
to do anything and everything that we can
do to see that peace is restored in that area
and conflict is ended.
3. Disarmament talks
Question. Mr. President, today the Soviet
Union agreed to a French proposal for a five-
power nuclear disarmament conference which
would include Communist China as a nu-
clear power. What would be your attitude
to this proposal, sir?
Answer. I have not studied the proposal
and was not familiar with the fact that it
had been made.
4. Vietnam talks
Question. Mr. President, the only formal
answer so far to your Baltimore speech was
that by the North Vietnamese Prime Min-
ister, Pham Van Dong, Who offered a four-
point formula) which he suggested was a
possible basis for negotiations. My question -
is: Do you regard the four points as so un-
acceptable as to be a complete rejection of
your offer to begin discussions or are there
portions of the four points which interest
you and which you might be willing to
discuss?
Answer. I think that it was very evident
from the Baltimore speech that most of the
non-Communist countries in the world wel-
comed the proposal in that speech and most
of the Communist countries found objec-
tions to it. I am very hopeful that some
ways and means can be found to bring the
parties who are interested in southeast Asia
to a conference table.
Now just what those ways and means will
be I do not know. Bu,t every day we ex-
plore to the limit of our capacity every pos-
sible political and diplomatic move that
would bring that about.
5. Chinese volunteers
Question. I wonder, sir, if you could
evaluate for us the threat that's been posed
by Red China to send volunteers into Viet-
nam if we escalate the war further?
Answer. We have read their statements
from time to time and the statements of
other powers about what they propose to do.
We are in close touch with the situation and
that's all I think I would like to say on that
matter.
6. War on poverty
Question. Mr. President, there's been some
criticism at the local level in this country of
your war on poverty and one of the chief
complaints is that the local community ac-
tion groups do not represent the poor. Have
you found any basis for this criticism and
do you feel that criticism such as this could
have a demoralizing effect on the overall pro-
gram?
Answer. Yes, I think that there has been
unjust criticism, and unfair criticism, and
uninformed criticism of the poverty program
even before Congress passed it.
Some people opposed it every step of the
way, some people oppose it now. I don't
know of any national program in peace time
that has reached so many people so fast and
so effectively.
Over 16,000 Americans have already volun-
teered to live and work with the Peace Corps
.domestically. A quarter of a million young
men have joined the Job Corps. Every major
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8484 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
city has developed poverty plans and made
applications for funds. Three hundred
States and city and county community ac-
tion programs have already received their
money. Forty-five thousand students from
needy families are already enrolled in 800
colleges- under the work program.
More than 125,000 adults are trainees in
adult education on the work experience pro-
gram.
We will have difficulties, we will have
politicians attempting to get sortie jobs in
the local level; we'll have these differences
as we do in all of our programs. But I
have great confidence in Sargent Shriver as
an administrator and as a man. And I have
great confidence in the wisdom the Congress
displayed In passing the poverty program and
I think it will be one of the great monu-
ments to this administration.
7. U.S. prestige
Question. Mr, President, is it trite that the
United States is losing rather than making
friends around the world with its policy in
Vietnam?sort of a falling-domino theory in
reverse?
Ansvier. I think that we have friends
throughout the world. I'm not concerned
with any friends that we've lost. Following
my Baltimore speech, I received from our
allies almost universal approval.
Our enemies would have you believe that
we are following policies that are ill-advised,
but NW? are following the same policies in
Asia that we followed in Europe, that we fol-
lowed in Turkey and Greece and Iran. We
are resisting aggression, and as long as the
aggressors attack, we will stay there and
resist them, whether we make friende or lose
friends.
8. Voting rights bill
Question. Mr. President, your voting rights
bill is moving toward completion in the Sen-
ate oig weak. Do you think that the pro-
posal?the amendment to abolish the poll
tax WOUld make this unconstitutional? Do
pan thtiik it would damage the passage of the
bill in the Rouse? And ivhat fib you think
about it generally?
Answer. I think that that is being Worked
out in poriferences they're having today and
they Will have in the neat few weeks. I
have -graWays opposed the poll tax. I am op-
posed to it now. I have been advised by
constitutional lawyers that we 'have a prob-
lem in repealing the poll tax by statute.
For that reason, while a Member' of Con-
gress, I initiated and supported a constitu-
tional amendment to repeal the poll tax in
Federal elections I think the bill as now
drawn Will not permit the poll tax to be
used to disoriminate against-Noters and I
think-the administration win have adequate
authOalty to prevent its use for'that purpose.
I have asked the Attorney General, how-
.
even, tO meet With the various Members of
the Itause and Senate who are interested in
this phase Of it and, if possible, take every
step' that he can within constitutiemal
bounds to see that the Poll tat is not used as
a discrimination against any voter, anywhere.
9. Critics of bombing
Question. Mr. Pretident, a ritimber Of di-A-
les 'Of yratir Vietnaria pcatcy say they" support
ournaresence in South Vietnam but do not
support the 'bombing raids to the North. I
woncler if there is anything you can say to
them and What you can say on any condi-
tions that Might arise under which you feel
the raids could be stopped?
Answer. I said in my opening statement
that we Went for months without destroying
a bridge, or an ammunition depot, or a radar
station. Those military targets have been
the primary targets that we have attacked.
There's no blood in a bridge mane of con-
crete and steel.
But we do try to take it out so that people
cannot furnish additional troops and addi-
tional equipment to kill the people of South
Vietnam and to kill our own soldiers.
There are not many civilians involved in a
radar station. But we do try to make it in-
effective so that they cannot plot our planes
and shoot our boys out of the skies. There
are not many individuals involved in an am-
munition dump. But we have tried to de-
stroy that ammunition so it would be ex-
ploded in North Vietnam and not in the
bodies of the' people of South Vietnam or
our American soldiers.
We have said time and again that we regret
the necessity of doing this. But as long as
aggression continues, as long as they bomb
In South Vietnam, as long as they bomb our
sports arenas and our theaters and our em-
bassies and kill our women and our children,
and the Vietnamese soldiers--severin thou-
sand of whom have been killed since the first
of the year?we think that we are justified in
trying to slow down that operation and make
them realize that it is very costly and that
their aggression should cease.
I do sometimes wonder how some people
can be so concerned with our bombing a cold
bridge of steel and concrete in North Viet-
nam but never open their mouth about a
bomb being placed in our Embassy iri South
,Vietnam.
The moment that this aggression ceases,
the destruction of their bridges and their
radar stations, and the ammunition that
they use on * * *.
10. Shastri visit
Question. Mr. President, on your can-
cellation of the Ayub and Shastri visits, some
of your critics have said that the reasons for
your postponement were sound, but the
abruptness of it left millions of Asians angry
at this country. Is anything being done to
correct that impression on their part?
Answer. Well, first of all, I Would not
assume many parts of your statement. First,
we didn't cancel it, so that's the first error
that the critics have made, We feel very
friendly toward the people of India and the
Government of India, toward the people of
Pakistan and the Government of Pakistan.
I have spent Brame time ih both of those
countries.
I've had the leaders of those countries visit
me in this country, and visit in my home.
I have before the Congress now recom-
mendations concerning the peoples of those
countries, and how we can work together
to try to achieve peace in the world.
I said, through the appropriate channels,
to those governments that I had had some
8 or 9 visitors already the first 90 days
of this administration, that the Congress was
hopeful that it would get out of here early
summer, that we had approximately 75 top
important measures that we were trying to
get considered and passed, 1 of which
vitally affected that part of the world, and
that I could be mucit more 'comm-unicative
and could respond much snore to their sug-
gestions and to their recommendations on the
future of India and their 5-year plan and
Pakistan and their plan if our visit could
follow the enactment of some of these bills
instead a precede them, because if they pre-
ceded thein, I could not speak with author-
ity?I would not know what the Congress
would do.
We will spend--we have spent, oh, in ex-
cess of $10 billion in that area, and this year
we will propose expenditures of more than
$1 billion. But if the Congress said "No" to
me, and didn't pass the foreign aid bill or
materially reduced it, I would have made a
commitment that I could not support.
So I said that if you would like to come
now, in the month of May or June during this
period, ave can have a visit, but we will not
be able to be as responsive as I would like to
be if you could come a little later in the year.
And I've been host a few times in my life,
and when. you put things that way, most peo-
April 28, 1965
plc want to conic at the time that would be
most convenient to us?to the hoat?and
would be most helpful to them. And we
Communicated that to the appropriate people,
and the answer came back that they would
accept that decision.
Now I think it was a good decision in our
interest, and I think it was a good decision in
their interest, and I'm very sorry that our
people have made a good deal of it.
But the provocation of the differences
sometimes comes about, and I regret it, and
so far as I know, it's a good decision and a
wise one and one that I would make again at
the moment.
11. Nuclear weapons
Question. Mr. President, there were?in
light of the new reports that came over the
weekend, I wonder if you could clarify for ua
your position concerning the possibility of
the use of nuclear weapons in southeast Asia?
Answer. Well, first of all, I have the re-
sponsibility for decision on nuclear weapons.
That rests with the President. It is the most
serious responsibility that rests with him.
Secretary McNamara very carefully and very
clearly in his television appearance yesterday
covered that subject thoroughly and, I think,
adequately, and there's not anything that I
could really add to what he said.
I would observe this, that I've been Presi-
dent for 17 months, and I have sat many
hours and weeks with the officials of this
Government in trying to plan for the pro-
tection and security of our people, and I
have never had a suggestion from a single
official of this Government or employe of this
Government concerning the use of such
weapons in this area.
The only person that has ever mentioned
it to me has been a newspaperman writing
a story, and each time I tell him, please, get
it out of your system?please forget it.
There's just not anything to it. No one
has discussed it with us at all. And I think
that when Secretary McNamara told you of
the requirement yesterday, and that no use-
ful purpose was served by going into it
further, I thought it had ended there.
/2. Charge by Hanoi
Question, Mr. President, the North Viet-
namese today, sir, say that in a raid on
Sunday the United States and South Viet-
nam used what they called toxic chemicals.
Now can you tell us, sir, what they might be
talking about?
Answer. I wouldn't know. I frequently
see statements they make that we never
heard of, and I don't know about the par-
ticular report that you mention.
13. Troops in Vietnam
Question, Mr. President, are there?could
there come about, as you now see the situ -
ation in Vietnam, could there be circum-
stances in which the?which large number;
of American troops might be engaged in the
fighting of the war rather than in the advis-
ing and assistance to the South Vietnamese?
Answer. Our purpose in Vietnam is, as you
well know, to advise and to assist those peo-
ple in resisting aggression. We are per-
forming that dirty there now. I would not be
able to anticipate or to speculate on the
conduct of each individual in the days ahead.
I think that if the enemy there bellevc s
that we are there to stay, that we are not
going to tuck our tails and run home and
abandon our friends, I believe in due tin '.e
peace can be observed in that area.
My objective is to contribute what we can
to aseist the people of South Vietnam, wl o
have lost thousands of lives defending their
country and to provide the maximu n
amount of deterrent with the minimum
cost. They have lost thousands of people
since February. We have lost some 40 to 150
people of our own. We could not anticipate
in February whether we'd lose 50 or whether
we'd lose 500.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
That depends on the fortunes and the
problems of conflict. But I can assure
you that we are being very careful, we're be-
ing very studious, and we're being very de-
liberate?that we're trying to do everything
We can within reason to convince these peo-
ple that they should not attack, that they
should not be aggressors, that they should
not try to follow?swallow up their neigh-
bor, and we are doing it with the minimum
amount of expenditure of lives that we can
spend.
14. Steel productivity
Question. Mr. President, labor, and man-
agement in steel have different versions of
what their increase in productivity is. Can
you tell us what your advisers figure this is
arid whether you think a settlement in ex-
cess of 2.7 percent of the interim agreement
would be acceptable?
Answer: I don't want to pass on?we have
laid down the guideposts, they're well ac-
quainted with them, both management and
employees. They have had very responsible
negotiations.
We are very pleased with the outcome of
those negotiations. We anticipate that they
will be confirmed by both parties very short-
ly, and we believe between now and the
September deadline that we will have an
agreement.
don't think that I've ever observed a
period in the life of free enterprise in this
country when American labor and American
business have been more responsible and
have been more anxious to work with this
Government in maintaining full productiv-
ity, and I expect that that will come about.
Question. Thank you, Mr. President.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana subsequently
said: Mr. President, I wish to applaud
the strong stand of the President as it
concerns the position of this Nation in
Vietnam. The President made it clear
that we are in Vietnam to resist aggres-
sion, that we are there to help a friendly
government protect itself against sub-
version and aggression from without.
We wish to see that the Government
of North Vietnam keeps its pledged word
Under Pie Geneva agreement which it
signed, an agreement which that Gov-
ernment has violated in many ways.
It is costing this Government the lives
of many American fighting men to assist
a friendly power. Let me point out to
those who do not seem to be aware of it,
that the friendly Government of South
Vietnam is doing the fighting there, that
only a small portion of the fighting is
being done by American troops. We
have approximately 30,000 troops in that
area. There are approximately 500,000
South Vietnamese troops fighting in the
area. In other words, South Vietnam
has approximately 15 men fighting
against communism for every man the
United States has there to assist that
friendly power. In addition, our friends
who are doing the fighting have done a
rather good job of it. The estimate I
saw was that approximately 89,000 Viet-
cong and North Vietnamese invaders
have been killed by the forces of South
Vietnam which has not sustained nearly
so many casualties as the Vietcong and
the ktorth .Viethainese invaders. It has
been estimated that approximately one
South Vietnamese has been killed in bat-
tle, or rnis,sing, for every three Vietcong
killed. The last figures I saw indicate
that the kill ratio in battle for the fight-
ers whom we are _supporting in South
Vietnam in recent weeks is approxi-
mately six Vietcong killed for every
South Vietnamese lost.
On that basis, it appears that the
enemy has lost approximately 200 men
for every 1 American lost in the defense
of freedom against communism.
Mr. President, if we have to run up the
white flag and surrender to a small back-
ward Communist power of 19 million
people when the enemy is suffering cas-
ualties 200 times as great as ours, then
this great Nation of over 190 million will
be a far cry from what it has been in my
time.
I notice that the present Presiding
Officer in the chair is the new Senator
from the State of South Carolina [Mr.
RUSSELL], who was on the "Today" pro-
gram this morning. He made an excel-
lent presentation, for one who has not
had an occasion to study the question at
the Washington level because he was dis-
charging his responsibilities as Governor
of South Carolina. He showed an under-
standing of the problem. He stated
what I believe to be the case in Louisiana,
that the people in our State are behind
the President in his efforts to resist Com-
munist subversion and aggression.
We applaud the President for the posi-
tion he takes, that we will not surrender
to communism, that we will meet force
with greater force, that we will use such
force as may be necessary, that we are
not going to let Communist aggressors
and Communist revolutionaries over-
throw friendly powers by means of
brutality, murder, kidnaping, assassina-
tion, or whatever device along that line
happens to fit their methods.
The President stated quite clearly that
this Nation is willing to negotiate. MY
impression is that every diplomatic
channel available to us has been used to
inform both the powers of Hanoi, Peiping,
and Moscow that we are ready to negoti-
ate at any time, on any honorable and
reasonable basis; but that we are not pre-
pared to surrender. We intend to strike
them when they strike us, that when
they undertake to attack Americans, to
attack our ships at sea, to blast down our
barracks and assassinate our people, we
expect to strike them with whatever
means are available to us and which
seem appropriate to use under particu-
lar circumstances.
Mr. President, it is my understanding
that the text of yesterday's news con-
ference by President Johnson has al-
ready been placed in the RECORD by the
majority leader. I recommend his state-
ment on Vietnam to my colleagues and
to all Americans as a clear, unequivocal,
easily understood declaration of U.S.
policy in Vietnam.
THE WAR IN VIETNAM
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, repeat-
edly I have made it clear on the floor of
the Senate that I want to stand as a part
of the solid phalanx of Members of the
Senate and the people of the country who
offer prayers and support for President
Johnson as he deals with the delicate,
grave, and troublesome problems of
southeast Asia and South Vietnam.
8485
I would first observe that those who
look for immediate and dramatic solution
to the "South Vietnam problem" or the
"southeast Asia problem" by negotiation
or unilateral action by the United States,
whether it be the strategic bombing of
cities or the withdrawal of our forces and
a cessation of the present bombing of
military targets, look in vain. History
shows that in international relations, as
in human relations, serious problems are
seldom lastingly solved in one fell swoop.
We must prepare for a long period
ahead when our perseverance and con-
tinuing interest in the peoples of south-
east Asia will be required if their eco-
nomic, social and political rights as in-
dividuals are to be allowed to flourish
and develop, free from external aggres-
sion and internal terrorism and unrest.
While we are deeply motivated by a
national sense of compassion and hu-
manity, we must nevertheless continue to
recognize that our own interests are in-
volved in South Vietnam; that our power
and prestige have been committed there
by three Presidents; that those in that
area who seek to build their own future
free of Communist domination are
watching closely to judge how valid our
commitment to them is in the light of
how we respond to our obligations to
South Vietnam.
History clearly shows that aggression,
even in that tiny and remote area of the
world designated South Vietnam, threat-
ens the peace and security of our country
and of the world.
History clearly teaches that unchecked
aggression builds and feeds on itself and
is reproduced and duplicated until stop-
ping it requires a much greater cost in
lives and treasure than if resistance had
first been made.
Furthermore, almost no one now faults
President Truman for his momentous
decision, following World War II, under
the courageous Truman doctrine, to aid
Greece, for example, to stabilize its politi-
cal independence and its resistance to
Communist domination, by helping it
to quell Communist guerrilla activities
within its borders, activities which were
aided and abetted externally.
The case of aggression in Vietnam is
even more flagrant. Let no one say that
this country is more interested in Europe
than in Asia. Let it be known that this
country is as interested in the peoples of
Asia as it is in the peoples of Europe.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD an editorial entitled "L.B.J.'s
Appeal for Viet Peace," published in the
San Francisco Chronicle in April.1965.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the San Francisco Chronicle,
Apr. 19661
L.B.J.'s APPEAL FOR VIET PEACE
The transcendent sincerity and earnest
good will of Lyndon Johnson are qualities
which show through the TV screen on occa-
sions like the Johns Hopkins speech on Viet-
nam Wednesday night. Many confused
Americans who had been wondering darkly
what the President was really up to in
southeast Asia, suddenly found themselves
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8486 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
swept along with the Johnson dream of a
Great Society along the Mekong.
Such is the measure of a. great speech,
that it can convert doubts into conviction
and cross purposes into purposeful new di-
rections. This timely, indeed overdue, ad-
dress reached occasional peaks of eloquenre
(we offer an example in the editorial be-
low) and conveyed the impression that our
intentions in Vietnam are both humane and
plausible. Undoubtedly almost every Amer-
ican who heard or read it was filled with
renewed hope that somehow the President%
offers?of "unconditional discussions and of
a billion dollars for southeast Asia% devel-
opment program?will promptly bring nego-
tiators to a table where peace with honor
can be agreed to.
For unquestionably, the American people
want to get detached from the interminable
conflict that has been going on almost with-
out interruption in Indochina since the early
1940's. Yet at the same time, most would
heartily support the President In refusing to
abandon South Vietnam, "this small and
brave nation," to its enemy.
Our objective is the independence of South
Vietnam and its freedom from attack, said
the President, and he wishes ft were possible
to "convince others with words of what we
now find it necessary to say with guns and
planes," namely, that armed ?hostility is fu-
tile because our resources are equal to any
challenge. Once this is clear, there could be
many ways tO peace through "unconditional
discussions" with the governments con-
cerned; in large groups or small ones; in the
reaffirmation of old agreements (the Geneva
agreement of 1954?) or in new' ones that
strengthen the old.
This constitutes an offer, and it is clearly
his hope that those who threaten South
Vietnam's independence, i.e., "the readers of
North Vietnam," will respond to it. If they
do respond, a mighty aid program beneficial
to all countries of southeast Asia, including
North Vietnam, will be set in motion.
However the Communist powers may react,
and that will probably not become clear for
some time, the President's speech has very
effectively impressed the British, the Cana-
dians and the French, whose smanort we
certainly need; and it has earned" the warm
approbation of Secretary General IT Thant of
the United Nations, whose good offices' were
only recently being rather summarily re-
buffed by the State Department.
The prestige and good name of America
have been rescued and repaired, we hope and
believe, by the President's performance.
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, while
the hope expressed in the editorial that
the response from the other side would
be favorable tO the President's call for
"unconditional discussion" has not thus
far Materialized., nevertheless, the edi-
torial calls to mind again, in the midst
of public dialog oft this subject, that
President Johnson has no policy in south-
east Asia other than peace and stability,
and that his speech at Johns Hopkins
'University brought reeoMition of that
fact here and abroad.
Each of Us should be careful to note
in our remarks that our goal is peace;
and that President Johnson has clearly
declared how it may be anhfeved.
Each of us should recognize that he
who takes risks now in order to achieve
a just and lasting peace is no Tess a peace-
maker than, he who advocates peace im-
mediately but with no assurances against
having to defend or enforce it later at a
much greater price.
THE NEW EDUCATION BILL
Mr. HARRIS. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD an article en-
titled "The New Education Bill," written
by W. Barry Garrett, associate director
of the Baptist Joint Committee on Public
Affairs, Washington, D.C.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[Prom the Baptist Messenger, Apr. 22, 19651
TUE NEW EDUCATION Bria.
(By W. Barry Garrett, associate director,
Baptist Joint Committee on Public Affairs,
Washington, D.C.)
The Elementary and Secondary Education
Act of 1965 has passed the House of Repre-
sentatives and the Senate of the U.S. Con-
gress by overwhelming majorities. The bill
has been signed by the President and is now
the law of the land.
Much confusion is abroad about the bill.
This brief question and answer article will
attempt to clarify some of the misunder-
standings about it.
Question. What are the provisions of the
bill?
Answer. It extends the federally impacted
area, aid program for another 2 years. In
addition it does the following:
1. It authorizes $1.06 billion for public
school agencies for the education of children
of low-income families.
2. It authorizes $100 million to State pub-
lic education agencies for school library re-
sources, textbooks, and other instructional
materials for children and teachere in pub-
lic and private elementary and secondary
schools.
3. It authorizes $100 million to public
school agencies for the creation of supple-
mentary educational centers and services
available to all the schoolchildren in a com-
munity.
4. It authorizes $100 million to be allocated
by the U.S. Commissioner of Education to
universities, colleges, and other public and
private research agencies to develop educa-
tional research and training.
5. It authorizes $25 million for grants to
States to strengthen State departments of
education.
The total of these authorized appropria-
tions is $1.305 billion.
Question. Does the bill give aid to paro-
chial schools?
Answer. The bill does not authorize any
grant of funds or provide for services to pri-
vate schools. All of the appropriations for
elementary and secondary education are to
public agencies.
Question. Does the bill give aid to paro-
chial school pupils?
Answer. Yes. If the private school has
children from poor families ($2,00a or less
annual income) the public school that re-
ceives aid from this bill must provide them
"special educational services awl arrange-
ments (such as dual enrollment, educational
radio and television, and mobile educational
services and equipment)" in which private
school pupils can participate.
Other aids to private school pupils are
school library resources, textbooks and other
Instructional materials. The supplementary
educational centers and services are also
available to all school children in a com-
munity.
Question. Through what channels or agen-
cies will these aids be available to private
school pupils?
Answer. Only through public agencies.
The bill requires that the local educational
agency will maintain administration and
April 28, 1965
control of the programs available to private
school children. It also assures that the title
to any property constructed or purchased
shall be in a public agency and that a public
agency will administer the funds and prop-
erty for public educational purposes.
According to the report of the Committee
on Education and Labor, under the provision
for library resources, textbooks and other aids
available to all school children, the bill as-
sures that the funds "will not enure to the
enrichment or benefit of any private institu-
tion" by the following:
1. Library resources, textbooks and other
instructional materials are to be made avail-
able to children and teachers and not to in-
stitutions.
2. Such materials are made available on a
loan basis only.
3. Public authority must retain title and
administrative control over such materials.
4. Such material must be that approved
for use by public school authority in the
State.
5. Books and material must not supplant
those being provided children but must sup-
plement library resources, textbooks, and
other instructional materials to assure that
the legislation will furnish increased op-
portunities for Yearning.
For the supplementary educational centers
and services the grants are made to a public
education agency, the property is in a public
agency and the program is administered by
the public agency.
Question. Why is there such widespread
belief that the new education bill gives aid
to parochial schools, as well as to public
schools?
Answer. There are at least four clear
reasons for this confusion. First, the bill
approaches education aid on a new basis. It
is a poverty bill as well as an education
bill, and it is aimed at children rather than
Institutions. This shift from the traditional
thought patterns of education is not quickly
made by those who have thought only of aid
to schools.
Second, the news media are not always pre-
cise in the language used in reporting. In
efforts to simplify complicated matters and
to shorten lengthy explanations it is easy to
use misleading terminology. Such efforts
have resulted in a misrepresentation of the
bill In some instances.
Third, some of those who are opposed to
Federal aid to education have sought to use
the religious issue to defeat the bill. When
It was evident that all other tactics were fail-
ing, the opponents attempted to sidetrack it
by the charge it provided aid to parochial
schools. They did not succeed in convincing
the religious leaders, the education leaders,
or the political leaders of the Nation.
Fourth, the administration of the act will
require private schools to cooperate with
public schools to some extent if their pupils
are to receive their aids. In some instances
they may create community tensions and
abuses if either the school board or the
private school interests press for undue ad-
vantage.
Question. What has been the position of
the Bapitist Joint Committee on Public Af-
fairs on the new education bill?
Answer, The Baptist Joint Committee on
Public Affairs neither endorses nor opposes
Federal aid to education. Neither can nor
does the committee attempt to speak for all
Baptists on such issues.
However, the Baptist agency played an im-
portant role in this legislation. From the
first it was evident that Congress would pass
an education bill this year. The problem
was to get the best bill possible from a
church-state viewpoint. The executive di-
rector of the committee, C. Emanuel Carlson,
testified at hearings before the Senate and
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wiNG4EsSIO,NA:1, g..14CORD ?SENATE 8489
here is deep doubt and =day about the
oourSe We are taking. This is why he knows
hat the ice is very thin.
The popular doubt and anxiety have
;yoked a great debate which Ought not to
)e vulgarized and degraded by the use of
pithets like dove and hawk. This debate
.:annot be suspended while American policy
Ls, as it is today, still unsettled and in the
making. The debate on Vietnam has al-
ready brought about a very considerable im-
provement in our policy.
When the debate began, Mr. Rusk was
saying that our war aim was that the North
Vietnamese must "stop doing what they are
doing," without specifying exactly what they
must do or not do and what we would re-
gard as surncient proof they had done it.
This was a deraancl for unconditional sur-
render, and it was far away from the Presi-
dent's Baltimore speech which offered, for
the first time, "unconditional discussions."
We have come a long way from the posi-
tion of 3 months ago when we said that we
did not think there was anything to nego-
tiate about. For now the avowed purpose
of our policy is to induce Hanoi to nego-
tiate.
The debate, therefore, has not been in
vain, and it must eontinue in order to clari-
fy our thinking about where and when and
how we want to bring about a cease-fire, and
What, in the ensuing negotiations, we hope
to achieve in Indochina. We are still far
from such a, clarification, even among the
small circle of the President's principal ad-
visers, and obviously the country as a whole
Is groping for information and for enlight-
ment
As part of that debate, I should like to
say something about a powerful and mov-
ing leading editorial in the Washington Post
on Monday. It is called "Anguish of Power."
Its theme is that once a nation has achieved
great power, such as Great Britain did in
the 19th century and as the United States
has now, it "must live in anguish." For
"no country can have great power and a
quiet conscience,"
Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown:
No doubt it is true that great power and a
quiet conspience do not easily or for long
go together. Where I differ from the Wash-
ington Post is not about that. We cannot,
and we should not if We could, return to the
Isolation whic,h we practiced before the two
World Wars, and, imagine that we are re-
turning to the age of our innocence. My
thesis is that We must not make the mis-
take of jumping from isolationism into
globalism, and that this is What the Wash-
ington Post is in_ fact saying we need to do.
It is true that this country cannot admit
disinterest in any crisis. But what this
country must learn to do is to measure how
much it can afford to intervene in any
crisis, and to distinguish between crises
which effect its vital interests and those
which do not. Great Britain _in the 19th
century did not regard it as a duty to inter-
vene when a fire broke out?as, for example,
in our 'Civil War, in the Franco-Prussian
War, in the Balkan wars, in the Russo-Jap-
anese 'War. What I reject is the idea that
because the United States must take an in-
terest when there is any breach of the peace,
it must therefore bp the global policeman
or, as the Washington Post puts it, the
global fire department.
