CONGRESSIONAL RECOR -- SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300140007-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 17
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 6, 2003
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: October 15, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

~ipproved For Release 2003/10/14 ,q ODP R0003001
RE ND ~' `~ ~r ~ 5, t9 65
26180 --- CONGRESSIONAL
when they were told by many of those they and challenge. it is not improbable these led or duped by persons whose plans and
interviewed, "We'll be interested to see how will be the next goals of the Johnson admin- actions are not only hostile to the better
you come out." istration if current programs work out interests of our Nation but are also de-
One of the chief theoreticians of the Great satisfactorily. liberately aimed toward a goal that
Richard N. Goodwin, a former Presi- smacks of anarchy. Extremists and agi-
Society
,
dential speechwriter now enjoying the con- tators are combining in areas through
ONSTRATION PROTESTS out the country to discredit the foreign
templative life at Wesleyan College in Mid-
b16
grand dletown, Conn., has said that it is not "a AGAINST VIETNAM
scheme or master plan." That, in fact, policy of our Nation and to mock the
may be its main defect. Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. efforts of those worthy American citi-
Planning may have been a sinful concept President, demonstrations protesting zens serving under enemy fire in support
in New Deal days. But today even big busi- U.S. participation in the war in Vietnam of our Nation's security.
ness has accepted the necessity of avoiding have today been launched in various The study by the Senate Judiciary In-
the slides, turns, and pitfalls of unplanned areas throughout the country for con- ternal Security Subcommittee, issued
economic activity. So Goodwin may have tinuance in a planned pattern through- just this week, makes plain the fact that
exposed a flaw in the administration pro- control of the anti-Vietnam agitations,
gram that will make it vulnerable to a well- out the weekend. C and varied executed, and planned, Republican siege. In Oakland, Calif., the members of the teach-in of
ach-in theanti-demon-
Thus far, the Republicans have failed. to Vietnam Day committee-the organiza- strations so allied, movements, has clearly passed
mount an effective opposition to either the tion spawned, in part, by the radical from the hands of the moderate elements
theory or the design of the Great Society. student element at the University of who may have controlled these at one
They have been unable to articulate a per- California, at Berkeley, have announced time, into the hands of Communists and
suasive against its objectives. their intentions of undertaking general extremist elements who are openly sym-
They have chosen to fight it piecemeal, operations to halt troops movements at
and the lines on which they have stood often pathetic to the Vietcong and openly hos-
have followed the'old demarcation of wel- the U.S. Army Terminal at Oakland, tile to the United States. The firm con-
farism versus individualism, big central gov- possibly invading the docks in massive elusion drawn by this Senate commit-
ernmeat versus local control. numbers, using small boats for encircle- tee from the evidence secured is that
If the public opinion polls mean anything, ment, blocking the railway trasks, and this is particularly true of the national
the people seem unimpressed by arguments dropping leaflets by air. A sleep-in has Vietnam protest movement scheduled
that had emotional impact before the society been threatened, and a 71/2-mile torch- for today and tomorrow, October 15-16.
acquired such'a high degree of affluence, light parade has been scheduled for Those persons-students, marchers,
Some critics of the program confidently Saturday evening-despite refusal of a
believe the case against it will make itself, pickets-who participate in the demon-
so to speak, that its greatest barrier may be police permit for such activity-as re- strations this weekend should make no
the bureaucracy it promotes. It can, in this ported by the press. mistake about what they are doing.
judgment, only strangle in the red tape it Hearing of these well-organized, They are being used by their country's
will generate. highly publicized plans will remind enemies to damage this Nation which
It is true that many of its features require American citizens of past events at the nurtured them, and the watching Amer-
new Federal-State and Federal-city relation- Oakland Army terminal when demon- ican public will make its judgment be-
ships, on which the bureaucracy feeds. But strators attempted to actually physically tween the merits of their actions and
President Johnson, whose memory of the in
makeshift agencies of the depression years haul troops away from military trans- those of of our our American cfighting they g men dishon-
his vivid, has already begun to warn ports departing for Asia, and when Vietnam efforts
his lieutenants against this kind of Federal demonstrators stood on railway tracks in oring and endangering.
undergrowth. the area to prevent train movements. In my humble judgment, the actions
Despite its propaganda output, the glow- Affiliated with this radical group-the announced for this weekend fall little
ing rhetoric that accompanies and distends Vietnam Day Committee-in "invasion" short of being treasonous and will give
each measure as the President lays his signa- plans on the Oakland Terminal, again succor, comfort, and encouragement to
tore to it, there is little new in the entire according to reliable press reports, are the Vietcong guerrillas with whom
package. It swept the shelves clean of rem-
nants from the New Deal and a few fresh elements of the Dubois Clubs-named American fighting men are locked in
articles from the New Frontier. for the former Negro educator turned mortal combat in the. jungles, swamps,
Its innovations are scarce-rent subsidies Communist who later died in Ghana and rice paddies of Vietnam.
for low-income families, educational clinics after reportedly renouncing commu- From the beginning, I have looked
to modernize curriculums and stimulate new nism-members of the Harry Bridges' with disapproval.upon those demonstra-
teaching techniques, health research. Longshoremen Union, and neighborhood tions in which the laws of States and
The contention that it is a campaign to civil rights groups, possibly totaling 5,000 communities were violated. I foresaw
improve "the quality of our lives" is unsub-
stantiated. in all. the time when every disgruntled group
true, and and the he countryside h t hadeAnother demonstration is planned for would take its problems into the streets.
been boosted, it The is arts
been
may be somewhat beautified in the war on New York City on Saturday, October 16, I feel that the cup "now runneth over,
litterburgs. by an ad hoc committee, and it is stated and the wind which was sown is now
But the big nonmilitary money will con- that this -demonstration will include becoming the whirlwind. Communist
tinue to be spent on familiar programs- 15,000 marchers down Fifth Avenue with elements which apparently have had a
space, social security, housing, Federal pay a rally to follow in Central Park. part, to a degree, in the demonstrations
raises, vocational rehabilitation. The aid- In Baltimore, Md., also on Saturday, that have increasingly occurred in all
to-education outlays will be vastly greater,
as will spending for medicare, two programs 200 students and faculty members of areas of this country during the past 2 that went on the books for the first time in Johns Hopkins University, Morgan State years, are now obviously becoming more
a major way but cut no new furrows. College, and Goucher College will picket bold; and I feel that the time has come
Whatever else the Great Society might do Secretary of State Dean Rusk when he when action must be taken to meet this
to rectify what Goodwin calls "the social speaks at Johns Hopkins University. threat to our Republic, to our people, and
failures," it has yet to excite or capture the Additionally, if plans materialize as have to our way of life.
fancy and enthusiasm of many Americans, been announced, here in Washington, I daresay that if the American marine,
particularly the students and intellectuals. D.C., an organization headed by the so- begrimed and weary from hacking his
This absence of esprit troubles adminis- called Washington Area Committee to way through the jungles of Vietnam in
tratfon officials. End War in Vietnam will picket the seeking out guerrilla strongholds, had an
They realize students seem to prefer die- Army Recruiting Station at Seventh and opportunity to address a group of the
sent to consent and tend to equate the Presi- E Streets NW., in the afternoon of demonstrators on Saturday, he could
concentration sm. with con- October 16. make explicit his revulsion of those who,
fortuity dent's and cherished conventionalism.
Improvement in housing conditions and These are but some of 100 American under the guise of using the due processes
educational facilities, health, and hospital cities and college campuses which may of free speech, attempt to limit the sup-
assistance to the elderly, antipoverty mess- expect to witness demonstrations this port which he is due from those whose
ul es, and all the other laws appear to these, weekend, these masterminders confi- security he is risking his life to protect.
affluent and jaded citizens as the necessary dently state. I ask, "In what manner is any person
works perhaps of an ordinary society, but not Mr. President, I am appalled at the being helpful to an American soldier in
a great one.
As the Great Society unfolds, it conceiv- manner in which students and citizens of combat in Vietnam when he, or she, at-
ably may offer everything but inspiration the United States are apparently being tempts to interfere with the shipment of
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 October 15; e5ved For Release
ONGRESSIONAL (RECORD 00SENATE300140007-7
26179'
"We have been racdng these programs "Federal spending has been rising at an New Jersey, the head of a GOP study task
through the Senate and through Congress, unprecedented rate," says Senator MILTON R. force, says it has been "an administrative
and the question is: When does the sky fall YOUNG, Republican, of North Dakota. "This shambles * * * a war without strategy, waged
In? increased spending includes funds for a mostl b"
Former Vice President Richard M. Nixon, broad range of Great Society pr a Y generals."
considered a leading Republican presidential of which are going to y p increase in a ' cost many year served Senator for the ant DDte ant fovert as bill o e of. his
for :1968 by the pollsters, has said by year. classic one of he
performances. He gave little
ram
much the same thing in a different way, "The end result of this fiscal policy must on on the Senate Senate floor oor to ridicule e a progdance
gram
Said Nixon: be of deep concern to everyone. If expendi- teaching choreography.
"The very things Johnson is being praised : tures continue to soar, we can expect only In his impassioned closing remarks he said
so highly for now are going to become his one of two results in the future-the res- the program was "the very acme of waste
failures in time. troation of any old taxes and perhaps even and extravagance, and unorganization and
"The programs he is pushing hold out a lot some new ones, or a badly unbalanced budg- disorganization * * * colossal disgrace, and
of promises, but when they are not fulfilled-- et with inevitable runaway inflation." in some cases, an absolute fraud upon the
and a greaat many of them won't be-the Another issue that concerns many critics- taxpayers of this country."
reaction will set in." even one leading liberal Democrat-is the
Nixon predicted flatly that President John.- way the Johnson administration has pushed AND OTHER cs whatTs
son's domestic program-the Great Society the program through Congress. WASHINGTON.-Here is what some of the
program-will cost him the election in 1968. The liberal Democrat is Representative major critics of President Johnson's Great
The most common fear ,pf the Great, So- EDITH GREEN of Oregon, who said after pas- Society have said:
ciety program expressed in Republican litera- sage of the administration's education bill: Barry Goldwater, 1964 Republican presi-
ture and speeches is the fear of inflation. "Today it seems to me we have in the House dential candidate: "There are two distin-
"Inflation has begun to roll," said the for- a determined effort to silence those who are guishing marks of the led Great Society.
mer GOP national chairman, Senator THRUS- in disagreement." First, it preaches a free-ticket philosophy in
TON B. MORTON, of Kentucky. Representative CHARLES GOODELL, Repub- which recipients of Federal handouts are
"It already is seen in rising living costs lican, of New York, said the education bill urged to believe that they are getting -
some
-which shrink wages and pensions. Retired should be renamed as "the Railroad Act of thing for nothing. Second, its high-sound-
-
persons dependent upon their social security 1965"-because it was railroaded through the ing programs are not so much designed to
benefits have seen the recent increases in House. accomplish results as they are designed to
their pensions wiped out before the bill He said that of 29 Republican amendments capture results at the polls."
granting them was signed. to the bill only 4 were debated-for 5 William F. Buckley, Jr., conservative editor
"Tax cuts designed to help the middle-to.- minutes each-and 14 were given no debate. of National Review: "The quality of life has
lower income brackets have been swallowed "No opportunity was given to explain heretofore depended on the quality of the
and bigger tax burdens are on the way." them," GOODELL said. human beings who gave tone to that life, and
In speech after speech other Republican Republicans say many of their efforts to they were its priests and poets, not its bu??
orators are sounding the same theme. The change Great Society proposals in both the resu v. George Republican National Committee has put out, House and the Senate have aimed essentially Gov. collection Romney, Michigan: "The
a brochure entitled "Those Startling Food at preventing further centralization of power Great Soc t programs which are ever r the
Prices." in Washington. Grelofty goals. , by themselves, can never reach.
It contains a chart that lists the cost of They lost almost every time-including a their lofty uThey are based on a par -
It the and k, to nape conception of the society
frying in the la~stc fair as having risen 56 percent campaign to permit Governors to veto poverty they see}: to build, and of the forces that
y porterhouse steaks, 58.8 per- projects in their States. They also lost on must do the buildin
cent; bacon, 114 percent; chuck roast, 73 drives to permit States, rather than the Fed- g
percent; pork chop, 62 percent, and round eral Government, to set standards for water Gov. emocra W. Scranton, of Ptnmoved on
steak, 70 percent. pollution and billboards. "The the sterile Party has not moved 30
"The sad truth is that those who suffer One of the phenomena of the last 812 from hav sterile to approaches which for na-
most from inflation are people in the low- months has been the absence of deep-search- years o a have eto solve our pressing n-
income brackets," the brochure says. ing criticism that such a program probably tinl pntv
'Ironically, at the very time the Johnson should have in a democratic society. titan leader from Representative
frogm MGERALD ichigan: n: "There House appear.
administration is pursuing Its much-adver- No leading Republic personality has taken Society x-
the Great Society e-
tised war on poverty, it also Is generating in- it upon himself to give a single speech in top t be no debt and taxes."
flation pressures which-in the long run--- which he has analyzed the Great Society cep debt and taxes."
may take far more from the-poor man than program as a whole.
they will ever receive." Major party figures, like former President [From the Chicago Daily News, Oct. 1, 1965]
Senator JACK MILLER, Republican, of Iowa, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Nixon, 1964 presid- JOHNSON'S GREAT SOCIETY TRYING To
cited fi
u
ti
s
g
al a
res recently in an attempt to sh en
pirant Barry Gldt G G T
owowaer,ov.eorge MERITHE NAME
that many pensioners have less buying power Romney of Michigan, and Gov. William (By Peter Lisagor)
now than they had in 1958 and 194-in Scranton of Pennsylvania ha
f
i
ve re
ra
ned
, WASHINGTON.--The Great Society spite of the Great Society's 7 percent in- from attempts to take on this job. can be
crease In social security benefits. Some of them have had a disparging com- praised or deprecated with almost equal fa-
He said a person who has paid into the went or two about the Great Society, but cility because its legislative mandate em-
social security fund since 1940 on an annual none has sought to make a detailed criticism. braces, in a sense, history that hasn't hap-
salary base of $3,000 has $9.90 less purchas- The Republican National Committee has pened yet-
ne sw ip
ing polder with the increased benefits than also shied away from this fob, as have the practical t is terms tentative that it manages and m nagin one swoop
would have been provided by the lower pen- new GOP leaders In the House-and the old dons of 1954. Republican leaders in the Senate. to magnify the fears of its critics and the
The loss in purchasing power compared One of the results has often been a free None its ts supporters.
with 1958, he said, is $9,19. ride-essentially-for much of the Great So- is ne can welfarlsm vouchsafe rampant t this a stage whether
Republicans are particularly incensed at ciety program. Often largely unknown Con- proach to preserve r or a progressive a i-
the cost of the Great' _ gressmen and Senators have had to carry the a
the dignity and roofy
which they say the Society administration has program never ball for the opposition in the House and Sen- Y
trnf ry e the American people w a s tech
publicly acknowledged, ate. transformed by population growth, ech-
A U.S. Chamber of Commexce statistician They have attacked specific programs- nology and changing attitudes.
has computed that the first year cost of 25 while refraining from an overall attack on Any generality about it seems equally
items in the Great Society program will be the Great Society concept in all its sweeping assailable.
$13,5 billion. scope. Not even its progenitors inside the ad-
The price will continue to go up year by Thus, some of the attacks on specific pro- ministration have a clear view of how a great
year, however, the statistician says, and the grams have been more biting and detailed deal of the legislation passed by the 89th
year, howe price s the next several years- d e than attacks on the Great Society program Congress will translate into working pro-
csbest iv can be come nex save l about as a whole. No better example can be fur- grams.
as billion. nished than the attacks on the antipoverty Chicago Daily News Reporters James Mc-
program. Cartney and Charles Nicoclemus talked with
One problem the statisticians have is that This program has proven to be one of the scores of key Government officials In a pains-
no one is quite sure what bills should be In- most popular targets of all for Republican taking effort to sort out the specifics con-
cluded in computing the cost of the Great orators and critics.
Society. pained In the mass new measures that
A House GOP leader, Representative AL- poured from this Congress.
Senate Republicans have included 50 items BERT QuIE of Minnesota, has called the anti- They found no central sources to help compu
have ported the tons cost th of the made and re- poverty program an "administrative mess" them and were compelled to piece together a
program in the and said: "They are not helping the poor." meaningful mosaic out of scrambled bits of
next several years will be $112 billion. Representative PET3M FREI,U'TGHUYSEN Jr. of legislation. They were thus not surprised
No. 193--11
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 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
supplies anc" reinforcements which at
any time may make the difference be-
tween life and death for him, and which
are essential to the successful accom-
plishment of his military tasks?"
