CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130015-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 26
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 15
• Publication Date: August 11, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

19244
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE August 11, 1965
tablished political institutions. They
look with disdain and contempt on the
American people and are icily indifferent
to their hopes and aspirations.
These far-out groups are to be more
pitied than censured. For I can think
of nothing more pitiful than Americans
who have lost confidence in America be-
cause of their own frustrations and
frailties.
Now, Mr. Speaker, the United Repub-
licans of America says it does not like
my voting record. It says that I am a
rubberstamp and a robot of the Johnson
adininistration.
I infer, then, that the United Republi-
cans of America disagrees with my strong
support of the war against communism,
and my votes to strengthen our military
forces in Vietnam.
I infer that the United Republicans of
America disagrees with my efforts and
votes for the war on poverty, under which
More than 2,000 children of poverty in
my district are now receiving special
training, medical services and wholesome
meals. Many of them are getting these
benefits, which most of us take for grant-
ed, for the first time in their young lives.
I infer that the United Republicans of
America disagrees with my efforts and
votes to provide guaranteed medical-
hospital care for the aged, and my suc-
cessful efforts to help provide cost-of-
living increases in social security pen-
sions.
I infer that the United Republicans of
America disagrees with my efforts and
votes to strengthen and expand our sys-
tem of public education in Ohio and the
Nation. Under the Elementary and Sec-
ondary School Act of 1965 alone, my dis-
trict is receiving more than $1 million
at the outset to build up its schools.
I infer that the United Republicans of
America disagrees with my efforts and
vote to reduce or eliminate burdensome
Federal excise taxes that were taking
billions of dollars a year out of the pock-
ets of our people.
I infer that the United Republicans of
America disagrees with my efforts and
votes for our farmers and their families?
for community development?for water
and soil conservation?for rural hous-
ing?for flood control and watershed
projects.
These are the programs that I support
enthusiastically and wholeheartedly. If
this makes me a "robot" then I say that
what this country needs is more robots;
if this makes me,a captive of the Johnson
administration, then I say that I am in
good and responsible company.
I am unmoved and unconcerned about
the Kireat of the URA to purge me. An
examination of its statement of "prin-
ciples," to use the word loosely, compels
me to suggest that its author "multi-
plieth words without knowledge." In
any event, nothing can come of nothing,
and that is exactly what the URA rep-
resents: nothing. But it will be inter-
esting to see whether the regular Repub-
lican organizations in Ohio and the 10th
District repudiate the URA and all the
nonsense that it stands for.
Mr. SCHMLDHAUSER. Mr. Speak-
er, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. WELTNER. I yield to the gentle-
man from Iowa.
Mr. SCHMIDHAUSER. I would
just like to compliment ,my colleague
from Ohio. I, too, received one of those
letters, and I would like to associate my-
self with his fine remarks.
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. WELTNER. I yield to the gen-
tleman from Alabama.
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. I thank
the gentleman for yielding.
I am not a member of the URA, but
I did notice that the gentleman from
Ohio referred to one of my colleagues as
an arch segregationist who was one of
the carpetbaggers in effect coming into
Ohio. I wonder if the gentleman from
Ohio informed ray colleague that he was
going to be attacked an the floor today
and referred to in such a manner.
Mr. MOELLER. Mr. Speaker, I made
no attack. Neither did I inform the gen-
tleman.
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield for one
moment further?
Mr. WELTNER. I yield to the gen-
tleman.
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. I al-
ways have to smile when someone from
Ohio or anywhere else refer to carpet-
baggers coming into their States. I think
It is well known the situation we have
had in the South in the last few months
as far as carpetbaggers are concerned.
I am sure that the gentleman from Ala-
bama who has been referred to as an
arch segregationist will no doubt want
to have his comments on the floor con-
cerning these r
MORAtITY V
The SPEAKER. Under previous order
of the House, the gentleman from Ala-
bama [Mr. EDWARDS] IS recognized for 30
minutes.
Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr.
Speaker, most of us have participated
yesterday and today in discussions at the
White House regarding the U.S. involve-
ment in Vietnam.
I was especially interested to partici-
pate so as to assess statements made in
this House last week relating to the mo-
rality of our 'U.S. effort to resist Commu-
nist aggression in Asia. ?
On 2 days last week Members of this
body sought to show that our effort in
Vietnam is immoral, that we do not be-
long there, and that we ought to take
action amounting to withdrawal under
conditions approximately equal to sur-
render.