A mature great power will make measured
and limited use of its Tower. It will eschew
' the theory of a global and universal duty
which not only commits it to Unending wars
of intervention but ?intoxicates its thinking
With the illuslpP. that it is a crusader for
righteousness, that each war 18 a war to end
all war.
Since in this generation we have become
a great power, I am in favor of learning to
behave like a ,great power, of getting rid of
the glohalism which would not only en-
tangle us everywhere but is based on the
totally vain notion that if we do not set the
world in order, no matter what the price, we
cannot live in the world safely. If we ex-
amine this idea thoroughly, we shall see
that it is nothing but the old isolationism of
our innocence in a new form. Then we
thought we had to preserve our purity by
withdrawal from the ugliness of great power
politics. Now we sometimes talk as if we
could preserve our purity only by policing
the globe. But in the real world we shall
have to learn to live as a great power which
defends itself and makes its way among
other great powers.
[From the Washington Post, Apr. 26, 1965]
ANGUISH OF POWER
This administration, and no doubt its suc-
cessors far into the future, will have to deal
with a deep-seated revulsion against the
great power role of the United States. Now
there is criticism of that role in South Viet-
nam; in subsequent crises It will be against
the execution of a great power role in other
areas.
Those who express resentment at and op-
position to the employment of force in south-
east Asia include some of the country's
foremost liberals and intellectuals as well as
academic and campus leaders of lesser emi-
nence. Some of course oppose the policy on
practical grounds. Some oppose it because
of a belief that Chinese Communist power
in the area is irresistible. Some are against
it because they see it is an excessive com-
mitment to a, "Balkan" war that may weaken
or divert forces needed in more important
theaters of conflict. Some criticize it be-
cause they disagree as to the real national
interest in the area. Some deplore it be-
cause they simply think we cannot achieve
our objectives or carry out our commitments.
The largest opposition, however, no doubt
comes from those who instinctively rebel
against this country's great power role.
They oppose the burden of great power as
many of the British opposed it for nearly
300 years. But Great Britain for a long
period could not escape the anguish that
comes with the very possession of power.
However large the crowds that gathered in
Trafalgar Square to shout against the de-
cisions of successive ministries to commit
British power in Africa and Asia and America
(or against the failure to commit it) no
Parliament could relieve Great Britain of
the anguish of great power, no monarch
could rescue it from the burdens that go
with the possession of predominant force.
It was not governments that the people op-
posed; but the fate that put into the hands
of the leaders of one nation the leverage to
influence the course of events and the des-
tiny of nations.
And this is the real misery of the mighty.
Once power descends upon a people it can
no longer achieve national peace of mind,
even if it can achieve peace in the sense of
avoiding war. From the moment its power
position is achieved, the nation must live in
anguish. It must endure the anguish that
attends the application of force, arising out
of all the normal revulsions against the re-
sort to violence and against the imposition
of pain and misery to achieve political re-
sults in a world where force or the use of
force is the chief arbiter "of nations. Or it
must endure the anguish that attends the
failure to use force where its employment
would work for the national salvation or the
preservation of peace. No country can have
great power and a quiet conscience. Its peo-
ple and its leaders must suffer either the
reproaches of having used force or the re-
proaches for having failed to use it. Life
alternates between, the miseries of Vietnamas
and Munichs and is seldom free from one or
the other.
There is no Way a party or a President or
a Congress can deliver a people from this
discomfort. It was inescapable in the days
of British power; it is more inevitable now
when no crisis can be so remote or so little
connected with the national interest that it
can be simply overlooked. This country
cannot admit disinterest in any crisis. It is
vain to cry that Alabama is for Alabamians.
Africa for Africans, Asia for Asians, America
for Americans. We are influenced by every
act of injustice and tyranny that takes place
everywhere in the globe; and every act of
tyranny and injustice that takes place here
has its influence everywhere in the world.
It is not one world in the happy sense that
Wendell Willkie imsgined it; but it is one
world, nevertheless. And its oneness is such
that no one can light a fire anywhere in it
but that the nation with the biggest fire
department has to decide whether to use it
or not to use it. And out of that choice
enormous consequences for good or evil must
flow.
Such is our burden, such our plan, and
such our anguish. When, as a people, we
accept the fact that it is unavoidable and
inescapable, the level of debate over what
we should or should not do in each recur-
ring crisis will rise. Each of our decisions
to use force or to fail to use force is filled
with potential pain and injury for millions.
This is the anguish that goes with great
power. No one can deliver us from it.
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, on the
subject of Vietnam and the President's
press conference held yesterday, I should
like to read into the RECORD headlines
from three great eastern metropolitan
daily newspapers, reflecting their views
on the press conference, which views I
am sure -too many readers take instead
of reading the remainder of the news
article.
I would hope that the printer of the
CONgRESSIONAL RECORD would feel that
under the rules by which we operate, it
might be appropriate to place headlines
around these headlines.
The first is from the Washington Post
of today, and reads as follows:
JOHNSON REAFFIRMS OFFER TO TALK PEACE
INVITES DOUBTER NATIONS TO TEST 'US.
SINCERITY
The second headline is from this morn-
ing's Philadelphia Inquirer and reads as
follows:
JOHNSON DARES REDS TO TAKE VP PEACE
OFFER, BARS WAR LETUP
DEFENDS RAIDS, JABS AT CRITICS
The third headline reporting on the
same press conference, published in the
New York Times, reads as follows:
JOHNSON RENEWS BID ON VIETNAM; DEFENDS
BOMBING
REPEATS HIS OFFER TO CONFER WITH ANY
GOVERNMENT WITHOUT CONDITIONS?PEACE
HOPES STRESSED
Mr. President, I ask the question:
What newspapers do you read?
I thank the Senator from Arkansas for
his courtesy in yielding to me.
DEATH OF EDWARD R. MURROW
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
"good night and good luck"?these were
the words with which Edward R. Mur-
row concluded his radio and television
program for more than 20 years. Born
In the South, raised in the West, working
In the East, he was truly all American.
Ed Murrow's career was a unique one.
It was a career based on a high regard
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8490 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE April 28, 196.
for honesty, modesty, integrity, and
forthright reporting. It was a career
underlined by courage, a keen sense of
the truth, and the need of the American
people to know the truth. Ed Murrow
served the American people, first as their
eyes and their ears, as their 'witness to
events which shook the world?then as
interpreter to the world of American pol-
icies and American life. It was this
sense of duty and a desire to get the
truth across which motivated Murrow
to leave his high-paying position as
newseaster and analyst and to accept
the difficult and demanding challenge to
be Director of the U. S. Information
Agency, a position which offered one-
tenth his salary at CBS At USIA Ed
Murrow made a great contribution. He
worked tirelessly to upgrade the quality
of our information program abroad and
for some months he did it while fighting
the early stages of lung cancer,
Ed Murrow was forced to leave his
Post at USIA last year. His fight had
become his full-time job. It was, per-
haps, the only job he ever undertook in
which he was unsuccessful. His own
words serve best right now to express my
feeling at the passing of Edward R.
Murrow: "Good night?and good luck?
and thanks."
TRIBUTE TO SENATOR OLIN D.
JOHNSTON
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
the Postal Record, the official publica-
tion of the National Association of Letter
Carriers, in its May 1965 issue has pub-
lished an editorial, written by the able
president of the NALC, Jerome J.
Keating, on the life of our late colleague,
Senator Olin D. Johnston. I believe the
editorial should be printed in the CON-
GRESSIONAL RECORD, and I ask unanimous
consent that that be done.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RscoaD,
as follows:
SENATOR OLIN D. JOHNSTON
(Editorial, from Jerome J. Keating)
Early Easter Sunday morning, my tele.
phone rang; it was Bill Gulledge, staff di-
rector of the Senate Committee on Post
Office and Civil Service. In tearchoked
voice, he declared, "Our Senator is dead;
he passed away at 4:21 this morning."
Yes, "Our Senator is dead." If the letter
carriers- of America ever had a Senator, it
was the six-foot-three South Carolinian--
the Man with the big heart and the astute
mind?the man who was responsible for more
postal legislation than any man who had
ever lived.
Senator RALPH YARBOROUGH, Of Texas, said
simply: "My staunchest friend in the Senate
is gone." The letter carriers of America can
well re-echo that sentiment.
The Columbia, (S.C.) Record paid Senator
Johnston a marvelous tribute:
'Son of a tenant farmer and early in life
a laborer in the textile mills of South Caro-
lina, Min Dewitt Johnston never forgot' his
heritage. Throughout his long and colorful
carter of service to State and Nation, the
Senator never disremeMbered What it is like
to be born with a pewter, rather than 6. silver
spoon. He never forgot the little people of
South Carolina.
They Were his joy and his Strength. And
he was their joy and their strength.
"He knew and he understood, from first-
hand, the privations of the poor, the con-
stant struggle for survival of the textile
worker, the pain of the Federal employee
ignored by the sprawling bureaucracy, and
the debilitating toil of the farmer patiently
coercing a living out of Carolina soil. He
knew. And these people knew that Olin
Johnston knew?and cared.
"Throughout his governmental service,
whether as State representative, governor or
'Senator, he championed the causes of the
little people. Born to a tenant farm, nour-
ished in a textile mill, politically educated
in the great depression, he became an ar-
dent New Dealer under Franklin Roosevelt
and remained adamantly dedicated to its
principles until his death.
"In the Senate, he was a good party man?
one who knew the rules of 'the greatest club
in the world,' understood its rules and played
by its rules. He was universally respected.
On his last visit to the Senate, he was warm-
ly welcomed by both sides of the aisle?
with words of genuine affection, concern and
praise from men of widely separated political
attitudes.
"Today, South Carolinians paid due hom-
age to the Senator, as his body rested in
state in the State House. Tomorrow, he will
be buried in the upstate region that nur-
tured him.
"And a Change has come over our State
with his passing. No longer will the textile
workers greet the tall, hulking figure with
the deep voice who knew them by their
Christian names. No longer will the people
of the State see hint rise, shake his jowls and
in characteristic southern speech intone,
'My fellow South Carolinians.'
"His fellow South Carolinians, who showed
their esteem for the Senator by electing him
to a series of offices matched by few in our
history, will miss the big man from the
Piedmont."
The letter carriers will miss him; the
Federal employees and the little people all
over America will miss this wonderful man
of great courage and determination. Alvin
Haith, his letter carrier at Kensington, Md.,
traveled all the way from Kensington to at-
tend the funeral at Spartanburg. "You just
don't know what your coming here means to
me," declared Mrs. Gladys Johnston on see-
ing Carrier Haith.
On Monday, the body of Senator OLIN D.
Joilarsrow lay hi state in the beautiful old
South Carolina Capitol, in the Capital city
of the State where Senator JOHNSTON had
served longer as Governor than any other
man. He was the first man ever to lay in
state in the capitol building.
All day long a steady stream of people,
young and old, well dreased and poorly
dressed, people of all races, passed the bier.
On the face of each was reflected signs of
sorrow. Many, remembering some kind deed,
wept openly.
At 3:30 p.m., 50 Columbia letter carriers
in uniform, led by Branch President Ray
Lemmons, having completed their day's
work, passed solemnly, soberly, and tearfully
by the bier' of their great Champion. The
loyal and falthfull Bill Johnston, the Sena-
tor's brother, who never left his side, greeted
every one of them.
'At 5:30 pin, the President of the United
States and IVIrs. Johribon came to Columbia
to console Mrs. Johnston and the Senator's
family, and to pay their last respects to his
long-time Senate colleague and his faithful
supporter. Governor Donald Russell, in a
few touching words, paid tribute to his
friend. Chaplain George Mutze of the South
Carolina State Senate prayed and offered
spiritual consolation. The Capitol was
crowded With mourners, and the people lined
the steps outside. Many letter carriers from
nearby towns hurried in to attend the serv-
ices in Columbia.
Early Tuesday morning the body we
taken to Spartanburg, to the church whet
the Senator had long worshipped. The Vic
President, and Mrs. Humphrey, headed
large group of Senators who came from
Washington to attend the funeral. Post
master General John Gronouski and Deput
Postmaster General Fred Helen accompanie(
the Vice President and his party. TM
State's congressional delegation and Stati
officials were in the church; the main churel
was packed with mourners; a second drape
was crowded, and the steps to the church
and sidewalk in front were filled with people
who could not get in. Scattered through
the reverent audience were many letter car-
riers from North and South Carolina.
The Spartanburg Journal reported: "In-
side the church, floral wreaths from far and
near were banked around the altar and two
walls. In the lobby one simple wreath of
red carnation.% yellow chrysanthemums, and
Easter lilies in green fern stood out from the
others.
"It bore this message: 'Letter Carriers
Branch 628, Spartanburg.' It was mute
testimony to the popularity of the late Sen-
ator among letter carriers throughout the
United States. He had served as chairman
of the Senate Post Office Committee for years
and, as such, wielded considerable influence
In postal affairs."
Following the funeral at the Southside
Baptist Church, the body was taken to
Hones Path, South Carolina, for interment.
It was characteristic of the humility and
faithfulness of the Johnstons that the body
was returned to a little cemetery in the small
community of Honea Path, where Senator
Johnston had lived as a boy.
A MARVELOUS CAREER
The career of Senator Olin D. Johnston
is indeed one to inspire hope and raise the
ambition of every young man in America.
Here was a boy, the son of a tenant farmer.
At the age of 9, he started to work in the
mill. He studied hard; graduated with a
bachelor's degree; later secured a master's
degree; and finally secured his law degree.
Be was elected to the legislature, served as
Governor of his State longer than any other
man, and finally became U.S. Sena-
tor. In his senatorial campaigns, he was
consistently opposed by the strongest candi-
dates in the State. In his last election he
turned back the Governor of the State in the
primary and defeated a strong Republican
candidate in the general election. Ile never
forgot the people, and they never forgot him.
Senator Johnston served with the Rainbow
Division in World War I. In college and in
the service, he boxed as a heavyweight. In-
deed, he had a fighting heart--a man 68 years
of age who survived two major operations
within a period of 3 months, and was
finally struck down by pneumonia, was in-
deed a man with a fighting heart. So en-
grossed in the Senate and his responsibilities
was he that he returned to his senatorial tasks
between operations.
FRIEND OF THE POSTAL AND FEDERAL
EMPLOYEES
To me, the death of Senator Johnston is
a great loss. A kindly man, he always had
time for our problems. One citizen attend-
ing the Senator's funeral at Spartanburg told
a reporter: "I was down on my luck; I went
to Washington. Our other Senator was too
busy to see me, but Senator Johnston saw
me and took care of my problems." That
was typical of this great Senator.
Senator Olin D. Johnston came to Wash-
ington in 1945. I came to Washington ir
1945. I have had the honor and privilege
of associating with him during his entir(
career in the Senate. One of the first major
legislative efforts in which he was involve(
was the 1948 amendments to the RetiremenA;
Act. That was epoch-making legislation.
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
The Senator stood up like a trojan in the
committee and on the floor of the Senate.
He was a central figure in our national
convention and in our meetings held in
Washington. Frequently he was accom-
panied by his good wife Gladys, and on some
occasions by his fine children. A convention
was not a, convention without the Senator.
Legislatively, he worked closely with Presi-
dent Doherty and myself, and, in more re-
cent years, with Vice President Radernacher
as well,
Without a doubt, he sponsored and guided
More postal and Federal employee legisla-
tion through the Congress than any man
Who had ever lived. The very last deed that
he performed as a Member of the Senate was
to introduce 5, 1667, a bill to transfer back
to Congress the exclusive right to set rates on
parcel post,
The la,st increase for retirees enacted in
1962 would not have become a law were it
not for the Senator. The House had passed
the pay bill, but the increase for annuitants
was tied up in the Rules Committee. Sen-
ator Johnston amended the pay bill by at-
taching the annuity increase to it, and thus
it became laW.
Frequently during his career as chairman
of the Senate committee, the astute Senator
resorted to unusual strategy to secure the
enactment of a bill. Legislation during the
past 20 years in _the House has frequently
been bottled up in the committees. Senator
1/4Johhston would take a minor bill that had
paSsed the House, amend it by adding the
major bill to it, and the bill would then go to
conference.
The Charlotte (N.C.) Observer, in a some-
times complimentary and sometimes critical
editorial, commenting on his political suc-
cess, declared: "The overly frequent pay
raises he got for the employees did not hurt
either."
The same editorial stated, "But it is safe
to say that South Carolina has not had a
more effective lawmaker in Washington in
many years."
Senator Johnston was kind, he never spoke
harshly of anyone; he was an able legislator,
Universally liked, most considerate, and a
great champion of the postal employees. He
will be missed and mourned. To his fine
family?his faithful wife Gladys, his son
Olin, Jr., his two lovely daughters Mrs. Sallie
Scott and Elizabeth, we extend our most sin-
cere sympathy.
Undoubtedly Senator A. S. (MIKE) MON-.
RONEY will become chairman of the commit-
tee. He has worked closely with Senator
Johnston, he is a good friend of the em-
ployees, and will closely parallel the policies
of his predecessor.
Gov. Donald Russell has stepped down
from the governorship to assume the office of
U.S. Senator. Suffice it to say, he was a
close friend of Senator Olin D. Johnston.
PEOPLE'S WAR IN VIETNAM
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, I invite
the attention .of My colleagues, as well
as of other readers of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, to a somewhat different and pro-
vocative viewpoint on the current
struggle in Vietnam. Its expositor is
Maj. Gen. Edward G. Lansdale, U.S.
Air Force, retired, who as a result of
several years' service in the Philippines
and southeast Asia has earned the repu-
tation of being one of the most knowl-
edgeable Americans on the subject of
Communist "wars of national liberation"
and counterinsurgency. General Lans-
dale is presently a consultant to the staff
of Food for Peace, at the White House.
NO. 75-18
General Lansdale does not question
our presence in Vietnam, nor does he call
for American withdrawal from Vietnam
and southeast Asia. If anything, I think
it is fair to say that he does not feel that
we are involved as much as we should be
in Vietnam. His principal criticism of
our present policy in Vietnam is perhaps
best summed up in the question: "Do we
do something halfway: give a man a gun
to defend himself, give him means to fill
his belly, and let him shift for himself
when it comes to realizing his great hope
for man's liberty?" General Lansdale
argues that the United States must help
the Vietnamese arm themselves politi-
cally, as well as physically and materially.
He cites as the major unused weapon of
this "people's war" our ideology which is
embodied in the opening paragraphs of
the Declaration of Independence and the
Bill of Rights.
General Lansdale most recently ex-
pressed his viewpoint on Vietnam in a
talk at the Principia Conference on Viet-
nam, in Elsah, Ill., on April 9, 1965. I
ask unanimous consent that General
Lansdale's interesting and stimulating
address be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
TALK AT PRINCIPIA CONFERENCE ON VIETNAM,
ELSAH, ILL.
(By Edward G. Lansdale, major general,
USAF, retired)
It is time that you and I and other Amer-
icans become pragmatic about Vietnam. A
truly pragmatic American would insist that
we do today what will help us tomorrow.
From this pragmatic viewpoint, we almost
seem to have forgotten why we are in Viet-
nam. To be sure, we have said why. We
have talked it up big. Some Americans even
have talked it down big. Yet, the great chal-
lenge given the United States by events in
Vietnam largely has gone unmet by practical
or effective American deeds.
Since this challenge won't go away, just
because we duck accepting it, let us get it
out into the open here and now, look at it
hard, and then dare to consider meeting it.
The great challenge given to us in Viet-
nam is political. Essentially, it is this: Can
the Vietnamese win their freedom while they
fail to agree on what freedom is?and fail to
start governing themselves in a way that
takes them toward that freedom? If they
cannot, then should we Americans remain
aloof from this political heart of the strug-
gle and confine our most generous and dedi-
cated help in Vietnam to military and socio-
economic assistance? Or rather, should we
Americans give equally generous and dedi-
cated help to the Vietnamese in their heart-
felt longing to achieve ways to govern them-
selves, within their own truths and with a
real degree of stability, while they set forth
clearly the premise of the freedom they most
desire for themselves?
Put it another way, it can be said that our
side in Vietnam outnumbers, outguns, and
outspends the enemy. Shouldn't we now
make -a real effort to outhink the enemy on
the actual battleground among the people
of Vietnam? This means helping the Viet-
namese find their own true cause to fight
for, much more than helping them fight
against something. Such positive, in con-
trast to negative, help could well include
sympathetic encouragement and assistance
8491
in the step-by-step development of a repre-
sentative and responsive political system of
Vietnamese origin. This would create some-
thing of their own to which the Vietnamese
could pledge, willingly and freely, their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honor.
Such work would fill a gap which has
been the despair of Vietnamese, Americans,
and other free people in Vietnam. It would
put the war upon a sound moral and political
footing. Given true political meaning, the
military, psychological, and economic ac-
tions used to win the moral goal would in-
crease a hundredfold in their effect on break-
ing the will of the enemy. A Vietnamese
cause, with an attainable national goal
closest to the hearts of the overwhelming
majority of the Vietnamese, would not only
give the Vietnamese something worth every-
thing to defend. It also would be a goal
desired even by those now under the control
of Communist masters, one that would give
them just cause to leave the ranks of the
Communist and join their brothers on our
side. This is true strategy for a "peoples'
war" such as the Communists have sought
to wage. It directly confronts the main
weapon of the Communists?their political
action?with a superior action of our. own.
If we employ it truly, there is little doubt
about victory for the cause of freedom. Fur-
ther, the struggle would be fought on the
terms of freemen, not on those of the Com-
munists.
This strategy deals with the hard inner
core of the struggle in the world today, in
Vietnam, in the so-called wars of national
liberation elsewhere. The basic conflict is
between the way we, the free, look at man
and the way the Communists look at man.
We see man as an individual, endowed by
his Creator with "certain inalienable rights."
The Communists see man as a cipher of the
state, a materialist zero without a creator.
So, what do we do in this basic conflict? Do
we profess "self-evident truths" for ourselves
alone? Do we permit the Communists to be-
guile, coerce, or otherwise rob a man of the
true heritage we say he has, and let them
make him a part of the Communist ma-
chine?while we keep silent about this true
heritage, not help him come into it to the
full extent of our ability? Do we do some-
thing halfway: give a man a gun to defend
himself, give him means to fill his belly, and
let him shift for himself when it comes to
realizing his great hope for man's liberty? I
don't believe we can do only this and still
maintain our own freedom, strong and hon-
est and lasting.
Now, this challenge has come to us at a
moment of history. We should recognize
that man's history is full of political chal-
lenges which were met by the world's lead-
ing power in each era. The challenges were
met to keep the peace, as the leading power
defined that peace. The great khans, Alex-
ander, Tamerlane, Rome, Spain, and Britain
all had their time of leadership and of keep-
ing the peace, their style. Along with mili-
tary strength which gained and enforced
their leadership, along with economic meas-
ures which gave it commercial meaning,
there also was political action by the leading
power, to provide his means of control. Our
name for this political action is "colonial-
ism." The world leader in the past simply
made colonies out of lands and peoples
ab-:oad, imposing upon them political sys-
tems, laws, language, modes of justice that
were his own.
Today, the United States finds itself in
the position of being the world's leading
power. Yet, we Americans are opposed to
colonialism and colonial methods for many
reasons, including the fact that we too were
once a colony and rebelled against_ the con-
cept. Lyndon Johnson, with his gift for
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8492 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE Apra 28, 1965
censensus, expressed out national feelings
well in his inaugural address last January.
The President said: "Our Nation's course
is abundantly clear. We aspire to nothing
that belongs to others. We seek no dominion
over our fellow man, but man's dominion
over tyranny and misery."
However, at this moment a man's his-
tory, we are not alone in the world. There
are two Communist powers, the Soviet un-
ion and China, who singly and jointly chal-
lenge our world leadership. On their part,
they are quite brazen about using political
action to gain control of other natiOns. They
use a form of old power play, the old Co-
lonialism, in modern dress. A mention of
Hungary and Tibet will make this point.
These once-independent cotmtries, con-
quered by neighboring Communists and made
into satellites, tried to gain independence
in much the same way as the American col-
onies did in 1776. The stamping out of
these recent revolutions by foreigl1 troops
under the Communists were plain acts of
colonial imperialism in the ugliest historic
sense. Further, the expansion of the Commu-
nist empire has been an active fact of life
in our time. For example, back when many
of today's faculty members were students
themselves, just before the outbreak of
World War II, there were a little less than
200 Million people under direct Commu-
nist rtile. Today, the number of people un-
der direct Communist rule has grown to
almost 1,100 million people. (In contrast,
people on our side, clearly committed to the
cause of freedom, number some 752 million.
This doesn't count many millions in Africa,
India, the United Arab Republic, and Indo-
nesia whose politics await the future.)
While the original Communist takeovers
of Hungary, Tibet, and several other coun-
tries were plain conquests by use of con-
vential military force, the current meth-
ods of Con-animist expansion are more sub-
tle. They entitle these methods as "wars
of national liberation." We see them as
"Communist subversive insurgency." Viet-
nam Is today's most active example.
In the Asian method of Communist slab-
versive insurgency, a national liberation po-
litical group is established at a remote base.
This political group is given the image of
a people's movement by naming members
Who allegedly represent big sectors of the na-
tional population?the farmers, the youth,
the women, the workers, the students, and
so on. Added to the political cadres are
military cadres who are specialists in guer-
rilla warfare, and who will build a mili-
tary apparatus upon the political footing
provided by the political cadres. The "re-
mote base" where this starts coming out in
the open usually means a camp located far
enough from centers of population to avoid
irameditite detection or access by the coun-
try's forces of law and order
This political-raiiltary force then acts to
gain centrol of the people on the land, by
attraction or coercion as required. It is a
step-by-step operation, first in the villages
Mad hamlets closest to the base, and then
ever widening. Nuclei are sent to establish
more bases, to start the same process in other
regions. Secret agents are sent to infiltrate
centers a population and government orga-
nffiations. The Asian Communist slogan
which goes, "first the mountains, then the
countryside, 'then the cities" is a good
thumbnail description of the process. It is
considerably different than the Soviet
method of working with the proletariat in
cities or of Soviet defensive partisan warfare
Along With Selling nationaliStic goals], se-
lected fur the greatest local appeal, Asian
Communists also act te destroy both the
credibility and the instruments of the Mt-
tion's government among the local people.
In brief, they act to create a momentary
vacuum of anarchy, to permit them to fill
this vacuum with their own governing appa-
ratus. The anarchy is created by destructive
means: the character assassination Of na-
tional leaders by psychological means, isolat-
ing the countryside from the city by
strangling lines of communication through
ambushing and cutting highways and rail-
ways, provoking government forces into acts
against the people (such aa hiding in villages
and forcing the villagers to stay there while
the Communists start a battle with govern-
ment forces, and the liquidation of local
people representing authority?such as vil-
lage headmen, judges, public health and
pnblic works officials, policemen, even
schoolteachers, and at times the families of
these people. Many thousands of such pub-
lic servants have been murdered by the Com-
munists in Vietnam.
I suspect that Mao Tse Tung had a know-
ing look on his face when he told Edgar
Snow recently that Americans seem to ignore
-the decisive political fact that ? * gov-
ernments cut of from the masses could not
win against wars of national liberation."
Mao had a big hand in developing the cyni-
cal, brutal Asian Communist method of cut-
ting off the people from their government.
The trouble is, this method has a big ap-
peal to ambitious people in a number of
countries. /t has become quite an export
item to the Western Hemisphere and Africa,
where there are some would-be leaders eager
to try it. As General Giap, the Communist
military leader in Hanoi, said not long ago:
"South Vietnam is the model of the national
liberation movement of our time * * *. If
the special warfare that the U.S. imperialists
are testing in South Vietnam is overcome,
this means that it can be defeated every-
where in the world."
The foroes of freedom must be vigilant
about this vital facet of Communist aotion.
In Malaysia, Where Sukarno is trying to use
this method his own way, the Malaysian
Government has had a long, bitter experience
in facing up to the challenge, from Commu-
nist guerrilla days. A recent warning by
Dato Ghazall bin Sha.fie, who is Permanent
Secretary to the Malaysian External Affairs
Ministry, is worth noting. Dato Ghazali
told the Malaysians: "It is the height of
folly to assume that superior military exper-
tise and superior firepower alone are de-
cisive. To overlook the importance of po-
litical action is to miss the bus completely
* * Malayan), will endure * * * so long as
the national will, which is the active expres-
*ion of growing national unity, can with-
stand the pressures from within and with-
out * * *. There is no alternative. It is of
paramount importance to anticipate ten-
sions and stresses wherever they are likely
to appear between the people and the
Government."