Such actions are alien to our American
traditions-yet an announcement dis-
tributed by the Vietnam Day Committee
openly called for supporters to "stop the
troop train." Organizations such as that
are a threat to the structure of our
American society, and they should be
fully exposed for what they really are,
so that the American public may clearly
understand that these protest. move-
ments, and these advocates of civil dis-
obedience, have deeper purposes than
those which they profess in cloaking
their activities.
CIVIL WAR SIDELIGHT
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr.
President, Civil War "buffs" will doubt-
lessly find the October 12, Beckley,
W. Va., Post-Herald, column by the
Reverend Shirley Donnelly of much
merit, in view of the light which it casts
an the emotional climate of the war-torn
years of the War Between the States.
The Reverend Mr. Donnelly is a man
of wide and versatile interests, and I
have always felt fortunate to have his
friendship, having once taught a Sunday
morning Bible class at the Crab Orchard
Baptist Church, in Crab Orchard, W. Va.,
with the encouragement which he, as
pastor of that church, gave to me as a
member of his congregation undertaking
for the first time serious responsibility
as a layman of the church.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
article, "David S. Creigh Was Greenbrier
Martyr," Printed In the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
DAVID S. CREIGH WAS GREENasun MARTYR.
(By Shirley Donnelly)
Mrs. Merritt Lowry, John Merritt Waddell,
and Miss Trove Kittinger-three of the
grandchildren of the late O. W. Kittinger and
Rachel Wright Kittinger-live at Alderson.
O. W. Kittinger was the last survivor of
those who attended the military commission
trial of David S. Creigh (May 1, 1809, to June
11, 1864), "the Greenbrier martyr." The
father of O. W. Kittinger was George W.
Kittinger. The two men, along with George
L. Knapp and S. S. Hern, were permitted to
attend the Creigh trial.
After Creigh was condemned to be hanged
and turned over to 20 Yankee cavalrymen
to march him away on foot to await his
execution, Creigh told all those present
goodby. The last one the 15-year-old con-
demned man spoke to on that occasion was
O. W. Kittinger, then just a small boy.
Events which led to the trial were like
this :
Creigh and his family were living in the
large brick mansion a couple of miles from
Lewisburg on the way to the Davis-Stuart
School. It is the high, white-columned
house now owned and occupied by the
Boons.
At that time-the fall of 1Q63 when the
Lynchburg campaign was about to be
launched by the Federal armies--Gen. George
Crook, who was in command of the 2d
Infantry Division, occupied the Lewisburg
area. The Federal units were planning to
move on Lynchburg from the West.
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On, or about, November 8, while Creigh
was away from his home, a blue-uniformed
man, with bridle in hand and drunk, entered
the Creigh home. He began to pillage the
place and insulted Creigh's daughter who
was sick in bed with a fever. After flaunt-
ing some of the girl's clothing in the faces of
the girl and her mother, the Yankee started
to break open a trunk that was in the room.
It was at this point that Creigh returned.
The Yankee drew his pistol. Mrs. Creigh
grabbed the arm of the drunken soldier and
thus prevented her husband's being killed
as the gun discharged. Creigh caught the
man by the collar and threw him out of the
room.
in the upper hail they scuffled and the
Yankee was shot and killed. It was charged
that Creigh killed the man with a derringer
pistol which he had. O. W. Kittinger always
contended that the Yankee was killed as he
fired his own service gun. Bullets,recovered
much later from the body were those of the
type fired in a derringer. For the killing,
Creigh was tried and hanged.
After the soldier was killed, the body was
covered with straw and dropped into a dry
well on the Creigh estate. There it remained
until the drought of 1936 when it was ex-
amined and pictures taken of the things
found among the remains. Julian Cobb of
Ronceverte took the pictures, Including the
two derringer bullets which he later sent
to me.
A slave divulged the news of the slaying
to military authorities some time after the
trouble occurred. This led to Creigh's arrest,
Shortly before Cyrus Creigh, the oldest son
of David Creigh, died, he gave the facts
about the case to O. W. Kittinger.
Creigh was marched on foot to Staunton,
Va., a hundred miles away. General Hunter
approved the verdict of the military court
and set June 10, 1864, as the date for the
hanging. On that date Crigh was at Browns-
burg, Rockbridge County, Va., Imprisoned
in a Negro slave cabin under heavy guard.
It appears that Creigh was not executed
until sunrise on June 11, 1864. They hanged
him at Bellview on the limb of a tree. After
the sentence was carried out the body was
cut down and buried in a blanket on the spot.
Six days later a coffin was secured and the
body was taken to the graveyard of New
Providence Church in Rockbridge County.
On July 28, 1864, Creigh's remains were dis-
interred a second time and brought back to
Lewisburg.
On July 31, a mile-long funeral cortege
wound its way to the old stone church where
Rev. J. C. Barr conducted the funeral serv-
ice, using as his subject "The Christian
Marfyr." The tombstone states:
"Sacred to the memory of David Creigh.
Died as a martyr in defense of his rights and
in the performance of his duties as a husband
and father. Born May 1, 1808, and yielded
to his unjust fate June 11, 1864, near Browns-
burg, Va." The grave is 30 steps east of the
rear of the historic meetinghouse at Lewis-
burg,
O. W. Kittinger said, "I shall never forget
how this good man looked when he came
down to tell us all goodbye. He was very
much agitated and great beads of perspira-
tion stood out on every feature of his face. I
was the last one he spoke to In Greenbrier."
SALUTE TO AMERICA'S NEWS-
PAPERS
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia, Mr.
President, the week of October 10-16
has been designated as National News-
paper Week. I wish to salute our Na-
tion's newspapers and the great service
which. they render to the citizens of this
free Republic.
The Williamson, W. Va.. Daily News
26181
of October 11, presented an editorial in
observance of this special week which
I feel states, most effectively, the special
worth of newspapers in our American
way of life.
The editor takes cognizance of the de-
sire of the American public for dispas-
sionate reporting and expressions of
opinions grounded in accuracy and in-
formed with integrity and courage. I
feel that this is a clear expression of the
true mission of any high caliber news-
paper and should at all times represent
the goal of responsible news publications.
To report news in a biased and slanted
fashion, with facts chosen to fit into a
preconceived editorial, or managerial,
policy, neither serves the best interests
of American citizenry nor of the newspa-
per fraternity itself.
A newspaper, as an instrument of the
power of the press and a practitioner of
the right of free speech, has the privilege
to speak openly and without censorship,
but it also has a responsibility to speak
accurately and with integrity.
I ask unanimous consent to have the
Williamson Daily News article, "News-
papers: Lights of Liberty," printed in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NEWSPAPERS: LIGHTS OF LIBERTY
Editor and Publisher Yearbook reports
that as of September 30, 1964, the 1,763 daily
newspapers in the United States has a com-
bined circulation of 60.412,266.
This is the highest circulation in history
and a 2.5 percent increase over 1963.
Sunday papers numbered 561 with a cir-
culation of 48,383,076. This is also a gain
over 1963, up by 11 papers and a million
and a half circulation.
All of which information is apropos of
observing that the week of October 10-16
is National Newsps per Week.
These figures add up to a lot of newspapers.
There ca,n never be too many of them in a
free land, however, for the quality of free-
dom depehds in great measure on the news
reporting, news analysis and news editorial-
izing performed by an unfettered and com-
petitive press.
The figures add up to a lot of readers, too,
especially when we add some 8,000 weeklies
with a circulation of more than 24 million.
The circulation numbers overlap, of course;
they include people who subscribe to more
than one paper.
On the other hand, they do not include
millions of others who are not counted in the
paid circulation but who see and read and
are otherwise exposed to newspapers.
it is safe to say that the individual in
America today who does not read at least
some part of some newspaper regularly is a
pretty rare bird indeed.
Whenever any newspaper, large or small,
goes out of business or is shut down by a
strike, it is if a light were turned off in the
community it served.
No other communications medium fills so
many and so varied needs of modern life-
from want ads to advice columns, from so-
ciety notes to vital statistics, from comics to
sermons.
Not all of these are secondary to a news-
paper's reason for existence-of being a
newspaper. Yet in this day of almost in-
stantaneous electronic dissemination of ma-
jor news events, even this category has un-
dergone fundamental change.
People look to their newspaper not just
for headlines or spot news but the news be-
hind the news. They want background, ex-
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 26182
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planation, analysis to help them relate to-
day's oonypleX news to yesterday's and to
enable them to understand tomorrow's news
when it happens:
. They want not only dispassionate report-
ing; they Want opinion on all sides of every
issue-opinion that is grounded In accuracy
and informed with integrity and courage.
A newspaper is a light in its community
and its country. That is why totalitarian
governments, which prosper in human dark-
ness, must gag them. That is why freedom
of the press was the first to be cataloged in
the Bill of Rights of the Constitution.
America has many such lights. Happily,
the number Is growing, despite the deaths
of some and the merger of others. Each one
of them contributes to the brilliance of the
larger light of liberty,
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, is the
Senate still in the morning hour?
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. Mc-
GovERN in the chair). The Senate is
still in the morning hour.
Mr. MORSE. Unless there is further
morning business, I ask that morning
business be concluded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not,
:morning business Is closed.
FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE IN CON-
STRUCTION AND OPERATION OF
PUBLIC -ELF MENTARY AND SEC-
ONDARY SCHOOLS IN AREAS AF-
FECI'ED BY A MAJOR DISASTER
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
that the Chair lay before the Senate a
message from the House of Representa-
tives on H.R. 9022. -
The PRESIDING OFFICER laid be-
fore the Senate a message from the
House of Representatives that the I-louse
concur in the amendments of the Senate
numbered 1 through 10, inclusive, and 12
to the bill (H.R. 9022) entitled "An Act
to amend Public Laws 815 and 874, 81st
Congress, to provide financial assistance
In the construction and operation of
public elementary and secondary schools
In areas affected by a major disaster; to
eliminate inequities in the application of
Public Law 815 in certain military, base
closings; to make uniform eligibility re-
quirements for school districts in Public
Law 874; and for other purposes."
Resolved, That the House concur in the
amendment of the, Senate numbered 11, with
amendment, as follows: On page 3, line 14
V the Senate engrossed amendments fol-
lowing the word "Commissioner," strike out
"to whom that agency provided free pub-
lic education" and insert in lieu thereof the
following: "at schools for handicapped chil-
dren operated or supported by that State
agency."
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, this
matter has been cleared with the major-
ity and minority membership of the
Committee on Labor and Public Welfare.
One behalf of the committee, I move that
the Senate concur In the amendment of
t to House to the amendment of the Sen-
ate numbered 11.
The motion was agreed to.
LABOR POLICIES OF THE STATE OF
TEXAS
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, my at-
tention was Invited a few moments ago
to a speech made In the Senate on Oc-
tober 12, beginning at page 25752, by my
good friend the junior Senator from
Texas [Mr. TOWER], The speech pur-
ports to answer the criticism that I made
in the Senate on October 11 concerning
the labor policies of the State of Texas
and of the Governor of Texas vis-a-vis
the position of the Governor 'of Texas
on section 14(b) of the Taft-Hartley Act.
The Senator from Texas seems to be
laboring under a misapprehension.
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
will the Senator from Oregon yield?
Mr. MORSE. I yield.
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Will the dis-
tinguished Senator from Oregon please
designate the Senator from Texas to
whom he is referring?
Mr. MORSE. Let the record be per-
fectly clear that I am referring to the
Republican Senator from Texas [Mr.
TOWER].
Mr. YARBOROUGH. I thank the dis-
tinguished Senator from Oregon.
Mr. MORSE. I make that reference
to the junior Senator from Texas [Mr.
TOWER] with the greatest respect and
the utmost courtesy and good will. I
find the junior Senator from Texas to
be incorrect on point after point that he
makes In his supposed rebuttal to my
speech.
I have not had an opportunity to re-
turn to my office since reading the speech
of the junior Senator from Texas [Mr.
TOWER]. Next week, however, I shall
reply in greater detail to his speech. I
now incorporate by reference, though,
every charge that I made in my speech
on last Monday, in which I referred to
the labor policies of the State of Texas
and of its present Governor.
The junior Senator from Texas [Mr.
TowERI says that he thinks I am very
much mistaken in regard to wages paid
in textile mills In Texas. He may have
a point of distinction. The mills I talked
about are garment mills. To me, a gar-
ment mill is a textile mill. But appar-
ently the junior Senator from Texas has
another definition for textile mills.
I .am talking about garment mills
along the border, in which shocking sub-
standard wages are being paid, but
which, of course, are permissible under
the right-to-work law of Texas.
Since 1947, when I led the fight in this
body against the Taft-Hartley bill, and
particularly called attention to the
dangers of so-called right-to-work laws,
I have said many times, that such laws
would lead to just the kind of unsavory
labor conditions that exist in garment
mills in the State of Texas.
Next, my good friend from Texas [Mr.
TOWER] denies that trucks leave Texas
every morning for Mexico, where they
are loaded with Mexicans who are
brought back into Texas for their daily
work. He denies that Mexican workers
are exploited in Texas garment mills
;r 15, 1965
and in other Texas industries at wages
far below the legal minimum wage. Next
week I shall provide my good friend
from Texas with an accounting of some
of the wages paid in Texas, wages as low
as $12, $13, and $14 a week. If that is
not exploitation, I want the junior Sena-
tor from Texas to give me his definition
of "exploitation."
The low wages that are paid are so
important a matter of international con-
cern that at the interparliamentary
meeting of delegates of the U.S. Con-
gress and delegates from the Mexican
Congress, held in Mexico City earlier this
year, the frightful labor conditions that
exist in Texas and other border States
were the subject of an official discussion
among the parliamentarians of the two
countries.
The Mexican parliamentarians left no
room for doubt. They believed that the
parliamentarians from the United
States-of whom I was one, and the ma-
jority leader, the Senator from Montana
[Mr. MANSFIELD] was another-should
come back to the United States, look into
this situation, and do something about
it.
As chairman of the Subcommittee on
Latin American Affairs, I have tried to
do something about it. Our committee
held an executive session some months
ago, in which session we had before the
committee representatives of labor, or
attaches, and representatives of the U.S.
Government. These representatives
talked to us, at some length about the
very problem which I discussed the other
day, which concerned the abuses that
have arisen under the section 14(b) or
the right-to-work provisions of the Taft-
Hartley law, In terms of this exploitation
by Texas of Mexicans who are brought
into Texas every morning and taken out
of Texas every night, and exploited dur-?
ing the day by Texas employers who pay
them wages far below the standard wage.
Mr. President, I am very glad to join
issue with my friend, the junior Senator
from Texas [Mr. TOWER], in regard to
the matter and we will let the facts speak
for themselves.
I received the following telegram from
H. S. "Hank" Brown, president, and Roy
R. Evans, secretary-treasurer of the
Texas AFL-CIO:
Bravo. Bravo. Your statement about Con-
nally being notorious in his attitude toward
decent wages printed in the Dallas Morning
News today. The industries involved pri-
marily in the truck hauling are garment and
agricultural involving from 50,000 to 100,000
Mexican aliens daily who are picked up on
the U.S. side. Texans are hauled like cattle
across State lines by the thousands to work
in other States with the assistance of the
Texas Employment Commission and the
Texas Bureau of Labor Statistics. Thanks
again.
Mr. President, I have been advised that
a part of the truck-hauling technique is
to have the trucks meet the Mexicans
midway on an international bridge and
load them up on the bridge, or meet them
on the Texas side of the bridge and load
them into the trucks, and move them to
low-paying exploiting Texas plants, or
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 October 15, 13(15 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-SENATE 26141'
credits to Rumania" rCc d Fb?irdl egg . y 044 R O Q- CALLS FOR:
the Soviet Union.
These are but a few facts In support
of tile contention that a policy of un-
conditional Western credits- short- or
long-term-would enable the European
Communist governments to forego those
reforms in the structure and operation
of their economy which are called for
if they are to overcome the serious prob-
le7rs they are now confronted with.
Left to their own devices these regimes
would be compelled by necessity to drop
some of their politically motivated eco-
nomic policies, such as collectivization
of agriculture or rigid and centralized
planning in industry.
This would result not only in more at-
tention to the people's welfare but also
in a dispersal of power.
This would be a salutary political de-
velopment because a government which
is more responsive to the needs of the
people and whose powers are less con-
centrated Is,. to that degree, less prone
to engage in subversive or aggressiv_- ad-
ventures in its foreign policies.