Amazingly enough, they seek to show
that the famous Dean Acheson speech of
January 1950 justifies their current posi-
tion in Vietnam. In that speech, widely
recognized as an invitation to the Com-
munists to attack South Korea, Mr.
Acheson announced that the United
States would not try to defend South
Korea against attack. The attack came
6 months later.
The question of morality in our Viet-
nam policy is vital, and can easily be
misunderstood, and I suspect misunder-
standing on the question extends well
beyond the very few Members of this
body who spoke about it last week.
Mr. Speaker, over the past several
months while our national foreign poli-
cies, particularly with regard to south-
east Asia, have become increasingly
complicated and crucial, there has de-
veloped at the same time a chorus of
criticism.
The kind of criticism I have in mind
Is that based on feelings that the United
States is basically at fault in the Viet-
nam problem, that we resist a peaceful
settlement of the conflict there, and
generally that if we would prove our-
selves to be peaceloving then the Com-
munist governments would respond in
kind and we would have a world of tran-
quillity.
These themes, and others related to
them, are appearing in increasing vol-
ume and frequency in the public com-
munications media. The people voicing
them consider their position to be one
of "moral indignation." Recently a
fairly new publication made a big thing
of comparing Ho Chi Minh with George
Washington. The idea was that Ho Chi
Minh is so popular throughout Vietnam
that he reminds the editors of a kind of
father of a democratic and idealistic
government.
The motivations of most of these Peo-
ple are not in question. As a Nation
we have always sought righteousness
and the ideal, both at home and abroad.
The American dream of self-government
and individual liberty is based on ex-
pecting the best from others.
As Americans we are all appalled at
the human tragedy unfolding in Vietnam
today, and are disturbed to find our-
,aselves involved. It is a jolt to our feel-
TNAM Ings of right and wrong, and we strain
to find answers.
But, however much our sense of
righteousness is touched, it is vital that
in our search for answers we do not let
wishful thinking be a substitute for a
sense of history, logic, and realism.
Wishful thinking as a substitute for real-
ism in our approach to the Vietnam sit-
uation would not only be unfortunate
but would be dangerous. Too much of
It in the past is one reason why we have
a Vietnam problem today.
Wishful thinking in our Vietnam sit-
uation is still widespread. It extends
throughout the country. Some members
of this House, for example, are evidently
beginning now to voice their concern
over the stated policy of firm defense
against Communist aggression in Viet-
nam.
On August 3 some Members joined
In a discussion on the floor of this House
which sought to show how we should be
acting differently to solve the Vietnam
puzzle. To support their case they used
events from the past, but have drawn
conclusions which, I believe, show wish-
ful thinking in a dangerous degree.
They appear to be suggesting that the
United Nations should call a cease-fire
In Vietnam and that the UN should or-
ganize elections in South Vietnam. Pre-
sumably the end result of this plan would
be withdrawal of the United States from
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August 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Industrial and job piracy is a severe
economic problem which is disrupting
the economic balance of our Nation.
Every Member of this body is affected
by the situation in one way or another.
COMBAT PAY FOR FOREIGN
SERVICE OFFICERS
(Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of
Mr. MeCeoa-r) was granted Permisssion
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, it
seems that we are in for another wave of
violence in our overseas embasSies. One
cannot help but wonder why we do not
give combat pay to the men and women
who staff our embassies, libraries, infor-
mation agencies and other outposts
Which are the subject of recurring attack.
It is no secret that this is a direct action
of the Communists in instigating these
riots and these attacks on what should
be a privileged sanctuary under inter-
national law. It is no secret that our
softness in the face of these overt
acts also helps precipitate more of these
regrettable incidents.
The attacks seem to come in waves.
Last week, another attack in Indonesia
was a repeat of past actions in that un-
friendly nation. As we study the past
record of the major incidents, I wonder
If we are entering again the monsoon
season of riots, flag burning-s, and vio-
lence. I also wonder what our State De-
partment will do about it. Here is a list
of some of the recent attacks:
ATTACKS ON AMMITCAN GOVERNMENT PROPERTY,
1964-65
October 24: Sudanese students break
Into embassy in Khartoum, Sudan and
ransack USIS library.
October 27: Mob smashes windows at
MIS office in Bolivia.
November 4: Bolivian students damage
two more USIS offices.
November 10: Mob attacks embassy in
Khartoum.
November 25: Demonstrators stone
embassy in Bulgaria.