Iv
So far, then, I have pointed out that a great
challenge exists for us in Vietnazn, have done
my best to describe it, to tell how it came to
be, and to sketch in the major pressures
facing us. Now we reach the hard part.
What do we want to do about it? What can
we do about it? What is practical, feasible
for the United States to do?within our own
political heritage, within the talents of our
people, within the goal of an honorably
peaoeful world such as we seek?
Noted journalists such as Joseph Kraft and
C. L. Sulzberger have analyzed our U.S. orga-
nization and efforts in Vietnam and have
concluded, in brief, that the United States
does not have in Vietnam what it takes to
meet the Communist political challenge
there. Mr. Sulzberger wrote to the New York
Times ft:ma Danang, Vietnam, in March:
"Today, we acknowledge we have not found
a formula to frustrate conununism's
revolutionary warfare techniques as such.
Our governmental social and military sys-
tems are not devised for this. Never having
had an empire, we possess no large cadres
of civil servants experienced in Asia. We
Cannot dynamically export our ideology,
which is not dynamic. And our wan:oak-
ing capacity is founded on highly technical
equipment and strategy unsuited to guerrilla
engagements."
Assuming that there is some validity in
such analyses, that we do not now have the
people nor the organization in Vietnam to
Meet the great political challenge given us,
we rnust also assume that the challenge
won't go away just because it is unmet by
us. Military actions in North Vietnam, the
most skillful diplomatic moves, mammoth
economic development projects such as the
one for the Mekong Basin?even if successful
in stopping the Communists from waging
guerrilla warfare hi South Vietnam and in
giving a giant boost to the material well-
being of the people in the region?won't by
themselves end the Communist revolution-
ary process among the people. Like the
magical invisible clothing for the emperor,
in the child's tale, no matter haw we say
we see the problem, the central figure still
remains naked. It is there. It is the truth
we must faoe, sooner or later.
Further, there at the heart of the chal-
lenge is that question of ideology. As an
American who served the United States for
many years in Asia?served, if you will, as a
public servant not to an empire but to a
democracy, and served long tours in areas
of active Communist revolution?I can say
flatly that our political beliefs, our ideology,
are far more dynamic, far more appealing
in Asia than anything the Communists can
put forward. Every time we have given our
fundamental principles a fair chance, have
stayed true to them, have practiced what
what we preached, our ideology has licked
the Communists hands down. I have seen
this happen. on the spot at critical moments
of history. If the Communists are beating
us in Vietnam on so basic an issue, then I
must join Dato Gh.azali of Malaysia and say
we are missing the bus completely.
One of our difficulties is that we confuse
ourselves when we talk about politics, politi-
cal action, and ideology once we leave our
own shores. Different Arnericaias define these
wards differently, when abroad. Yet, our
basic political beliefs are set forth plainly
and interpretation really rests on the courage
of our convictions. Our basic political be-
liefs are there, for all to read, in the opening
paragraphs a the Declaration of Independ-
ence, as followed by specific guidance in our
Bill of Rights. We have, in these, a great
promise coupled with its principled guidance.
They form an ideology of dynamic universal-
ity, as alive today as When, conceived, and
close to the hearts of men of good will
throughout the world. Although our expres-
sion of higher human concepts grew out of
our own Graeco-Judaic-Christian back-
ground, the ethics expressed are in close
harmony with the great teachings of Asia,
including Confucianism. It passes under-
standing why any American tries to put this
ideology of ours on the shelf, unused, in the
face of an admittedly Godless, a dialectical
materialism, and, instead, substitutes a ma-
terialism of our own to meet the thrust of
communism in dubious battle. This is wag-
ing war on grounds of our enemy's choosing,
when we could be in our true place, fighting
the good fight of our own choosing.
Too often, American political action abroad
is seen as being limited to diplomatic nego-
tiations between governments, or promoting
the pro forma copying of parliamentary de-
mocracy in the image of the United States,
or in a sort of self-righteous scolding of
foreign leaders for behavior riot conforming
to our idea of what it should be, or even in
charting how a native bureaucracy should
work in an unwitting adherence to Parkin-
son's Law. We ourselves are to blame. We
have not assigned the mission for true Amer-
ican political work abroad to any of our Gov-
ernment services, nor have trained any of our
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wiNu.K.LSSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8497
accesb to the unpublished files of the De-
pertinent, the revised regulations on which
were considered in the committee's report
for 1963 and were .summarized in the schol-
arly journals. Here the committee strong-
ly recommends that access for a calendar
year be granted on the present restricted
basis as soon as the initial Foreign Relations
volume for that year is issued.
Once again the committee acknowledges
the many courtesies it received during its
meeting from officials in the Department,
especially Secretary Dean Rusk, Under Secre-
tary for Political Affairs W. Averell Harriman,
Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs James
L. Greenfield, and Executive Director of the
Bureau of Public Affairs Francis T. Murphy.
In behalf Of the organizations its members
represent?the American Historical Associa-
tion, the American Political Science Associa-
tion, and the American Society of Interna-
tional Law?it expresses once more its con-
fidence in the scholarly integrity of the For-
eign Relations series. It pays tribute to
William M. Franklin, director of the Histori-
cal Office, to S. Everett Gleason, editor of
Foreign Relations, and to their associates for
dedication and loyalty in pursuing an im-
portant public and scholarly task under dis-
heartening conditions. It urges Congress and
the Department to take immediate steps to
insure that Foreign Relations will be in the
future, as it has been in the past, a publi-
cation which does credit to the nation and
provides enlightenment for all its citizens.
Respectfully submitted.
William. W. Bishop, Jr., University of
Michigan Robert H. Ferrell, Indiana
University 1; Philip E. Mosely, Colum-
bia University 1; Robert E. Osgood,
the Johns Hopkins University': Rob-
ert B. Stewart, Tufts University 2; Rob..
ert R. Wilson, Duke University ,; Rich-
ard Leopold, chairman, Northwest-
niversity.,
. AN ENGLISH VIEW
IL Mr. President, all the
evidence which comes from the Afro-
Asian world bears one lesson for us: that
the white Western powers must learn to
play a new, nonmilitary role in that area.
This advice applies to the European
countries, as well as to the United States.
In an article which was published in
the highly respected English newspaper,
The Guardian, Patrick Keatley reported
that Western military intervention in
that area only serves to benefit the cause
of the Communist Chinese. In his
article, Mr. Keatley summarized the
Afro-Asian viewpoint as follows:
The era, for a Western military presence is
past, though there are _still Afro-Asian lead-
ers who have not absorbed the lesson. Now
is an era, not.for TanUnies, but for teachers
and technicians; not for bombs and bases,
but for b041aS and b14841.easmen-
Mr. Keatley concluded:
In the Afro-Asia of 1965, the wisest rule for
those heading east of Suez bearing burdens
is that they should not be in 'uniform and
not carrying guns. It is a lesson that
Andrei Gromyko and Charles de Gaulle have
both quite eVidently learned.
I ask unanimous consent that this
article be printed at this point in the
FtECORD.
"Representing the American Historical
Association.
'Representing the American Political Sci-
ence Association.
Representing the American Society of In-
ternational LaW.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
KIPLING% COUNSEL
(By Patrick Keatley)
"Pan-Africanism has neither army nor
budget."?Sir ROY WELENSKY.
"We must give active support to the na-
tional independence movements in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America; to the righteous
struggle in all countries throughout the
world."?MAo TSE-TUNG.
There is a world of wisdom to be gained
from the verbal confrontation above. The
pathetic thing is that Rhodesia's fallen leader
made his cynical assertion as recently as
December 1962, during a congratulatory ban-
quet in Johannesburg; whereas Chairman
Mao had already spoken his prophetic warn-
ing in Peiping 6 years earlier.
And the single, stunning political fact of
the world of Afro-Asia today is that national-
ism. no longer lacks for budget nor battalions.
This is the thing that strikes the Western
visitor now who journeys east or south of
Suez. Indeed, Sir Roy Welensky was already
out of data (not for the first time) when he
made that remark 2 years ago, though the
process of boosting Afro-Asian firepower with
Moscow muscle and Peiping potency has ac-
celerated since then.
This is not to rejoice at his discomfiture,
for I do not. Nor am I one of those who
applaud with silent satisfaction at each new
diplomatic success in Afro-Asia by China or
the Soviet Union. It is just that as ah ob-
server, traveling in those lands today, I am
bound?in spite of a private faith in liberal
capitalism?to recognize and report blunt
facts. And the basic fact is that the white
man has, today, largely lost the diplomatic
initiative.
This applies to the Russians almost as
much as ourselves and, if Peiping overplays
its hand, it will apply to the Han dynasts
too. There is a world of feeling in the
sharp comment of President Ben Bella when
he said recently that he will not tolerate that
"at any price Algeria should become the
pawn in a dispute which seems to us, at the
very least, infuriating."
That observation came not long after Mr.
Chou En-lai had wound up a Pan-African
tour with the remark that "Africa today is
ripe for revolution." So there is a certain
caution in the " back of the mind of any
African leader when he negotiates with Mr.
Ho Ying in Dar, Mr. Wang Yu Tien in
Nairobi, or any of the other able ambassa-
dors that People's China has assigned in the
past 5 years to the 16 new diphinaatic mis-
sions she has opened on that continent.
(Six more will be operating before the Sec-
ond Afro-Asian Conference opens on June 29
in Algiers.)
But the thing that drives the Afro-Asian
nationalist straight into the able, avuncular
arms of Mr. Ho and Mr. Wang is when we in
the West give way to an atavistic reflex that
dates from Bismarck and Canning and the
Congress of Vienna. Instinctively, like
aging circus horses going into a familiar
rountine, we have one instant reaction when
we hear the thump of the Afro-Asian na-
tionalist drum; alert aircraft/send soldiers/
build bases. The harvest of headlines?as I
saw them recently in the press of India and
Pakistan?makes curious, outdated reading
east of Suez: Airlift from Lynehatn, RAP
Rakes Harib, Greenjackets Go In,
HEADY W12,TE .
.These headlines may come as heady wine
to some diehards at Westminster but there
is only one other place where they can con-
ceivably be received with satisfaction. That
is in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
Peiping where Mr. Wang?now in Nairobi?
was until recenity director of the West Asia
and African pepartment,
The thing was put most vividly to me by
the Indonesian Foreign Minister, Dr. Suban-
drio, when we met by chance in the plane
from Lahore to Karachi just over a fortnight
ago. We were introduced by Pakistan's For-
eign Minister, Mr. Zulfikar Bhutto, his host
for the political mission then in progress.
(This has since been followed by a trade
mission and a handsome loan, at low interest,
to help Indonesia buy nonmilitary goods
in Pakistan) . Mr. Bhutto, having made it
clear that his country values its .Common-
wealth links with Britain and with Malaysia,
then prompted his guest to speak.
What Dr. Subandrio had to say took some
time, but in sum it came to the simple point
that "We don't want British bases in Asia and
we don't want white men in uniform on
Asian soil." I started to argue the Malaysian
case, pointing out that Tunku Abdul Rah-
man had negotiated the Singapore bases
and the Anglo-Australian-New Zealand troop
commitments as prime minister of a state
that had?at the time of the 1963 London
conference?been sovereign for 6 years.
But Dr. Subandrio'S basic point was sim-
ple and he came back to it with Asian ob-
duracy: whatever the reasons, these are sim-
ply the soldiers of a European colonial power
on Asian soil; and the concept is politically
out of date and emotionally unacceptable in
the Asia of 1965. He did not want in stress
the racial element, which was for him clearly
a distasteful argument to employ. But it
came through just the same, and when Mr.
Bhutto joined in the conversation at the
end (having carefully remained out of it so
that I should hear the undiluted Indonesian
case) the Afro-Asian view was summed up
for me by the two Foreign Ministers this
way:
"The era for a Western military presence
is past, though there are still Afro-Asian
leaders who have not absorbed the lesson.
Now is an era, not for Tommies but for
teachers and technicians; not for bombs
and bases but for books and businessmen."
The same thought has been expressed in
the past few days by the Vice President of
Kenya, Mr. Oginga Odinga, who can hardly
be described as a friend of the West and has
spent many weeks in Peiping in the course
of half a dozen visits since 1960. On a per-
sonal plane, he and I clash ideologically each
time we meet. Yet I readily concede that he
is a master politician, for he has an uncanny
"nous" for sensing the pulse of the new
Afro-Asia.
This week the news came out that Britain's
new foreign secretary, Mr. Michael Stewart,
had submitted to his fellow ministers at the
Western European Union meeting In Rome
a confidential analysis of Communist diplo-
matic penetration in Africa. Twenty-four
hours later tilts produced from Nairobi this
reaction from Mr. Odinga:
"During colonial days imperialist powers
enjoyed the right to defend their ideological
interests on Africa's soil. They still appear
to retain that colonial mentality and con-
tinue to assume their activities cannot be
checked."
One thing is certain to me: regardless of
any private reservations President Kenkatta
may feel about Mr. Odinga, when it comes to
this sort of hot gospel of the new Afro-
Asianism he certainly may not be checked.
VIGOROUS POLICY
But let me bring forward two authentically
conservative voices to buttress my case. Mr.
Bhutto is foreign minister of a regime which
follows a vigorous economic policy favoring
private enterprise as against the state. Yet
on Afro-Asia he sounds like all the rest:
"The desire for solidarity is rooted in our
general experience of colonialism and im-
perialism, with all the resultant indignities
and exploitation. When nations emerging
from foreign domination get together to pro-
Mote the liberation of countries still sub-
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8498 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
jest to external control, It should net be re-
garded as merely negative unity but as a
positive, moral force for human dignity and
freedom."
My Second authority is that other Asian
conservative, Rudyard Kipling:
"Take up the White Man's burden,
and reap his old reward:
The blame of those ye better,
The hate of those ye guard."
In the Afro-Asia of 1965, the wisest rule
for those heading east of Suez bearing bur-
dens is that they should not be in uniform
and not carrying guns. It is a lesson that
Andrei Gromyko and Charles de Gaulle have
both quite evidently learned.
COLD WAR GI BILL ESSENTIAL FOR
BETTER EDUCATED AMERICA
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
the 88th Congress has been referred to
as "education Congress," and the 89th
Congress has earned itself credit for
passing the Elementary and Secondard
Education Act, this year.
However, before we can be assured of
a better educated America, it is essential
that we do not neglect any group of citi-
zens who require an education in order
to advance themselves in our society.
Recently, I received from Private John
F. Maxwell a letter in which he states
that most servicemen planning to reenter
civilian life require further education
If they are to compete in our society.
To illustrate the need for assistance
through the cold war GI bill, to these
cold war veterans, I ask unanimous con-
sent that Private Maxwell's letter be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FXBRUARY 26, 1965.
Senator RALPH YARBOROUGH,
V.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
IDEAS _Stiescort Yaasonerrcra: I have been
reading about the GI bill you have intro-
duced into the Senate. I think that such a
bill would be an asset to the strength and
freedom af our country.
As a soldier myself, I know some of the
feelings of anxiety and worry of the return to
civilian life. Upon reentering civilianhood,
aiol,ig with thousands of others, face the
problems of finishing an education.
I believe that if this bill is passed, it will
encourage many people to finish their edu-
cations. Most soldiers planning on regaining
their civilian status understand and
acknoWledge the need of a good education to
be better able to cope with the competition
that exists in our society of free enterprise.
A program of this nature would more than
,repay its expenses, not only financially, but,
also, in ways not measurable in money.
This bill would lead to a greater, better-
ethiCated America. An America that will not
be pushed not atvayed in this unpredictable
age in which we live.
I want to congratulate you on an excellent
job and to encourage you to keep up the
good work.
Sincerely,
Vc. JOHN F. MAXWELL.
GARDNER JACKSON
Mr. GRUENING. TVIr. President a
little over a Week ago there died in Wash-
ington a man the like of whom America
needs more?Gardner Jackson.
"Pat,"as he was known affectiOnate-
ly by a wide circle of friends, was a
crusader for fairness to the underdog,
a vigilant sentry for often forlorn causes,
a kindly, generous human being who
spent his life in helping those of his fel-
low men who lacked the conventional
supports which in America can often,
but not always, be mobilized in behalf
of the disadvantaged.
"Pat's" range of interest was wide. It
included the diversity of race, creed,
color, national origins, of political, social
and economic discrimination. He was a
liberal in the generally accepted use of
that label, which perhaps always needs
definition. And so, while mobilizing, as
a young newspaper reporter in Boston, a
campaign for a fair trial for Sacco and
Vanzetti, whose electrocution for a crime
which it is now generally recognized they
never committed?as the late Justice
Frankfurter also stoutly maintained?
Gardner Jackson fought the attempted
Communist penetration of the ranks of
organized labor and suffered lifelong
physical disabilities in consequence.
Using much of his material inheritance
in behalf of the victims of misfortune
whom he sought to aid, he leaves to his
family a priceless legacy of conspicuous
courage, hopeful faith in his fellow men
and of undeviating purpose to try to
correct injustice.
Gardner Jackson falls into the pre-
cious category of occasiOnal "movers and
shakers" who, from the early days of our
Republic, have risked contumely and ob-
loquy to carry out the promptings of their
conscience and to seek to bring American
life closer to its professions and ideals.
"Pat" took the inevitable obstacles that
his activities aroused in his stride, good
humoredly, unpretentiously and without
animus. His was a great soul.
An excellent tribute to Gardner Jack-
son by historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.
appears in the current?May 1?issue of
the New Republic. I ask unanimous
consent that it, an editorial from the
Washington Post, and his obituary
from the same paper be printed at the
conclusion of my remarks.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
1From the New Republic magazine,
May 1, 1965]
GARDNER JACKSON, 1897-1965
One of the notable figures of our times died
in Washington on April 17. Gardner Jackson
came from a wealthy railroad family in Colo-
rado; but he spent his life, and most of his
fortune, in helping the submerged people of
his day, the subsistence farmers, the share-
croppers, the migrant laborers, the unskilled
workers, the braceros, the American Indians.
He began as a student by defending President
Alexander Meiklejohn against conservative
attacks at Amherst. As a reporter on the
Boston Globe, he organized the defense com-
mittee for Sacco and Vanzetti. In New Deal
Washington, he constituted a one-man farm-
er-labor party and reform movement,
whether he happened to base himself at the
Department of Agriculture or the Senate Civil
Liberties Committee, the CIO, or the Farmers
Union. If he could get no one to work with
him in combating the indignities of the
world, he would cheerfully set out to do it
by himself.
April 28, 1965
Because he cared so deeply about people
and injustice, he forgot things other people
cared about, like power, success, prestige,
money. They used to say sometimes that the
underdog had "Pat" Jackson on a leash; but
his caring was not soft or undiscriminating.
Nearly a quarter of a century ago, when I
came to Washington in the first years of the
war, "Pat" Jackson invited me to join a group
of anti-Communist liberals in Government
agencies who met regularly for dinner and
discussion. His courage as labor reporter for
PM in exposing communism in the unions
at the height of the wartime alliance with
Soviet Russia led a band of National Mari-
time Union thugs to set on him late one
night in 1944, beating him unmercifully and
blinding him in one eye. No doubt historians
will be hard put to credit Gardner Jackson
with specific achievements?though people in
Washington, as they read about Secretary
Wirtz' bracero campaign today, will remem-
ber that they first heard about Mexican mi-
grant labor from "Pat" Jackson 30 years ago;
and this is true about many other things
His was a humane and spontaneous faith,
generous, and disorderly, and he quickened
the lives of all who knew him. He seemed to
know everybody in the America of his time?
from Meiklejohn, Robert Frost, and Stark
Young in his undergraduate days through
Felix Frankfurter, Reed Powell, and my
father in Cambridge, John Dos Paso s and
Edmund Wilson on Cape Cod, and Franklin
and Eleanor Roosevelt, Henry Wallace,
Francis Biddle, John L. Lewis, and James G.
Patton, down to John F. Kennedy, for whom
he worked in the Massachusetts senatorial
campaign of 1952.
With some of these people he came to a
parting of the ways. But he valued and pre-
served the bonds of human affection. Not
being devoid of human frailties, he always
distinguished between the sinner and the sin.
Those whose lives he enriched never forgot
him. I remember that in the White House
President Kennedy used to ask me from time
to time what "Pat" Jackson was up to. Next
to Pat's irrepressible humanism, the cheer-
less bureaucratized liberalism of later years,
drilled in movements and tyrannized by slo-
gans, seemed a sad and dreary thing. Gard-
ner Jackson's everlasting strength was his
perception that people mattered more than
dogma, sympathy more than righteousness--
this and a rare humor and modesty about
himself.
ARTHITR SCHLESINGER, Jr..
[Prom the Washington (D.C.) Post, Apr.
22, 196.5]
GARDNER JACKSON
Gardner Jackson?he was Pat Jackson to
everyone who knew him?represented an es-
sentially romantic and crusading tradition in
journalism and in politics. The role of de-
tached observer was not for him. He was
a part of all that he experienced, a pro-
foundly involved mover and participant.
Thus, as a young newspaperman in Boston
during the 1920s, he became involved in the
Sacco-Vanzetti case and took a leading role
in that bitter controversy. As a reporter in
Washington during the earliest days of tht
New Deal, he soon found himself caught
up in the excitement of its reform's and di-
rectly engaged in its internal struggles
The same course characterized his relations
with the turmoil in the labor movement of
the 1940s.
To every cause with which he was con -?
nected, Pat Jackson gave himself unstint-
ingly. He brought to all that he did an ex -
traordinary exuberance and commitment, a
sense of ardor and of passionate conviction.
His death at 68 takes from the Washington
scene a most colorful and attractive figure.
If he belonged somewhat more to an exciting
past than to the present, he belongs none the
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tSSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE 8W1
In 1960 Dr, Schnittker served as a con-
sultant to ?the Joint Economic Commit-
tee of 'Congress in, a study of American
farm policy. In that report issued late
In 1960, Dr. Schnittker worked closely
with Dr. Walter Wilcox, the respected
agricultural specialist of the Library of
Congress, and with Dr. George Brandow,
now the staff director of the National
Commission on Food Marketing. This
report again reaffirmed the importance
of sound and responsible Government
programs both to American farmers and
to the national economy.
In 1960 Dr. Schnittker also published
through the Kansas Agricultural Experi-
ment Station an important report on
Wheat programs, in which he examined
the basic alternatives open to farmers
and to the Congress for changes in the
wheat program in the 1960's.
In October of 1960 Senator John F.
Kennedy asked Dr. Schnittker to serve
as chairman of a task force to examine
the wheat situation and to Make recom-
mendations to him after the election.
This report was made to President Ken-
nedy after his inauguration.
In May of 1961, Dr. Schnittker joined
the Department of Agriculture as staff
economist and worked closely with the
Secretary and his staff in the develop-
ment of improved programs for the major
commodities particularly feed grains and
wheat.
He has appeared many times before
the Senate Committee on Agriculture and
Forestry and other coipmittees of the
Congress and has always been most help-
ful to Members of Congress.
Over the last 2 years, Dr. Schnittker
has also represented the Department of
Agriculture and the U.S. Government in
Connection with grain negotiations asso-
ciated with the Kennedy round of trade
negotiations now underway in Geneva.
Early this year, he spoke at the annual
convention of the National Association of
Wheat Growers in Portland, Oreg., on
the critical importance of both continua-
tion of the wheat programs in this coun-
try and developments of export markets
abroad. This was an excellent statement
Of the crucial relationship between do-
mestic programs and trade relation-
ships.
As a Senator from a wheat and feed
grain producing State, I welcome Dr.
Schnittker's elavation, for he is a scholar,
a realist, and a dedicated friend of
farmers.
EDWARD R. MORROW
Mr. KENNEDY of New York. Mr.
President, the passing, yesterday, of Ed-
ward R. Murrow was a tragic loss for his
family, and was an overwhelming loss
- for all the people of the United States.
None of us will ever forget his broadcasts
from England during the war. Millions
of us sat by our radios regularly, waiting
to hear his familiar voice saying, "This
is London."
Of course, I knew him by reputation
from that time; and I came to know him
personally while we served together in
Ckovernment, Everything I had heard
Was true; his integrity and his judgment
earned him the highest respect of all who
knew him. President Kennedy relied im-
plicitly on him. He made a major dif-
ference, not only in the USIA, but also
In everything else he turned his hand to
within the Government. His recommen-
dations and thoughts changed the course
of American foreign policy more than
once. He spoke very seldom, but when
he did?in Cabinet meetings, in the Na-
tional Security Council, and in many of
the committees of Government?he in-
evitably made sense, and was listened to
by everyone. All of us who served with
him had the greatest affection for him.
For President Kennedy, he was, in a
word, indispensable.
I can think of nothing more appropri-
ate to describe Ed Murrow than the fol-
lowing excerpt from Shakespeare's
"Julius Caesar":
His life was gentle, and the elements
So inird in him that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world, "This was a man I"
Mr. President, the tribute to Ed Mur-
row, written by James Reston, and pub-
lished today in the New York Times, is
deeply moving and very appropriate. I
ask unanimous consent that it be printed
in the RECORD at the close of my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New York Times, Apr. 28, 19651
WASHINGTON: FAREWELL TO BROTHER En
(By James Reston)
WASHINGTON, April 27.?Edward R. Murrow
lived long enough before he died this week
to achieve the two great objectives of a re-
porter: He endured, survived, and reported
the great story of his generation, and in the
process he won the respect, admiration, and
affection of his profession.
The Second World War produced a great
cast of characters, most of whom have been
properly celebrated. Roosevelt, Churchill,
and Stalin are gone. Chiang Kai-shek is now
living in the shadow of continental China,
which he once commanded, and only , De
Gaulle of France retains power among that
remarkable generation of political leaders
formed in the struggle of the two World
Wars.
The great generals of that time too, like
MacArthur and Rommel, have died or, like
Eisenhower and Montgomery, have retired;
but in addition to these there was in that
war a vast company of important but minor
characters who played critical roles.
THE IRONY OP HISTORY
History would not have been the same
without them. They were the unknown
scientists, like Merle Tuve, who invented
the proximity fuse and helped win the air
war, and chiefs of stag like Bedell Smith,
and the Foreign Service officers like Chip
Bohlen and Peter Loxley of Britain, and on
the side, the Boswells of the story, like Ed
Murrow of the Columbia Broadcasting Sys-
tem.
It was odd of Ed to die this week at 57?
usually his timing was much better. He was
born at the right time in North Carolina?
therefore he was around to understand the
agony of the American South. He went
west to the State of Washington as a stu-
dent and therefore understood the Ameri-
can empire beyond the Rockies; and he came
east and stumbled into radio just at the
moment when it became the most powerful
instrument of communication within and be-
tween the continents.
A REMARKABLE GROUP
He was part of a remarkable company of
reporters from the West; Eric Sevareid, Ed
Morgan, Bill Costello, whom MUTTOW re-
cruited at CBS; Hedley Donovan and Phil
Potter, out of Minnesota; Elmer Davis, Ernie
Pyle, Tom Stokes, Bill Shirer, Raymond Clap-
per, Wallace Carroll, Webb Miller, Quentin
Reynolds, Wally Deuel, the Mowrers, and
many others, including his dearest friend,
Raymond Gram Swing, who played such an
important part in telling the story of the
Old World's agony to America.
"THIS IS LONDON"
But Murrow was the one who was in Lon-
don at that remarkable period of the battle
of Britain, when all the violence and sensi-
tivities of human life converged, and being
sensitive and courageous himself, he gave the
facts and conveyed the feeling and spirit of
that time like nobody else.
It is really surprising that he lived to be
57. He was on the rooftops during the bomb-
ings of London, and in the bombers over the
Ruhr, and on the convoys across the Atlantic
from the beginning to the end of the battle.
Janet Murrow, his lovely and faithful wife,
and Casey, his son, never really knew where
he was most of the time but somehow he
survived.
In the process, he became a symbol to his
colleagues and a prominent public figure in
his country, and there was something else
about him that increased his influence. He
had style. He was handsome. He dressed
with that calculated conservative casualness
that marked John Kennedy. He was not a
good writer, but he talked in symbols and he
did so with a voice of doom.
It is no wonder that the British, who know
something about the glory and tragedy of
life, knighted him when they knew he was
dying of cancer at the end. Their main hope
in the darkest days of the German bombard-
ment of London was that the New World
would somehow understand and come to the
rescue of the Old, and if anybody made the
New World understand, it was Murrow.
THE RAT RACE
He hated the commercial rat race of the
television networks, and fought their em-
phasis on what he regarded as the frivolities
rather than the great issues of life, and talked
constantly of escaping back into the small
college atmosphere from which he came. He
never made it, and probably wouldn't have
liked it if he had.