I have taken the trouble to set forth
the facts In some detail because I think
that the facts are sufficient to make it
possible for completely reasonable citi-
zens to take a stand against the proposed
sale of a synthetic rubber plant to the
Rumanian Government and against
other similar measures which would
serve to enhance the overall industrial
canacity of the Communist bloc.
I have many differences on questions
of domestic policy with the Young Amer-
icans for Freedom. But they were act-
ing completely within their rights as
citizens in opposing the Firestone rub-
ber deal and in bringing pressure to
bear on the Firestone Co. in support of
their views.
We have accorded every freedom of
action to critics of our Vietnam policy.
because this is the American tradition.
It is my hope that those who may dis-
aaree with the administration in other
areas will not, In future, be denigrated
as vigilantes, but will instead be granted
the same freedom of criticism and the
same liberty of action that we grant the
critics of administration policy In Viet-
nam.
~..THE ANTI-VIETNAM PROTEST
. MOVEMENT
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I have sent
to the offices of every Senator a copy of
a study entitled "The Anti-Vietnam
Agitation and the Teach-in Movement."
This study was prepared, at my request,
by the staff of the Senate Subcommittee
or Internal Security.
The study points out that:
The great majority of those who have
participated in anti-Vietnam demonstrations
and in teach-tne sue loyal Americans who dif-
fer with administration policy In Vietnam for
a variety of reasons, ranging from purely
strategic considerations to pacifism.
On the other hand, the study points
to the conclusion that:
The control of the anti-Vietnam movement
has clearly parsed from the hands of the
moderate elements who may have controlled
it at one time, Into the hands of Communists
pathetic to the. Vietcong and openly hostile
to the Uuited States. and who call for.mas-
aivo civil disobedience, Including the burn-
ing of draft cards and the Stopping of troop
trains. This is particularly true of the na-
tional Vietnam protest movement scheduled
for October 16-16.
I have been asked what evidence there
Is that the anti-Vietnam agitation and
the teach-in movement have been In-
filtrated and are being manipulated by
the Communists. There area number of
facts, all of them contained in the study,
which, taken together, would. I believe,
convince any reasonable person that this
is so.
The mere fact that these demonstra-
tions are being organized on a worldwide
basis is, in my opinion, a complete give-
away. Pacifists and liberals do not main-
tain a worldwide apparatus. Only the
Communists have a worldwide apparatus
capab'c of inspiring or contriving simul-
taneous demonstrations in many coun-
tries.
Second, there is the fact that confi-
dential American Communist Party di-
rectives to their members, which are re-
producted in our study, instruct them
to get into the movement and even
target the organizations to be infil-
trated.
Third, there is the fact that Moscow
broadcasts have openly boasted that the
Communists in every country are march-
ing in the forefront of the anti-Vietnam
protest movement.
Fourth, there Is the fact that a num-
ber of long-time Communists have
played and are playing a prominent role
in the work of organizing these protest
demonstrations.
The Communists are smart enough to
have respected citizens heading up move-
ments they support and appearing on
their platform. But if you look closely,
the hands of the real organizers become
apparent.
For example, In May 1960, the Na-
tional Committee for a Sane Nuclear Pol-
icy organized a mass rally at Madison
Square Garden. The members of this
committee are all eminently respectable
citizens. So were the speakers at the
mass rally. But it turned. out that the
actual organizer of this rally was one,
Henry tbrams, a veteran member of the
Communist Party. The same Henry
Abrams, I note, is listed as the No. 1
staff member in charge of organizing the
Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade
tomorrow, I have here an ad from the
Trotskyite Communist newspaper, the
Militant, in which Abrams' name is
listed, and which appeals to all Trot-
skyites and radicals to turn out.
The subcommittee study at many
points Identifies known Communist par-
ticipants and people with long and per-
sistent records of association with
Communist-front causes, who are play-
ing a prominent role in the present anti-
Vietnam agitation.
I 'hope that all of my colleagues Will
f nd.'the time to study this publication,
because I beelieve it will give them a new
insight Into what is taking place this
weekend In some 80 cities around the
country.
.Mr. YAR:SoROUGH, Mr. President,
publisher of Pageant magazibe has writ
ten a "letter from the publisher," In
which he calls for Increased conaldera-
Lion.of the futures of our cold war
'Under the title of this -editorial "So
That These Brave, Men Will Not Have
with reference to the cold war GI bill: 17
sense economically and socially. 'It proved,
its value in two post war periods. It Is one
of the few national counterpoints In the
curring madness of war.
In this article, he states that It Is'
essential that we support the cold wxr
GI bill 13. 9) as well as other legislation
for these veterans.
I ask unanimous consent that the en-
tire editorial entitled "So That These
Brave Men Will Not Have Fought Iii
Vain," be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the Rscons,
as follows:
So TaAT TII13x Baeve MaN Wrier, NOT Ravs
li otrGllf TN VAIN
Amid the unceasing Ideological soul
searching that our Vietnam intervention has
occasioned, we request a moment to plead for
the 01.
We are sending him, to increasing num-
bers, to dismal duty. Surely a Saturday
night In Saigon can ba a world of excitement
to a callow 20-year-old roldier-if he spends
it on a date with a sloe-eyed oriental girl.
The landscapes of southeast Asia and the
seascapes of the South China Sea must be of
absorbing interest to almost any young
American male, and educational indeed. Be-
coming acquainted with the Vietnamese peo-
ple offers a maturing experience.
But our fighting men are not sent to Viet-
nam for such worthwhile adventures. They
know why they go and what may be expected
of them. So do we. And it to time to look to
the welfare of the C1I upon whom we impose
a heavy burden. I suggest that he deserves
some of the Great Society treatment to which
we have properly dedicated ourselves.
We therefore direct the attention of our
citizenc and lawmakers to the need for new
legislative action that will give. our service-
men overseas in that unfortunate land of
slaughter, squalor, and misery--In a meager
quid pro quo for their contribution to what
is announced as our national purpose--the
banefits accorded veterans of World War II
and the Korean conflict.
As this issue of Pageant was going to press,
Senator 8smMrw E. TALMAtws, Democrat, of
Georgia, Introduced a bill (S. 2127) that of-
fers a free $10,400 01 insurance policy to each
combat area fighting man. At a 1-day bear-
ing before the Senate Finance Committee
the bill was approved for consideration of
the full Senate.
If, by the time this letter to In print, -8.
2127 is not a law. It is because the House
Committee on Vegans' Affairs refuses to go
along with what It regards as a superficial,
patchwork approach to a problem that de-
mands a complete program, of which 01 In-
surance to only one component.
Certainly a form of. the Tlsimadge bill,
which. provides an equivalent of national
aervtoe We insurance. is essential. But we
must also undertake such programs as a
generous mustering-out allowance to assist
in the adjustment from military to civilian
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October 15, 1965
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1
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENAT
which offers site selection advice. A good
local school system is a. "top requisite" for
employees' families aid therefore of a. plant
site, he sa s. "A company cannot afford to
overlook t a infi;~.nce of this factor on re-
tainirg an recruiting key employees."
NOMINATION OF TOM LILLEY TO BE
A MEMBER OF THE EXPORT-IM-
FORT BANK OF WASHINGTON
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I
have today reported from the Banking
and Currency Committee the nomina-
tion of Mr. Tom Lilley to be a member
of the Board of Directors of the Export-
Import Bank of Washington.
The committee held a hearing on Mr.
Lilley's nomination at which he appeared
and testified. The committee was very
favorably impressed with Mr. Lilley's
qualifications for the position.
Two questions arose. Mr. Lilley was
nominated as a resident of West Virginia.
He was personally presented to the com-
mittee by Senator RANDOLPH, though
nominated as a Republican, and his
nomination was,approved by the junior
Senator from West Virginia [Mr, BYRD].
At the hearing it developed that Mr. L11-
ley, though a native of West Virginia, has
lived for some years in Michigan. Ac-
cordingly, the committee felt it appro-
priate to consult the Senators from
Michigan for their views on the matter,
and we (lave now received letters from
them. I ask unanimous consent that
their letters may be printed in the REC-
ORD at the conclusion of my remarks.
In addition, Mr. Lilley is resigning as
vice president of the Ford Motor Co., in
charge of the Canadian overseas group.
Mr. Lilley has advised the committee of
his financial arrangements with the
Ford Motor Co.,; and an extensive ex-
cerpt from his letter to me on this sub-
ject is set forth in.the hearing.
In order to complete the record on this
point, I ask unanimous consent that an
excerpt from a letter to Mr. Lilley by
Henry Ford II be printed in the RECORD
at the conclusion of my remarks. Also,
I should add that, under the trust which
Mr. Lilley is creating to handle his se-
curities, the deed of trust will provide
that the trustee is to inform Mr. Linder,
the President Of the Export-Import
Bank, of all changes in investments, and
My. .Linder _ will. undertake the respon-
sibility of seeing that Mr. I,illey does not
vote on matters, relating to companies in
which he has a financial interest.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
U.S. SENATE,
OoMMrrTEE ON POBLIC WORKS,
October 12, 1965.
Chairman A. WILLIS ROBERTSON,
Chairman of Senate committee on Banking
and Currency, 5300 Senate Office Build-
ing, Washington, D.C.
DEAR. 14XR. CHAIRMAN: Thank you for your
recent letter regarding Mr. Tom Lilley who
has been nominated to be a member of the
Board of Directors of the Export-Import
Bank.
I understand Mr.>Alley is well qualified for
this position, and I certainly have no objec-
tions to his conflrm tion.
With best wishes,
Sincerely,
PAT MCNAMARA,
U.S. Senator.
U.S. SENATE,
Washington, D.C., October 12, 1965.
Hon. A. WILLIS ROBERTSON,
Chairman, Committee on Banking and Cur-
rency, 5300 New Senate Office Building.
membership, Tom Lilley. For many years
I have known Mr. Lilley who for some 16
years has been a resident of Michigan.
Based upon that long acquaintanceship,I
have every confidence that he would serve
with distinction and effectiveness and wel-
come the opportunity, by this Informal note,
to express to you and the committee my un-
reserved endorsement of his nomination.
Sincerely,
FORD MOTOR Co.,
Dearborn, Mich., October 13, 1965.
Mr. Tom LILLEY,
Ann Arbor, Mich.
DEAR Tom: In connection with your nom-
ination as a Director of the Export-Import
Bank of Washington, I am writing to fur-
nish you with a statement of your rights
under the supplemental compensation plan.
You have unpaid. installments of awards
made to you for the years 1962, 1963, and
1964 under the supplemental compensation
plan. As you know, awards under that plan
generally are payable in four equal annual
installments. One-fourth of the award is
paid in the year next succeeding that for
which the award is made and the balance
is payable in equal installments on January
10 of each of the next 3 years, subject to
fulfillment of the earning out conditions of
the plan.
A summary of the installments thus pay-
able to you Is shown in the following table:
The right to receive payment of any in-
stallment of an award to you will accrue
under the plan only if from the time of
termination of your employment until De-
cember 31 of the year preceding that in
which the installment is payable, you earn
out the installment by fulfilling two condi-
tions, essentially as follows:
1. By refraining from certain competitive
activities, as set forth in the plan.
2. By making yourself available, upon re-
quest, at reasonable times and upon a reason-
able basis, to consult with, supply informa-
tion to, and otherwise cooperate with the
company or any subsidiary thereof with re-
spect to any matter that was handled by you
or under your supervision while in the em-
ploy of the company or any subsidiary
thereof.
In view of your nomination as a Director
of the Export-Import Bank of Washington,
the Salary and Supplemental Compensation
Committee (which, as you know, consists en-
tirely of nonemployee directors, ineligible for
awards), at a meeting held today, considered
the question of the effect of service in that
capacity upon both of the earning-out con-
ditions. The committee unanimously deter-
mined, and so interpreted the supplemental
compensation plan, that (1) service by you
as a Director of the Export-Import Bank of
Washington would not result in nonfulfill-
ment of the condition relating to competi-
tive activity applicable to unpaid install-
ments of any supplemental. compensation
award to you and (2) it would not be reason-
able for the company to request of you any
of the services contemplated by the consulta-
tion, and cooperation condition during the
period of your service in that capacity, and,
accordingly, that neither your activities in
that capacity nor your failure to comply with
the consultation and cooperation condition
provisions would result in nonfulfillment of
such conditions.
In view of this determination, you will not
be called upon by the company for any of the
26157
cerely yours,
MORALE IN VIETNAM AND AT HOME
Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, there
is no 40-hour workweek or double time
pay for our men in Vietnam. They work
around the clock; sleep in hot and humid
foxholes; are plagued with tropical dis-
eases and snipers' bullets, while engaged
in an effort to arrest and stamp out the
world's greatest and most destructive
disease-communism.
They fully realize that they must fore-
go the freedoms and comforts of home;
they understand that they face death at
every turn in the steaming, disease-in-
fested jungle; they understand that they
are being furnished with the best avail-
able under the circumstances to provide
for their protection and comfort-but
what they cannot understand is the lack
of united moral support from the citi-
zenry back home.
Mr. President, these are some of the
thoughts of Pfc. Donald A. Gibson ex-
pressed in an extremely well-written and
thought-provoking letter to me.
I ask unanimous consent that Private
First Class Gibson's letter be printed at
this point in the RECORD, and I hope that
members of these anti-Vietnam groups
read it. The finger of shame Is pointed
at them.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Senator FRANK LAUSCHE,
U.S. Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR LAUSCHE: Today, as I read
the September 29 issue of Army Times, I
came across a news brief which stated:
"Senator FRANK LAUSCHE, Democrat of Ohio,
says he has heard reports that peaceniks
plan to stage a big sit-down in California
next month In hopes of obstructing the
movement of U.S. troops to Vietnam. The
article went on to say, "He mentioned the
rumor as he announced that seven Senators
have decided to cosponsor his bill to make
obstruction of troop or military material
movements a Federal crime worth up to 10
years in prison."
After reading this short, and seemingly
unimportant news item, I had to stop for a
moment and reflect on some of the develop-
ments that have. occurred in the United
States in these past weeks and months.
Recently a captain in the Air Force, who
after much soul searching, decided he should
extend his tour of duty in Vietnam because
he believed so much in the cause of the Viet-
namese people in the Republic of Vietnam.
This man felt he had not the right to neg-
lect "his duty" as an American. Shortly
thereafter, this man lost his life in action
while on a routine flight.
During a period of time when I am sure
his wife was overwhelmed with grief, having
to look forward to a bleak future and the
responsibility of raising their children alone,
this woman received numerous phone calls,
letters, and messages from people far and
near. These people threatened, accused,
teased, and harassed this woman because
her husband. "had no business" in Vietnam,
and because he "mettled."
Can any person ask more from a man than
to give his life for a cause in which he be-
lieves so deeply? Is there anyone who could
possibly expect more than for a man to
offer his life, and the consequences of losing;
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE Octohel' 15, 1965
a population of about 1,250,000 and is eco-
nomically depressed.
When Panama demanded a new treaty
covering the canal, Snother nation Might
have used its military u'id other powers to
trample the isthmus nation. The United
States is too big hn nrin~+r.: t;, take violent
action against a tiny country. It agreed
to negotiate.
While the terms of a new pact are not
in writing, the United States has agreed to
give Panama it share in management and
profits. We will also recognize Panama's
sovereignty over the Canal Zone, including
the canal, leased to the United States.
It may be said that we are looking ahead
to the construction of another canal in the
narrow strip of land linking North and
South America and friendly :relations with
Panama will make such a project possible.
Certainly the general terms announced by
President Johnson will make lease and other
terms easier to reach. There is both good
business and good international diplomacy,
as well as a large degree of fairness, in our
agreement to scrap the canal treaty dictated
by us some 62 years ago.
The decision to negotiate should improve
our image in all of Latin America, where
Fidel Castro and other communistic in-
fluences are trying to undermine us. We
have long preached that we will not use
our power or influence in any form to take
advantage of a neighbor or any friendly
nation. We have proved our position many
times. We have both proved and improved
it in Panama.
It? I for one have only the highest ad- Many thousands of men live with only the
miration for pilots who would set themselves barest of essentials. Many live in foxholes,
up as a target for Vietcong bullets, which must diet on C-rations, and it's a chore to
every single man in every aircraft in Viet- get a shower and shave. Thousands of men
nam does, regardless of his mission. are on the job 16, 18, 24 hours straight. All
Also, in the recent past, some 3,000 persons must brave the heat, and also the diseases
in Berkeley, Calif., staged a stirring dem- which run rampant throughout the country.
onstration in protest to the U.S. policy in dysentery, flu viruses, malaria are everyday
Vietnam. And, elsewhere across the country things, Not to mention the constant, ever-
groups large and small have found fault present threat of a mortar round landing
with those men in Vietnam who risk their in their lap, a grenade tossed their way, or
lives every day in that war torn country. a single bullet aimed at them.