November 26: Embassy in Cairo is at-
tacked and mob burns J. P. Kennedy
Memorial Library.
November 26: African students damage
embassy in Prague.
November 28: Students shatter 56 win-
dows in Moscow embassy.
December 4: Indonesians burn books at
USIS center in Jakarta.
December 7: Indonesians ransack
MIS library at Surabaya.
January 9: USIS library in Panama
City is totally destroyed.
January 22: Buddhists march on em-
bassy in Saigon, stone library.
January 23: Buddhists ransack consu-
late in Hue, South Vietnam.
February 9: Mob breaks 200 windows
in Moscow embassy.
February 9: Embassy in Uruguay is
pelted with stones.
February 13: African and Asian stu-
dents ransack legation in Budapest.
February 13: Mob smashes windows of
USIS building in Malaysia.
February 15: Indonesia seizes USIS li-
brary at Jakarta after riot.
February 15: Legation in Sofia, Bul-
garia is stoned by Asians and Africans.
February 16: Mob tears down flag
at embassy in Uganda.
February 16: Indonesia seizes USIS
center in Jakarta after students storm it.
February 16: Venezuelan students
stone embassy in Caracas.
February 18: Indonesians storm consu-
late in Medan, tear down flag.
February 28: Mob invades ambassa-
dor's home in Jakarta.
March 4: Students attack embassy
Moscow.
in
IF THEY PAID THEIR DEBTS
(Mr. ASHBROOK (at the request of
Mr. McCeoaT) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. ASHBROOK. Mr. Speaker, the
question is often asked in letters from
constitutents or in discussions with
them back in the district "If other na-
tions paid the debts they owe the United
States would our gold situation, balance-
of-payments problem, and our general
financial difficulties be eased?" The
answer to the question would seem to be
that we would at least receive a boost
that we don't now see in sight. Prance's
President de Gaulle has attacked the dol-
lar and is endeavoring to build up the
franc. He has called on our gold and
silver reserves despite the fact that
France owes us over $7 billion and the
great bulk of this has been in default for
many years now.
These debts are separate from aid pro-
grams, lend lease and other programs
which poured tens of billions of dollars
overseas. These are officially carried on
U.S. books as debts.
I personally believe that we should not
allow France to draw any of our gold
or silver reserves until they pay up.
Uncle Sugar has been too good and we
are all paying for it now. Here is the
table of outstanding debts still owed to
the United States:
World War I debt still owed to U.S.
Government
Britain
Billions
*9.380
France
6.
510
Italy
2.
245
Belgium
665
Russia
635
Poland
445
Czechoslovakia
265
Other
355
World War //' and postwar debt still owed to
U.S. Government
Billions
Britain
$3. 997
India
2.290
Brazil
862
Japan
. 842
Pakistan
729
Prance
637
Turkey
481
Yugoslavia
. 475
Chile
413
Spain
392
United Arab Republic
384
Israel
366
Argentina
351
China (Nationalist)
303
Iran
249
Colombia
248
Germany
226
Morocco
207
Russia
201
19243
World War // and postwar debt still owed to
U.S. Government?Continued
Billions
Mexico
$0.
199
Indonesia
.
189
Greece._
.
150
Venezuela_
.
138
Peru
.
126
Other
2.
111
(Source: U.S. Treasury, U.S. Department
of Commerce.)
(Mr. MINSHALL (at the request of
Mr. MCCLORY) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in
the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. MINSHALL'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
(Mr. CONTE (at the request of Mr.
MCCLORY) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
[Mr. CONTE'S remarks will appear
hereafter in the Appendix.]
UNITED REPUBLICANS OF AMERICA
The SPEAKER. Under a previous
order of the House, the gentleman from
Georgia [Mr. WELTNER] is recognized for
30 minutes.
Mr. WELTNER,. Mr. Speaker, I yield
to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. MOEL-
LER].
Mr. MOELLER. Mr. Speaker, some-
thing that calls itself the United Repub-
licans of America has announced its in-
tention to purge certain Members from
Congress in the 1966 general election.
I must confess that I know little of
this particular organization?one needs
a scorecard these days to keep track of
the weird political groups that have been
springing up like weeds in the past few
years.
But I was able to find out that the ad-
visory board of the self-styled United
Republicans of America is composed of
ultrasegregationists from Alabama and
Mississippi in addition to several other
individuals who never have been and
never will be in the mainstream of politi-
cal thinking in this country.