Those who knew him best admired him
most. He was a reporter of the old school
and a performer of the new. In radio and
television, only the memory of other people
remains, and the memory of Ed Murrow will
remain for a long time among people who re-
member the terrible and wonderful days of
the Battle of Britain.
SUCCESSFUL RAIL COMMUTER
SERVICE
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, dur-
ing recent years it has been the fashion
of many railroads to bemoan their obli-
gations to continue passenger service,
when they would rather devote their in-
vestments to the more lucrative pastime
of hauling freight. Passengers, it has
been repeated time and time again, can-
not be transported by rail at a profit. I
always believed this premise was false;
and now I am glad to report that it has
been proven false. Airplanes have car-
ried passengers at a profit, and busses
have carried passengers at a profit; and
I believed that sincere management
would enable railroads to carry pas-
sengers at a profit:
The commuter problems in Chicago
and Cook County are as severe as any
that will be found in the world. While
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851i2 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- SENATE April 28, 1965
bringing passengers to and from work in
the metropolitan area, the railroads com-
plained of revenue and operating losses
Year after year. New expressways were
constructed to meet the public demand
for effective transportation facilities.
Soon, these highways were enabling
hundreds of thousands of commuters to
drive into Chicago every day. But this
resulted in the strangulation of the city's
streets and parking lots.
Recently, the Chicago and North West-
ern Railroad began a program of attack-
ing the railroad-commuter problem at
its source; the railroad management. It
brought in Ben W. Heineman as chair-
man, and Clyde J. Fitzpatrick as presi-
dent; and these two twisted the com-
pany's thinking around to where the
considerations of the commuting public
becanie paramount, rather than con-
tinuing under the old approach of giving
the public what management thought
the company could afford to give.
The entire attitude of the company
changed from commuter tolerance to
commuter enthusiasm. The C. & N.W.
proceeded to Put $50 million into new
equipment designed specifically for com-
muter service. The bold gamble began
to pay off; and in 1963, and again in 1964,
the C. & N.W. operated its commuter
service, using its new equipment, at a
profit. This demonstrates the ability of
railroads to operate this service at a pro-
fit. The story of the C. & N.W. encour-
ages other railroads to step into this
breach. Profits can be made by operat-
ing rail service for commuters; all it
takes is the proper company attitude.
As Mr. Heineman put it:
You can't have succesSful suburban ser-
vice without support, interest, attention, and
devotion to top management. If top manage-
ment doesn't want it, it's not going to
happen.
In its April 5, 1965, edition, the St.
Louis Post-Dispatch published an edi-
torial on the C. & N.W.'s progress in serv-
ing the commuter; and I ask that the
editorial be printed at this point in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
a" follows:
[From the St. Louis (Mo.) Post-Dispatch,
Apr. 5, 1965]
WHERE THE COMMUTER IS KING: CHICAGO
PRODUCES SUCCESSFUL RAPID TRANSIT WITH
GOOD MANAGEMENT, THOUGH PROBLEMS
Loom
Roaring toward Chicago at high speeds
from six different directions every workday
morning are strings of double deck com-
muter cars bearing the emblems of four
different railroads. They are clean, well
lighted, warm in Winter, cool in summer, and
almost always on time. In their seats are
perhaps the country's most contented rail-
road commuters.
There are two basic reasons why railroad
commuter service is so much better in sub-
urban Chicago. One is that most of the rail-
road Managements there desired to make it
so, and had the money or Credit to imple-
ment their desires. 'The second is an en-
lightened public commission.
To four of Chicago's six major commuter
railroads, the conimuter is king. Together,
the four have spent an aggregate 8100 mil-
lion in the past 10 years for modernization
of suburban service. As a consequence they
have held far more riders than the New
York commuter lines. They have also cut
or erased huge deficits, since newer equip-
ment reduces their costs.
Most of these Chicago lines deal with a
single State regulatory body, the Illinois
Commerce Commission, which has re-
peatedly accepted railroad contentions that
they deserve fare increases if they operate
modern equipment.
Until recently Chicago has had nothing
like New York's celebrated parkway system,
which dates back to the 1930's, and this, too,
has helped.
Now that expressway building in and
around Chicago is in high gear, however,
railroads are running into experiences simi-
lar to those that hit New York years ago.
The Illinois Central's daily passenger total,
for example, has plummeted from 67,000 in
1957 to 46,000 today, with nearly half the
decrease coming after the opening of a new
expressway. For the same reason, the Chi-
cago, Rock Island & Pacific lost 10 percent of
its passengers in 1963. When the Kennedy
Expressway opened several years ago, the
Chicago & North Western, perhaps the classic
case of a successful suburban operation, lost
7.3 percent of its passengers.
At the time, the North Western had actu-
ally been making a slim profit from its com-
muter service. But after the expressway
opened, it lost a combined $4 million in 1961
and 1962 when passengers deserted the rail-
road for concrete. Operations were back in
the black in 1963, though, to a tune of 8706,-
000?for a significant reason.
Extensive highway building north of Chi-
cago had helped bring the demise of an elec-
tric interurban railway, the Chicago North
Shore & Milwaukee. But when all the former
North Shore passengers were turned loose,
the highways became so jammed that the
North Western added Customers. It now car-
ries 72,000, up from 62,000 a decade ago.
Many in Chicago fear that as such changes
occur a lack of foresight and overall plan-
ning may someday create the same problems
for Chicago the New York lines now suffer
from.
Even with the relative success of the Chi-
cago railroads, there are problems that could
halt the system in the future, says one top
official. "Public bodies react only to crisis,"
he points out. "Thus," he says, "there has
been no comprehensive transportation plan
completed to produce an integrated system
of expressways, rapid transit, and commuter
lines. Unless there is this plan, in 10 or 15
years we will find Chicago's favorable trans-
portation situation changing to unfavor-
able."
For the time being, however, conditions are
comparatively favorable. Take the case of
the North Western. It was saddled with a
$2,100,000 suburban deficit in 1957, when
Chairman Ben W. Heineman and President
Clyde J. Fitzpatrick spent their first year
in control of the railroad. They concluded
that the route to improvement lay in offering
a first-class product. They first won the
right to close 22 of 88 commuter stations;
these were the stations closest to the city
that were also being served by rapid transit
lines. More importantly, they obtained a 24-
percent increase in fares, Heineman then
persuaded the Metropolitan Life Insurance
Co. to lend the road what finally amounted
to $50 million to purchase new equipment.
With the new equipment came two edicts:
Trains would be run on time; commuters
would be pampered.
This gives another insight into the success
of the C. & N.W.'s commuter service. "You
can't have successful suburban service with-
out support, interest, attention, and devotion
of top management," Heineman declares. "If
top management doesn't want it, it's not
going to happen,"
Two other moves, unusual for cominuter
railroads, that Heineman instituted were a:n
advertising campaign and special classes to
teach conductors how to be polite.
Since 1959, the North Western has spon-
sored radio helicopter traffic report programs,
seeking out the_people it considers its prime
potential c mers----motorists stalled in
traffic.
WAR IN SOUTHEAST ASIA?STATE-
MENTS BY SENATOR MANSFIELD
AND SENATOR AIKEN
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, on April
21, both the distinguished majority lead-
er, Senator MANSFIELD, and the respected
dean of Senate Republicans, Senator
AIKEN, made eloquent statements about
the danger of an escalating war in
southeast Asia. The applause from the
galleries which greeted Senator AIKEN'S
remarks represented a spontaneous dem-
onstration of the commonsense feeling
of most Americans that the United
States should not become involved in
a major war on the Asian continent. In
the April 22 issue of the New York Times,
Arthur Krock had a fine article in
which he praised Senators MANSFIELD,
AIKEN, and FIMBRIGHT for the responsi-
ble manner in which they have fulfilled
their constitutional duty respecting for-
eign affairs.
The New York Times published a fine
editorial on the same day. In its lead
editorial, entitled " 'Descalation' Need-
ed," the Times commented:
Bitterness and emotionalism are increas-
ingly entering the discussions on Vietnam in
the United States. This is a deplorable de-
velopment, and so is the polarization of
opinion in every country and between blocs
of countries. It is as if the battle lines were
being drawn all over the world?but for
major war that need not and must not take
place.
President Johnson launched a very tenta-
tive but real peace offensive at Johns Hop-
kins. He has not yet given this policy
enough time but the continued bombing;
has tended to cast some doubt on the sin.
cerity of the U.S. desire for negotiations.
This is clearly a moment of crisis--for
Vietnam, for the United States and for the
world. Less bombing, not more, offers some
hope of peace?without weakness of Amer -
lean resolution. By taking such an attitude
the United States would show strength as
well as wisdom.
I ask unanimous consent to have th3
editorial and the article?both excel -
lent?from the April 22 issue of the New
York Times, printed at this point in th3
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
and the article were ordered to be
printed in the RECORD, as follows:
[From the New York Times, Apr. 22, 1965]
"DESCALATION" NEEDED
The war in Vietnam is to be "stepped up"
Washington now says. In other words, the
U.S. Government is going to continue to
bomb, send in more Americans, spend more
and commit more lives, money, destructive-
ness and power?and take more risk. In re-
turn, the hope is that Hanoi will act to
curb the Vietcong guerrillas in South Vies-
nam, if it can, and will refrain from sendir.g
in more men and arms and orders to the
south. The hope also is that Peiping ar d
Moscow will hold off from their own particu-
lar methods of escalation.
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5
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 8503
April. 28, 196
Those who have all along feared that the
course the war has been taking since early_
February would force the United States into
an ever greater commitment, leading to ever
greater danger to Asia and to the world, are
unhappily being proved true prophets.
Once a war begins, forces take over which
seem beyond control. In Vietnam, on both
sides, one step is leading?as if inexorably?
to another and then another. Continuance
of the present process by the opposing forces
could lead to catastrophe.
Nothing is more important for Americans
today than to face these hard truths before
It is too late. And it is vital that the chan-
nels of communication, of opinion and of
dissent be kept open?on the floor of Con-
gress, in the press, in the Country at large--
in the face of a growing tendency to ridicule
or to denounce the opposition and to de-
mand unswerving support of further escala-
tion in the name of patriotism.
Bitterness and emotionalism are increas-
ingly entering the discussions on Vietnam in
the United gtaes. This is a deplorable de-
velopment, and so is the polarization of opin-
ion in every country and between blocs of
countries. It is as if the battlelines were
being drawn all over the world?but for a
major war that need not and must not take
place.
President Johnson's offer of 'runconditional
discussions" was a splendid move on the
diplomatic/political front, in the effort to ,
achieve a peaceful solution of the quarrel.
While it deserved a far better response from
the other side than it has yet received, it
did mark, as we have previously noted, a be-
ginning to an interchange among the com-
batants?subtle and indirect, but neverthe-
less a beginning.
But the continued bombing of North Viet-
nam makes progress toward a peaceful settle-
ment?however far off it must necessarily
be?more difficult rather than less, harder
rather than easier. We think that as a fol-
lowup to the President's fine declaration in
Baltimore, a descalation of the war is needed,
rather than the escalation that we now see
imminent.
/t is p.t least worth the effort to see whether
a scaling-down of the bombing might not
evoke a corresponding scaling-down of North
Vietnamese aggression in South Vietnam.
The North Vietnames6 incidents in the South
are easily measurable; if a diminution of
American bombing of the North should lead
to a miminution in the rate of incidents in
the South, a major step would thereby be
signaled toward the "unconditional discus-
sions" offered by the President.
Of course there might be no such response
at all; and if there were not, the bombing
would be resumed. But at least a descalation
such as we suggest would afford the oppor-
tunity to the other side of making a gesture
toward peace without losing face. It might
lead, ultimately, to a cease-fire and a truce.
President Johnson launched a very tenta-
tive but real peace offensive at Johns Hopkins,
He has not yet given this policy enough time
but the continued bombing has tended to
cast some doubt on the sincerity of the U.S.
desire for negotiations.
This is clearly a moment of crisis?for Viet-
nam, for the United States and for the world.
Less bombing, not more, offers some hope for
peace?without any weakness of American
resolution. By taking such an attitude the
United States would show strength as well as
wisdom.
[From the New York Times, Apr. 22, 19651
IN THE NATION: THF SENATE CN VIETNAAI
(By Arthur Krock)
WAam.NceroN, April 21.?On the initiative
of its majority leader, MIELE MANSFIELD, the
Senate today responsibly fulfilled the role
assigned to it by the Constitution to advise
the President on foreign affairs.
Senator FULBRIGHT who, in his official ca-
pacity as chairman of the committee on
which the Senate relies for guidance on these
questions, has been subjected to unwar-
ranted abuse for stating as a mere hypothesis
that "the prospects for discussions" looking
to peace in southeast Asia "might be en-
hanced by a temporary cessation" by the
United States of the military actions it is
steadily escalating in the Vietnams. But,
except for specific endorsement of what rm.-
BRIGHT plainly identified as only a specula-
tion, all the Senate speeches today were
directed at the same objective, which MANS-
FIELD expressed as follows:
APPLY/NG GENEVA PRINCIPLE
It is of the utmost importance that the
question of how to apply the principle of
the Geneva agreement of 1954 be faced as
soon as possible. * * * The longer this con-
frontation is put off, the more the people of
North and South Vietnam pay for the, delay,
and the more the likelihood that the present
limited conflict will spread into a general war
in Asia.
His reference was to a proposal that the
Geneva Conference be reconvened on the
limited basis of producing an international
guarantee of the neutrality of Vietnam's
neighbor, Cambodia. "The need for a con-
frontation," he said, "on [this] situation in
which none [the United States, Communist
China, and the two Vietnams] is involved so
directly may indeed be a preliminary to a
separate and second confrontation on Viet-
nam in which the involvement of all is di-
rect." And though MANSFIELD extolled the
President as one who has "grasped the prob-
lem fully," citing his call for "unconditional
discussions with the object of restoring a
decent and honorable peace," it was evident
from remarks by Senators who praised MANS-
FIELD'S observations that they detected in
these their own doubts of the wisdom of
escalating U.S. military attacks on North
Vietnam while there is the slightest possi-
bility of progress in the secret negotiations
for reconvening a Geneva Conference on
Cambodia.
"While the talk goes on," said MANSFIELD,
"the bloodshed also goes on. And the bleed-
ing is not being done in the capitals of the
world. It is being done in the ricefields
and the jungles of Vietnam" whose peas-
ants, in all probability, want peace and a
minimum of contact with distant Saigon
and distant Hanoi?not to speak of places of
which they have scarcely heard about?Pei-
ping, Moscow, or Washington. This called
attention to the officially inconvenient fact
that the conflict is in part a civil war.
CONFLICTING VIEWS
Taking this from the inajority leader as his
cue, Senator AIKEN protested that "it is diffi-
cult to see?except as an act of braggadocio?
what U.S. military leaders are trying to ac-
complish when they send 200 planes to de-
stroy one little bridge." But on the same
day that the Senate was voicing its disturb-
ance over the policy of military escalation;
Secretary of Defense McNamara was an-
nouncing its wide expansion, as agreed on
at the Honolulu conference this week. This
cdnflict of attitudes is the inevitable prod-
uct of the involvement into Which the U.S.
Government has drifted in Vietnam.
. . _ .
The Senate today reflected its alarmed con-
viction that the time is everdue for ending
the war in sutiaeast Asia, hopefully through
the back door of guaranteed neutrality of
Cambodia. But it has no magic formula
for reconvening a Geneva Conference, now
that the U.S.S.R. which proposed this has set
preconditions it is aware the United States
cannot possibly accept. And the close Presi-
dential relations of some of the sources of
the hysterical attacks on Senator FULBRIGHT
for speculating that a temporary halt of
U.S. military actions against North Vietnam
"might" be the best way to discover whether
the aggressors are open to a reasonable
and honorable settlement, suggest that this
idea has no future in the administration.
TO RESTORE PEACE
President Johnson has more information
than the Senate can possibly have for the
alarm which MANSFIELD and others expressed
on the floor. But the sole meaning to be
read into Secretory McNamara's announce-
ment on the same day is that continued
escalation of the Vietnam war on a steadily
rising scale is our only policy for the resto-
ration of peace in southeast Asia.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON IS THE BEST
JUDGE OF WHEN STATE VISITS
SHOULD OCCUR
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, our
Government's postponement of the state
visits to this country by the Prime Min-
ister of India and the President of Pak-
istan has been unfairly criticized in this
country and abroad. Frankly, I have
been amazed at the lack of perspective
on the part of those who have insti-
gated this criticism. The President of
the United States has a tremendous bur-
den of responsibilities at all times; and
at this particular time the international
situation has made this burden greater
than any man should have to bear. The
President, moreover, is carrying out
these responsibilities very well, with wis-
dom and courage.
This ridiculous tempest over the ob-
viously necessary postponement of the
state visits during this trying period is
wholly unjustified.
Mr. President, with a personal apology
for its choice of adjectives, I ask unani-
mous consent that there be printed in
the RECORD an editorial from the Wash-
ington Daily News of April 22. I strongly
agree with its wish that our homegrown
and overseas advisers?who do not have
any of the President's burdens?would
give more weight to how he does his job,
and less to relatively minor points of eti-
quette.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Daily News, Apr. 22,
1965]
L.B.J. DOESN'T CLAIM To BE COUTII
Some Nervous Nellie editorial writers and
commentators, who think more of protocol
than substance, are aflutter over President
Johnson's request to the Prime Minister of
India and the President of Pakistan to post-
pone their visits to the United States.
A social?or a state?visit should be ar-
ranged at the convenience of both the guest
and the host.
If a host,. at a given time, has family prob-
lems, naturally he would prefer that a guest
come later when the family crisis has passed,
especially if the guest is someone who has a
penchant for advising the host on how to
handle family problems.
It so happens that our President and our
Congress are in the throes of decisions on
foreign aid, in which India and Pakistan are
involved to the tune of around a billion
dollars. It also happens that we are involved
in unpleasant difficulties in Vietnam, con-
cerning which the Indians and Pakistanis
have differing ideas on how we should meet
our responsibilities. We seem to be getting
advice from lots of folks who do not share our
responsibilities.
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8504 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE A2yril 28,965
It is one thing for them to advise from
their own far-off rostrums, and quite another
for them to come inside our borders to launch
their views. That might really have muddied
congressional waters where foreign aid allot-
ments are supposed to be made on merit
rather than emotional reaction.
We wish some of our homegrown and over-
sea advisers on our President's manners
would give a bit more weight to how he dots
his job, and less to his etiquette.
The gentleman from the Pedernales River
will never balance a teacup on his knee to
their satisfaction?but when not nibbled to
distraction by their mincing criticism, he has
demonstrated he is quite a hand at getting
results.
THE SECURITY TITLE GROUP AND
E. CLAYTON CrENGRAS
Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, Hart-
ford, Conn., has long been known as the
Insurance capital of the Nation. The
insurance industry .has benefited for
years from the great leadership of E.
Clayton Gengras, board chairman of the
Security Insurance Group.
The Security Insurance Group has just
completed its move to Hartford, Conn.
Thus, the Security Group becomes the
26th insurance home office in the Greater
Hartford area, and the 34th in the State
of Connecticut.
The Security Title Group is a con-
solidated group of five property and
casualty companies and one life insur-
ance company: Security Connecticut Life
Insurance Co., Security Insurance Co. of
Hartford, New Amsterdam Casualty Co.,
United States Casualty Co., the Con-
necticut Indemnity Co., and the Fire
and Casualty Insurance Co. of Connect-
icut.
The group has over 1 million policy-
holders, and operates in all 50 States,
with 30 branch offices in principal cities
throughout the country.
The group has 650 employees in its
home office, 1,100 employees in its branch
offices, and 6,000 agents throughout the
country.
The Hartford Times recently pub-
lished an excellent biography of Mr.
Gengras and his dynamic operation. I
ask unanimous consent that the article
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Hartford Times, Apr. 19, 1965]
MOVER AND $HAKER IN INSURANCE?THE
GENGRAS IMPACT
E. Clayton Gengras, noted for his verve
and drive in the business world, not only
plays out this role, he also looks the part.
This brown-eyed 56-year-old West Hart-
ford native is trim and agile and is well-
known among colleagues and executives as
a man who uses little waste motion?he
moves quickly, doesn't like long conferences,
makes fast, on-the-spot decisions, hates
organizational "deadwood."
These qualities have put him to good
stead in many business ventures, and his
movement into the insurance industry is no
exception. The Gengras "touch" has marked
him as one of the few men who has ven-
tured to demonstrate that the same prin-
ciples can be applied to an intangible prod-
uct?insurance?as to a tangible one.
SALES ORIENTED
Mr. Gengras and the executives around
him are sales-oriented since this son of a
West Hartford dentist, starting on the
ground floor in the automobile business with
a job in a garage in the midtwenties, early
gained success as a salesman, first of the
celebrated Stutz, and then, in 1931, of Fords.
In 1937, he opened a Ford agency in West
Hartford, and married Elizabeth Hutchins.
His business grew almost as quickly as did
his family, eventually adding Ford dealer-
ships in Hartford, Providence, R.I., and
Queens, and the Lincoln distributorship for
all of Connecticut except Fairfield County.
During _World War II, he held his business
together in large part by selling to priority-
rated customers cars from the large inven-
tory he had when civilian production ended.
WAR YEARS
In 1942, Mr. Gengras bought the Dauntless
Shipyard in Essex. Conn., where 350 Coast
Guard training ships were built. He then
founded the Clayton Manufacturing Co.,
which, under Government contract, did over-
sea crating and packing and built gliders.
In 1945, he sold the shipyard, disolved Clay-
ton Manufacturing and went back to auto-
mobiles.
It was not until 1950 that he entered the
insurance field. Two years earlier, he had
established Connecticut Acceptance, Inc., an
auto financing company. Wanting to in-
sure his financing deals, too, he bought the
Fire & Casualty Insurance Co., of Connect-
icut.
Mr. Gengras took his second step into the
insurance field in 1953, when a patient of his
father's approached him with an offer of
50,000 shares, at $60 each, of the National
Fire Insurance Co. of Hartford.
NATIONAL
Though he did not buy the offered stock,
Mr. Gengras became a National Fire director
and finance committee member. He later
became a major stockholder. In 1956, the
company was merged with the Continental
Casualty Co. of Chicago.
He bought 35 percent of the Security
Group's stock in 1957. The group was then
made up of the Security Insurance Co. of
New Haven, the Connecticut Indemnity Co.
and the Security-Connecticut Life Insurance
Co.
The next year Security bought Mr. Gen-
gras' Fire & Casualty Co. In 1960, Secu-
rity acquired the Founders Insurance Co.
of Los Angeles in an exchange of stock.
The next year, the New Amsterdam
Casualty Co. of Baltimore and its wholly
owned subsidiary, the United States Casualty
Co. of New York became the sixth and
seventh members, but not without a fight
with a major underwriter, the Home In-
surance Co.
NEW AMSTERDAM
New Amsterdam's staff was reduced from
2,400 to 1,400 employees, and operations were
centralized in the Baltimore office. Its New
York buildings were sold, through their man-
ager, to the Home. Similarly, Mr. Gengras
had reduced by half the Security Group's
New Haven staff of 800.
After several years in New Haven and
Baltimore upgrading and reorganizing opera-
tions came what has been a milestone for
Mr. Gengras, the climactic move to Hart-
ford.
As' he said in an announcement of the
move last May before top business leaders
at the Greater Hartford Chamber of Com-
merce, "It's nice to be back home."
This Hartford area native has overcome
initial scorn by aggressive renovations in the
insurance industry. Among his techniques:
Expansion through acquisition of estab-
lished companies and cost-cutting central-
ization of operations.
Stressing of incentive payments (rather
than high initial commissions) for agents,
resulting in higher sales.
Highly selective risk coverages (for better
underwriting profits), and quick settlement
of claims.
JOSEPH KRAFT ON VIETNAM
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, during
the current Vietnam crisis, the articles
written by Joseph Kraft have been
among the best which have appeared.
His article entitled "General War Held
a Real Threat" was particularly out--
standing. Mr. Kraft maintains that the
time to try to achieve a negotiated set-
tlement in Vietnam is now, before the
major Communist powers are drawn into
Southeast Asia. Mr. Kraft aptly con-
cludes his article in this way:
Once the Chinese enter North Vietnam in
large numbers, the prospects for settlement
go down to zero.
What has happened, in sum, is that the
Russians and Chinese, once holding back,
are now competing to help Hanoi. In these
circumstances, the deeper the Americans
become engaged, the deeper the Russians
and Chinese will become engaged. Instead
of a merely hypothetical possibility, the
spread of the limited conflict in Vietnam
to a more general war has become a real
threat.
I ask unanimous consent that the ar-
ticle, which was published in the April
23 issue of the Washington Evening Star,
be printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REcosn,
as follows:
GENERAL WAR HELD A REAL THREAT
(By Joseph Kraft)
Washington is now approaching a point
of no return in Vietnam. Diverse, though
vague, possibilities for negotiations exist.
But the logic of the war effort?the supposed
military necessity?is pushing this country
toward measures that would certainly com-
promise immediate prospects for settlement,
and possibly plunge the United States into
an endless war on the Asian mainland.
The hopes for settlement arise from two
principal documents?the President's April 7
speech in Baltimore?and the four-point res-
olution of the North Vietnamese Assembly
on April 10. The statements come from the
highest, most responsible authority in each
county. Both were measured and careful In
tone. At least in words, they expressed a
surprising amount of agreement.
Both countries are agreed that there need
be no preconditions before discussion can
get underway. Both call for a return to the
Geneva Treaty of 1954. Both imply free
choice for South Vietnam in picking its own
regime and on the matter of unification with
the north. Both look toward the eventual
withdrawal of American troops.
To be sure, there are two important points
of disagreement. One involves the rebels in
the south, the so-called Vietcong. Washing-
ton has tended to exclude them from any
approach to the conference table; Hanoi in-
sists on their participation.
But that is a juridical issue, open to many
different formulas of compromise, and thus
one that could usefully be discussed. For
that purpose, an immediate occasion is at
hand. It lies in the proposal by Britain and
the Soviet Union, as cochairman of the
Geneva powers, to convoke the signatories
in order to consider a complaint from Cam-
bodia- respecting alleged violations of her
territory. If the soundings now in progress
on such a conference proved satisfactory, it
could begin in a matter of days. Even if
the soundings did not prove out, it would
not be difficult to find other occasions for
talks?either secretly or in public.
The other big sticking point is a cease-fire.
Neither side has yet declared itself officially
on that issue. But once again there are
some opportunities. Vietcong attacks have
fallen in the last few weeks from a high of
35 in the week of March 6 to 13 to a low of
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wiN le
vious condition a servitude. There was
no provision which would touch the right
of Congress to fix qualifications.
This bill is as unconstitutional as it
can be.
Mr, HILL. Mr. President, can the
Senator think of anything that would
be more unconaitutional than this bill?
Mr. ROBERTSON. We might pro-
vide for the iminediate repeal of the 10th
amendment. This bill would practically
do that, ,
Mr. HILL, That amendment ratified,
affirmed, and confirmed the very thing
?the Senator said; namely, that the power
to fix qualifications was to be absolutely
and wholly within the Power and au-
thority of the States.
Mr. ROBERTSON. George Mason,
Patrick Henry, and others claimed that
Congress would eventually override the
States and that the States would lose
their power.
Virginia would not have ratified the
Constitution but for the promise of
George Washington, James Madison,
and the great jurist John Marshall, that
amendments would be offered. They
spelled out 12 of the amendments.
One of the amendments was the 10th
amendment, which provided that all
powers not delegated to the Federal
Government or denied to the States,
would be reserved to the States and the
people.
Virginia was the largest State in area
and population. Virginia was the most
powerful and richest State. When the
State of Virginia entered the Union, it
had more Members in the House than
any other State. The largest city south
of Philadelphia was Williamsburg.
Think of that.
We would not have had any perfect
Union without the 10th amendment.
What kind of Union would we have if
we were to pass this bill and take palt
of the 10th amendment out of the Con-
stitution? That is what it would boil
down to.
Mr. HILL. Mr. President, I congrat-
ulate my distinguished colleague for the
very fine speech he made today.
Mr. ROBERTSON. I thank the Sen-
ator very much.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
IVCREDIBLE VIEWS OF FORMER
SENATOR GOLDWLSTEA ON WAR
WITH CHINA
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. P esident, I was
appalled by the report in today's Wash-
ington Post of statements made by
former Senator Barry Goldwater in
Paris on yesterday. According to the
distinguished Washington Post foreign
correspondent, Waverly Root, Mr. Gold-
water told newsmen at the Anglo-Amer-
ican Press Association luncheon that he
"prays for Red China to provide provo-
catiOnS Which would justify the United
States in attacking her atomic installa-
tions, but he doesn't think she will."