To be sure, Senator LAusCHE, these people The long hours, hard work, and sweat, the
have the right to express their feelings and jungle, heat, disease, inconveniences, and all
opinions. The heritage which was bought the hardship entailed in fighting this war,
for them with their father's and grand- all these can be tolerated. But, the lack of
father's blood gives them the privilege to tell moral support, indifference, even a complete
the people of the world whatever they be- disregard of the situation by some, cannot
livee. They can stand on the highest hill and should not be tolerated_by these men
and shout in their highest voice and no one who day in and day out risk their lives to
will stop them. In the United States, free- fight the spread of a greater and far more
dole of speech and freedom of the press is deadly disc olth ee u convictions Senator
of the most cherished, of all freedoms.
Throughout the history of our country we LAUSCHE, I support your efforts in obtaining
Americans have had to prove our right to the passage of the bill you have introduced
be free. Too many times our country has to the Senate. I sincerely wish for you and
had to fight for what it stands for, for what your constituents a speedy passage of this
it believes in. Today in Vietnam and the bill, and the swift execution of it being
Dominican Republic, the United States once signed into law.
again has had to stand up and fight to prove To those who would stand up and curse
to those who would have things differently the cause for which the United States fights
that the United States stands for the cause in Vietnam, to those who would find fault
of freedom. Not only for ourselves, but also withthe men themselves who fight in Viet-
for the millions and millions of other free- nam, and to those who would find fault with
dom-loving people of the world. New or old, anything and everything, I for one would
the countries of the world look toward the give my life for their right to do so.
United States as their one guarantee of free- In fact, Mr. Senator, having approximately
dom. 51/a months left ,in the Army, with at least
Senator LAUSCHE, it saddens me to see so 5 more months of that time left in my pres-
few individuals make so much noise about ent tour of duty in Vietnam, I may very well
our presence in Vietnam. It is a necessary have the opportunity to do just that.
soimuchefuel to the fire aof tminot can he ~Commun st letter, this Clevelander remainsmtion of my
propaganda that would lead all people to Very truly yours,
believe the United States is indeed an im- DONALD A. GIBSON,
perialist, warmongering nation directing ag- Pfc., U.S. 52595183.
gression against the people of North Vietnam
and against the will of the people at home.
These so-called peaceniks with their beetle
haircuts, sideburns, black leather jackets,
shades, and all their other trademarks, and
the Ivy-leaguers who apparently have noth-
iing better to do than have demonstrations
and sit-ins, ought to take a moment and
'try to understand what these men in Viet-
nam are fighting for. An examination of the
most basic and fundamental issues at stake
should merit a more mature and civic-
minded attitude.
In a recent interview, Walter Cronkite,
well-known news analyst for CBS talked with
General Westmoreland, commander, U.S.
Forces, Republic of Vietnam. In reply to
Cronkite's question, "What can we do to
help our troops? General Westmoreland's re-
plied, "Let us know if we have the people's
support."
Such news as that which happened to his
widow when an Air Force pilot gave his life
doing his duty; thousands of people in
Berkeley, Calif. Staging demonstrations
against our cause In Vietnam; more thou-
sands marching on Washington and demand-
ing to see the President; and the hundreds
of other demonstrations and sit-ins all across
the country, many of which never even reach
the ears of our men in Vietnam, have a de-
moralizing effect on. our men in that country
to say the least.
There is not one, single man in Vietnam
today that is looking for any medals. No
one Is seeking fame or fortune. Each man
knows there Is a tremendous job to be done
and he is there to do his own small part
in contributing to its successful completion.
These men are not asking for any special
privileges, nor are they receiving them. Our
men in Vietnam today are suffering many
hardships and inconveniences not unlike
those that were experienced by our fighting
men in the Second World War, and I{orean
conflict.
SUPPORT GROWS FOR THE CHIL-
DREN'S ASPIRIN AMENDMENT OF
1965
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, sup-
port is rapidly growing for S. 2404, the
children's aspirin amendment of 1965,
which I introduced on August 12 of this
year.
The purpose of this. bill is to prevent
the all too frequent loss of children's
lives which occurs through self-admin-
istered overdoses of baby aspirin. The
legislation which I have introduced
would require that baby aspirin be pack-
aged in containers of not more than 25
tablets.
I am most hopeful that the Senate
Labor and Public Welfare Committee
will hold hearings on this bill early in
1966.
I have received many letters endorsing
the children's aspirin amendment, from
distinguished members of the medical
profession as well as concerned parents.
Articles in newspapers, magazines, and
medical journals evidence the great in-
terest in this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that several
of these articles, as well as extracts from
some of the many letters which I have re-
ceived on this subject, may be printed at
this point in the RECORD. I also ask
unanimous consent that a resolution
adopted at the annual convention of the
New Jersey Pharmaceutical Association
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the material
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Aug. 16,
19651
SENATOR MCGOVERN URGES CONTROLS ON SALE
OF ASPIRIN FOR CHILDREN
(By Jean R. Halley)
The danger of youngsters getting hold of
too many children's aspirin tablets was
NEW PANAMA CANAL TREATY
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, the New
Haven Register carried an interesting
editorial recently, to the effect that the
United States has shown its greatness of
character with its willingness to negoti-
ate a new treaty involving the Panama
Canal.
This decision to negotiate should im-
prove our image in the Latin American
states, where Fidel Castro and other
communistic influence are so busy try-
ing to undermine us.
A nation or individual must be truly big
in character to make fair decisions when
sheer force of power or influence could easily
dictate unfair or oppressive action-
The Register editorial said.
The editorial will be of general in-
terest, and I ask unanimous consent to
have it printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the New Haven (Conn.)
Sept. 27, 19651
WE SHOW OUR GREATNESS IN PANAMA
DECISION
A nation or individual must be truly big
in character to make fair decisions when
sheer force of power or influence could easily
dictate unfair or oppressive action. The
United States has sho`Jn the world the great-
ness of its character in its willingness to ne-
gotiate a new treaty involving the Panama
Canal.
The United States has a population ap-
proaching The million
Republic li ' of Panama has
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE J October 15, 1965
There were no moderate forces on either
the rebel or antirebel side with the will and
the capacity to offer effective resistance to
them. Indeed, from the dissolution of the
Molina Urena regime on April 27 until Col-
onel Caamano formed his regime on May 3
there was no identifiable leadership on the
rebel side other than that of the Commu-
vs
Next, it is said that the United States over-
looked the fact that reform movements are
likely to attract Communist support; that
the United States failed to perceive that if
it is automatically to oppose any reform
movement that Communists adhere to, it is
likely to end up opposing every reform move-
ment and, in the process, make itself a pris-
oner of reactionaries.
This theory assumes that an alliance be-
tween the Communists and the non-Com-
munists left in a popular front Is an act
of nature. This is really not different in
essence from the Marxian theory that Com-
munists are in the vanguard of all truly
revolutionary movements.
In Western Europe, this theory has been
proved false. By and large, Communists
have failed to seize power there because
European reformers were their most deter-
mined and effective opponents. In contrast,
non-Communist revolutionaries in Eastern
Europe and elsewhere have formed popular
fronts with Communists.
The needs to distinguish between a reform
movement allied with the Communists and
a movement dedicated to reform in freedom
should be emphasized over and over again.
Indeed, it is precisely the failure to make this
distinction-the tendency of some to lump
all "reformers" together and to evaluate them
solely on the basis of their rhetoric-that
causes a. great deal of the confusion.
Many of you will recall de Tocqueville's
conclusions about the causes of the Reign
of Terror which detracted from the real
achievement of the French Revolution:
"When we closely study the French Revo-
lution we find that it was conducted in
precisely the same spirit as that which gave
rise to so many books expounding theories
of government in the abstract. Our revolu-
tionaries had the same fondness for broad
generalizations, cut-and-dried legislative
systems, and a pedantic symmetry; the same
contempt for hard facts; the same taste for
reshaping Institutions on novel, ingenious,
original lines; the same desire to reconstruct
the entire constitution according to the rules
of logic and a preconceived system instead
of trying to rectify its faulty parts. The
result was nothing short of disastrous; for
what is a merit in the writer may well be
a vice in the statesman and the very quali-
ties which go to make great literature can
lead to catastrophic revolutions.
"Even the politicians' phraseology was
borrowed largely from the books they read;
it was cluttered up with abstract words,
gaudy flowers of speech, sonorous cliches,
and literary turns of phrase."
Popular fronts do not have as their prin-
cipal objective the noble purpose of demo-
cratic reform. Their principal objective is
political power. They are often formed by
those who want the Communist vote In
order to get elected to office. Sometimes
they are formed because the help of dis-
ciplined Communists is needed to overthrow
a government. They are sometimes formed
by politicians already in power to buy their
p3ace. The rationale I have heard is a re-
vealing one: "I know they are dangerous.
But I can control them." Sometimes this
estimate proves to be correct. More often
it does not.
As President Kennedy said in his address
at the Free University of Berlin on June 26,
1963: "As I said this morning, I am not im-
VII
It is also said that our country is not much
in sympathy with revolution and that our
Revolution of 1776 was not much of an
upheaval compared to the Russian and other
revolutions.
Perhaps these words are to be interpreted
as suggesting that in our revolution the vio-
lence was confined largely to the battle-
fields, and that, consequently, it cannot
be compared with the number of civilians
killed under the guillotine or with the
millions who disappeared in the familiar
Communist purges. If so, I fail to see why
violence itself should be considered a de-
sirable end.
If, on the other hand, it is intended to
say that the basic values of political and
economic freedom, which were the principal
motive force of the Revolution of 1776, are
inferior to others, then there are differences
in opinion which are indeed significant.
Our political, economic and social systems
have produced a greater degree of individual
freedom, a more even-handed, impartial ad-
ministration of law, higher levels of income,
a more equitable distribution of an ever-ris-
ing national product, more equality of op-
portunity, more religious freedom, a greater
appreciation of the value of the spirit and
of the dignity of man, than has been here-
tofore achieved by any nation in history.
Our revolution did not start and end in
1776. It is a continuing phenomenon. The
frontiers of opportunity, of knowledge, of
health, of social justice and economic and
political progress in our land are being ex-
panded still further in President Johnson's
program for the Great Society.
Certainly if one compares the achieve-
ments of our system with that of others, we
have no need to be apologetic or defensive.
On the contrary, we can take great pride in
our accomplishments and in our determina-
tion for even greater improvement in the
future.
a speech the other day from the floor of
the Senate in which I said that the Sen-
ate and the House of Representatives are
going to adjourn in spite of my protest
in regard to adjourning sine die while
our Americans boys are dying in South
Vietnam. This is a course of action
which, in my judgment, cannot be jus-
tifled by any Member of Congress. When
the motion for sine die resolution is be-
fore the Senate, the senior Senator from
Oregon will go on record in opposition to
the resolution.
In my judgment, we cannot justify ad-
journing Congress so long as American
boys are being killed in an unconstitu-
tional war in South Vietnam. People
have a right to have the Congress in ses-
sion to maintain a check upon the execu-
tive branch of government.
Congress had better start checking, in
spite of all the interpretations being given
under so-called polls. I am like so many
with whom I have talked; I am still wait-
ing to meet the first person who has been
polled; but somebody must be polled.
The reliance of this administration
upon polls is an act of whistling by
graveyards. The sad thing is that it is
filling the graveyard, by the unnecessary
killing in South Vietnam, not only of
Americans, but of Asians.
I am at work on a speech entitled "The
Crucifixion of the Teachings of Christ in
South Vietnam." I am always interested
in Christians trying to rationalize, on
moral grounds, this unconstitutional, il-
legal war in South Vietnam.
But, Mr. President, come next Janu-
ary, if the State Department does not
clarify its position in regard to military
intervention in Latin America, this chair-
man will conduct hearings for whatever
length of time is necessary. to make the
record replete with the facts with re-
gard to what our clear national law ob-
ligation is under the treaties to which I-
have referred.
I ask unanimous consent that there
be printed in the Record an article by
Mr. Emil Mazey, international secretary-
treasurer, United Auto Workers, entitled
"South Vietnam Leaders No Better Than
Reds-L.B.J. Backed Military Dictator in
Dominica."
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SOUTH VIET LEADERS No BETTER THAN REDS-
L.B.J. BACKED MILITARY DICTATOR IN DOMI-
NICA
(By Emil Mazey, International Secretary-
Treasurer, United Auto Workers)
Some of the problems that currently face
the people of our world today are the after-
math of struggles for independence on the
part of colonial peoples. The difficulty in
South Vietnam today is a typical example of
what I have reference to.
The people of Vietnam sought their inde-
pendence from French domination and final-
ly defeated the French in 19.54. The 1954
struggle was terminated by the signing of
the Geneva Conference .accord which among
other things, accepted the sound principle
of self-determination and stipulated that
free elections would be held In 1956 to re-
unite the country.
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pressed by the opportunities open to popu-
lar fronts throughout the world. I do- not
believe that any Democrat can successfully
ride that tiger,"
But the point I wish to make is that Com-
munist participation is not necessary in
order to carry out reforms. There are sev-
eral governments I can think of which are
not allied with Communists and which are
doing a pretty good job of reform. I am not
conscious that this great country of ours has,
in cooperating with these and other coun-
tries, become a prisoner of any group.
Moreover, popular fronts serve Communist
ends. Communists gain from them a re-
spectability they do not deserve. They use
this respectability to infiltrate their partisans
into the educational system, organized
worker and farm groups, the mass media and,
of course, the government itself. In partici-
pating in popular fronts, politicians usually
have in mind a short-term, personal, political,
selfish gain. On the other hand, Commu-
nists are content to work today in order to
prepare for tomorrow.
We do not really have to choose between
reaction and leftist extremism. There is a
large and growing number of people in Latin
America dedicated to rapid and far-reaching
reform. New political movements, organized
on an institutional rather than a personal-
ized base, give promise of organizing and
leading those who so desperately want to
build modern societies, The Latin American
military contain in their ranks many able
and dedicated men who do not deserve to be
smeared with the brush that ought to be
reserved for the few. The church is provid-
ing leadership In many areas of social prog-
ress. - Many of the younger men from all
sectors of society are conscious of the need
for change and are helping to promote it.
Organized labor is growing in strength and
could be a powerful influence for progress.
VIETNAM
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October 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD -SENATE 26187
wt at wi l happen in an entirely different eery were under steady sniper fire, endan- But these were not the facts and this was
goring the lives of Americans there. A small not the situation. We were already engaged
sin. What we can be certain of .is that the group of marines was sent from the Hotel in evacuating our citizens and civilians of
greatest danger to freedom and to peace will Embajador area to the U.S. Embassy in many other nationalities.
come when the free world is confused, un- order to reinforce the Marine guard there. Thousands remained to be evacuated. We
certain, divided and weak-when expansion- The facts which I have outlined are undis- did not wish to abandon them by withdraw-
Istia communism comes to believe that new puted. Whatever may have been the re- ing our men and helicopters from the small
aggressions can be committed without risk. quests or desires or recommendations of oth- perimeter on the western edge of the town.
In addition to these generalities there are ers, the action taken by Washington in the We did not wish to abandon those in our
a number of misconceptions about particular evening of April 28 had as its purpose the Embassy under fire and other nationals with-
U.S. actions in the recent Dominican crisis, protection and evacuation of unarmed civil- out either protection or means of leaving the
702 lans. Island.