None of its leaders or members, so far
as I can determine, live in my 10th Con-
gressional District or anywhere else in
the State of Ohio. This is not surpris-
ing. The people of Ohio have never lent
their support to extremist movements,
either on the far left or the far right.
While I personally welcome the opposi-
tion of the URA, I do resent a bunch of
carpetbaggers from Alabama and Mis-
sissippi and other States far removed
from Ohio trying to force their strange
views on the people whom I am privi-
leged to represent.
However, I am quite sure that the
United Republicans of America will find
that southeastern Ohioans are intelligent
enough and capable enough to make
their own political decisions without out-
side pressure and meddling.
The real tragedy of organizations like
the United Republicans of America is
that they have lost faith in democracy.
They have no sense of loyalty to the es-
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August 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
South Vietnam, leaving the country in
the hands of the winner of the election.
It would be wonderful if we could
reasonably expect that this course of ac-
tion would result in a free, independent
South Vietnam. But all logic and rea-
son indicates that this action would be
entirely contrary to sound policy. We
must stand firm in South Vietnam to
show that aggression cannot be success-
ful.
HOT POTATO
Nobody would want to exclude the pos-
sibility that the suggested course bf
action would be reasonable at some fu-
ture date. All Americans would be
grateful if the United Nations were to
acquire effectiveness in stopping' aggres-
sion.
But to imagine that the U.N. can now
step into the Vietnam situation and solve
It in a way consistent with the principles
of human freedom and national self-
determination is to engage in wishful
thinking.
Following are just a few of the facts
which work against the logic of the sug-
gestion: First, the U.N. machinery is par-
alyzed by refusal of the Soviet Union and
France to pay for its share of U.N. peace-
keeping operations in accord with a nil-
ing of the World Court, and now we are
told that we shall abandon our attempts
to collect these assessments; second, the
U.N. itself does not show any willingness
to tackle the problem, and the major
delegations seem to prefer that the
United States keep this "hot potato" in
Its own hands; third, Communists would
not agree to any elections except under
conditions which guarantee their own
success; and fourth, the concept of free
elections, which as Americans we take
for granted as something achievable, is a
concept which has yet to penetrate to
most Vietnamese people who cannot be
expected to participate in free elections
as we understand them.
Until these facts are reversed, an
American call for U.N.-sponsored elec-
tions in South Vietnam as the determin-
ing basis for solution would simply be a
covering excuse for us to wash our hands
of the situation and yield to Communist
aggression against innocent People.
ACHESON'S POSITION
But that, Mr. Speaker, is just what the
gentlemen who engaged in the August
3 discussion want us to do. Either
deliberately or subconsciously, they
would prefer that we get out of Vietnam.
They feel that we have no interest there,
that we are morally wrong in being there,
and that if there is such a thing as Com-
munist aggression against innocent peo-
ple, the problem can somehow be solved
If we leave Vietnam.
This conclusion regarding the nature
of their position is supported at the very
beginning of the August 3 discussion
where former Secretary of State Dean
Acheson is quoted as of January 12, 1950.
At that time Mr. Acheson stated as U.S.
policy that the defense perimeter in
which we were interested "runs from the
Ryukyus to the Philippine Islands."
He said that so far as the military
security of other areas in the Pacific is
No. 147-8
concerned "no person can guarantee
these areas against military attack." He
referred then to the United Nations as
the place where "initial reliance" would
have to be placed in case of such an
attack.
Our colleagues on August 3 said Ache-
son's words "were valid then and they are
volid now."
This is a remarkable phenomenon.
The 1950 Acheson speech was indeed a
significant statement of U.S. policy, but
In the reverse way that our colleagues
on August 3 concluded. It was signifi-
cant because it announced to the world
that we were not interested in defending
South Korea against attack.
Less than 6 months after Secretary
Acheson made the statement South Ko-
rea was attacked by the Communist
North, and I do not need here to review
the tragedy that resulted.
It is true that the United Nations did
provide help in meeting the situation in
Korea. But the lessons to be learned
from the experience are, first, that the
U.S. announcement served as a virtual
Invitation for the Communists to attack
without fear of U.S. assistance in the
defense of South Korea, and, secondly,
that even with the U.N. at the height of
Its influence, and even with the absence
of the Soviet Union paving the way for
U.N. participation without a Soviet veto,
it was U.S. military effort which was
largely essential for the resistance, and
U.S. peacemaking efforts were largely re-
sponsible for bringing about a solution.