As reported by Mr. Root, "the state-
ate,4t, on, 9,,Aina... Paine in answer to the
1111000A Baia), reporter who asked
whether crioldwater would advocate at-
tacking Chinese military, industrial, or
atomic installation: `Yes, if they give
us provocation,' Goldwater answered.
`No, if they do not give us provocation.
I rather pray that Red China would give
us provocation to attack her military and
atomic installations.'"
Asked what would constitute sufficient
provocation for attacking China, Gold-
water said "If China sends troops into
South Vietnam or materiel in massive
quantities."
In other words, Mr. President, what
Mr. Goldwater is saying is that he hopes
China will send troops into the Viet-
namese conflict so that we will have an
excuse to launch an attack on China.
Mr. President, this is the most incred-
ible statement I have ever attributed to a
prominent national figure. We can only
speculate on the disastrous course our
nation might have followed had Gold-
water been elected to the Presidency last
fall. Consider the impact on the rest
of the world if a leading American figure
openly prayin,g that China will intervene
in the Vietnamese war so that we will
have an excuse to launch world war
III by attacking this largest of all na-
tions on the face of the earth. That
concept is almost beyond comprehen-
sion. It makes one shudder at the mere
expression of the thought, particularly
when it was expressed in a foreign coun-
try at the largest luncheon ever held by
the Anglo-American Press Association.
We can be thankful that the American
people in their wisdom elected to the
Presidency Lyndon Johnson, who has not
only given repeated assurances that he
seeks no wider war in Vietnam, but has
offered to proceed at anytime with un-
conditional negotiations.
I applaud the President's appointment
of the distinguished W. Averell Harriman
to represent us at the proposed confer-
ence on Cambodian neutrality. That
conference, as our majority leader has
repeatedly reminded us, can open the
door to further discussions leading to a
settlement on the Vietnamese war..
. _
As I first indicated on April 1, I trust
that the President will also interrupt the
bombing of North Vietnam long enough
to provide some breathing room for the
regime in Hanoi to consider negotiations,
because, as the Senator from Arkansas
[Mr. FULBRIGHT] has said, it is very diffi-
cult to create a climate favorable to ne-
gotiations so long as attacks continue on
both sides. I would like to believe that
this Nation is big enough and great
enough to break the cycle of blows and
counterblows which is a formula for a
larger and larger war.
I also hope that our great President
would not hesitate to consider some ar-
rangement under which the National
Liberation Front fighting in South Viet-
nam can be represented at negotiating
sessions. After all, the principal antag-
onists in Vietnam are the South Viet-
namese Government in Saigon and the
South Vietnamese Liberation Front,
which speaks for the Vietcong guerrillas.
Unless those two principal antagonists
can work out some kind of a settlement,
it seems to me we miss the main point.
Negotiations must take place so that
these two groups can reach some kind of
a settlement, if the fighting is to cease.
We should not lose sight of the fact that
8529
however much Hanoi and Peiping en-
courage and support the Vietcong guer-
rillas, this has always been fundamen-
tally an internal struggle involving the
Government of South Vietnam on one
hand, and the Vietnamese guerrilla forces
on the other.
I further hope that if negotiations do
go forward, we will consider the creation
of a southeast Asian peacekeeping force
composed primarily of forces supplied
by Burma, Cambodia, Thailand, Laos,
Malaya, and Vietnam, and other nations
In the southeast Asia area. I think it
has been one of the ingredients missing
from the agreement of 1954. We have
had no effective peacekeeping force to
bring into that area under the agree-
ments at Geneva 11 years ago.
Such a regional force affiliated with
the United Nations would be in a much
stronger position to stabilize this area
of conflict and tension than would a uni-
lateral force of Americans operating
8,000 miles away from home in alien ter-
ritory.
Mr. President, one of the tragic as-
pects of this war is the growing terror-
ism on both sides.
I suspect that one of the prices we pay
for an undeclared war is that it stays
outside the scope of the application of
international law that is applied in in-
ternational conflicts.
Americans have certainly felt a grow-
ing sense of uneasiness about the use of
our weapons to burn villages, destroy the
jungle foliage, and wreak havoc on the
Vietnamese countryside. All of this,
however, has been accompanied by
mounting terrorist activity by the Viet-
cong guerrillas.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed at this point in the RECORD a
list of 12 recent acts of terrorism on the
part of the Vietcong guerrillas directed
primarily at U.S. personnel.
I request further that the article by
Waverly Root reporting on Mr. Gold-
water's comments printed in this morn-
ing's Washington Post be inserted at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the list and
news article were ordered to be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
INCIDENTS OF TERRORISM DIRECTED PRIMARILY
AT U.S. PERSONNEL
1. On June 28, 1963, a bicycle bomb ex-
ploded near the wall of the MAAG compound
in Saigon. A second similar incident followed
by 10 minutes. Five U.S. personnel were
injured.
2. On February 9, 1964, following a series of
minor incidents, two bombs exploded under
the bleachers of Pershing Field in Saigon.
There were 2 U.S. personnel killed and 23
were injured.
3. A week later, on February 16, 1964, the
U.S. movie theater in Saigon was attacked.
The theater was heavily damaged. Three
Americans were killed and 35 injured.
4. On August 12, 1964, a plastic bomb ex-
ploded on a bicycle at My Tho. Five Amer-
icans were wounded and three killed.
5. On August 25, 1964, the Caravelle Hotel
in Saigon was bombed. There was extensive
damage to the fifth floor but only one Amer-
ican was wounded.
6. On November 1, 1964, mortar fire de-
livered on the Bien Hoa Airfield killed 4
Americans and injured 72, while destroying
many airplanes.
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8530 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --- SENATE April 28, 1965
7. On Christmas Eve of 1964 the Brink
Hotel in Saigon was bombed, killing 2 Amer-
icans and wounding 64 others. There was
extensive damage and the hotel is now un-
occupied.
8. On January 26, 1965, two time bombs
exploded in MACV's secondary headquarters
in Saigon but injured only one American.
9. On February 7, 1965, the Vietcong at-
tacked the Pleiku compound killing_ 9 Amer-
icans and Wounding 107.
10. On February 10, 1965, the Vietcong at-
tacked the Qui Nhon U.S. enlisted men's
billet. Twenty-three Americans were killed,
21 injured, and 7 Vietnamese were killed.
The 4-story billet was destroyed.
11. On March 30, 1965, the U.S. Embassy in
Saigon was bombed. Two Americans were
killed and 48 wounded. Fourteen Vietnamese
were killed and 106 wounded.
12. The most recent serious incident oc-
curred on April 14, 1965, at Qui Nhon when
an explosion was set off in U.S. ammunition
storage. Thirty-one Americans were wound-
ed in action, 13 of them by small arms fire
which followed the explosion.
[From the Washington Post, Apr. 28, 19651
BARRY SEES PEIPING. FEAR OF ATTACK
(By Waverly Root, Washington Post foreign
service) ..
PARIS, April 27,?Former Senator Barry
Goldwater told 135 persons at the largest
luncheon the Anglo-American Press Associa-
tion has ever held today that he prays for
Red China to provide provocations which
would justify the United States attacking
her atomic installations?but he doesn't
think she will.
He also said he backed President Johnson's
policy in Vietnam, that he did not expect
nuclear weapons 40 be used there, and that
while he doesn't expect to make another try
for the presidency, he might run again for
the Senate. But he said he found it rather
pleasant to "stay home, play with my grand-
children, hunt and fish, bumming 'Hail To
The Chief.' "
The statement on China came in answer to
the question of a British reporter who asked
whether Goldwater would advocate attacking
Chinese military, industrial, or atomic instal-
lations.
"Yes, if they give us provocation," Gold-
water answered. "No, if they do not give us
provocation. I rather pray that Red China
would give us provocation to attack her mili-
tary and atomic installations."
He added that "many peoples around the
world would be happy to see China's nuclear
capacity disappear."
RUSSIANS INCLUDED
He confirmed after his public speech that
when he spoke of many peoples, he had Rus-
sians in mind among others.
lisied what would constitute sufficient
provocation for attacking China, Goldwater
said, "if China sends troops into South Viet-
nam or materiel in massive quantities."
He said this would not necessarily mean
war. He said the United States could punish
China from air or sea, where her strength is
superior, but he would never favor sending
ground troops in.. "No country," he said,
"can match China on the ground."
But he expressed the opinion that China
will not provide provocation as he had de-
fined it.
, Asked by another British newspaperman
how long the United States can keep China
out of the United Nations, Goldwater said,
"if it comes right down to it. I don't think
we could keep her out very long."
He admitted the strength Of the argument
that a nation of 600 or 700 million is hard
to ignore, but went on, "in the United States,
this is a political question. If you want to
get into trouble there, just advocate admit-
ting Red China to the United Nations, or
recognizing her."
"Do you agree with President Johnson's
policy in South Vietnam?" Goldwater was
asked.
JOHNSON SUPPORTED
"I have to say yes. My President has done
the right thing, in the right way."
This came after Goldwater had introduced
himself by saying, "If you don't know who I
am, I'm the trigger-happy war-mongering
* * * who proposed bombing the supply
routes from North Vietnam. You're a states-
man today when you propose that. I was a
year too early."
Goldwater and Soviet Foreign Minister
Andrei Gromyko were both on the town last
night, playing an unperceived game of hide-
and-seek, but so far as anyone knows their
criss-crossing paths never intersected.
That was because they were pursuing
widely different interests, both artistic. Gro-
myko was looking at the architectural gems
of Paris and Goldwater was being tattooed.
LAST TATTOO
This took Gromyko to such magnificent
sights of Paris as Notre Dame Cathedral and
the Place de la Concorde, with fountain
playing full blast, both floodlighted.
It took Goldwater to a narrow street climb-
ing up the Montmartre hill behind the
Pigalle Quarter. This is where you have to
go to find one of the World's most famous
tattoo artists, known by the single name of
Bruno, whose weird working hours are 5 p.m.
to 2 a.m.
Goldwater went there to have a Ilopi In-
dian insignia near the base of his thumb
completed. Member of a white man's asso-
ciation interested in Hopi folklore, Gold-
water already had the first insignia?two
little points symbolizing a snake bite. He
also had the two dots, one below the other,
beneath the bite mark, each of which signi-
fies participation in a dance. After that you
can dance and dance, but you earn no more
dots. However, Goldwater was notified while
here that he had just been named an hon-
orary chief, which gives him the right to a
half circle over the snake bite. He had it
added last night.
Mr. MORTON, Mr. President, will the
Senator yield?
Mr. McGOVERN. I yield.
Mr. MORTON. I was not present in
the Chamber and did not hear the early
part of the Senator's statement. Did
the Senator quote from what Secretary
McNamara, said or what former Senator
Goldwater said?
Mr. McGOVERN. The quotation was
from an article appearing in today's
Washington Post, under the byline of
Waverly Root, and is attributed to former
Senator Goldwater.
Mr. MORTON. I thought that per-
haps it might have been Secretary Mc-
Namara.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I suggest
the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OrtoiCER (Mr. Rus-
SELL of South Carolina in the chair).
The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask unan-
imous consent that the order for the
quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OteriCER (Mr. Mc-
GOVERN in the chair) . Without objec-
tion, it is so ordered.
VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill (S. 1564) to enforce the 15th
amendment of the Constitution of the
United States.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, those of
us who are proponents of the bill have
found, in recent days, so much concen-
tration of attention on the issue of the
poll tax which, interestingly enough, is
eliminated by bills pending in both this
and the other body, that we thought it
might be useful to discuss the matter
again, to make our position clear on the
Recoso, and to underline the fact that
elimination of the poll tax would repre-
sent a really tangible and practical ele-
ment of progress hit the field of civil
rights.
It is interesting to me that we have
acted cautiously with respect to this
problem in the past by adopting a con-
stitutional amendment which eliminates
it only as to Federal elections, but that
we now find this half measure does not
really cure the situation. For all practi-
cal purposes, the voter is still called upon
to pay the poll tax.
I believe that it is fair to call the poll
tax an anachronism. It is difficult to
see how it can be defended by anyone
except on the basis that the States
should be permitted to do whatever they
please in terms of defining as a qualifica-
tion something which is not a qualifica-
tion, or in terms of clinging to every
vestigial institution, whatever it may be,
Including the poll tax, which places re-
strictions upon the voting right.
As a constitutional lawyer, it is my
judgment?and I put into practice what
I teach in theory, by introducing legisla-
tion to eliminate the poll tax by statute
on previous occasions?that the poll tax
can be eliminated by statute. This is cen-
tral, I believe, to the theme of the ma-
jority on the Judiciary Committee which
supported the amendment, that the poll
tax in fact represents a burden on the
voting right and an abridgment of the
voting right within the context of the
15th amendment, and that as it has
worked out it represents discrimination
in favor of those who are economically
able to pay and against those who are
economically unable to pay.
(At this point Mr. TYDINGS took the
chair as Presiding Officer.)
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, it has
actually been used as an instrument to
perpetuate abridgement of the right to
register and vote, and therefore, both
on the basis of law and practice?and
the Supreme Court has always consid-
ered both?the poll tax should bc
abolished.
To those who would cite Breedlove
against Suttles, which is the Georgia
case which upheld a poll tax levied bY
a State, I would say two things: First,
that case can be easily distinguished
on the facts from the case now pending
before the Supreme Court, Harper
against the Virginia State Board of
Elections, which will be argued this fail
and undoubtedly decided reasonably soot
thereafter. Second, the question of the
15th amendment was not even raised in
Breedlove against Suttles.
Most of the States have repealed the
poll tax. Only four States still have IL
The decisions by the Supreme Cou t
in civil rights cases clearly indicate that
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April 28, 1965- CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX
polls, research reports, factflnding, one-man
and any-man Opinions, searching looks which
were meant to penetrate and describe what
has been called, ftont time to time, "the
agony of the GOP," "a party in crisis," "the
GOP struggle for survival," "dialectic Re-
publicanism," "the Republican election
trauma," "can the elephant forget?" and the
"Republicans after the debacle," with each
report usually coming to the brilliant con-
clusion that the Republican Party was in a
bit of a mess.
As a Republican, I would like to take this
opportunity to thank all of those who con-
tributed in such a thoughtful and well mean-
ing way to starting us off on the long road
back and if they have run out of salt for our
wounds, I would be glad to replenish their
supply.
I am not trying to minimize the extent of
rethinking and the toUgh policy and leader-
ship decisions that will be necessary for the
GOP to win elections again. It's not every
year that a party loses over 500 seats in
State legislatures across the Nation along
with key Senate and House seats.
But I do not foresee the 1964 Goldwater
candidacy as the Republican's albatross, rele-
gating the party to minority status for years
to come. Neither do I believe it represented
a strictly indigenous attitude of the Repub-
lican Party.
The American concept of conservatism is
not confinett to one political party. The par-
ticular attitude winch dominated the 1961
Republican Convention has lain under the
surface of American political activity for
20 years, since the inception of the cold war.
It has been the reservoir of frustration re-
sulting from our necessary international role,
and the repository of fear, mistrust, and in-
security which are products of the social' and
economic adjustments since the war.
If the election was supposed to offer a
choice, it was 20 years too late, and if we
wanted the candidates to embody that choice,
the American public missed its chance in
1962 when it failed' to match Adlaf 'S'teven-
son and Robert A. Taft, two articulate repre-
sentatives of opposing philosophies.
The possibility of a liberal-conservative
confrontation passed from the sublime to
the ridiculous and 1964 witnessed a campaign
billed as a great confrontation of America's
past with its future, between two Men who
were probably personally in more general
agreement on more issues than any two op-
Mg candidates in recent history.
, Frankly, I am less concerned about the
Supposed "cost" of this election to the Re-
publican Party than I am about its cost to
the American people.
It, deprived us of the necessary and serious
exchange of views on the alternative ways of
dealing with the difficult problems this coun-
try faces, both at home and abroad; of ex-
ploring the meaning and extent of our in-
volvement in South Vietnam; of debating
and eXaMining the proposed programs to
eradicate poverty, to provide medical care
for the aged; aid to public, private, and paro-
chial school education and the myriad other
problems that majorities of broth parties rec-
ognize and are committed to resolve.
In short, the American people were de-
prived of the opportunity to judge a cam-
paign that bore some relation to the real
vvorld and its very real problems.
Instead, we watched TV spots with people
.earing up their social security cards; the
prOlected linage of a choice between good
sIld eY117 bf'ack and white, war and peace?
cot that t wasn't ripe for presentation
along those lines and the obvious image for
the party in power to exploit, but what was'
the result after the Nation went through the
motions of registering their choice. What
was the resUlt after the computers predicted
the, winner, w,thiu pe-tenth of 1 percent
accuracy 10 minutes after the polls closed?
What ac1 happened, or rather what had not
happened?
The administration, the incumbent, had
not been put to a test; he had not been chal-
lenged; he did not have to defend the poli-
cies and programs he had set before the Na-
tion and was proposing for the future.
What did he have to defend them against?
His program for aid to education against no
program? His background as a leader in
civil rights against that of his opponent?
We did not learn very much about the way
the President would react under the pres-
sure of an articulate and well-directed oppo-
sition to whom the public was listening and
to whom he would be expected to reply.
Discussion of the whole area of foreign pol-
icy took place under a mushroom cloud
which prevented the public from giving seri-
ous consideration to What else the President
must do besides refrain from "pushing the
button."
We are facing some of the consequences of
the lack of public debate in this area right
now. The public was ill informed and un-
prepared for our present policy in Vietnam
and the temper of the man who is directing
it. The campaign was supposed to have
been between a dove and a hawk. The dove
won. So, what's he doing acting like a
hawk?
The campaign distorted the issues and the
candidates, and in the end, not only did
Goldwater lose, but Johnson lost and the
American people lost. Why? Because the
presidential process failed to work. It
failed to force a presidential candidate to
win the Presidency. It was left to him by
default and we didn't accurately judge the
man who won.
Our fling for the sake of the American
political neurosis cost us more than the elec-
tion and I am more distressed by that than
anything else.
In terms of practical politics, the Repub-
lican Party need not ask of Goldwater and
the ensuing election disaster, in the words
of an old popular song, "Is you is, or is you
ain't my baby?" It's our baby, all right, al-
though many of us question the parentage.
At least there is one thing upon which all
Republicans can agree, and that is that the
party's major task between now and the
1966 congressional elections is to project a
positive Republican image in keeping with
the true traditions of the party.
In 18 months the Republican Party will
again face the electorate, and we must face
the electorate with a constructive record of
accomplishment.
I suggest with pride that the Republican
congressional delegation has distinguished
itself in the two critical areas of foreign and
domestic policy with honor and good judg-
ment.
Senator `Dirinsw and Representatives FORD
and NicCuLLocit have played and are playing
an admirable role in' the effort to write an
effective and problem-solving 'voting rights
bill.
Almost without exception, the Republican
congressional delegation has given loyal and
valuable assistance to the President in re-
gard to the crisis In Vietnam.
In the matter of foreign policy our re-
sponsibility as Republicans, as the loyal op-
position, is aparticularly_important_gne and
a particularly delicate one.
The Republican Party has a special obliga-
tion in the Vietnam crisis and in all other
foreign policy crises to insist that the minor-
ity voice, the voice which challenges ad-
ministration policy is heard.
If there is anything that is more troubling
than the problem of Vietnam itself, and the
role of the United States in Vietnam, it is
the increasingly hysterical and thoughtless
tone which has characterized public discus-
sion about Vietnam.
I think, in such a crisis, that the minority
party, the Republican Party must be the un-
deviating ally of the press as you and your
colleagues seek to supply the Nation with the
facts about Vietnam.
It is no reflection on the good faith, the
good intentions, or the ability of those
charged with the execution of U.S. policy in
Vietnam to remind them and the Nation that
the public and the minority party also have
a vital role to play in this crisis.
All need to know the plain truth about
what is happening in Vietnam. We need to
know the good news and the bad news. We
need to know our strengths and our weak-
nesses.
When overzealous, oversensitive men?
civilian or military?attempt to impose a
news blackout from Vietnam, try to conceal
what is happening there and elsewhere in
southeast Asia, I submit that the Republican
Party has the responsibility to speak out
loudly and clearly in favor of your right to
gather the facts and the public's right to
know them.
A party that controls neither the White
House nor the Congress is in a difficult posi-
tion to take the lead in offering new ideas
and programs to deal with such problems as
health, housing, education, transportation;
the increasingly important and complex
problems of our growing urban centers.
A party's programs and goals in these areas
are formulated at its convention and ham-
mered into its platform.
Unfortunately the Republican Party's 1964
platform Committee and its product did not
impress upon the American public the com-
mitment and resolve of the party as a whole;
to devise thoughtful and effective programs
to meet the needs in these areas.
This lack of a realistic and meaningful
action program for the party is the major
obstacle to our presenting the Republican
Party to the American people in 1966 as a
serious alternative to those presently in
power.
When I was asked by reporters on election
night, what I thought might be done to be-
gin to overcome the disasterous defeat we
had suffered, I suggested then, and still be-
lieve, that, it was important to hold a na-
tional Republican convention or conference,
in this off year, to formulate a sound Repub-
lican position on the host of foreign and
domestic problems which confront the Na-
tion.
There is precedent for such an off year
conference in both the Democratic and Re-
publican Party.
I am of the opinion that a conference of
this nature would go a long way toward
chystallizing both leadership and policy
within the party, giving new direction and
vigor to our coming election efforts.
It has been asked, "what good is a political
party unless it is serving some great national
purpose?"
Out of power the Republican Party must
be an articulate and informed opposition
and when we assume national leadership the
party must pursue our goals at home and
abroad with programs that show a deep con-
cern for the individual. If the Democrats
call themselves the party of the people, then
we are the party of the individual, concerned
with the place and dignity of man; his rights
and his welfare, his future in a free society.
A party demonstrating this concern will de-
serve the support of the American people. A
party demonstrating this concern will win
the support of the American people.
The Growing Threat of Soviet Seapower
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker, 1-,,he
1965 annual report of the Shipbuilders
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX April 28, 1965
Council of America carries a most in-
teresting and revealing article entitled
"The Growing Threat of Soviet Sea-
power."
I recommend a close analysis of this
succinct article to each of my colleagues
for I feel we have been lax in recognizing
the significance of Russia's advances:
THE GROWING THREAT OF SOVIET SEAPOWER
Also included in last year's report was an
official assessment of the condition of the
U.S.-flag merchant fleet prepared by the
Deputy Chief of Naval Operation (Logistics).
This showed that our merchant fleet is in
even more critical shape than the naval fleet.
Over 90 percent of the dry-cargo ships and 55
percent of the tankers in the fleet will
shortly reach the end of their economic lives
simultaneously. There has been no improve-
ment in this situation.
In addition, the active fleet, which num-
bered 1,950 ships totaling 22.4 million dead-
weight tons in 1951, has contracted steadily
and now is composed of only 900 ships aggre-
gating 13 million tons.
Any significant improvement of the future
outlook for the private shipyards must await
official recognition of the deteriorated state
of this Nation's seapower resources. This day
of reckoning cannot be delayed or postponed
much longer. Time is running out.
Budgetary expediencies adopted for too
many previous years account for the alarm-
ing block obsolescence problems which now
afflict our naval and merchant fleets. Our
shortsighted policies also have taken their
toll on the private shipyard industry, as evi-
denced by the fact that 18 private shipyards
have been forced to close their gates per-
manently during the past 10 years.
Of necessity, our national planners ulti-
mately will have to face up to the block
obsolescence or this Nation will lose its sea
power capability by default. We believe the
former alternative will prevail. Hopefully,
the required remedial action will be taken
before further contraction in the size of the
private shipyard industry occurs.
The sharp contrast in the priorities which
Russia and the United States have assigned
to seapower again was all too evident during
1964.
Russia's naval strength continued to grow
and her enormous merchant fleet expansion
program was further accelerated. In this
country a welcome increase in naval ship con-
struction occurred. However, the volume of
new orders fell far short of the level required
to prevent further magnification of the U.S.
Navy fleet's alarming block obsolescence
problem. The construction of merchant
ships, as has been noted, continued at such
a low level that the quantitative and qualita-
tive deficiencies of the American merchant
marine were further accentuated.
As a naval power, Russia is second only to
the United States. The U.S. Navy's fleet is
better balanced and possesses more versatile
striking power. Russia, whose naval stratgey
stresses the submarine as the major element
of her fleet strength, boast's the largest sub-
marine fleet in the world. "Janes Fighting
Ships," the authoritative naval journal, says
the U.S.S.R. fleet comprises more than 430
submarines?a growing number of which are
nuclear-powered attack and missile-firing
types. The U.S. Navy has only 175 sub-
marines, of which 51 are nuclear-powered
units. As a point of refere:nce. Hitler, in the
early stages of World War II, decimated the
Allies' supply lines with a total fleet of only
57 submarines.
The remarkable expansion of the U.S.S.R. 's
merchant fleet stems from a series of con-
tinuing shipbuilding programs, which since
1950 have increased the fleet size from 432
ships of 1.8 million deadweight tons to 1,200
vessels totaling 8 million tons today.
Currently underway is a 5-year plan (1965-
70) which is programed to increase the mer-
chant fleet's tonnage to 15 million dead-
weight by 1970.
By mid-1966 Russia's merchant marine,
which already possesses more ships, will sur-
pass the American fleet in terms of total
tonnage. More importantly, the Russian
fleet will be composed predominantly of new,
efficient vessels while the U.S. merchant
marine will be composed, overwhelmingly of
obsolete ships in the 25-year-old bracket.
The U.S.-flag fleet has been contracting
steadily for the past 15 years. In 1951 it
numbered 1,955 active vessels totaling 22.4
million deadweight tons. Today, this Nation
has only 900 ships aggregating- 13.5 million
tons in active service.
The accompanying table, which compares
the level of shipbuilding activity generated
by the American and Soviet merchant ma-
rines, vividly reflects the contrasting mari-
time objectives.
Because Russian shipyards are heavily en-
gaged in naval construction, 3.9 million of
the 6.5 million tons of shipbuilding will be
built outside of Russia.
Merchant ships building or on order
Mar. 1, 1962_ _
May 1, 1963_ _
May 1, 1964_ _
Nov. 1, 1964....
Num-
her
61
47
47
43
United
States,
deadweight
tons
Nunn
her
U.S.S.R.,
deadweight
tons
878, 000
697, 660
725, 490
650, 009
223
236
441
673
2 2, 263, 400
2 3,032 100
2 3, 461, 800
6,450, 000
I U.S. data: Shipbuilders Counei of America.
2 U.S.S.R. data: Marine Engineering/Log, New York,
N.Y.
3 U.S.S.R. data: Fairplay Shipping Journal, London,
England.
Better Explanation of United States Viet-
nam Policy Than Anything Administra-
tion Has Put Cut
EXTE0 N OF REMARKS
or
HON. ROBERT F. ELLSWORTH
OF KANSAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. ELLSWORTH. Mr. Speaker, the
April 24, 1965, issue of the Economist of
London has a better, clearer, and more
enlightening explanation of the U.S.
position and policy in Vietnam than any-
thing put out by anybody in the Johnson
administration. I commend the Econ-
omist explanation to the attention of my
colleagues in the Congress:
ALL WARS ARE FILTHY?BTJT THE VIETNAM
ONE IS GOING TO BE SETTLED BY CAREFUL
PERSEVERANCE, NOT BY WRINGING ONE'S
HANDS
That "filthy Fascist war" in Vietnam, as
Mrs. Anne Kerr called it in Trafalgar Square
on Monday, has reached a stage where high-
pitched simplicities like Mrs. Kerr's have
long since been overtaken by events. The
honorable but confused member for Roch-
ester and Chatham presumably wants the
Americans to stop bombing North Vietnam,
thus returning matters in South Vietnam
to where they were at the beginning of
February (which was two-thirds of the way
down the slippery slope to a Vietcong vic-
tory). So do the rather haphazard collec-
tion of her fellow Labor Members of Parlia-
ment and other Labor Party supporters
who assembled at the annual jamboree or-
ganized by the cooperative movement at
Blackpool on Sunday. On the other side of
the hill, there may be men in Washington
who still believe the war will be ended by
somebody in Peiping flicking a switch and
turning off the flow of revolutionary cur-
rent that runs through Hanoi to the Viet-
cong. But it ought to be plain that the
positions taken by the United States and
China in the past 11 weeks virtually rule
out both these extreme possibilities. Neither
of the two great patron powers is in a mood
to throw in the sponge completely without
a major struggle.