One misconception is that danger to Amer- We did not consider it necessary to wait
been lives was more a pretext than a reason until innocent civilians had been killed in tan t deci In this was taken background in the the these ingoo-
for U.S. action., order to prove to the most skepticsi that April f
This is demonstrably lives were in danger. u In form g was rireinforce the
29. was reinforce the
incorrect. . Had we done this we small number holding the perimeter near the
Violence in the Dominican Republic began should have been derelict in our duty to our beach and to land troops at the San Isidro
on April 24, 1965, By April 25-26 there had citizens. These facts are also obviously rele- airport a few miles east of the capital.
been a breakdown in the maintenance of vant to the assertions that we should have
order in the capital city. Planes of the left those desiring evacuation on the beach The saving of I contih be an ob-
Dominican Air Force were strafing and bomb- until the complex machinery of the OAS was jective. But fro m es m this third rd de ecision (to
ing the national palace and other points. able to function. land additional troops) flowed a number of
Artillery fire between, the rebel and anti- Iv actions in the following days.
the mall
rebel forces was being exchanged in the east- It is charged that the administration as- First, an ed into in perimeter around the
hotel
ern part of the city. Armed rebel bands sumed from the beginning that the revolu- was expanded vend for all those oho safety
roamed the streets looking for anyone who tion was Communist dominated and that it zone, a safe haven far all those who wished
was suspected of being unsympathetic to should therefore be opposed by military m tafrepair n reasons and
it. This nds in response for re-
their cause. The police were special targets force. quests for protection rnumber of em-
and suffered heavy casualties; for all prac- This assertion is incorrect for the simple bassies which had come under small arms
tical purposes the police force disintegrated reason that when the second decision (to fire from snipers.
and police protection broke dawn completely, evacuate by helicopter) was taken it was
Radio and telephone stations in Santo Do- still our hope that U.S. troops could be with- Second, it line of communication, a corri-
mmgo were In the bands of rebel groups. drawn as soon as the evacuation was com- dor, was established between the troops in
The first important decision made in Wash- pleted. There was a sound basis for this on San Isidro area, and the troops in
ington was to evacuate, through the Port of the 28th. the
had safety zone. This -
s be
Haina, all those who wished to leave. But with each passing day hope had been dor had the effect of interposing troops be-
American tourists, unable to leave the diminishing that the non-Communist ele- tweet the two contending armed factions,
capital by commercial transportation, had ments on the rebel side would either reach The interposition prevented a bloodbath
requested evacuation. On April 27 a group a cease-fire agreement with the bulk of the that otherwise would have occurred eventul
of about 1,000 people of various nationalities, armed forces opposing them or bring the ally. It prevented a widening of the civil
mostly women and children, gathered at and armed civilians and paramilitary on the war. It helped to stabilize the countryside.
near the Hotel Embajador which had been rebel side under effective control. By the It opened the way for a pcletica.l settlement
designated as. the assembly point for evacua- evening of April 29 it became clear that the under the auspices of the OAS.
.tion. The American Embassy asked for and armed forces at San Isidro would be nothing Much of the confusion concerning these
received promises of safe conduct from but observers. General Wessin, for reasons events derives from attempts to lift official
both the rebel and antirebel groups so that best know to him, elected not to support statements out of their time context.
they could be moved from the assembly point General Montas' column which was split up Statements made in one phase of the crisis
by road to Haina, 7 miles to the west. as it entered the city from the west, and, were compared with statements made in an-
While the evacuees were being processed, after some Initial success, disintegrated. As other phase. These confusions have not
an armed group appeared at the hotel and it turned out, Wessin never did move his been helpful to the American States in their
engaged in indiscriminate firing both in the forces into the city, efforts to find solutions to delicate and diffi-
hotel itself and on the grounds nearby, Whereas an the evening of the 28th it ap- cult problems.
endangering the lives of many people. Only peared that order might be restored by the V
by good fortune was the first evacuation sus- Dominicans themselves, by the evening of The degree of Communist influence in the
27 without carried out through Haina on April the 29th the reverse appeared to be the case, rebel movement has been especially ques-
27 without loss of life. Rebel bands, still without any visible co- tioned.
On the following day, April 28, another hesion except among the Communist com- It will not be possible, in this short speech,
large crowd gathered at the Hotel Embajador ponents, were roaming at will into the city, to tell the complete story of the degree of
desiring evacuation. By this time, the road carrying violence with them. There could Communist influence and strength in the
to Rainm was under sniper fire; our Embassy be no assurance that order could even be rebel movement. The facts we already have
was informed by police authorities that they maintained in the balance of the country. would fill a volume. Each passing day brings
could no longer be responsible for the protec- The United States Government had, of additional facts to light. The danger will
tion of American lives. course, long since been aware of, and on- soon become apparent even to the most
Meanwhile, the rebel government had dis- cerned about, the growth of Communist skeptical. In a very real sense the danger
solved with many of its members, including influence in the Dominican Republic. This still exists.
Molina Urena, seeking asylum. There were concern grew when large quantities of arms
no constituted authorities on the rebel side. were turned over to civilians. and distributed All those in our Gomat on were who had fud
There were, in fact, no constituted authori- by known and identified leaders of Com- that the official info oditiwere convince
ties of any kind in the city at this time and munist parties to their partisans in the early tce the landing of additional troops was
for several days thereafter. Total anarchy days of the crisis. But there is a very im- lon necessary in view of the clear and present
prevailed. portant distinction to be made between con- anger of the forcible seizure of power by
The second major decision was to order corn and a decision to use armed force. es that tha t
the Communists. t stag The age the a have in -
that some 500 marines be landed for the Thus, it was not until the evening of the forces the ol of the n Com ar-
purpose of protecting Americans and making 29th that a decision had to be ade on nests under n control known strength the
]possible the continuation of the evacuation whether the Communist elements in the fists exceeded in military strength the
;process by helicopter. - _ rebel camp presented withinltd by the non movement. nit ally
This small number of marines established peril to tefreedom of the clear Dominican and n na- mints within the rebel that these Equally
a small perimeter around the Hotel Em- tion. important is the fact that g hand non-Come
hand in glove
bajador area. This permittedhelicopters I do not know what the U.S. Government withithe the Communists.
to land and take off and gave protection to might have decided that evening had we The strength of the Communist compo-
those assembled for evacuation,. not then been engaged in evacuation oera-
The evacuation of the second group was tions-had not the lives of innocent only of the rebel side muss ae measured not men begun as night came on the 28th. Several been in danger. Perhaps, people only
b its but by and arms aid its superior
hundred more were evacuated then. Around cumstances, we might have awaited devel- discipline but by the weakness, the divisions,
5,000 persons of many nationalities were opments for a while longer. Certainly we and the lack of leadership within the rebel
evacuated during the crisis. should have welcomed time to y movement. It needs to be measured were per-
While the evacuation by helicopter was OAS which, by this time was working on the ating in fact atothat the tal political Communists during the
taking place, the U.S. Embassy and Chan- problem, to take effective action. ear
"_ __
d
y
ays
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October 15, 99 65 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
The present civil war in South Vietnam be-
gan in 1956 when President Diem, with the
concurrence of the Eisenhower administra-
tion, refused to hold elections.
The reasoning of Diem and the reasoning
of the Eisenhower administration was that
elections would result in the Communists
winning control of the government.
This violation of the Geneva Conference
accord is responsible for the civil war and
conflict taking place in South Vietnam to-
day.
President Lyndon Johnson inherited a war
which, I am sure, he doesn't want. President
Johnson has repeatedly stated that we are in
Vietnam to maintain freedom, liberty and
democracy and the right of the South Viet-
nam to choose their own political path.
I disagree completely with President John-
son on this evaluation. There is no demo-
cracy in South Vietnam, There is no free-
dom in South Vietnam. There is no liberty
in South Vietnam.
There is no representative government in
South Vietnam. The people have not chosen
their national leaders or their regional lead-
ers.
There is no free trade union movement in
South Vietnam.
. In my opinion, the war in Vietnam is being
fought to bolster and maintain an oppressive
military dictatorship. The war is not being
fought to extend freedom and democracy.
The government of South Vietnam does not
have the confidence of the people and is to-
tally and completely unstable.
We have seen the perpetual circus in Saigon
in one clique of military leaders fighting to
replace another military clique for political
control of Vietnam.
This game of musical chairs to see who is
going to control South Vietnam, apparently
has the blessing and full financial support of
our Government because we have endorsed
and embraced each new punk dictator who
has gained power.
President Johnson is very thin-skinned
about any criticism of his policy of South
Vietnam.
He has discouraged free discussion of his
policies and has attempted to justify his
policies on the ground that he and his ad-
visers, have information not available to the
average citizen, and therefore, we must have
faith in his judgment and blindly follow
and endorse his policies.
Constructve criticism is equated with
treason-those who oppose escalating the
war are called appeasers-citizens calling for
a negotiated peace have been charged with
being soft on communism.
Despite the fact that we have a large mili-
tary force and a large body of CIA agents
in south Vietnam, every tim~ry
coup takes place, spokesmen for our Govern-
ment announced they were surprised by the
overthrow of one regime by another.,
If our Government truly understood what
was happening in Vietnam, I suggest we
would not be surprised by developments
there.
I believe that the President of the United
States is making a serious mistake in esca-
lating the war in South Vietnam by the
attacks on North Vietnam. This policy is
really the Goldwater policy and has the full
support of the leadership of the Republican
Party.
I suggest that President Johnson not take
too much comfort in the support he is re-
ceiving from Goldwater and DiRxsEN be-
cause in 1966 and 1968, the South-Vietnam
war will become the major political issue
and will be referred to as the Johnson war
by the Republicans currently urging and
egging President Johnson on to escalate the
war.
I do not believe the struggle in south
Vietnam can be won by negative anticom-
munism, It should be obvious to everyone
that the South Vietnamese people have no
confidence in their government because two-
thirds of South Vietnam is already under the
control of the Vietcong.
Frankly, the South Vietnamese have not
been given anything to fight for. Fighting
to maintain the status quo is not good
enough.
The South Vietnamese find little difference
between Communist dictatorship or a mili-
tary dictatorship over their country. I con-
fess I see no difference between Communist
dictatorship and a military dictatorship. '
The people of South Vietnam look upon
American forces as a replacement to the
French forces they kicked out in 1954.
The people in South Vietnam must be
given an effective alternative to communism
or to a military dictatorship.
I suggest that the alternative ought to be
a democratic government chosen by the
people with a program of land reform and
other reforms that can raise the living stand-
ards and improve the security of the people.
I know that there are no easy answers to
resolve the Vietnamese problem. Among the
possible answers are the following:
1. We ought to seek the implementation of
the 1954 Geneva Conference accord. The
nations that brought about the agreement
in Vietnam originally ought to be called into
session to seek a solution to the present
problem.
2. We ought to consider giving the United
Nations an opportunity of solving the Viet-
nam crisis. Placing Vietnam under U.N.
trusteeship for a period of time and sub-
sequently implementing the Geneva Con-
ference accord of 1954, may be one way to
solve this dilemma, I believe the recent
statements of President Johnson to the effect
that he is willing to have unconditional talks
to bring about a negotiated solution to the
Vietnamese problem, is good. However, I
believe that the President is making a mis-
take in trying to bring about these negotia-
tions through the escalation of the war.
I believe that our Government needs to re-
evaluate. our entire foreign policy position.
It should be clear to all of us that our Gov-
ernment cannot unilaterally act as a world
police force and cannot by itself solve the
many problems that the years of colonialism
on the part of Great Britain, France, and
Belgium created.
Our Government seems to favor military
dictatorship to democracy. I am alarmed
and sickened at the quickness in which
President Johnson moved 30,000 marines into
the Dominican Republic to bolster and main-
tain a military dictatorship that came into
power by overthrowing the only freely elected
government in the Dominican Republic in
the past 30 years.
Our Government gave quick recognition to
the military dictatorship which replaced the
democratically elected government in the
Dominican Republic in 1963.
In 1965, when the democratic forces
attempted to overthrow the military
dictatorship, our Government finds itself on
the side of the military dictatorship again.
Some 30 years ago, United States marines
moved into the Dominican Republic and
placed Trujillo, the military dictator, in
power. We must raise our voices in protest
to see that history doesn't repeat itself.
I want to commend Senator WAYNE MORSE
for having the courage and the intestinal
fortitude to criticize our Government on
foreign policy and on other matters when he
believes the Government to be wrong. I be-
lieve that the best way to support President
Johnson is not to rubber stamp his every act,
but to oppose him constructively when we
believe that his policies are in error.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, he is not
the only labor leader who has diverted
from the propaganda line of most of the
labor leaders of this Country who are
26189
purportedly in support of war in
Vietnam.
I am glad that there are some labor
leaders who recognize the moral princi-
ples involved in connection with the
uncalled-for war in South Vietnam; who
recognize that to take the position of
the senior Senator from Oregon does not
mean that we get out of South Vietnam,
but that we follow an international law
procedure course of action that will bring
others in through the United Nations.
I am glad also that there are labor
leaders who recognize that no weight
can be given to rationalizing our unfor-
tunate course of action in South Viet-
nam by what is called the economic bene-
fits to certain industries in this country
connected with the war effort.
I am glad that we have labor leaders
such as Emil Mazie, who is willing to
stand up and be counted, even though the
line of the American labor movement
today, unfortunately, is to support our
outlawry in South Vietnam.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that there also be printed in the
RECORD at this point an editorial from
the St. Louis Post-Dispatch entitled
"Facts in the Far East."
"
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FACTS IN THE FAR EAST
A general review of tensions in Asia now
seems likely to feature the current session
of the United Nations General Assembly, and
it is long overdue. The Assembly has agreed
to debate the question of seating Com-
munist China. Vietnam has been brought
into the picture by U.S. Ambassador Gold-
berg and by Soviet Foreign Minister Grom-
yko.
There is in reality no way to separate one
Asian problem from another. There will
be no permanent peace in Vietnam without
the concurrence of China. The presence of
China broods over the Indian-Pakistani
quarrel. Until the U.N. comes to. grips with
the reality of China, discussion of Asian
problems is bound to appear peripheral.
This being so, it was disappointing that
Mr. Goldberg, in his speech to the Assem-
bly, should have reiterated doctrinaire U.S.
antagonism to the mainland regime; partic-
ularly that he should have associated North
Vietnam and China in criticizing those who
allegedly do not "leave their neighbors
alone." The relationship between Peiping
and Hanoi is a subtle one and a more con-
structive statement would have been direct-
ed toward identifying the components.
The United States can make a case of
course, for opposing the admission of China.
It has a treaty with the Chiang Kai-shek re-
gime on Formosa, which holds one of the
five permanent Security Council seats.
China has acted in a belligerent fashion to-
ward all the major nations. It has shown
no desire to become a U.N. member.
But much of this is beside the point. The
point is not whether China is truculent, or
whether it wants admission, but whether
the peace of the world would be more secure
with China in the U.N. or outside of it. In
other words, the point is not whether China
would be gratified by "shooting its way" into
the U.N., but whether the 117 nations would
benefit by its presence.
In this connection there is merit in a
sort of interim proposal by Secretary Gen-
eral U Thant that China be represented at
V.N. headquarters. He told the Assembly:
"I have no doubt that the true interest
of peace would be better served if nonmem-
ber states were to be encouraged to main-
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CONGRESSIONAL REC RD -
tarn observers at United Nations headquar-
ters so that they may be In a position to
sense the currents and crosscurrents of world
opinion which are so uniquely concentrated
in the organization."
The problem is urgent.. The Vietnam war
cries for settlement; so does the quarrel be-
tween India and Pakistan. These countries
are on China's border. China is developing
-an. atomic capability; can there be any
profitable conference on nuclear controls, or
any viable agreement, without its participa-
tion? Also, suppose China led a move to
forma rival international organization? In-
donesia, which has withdrawn from the U.N.
has made such a suggestion.
A thoroughgoing debate in the U.N. would
ventilate this whole situation, and would, we
hope, lead to fresh approaches to the com-
plex problems of Asia.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, this is a
great editorial from a great newspaper.
The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, from the
beginning of our unfortunate course of
action in South Vietnam, from the very
beginning of the United States starting
its violation of the Geneva accords back
in 1954, from the very beginning of our
setting up of our tyrannical puppet in
South Vietnam, Dien, and one puppet
after another, as one after another fell
from grace in South Vietnam, has car-
ried on a courageous editorial policy of
constructive criticism against foreign
policy of the United States, vis-a-vis
South Vietnam.
Not very often is such courage com-
mended in periods of hysteria in this
country-and we are in a period of hys-
teria. I commend the editors of the St.
Louis Post-Dispatch not only for this
editorial, but also for the many preced-
ing editorials they have published seek-
ing to warn the American people that
our foreign policy in southeast Asia will
eventually cause us to lose all support
In southeast Asia. No matter how many
years are required, yve shall eventually be
driven out of Asia. The lesson we have
to learn has already been learned by
the French, the Dutch, the Belgians, and
the British.
The tyrants whom we are supporting
in South Vietnam have never provided
an hour of freedom in South Vietnam
since they have taken over power; yet
they have been backed, financed, and
militarized by the United States. I know
from reading recent news 'dispatches
that those puppets of ours are now try-
ing to tell us that we must not give con-
sideration to any negotiated settlement
of the war. Of course, we are doing most
of the fighting now. We have already
demonstrated that the Vietnamese army
and military establishment of 500,000 to
750,000 cannot whip the hard core Viet-
cong military establishment of between
35,000 and 60,000. It is necessary for
the United States to go on in and do the
job for the South Vietnamese. We can
do the job. We can win every military
engagement. The Vietcong cannot begin
to meet American force. The Vietcong
lack firepower and materiel; the Viet-
cong have no air force.