Conditions in the Korean situation
were vastly different from conditions in
the current Vietnam situation, and this
fact further works against a U.N.-spon-
sored solution in Vietnam.
The Dean Acheson speech of January
1950 was indeed a signifidant statement
of U.S. policy. It was folly, and has been
considered so by responsible persons ever
since. And to his credit, Dean Acheson
has since that time come to take a more
realistic and logical approach toward
Asian communism and the problems it
presents.
Today Dean Acheson is one of our most
astute statesmen in foreign policy mat-
ters. His advice on the need for free
world unity of purpose and his judgment
on other foreign policy issues has, since
1950, proven to be correct. He has come
a long way in his thinking since 1950.
FAULTY LOGIC
He has written some interesting arti-
cles recently, among them one called
"Advice to Young Academic Propagand-
ists," in the Reporter magazine for
August 12, 1965. It relates to this dis-
cussion because the position on Vietnam
taken by our colleagues as I have men-
tioned is generally the same position
taken by the academic people about
whom Dean Acheson writes.
In the article he is critical of academic
people who attack U.S. foreign policy
based on faulty logic growing essentially
out of what he calls "the principal, aca-
demic political motive" which is fear.
Further, if it was the purpose of the
August 3 statement to put Dean Acheson
In the position of placing major reliance
19245
on the United Nations for solving the
Vietnam situation, it will be useful to
refer to another Acheson statement.
In April of 1960 he wrote an article
called The Premise of American Foreign
Policy which is important, coming as it
did 10 years after the 1950 speech, which
our colleagues mentioned on August 3.
In that article, Dean Acheson wrote
that if the non-Communist nations were
to establish an "equilibrium" with the
ambitious Communist powers "There
must be no further diminishment of that
part of the world which now lies outside
the domain of Russian or Chinese com-
munism."
He wrote of the need for the combin-
ing of national efforts into greater efforts
directed by a central leadership.
No one except the United States is strong
enough to exercise this leadership, and some-
times the United States shows neither the
desire nor the understanding for this task.
Indeed, a key question of the 20th century
Is whether the United States can develop
this desire and this understanding. If she
cannot, then the Sino-Soviet drive for global
hegemony will remain unchallenged.
Mr. Acheson went on to write of the
role of the United Nations:
The United Nations, insofar as it believes
that by its votes and by its debates it is
accomplishing anything, could not be more
mistaken. In fact, It can be harmful.
Therefore, we cannot look to that organi-
zation by itself for a solution to problems.
We must look to our own understanding of
the problems and to our own will and the
will of others to solve them.
Perhaps most significantly of all, Dean
Acheson in 1960 seemed to be talking to
those of us in 1965 who would use a
sense of "moral indignation" in oppos-
ing a U.S. position of determination
against Communist aggression in Viet-
nam:
Self-deception is very easy in a democracy.
* * * the people themselves want to believe,
some concrete evidence to the contrary, that
this is a good world inhabited by none but
men of good will. Such illusion should not
be mistaken for morality.
Foreign policy in the Eisenhower-
Dulles years met with partial success in
establishing a firm position of American
leadership, though these efforts were
thwarted with alarmed cries of "brink-
manship" and a widespread failure to
comprehend what it was that the Gov-
ernment was trying to do.
In the late 1950's we were engaged in
efforts to build the economies of Laos
and South Vietnam and efforts to
strengthen their ability to defend them-
selves against Communist aggression.
But the U.S. position was negatively in-
fluenced by our tendency to misplace
our concept of morality.
We preferred not to face the reality
already present there, and we barely
noticed when, for example, the Vietcong
shot and killed two Americans and sev-
eral Vietnamese who were sitting watch-
ing a movie at Bien Hoa one evening in
July 1958.
ILLUSIONS
Mr. Acheson said in 1960 that leaders
are tempted to deceive the people in
foreign policy. The people want to be-
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19246 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE August 11, 1965
lieve in a world of international moral-
ity, and political leaders do not like to
damage the illusion. It is my contention
that in the years 1961 through 1964 we
fell victim to our illusions. We preferred
not to face reality. As a result, through
a series of unsure, vacillating actions
we presented only a foggy picture of our
understanding of the need for U.S.
leadership of non-Communist nations,
of our readiness to meet the tests which
accompany a national responsibility in
an imperfect world, and of our deter-
mination to stand firm in defense of
Communist aggression.