What has been happening in the 11 weeks
since the Americans started bombing North
Vietnam is a gradual narrowing down of the
range of likely outcomes, though the range
still runs from the tolerably acceptable to the
very undesirable: The central question is
the part the rebels in the south will play in
any future political settlement. Most peo-
ple, looking at the guerrilla wars of the last
20 years, suspect that the Vietcong rebellion
is probably too well established to be totally
extirpated. It is entirely possible, on- the
other hand, that if it can be cut off from its
sources of nourishment in the north it can
be brought under control, as a fire sometimes
is, without being actually put out. In that
case the rebels' share in a future political
settlement can probably be kept small
enough for South Vietnam to remain outside
the Communist camp. Other small countries
with half-assimilated Communist minorities,
like Finland and Burma, have managed to
do just that, though the trick is harder to
turn in Asia than in Europe. But if the
attempt to cut the Vietcong off from its
northern roots fails, it will pretty certainly
be the Communists who dominate the final
settlement. The only question then will be
the speed with which it happens, and the de-
gree of humiliation inflicted on the United
States in the process.
(It might alternatively, as the optimists
hope, be the beginning of a general retreat
north of the 17th parallel, but nothing else
the Communists have been doing confirms
this hopeful reading.) The attempt at a
showdown might come at an American base
like Pleiku or even, if the Vietcong is ready
to "try a Dienbienphu," at the Marines'
laager at Da Nang. One rather hopes it will;
Da Nang, on the coast, is not Dienbienphu
in its pocket of hills, and the Americans are
not the French. Or, alternatively, the attack
might take the form of an attempt to cut
communications between Da Nang and the
south across the middle of the country.
If a major Vietcong offensive in the wet
weather that begins soon does succeed in
capturing an American base or cutting South
Vietnam in two, the result will be more or
less a foregone conclusion. Morale in the
south, which has been rising in the last few
weeks, will drop again; the old routine of
coups d'etat will be resumed; and the Ameri-
cans will find themselves frighteningly near
the end of the gangplank. If, on the other
hand, the outcome is a big battle that the
Vietcong loses, it will be North Vietnam's
turn for an agonizing reappraisal. For the
North Vietnamese would then face the pros-
pect of being steadily bombed to pieces while
the rebels in the south slowly pulled them-
selves together, regrouped, and thought out
their tactics afresh. In that event the
Americans' tactics would have been triumph-
antly justified: by forcing the Vietcong into
a decisive battle before it was really ready,
they might in effect have won the war.
The North Vietnamese have made it clear
that the American bombing is not yet hurt-
ing them enough - to persuade them to stop
helping the rebels in the south. However,
it is certainly hurting them enough for them
not to want it to go on indefinitely. This
gives them a powerful motive for urging the
Vietcong to have a last great fling at win-
ning the war in the south as soon as pos-
sible. The reported withdrawal of rebel
forces from the southernmost part of the
country may well be the sign of an impend-
ing last fling further north.
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But it is quite likely that the rainy season
will bring no decisive victory for either side.
In that case the range of possibilities will
narrOw still further, and the conflict will
settle down into a war of attrition that might
drag on for a long time. The outcome of
this war of attrition will depend, first, on the
extent to which the recent rise in South
Vietnamese Morale can be put to practical
use (Mr. McNamara, the Anlerican Secretary
of Defense, has been arranging in Hawaii
this week, to traln. an extra 100,000 South
Vietnamese troops). It will depend, second,
on the extent tO which the flow of aid to
the Vietcong from the north can be dimin-
ished. If the North Vietnamese can be
jostled into reducing the supply of recruits
and arms in the hope of limiting the aerial
pounding they have to take?or if thay
simply cannot get the supplies through be-
cause the bridges are down and the railway
broken?time will probably work on the side
of the Americans and the South Vietnamese.
The Vietconk, deprived of its northern sup-
port, would gradually be cut down to its
proper size as a native southern rebellion,
and the way might at last be open to a
political settlement that is not merely a
case of the Communist north swallowing the
south.
In this long and delicate operation, timing
will be very important indeed. The sensible
idea has been put forward?and informally
approved of by the United States, Russia and
Britain,?of holding a conference about
Cambodia's problems during which the in-
terested parties could draw the conversation
round to Vietnam. Cambodia said primly on
Tuesday that any such conference should
deal with Cambodia alone, but delegates in
conference corridors have a way of getting
round difficulties like that. No conference
held in the near future is likely to produce a
clear-out solution of Vietnam's problems,
unless one side or the other changes It posi-
tion in a hurry. But informal conversations
would be useful as a means of delaying
the moment when either the Chinese or the
Missions might feel obliged to involve them-
selves more directly. (Both have lately as
good as said?the Russians on April 17 and
the Chinese on April 20?that they will not
send volunteers to North Vietnam unless the
American bombing goes beyond its present
limits.) Better still, the conversations could
provide a way of delicately discovering what
mixture of military stick and diplomatic car-
rot would be most effective in getting the
North Vietnamese to cut down their aid to
the Vietcong.
Senator Ftmaainivr called on April 18?
echoing an earlier suggestion by Canada's
Prime Minister, Mr, Pearson?for a pause
in the bombing of North Vietnam. The
trouble with this course is that there is no
evidence that the North Vietnamese would
interpret it as anything but a sign of Ameri-
can vacillation; and, if an openly announced
pause failed to bring a response from Hanoi,
and the bombing started again, there would
be a natural reluctance in Washington to
repeat the experiment later on, when a halt
might well be more fruitful. But these ob-
jections do not apply to a privately dropped
American hint, whispered on the back row
of a Cambodia conference, that the bombing
Might just stop for a week or so, without any
oUblic announcement whatever, to give the
NTorth Vietnamese a chance to reply in kind
with an equally unpublicized halt in their
sssistance to :the Vietcong. The same
whispered conversation might include a
spelling out of President Johnson's remark
on 'March 25.04101.1t_tbe .conditions in which
"the people and Government of South Viet-
nam" should, be "free to settle their own
future." This would begin to define the
terms under NO/Jell the southern rebels, once
they were confined to .real southerners, could
join in the political dialog.
Shrill denunciation is simply no longer
relevant to the Vietnam problem. The need
now is for a careful use of military strength
and diplomatic ingenuity, of determination
coupled with an awareness of the value of
treading cannily. The evidence suggests that
President Johnson knows what is called for.
One hopes the other side does too.
Right-To-Work Laws
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WILLIAM H. AYRES
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. AYRES. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Robert
H. Feldkamp, one of the Nation's out-
standing political writers, recently com-
mented in his column in the Akron Bea-
con Jotirnal about my position in regard
to the repeal of section 14(b) of the
Taft-Hartley Act.
The column follows:
THE POLITICAL PARADE
(By Robert H. Feldkamp)
Representative AYRES, of Akron, has de-
cided to vote for repeal of section 14(b) of
the Taft-Hartley Act?which may raise some
eyebrows.
The is the controversial section permitting
States to enact their own right-to-work
laws?laws which bar compulsory unionism.
AYRES, a Republican, confides he will be
taking a position contrary to that generally
expressed by his party on the touchy subject
of right to work.
Couple AYRES' position with the fact that
he is the ranking Republican on the House
Education and Labor Committee?where the
repealer will first be considered, most likely
this session?and it adds up to smooth sail-
ing once the bill is thrown into the hopper.
This is doubly significant because labor has
wanted to repeal 14(b) for nearly 20 years,
but could never muster the strength in Con-
gress.
This time, with AYRES' help, repeal is im-
minent.
AYRES and ADAM CLAYTON POWELL, the New
York Democrat who heads the Education
and Labor Committee, are working together.
POWELL, in fact, is part of the reason that
AYRES will support repeal.
The New Yorker knows that the bill prob-
ably will pass easily once it is reported out of
committee. Democrats hold an overwhelm-
ing edge in Congress and most will go for
it. And of the 435 House Members, only
124 come from the 19 States now having
right-to-work laws?so no great opposition
will develop there.
POWELL knows that his greatest bargain-
ing power comes while the bill still is in
committee. So do labor chieftains, who
dearly want repeal.
AFL-CIO President George Meany has a
pledge from President Johnson?in return
for a lot of help from labor during the last
campaign?for help in killing 14(b).
Meany, however, must contend with Pow-
ELL and that is what is happening now.
POWELL, a Negro, long has been unhappy
about the virtual exclusion of Negroes from
union apprentice training programs. AYRES
also has said publicly that qualified Negroes
should be allowed, into these programs.
Meany, it is understood, has promised
POWELL he will do all he can to break down,
these racial barriers?in return for fast com-
mittee action on 3,4(b).
This is where the matter now stands, and
is part of the reason AYRES will line up with
the Democrats. '
He knows, too, that the' Southern States
now having right-to-work laws are using
them as a magnet in attracting northern
industries.
"Come on down," these Southern States
are saying, "and you won't have to face
compulsory union shops."
AYRES also remembers 1958 in Ohio of
course, when Republicans who favored right
to work were overwhelmed py labor-backed
Democrats in almost every instance.
"The people of Ohio spoke out on this
then, and were very clear," he says.
Mr. Speaker, I do not differ from the
conclusions as drawn by Mr. Feldkamp;
rather, I would elaborate and give the
background-of my position.
In 1958, when a right-to-work amend-
ment was placed on our Ohio ballot, I
publicly stated that I would not vote for
it. I further stated that I felt that the
U.S. Congress should face this issue.
Let no one feel that this is a reversal of
position. I am a firm supporter of the
Taft-Hartley Act and took a major part
in the conference that brought about
the enactment of the Landrum-Griffin
Act.
I have always supported labor legisla-
tion that would provide the proper
climate for fair bargaining. Excess of
power by either party can but lead to
disaster for both. I have always kept in
mind that the general public had a great
interest and that interest should have
proper consideration.
There might be some who would infer
that any movement to repeal section
14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act would be
an attack on that act itself. This is un-
true.
There comes a time when experience
brings about a review of some sections of
what might be considered a very fair
law.
Just a short time ago, I called for a
review of the election provisions of the
Landrum-Griffin. In two recent national
union elections, loopholes in that law was
found to exist?loopholes that permitted
fraudulent or confusing action. The
right of union members to conduct fair
elections is paramount.
The Landrum-Griffin Act was drawn
so as to give protection to union members
that might, on occasion, be beset by au-
tocratic leadership. It is a fine law but
improvements, in this one direction,
might be made. I would still protect the
Landrum-Griffin Act as I still would pro-
tect the Taft-Hartley Act.
An organization that is disputing the
repeal of section 14(b), falsely charges
that this repeal would force every em-
ployee to join a union and pay dues. To
clear up this misconception, I am detail-
ing the actual effect of the repeal of sec-
tion 14 (b) .
As I recently covered this subject in a
speech, I do now include excerpts from
my remarks pertaining to this subject:
IMPORTANT CONSIDERATIONS IN CONNECTION
WITH PROPOSALS To REPEAL SECTION 14(b)
Section 14(b) of Taft-Hartley authorizes
the States to limit or completely prohibit
any form of compulsory union membership
arrangement. Nineteen, of the fifty States
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A2012 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, *in 65
have enacted such statutes, popularly known
as right-to-work laws.
There seems to be a widespread miscon-
ception that in the 31 States which do not
have right-to-work laws union membership
is compulsory for employees in organized
enterprises. This is utterly erroneous.
Compulsory union membership results ex-
clusively from voluntary contracts entered
into between employers and labor unions
during the course of free collective bargain-
ing. Nothing in either Federal or State law
compels an employee to join a union or an
employer to consent to an agreement with a
union which would require his employees to
join the union as a condition of retaining
their jobs.
In other words, compulsory union member-
ship, where it exists, is a result of free and
voluntary agreement between employer and
union, and is not a requirement imposed by
law. If 14(b) were to be repealed, thus,nul-
lifying State right-to-work laws, neverthe-
less, no employee could be compelled to join
a union in order to hold his job, Unless his
employer voluntarily agreed to including
such a requirement in his contract with the
union.
If section 14(b) were to be repealed, the
provision in the Taft-Hartley Act permit-
ting union security arrangements would then
apply uniformly in all of the 50 States.
Again there seems to be a wideapread mis-
conception that this would have the effect of
imposing unrestricted compulsory union
membership on all employees in organized
enterprises. This, too, is erroneous. The
provision in Taft-Hartley permitting em-
ployers and unions to agree to union security
arrangements is an extremely limited one.
The closed shop, which requires the em-
ployer to hire only those job applicants who
are already members of the union, would
still be unlawful. And employees required
to join the union after getting their jobs
this is known as the union shop] could not
be deprived of their jobs even if they lose
their membershili in the union, unless such
loss Of membership were the result of a re-
fusal to pay their dues or initiation fee. Loss
or denial of union membership for any other
reason Would not be a lawful reason for the
employee's loss of his job.
Hence, apart from the requirement to pay
union dues and initiation fees, the employee
required to join the union would have no
other obligations to the union as a condi-
tion of holding his job.
Repeal of 14(b) would leave the funda-
mental scheme of the Taft-Hartley and Lan-
drum-Griffin Acts unchanged.
The Wagner Act which remained on the
statute books substantially unchanged from
1935 to 1947, was limited to protecting em-
ployees against any attempt by their em-
ployers to interfere with their membership
in or activities in behalf of their unions.
No other safeguards for employees were pro-
vided, nor were there any protections pro-
vided for employers against any type of
union misconduct.
The Taft-Hartley Act, passed in 1947, pro-
vided protections for employers against cer-
tain types of union conduct such as
secondary boycotts, certain types of picket-
ing, jurisdictional dispute strikes, etc.
Moreover, the closed shop was completely
outlawed, and only the limited type of union
shop described above was permitted even in
those States without right-to-work laws.
None of these new safeguards would be af-
fected in any way by the repeal of 14(b).
In 1959, the Landrum-Griffin Act became
law. This strengthened the ban on second-
ary boycotts, outlawed hot-cargo contracts,
and prohibited organizational, recognition,
and extortionate picketing. These addi-
tional safeguards for employers and em-
ployees would not be changed by repeal of
14(b). Moreover, the new provisions estab-
lishing a bill of rights for union members,
protecting union funds against misuse, erect-
ing certain safeguards for the conduct .of
union elections, similarly would remain un-
affected by repeal of 14 (b) .
Thus it is plain that repeal of 14(b) would
result in no fundamental or significant mod-
ification in the structure and safeguards
which the Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Grif-
fin Acts have made available to rank-and-file
union members, employees, and employers.
Operation Yorkville
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GLENN CUNNINGHAM
OF NEBRASKA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. CUNNINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, as
the author of H.R. 980, the bill over-
whelmingly approved by this distin-
guished body, to stop the free flow of un-
solicited obscenity through the mails, I
would like to call attention to an inter-
faith group in New York City which has
done an extraordinary job of fighting
smut in that community. I am speaking
of Operation Yorkville. The efforts of
this outstanding group of interested citi-
zens have alerted others throughout the
United States to the dangers of the avail-
ability of obscene and pornographic ma-
terial to our young people.
This interfaith campaign is organized
to protect the parental-civil right to stop
the traffic in pornography ariaong chil-
dren by expressing community standards.
I am certain my destinguished col-
leagues join in commending this very
worthwhile organization for their untir-
ing efforts in the war against obscenity.
The following articles taken from the
March issue of the Operation Yorkville
Newsletter point up the problem which
exists and show what can be done and
what is being done about this most seri-
ous problem:
LETTER POWER (LP) IS PEACEFUL PROTEST--
PROTEST AGAINST THE VIOLATIoN OF You
RIGHTS To EDUCATE AND PROTECT
The problem of the traffic in pornography
among children is your problem, and only
you can begin the cycle which will result in
the protection of your parental-civil right
to educate and protect.
Police will not arrest, district attorneys will
not prosecute, many judges will continue to
rule in favor of pornographers--unless you
protest.
Letter writing is protest, peaceful but
forceful protest. Letter writing can be the
power of the people, which when applied, can
tip the scales of justice in favor of innocent
children.
The cycle is simple, but effective. Letter
protests to the press (to one newspaper, so
that the greatest force will be directed to one
point) will result in conflict in the press?
conflict between parents and pornographers.
Conflict will result in news; news will stimu-
late editorial coverage; editorial coverage will
spur law enforcement, prosecution, and
judgments, which will reflect regard for your
rights and, in so doing, protect the innocent
from perversion.
You can help start the wheels of justice
turning. You can use the machinery of
peaceful protest?use your letter power. Be-
gin writing your newspaper as soon as pos-
sible.
MR. JUSTICE BRENNAN AND THE PUZZLING
DEFENSE
As the last 1964 issue of the Newsletter was
going to press, Justice William J. Brennan,
of the U.S. Supreme Court was busily de-
fending his opinion in the June 22 "Lovers"
and "Tropic of Cancer" decisions.
Mr. Justice Brennan, in the June 22 opin-
ion, defined community standards (a test
since 1957 in obscenity cases) as a national
standard, referring to society at large,
thus indicating that the test for obscenity
should rest on the lowest possible Common
denominator of morality.
In a November 15 speech at the Louis Mar-
shall Award Dinner of the Jewish Theological
Seminary in New York City, Justice Brennan
chose to defend his position and succeeded
only in compounding the confusion which
the Court's June 22 decisions created.
Mr. Justice Brennan quoted from Leclercq:
"The jurist is above all interested in Social
good, in rules to be observed in view of that
good; the moralist is preoccupied with the
good of the individual." He quickly went on
to say, "It is- not necessary to accept the
proposition as invariably true to recognize
its validity in some cases." He hurried on
to demonstrate, that he is aware that there
is suchja thing as a public, social morality,
even indicating that it is at a higher level
than his June 22 opinion would have us be-
lieve: it is a mistaken notion that judges
are not as fully conscious as men of religion
that our institutions reflect a firm convic-
tion that we are a religious people *
Judges in fact daily administer innumerable
laws which enact moral standards fashioned
by theologians. But there are constitutional
limits to the legislative power even in the
areas of religion and morality.
Operation Yorkville submits that Justice
Brennan's June 22 opinion does not reflect a
firm conviction that we are a religious peo-
ple, and raises a question as to his ideas of
the individual good and even the social
good. Further, the Court's reading of the
Constitution has seemed strained and over-
doctrinaire in the area of publications.
Why? Mr. Justice Brennan went on in his
speech: "The line between protected and un-
protected portrayal is dim and uncertain."
This, in spite of the fact that we are a re-
ligious people. Mr. Brennan's opinion has
helped render the line even dimmer and more
uncertain. Where to now, Mr. Justice Bren-
nan?
NEW Yonle ACADEIKT OF MED/CINE RELEASES
NEW VD REPORT?CITES SALACIOUS LITERA-
TURE AS CAUSE OF TEENAGE vp Rise
In a report released on February 4, the New
York Academy of Medicine outlined Steps to
aid in the eradication of venereal disease in 7
years. The plan called for public sex educa-
tion programs.
The Cozmnittee on Public Health of the
New York Academy of Medicine, noting that
the incidence of venereal disease among teen-
agers has increased more than 200 percent
between 1956 and 1963 (on a nationwide
basis), said that education on prevention of
infection should be directed to teenagers in
the form of sex education. "The fact is that
teenagers are receiving an enormous anialinI
of sex education?of the wrong kind. A large
part of this education is derived from sala-
cious literature.
"This kind of literature, which is motivatee
by the desire for profit, makes vice attrac-
tive. It is intentionally sex-arousing and
therefore conduces to illicit intercourse and
promiscuity which, in turn, helps to spread
venereal disease. Health forces in the cam-
paign against venereal disease should recog-
nize the magnitude of distribution and fi-
nancial resources of publishers of salaciow.
literature and should recognize this type of
material as a powerful competitor, the corn
mittee believes. Health forces should Oppose
salacious literature and counter with oppor ?
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April 28, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
to tomorrow, I call the attention of the
HqUse to, another phapter in the story as
Pligislied Tv the Regional Industrial De-
Velppment, Corp, of southwestern Penn-
sylvania.
Today's articles cover the research
spectrum and materials.
'TELE RESEARCH SPECTRUM
A deCided advantage to the establishment
Of new, industries is the diversity of the
Pt.t
atbti rgh area's re h
searc, and development
eons........
Pittsburgh research laboratories are es-
pec ally strong in the materials, nucleonics,
chemicais, electronics, and instruments
hut they also are engaged in a variety
'of other R. D. activities.
Many of the larger companies?such as
Westinghouse Electric Corp., United States
Steel Corp., and Gulf Research & Develop-
ment CO.,?e, active in almost all the prin-
cipal fields. More pften, however, the re-
" searai. and -development efforts age more spe-
- el4lIzed=;tallored to a company's product
line. in a single field or two.
,Pitkburgh's three major universities?
and Mellon Institute?concluct research in
IllOst of the ,disciplines. Although much of
*this work is,of a basin natwe, many of the
prOgrams have applications that merit in-
dUstrial scrutiny.
This section discusses some of the prin-
cipal, It. &D. areas, major laboratories, spe-
cialized equipment, interesting projects, and
significant results of pittsburgh's scientific
and technical efforts.
The description, is far from complete, but
serves merely to illustrate the nature,
grOwth, and direction of research and de-
velopment' in the nine-county area. More
detailed information about each company's
14. & P. activities can be found in the re-
search directory on pages 33 to 47.
24AZEnzais
Historically, Pittsburgh has been a mate-
rials center. More new materials and proc-
essing techniques have been developed in the
area than in any other section of the United
States.
Although the region's research and devel-
opment activities have been broadened con-
siderably, new and better materials and proc-
esses still command the largest volume of
& D. efforts.
These activities range from research in
ouch traditional areas as steel, aluminum,
coal, refractories, ceramics, and glass, to
pioneering work in alloys, nuclear fuels, and
exotic materials.
Basic studies into the nature of metals and
alloys are conducted at Mellon Institute,
Carnegie Institute of Technology, and Uni-
versity of Pittsburgh, as well as industrial
laboratories.
On the applied research scene, Allegheny
Ludlum Steel Corp. is improving upon its
vacuum melting technique breakthrough;
MSA Research Corp. is experimenting with
new liquid metals; and Universal-Cyclops
Steel Corp. is studying ways to fabricate re-
fractory metals in an inert atmosphere.
. Semi-Elements, Inc,. is developing single
aryatals of metals; Harbison-Walker Re-
fractories Co. is working on extremely high
temperature refractories; Magnetics, Inc., is
producing new magnetic materials; Pitts-
burgh Plate Glass Co. is exploring deep-div-
ing structures made of glass; and Nuclear Ma-
terials & Equipment Corp. is perfecting new
dUclear fuel materiala.
, Some of the most diversified materials re-
search is being carried on at companies pri-
marily in other fields, such as Westinghouse
Electric Corp., which is involved in. semi-
conductor, nuplaar fuel, and other advanced
materials research.
The largest and most numerous Pittsburgh
MateriaLS labOratories, are engaged in metals
end alloys research. Among the extensive
metallurgical facilities In the area are those
of United States Steel Corp., Aluminum Co,
of America, Allegheny Ludlum Steel Corp.,
Jones & Laughlin Steel Corp., Latrobe Steel
Co., Crucible Steel Co. of America, Dravo
Corp., Blaw-Knox Co., Vanadium-Alloys Steel
Co., Universal-Cyclops Steel Corp., St. Joseph
Lead Co., Pittsburgh-Des Moines Steel Co.,
Firth Sterling, Inc., MSA Research Corp., and
Copperweld Steel Co.
The Pittsburgh area also has a heavy
R. & D. concentration in refractories, ceram-
ics, and glass. .-Some of the better known
faciIties are theCarborundum Co., Harbison..
Walker Refractories Co., McDanel Refractory
Porcelain Co., Du-Co Ceramics Co., Findlay
Refractories Co., Kennametal, Inc., 0. Hom-
mel Co., Saxonburg Ceramics, Inc., Nuclear
Materials & Equipment Corp., Pittsburgh
Corning Corp., Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co.,
American Optical Co., and American Glass
Research, Inc.
All aspects of coal technology are explored
at the Bureau of Mines, Consolidation Coal
Co., Bituminous coal Research, Inc., Koppers
Co., United States Steel Corp., and Pitts-
burgh Chemical Co.
Improved polymers and coatings are
R. & D. objectives at such companies as
Pennsylvania Industrial Chemical Corp.,
H. H. Robertson Co., Koppers Co., Mobil
Finishes Co., Mobay Chemical Co., Neville
Chemical Co., Thompson & Co., Watson-
Standard Co., and Pittsburgh Plate Glass Co.
Victory Memorial Hospital in Brooklyn
Continues To Provide Unexcelled Serv-
ices After 60 years
EXTENSION OF FtEm4Rxp
HON. HUGH L. CAREY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. CAREY. Mr. Speaker, for many
years the Bay Ridge community in
Brooklyn has been considered one of the
most underhospitalized areas in the city.
One of the leaders in the struggle
against sickness and suffering has been
Victory Memorial Hospital, Bay Ridge's
only nonprofit, voluntary hospital. This
magnificent institution has proven ef-
fective and compassionate medical care
for the sick and needy, of all races and
creeds, for over 60 years. Founded in
1904, Victory Memorial today serves well
over 5,000 patients each year, and the
quality of medicine and surgery practiced
in the hospital is unexcelled anywhere.
Throughout its history, Victory has re-
sponded to the call for expanded facil-
ities in the community and its new 62-
bed wing which opened in 1962 has been
the key factor in enabling the hospital to
meet the mounting demands for medical
care in Bay Ridge. The importance of
this new facility is reflected in the fact
that in 1961 Victory Memorial admitted
3,186 patients. By 1964 this figure in-
creased by 70 percent.
Significantly, Victory Memorial also is
providing a major medical service for the
residents of Staten Island, now that the
Verazana Bridge has linked that borough
with Brooklyn. Scores of emergency as
well as routine cases have been brought
to the hospital !rout Staten Island, and
in general, Victory is providing valuable
assistance to a neighboring county_
Last month, at the hospital's annual
meeting of the board of trustees, George
A. Allan?, an attorney and distinguished
civic leader, was elected to an unprece-
dented 16th consecutive 1-year term as
president of Victory Memorial. As a re-
sult of his dedicated efforts and the close
cooperation of the entire board and the
professional and nonprofessional staffs,
the hospital has witnessed steady and
healthy growth over the past several
years.
I think it is noteworthy to point out
that Victory's west wing was dedicated to
the 134 south Brooklyn men killed in ac-
tion in World War I and that the east
wing was dedicated in memory of those
servicemen from Bay Ridge who gave
their lives during World War II and the
Korean conflict.
It is in the name of these heroic men
that Victory Memorial carries on its hu-
mane and essential programs in the un-
ceasing war against disease and travail.
Harry Truman, Man of Decision
=TENSION OF REMARKS
HON. MICHAEL A. FEIGHAN
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 1, 1965
Mr. FEIGHAN. Mr. Speaker, the
Cleveland Plain Dealer of April 13, 1965,
carried an editorial tribute to Harry S.
Truman which rates with the best ever
written about the great man from Inde-
pendence, Mo.
The theme of this editorial is that For-
mer President Truman grows in stature
with the passage of time because his
decisions in the years of world crisis im-
mediately following World War II have
taken on added luster under the test of
time. Few leaders have been fully ap-
preciated during their lifetime and many
have been maligned by the second guess-
ers of history. But the swift passage of
events, trying the mettle and courage of
free people everywhere in our world, have
adequately justified the Truman years in
little more than a decade.
Under leave previously granted, I in-
sert in the RECORD, the editorial:
HARRY TRUMAN, MAN OF DECISION
As time passes and as we see the recent
past in fuller perspective, forhier President
Harry S. Truman grows in stature.
We realize that Mr. Truman built the very
foundations of America's new, powerful for-
eign policy after World War II, and mobilized
all the free world behind it.
Tonight Mr. Truman will go to the Wal-
dorf-Astoria in New York City. There Free-
dom House will prcaent to him its Freedom
Award on the 20th anniversary of his first day
in the Presidency.
It will be a reunion for the doughty Mis-
sourian. Most of his last Cabinet will be
there. So will many men who played im-
portant parts in the dramatic and momen-
tous years, 1945 to 1952, when Mr. Truman
and they were together winning a war, re-
building a world and trying to find paths to
permanent peace,
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No President since Mr. Truman has?made
more than minor changes in the foreign
policy for which he took full responsibility.
The Truman doctrine, the Marshall plan, the
Berlin airlift, the Korean InterVention, the
revival of war-stricken nations?these are
still the chief girders of America's free world
leadership.
On each of these policies Mr. Truman made
the final decisions. So he did on dropping
the nuclear bomb, too.
Ile consulted others, but in the end, on
the lonely spot of the ultimate decisionrnaker,
he stuck to his resolute policy: "The buck
stops here."
The late Cleveland mayor, Tom L. Johnson,
once said with rueful humor: A good ex-
ecutive is one who can make decisions, and
is sometimes right."