I have said many times that all we
are doing, now that we have gone into
Vietnam with our military might, is to
shoot fish in a barrel, for the Vietcong
can best be described in that war as
shooting fish in a barrel.
It is impossible for the Vietcong to
resist the military power of our great
country. That is what we should ex-
pect. You and I, Mr. President, have
not. sat here for years, voting billions of
dollars for the defense of this country,
without knowing that the United States
has the military might to mop up and
wipe out any force such as the Vietcong.
But that will not win the peace. That
will only win the war-if we want to call
it winning a war. What weare doing in
Vietnam will leave a heritage of hatred
and revenge against the United States
that will last for hundreds of years.
Also, it will do something to qur na-
tional morality. Do not tell me that
there is no cause-to-effect relationship
between the lack of morality of our for-
eign policy and the moral attitudes of
the young people of this country. That
is why I am working on my speech, "The
Crucifixion of the Teachings of Christ
in South Vietnam." I believe that our
professed religious beliefs should not be
kept off the floor of the Senate, but
should influence the action of this body.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in the
RECORD a letter entitled "Legalized Mur-
der," written by Dr. E. J. Fagan, Ma-
sonic Building, McMinnville, Oreg., and
published in the Portland Oregonian.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
LEGALIZED MURDER
To the EDITOR:
Now that big business, the oil companies,
airplanes, steel, and Du Pont as well as
others have taken over the Johnson admin=
istration look, stock aqd barrel, we can ex-
pect the Vietnam war to continue for months
or perhaps years and anyone like our own
Senator MORSE or Gov. Mark Hatfield who
speaks against such murder can be expected
to be slapped down by our leading news-
papers.
The Johnson administration wants war and
that's what they are going to get, because
it's big business and keeps big operations
going and a new batch of American million-
aires will be hatched before it's over with.
That's why war is now so popular.
I would not feel right if I didn't speak
outagainst legalized murder by this or any
other country and to my way of thinking
-both Governor Hatfield and Senator MORSE
are 100 percent right in opposing the Presi-
dent's escalation of war in Vietnam. I feel
sure that there are enough people on the
mainland of Asia to look after any and all
problems that may arise in that part of the
world without intervention of another con-
tinent. Minding our own business, I think,
is never a bad policy. Let's try it as a nation
and see if results won't be fruitful.
DR. E. J. FAGAN.
MCMINNVILLE.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD a letter entitled
"We Have Failed," written by Peter S.
Buck, of Portland, Oreg., and published
in the Portland Oregonian. The letter
deals with our outlawry in southeast
Asia.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
To the EDrroR:
I do not sympathize with the Oregonian's
fear that Senator MORSE Is "weakening the
unity of purpose the President and the
majority of Americans wish to convey to the
aggressors." It is not the function of a critic
to create unity behind the policies being
criticized; if the majority of Americans wish
to unite behind the President, then they can
do so, but they have no business requiring
that dissenters also fall into line so that the
impression of solidarity may be made more
perfect.
On the issue of Vietnam, I see no virtue
in applauding the President for pressing with
greater intensity a policy that is not working.
We have bombed in the north for months
and have steadily increased our military
power in Vietnam with the result that the
war has gone just as steadily against us. We
have supported the transitory regimes that
have passed through Saigon and have got,
for our troubles, a general there who tells a
British newspaper he finds something to
admire in Hitler. We have stood firm in
Vietnam, but the opposition has simply gone
around our war, seeking and finding support
among African and Asian nations disen-
chanted with American. policy.
As I understand the history of American
involvement in Vietnam, our original inter-
vention was based on the assumption that we
could attain our limited objectives with an
equally limited effort. This premise has
proved false as the effort required has grown
out of all proportion to the goals. I think
it time that we admit that our undertaking
in Vietnam has failed and that, by choosing
to intervene in the first place, we are at least
partly the creators of our own difficulties.
Our position in Asia will not be irrevocably
damaged by Vietnam unless, by following
futile policy to its bitter conclusion, we show
that we are determined to have it that way.
Perhaps Senator MossE's proposals will have
no greater success, but I do not see how they
can have less.
PETER S. BUCK.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD a letter entitled
"Impossible Situation," written by
Eunice E. Wise, of Portland, and pub-
lished in the Portland Oregonian. The
letter criticizes our policies in South
Vietnam.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IMPOSSIBLE SITUATION
To the EDrroR:
Your editorial of August 5 entitled, "Now,
Impeachment?" reveals that what the whole
world has long dreaded and feared has come
to pass; that is, "war by miscalculation."
And American experts have made the mis-
calculations.
The $700 million appropriated in May is
already spent. Another $700 million plus
$1 billion is the minimum thought neces-
sary to carry the "buildup" to January 1.
After that nobody knows how much the cost
will be.
But the money miscalculation is nothing
compared with the seriousness of the man-
power miscalculation.
Experts maintain that for success in that
kind of war, there must be a ratio of 10
Americans to 1 guerrilla. This is an im-
possible situation to cope with even if the war
lasted 40 years and family planning was
banned "for the duration." For there are
already more than a billion Communists in
the world and less than 200 million Ameri-
cans counting every man, woman, and child.
It would seem that the time has come for
nations to "learn war no more."'
EUI,RCE E. WISE.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD d letter entitled
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October 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
"Gross Insult," written by Jane Erick-
son, of Lake Oswego, Oreg., and pub-
-fished in the Portland Oregonian.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
To the EDITOR:
Anent your recent editorial "Now, Im-
peachment?" when the lust for war has
fastened itself upon the land, the word
"peace" becomes a dirty word and scath-
ing denunciation is heaped upon those
who espouse it. Carried to the ultimate, in-
carceration in concentration camps, and, in
some cases, the firing squad, is their reward.
If there are any doubts, how many saw, re-.'
cently, on CBS television, the spectacle of
several hundred doctors, lawyers, teachers,
etc., who were brought from their jail cells
in Saigon to face a row of men sitting in
judgment upon them? Their crime: taking
part in a peace demonstration urging nego-
tiation looking to a settlement of the war,
the very same aim to which our President is
supposed to give favor. Undoubtedly their
sentences, when rendered, will be further in-
carceration and, if the great Hitler-worship-
ing General Ky's wishes are carried out,
death by the firing squad.
One wonders how long it will be before the
same insanity prevails in our own country.
Certainly that condition is aided by those
who foment hatred against their fellow citi-
zens whom they scornfully designate as
"peaceniks," although among such are many
good citizens, including our leading scien-
tists, historians, educators, religionists, and
many others.
Such a demeaning appellation and, . fur-
ther, likening our interest in reaching a
peaceful solution in Vietnam to an "attrac-
tion like flies to a dead fish," is a gross in-
sult to many readers of the Oregonian and
is unworthy editorial comment in a news-
paper of the usual high caliber of the Ore-
LAKE OSWEGO.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD a letter entitled
"Minimal Respect," written by William
H. Halewood, of Portland, and published
in the Portland Oregonian. The letter
expresses Mr. Halewood's views concern-
ing the war in Vietnam.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
To the EDrroR:
Several readers of the Oregonian have reg-
istered dismay, in these columns, at the pri-
mitiveness of the attitudes expressed in
Oregonian editorials having to do with the
war in Vietnam. They may now complain
of primitive manners as well.
The abusive dismissal of Senator MORSE
and his audience as "flies drawn to a dead
fish," .. peaceniks," etc., is beneath the level
of civilized discourse. It would seem a mod-
est and easily satisfied requirement of an
editorial writer that he approach an issue
with the minimum respect necessary to un-
derstand it and that he be capable of ra-
tional argument.
WILLIAM H. HALEWOOD.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD a letter entitled
"Man Who Thinks," written by Mrs.
Lloyd Johnson, of Milwaukie, Oreg., and
published in the Portland Oregonian.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
MAN WHO THINKS
To the EDITOR:
Contrary to the views expressed in your
editorial of August 5, "Now, Impeachment?"
those interested in the peace of the world
are not necessarily fanatical, nor do they
deserve the ridiculous label peacenik.
Ours is a war-weary generation. We can-
not see that wars accomplish their supposed
purpose. Thousands have sacrificed fathers,
husbands, sons, and other loved ones to these
insatiable monsters. The thought of again
sending loved ones into the grinding teeth
of a huge war machine is more than grave.
The people of this country are already
taxed nearly to the breaking point. if only
a portion of -the staggering bill presented an-
nually to the American people could be di-
verted to the spreading of the cause of the
Prince of Peace, soon this old world would
be a far better place and we need not learn
war any more. Haven't we tried the way of
death long enough? Why not try the way of
life?
As for your attack on WAYNE MORSE: If we
had a few more rabble rouser leaders with
the courage of their convictions such as Mr.
MORSE demonstrates again and again perhaps
there would be less apathy among the peo-
ple. As long as men in high places allow
themselves to be swept along with the cur-
rent instead of standing up for what they
believe or know to be right, the "What's the
use?" attitude of the masses will remain.'
The people of Oregon must feel the need of
a man who thinks for himself or they would
not return Mr. MORSE to the Senate time
MILWAUKEE.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at
this point in the RECORD a letter entitled
"Shameless Involvement," written by
Peter A. Griffin, of Salem, Oreg., and
published in the Portland Oregonian.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SHAMELESS INVOLVEMENT
To the EDITOR:
In your August 5 editorial criticizing Sen-
ator MORSE, you characteristically display
more spleen than reason, While the use of
facile epithets such as "peaceniks," "fanati-
cal spokesman," and "rabble-rousing dema-
goguery" may enable you better to manipu-
late public opinion, they add nothing to what
should be a serious national debate on a
very grave issue.
The clear implication of your editorial is
that Senator MORSE himself advocates im-
peachment despite a story in the same edi-
tion of the Oregonian presenting Senator
MORSE's denial of this very contention. Your
own moral bankruptcy blinds you to the fact
that there are still Americans of sufficient
conscience to be outraged at and protest the
wanton and indiscriminate brutalities and
devastation visited upon the populace of
North and South Vietnam by our former ad-
visers. Moreover, those of us who do feel
that President Johnson has grossly over-
stepped all admissible legal and moral bounds
in our shameless involvement in Vietnam are
neither isolationists nor are words put in our
mouths by Senator MoasE, although we all
welcome his courage, concern and support.
PETER A. GRIFFIN.
SALEM.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, last sum-
mer, I said on the floor of the Senate
that only by a military occupation of
South Vietnam by the United States
could the Vietcong be stopped from tak-
ing- over the country. We are now in the
process of doing that. We are making
this an American war. We are doing it
on the theory that we are faced with an-
other Munich in southeast Asia, and that
the lessons of history teach us that it is
better to fight a small war when aggres-
sion first begins than to wait until it has
gathered steam, when opposing it will
mean a third world war.
The very fact that defenders of admin-
istration policy put the war in these
terms is indicative of its understanding
that the American people do not want
war, and that the rest of the world does
not want war. Increasingly, your mili-
tary activities are presented, not as an
end in themselves, but as the means of
preserving peace. With each fresh ar-
rival of more troops, with each new fleet
unit, and with each buildup in the size
and activity of the Strategic Air Com-
mand, we hear that it is all in the name
of peace.
When the bombing of North Vietnam
commenced in the first week of Febru-
ary, this was not the case. But between
the first week in February and the first
week in, April, when President Johnson
went to Johns Hopkins University to
talk for the first time about negotiations,
it had become evident that the American
people were not satisfied with a purely
military policy toward southeast Asia.
So it is vital to our policy to determine
how much our military activity is con-
tributing to a peaceful settlement.
Some obvious questions come quickly
to mind. Who is the aggressor in Viet-
nam that is to be compared to Hitler's
Germany? We say we are bombing
North Vietnam to make her more amen-
able to negotiating; but our Secretary of
State maintains that we are going to
make Red China leave her neighbors
alone. His speech of October 5 to the
United Press International Editors and
Publishers Conference, referred to China
as the major threat to world peace, al-
though-Red China has not a man fight-
ing in Vietnam, and has made available
very little material support to the Viet-
cong.
Are we to consider, then, that North
Vietnam, whom we are bombing around
the clock, is the aggressor who must be
stopped now, or are we to consider China,
who is not physically involved in the cur-
rent war at all, as the aggressor?
Another possibility is that communism
per se is what the Secretary of State
really has in mind. But are the objec-
tives of Communist Ho Chi Minh the
same as the objectives of Communist
Mao Tse-tung? The Secretary of State
is the first man who will tell us that the
communism of the Soviet Union, Poland,
Rumania, Yugoslavia, and China are all
differentiated by their national interests
and must not be lumped together by
American policy. In fact, it is the policy
of the administration to foment the
breakup of the Communist bloc by deal-
ing with each country in it as a totally
different entity from its neighbors, and
to encourage each of them to loosen its
ties with the other. -
Is this a sound policy for Eastern Eu-
rope only? Or are not the same na-
tionalisms - that make the Communist
bloc of Eastern Europe vulnerable to be
found equally in Asia?
Traditionally, there has been little to -
join the former French colony of Indo-
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CONGRESSIONAL, RECORD - SENATE October 15, 1965
china to China. Historically, there has
been animosity between them. In fact,
we are not using Chiang Kai-shek's Chi-
nese soldiers from Taiwan in large part
because they are regarded as unaccepta-
ble allies to the people of South Vietnam.
There are other reasons, too, but that is
one of them. Yet the same historic ani-
mosities also prevail north of the 17th
parallel. The inhabitants of North Viet-
nam have the same historic reasons for
not wishing to be drawn too closely to
mainland China.
We have capitalized on these historic
attitudes in the case of the Balkans vis-
a-vis the Soviet Union. We have flown
in the face of them in the case of North
Vietnam and Red China.
We have compelled North Vietnam to
seek allies wherever she can find them.
We say she is in a different category and
we are bombing her because she has
transgressed against the Geneva Accords
of 1954. But we are not a party to them,
nor is South Vietnam, and our transgres-
sions against the same Accords are a
matter of record with the International
Control Commission, which found North
Vietnam had violated them. The Inter-
national Control Commission was cre-
ated by the Geneva Accords to Investi-
gate complaints of violations, It Its
first published report in 1957, It found
North Vietnam had violated them, and
that South Vietnam had violated them
through Its military aid program from
the United States. That was in 1957.
In 1955, we had endorsed the refusal of
South Vietnam to proceed with elections
throughout the whole of Vietnam, elec-
tions specifically provided for in the
Accords.
So the issue of who first violated the
Geneva Accords is scarcely one that the
United Statescan stand on as justifica-
tion for our policy. We never mention
our violations when we claim that North
Vietnam began Infiltrating assistance
into the south in 1959. We had already
sent in thousands of soldiers.
Nor is there any reason to assume
that the United States has any sanction
to enforce an agreement to which we are
not a signatory. I do not know of any of
the Munich analogies that maintain the
United States should, alone, have sent
troops to Czechoslovakia to fight the
Germans in 1938. Oh, no; it Is said that
the free world should have united
against Hitler to stop his aggression.
But there is no free world unity in South
Vietnam. It is strictly a GI operation,
financed by Uncle Sam. The other flags
represented in Vietnam represent, as I
have said before, little more than flag-
poles. We have symbols, some of them
sent only under very great diplomatic
pressure from the United States. But we
have very little tangible help for carry-
ing out our policy in Vietnam.
The Munich analogy breaks down at
several places for the reason that we
are not concerned so much with what
happens to other countries in Asia as
we are with our concept of our own
American security Interests.
We believe that the string of American
bases and American-supported coun-
tries along the western shores of the
Pacific would be threatened by the loss
of South Vietnam. That is why we are
fighting there. That is why we have
exalted an exchange of letters between
President Eisenhower and the late un-
lamented President Diem of Vietnam
into a sacred national promise that pre-
tends President Diem never promised us
anything. President Eisenhower upset
some of our officials when he said re-
cently that the agreement with Diem
went no further than a pledge of goods-
foreign aid-not direct military support.
But all that was hushed up when a fur-
ther expression of support for our pres-
ent policy was elicited from President
Eisenhower, irrespective of what was in`
his letter.
It is the effort to maintain an Amer-
ican-oriented government in South Viet-
nam that is the reason for our war effort
there. We see it as a vital link in the
containment policy toward Communist
China. This containment runs from
South Korea, to Japan, to Okinawa, to
Taiwan, the Philippines, South Vietnam,
Thailand, India, and Pakistan.