I must say parenthetically, Mr. Speak-
er, that I certainly have not always
agreed with Dean Acheson, but it is in-
teresting that at least he recognizes
some of his errors in assessing the Com-
munist intention. And it is also inter-
esting that his later statements com-
pletely cut the ground out from under
those who attempted to use him for sup-
Pert on August 3.
In 1961 it was as though we had
learned no lessons of the Acheson and
Dulles years. Where Indochina was con-
cerned it was clear beyond any doubt
by that time that Communist aggression
in Laos and Vietnam was on the move.
And in 1962 in Laos we arranged a
kind of truce between the Communist
Pathet Lao aggressors and those who
were opposing aggression, even though
we had to turn our backs on the anti-
Communists to do it. The result of the
truce was a guarantee to the Vietcong
that the Ho Chi Minh trail was safe in
their hands so they could funnel men
and equipment into South Vietnam from
North Vietnam.
REASON TO DOUBT
In these actions we gave the Asian
Communists cause to believe that they
could continue their efforts without con-
cern that effective resistance would be
encountered. They had much reason to
doubt our understanding and determina-
tion.
Today, though we have apparently
made some progress, clearly the prob-
lem is still with us. Several Members
of the other body have been protesting
our national determination for several
months.
One of the publications to which I re-
ferred earlier publishes in full the
speeches of North Vietnamese leaders, as
well as editorials from Vietcong news-
papers in Hanoi, while at the same time
contriving ways to paint a picture of our
position as aggressive and generally im-
moral.
The President of the United States has
found it necessary to state over and over
again why it is that we are engaged in
Vietnam, and to emphasize our determi-
nation.
And in addition to the August 3 Cox-
GRESSIONAL RECORD statement which I
have discussed, on August 2 a similar
statement was made on the floor of the
House. It attempts to show that the
United States "must take a full measure
of responsibility" for failure of the Ge-
neva agreements.
The gentleman making the statement
says that this country gave active en-
couragement to South Vietnam to re-
nounce the agreements, and that we
worked to prevent the International Con-
trol Commission, ICC, from performing
effectively its function as keeper of the
peace since 1954.
In arguing against increased U.S. mili-
tary strength in Vietnam as ordered by
President Johnson, the gentleman speak-
ing on August 2 seeks to show that our
presence in Vietnam was wrong from
the start. And to show this he even goes
back to the specters of Senator Knowl-
and, Senator McCarthy, Chiang Kai-
shek, and the "brinkmanship" I men-
tioned earlier.
He refers to the International Control
Commission as established by the Geneva
agreements and says it has not worked.
And he is correct. The ICC has not been
effective in preventing aggression in
Vietnam.
But the gentleman attempts to show
that the failure of the ICC has been due
to the United States.
The fact is that the Communists never
wanted the ICC to be effective and ac-
tively prevented it from doing its job.
The Commission is made up of repre-
sentatives of India, Canada, and Poland.
India acts as coordinator of the Com-
mission in view of its role as a nation
committed to neither the Communist
bloc nor the anti-Communist nations.
It is a matter of history that the
Polish delegates consistently, since the
ICC was first established, prevented the
Commission from acting to first identify
incidents of North Vietnamese aggres-
sion and secondly from reporting on it as
provided in the Geneva agreements.
The United States did not sign the
Geneva agreements on Indochina of
1954. Inferences have been made that
the reason we did not sign was that we
did not want peace in Indochina or that
we somehow had a subversive plan for
interfering with the people's right for
economic and political independence.
NONAGGRESSION
The reason we did not sign the Geneva
agreements was that they sanctioned
the division of Vietnam into two parts,
with the Communist government of Ho
Chi Minh given authority in North Viet-
nam under conditions which pointed
surely to eventual Communist control of
the whole country.
We were not working against economic
and political independence for the Viet-
namese people, but just to the contrary,
we were working for it.
Further, we supported the principle of
nonaggression. We stated that the
United States would refrain from the
threat or use of force to disturb the
agreements and that we would view any
renewal of aggression in violation of the
agreements as a threat to international
peace and security.
Since 1954 the United States has con-
scientiously encouraged the South Viet-
nam Government to assist the ICC. The
South Vietnam Government has exerted
great effort to respond carefully to ICC
communications, to provide full infor-
mation as requested, to provide housing
and transportation for the ICC teams,
and in general to offer every help pos-
sible to the ItC to carry out its respon-
sibilities.