Mr. Truman made some of the most cru-
cial decisions any President, and any man in
world history, has had to make. And we
honor him because he was right so much
of the time.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, 1965
teers," while veiled and. "iffy," could imply
that Soviet troops will man Soviet antiair-
craft missiles in North Vietnam, since sites
for such weapons are apparently under prep-
aration. On the other hand, the communi-
que can be interpreted to be a threat, a
warning, that may or may not be imple-
mented.
But what the Soviet communique clearly
is not is an affirmative answer to President
Johnson's offer to negotiate. Until such an
answer is forthcoming, the more or less well-
intentioned Americans who have been dem-
onstrating against their country's policy in
Vietnam as a threat to peace are delivering
their message to the wrong address.
[From the New York Herald Tribune, Apr. 8,
1965]
JOHNSON RENEWS VIET PLEDGE: ALWAYS
READY FOR, PEACE TALKS BUT "No POWER
CAN FORCE Us OUT"
(By Barnard L. Collier)
Josussoia Cry/a TEIE.?In a somber Easter
message, President Johnson warned yester-
day that "no human power is capable of
forcing ut from Vietnam." But he still held
out the offer of unconditional peace talks
with the Communists "next week, tomorrow,
or tonight."
or After the President spoke, the Soviet Union
announced that it will permit Russian "vol-
unteers" to fight in Vietnam if "U.S. aggres-
sion against the Democratic Republic of
(North) Vietnam is intensified" and if
Hanoi requests such aid. The Moscow state-
ment charged that the United States is "ex-
tending aggression and does not seek to ex-
plore avenues leading to a peaceful solution."
The Soviet announcement in a Soviet-
North Vietnamese communique, appeared
not to have been in response to the Presi-
dent's statement.
The President spoke from the porch of the
LBJ Ranch. He was as serious as reporters
have seen him in months.
"If the price of victory in Vietnam is blood
and men, we are willing to pay that price,"
he declared.
"They want no talk with us," he said
grimly, summing up Communist reaction so
far to his April 7 peace talk proposals. "But
our offer stands. The window to peace is
still open."
In an implied appeal to America's allies
and to neutrals to press for peace talks, he
said he hoped that "a mounting crescendo
of world opinion, weary of war, opposed to
aggression, will finally find a way to reach
the ears of those now deaf to calls for peace."
Hours earlier, U.S. planes had lashed high-
ways and a railroad in North Vietnam for
the second straight day?and South Viet-
namese planes dropped 100,000 leaflets carry-
ing the President's April 7 peace talk pro-
posals and his picture on the North Viet-
namese city of Dong Hoi.
The Moscow communique, issued after
talks between North Vietnamese Communist
party secretary Le linen and Soviet officials,
said Russia would "continue rendering all
necessary assistance" to the North Vietnam-
ese against United States aggression. A
Soviet antiaircraft missile site is reported
under construction near Hanoi, Russians are
in the country and high-altitude surface-to-
air (SAM) missiles are believed on the way.
Moscow has spoken previously of "many
volunteers"?a Communist euphemism for
trained troops?anxious to fight in Vietnam
but gave no indication whether they would
be permitted to go. The new announce-
ment?with the provisos that the united
States intensifies the war and North Vietnam
asks for the help?was the furthest the
Soviets have gone on the "volunteer"
question.
The communique specifically scoffed at the
President's April 7 speech as showing that
"the United States is still keeping a course
omments
EXT sb OF REMARKS
HON. JONATHAN B. BINGHAM
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 15, 1965
Mr, BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, the-
New York Herald Tribune has once
again contributed distinguished report-
ing and thoughtful, sober -comment on
the Vietnam situation. On April 18,
Barnard L. Collier filed a story from
Johnson City, Tex., which vividly de-
scribes the President's delivery to the
press of his Easter message, and the fol-
lowing day the Herald Tribune com-
mented on the situation editorially.
Under leave to revise and extend my re-
marks, I include these two articles:
From the New York Herald Tribune,
Apr. 19, 19651
BRICKBATS THROUGH THE WINDOW
The United States, in President Johnson's
words, "tried to open a window to -peace."
But the Communists responded, much as
Communist-inspired mobs have responded
to American overtures, by heaVing brickbats
through the window. On the very day that
Mr. Johnson was repeating his offer of un-
conditional negotiations. the 'Soviet Union
announced that Mr. Johnson "does not seek
to explore avenues leading to a peaceful so-
lution of the Vietnamese problem."
What are those avenues? The Commu-
nists of Red China, North Vietnam and the
Soviet Union knead only a Single avenue:
one which leads the United States out of
Vietnam. And that avenue, Mr. Johnson
has again and again made plain, the United
State will not tread?until a peaceful solu-
tion is reached.
In other words, the Communists do not
want unconditional negotiations but un-
conditional surrender of the Saigon govern-
ment. The United States, for Its part, can-
not sacrifice the people who have been fight-
ing on against the imported revolt that is
intended to bring about the end of their
independence. Once that independence is
assured, the United States is prepared to
leave South Vietnam.
The Soviet communique, after the Moscow
talks between the Rnssians end the North
Vietnamese, leaves the suspicion that the
Soviet Union will take a ham'. in escalating
the war. The reference to Soviet "volun-
for the extension of acts of aggression and
does not seek to explore avenues leading to
a peaceful solution of the Vietnamese prob-
lem."
In Washington, Secretary of State Dean
Rusk announced that the 'United States had
"thought long and soberly" about suspending
the raids on North Vietnam that began Feb-
ruary 7 but had concluded that such action
"would only encourage the aggressor and
dishearten our friends."
Prime Ministers Lester Pearson of Canada
and Lal Bahadur Shastri of India, among
Others, have suggested that the North Viet-
namese might respond by relaxing their
guerrilla war if the raids were suspended.
But Mr. Rusk, in a statement, said that "we
have tried publicly and privately to find
out if this would be the result, and there
has been no response."
President Johnson in his message expressed
regret "that the necessities of war have
forced us to bomb North Vietnam." But
he emphasized that the raids have been di-
rected at military and strategic targets, "at
concrete and steel and not human life."
"I understand the feelings of those who
regret that we must undertake air attacks,"
Mr. Johnson said. "I share those feelings.
"But the compassion of this country, and
the world, must go out to the men, women
and children who are killed and crippled
by the Vietcong every day in South Vietnam.
The outrage of this country, and the world,
must be visited on those who explode their
bombs in cities and Villages, ripping the
bodies of the helpless."
He added soberly:
"Let us remember that the people of South
Vietnam, and the Americans who share their
struggle, suffer because they are attacked?
not because they are attackers."
The President, who was flanked by Mrs.
Johnson and Defense Secretary Robert Mc-
Namara, began his message by saying: "This
has been a week of tragedy, disappointment
and progress."
"On this, of all weekends, we must feel
a deep sadness that men must still die and
families still be left homeless in the brutal-
ity of war," he said. He expressed sorrow
for the death of Joseph W. Grainger, the U.S.
aid official whose murder by his Vietcong
captors was diselosed last week, and for "all
the others, on both sides, who found this
week to be their last."
A strong theme of the message was the
President's expressed disappointment?al
the rejection of his April 7 proposal for un-
conditional peace talks on Vietnam, at the
continued loss of American and Vietnamese
lives and at the angry censure, in some parte
of the world and among some Americans, o
his orders to bomb North Vietnam.
The April 7 proposals have been denounced
by Hanoi, Peiping and Moscow. Red Chine.
and North Vietnam also turned down visit;
to their capitals by former British Foreign
Secretary Patrick Gordon Walker, on a diplo -
matic sounding mission, and indicated to
United Nations Secretary General U Thant
that visits by Mr. Thant would serve um;
purpose.
"We tried to open a window to peace," Mr.
Johnson said, "only to be met with tired
names and slogans?and a refusal to talk.
"They want no talks with us?no talk with
a distinguished Briton?and no talk with the
United Nations. They want no talk at all--
so far. But our offer stands. we mean ev-
ery word of it.
"The window to peace is still open. We
are still ready for unconditional discussion.
We will impose no conditions, of any kind,
on any government willing to talk. Nor will
we accept any. On this basis we are ready
to begin discussion next week, tomorrow or
tonight."
Mr. Johnson ended on a dead-serious note.
"It is not easy to engage in a struggle whoae
beginning is obscure and whose end is not
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April 28, ..196i5 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX
in sight," he said. "Peace, like war, requires
patience and the courage to go on despite
discouragement.
"Yet we must go on. For there is a world
to lose, a world of peace, of order and of ex-
panding promise for all who live_ therein."
He then 11111rinnred "thank You" to the as-
sembled reporters, walked over to put his
arin around Mrs. Johnson and kiss her On
the forehead and disappeared into the ranch-
house. Reporters could remember no other
time when he had, not lingered after a for-
mal statement to banter with the press.
Helicopter Service in New York
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. LEONARD FARBSTEIN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 14, 1965
- Mr. FARPSTEIN. Mr. Speaker, on
January 24 the President's budget mes-
sage called for an end to Federal sub-
sidies in support of passenger helicopter
operations throughout the country. I
question whether such immediate with-
drawal of support is the wisest Move at
this point in the development of heli-
copter service.
To quote a New York Times editorial
of February 6:
Any Government subsidy must, of course,
be submitted to unremitting review. But it
would be most unfortunate and shortsighted
t? stop the subsidy of helicopter passenger
service at this stage. For one thing, the Pan
Am heliport itself, because of its great con-
venience, should encourage an immediate
Increase in passenger use to make trips to
airports in 5 to 10 minutes that might re-
quire an hour or more by highway. If, as
likely, the proposed new fourth major air-
port in the area is situated even further
away, the helicopter's time advantage will
be enhanced.
While the helicopter service would
probably be unable to exist this year or
next without support, it seems that the
great increase in recent years of public
support and usage points to a time in
the very near future when such service
would be able to pay for itself. New
York Airways when it started its opera-
tions 12 years ago carried approximately
25 passengers daily. Today that figure
is up to 1,000 daily. As recently as 1958
subsidies received were 72.9 percent of
all revenues received by New York Air-
ways. In 1964 other commercial income
had grown so that only 45 percent of all
revenues came from Government sub- -
sidy. In 1965, this will drop to 34.8 per-
cent and in subsequent years it will fall
to 23.6 percent, finally in 1970 to 3.5 per-
cent.
The Civil Aeronautics Board has pro-
posed a plan for ending subsidy which
takes account of this attenuating need
as well as the requirement of Govern-
ment economy. This program would
gradually phase out aid to the heliports
between now and 1970 and offer only the
barest subsidy needed to-match increas-
ing profits.
I support this plan because I believe
it will enable, the needed convenience of
helicopter service to survive, yet will call
for the minimum of Federal funds neces-
sary to do this.
We must remember that we have a
large investment in this service. The
Federal Government has spent $46.7 mil-
lion in the past 11 years in fostering the
growth of the program. To cut off aid
now would be to nip it in the bud and
render our previous investment useless.
The Civil Aeronautics Board program
would call for a small amount of addi-
tional funds to complete our investment
and would allow that investment to reap
the dividend of self-sufficient service
that was our original goal and which
promises to be an imminent reality.
Partners of Alliance
? EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
? HON. CARLTON R. SICKLES
OF MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. SICKLES. Mr. Speaker, I would
like to bring to the attention of my col-
leagues a recent account of an interest-
ing program undertaken between my
own State of Maryland and the State of
Rio, Brazil.
Senor Ronald Hees and Senor Durval
Goncalves arrived in Maryland on
March 20 as representatives of the Part-
ners of Alliance program, jointly spon-
sored by the State Department and the
Agency for International Development.
This was a followup to a trip taken to
Brazil by three members of the Maryland
Partners Committee. These two men
from the State of Rio came to assist in
the promotion and development of the
partners relationship in Maryland and
to stimulate interest in the many-areas
of assistance and exchange in which pro-
grams are underway.
Between March 20 and April 3, Senors
Hees and Goncalves covered a tremen-
dous amount of territory. They visited
various secondary schools, the University
of Maryland, several business establish-
ments, and hospitals. They also took a
trip to the Eastern Shore and to West-
minster, appeared on two Baltimore
television programs and attended a din-
ner given by Gov. J. Millard Tawes.
As a result of their numerous visits,
Senor Hees and Senor Goncalves were
provided with insights into problems
which are acute in Maryland as well as
in Rio. The people of Maryland also
gained an insight into Rio's problems
and responded immediately. For exam-
ple, after meeting with the two men,
students of Canton Junior High School
in Baltimore donated a check to the pro-
gram. The students of the University
of Maryland, too, have responded by in-
itiating an exchange under which they
are going to attend the University of
Rio to undertake a program of improv-
ing the level of education and health of
slum dwellers. In turn, a school in Rio
is being named for Governor Tawes.
These two Brazilian visitors estab-
lished many valuable contacts so that
the Partners of Alliance program will
A2021
proceed with Increased effectiveness. It
is evident that an even closer relation-
ship has been cemented between these
two great communities.
At this time, I would like to insert into
the RECORD two articles from the Balti-
more, Md., Sun of March 31, 1965, con-
crening this program:
RIO PICKS TAWES FOR SCHOOL TITLE
ANNAPOLIS, April 10.?Governor Tawes has
been advised that a school is being named for
him in the State of Rio de Janeiro.
Rio is a sister State of Maryland in the
Partners of Alliance program initiated by the
State Department.
Gov. Paulo Torres of the State of Rio ad-
vised the Maryland Governor of the honor
planned for him, Tawes had given a dinner
in Annapolis recently honoring two members
of the State of Rio Partners Committee who
were visiting, Maryland.
Governor Tawes expressed appreciation in
a letter to Governor Torres and said he hoped
the naming of a Rio school for a Maryland
citizen will "help to cement the close rela-
tionship" being developed between the two
States.
STATE GROTJP Abs BRAZIL? -MARYLAND DOL-
LARS HELP PROVIDE SLUM AREA SCHOOLS
Maryland dollars are helping put slum
children in school in the State of Rio in
Brazil, a Brazilian visitor said yesterday.
This is one of a number of projects aided
by Marylanders in the Partners of Alliance
program, sponsored by the Agency for Inter-
national Development. Maryland is 1 of 20
States which has been linked up with a Latin
American counterpart.
At a press conference, Ronald Hees, 33, said
the enlargement of one school and the build-
ing of another in the slums of Niteroy, the
capital of the State of Rio, has enabled many
slum children to attend school.
TOTAL OF $1,300 GIVEN
Money to help enlarge the one and help
build the other came from the Maryland
committee. A total of $1,300 was given.
The chairman of the Maryland committee,
appointed by Governor Tawes, is Albert
Berney, president of Hamburger's Men Store,
Other officers who attended the press con-
ference are Wallace Lanahan, vice chairman,
president of Stein Bros. & Boyce, investment
bankers: and Julian Stein, secretary, a public
relations counsel.
Mr. Stein said that the Maryland help was
designed to "help the Brazilians help them-
selves."
Birthday of Tanzania
SPEECH
OF
HON. BILLIE S. FARNUM
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, April 26, 1965
Mr. FARNUM. Mr. Speaker, exactly
1 year ago t,pday, on April 26, the new
African Nations of Tanganyika and Zan-
zibar embarked upon the enormous task
of forging the two countries into a single
nation.
To the people of that new nation, Tan-
zania, and to its President, Mwalimu
Julius K. Nyerere, I wish to extend my
best wishes for the future, and congratu-
lations for what has been done in 1 year.
All Americans must feel admiration for
the daring concepts that were given real-
ity a year ago. Our own history of a
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A2022 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX ApriL28, 1965
struggle toward a concept Which many
said could not be attained, makes it ob-
vious to us that this young nation has
many trials and tribulations in the days
ahead. That it will coMe through site-
cessfully and attain the destiny ordained
for a people loving freedom is the hope of
all Americans on this day.
Robert Uihlein Receives Milwaukee Press
Community Service Award
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI
Or WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. ZABLOCKI. Mr. Speaker, last
Sunday it was my distinct pleasure to
have attended the annual Gridiron Din-
ner of the Milwaukee Press Club.
On that occasion, the Milwaukee Press
Club presented its 1965 award for com-
munity service to Mr. Robert A. IJihlein,
Jr., president of the Jos. Schlitz Brewing
Co.
Mr. IJihlein has richly merited this rec-
ognition for his many contributions to
the city of Milwaukee and the State of
Wisconsin. Among specific civic deeds
has been the outstanding support which
he, his family, and his firm have given
to Milwaukee's proposed Center for the
Performing Arts. Further, his sponsor-
ship of the annual Fourth of July parade
has made Milwaukee the place to be in
the United States on Independence Day.
In addition to the citation presented to
Mr. Ulhlein, awards were presented to
newspaper men and women in the 00111-
munity for outstanding journalistic
achievement.
In order to bring the accontlishrnents
of Mr. Uihlein and the members of the
Milwaukee press to the attention of my
colleagues, I wish to insert in the RECORD
at this point excerpts from news stories
on the Gridiron dinner which appeared
in the Milwaukee Sentinel on Monday,
April 26.
DIILLEIN DECLARES "Crry ON THE MOVE"
Milwaukee was described Sunday night as
a "community which is really On the move"
by Robert A. Uihlein, Jr., president of the
Jos. Schlitz Brewing Co. Uihlein made the
remarks after receiving the Milwaukee Press
Club's 1965 award for conununity service at
the club's ninth annual Gridiron Dinner in
the Wisconsin Club.
"I'm very excited about the way Milwau-
kee is moving these days," Uihlein said. He
specifically nientiOned the downtown urban
renewal underway and new businesses which
have started.
"Wisconsin, and more particularly Mil-
waukee, is on the way 50 great things. It's
fun to be a Member of a great community
like Milwaukee," he concluded.
Inhlein, 49, was honored for his contri-
butions to sports and cultural activities as
well as for his role in the brewing industry.
He was cited for his support of the proposed
Center for the Performing Arts, to which
his firm and family have contributed $1 mil-
lion; his spOnsorship of the city's annual
Fourth of July circus ,parade and fireworks
display and nurnerous other Cultural and
sporting events. '
The dinner, at which events of 1964 were
lampooned through song and playlet, was
attended by many governmental figures.
Included were Governor Knowles, Lieuten-
ant Governor Lucey, Attorney General La
Follette, State Treasurer Dena Smith, Rep-
resentative ZasTocm, Democrat, of Milwau-
kee, Representative DAVIS, Republican, of
New Berlin, Mayor Maier, County Executive
Doyne; Fred H. Harrington, president of the
University of Wisconsin; Associate Justice
Thomas Fairchild ef the State supreme court
and others.
WRITING AWARDS, 10 CATEGORIES
Best newspaper story by a rewrite man,
"Wild Bank Robbery," James G. Wieghart,
the Sentinel.
Best single news story,' reported and written
under deadline pressure, "School Boycott,"
Laurie Van Dyke, the Sentinel.
Best single news story, reported and writ-
ten without immediate deadline pressure,
"Posed as Negro," H. W. Quick, the Sentinel.
Best single story or series on a specialized
field of knowledge, including stories on sci-
ence, business, agriculture, homemaking, art,
books, religion, medicine, travel, etc. "The
Computer Age," Bob Blackwell, the Sentinel.
Best single feature story, "Expressway
Signs," Paul G. Hayes, the Journal.
Best single sports story, "Car Race," Mike
Kupper, the Journal.
Best single editorial or editorial cartoon,
"Labeling Ludicrousness," Thomas A. Blink-
horn, the Journal.
Best example of continuous reporting on a
single subject in series form or as individual
stories, "Public Schools and the Negroes,"
Ralph Olive, the Journal.
Best single story or series of articles mak-
ing a contribution to the welfare of the com-
munity or State, "Death Rides the High-
ways," Frank A. Aukofer, the Journal.
Newspaper headline award, based on sub-
mission of no more than six headlines with
stories attached, Leonard Scheller, the Jour-
nal. (The judging took into account how ac-
curately and interestingly the headline
summed up the story, plus the writer's ver-
satility.)
puorocanauy, roua CATEGORIES
Spot news photography, "River Drama,"
Robert Boyd, the Sentinel.
Documentary photography, "Buck Fever,"
James Stanfield, the JournaL
Sports photography, "stock Car Race
Crash," Ron Overdahl, West AUL Star.
Feature photography, "Student Require-
ments," James Stanfield, the Journal.
Tv AND RADIO NEWS
Best television spot news, "School Boycott,"
Best television documentary or series, "Our
War Babies Go to College," WITI-TV.
Best radio spot news, "Bank Holdup,"
WOK'! radio.
Best radio documentary or series, "Douglas
MacArthur Obituary," WTMJ radio,
Best radio-television editorial, "Stand on
Police Brutality Charges," WITI-TV.
Brown Bomber Social and Athletic Club
of Staten Island, Inc,
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN M. MURPHY
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. MURPHY of New York. Mr.
Speaker, the Brown Bomber Social and
Athletic Club of Staten Island, New
York, N.Y., held their annual dinner
on Sunday, April 25, and the proceeds of
this dinner will be donated to charitable
organizations.
Mr. Christopher Moody was chairman
of the dinner and justice of the criminal
courts, Alfred J. Cawse, was the recipi-
ent of the achievement award given each
year to an outstanding citizen for his
contributions to the Borough of Rich-
mond. George "Timmy" Allen, senior
in McKee High School was the winner of
the sports award as Staten Island's out-
standing high school basketball player.
Councilman Robert G. Lindsay and Jus-
tice Frank Paulo, surrogate of Richmond
County, were other guests of honor.
Borough president, Albert V. Maniscalco,
expressed the greetings of the city of New
York and introduced me as principal
speaker.
Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my
remarks in the RECORD, I include my
address:
REMARKS OF HON. JOHN M. MTJRPHY BEFORE
THE BROWN BOMBER SOC/AL Cave, APRIL 25
Ladies and gentleraen, tonight, I want to
talk to you briefly about education; but don't
get in a panic and start looking for the
exits; I'm not here as a professor?a calling,
incidentally, that someone once described as
getting paid to study the sleeping habits of
students?but I do want to leave a few
thoughts with you on education as an oppor-
tunity and as a challenge.
As you know, only 2 weeks ago President
Johnson?once a teacher himself?signed
into law the $1.3 billion aid-to-education
bill, the greatest single advance in the wur
on ignorance that this country has ever made.
It was an honor and a privilege for me to
contribute my vote to the passage of this
bill through Congress.
As the President said when he affixed his
signature to this historic measure, "It will
bring better education to millions of dis-
advantaged youth who need it most; put the
best educational equipment and innovations
within reach of all students; advance the
technology of teaching and the training of
teachers, and provide incentives for those
who wish to learn at every stage along the
road to learning."
Specifically, the bill is aimed at breaking
the cycle of ignorance and poverty by giving
special help to children from low-income
families. Its main section authorizes the
grant of $1.06 billion to the States for the
benefit of about 5 million children in fami-
lies earning under $2,000 a year.
It will provide additional millions to aid
school libraries and buy publicly approved
textbooks for children in public, private and
parochial schools; to start a 5-year program
for the establishment of educational and
cultural centers such as science laboratories
and reading clinics, and to aid educational
research and training designed to improve
the quality of teaching in grade and high
schools.
But let me put it in human terms:
We Americans always pride ourselves on
the availability and quality of our public
education. For most of us, it is available and
it is of good quality. But to hundreds of
thousands of families in areas where poverty
was and is a bitter reality?and these fami-
lies and areas know no color line and no
State lines?public education often is just
barely available and too often of substandard
quality.
For instance, recent educational research
has shown that alarming numbers of these
disadvantaged children are hopelessly behind,
scholastically, by the time they struggle into
the third or fourth grade. They must have
preschool training in order to start on even
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April 28 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A2031
4 (p) FLORIDA
WefAile Wire Mesh, 6 by 6-10/10, $135 per
short ton, fob,
Common quality 10-gage steel wire, $160
per short ton, fob, mill.
The eminent steel economist, Prof. Walter
Adams, of Michigan State University, recently
said that without the independent wire draw-
er "We W9u.lfi have an oligopolistic managed
economy (in the steel wire industry). The
persistence of the independents is necessary,
in the public interest, as the only means?
short of regulation or public ownership?of
injecting a suitable measure of fluidity into
the steel price structure."
It is apparent from this brief analysis of
the steel wire and wire products industry
that the vertical oligopoly power of the in-
tegrated steel producers has tended to keep
prices artificially high, which, in turn, has
contributed to this Nation's adverse balance-
of-payments position by forcing independ-
ents to buy imported steel.
The independent wire drawers have dis-
played direct, vigorous, and dynamic com-
petitive effort?this competitive effort is in
the public interest of maintaining a free
competitive marketplace. If the integrated
Steel producers had followed the example of
the major auto producers by meeting import
competition directly in the marketplace
rather than running to Washington, there
would have been no need for the independ-
ents to use imported steel, and the industry,
the public, and the Nation would have
benefited.
The Roosevelt bill would require fair pric-
ing behavior in dual distributionindustries.
The Roosevelt bill is not an indirect subsidy
for inefficient independent producers; in the
fabricating segment of the steel industry
scientific evidence proves that independent
fabricators one one-hundredth the size of
their integrated rivals have been capable of
competing effectively with the giants?when-
ever allowed to do so in free and open
Competition.
The independent wire drawers and fabri-
cators do not want special favors or subsidies
from the r ederal government?all we ask is
preservation of the marketplace?free from
Squeeze tactics and monopolistic sharp-
shooting.
Young Americans for Freedom? let-
nam Policy Statement
EXTENSION OF REM
OF
HON. THADDEUS J. DIJLSKI
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, the John
R. Pillion chapter of Young Americans
for Freedpin, in Buffalo, N.Y., endorses
the strong position taken by President
Johnson in dealing with the Vietcong
Communists.
In support of the President's action,
the Members of this chapter have cir-
culated petitions in Buffalo which al-
ready include more than 1,000 signatures.
These petitions, together with the Viet-
nam policy statement of the Young
Americans for Freedom, are being for-
warded to the President so that he can
be apprised of this group's efforts in sup-
Port of the course he is pursuing in this
troubled yea.
Under leave to extend mY remarks,
their Vietnam policy statement follows:
VIETNAM POLICY STATEMENT
Young Americans for Freedom is proud of
President Johnson's strong and effective ac-
tions against the Communists in Vietnam.
There are many influential parties exerting
maximum pressures on the President to re-
treat and negotiate in Vietnam. In this
morning's newspaper, we read of Democratic
Senator J. WILT,IAIVI Foingionr, of Arkansas,
chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Re-
lations Committee, urging the President to
temporarily halt air strikes against North
Vietnam because he is "pessimistic about
the outcome of the situation in Vietnam if
there is no attempt at negotiations." This is
not an isolated case. Students and Com-
munists have marched on Washington to
picket the White House; college professors
and university senates have sponsored rallies
and marathon teach-ins urging with-
drawal; Senators WAYNE MORSE, Of Oregon,
and ERNEST GRUENING, of Alaska, have de-
livered vehement tirades against the Presi-
dent's southeast Asian policy of contain-
ment; Senators FRANK CHURCH, of Idaho, and
GEORGE MCGOVERN, of-South Dakota, have
made severe attacks on Mr. Johnson; and
other powerful agitators continue a furious
onslaught of pe-ace-at-any-price propaganda.
Moreover, such irresponsible conduct is in-
creasing at a shocking pace.
Americans must assure Mr. Johnson that
he is not alone in the cause of freedom. It
is our patriotic and moral duty to stand by
our President in this hour of great crisis.
We must not relent our traditional duty
to defend liberty. We must not capitulate
even in the face of defeat. We must not suc-
cumb to threats of a full-scale war. We
must not forsake the people of southeast
Asia to the barbarous invasions of the At-
tilic Red Chinese. We must not abandon
the South Vietnamese to the inhumane
atrocities of communism.
The American people's will to fight for
freedom?not only for ourselves, but for all
the people of the world?has been demon-
strated in the past and must be reasserted
now.
Outstanding anti-Communists such as
Senator THOMAS Done, of Connecticut, and
our own Congressman THADDEUS J. DuLsio
are to be congratulated for their stanch and
resolute positions in this crucial situation.
As they know and have repeatedly said, we
must win?we can win?and we will win.
KENNETH K. MAHER, Jr.
Chairman.
LOUIS MARANO,
Director of Young Americans for
Freedom.
California State Senator Introduces Res-
olutions for Study of Nature's Destruc-
tive Forces
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE P. MILLER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. MILLER. Mr. Speaker, recently,
Gov. Edmund G. Brown, of California,
gave a speech in which he suggested that
the great ingenuity and resources of the
aerospace team in California should be
channeled to provide some sources or at
least unravel some of the unknowns con-
cerning the destructive forces of nature
such as storms: earthquakes, fires, and
floods.