PROSPECTS FOR PEACE THROUGH WA$
One of the criticism leveled at those
of its who have opposed the war in Viet-
nam is that we have no alternative that
will get the American Army out and still
guarantee that the Communists will not
take over.
That is quite true. We have no guar-
anteed alternative. But neither does the
administration have any plan for getting,
the United States out without having
the Communists take over. So far, their
plan calls only for an indefinite U.S.
occupation of South Vietnam to prevent
the Vietcong from taking it over whereas
we propose a procedure of - seeking to
bring many other nations in, not to make
war, but to keep the peace, just as the
United States keeps the peace on the
Gaza Strip and in Cyprus, just as the
United Nations moved in the other day
to take over jurisdiction between Pakis-
tan and India, and just as the United
Nations moved into the Congo and moved
the Russian military forces that had al-
ready started to infiltrate the Congo out
of the Congo. That is our program and
our recommendation.
The very best that can be expected
from administration policy Is that the
other side will not escalate the war fur-
ther than we choose to escalate it. Yet
the longer the war drags on, the more
likelihood there is that China or the
Soviet Union will find that their na-
tional security interests require them to
play a further role in the war. The
bickering and border warfare over Kash-
mir dragged on for 18 years and It finally
erupted into outright war. The Vietnam
war could well be the same smoldering
brushfire that can ignite much of the
world. The administration has no plans
and no means for ending it, only for
continuing it. And it has no guarantee
that Red China will not come in; it has
no guarantee that the Soviet Union will
not aid North Vietnam on a truly mas-
sive scale that could lead us into a con-
frontation with the Soviet Union.
There is no Question but that the over-
whelming military power of the United
States can prevent South Vietnam from
falling to the Vietcong. But we have
already proved that we cannot win a
guerrilla war through our South Viet-
namese proxies. We can only cope with
guerrilla war by making it a conventional
war, fought with the Strategic Air Com-
mand and the latest word in airborne,
mobile operations by our professional
Army.
The men who call themselves a govern-
ment in Saigon are anxious that there
not be any negotiations, and have pro-
tested the American offer to negotiate
unconditionally. That is to be expected.
General Ky and his associates have no
claim to power or authority other than
through the American war effort. ? If the
American war effort in South Vietnam
disappeared tomorrow, General Ky would
disappear, too, with all of his' tyrannical
military associates. We created them,
we support them, and maintain them in
office. And we do it to keep South Viet-
nam in the war.
If the war were ended, these military
flunkies, and their political cohorts,
would lose their reason for existence. So
they will do what they can to keep the
war going and to keep American military
power on their scene.
I am greatly disappointed that the ad-
ministration has not taken issue pub-
licity with South Vietnam's stated objec-
tions to negotiations.
it is very discouraging. I say to Presi-
dent Johnson and to the Ambassador:
"You are going to find out that you can-
not reconcile General Ky's Pronounce-
ments In opposition to negotiations with
your promises that you are going to do
everything you can to bring about
negotiations."
President Johnson should put the pup-
pet in his place in South Vietnam. The
Objections stated by these puppets were
stated publicly, as a rebuke to the Amer-
ican position that we are willing to
undertake negotiations unconditionally.
These people in Saigon should not be
permitted to speak for the United Staes
on this matter. If they become the tall
that wags the dog, the American people
can expect to continue fighting their war
for them forever, beside supporting them
with a million dollars worth of goods
every day.
President Johnson said during the
election campaign of 1964 that to send
large American forces into Vietnam
would be to fight a war that Asians
should be fighting for themselves. That
is what he has now done. The question
is whether we are going to do their fight-
ing for them on their terms or on ours,
and the President has the obligation to
make clear to the American :people that
it is our Government that decides when
we fight and when we negotiate, pot Gen-
eral Ky.
IS CONTAINMENT OF CHINA U.S. OBJECTIVE?
A few minutes ago I spoke of contain-
ment of China as the basis for our policy
in Vietnam. This, too, is 1L slogan that
needs analysis. Will what worked with
the Soviet Union automatically work
with China, and are the condtlions that
made the first a reasonable possibility
present in Asia?
The most serious difference' Is the ab-
sence of the large and potentially strong
nations of Asia from our containment
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"October 1.5, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD - SENATE 26193
network. Japan permits us to use her us encircle. Communist China. Call on they have not sent a soldier outside their
territory for bases; and her government them, and see how much help will be country; they give little economic or
gives verbal support to the American war forthcoming. military support to any government.
in Vietnam. But her public opinion is They have no intention of reinvolving They rely upon propaganda, and they
overwhelmingly against it. India has themselves in Asia. They were beaten can do it because they are sounding an
never subscribed to our containment once. Western Europe's day in Asia is immensely popular and effective note
theory, despite her own ominous troubles finished, and they know it. But there which can be picked up and used by local
with China, and Pakistan has decamped are no counterparts among the Asian agitators to great advantage. In all re-
entirely from her once-close association countries, either. There is in Asia no spects, it is China that is the paper tiger
with the west. common cement of fear of communism in Asia. She talks big but does noth-
Indonesia, with her population of 100 and a common religious and ethnic back- ing, even to help the Vietcong. Yet her
million and her immense natural re- ground which made possible the unified power and influence in Asia are grow-
sources, is a complete question mark, ex- Western response to the threat of Com- ing simply because she has the advan-
cept in one respect, and that is that her munism from the Soviet Union. tage of being a large chunk of Asia, of
bitter experiences with Dutch colonial- Indeed, the only common thread in being kin to millions of Chinese scat-
Ism have left her highly anti-West. Asian politics is that of anti-Western tered throughout neighboring countries,
So instead of drawing into our net- nationalism. It vastly exceeds fear of and of being opposed by Americans who
work the major non-Communist powers communism, in part because the Com- give every appearance of sacrificing in-
of Asia, as we did in Europe, we have munists of Asia are indigenous. What- different Asians for our own purposes.
with us only small countries, largely de- ever their dogmas, they are not white, In my opinion, the power and influ-
pendent upon American aid for their and they are not white foreigners. This ence of China in Asia will grow, no mat-
military establishments, and not even all is the great weakness in the American ter what the United States does. China
of those. Burma opted out of the Amer- design for Asia. It assumes that our has lived as an international outlaw, and
ican scheme of things in 1958 and is leadership will automatically be ac- she has yet to come to terms with the
totally neutral, cepted as it was in Europe, when the fact existence of her neighbors. But the
Cambodia invited the entire Ameri- is that no white leadership is acceptable United States has yet to come to terms
can official community to leave in 1963, any more in Asia. with the fact that China is no longer
and to take U.S. aid with them. Mayor This is why we are reduced to Thai- the China of Chiang Kai-shek. Any
Lee, of Singapore, long.counted on as a land, the Philippines, South Korea, and junta is recognized in Latin America so
pro-West ally in Malaysia, now presides South Vietnam in our search for support. long as it controls its territory; but in
over an independent country and has Each is small and totally dependent upon China we spin theories about respect for
found it expedient to dig back 4 years the U.S. Treasury for the maintenance human rights that we do not think of
ago to find the means of insulting the of its defense establishment. These applying elsewhere in the world.
United States. countries are not allies. They are de- It is as hard for many Americans to
Malaysia was once one of the dominoes pendencies. They have nothing to offer think of a strong and independent China
we were supposed to be. protecting by from their own resources to a common as it was for Winston Churchill to break
fighting In Vietnam. It has now collapsed cause or a common struggle. up the British Empire. Our Department
from its own internal impossibilities, and They are no foundation upon which of State reflects this ingrained attitude
the most dynamic leader in it has seen Asia can develop free from communism. when it speaks of making Red China
fit to cast his lot with anti-Americanism. All they do is furnish the United States "leave her neighbors alone."
It certainly should not be lost on the the real estate for stationing American Secretary Rusk has played this
American people that Mayor Lee, of military forces. You will not hear any cracked record so frequently that at long
Singapore, surely a non-Communist, has Washington policymakers, who prescribe last I believe the American people recog-
taken this tack at the very moment when our military commitment in Vietnam as nize that he should have something else
our administration is telling us that our the way to save all of Asia, comment on to follow it up. That is why millions
military activities in Asia are the only the failure of the large Asian powers to more Americans are beginning to ask,
thing that will convince the nations and support us, on the rejection of American "Mr. Secretary, when are you going to
people of Asia we mean to stay. Proving aid and bases by Burma and Cambodia, lay the issue formally and officially be-
to everyone that we will not be evicted on the violent anti-Americanism of In- fore the United Nations, as the commit-
by force is supposed to bolster confidence donesia, on the breakup of the Malaysian ment of the United States when it signed
in us. But Mayor Lee is an Asian politi- Federation, or on the anti-Americanism that charter calls for?"
cian, and he obviously knows where his of Singapore. Those facts do not fit in Let me say to the Secretary of State
future lies. His statements that even if with the theory, so they go unmentioned. that we are not going to answer it by say-
the British leave the Singapore bases the McNamara and Bundy cannot recon- ing that all that needs to be done is for
Americans will never be allowed in are cile that fact with their propaganda. China to leave its neighbors alone.
aimed at his own population and at the These facts go unmentioned. Around the world, the Secretary of State
nations of Asia with whom Singapore The most that is said about these facts is now being asked the question, "Mr.
must live and deal as an independent is that the United States has the duty Secretary, when are you going to start
country. to act as policeman in Asia. But it is living up to your country's charter and
If there was ever an Asiatic straw- entirely a self-appointed duty. The net treaty commitments?"
man, that is one, Mr. President. Great result of our present operation will be, Yet we freely invaded the Dominican
Britain is not likely to leave her bases in again in the best of possible results, an- Republic when we thought our self-in-
the foreseeable future, and the United other American enclave on the Asian terest was at stake, and we did not con-
States has no intention of taking over Continent like South Korea, supported sider that anyone else had a right to
British responsibilities in Singapore. at a cost of half a billion a year and de- "make the United States leave her Carib-
But this is typical of Communist propa- fended only by the continued presence of bean neighbors alone." The expectation
ganda. They feed that kind of rot, and 50,000 U.S. troops even after the fighting that a great power will dominate her
they are able to get by with it, because has stopped, after we have killed the fish weaker neighbors is not an expectation
of the intense hatred of most Asians for in the barrel, after we have leveled their we are willing to accord to China. But
Americans. industrial complexes, and after we have China is there. We cannot wishfully
When are we going to learn that? created a reservoir of bitter hatred for think China off the face of the earth. It
When are we going to learn that Asians the United States for years to come. is new, it is Communist, and it is expand-
do not think as well of us as we think The more dependent these few gov- ing its contacts with other nations
of ourselves? When are we going to learn ernments are upon us, the more vulner- whether the United States approves or
that Asians suspect us, do not trust us, able they become to local opposition, not.
and take note of our repeated examples and if they are truly important to us, we This is not to say that Communist
of stark hypocrisy in American foreign must intervene with our military power China is not a virulent force in Asian
policy? to salvage the geography they occupy. affairs, or that it does not try to exert
There is no Britain, or France, or Ger- This is a vicious circle the Chinese leadership for Communists in North
many, or Italy, or Scandinavia to help have avoided. Other than border wars, Vietnam and elsewhere. But it is oper-
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26194 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE October 15, 196
ating in the midst of nations newly en- Nations to adopt procedures which will He came to the United Nations. He
tered upon the trials of nationhood, to lead to an attempt, at least, to have the called his message "a solemn moral rati-
whom communism is a more remote evil United Nations negotiate with Red China flcation of this lofty institution," and he
than the colonialism which they have in respect to such problems as the Sen- likened the universality of the United
experienced, and certain only that ator from New York raised the other Nations to the universality of the Cath-
never again will they allow themselves day, and as I have been raising in my olic episcopate.
to fall under the dominion of foreign frequent speeches in the Senate week The peoples of the earth-
powers. after week for more than 2 years. He said--
]:n this respect, China has a great deal CONTAINMENT OF CHINA IS A TASX OF THE turn to the United Nations as the last hope
in common with them, and it is a com- ENTIRE WOSLD of concord and peace * * *. You give sanc-
mon cause we are making it easy for her In my opinion, there is a much more tion to the great principle that the relations
to exploit by our unilateral action. applicable lesson to be learned, not only between peoples should be regulated by rea-
It was not my privilege, day before from Munich but from the whole of son, by justice, by law, by negotiation; not
yesterday, to hear the, statesmanlike World War U. The final monument of by force, nor by violence, not by war, not by
speech on foreign policy delivered by the that war was the recognition that main- fear or by deceit.
You exist and operate to unite the nations,
Senator from New York [Mr. KENNEDY]. taming world peace is a-task for the en- to bind states together. You are an asso-
As that speech was being given, I was in- tire community of nations. The victory elation. You are a bridge between peoples.
volved in difficult conferences on the was a victory not only of the United You are a network of relations between
higher education bill, with which we States nor of Russia, but of a great many states. We would almost say that your chief
had been wrestling for a good many days countries acting in concert. If the war characteristic is a reflection, as it were, in
in conference with the House. At the was to have been prevented, it could only the temporal field, of what our Catholic
time the Kennedy speech was being de- have been prevented by all of the west- Church aspires to be in the spiritual field:
unique and universal.
livered, it was necessary for me to confer acting together. In the ideological construction of man-
with executive officials of the Govern- It was the appreciation of that lesson kind, there is on the natural level nothing
ment and to obtain their advice as to that caused the founding of the United superior to this. Your vocation is to make
how they thought we should proceed Nations. Peace cannot be maintained brothers not only of some but of all peoples,
further in trying to arrive at an accept- by any self-appointed policeman, and in- a difficult undertaking, indeed; but this it is,
able compromise with the House on the deed, it was Hitler's contention, too, that your most noble undertaking.
higher education bill.. he was saving Europe from the evils of With words largely interpreted as re-
I heard all about the Senator's speech communism. The possibility of the ferring to China, Pope Paul said:
when I got back, and I read it the next United States leading an allied cause in Strive to bring back among you any who
morning. I tried to reach him by tele- Asia is hopeless. If we fight there, we have separated themselves, and study the
phone, but he had gone to New York, so will fight alone, and against many more right method of uniting to your pact of
I left a message in his office that he be countries than just China. brotherhood, in honor and loyalty, those who
notified that I completely agreed with The one thing we have not tried yet is do not yet share in it.
his speech and wished to associate my- the United Nations. It is to that body Act so that those still outside will desire
self with its premises. that the community of nations has en- and merit the confidence of all; and then be
generous in granting such confidence.
That does not mean that the Senator trusted the authority to wage war in the In his most memorable utterance he
from New York or I take the position name of peace. told us:
that Red China be recognized in the Every minute we conduct our war in
United Nations. It does mean, however, Vietnam, we are doing it in violation of No more war, war never again. Peace, it
that we should take our heads out of our signature on the United Nations is peace which must guide the destinies of
the sand as a nation and recognize that Charter, a solemn treaty which, I submit, peoples and of all mankind 11 * *. Grati-
tude and glory to you for the conflicts which
China has become a great power in is a far higher test of our national honor you have prevented or have brought to an
Asia and that she must be dealt with. than a letter from one former President end. The results of your efforts in recent
There are those who believe that she to another former President. We stand days in favor of peace, even if not yet proved
should be dealt with by destroying her today in violation of those provisions decisive, are such as to deserve that we,
militarily. I have protested that war- which require us, as a party to a dispute presuming to interpret the sentiments of
hawk philosophy for more than 2 years, and as a signatory to the charter, to lay the world, express to you both praise and
and I shall continue to speak out against that dispute before the Security Council thanks.
Gentlemen, you have performed, and you
it, because we could not endanger the ul- of the United Nations. continue to perform, a great work; the ed-
tiimate security of the United States We do not have to propose a solution. ucation of mankind in the ways of peace,
more than to follow such an insane But until we have asked the Security The U.N. is the great school where that edu-
course of action. Mr. President, in my Council to meet to consider the threat to cation is imparted * * *. Everyone taking
judgment, those who hold that point of the peace in Vietnam, we will remain in his place here becomes a pupil and also a
view are madmen. violation of the charter. So long as we teacher in the art of building peace.