Until the end of 1961 the United States
meticulously kept its military and civi-
lian mission people in Vietnam strictly
within the limits of the Geneva accords.
On the other hand the North Viet-
namese Government and the Polish dele-
gations to the ICC since 1954 engaged in
a long series of actions to thwart the
ICC from performing its function. They
employed a long list of tactics to circum-
vent the spirit as well as the letter of
the purpose of the ICC as provided in
the Geneva agreements.
A SOCCER TEAM
For example, while the United States
and South Vietnam since 1954 have pro-
vided complete information regarding
arrivals and departures of military per-
sonnel in South Vietnam as called for in
the Geneva agreements, the opposite has
been true in the north.
In the 1954-61 period it was common
knowledge that Russian and Chinese
Communist military personnel were ob-
served in Hanoi and other parts of North
Vietnam frequently. And yet in that
period only one arrival of military per-
sonnel was reported to the ICC?that of
a Communist Chinese soccer team.
During these years the United States
and South Vietnam also provided con-
vincing evidence on several occasions to
the ICC regarding North Vietnamese
violations of the Geneva agreements.
As a result, the ICC submitted a re-
port on June 2, 1962, stating in part as
follows:
Having examined the complaints and the
supporting material sent by the South Viet-
namese mission, the Committee has come to
the conclusion that in specific instances
there Is evidence to show that armed and
unarmed personnel, arms, munitions, and
other supplies have been sent from North
Vietnam to South Vietnam with the object
of supporting, organizing, and carrying out
hostile activities, including armed attacks.
These acts are in violation of articles 10,
19, 24, and 27 of the Geneva agreements.
That report also stated that the North
Vietnamese Army worked for inciting,
encouraging, and supporting hostile
activities in South Vietnam aimed at the
overthrow of the South Vietnam Govern-
ment. The Polish delegate to the ICC
dissented from the conclusions.
There were several tactics used by the
North Vietnamese to prevent the ICC
from doing its job with regard to inspec-
tions of material in transport so that
military equipment could be detected and
intercepted.
First. On frequent occasions when an
ICC team in the North was scheduled to
inspect a port or an air terminal the
North Vietnamese liaison officer would
simply say there were no vehicles avail-
able with which to make the trip.
Second. On other occasions when an
inspection was due the Polish member
of the ICC team would say he was ill and
coud not make the trip, thus preventing
an inspection. Work of the ICC required
cooperation of all three delegations. One
member could veto anything, and the
Communists found that this kind of
"troika" arrangement worked to their
advantage.
Third. On still other occasions ICC
teams in the North were told that they
could not inspect given cargoes since the
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August 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Invoices or other docinnents were not
available. In these cases the North Viet-
namese would say the cargoes were mere-
ly consumer goods. And as in other such
cases the Polish member would adopt
the position of the Vietcong, the Canadi-
an member would want to proceed with
effective work, and the Indian member
would decide that to do nothing would
be the expeditious course, thus render-
ing the ICC ineffective.
CURRENT OBSTRUCTION
In South Vietnam the ICC has been
accorded full opportunities for travel
throughout the country. In the North
the ICC has been harassed and at vari-
ous times severely limited in its oppor-
tunity even to locate itself at significant
places.
In the words of the State Department
this week, for example:
Since February 13, 1965, the authorities
of the North have refused to allow the ICC
teams which the Geneva Agreements speci-
fied should be established in Lao Kay, Lang
Son, Tien Yen, Vinh, Hong Hol, Haiphong,
and Muong-Sen to remain in those cities.
Therefore, at the present time the sole ICC
representation in North Vietnam is located
at Hanoi. Such a restriction, which is the
culmination of all the obstacles imposed by
the North over the years during which the
ICC has existed, prevents the ICC from ful-
filling virtually any of the functions assigned
to it.
Mr. Speaker, I present these facts in
an effort to show that anyone who de-
picts the United States and/or South
Vietnam as violators of the quest for
peace in Vietnam is grossly misinformed.
And efforts by elected representatives
of American people to falsify the Amer-
ican position in the quest for peace pro-
vide shocking evidence of what Dean
Acheson was concerned with when he
referred to the need for Americans to
view the world with a realistic concept
of what constitutes morality.
Responsible, thoughtful Americans will
rather agree with the Indianapolis Uni-
tarian minister who, in speaking on this
subject in June said:
I reject this charge of moral turpitude
leveled against our Government's policy in
Vietnam. I reject it because I believe it to
be tainted with immoral considerations.