State Senator Alvin C. Weingand re-
cently announced that he plans to in-
troduce resolutions in the State legisla-
ture to accomplish this purpose.
I am pleased to insert in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD Senator Weingand's press
release which indicates the great promise
of this approach to some of the prob-
lems which have plagued mankind for
many years.
The press release follows:
CALIFORNIA STATE SENATOR INTRODUCES RESO-
LUTIONS FOR STUDY OF NATURES DESTRUCTIVE
FORCES
Senator Alvin C. Weingand announced to-
day he will introduce resolutions calling for
studies by California aerospace firms into
the mysteries of the destructive forces of
nature?storm, earthquake, fire, and flood.
Senator Weingand, Democrat, of Santa
Barbara, said the legislation represents an
expansion of the State's pioneering efforts to
direct California aerospace industry talent
to pressing State problems.
It would authorize preliminary feasibility
studies into the causes, control, and preven-
tion of natural phenomena as well as into
the long-range forecasting of State recrea-
tional needs.
'I believe that if the genius of California's
space age talent can find ways to rocket a
man to the moon, it can also begin to give
us some answers to help us control the de-
structive forces of nature," Senator Wein-
gand said.
"Despite the marvelous accomplishments
of modern science, we are still all but help-
less before these natural phenomena.
"The toll in California alone in lives and
property from forest fires, floods, and earth-
quakes is appallingly high year after year.
"I am hopeful that the preliminary in-
vestigations my resolutions would authorize
will suggest some answers. I am hopeful
they will help us move toward realizing man's
ancient dream of truly mastering the ele-
ments and controlling them for his own
benefit."
Governor Brown commended the senator
"for his interest in this highly important
undertaking."
The Governor said studies under contracts
already let into four other problem areas?
transportation, information collection and
control, waste management, and criminal
control?"are proceeding extremely well."
"They are proving that the systems anal-
ysis approach can be applied to unsolved
and expensive problems here at home, and
they are justifying my original hope in pro-
posing them," the Governor said.
"Our aim in ,these undertakings is two-
fold. We want to mount a more effective
attack on some of the problems we face in
California and the Nation that have too long
defied the necessary scientific or engineering
solutions. At the same time, we can assist
the State's aerospace industry to convert
part of its activities to nondefense pursuits.
"Our hope ultimately is that California,
which now dominates the aerospace scene
nationally, will become the research and
development center of the Nation in an
economy turning increasingly to peaceful
pursuits."
The five resolutions authorize the admin-
istrator of the resources agency to coordi-
nate the efforts of agency departments in
cooperation with the aerospace industry to
investigate and seek solutions to the various
problems.
Excerpts from the resolutions:
On earthquake cause and prediction:
"California has experienced a large number
of earthquakes, three of which were of a
general magnitude similar to the 1964 Good
Friday earthquake in Alaska.
"The occurrence of an earthquake of this
general magnitude in a densely populated
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area of California would be catastrophic not
only to man's works, but to man himself,
physically and psychologically.
"Many disciplines of knowledge should be
directed to the study of earthquake cause
and prediction and on man's proper response
to the knowledge so developed."
On forest fire control and prevention
"The problems of wild land fire prevention
and control have been greatly intensified dur-
ing the past 20 years by California's popula-
tion growth and economic eimansion result-
ing in human use of the 37 million acres of
wild land and timber.
"Completed research projects lead to the
conclusion that direct study of prodUction
relatiOnships appear to be an essential pre-
requisite for further progress toward de-
termining proper economic production goals
for fire prevention and fire control pro-
grams, operations, and organization."
On flood control planning: "The great
floods of December 1964, caused economic
and personal damage to vast areas of the
State, which demonstrate the need for im-
proved methods of forecasting and control-
ling floods.
"Present Criteria and procedures utilized
in evaluating the justification of expendi-
tures for flood control works may not prop-
erly account for the long-range impact of a
major flood on the economy of an area."
Edward R. Murrow
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DONALD J. IRWIN
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, .1965
Mr. IRWIN. Mr. Speaker, I call the
attention of my colleagues to the follow-
ing article in today's New York Times, a
fitting tribute to an unusual man, Ed-
ward R. Murrow.
The article follows:
EDWARD R. MURROW, BROADCASTER, AND
FORMER USIA HEAD, DIES
Edward R. Minrow, whose independence
and incisive reporting brought heightened
journalistic stature to radio and television,
died yesterday at his home in Pawling, N.Y.,
at the age of 57.
The former head of the U.S. Information
Agency had been battling cancer since Octo-
ber 1963. He had been in and out of the
hospital ever since, and death came 3 weeks
after he was discharged from New York Hos-
pital for the last time.
The ever-present cigarette (he smoked 60
to 70 a day), the matter-of-fact baritone
voice and the high-domed, worried, lopsided
face were the trademarks of the radio re-
porter who became internationally famous
during World War II with broadcasts that
started, "This [pause] is London."
Later, on television, his series of news
documentaries, "See It Now," on the Colum-
bia Broadcasting System from 1951 to 1958,
set the standard for all television documen-
taries on all networks.
President Johnson, on learning of Mr.
Murrow'S death, said that all Americans "feel
a sense of loss in the death of Edward R.
Murrow."
He was, the President said, a "gallant.
fighter" who had "dedicated his life as a
newsman and, as a public official to the
unrelenting search for truth."
Mr. Murrow died at his home on the rolling
hills of his 280-acre Pawling farm shortly
before noon.
He is survived by his widow, the former
Janet Huntington Brewster; a son, Charles
Casey Murrow, a freshman at Yale Univer-
sity; and two brothers, L. V. Murrow, of
Washington, and Dewey Murrow, of Spokane,
Wash.
' A funeral service will be held on Friday
at 2 p.m. at St. James Episcopal Church,
865 Madison Avenue, between 71st and 72d
Streets. Burial is to be announced.
In many years of receiving honors and
tributes, the most recent was conferred on
Mr. Murrow on March 5, 1965, by Queen
Elizabeth II, who named him an honorary
Knight Commander of the Order of the
British Empire.
On September 14, 1964, President Johnson
awarded him the Medal of Freedom, the
highest civilian honor a President can confer
on an American citizen.
Mr. Murrow's career with the Columbia
Broadcasting Co. spanned 25 years. It ended
in January 1961 when President Kennedy
named him head of the U.S. Information
Agency.
In October 1963.a malignant tumor made
the removal Of his left lung necessary, and
3 months later he resigned as head of the
Agency. Last November, Mr. Murrow again
underwent surgery.
BROUGHT CONTROVERSY INTO HOMES
Mr. Morrow achieved international distinc-
tion in broadcasting, first as a radio corre-
spondent reporting from London in World
War II and then as a pioneer television jour-
nalist opening the home screen to the stimu-
lus of controversy. No other figure in broad-
cast news left such a strong stamp on both
media.
In an industry often given to rule by com-
mittee, Mr. Murrow was always recognized as
an individual, whether in the front lines of
the war, in the executive conferences of a
network or, in what he enjoyed most, in
planning his next story. His independence
was reflected in doing what he thought had
to be done on the air and worrying later
about the repercussions among sponsors,
viewers, and individual stations. The fruits
of his determination are shared today by
newsmen at all networks; they enjoy a free-
dom and latitude not yet won by others work-
ing in the medium.
Mr. Murrow was a realist about fame. He
could not walk a block in New York without
pedestrians turning for a look or a bore try-
ing to strike up a conversation. But in the
context of television he knew the value of
adulation. "It can get a lot of things done,"
he once remarked. That was his concern.
In the last war, Mr. 1Vlurrow conveyed the
facts with a compelling precision. But he
went beyond the reporting of the facts. By
describing What he saw in visual detail, he
sought to convey the moods and feelings of
-war.
Had a London street just been bombed
out? The young correspondent was soon
there in helmet, gray flannel trousers and
sport coat, quietly describing everything he
saw against :the urgent sound patterns of
rescue operations.
Or he would be in a plane on a combat
mission, broadcasting live on the return leg
and describing the bombing he had watched
as "orchestrated hell."
He flew 25 missions in the war, despite the
opposition of top executives of the Columbia
Broadcasting System in New York, who re-
garded him as too valuable to be so regularly
risked. In the endless German air raids on
London, his office was bombed out three times
but he escaped injury.
Mr. Murrow, never fevered or high-blown,
had the gift of, dramatizing whatever he re-
ported. He clid so by understatement and by
a calm, terse, highly descriptive radio style.
Sometimes there was a sort of metallic
poetry in his words.
"BLOOD ON THE PANES"
In one memorable broadcast he said that
as he "walked home at 7 in the 'morntitg, the
windows in the West End were red with re-
flected fire, and the raindrops were like blood
on the panes."
For a dozen years, as radio's highest paid
newscaster, he was known by voice alone to
millions of his countrymen. "This (pause)
Is London," was his matter-of-fact saluta-
tion, `delivered in a baritone voice tinged
with an echo of doom. Later it was, "This
(pause) is the news."
Then television added to the distinctive
voice an equally distinctive face, with high-
domed forehead and deep-set, serious eyes.
Mr. Murrow's casual television manner was
superimposed on a quite obvious native
tension.
As the armchair interviewer on "Person to
Person," Mr. Murrow carried out a gentle-
manly electronic invasion of the homes of
scores of celebrities in the 1950's from Sophie
Tucker through the evangelist Billy Graham
The darkly handsome Mr. Murrow, his
brow knotted and two fingers holding his
ever-present cigarette, sat in the studio fac-
ing a greatly magnified television image of
his subjects at home. He would make what
one writer called "urbane small talk" with
them, generously admiring their children and
perhaps inquiring exactly where that hand-
some vase on the side table had been ac-
quired. It was not momentous, but it was
interesting.
SERIES OF DOCUMENTARIES
From 1951 to 1958 Mr. Murrow also did a,
series of news documentaries under the title
"See It Now." In the 1953-54 season the tele-
cast studied the various aspects of the im-
pact of the emotional and political phenom-
enon known as McCarthyism.
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, Republican,
of Wisconsin, was then conducting his cru-
sade against alleged Communist influence.
Some regarded it as a hard, honest search
for subversives by a zealous patriot; others
saw it as a demagogic opportunism, the ex-
ploitation of a real issue for the purpose of
gaining political influence by intimidation.
The debate over Senator McCarthy, was
supercharged with emotion and fervent be
Since commercial television thrives by
giving little offense, the medium had given
the matter gingerly treatment.
Mr. Murrow and his long-time coeditor,
Fred W. Friendly, broke this pattern deci-
sively on Wednesday evening, March 10, 1954.
Using film clips that showed the Senator to
no good advantage, the two men offered a
provocative examination of the man and his
methods.
The program, many thought, had a devas-
tating effect. McCarthyism did lose public
force in succeeding months. "The timing
was right and the instrument powerful," Mr.
Murrow said to the telecast later.
DECIDED TO GO AHEAD
Jack Gould, television critic of the New
York Times, wrote that "Mr. Murrow decided
to go ahead with the program at a time when
passions in the broadcasting industry were
running wild on the issue of Communist
sympathizers and dupes. It was the auton-
omy of the Murrow-Friendly operation, often
the source of internal controversy within CBS
that got the vital show on the air."
That autonomy was a singular thing in
network broadcasting. It was based on Mr.
Morrow's immense prestige, initially gained
when he became one of the first radio war
correspondents and built a superb news staff
for CBS in Europe.
Mr. Murrow, one writer said, "has achieved
a position at CBS that is outside, and basi-
cally antithetical to, the corporate structure
of authority" and he thereby enjoyed a large
measure of "freedom from authority of all
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April 28 / CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
We do, .119te.Yer? have a fair? Idea of the
COnclitions ndustry which produce con-
Peat; Monopoly.
A mbnroPoljr sraApist; rxr;
,
e, failure of Lee Rubber & The Co.,. for
eXaMi5Ie, ,can in large measure be traced to
'
that 'cbiniali3i's loss of business to the TBA
monopoly enjoyed almost exclusively by the
major producers. We' turn to tit _Docket
No. 6486, ciate,d March 9.,,1961, in the matter
of Goodyear's.. TBA contract With Atlantic
Retraing Co. _ There are ample instances
fbinact in theke. FTC allegations to substan-
tiate Ibis Claim. Furthermore, it should be
ribted, the tr.s: douit of Appeals in Chicago
. on 'April 24, 1964, upheld FTC's case and
denied Goodyear's 'petition to set aside the
Governnients ,order to break the TBA con-
tract.
"The success enjoyed by Goodyear * * in
sellina to Atlantic has been, purchased at the
eXpense of competing TBA suppliers,"? FTC
? abted. The "competing supplier" in this case
happ,ened to be Lee,
Retigning to the docket we read this., de-
seription of events Which ied to Lee's loss of
busin4ss (between 1948 and 1950 Atlantic's
sales a 'MA was $2.1 to Goodyear,
the Major company which now has an option
to buy the smaller company.
"Sometime in ,932, Atlantic eommeneed to
prirchase 'Lee tires from the, Lee Rubber &
Tire Corp., and to resell such tires to its
1.vlieleSale and retail petroleurn,distributors."
Note that under this plan Atlantic bought,
warehoused, shipped, and sold the tires to its
outlet. Thus.,the Oil marketer Was =vet-
, ing th the market by performing a distinct
eCenomie service. And note too ht an At-
lantic spokesman commenting on the ar-
rangement with Lee, said: "We receive a good
gross margin in keeping with the duties left
to us."
Also note that Atlantic's dealers, were sat-
isfied with the arrangement. The oil firm
conducted a brand-preference Survey among
its dealers in 1948 and 1949 and grit following
reSult; "67 percent of the Atlantie dealers
contacted indicated, that, they would rather
obtain. their 1'RA-requirements from Several
sources rather than a _single `source, the' prin-
cipal reason given therefor being price ad-
vantages and the variety of brancts. r -
Notwithstanding, negotiations for exclu-
sive TBA contract between Atlantic and. the
major tire producers were,set in motion. one
result was that operations under the so-
called "sales commission" plan with Good-
year commenced on an experimental basis in
Atlantic's Newark, N.J., section in June 1950.
It proved successful to Atlantic. and Good-
year. But not for Lee and other small
compelitors.
- Subsequently, Atlantic gave Lee the boot
and took on the Goodyear TBA line. An At-
lantic official boasted to his superior: "We
are relieved of the purchasing function * * *
do not warehouse or deliver any merchandise,
we are not involved in the handling of ac-
counts, we do not iseue catalogs or price
books nor do we have to provide point-of-
sale promotion helps." All that Atlantic
had to do, he commented, was to, "assist
in the, selling job as Well as in the dealer
training and merchandising task, and for
this effort recelVe a coniMilssichWhich .*
has been, ayeraging well over 9 percent."
Lee vigorously protested the loss of its
right to compete in an open market for :this
business, but in vain. FTC puts it this way:
"The sales gain accruing to Goodyear * *
was accompanied by a corresponding loss in
sales by Lee" even though Lee had opened
new.. factory branches in Hartford, Conn.,
,PraVidgace, R.r., and Syracuse, N.Y., to,ac-
, COmniOdate, tins , Within nine
rrionth,s after Atlantic began sponsoring
Goodyear TEA Lee dourfully reported that
only "25 percent of the Atlantic business
will be salvaged this year (1951)."
Lee sales. *rote bitter letters to
Atlantic complaining of the methods em-
ployed to grease the shift from Lee to Good,..
year' di Atlantic's outlets.-But these mis-
sales were exercises in futiity.
Another unrewarding dividend derived
from such TBA agreements must be pointed
out, and that is the devasting effect they
have on smaller tire producers who need to
build a strong network of distrbution
through independent dealers. You can
assess their chances at success in, this vital
area when you consider that even the tire
distributors of the majors with TBA ties are
eliminated in competing for the business of
"captured" gas stations. FTC illustrates this
point when it charged that "competition
among Goodyear wholesalers for the busi-
ness of Atlantic accounts has been eliminated
through the assignment of each Atlantic ac-
count to a designated supply point." While
there were 1,155 Goodyear dealers in the
Atlantic marketing territories assigned to
Goodyear only 128 of these dealers were
tapped as "supply points." The remainder
of Goodyear dealers, like dealers handling
smaller company lines, "are substantially
foreclosed from access to Atlantic accounts."
Multiply this effect on free competition by
the number of TBA agreements in force be-
tween the major tire and oil firms and you
get an indication of what is involved.
Proposal for Peace
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLAUDE PEPPER
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. PEPPER. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the
RECORD, I include the following:
A VIEW OF THE NEWS?GETTING INVOLVED
IN VIETNAM
(By Clarke Ash, associate editor of the
Miami News)
What can one Miamian do to end the mess
in Vietnam? , John. R. Bethea doesn't know
for sure but he aims to find out.
Bethea is a young (33) social science in-
structor at the University of Miami who be-
lieves teachers should become involved in
world events.
Currently, he is looking for ways to spread
the word about a promising plan to get the
United States out of the Vietnam conflict
without abandoning the country to the
Communists.
The plan is not Bethea's. It was advanced
by a fellow educator at the University of Chi-
cago, Dr. Gilbert F. White, professor of geog-
raphy. After first appearing in the Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists, it is being distri-
buted by the American Friends Service
Committee, whose pamphlet came into Be-
thea's hands.
Essentially, White's plan would substitute
a masSive, Multination economic assistance
program for the- ione Military hand the
United States is playing today. About 20
nations would be involved in both an eco-
nomic and military venture which would
help stabilize not only Vietnam but also Laos,
Cambodia, and other troubled countries of
southeast Asia.
RED ATTITUDE
_
?
What makes anyone think the Commu-
nists would hold,, still. while, all this Is, going
on? No one knows that they would, of
course. But optimism springs from the fact
that they are already cooperating to some
degree in a little-known development pro-
.42Q5
gram of vast potential on the southern Me-
kong River Delta.
_Some 20 nations are working there with re-
Markable, unanimity of purpose on a pro-
gram begun in 1957 by the U.N. Economic
Commission. The plan has such vast pop-
ular support that so far the Communists
have kept hands off.
Dr. White suggests that the present project,
now in the planning and engineering phase,
be greatly expanded by the participating na-
tions. The Mekong is to this region what the .
Mississippi is to the United States, the Nile
to northeast Africa, the Amazon to South
America, with huge untapped potential for
hydroelectric power and agriculture. The
benefits of its development would extend all
the way to Red China. It would be to the
advantage of the nations supplying the eco-
nomic assistance to join in a multination
police force to assure political stability while
the project was underway.
This is but a sketchy outline of a proposal
which Bethea can propound in detail and at
length. He believes that if enough people
can be sold, their combined voices will be
heard in Washington.
RIGHT DIRECTION
Maybe Washington is already tuned in.
Last Thursday, President Johnson emerged
from a Cabinet meeting with the announce-
Ment that the United States would consider a
sort of "Marshall plan" of economic and so-
cial assistance for Southeast Asia if peace
were restored in Vietnam.
The President did not mention the Mekong
River development specifically, but the idea
would seem to mesh with his thinking. If he
has any trouble selling the public on this
new direction, Mr. Johnson should have an
ardent supporter in Dr. White and his con-
vert in Miami, John Bethea.
. .
A PROPOSAL FOR PEACE IN VIETNAM
A peaceful and honorable resolution of the
conflict in South Vietnam and Laos may be
found in a bold plan for land and water de-
velopment which already unites factions in
four nations of southeast Asia. For 7 years,
Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and South Viet-
nam have been working with little publicity
and without disagreement on a. huge de-
velopment program. These four countries,
which do not cooperate in anything else,
have reached accord on development of the
Lower Mekong Basin.
Work already is underway in drawing engi-
neering designs, moving earth for dams,
building powerplants, cultivating pilot farms,
and training village technicians. Even
guerrilla troops have not halted field work.
If the United Nations were to designate
this area for international development ac-
cording to the plan already drawn by the
four nations, there is a strong possibility
that peace could be achieved in a common
pursuit of agricultural and industrial growth.
This is a solution to southeast Asian violence
which would make sense to peasants in rice
fields and to American taxpayers * * *. The
United Nations might be expected to provide
a blue-helmeted watch and wara service for
those sectors of the project area where se-
curity is threatened. It could do this on the
invitation of the country concerned. Cam-
bodia w.91,11c1 have, no immediate
need beyond protection of their borders.
Laos and South Vietnam would find it essen-
tial in the areas where civil unrest has been
intense * * *.
This type of agreement would be funda-
mentally different from the cease-fire that is
1Es-runts from "Lower Mekong,' by Gil-
bert F. White, professor of geography at the
University of Chicago. The article was pub-
lished by the "Bulletin of the Atomic Scien-
tists," December 1964, and reprinted by the
American Friends Service Committee, 1185
Sunset Drive, Coral Gables, Fla.
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A2036 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX April 28, 1965
envisioned under a neutralization treaty.
The four countries, the United States, North
Vietnam, and other interested nations. would
commit themselves primarily to advance a
great development program for the welfare
of the people * * *. It would substitute a
development goal for an indistinct battle
line, and it would permit the United States
to withdraw gracefully in favor of an inter-
national force committed to that goal. Fi-
nancial obligations of the United States
would in the future be linked with con-
tributions of money and people from other
nations.
A PROPOSAL FOR SOLITTION OF THE VIETNAM
CONFLICT
In addition to the obliterating threat of a
nuclear war, there are two other overriding
issues which threaten the security of all so-
cieties. One problem is the unrest and in-
stability of two-thirds of the world's popula-
tion, which is suffering from malnutrition
or worse. Much of this unrest is caused by
the fact that these people are beginning to
smell the "aroma" of what might be theirs
if they could only develop economically.
Second, it is common knowledge that there
exists in the world an enormous variety of
young, emotional national states. These na-
tions have learned well from the history of
the older Western nation states. Under-
standably these young nations make on oc-
casion what might seem to be, from our
viewpoint, inappropriate and unrealistic de-
mands.
However, one consistent and valid demand
made by these nations is that it be possible
for them to achieve a reasonable degree of
economic stability. Economic stability is for
many of these countries the essential pre-
requisite to social and political stability.
When feasible, the program of development
should be an international cooperative
venture.
Thus, with the background given by Gil-
bert White's article, it seems reasonable that
the United States might offer to allocate a
significant portion of its yearly foreign aid
appropriation to the existing international
economic venture in the Mekong River Delta.
This action would promote long range politi-
cal and social stability. This type of positive
action would meet a common need of all
emerging countries?economic development.
The project by its very nature would promote
regionalism and provide an example of co-
operation among small nation states.
The obvious fact is that world peace is the
responsibility, militarily and economically, of
all nations. The United States should offer
to redirect its energies from military to eco-
nomic development if a group of nations
would agree, with the consent of the South
Vietnam Government, to bring into South
Vietnam a sufficiently large force to help
that Government and people maintain their
political and territorial integrity.
This plan does not hope that South Viet-
nam will finally become either capitalistic
or socialistic. The end result for all of the
small countries in this area will probably be
a mixture of both economic systems. This
plan does involve the determination that no
single country will dominate the peninsula
known historically to the westerner as
French Indochina. Most nations, including
many of the emerging nations, should be
willing collectively to resist aggression of this
kind.
This plan is an honorable alternative to
the present U.S. course of action. In the
positive sense of being creative, the Mekong
River Delta project promises regionalism and
long-range social and political growth.
Thank you for your time and considera-
tion.
JOHN R. BETHEA.
MIAMI, FLA.
How the Handicapped Are Overcoming
Barriers to Employment in My Community
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. WALTER S. BARING
OF NEVADA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. BARING. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks, I should like
to have inserted in the Appendix of the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the prize-winning
entry of Miss Melody Jean Smith of
Reno, Nev., in the 1965 national "Ability
Counts" contest sponsored by the Presi-
dents' Committee on Employment of the
Handicapped.
Miss Smith won fourth place and will
be presented with her award at the open-
ing ceremonies of the committee's an-
nual meeting on April 29.
The essay follows:
How THE HANDICAPPED ARE OVERCOMING BAR-
RIER TO EMPLOYMENT IN MY COMMUNITY
(By Melody Jean Smith, Reno High School,
Reno, Nev.)
Addressing the President's Committee on
Employment of the Handicapped in April of
1964, President Johnson said, "I am con-
vinced that it is morally right--socially just
?economically sensible?and administra-
tively feasible to open the door of employ-
ment opportunity to handicapped but job-
qualified Americans." Many handicapped
individuals in my community have opened
that door?the door which leads to their em-
ployment and to their acceptance as produc-
tive members of sOciety.
That a moral imperative endows every hu-
man being with dignity and worth is un-
questioned in our society, yet complete social
justice has not been attained. There are still
many prejudices against handicapped indi-
viduals.
Achieving social justice for these handi-
capped is never the work of a single indi-
vidual or a single agency. Hundreds of peo-
ple and many facilities are involved in over-
coming barriers to the employment of the
handicapped: rehabilitation counselors, phy-
sicians, psychologists, social workers, and
prosthetic experts; plus rehabilitation cen-
ters, workshops, hospitals, and schools. The
President's Committee on Employment of
the Handicapped has a network of governors'
committees and local committees carrying
information and inspiration to every part of
the country. The work of these groups has
resulted in modification of the hiring prac-
tices of employers.
One of the great steps made in the past
few years has been the removal of architec-
tural barriers such as steep flights of steps
and narrow doorways that cannot admit em-
ployees confined to wheelchairs. Last year
when my community's new multimillion-
dollar bank building was completed, Mr. Al-
bert Alegre, the building manager, stated,
"The handicapped were considered when this
building was planned." A ramp leads to the
building's automatic doors, and the eleva-
tors, drinking fountains, and restrooms of
the interior are easily accessible to the han-
dicapped. A newly built Employment Se-
curity Office Building and an almost com-
pleted city hall also have street level en-
trances accessible to the handicapped.
Federal-State agencies working as part-
ners in action have made rehabilitation and
placement of the handicapped administra-
tively feasible. Disabled persons are re-
ferred to the Division of Vocational Rehabili-
tation from many sources: doctors, schools,
welfare agencies, and employment services.
Medical data, case study, and an appraisal
of the client's ability enable the counselor
to work out an individual rehabilitation
plan. The services may include medical
care, the supplying of artificial limbs, train-
ing, transportation, and maintenance dur-
ing rehabilitation, the supplying of occu-
pational tools and equipment, and job place-
ment.
In my community by means of a grant
from the Max C. Fleishmann Foundation,
funds from the Vocational Rehabilitation
Administration, and contributions from in
and organizations in Nevada, a
much-needed occupational training center is
being initiated. This center will provide
necessary training for disabled people in or-
der that they may become self-supporting.
The money spent for the construction
and operation of this training center is well
spent, for rehabilitation of the handicapped
is economically sensible. In Nevada, 113
persons were rehabilitated during the fiscal
year 1963-64. These individuals had earned
$62,088 annually before rehabilitation; after
rehabiLitation they were earning $491,296
annually, an increase of over 600 percent.
It is estimated that during the rest of their
lives they will pay back about $10 in income
tax for every dollar invested in their re-
habilitation.
Hiring the handicapped is also economi-
cally sensible for the employer. Publicized
studies show that properly placed handi-
capped persons are equally or more pro-
ductive than their fellow workers and that
they have better attendance and safety rec-
ords.
Many handicapped persons in my commun-
ity have overcome the characteristic barriers,
to employment?social, architectural, preju-
dicial--and are now proving that "ability
counts." Although Mr. Howard McKissick
is a disabled veteran, his consistent reelec-
tion to the post of county commissioner at-
tests to his efficiency and the voters grati-
tude. Mrs. Lillian Barnum, who lost her legs
when she was eight, is a dedicated worker for
the Governor's Committee on Employment of
the Handicapped. In spite of the loss of his
right arm, Mr. Howard Farrell is an excellent
accountant for the Internal Revenue Service.
Mr. Maynard Yasmer, severely crippled by
polio, necessitating his being confined to a
wheelchair, has achieved distinction as a re-
hibilitation counselor.
These people are among those who have
overcome barriers to employment in my com-
munity. Many more need help. This help is
being provided by the many agencies and in-
dividuals that concern themselves with this
problem. Through diligent work, my com-
munity is learning that it is "morally right?
socially just?economically sensible?and ad-
ministratively feasible" to rehabilitate and
hire the handicapped.
Firearms Control Legislation
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT E. SWEENEY
OF OHIO
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, April 28, 1965
Mr. SWEENEY. Mr. Speaker, on
March 16, 1965, I introduced a bill, H.R.
6346, to amend the Federal Firearms
Act. These amendments on firearms are
not designed to cause injury to the sport-
loving public, nor those engaged in legiti-
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