The conclusion of the Senator from fail to do that, we convict ourselves of The same papers that carried these
New York [Mr. KENNEDY] is quite right seeking only the ends of American na- words of Pope Paul carried the news
when he suggests that China must be tionalism in southeast Asia, for a nation that American soldiers in Vietnam now
dealt with in regard to nuclear control. that rejects the application of the United number 140,000. To whom was Pope
Perhaps we cannot deal with her. We Nations Charter to a breach of the peace Paul speaking? Of whom was he speak-
can never deal with her if we follow the to which we are party, displays much ing?
policies of the State Department. more of the truth than references to a Our policy in Vietnam has been one
I have said many times, and now re- commitment to South Vietnam can ever of ending a war by pounding one side
peat, that I am nOt in favor of voting cover up. into the ground with the Strategic Air
Red China into the United Nations until Last week, the world saw a reigning Command and thousands of American
we can obtain some arrangements with Pope come to the New World for the first soldiers. But it shows no signs of bring-
her, through the United Nations, in re- time in the 500-year history of the New ing peace. Its advocates have no idea
Bard to the issues, to determine whether World. He came to plead for peace, for just how peace may emerge from this,
sshe can be counted upon to follow the the maintenance of peace, for no more except that they expected the other side
obligations which a signatory to that war. to seek negotiations long before this, and
charter would create. That is why, as He did not come before the American they have not.
one of our country's delegates to the Congress to make that plea, nor to the I do not know whether the United Na-
United Nations in 1960, I voted against White House, He did not come to the tions could provide a peace that would
seating Red China, and would do so Pentagon and beg the Joint Chiefs of prevent the Communists from taking
tomorrow. Staff.to keep the peace of the world. He over all of Vietnam. But it must be
However, our Government is failing, did not ask America to act as the police- given a chance to try. The alternative
in my opinion, to exercise leadership, nien of Asia or anywhere else. In fact, is perpetual war in Asia that will carry
both diplomatically and through the he did not come to Washington, D.C., at the threat of bigger war as long as it
United Nations, to try to get the United all.
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 -October 15, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
I say today, as I have said in the past,
that we have neither the manpower nor
the economic resources to police Asia.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed at the conclusion of these re-
marks a wise analysis of our outlook in
Vietnam as written by Walter Lippmann
in his column which appeared in the
Washington Post on September 30. In
it, he points out the inconclusiveness of
our military occupation of South Viet-
nam, and raises the same question I have
raised in these remarks here and in
speeches throughout the country in re-
cent days, which is to ask how the ad-
ministration and its Pentagon architects
of Vietnam policy plan to achieve peace
in Vietnam by making war?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.)
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, Mr. Lipp-
mann uses the figure of speech in this
column, referring to our policy, as a
policy of punching water.
I care not what the descriptive terms;
it is the status of posture in South Viet-
nam that concerns me. I would like to
change the status from warmaking to
peacekeeping. I would like to change
our image from an ugly one of hypocrisy,
outlawry, illegality, from one of substi-
tuting the jungle law of the claw, for our
professed ideal of supporting the rule
of law. That is my plea. I make it over
and over.
I shall continue to make it over and
over and from coast to coast, so long as
my country does not declare war, so long
as many Americans, and many Senators
and Representatives do not live up to
their constitutional trusts, oaths, and
obligations.
I repeat that every Senator who votes
to give to the President the power to
make war without a declaration of war
Violates his oath of office, for he swore to
uphold the Constitution. The Constitu-
tion vests no power In the President to
make war in the absence of a declara-
tion of war, except for that short inter-
val of time that it takes the President to
come to a joint session of Congress and
recommend a declaration of war in a war
message. The Congress then decides
whether or not they shall vote in favor
of that declaration.
If the President should come up to-
morrow with a such proposed declara-
tion, I would vote against it, for, in my
judgment, the United States cannot
justify making war in Asia or declaring
war in Asia until it first exhausts its
treaty obligations.
We stand in open, wanton, and deliber-
ate violation of our treaty obligation.
We are writing a shameful chapter in
American history by our course of action
in Asia.
I know that if war is declared it will
become my clear patriotic duty as a U.S.
Senator to do everything I can to suc-
cessfully prosecute that war and help to
get it over with as quickly as possible,
and at the same time to do everything
I can to try to convince the leadership
of my Government to get back inside the
framework of international law.
No. 193-13
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I made this long speech today because
tomorrow in various parts of the country
various groups of varied political com-
plexion are going to protest America's in-
volvement in war in Vietnam.
I certainly do not-endorse all the views
and the conduct that may be taken by
some of those groups. Neither do I en-
dorse the McCarthyism of the super-
patriots and shocking rightists in this
country who are already charging those
who tomorrow will protest outlawry of
the United States in Asia as being trai-
tors.
Short of a declaration of war what is
needed in this country is the protests
of millions of Americans against the pol-
icy of their Government in Asia.
What is needed in America, short of
a declaration of war, is the tramp, tramp,
tramp of marching feet in the commu-
nities of America, by the thousands of
communities, of free people protesting;
nonviolent demonstrations against the
course of action of the United States in
violation of both the Constitution and
our treaty obligations.
Mr. President, there are those who
would silence those of us who are there
to protest the outlawry of our Govern-
ment. There are those, even found in
this body, who believe some sort of
censorship ought to be placed on free
men who practice their freedom by pro-
testing the inexcusable foreign policy of
the Johnson administration.
I thank my God that there are in this
country thousands of people who will be
heard from tomorrow and in the weeks
and months ahead and who will not be
cowed into submission by the intolerant
bigots of America who believe that be-
cause our country is on an illegal course
of action, we must support its illegality:
I shall never do that so long as I believe
there is any hope of getting my country
to change its course of action, get back
into the framework of international law,
and stand for the substitution of the rule
of law for its jungle law in South Viet-
nam.
If the unhappy hour arrives when
Congress passes a declaration of war,
the senior Senator. from Oregon will say
to the American people that we must
support our constitutional system, be-
cause our freedom is dependent upon
its implementation. But our freedom
is not dependent upon the implementa-
tion of unconstitutionalism, and this ad-
ministration is following an unconstitu-
tional course, short of a declaration of
war in southeast Asia.
So I shall be back next week, and I
shall speak again and again and again
for peace. I shall continue to plead un-
til there is a declaration of war. I shall
continue to plead that my country change
its course of action. I again can upon my
President and upon the Secretary of
State to send forthwith to Ambassador
Goldberg, at the United Nations, a for-
mal request that he submit the necessary
formal resolution to the Security Council
calling upon the Council to take full and
complete jurisdiction over the threat to
the peace of the world in South Vietnam.
If that resolution is vetoed, I shall then
26195
call upon my President and the Secretary
of State and the American Ambassador to
the United Nations to proceed under the
procedures of the charter in respect to
the authority of the General Assembly
of the United Nations. I prefer that
course to a continuation of the unneces-
sary killing, bombing, and warmaking in
South Vietnam.
I again suggest to Senators and to
members of the executive branch of the
Government that over the weekend they
reread the messages of Woodrow Wilson
and Franklin Roosevelt. I have said be-
fore in the Senate that I hoped Senators
would read the great war message that
Woodrow Wilson delivered in April 1917,
before a joint session of Congress, in
which he set forth that great principle
of constiutional law for which, for 2
years, the senior Senator from Oregon
has been pleading in the Senate. Presi-
dent Wilson said that he was without
constitutional authority to make war in
the absence of a declaration of war; and
because of that undeniable constitu-
tional restriction upon the President of
the United States, he came before a
joint session of Congress and recom-
mended a declaration of war against the
German Imperial Government, setting
forth his reasons therefor.
I would also have Senators read the
great war message of Franklin Roose-
velt following Pearl Harbor, when he,
too, recognized that he was without au-
thority to make war in the absence of a
declaration of war. If Senators will
read that great war message, as well as
the message of Woodrow Wilson, per-
haps they will reflect a little longer than
they reflected in August 1964, and re-
flected again this year, when the Presi-
dent submitted to Congress his so-called
$700 million appropriation bill for the
war in South Vietnam, although at the
time he sent it he told Congress and the
world that he did not need the money
because he had the power to transfer
funds without the bill. He said he was
using the bill as a vehicle for determin-
ing whether or not Congress would stand
behind the resolution of August, 1964.
Congress voted the funds; and when it
did, every Member of Congress who voted
for the bill stated that he voted con-
fidence in the President to make war in
South Vietnam, outside the Constitution,
and, in my opinion, violated his oath
of office.
In view of the fact that Congress will
undoubtedly, mistakenly, adjourn sine
the by the end of next week, I hope that
the American people will exercise their
precious right of freedom during the
time that Congress is not in session and
will make clear to the Members of Con-
gress that foreign policy does not belong
to Congress or to the President, but be-
longs to the American people. I hope
that the American people will, during
the adjournment of Congress, make per-
fectly clear to the Members of Congress
that they expect them to return in Jan-
uary and exercise the great power that
is vested in them to seek to get this coun-
try to lay the whole issue of South Viet-
nam before the United Nations for de-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE October 15` _196b
termination, if the President in the
meantime does not come to that con-
clusion on his own initiative.
EXHIBrr 1
STALEMATE IN VIETNAM
(By Walter Lippmann)
The success of the American buildup in
South Vietnam has been very considerable
when we measure it by what so many in-
formed people feared last June. The Viet-
cong has not been able to smash the Saigon-
ese army, to cut the country in half, and in
this military disaster to bring about the over-
throw of the government In Saigon. There
is reason to think that the size and power
of the American forces has discouraged or
prevented the Vietcong from mounting big
enough battles to win a victory over the
Saigonese.
Yet, things have not come out as the ad-
ministration spokesmen hoped they would.
They allowed themselves to think that a
demonstration of our abiilty to build up a
great American force which could not be
defeated would compel or persuade the Viet-
cong and Hanoi to agree to a negotiated set-
tlement. Quite the contrary has happened.
The position of the Vietcong and Hanoi to-
day is even harder than it was last spring.
Why? Why, as we have put more and
more of the best troops we have Into South
Vietnam, as we have escalated the violence
of our attacks, have our adversaries become
ever more scornful of our proposals to nego-
tiate?
My own belief Is that they are convinced
that, while the Americans cannot be defeat-
ed, the Americans cannot win the war on
the ground. This, however, Is where the
war has to be won, in the villages of South
Vietnam, and that is where the struggle
will in the end be decided. The essential
fact, which is beginning to seep through
the dispatches of some of the American
correspondents, is that while the Americans
can seize almost any place they choose to
attack, the Vietcong will almost surely come
back once the Americans leave.
The war in Vietnam is like punching a
tub full of water. We can make a hole
with our powerful fist wherever we punch
the water. But once we pull back our hand,
possibly to punch another hole in the water,
the first hole disappears. In theory, the
Saigonese army ought to fill the hole, ought
to occupy and pacify the places we seize.
But the Saigonese army Is not able to do
this because it is too small and too war-
weary.
It is too small because the villages, which
are the reservoir of available manpower, are
for the most part Vietcong in their sym-
pathies or are terrorized' by the Vietcong.
The Saigonese army is too disillusioned
and has too little morale to occupy terri-
tory which the Americans have seized.
What remains of the Salgonese army has
little enthusiasm for the revolving politicians
in Saigon.
There are some Republican politicians
who think that this mess can be disen-
tangled or ended by bombing the industrial,
and therefore populated, centers of Hanoi
and Haiphong. The President, fortunately,
has resisted the temptation to make the
war a total war, and thus to make it a gen-
eral Asian war.
In any event, our adversaries in the Viet-
cong and in Hanoi show no signs of being
intimidated by the possibility of total war.
The Vietcong in the south are already re-
ceiving the full treatment of total war by
our area bombing, and the North Vietna-
mese do not value their material posses-
sions, which are few, not even their lives,
which are short and unhappy, as do the
people of a country who have much to lose
and much to live for.
Our adversaries, moreover, have time to
wait, time to retreat, to hide, and to live
to fight another day. So we shall be forced
to face the fact that In order to win the
war in South Vietnam we shall have to oc-
cupy South Vietnam with American troops.
A few month ago Mr. Hanson Baldwin, the
military correspondent of the New York
Times, called for a million men for Vietnam.
It sounded fantastic at the time in the light
of what President Johnson was saying about
not wanting a wider war. But it is beginning
to look very much as if Mr. Baldwin had made
an informed and realistic estimate of what
a military solution would require.
The situation has become so tangled that
no clear and decisive solution is for the
present conceivable. The President is no
nearer the negotiated settlement which he
has hoped to bring about. Nor, as a matter
of fact, is the administration truly resolved
to negotiate in a sense that it is prepared,
even in its private thinking, to make the
concessions that any successful negotiation
is bound to call for.
Failing the prospect of a settlement, the
President has managed to obtain the assent
of most of the country to the kind of war
we are fighting-a sporadic, low-grade war
carried on chiefly by a professional American
army. There is no immediate prospect of big
battles with big casualties because the Viet-
cong, so it would seem, have withdrawn into
guerrilla warfare. Against the kind of force
we have in Vietnam, guerrilla warfare can-
not win a victory. But neither can the
guerrillas be defeated decisively and put out
of business.
If we cannot or will not escalate the war
until we have an enormous army which can
occupy the country, our best course is to
dig in along the coast and begin to discuss
with the Vietnamese politicians the forma-
tion of a government in Saigon which can
negotiate a truce in the civil war. This
course will not please the majority of the
President's current advisers. But with all
due respect to them, how do they propose to
win this war, specifically, what size of Amer-
ican army are they prepared to draft and
put into Indochina? For the war is not
going to be won by punching the water.
SWANSTON EQUIPMENT CO.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that the Senate pro-
ceed to the consideration of Calendar
No. 839, S. 317.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
will be stated by title for the information
of the Senate.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
317) for the relief of the Swanston
Equipment Co.
The PRESIDING. OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the bill?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill which had
been reported from the Committee on
the Judiciary with amendments in line 6,
after the word "of", where it appears the
second time, to strike out "$40,2M.19"
and insert "$21,376"; and, in line 8, after
the word "as", to strike out "excise taxes
and"; so as to make the bill read:
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled, That the
Secretary of the Treasury is authorized and
directed to pay, out of any moneys in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to the
Swanston Equipment Company, of Fargo,
North Dakota, the sum of $21,376, repre-
senting the sum of the amounts such com-
pany was erroneously required to pay as
customs duties in connection with the im-
portation from Canada by it of certain farm
machinery and equipment (including farm
hoists) during the period beginning Octo-
ber 6, 1956, and ending with the close of
May 14, 1959.
1 Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the RECORD an excerpt from the report
(No. 854), explaining the purposes of the
bill.
There being no objection, the excerpt
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PURPOSE
The purpose of the bill, as amended, is to
pay to the claimant the sum of $21,376, the
amount of customs duties paid in connection
with the importation of certain farm ma-
chinery and equipment.
Mr. SIMPSON. Mr. President, the
purpose of the bill, as amended, is to pay
the claimant $21,376, representing cus-
toms duties paid in connection with im-
portation of certain hydraulic truck
hoists and parts thereof from Canada.
During the period beginning in April
1956 and ending in June 1959, claimant
imported and sold to dealers in the Unit-
ed States farm conversion truck hoists for
installation on ordinary 11/2-ton trucks
used by farmers. Such hoists operated
to raise the front end of the truck wagon
box so that the load could be dumped
out at the tailgate.
Early in 1959 a special agent of the
Internal Revenue Service discovered that
the quarterly excise tax returns for the
periods ending June 30, 1956, through
June 30, 1959, had not been filed and the
excise tax imposed by the Internal Reve-
nue Code on the hoists sold during those
periods had not been paid. The tax-
payer sought a ruling that the hoists were
not taxable because, first, they, were
mounted on trucks used only for agricul-
tural purposes; and second, they were
exempt. from excise taxes because they
were subject to the import tariff. The
Internal Revenue Service rejected these
arguments as being contrary to the In-
ternal Revenue Code and ruled that the
hoists were taxable. Claimant then was
heard in the appellate division on the
ground that the customs duties were im-
properly collected and as such should be
allowed as offset against the excise tax
liability on the basis of the doctrine of
equitable recoupment. This claim was
overruled on the grounds that, first, a
requirement for free entry as an agri-
cultural implement is that the implement
must be chiefly used throughout the
United. States for agricultural purposes;
and second, available evidence did not
establish that these hydraulic hoists were
chiefly used in the United States for agri-
cultural purposes.
On June 23, 1963, the taxpayer made
an offer in compromise of the excise tax
liability, including penalty and interest.
Included with the offer in compromise
was a check for $7,961.75, which was
tendered conditional upon acceptance of
the offer.
During the conferences. concerning this
offer in compromise, the president of
the claimant company stated he had re-
lied upon the advice of an employee of
the Small Business Administration, that
the hoists were not subject to excise tax
if customs duties had been paid on the
hoists. On August 30, 1963, the offer in
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