Many with clean hearts are being dragged
into this position either through their single-
minded vision of the right or through simple
naivete.
I reject this charge in the second place
because it is an erroneous charge. Our Na-
tion, and the people within it, must resist
this attack upon its moral integrity. I say
that my Government is as morally right as,
in this moment of history, it is possible to be.
(Mr. OTTINGER (at the request of
Mr. SCHALLDHAUSER) VMS granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
In the REyORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
(Mr. OTTINGER'S remarks will ap-
pear hereafter in the Appendix.]
TO PERMIT FEDERAL EMPLOYEES
TO PURCHASE SHARES OF FED-
ERAL- OR STATE-CHARTERED
CREDIT UNIONS THROUGH VOL-
UNTARY PAYROLL ALLOTMENT
(Mr. ST GERMAIN (at the request of
Mr. SCH1VIIDHAUSER) was granted permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. ST GERMAIN. Mr. Speaker,
today I am introducing a bill which will
provide for further improvement in
fringe benefits available to Federal em-
ployees by authorizing them to purchase
shares in their credit unions through
deductions from their paychecks.
In recent years, the payroll program
of the Federal Government has been im-
proved to provide wider fringe benefits.
It is now possible for Federal employees
to authorize payroll deductions for di-
verse purposes other than the traditional
ones of taxes and retirement. Among
the deductions.now permitted are those
for group health and life insurance,
union dues, 'U.S. savings bonds, and, in
certain instances, charitable contribu-
tions. The usual deductions for civil
service retirement or social security and
Federal and State income taxes are, of
course, still being made.
This rather complete list shows that
the 7ederal employee has been moving
toward parity in fringe benefits with his
fellow workers in State and municipal
governments, business and industry.
My bill would extend this progress one
step further by permitting the Federal
employee the benefit of a regular sav-
ings plan enjoyed by millions of workers
using credit union payroll deduction
plans outside the Federal Government.
Under the bill's terms, the Govern-
ment would be reimbursed for the cost of
making the deduction. I anticipate that
this cost will be about the same as the 2
cents per check currently charged Gov-
ernment employee unions participating
in the union dues program.
Furthermore, my bill would remove an
inequity within the Department of De-
fense wherein civilian employees of the
Department are not permitted to make
credit union share purchases by means
of payroll deductions, but military per-
sonnel are permitted to do so through
the allotment procedure. I feel that all
Federal personnel, civilian and military,
should have available to them the same
credit union savings program, since this
program materially contributes to the
financial independence of the members.
Credit unions comprising Federal em-
ployees may be chartered either by the
States or the Federal Government.
They have over 2,000,000 Federal em-
ployee members and over $900 million in
savings.
19247
REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT BE-
FORE THE WATER EMERGENCY
CONFERENCE
(Mr. CELLER (at the request of Mr.
SCHMIDHAUSER) was granted permission
to extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. CELLER. Mr. Speaker, I am
more than pleased to have this oppor-
tunity to set forth the far-reaching re-
marks of President Johnson before the
Water Emergency Conference at the
White House today. Those of us who
were fortunate enough to hear these
words spoken?Governors, mayors,
Members of the House and Senate, mem-
bers of the Cabinet, and officials of the
Government?feel their impact keenly
and I am sure all agree with me that
a statement of such unmistakable sig-
nificance should be read by everyone.
The statement follows:
Secretary 'Udall, distinguished Governors,
members of the Cabinet, Chairman Seaborg,
Mr. Ackley, first, I am happy that I have been
able to hear some of the discussion. I deeply
regret that I have not beard more, and I do
want to have you share with me some of your
private thinking. If it is agreeable, and you
don't mind the quality of the lunch, we'll
just have lunch together when we get
through.
It may be a little late to your next meet-
ing, but the folks in the other wing are
accustomed to having guests on short no-
tice?as I know they are in your capitals--
and so if you bear in mind anything that
you want to raise, we will do it during the
lunch hour.
Second, apropos of the very excellent sug-
gestion made by Governor Rockefeller, who
has talked to me about this a number of
times, I followed his pollution plank with
great interest. He's discussed that with me,
and I hope our people can be helpful in
what he's been discussing. I rather doubt
there will be any comprehensive appropria-
tions possible in the next few weeks that
we will be here to carry out one of the sug-
gestions that you made, although I will ask
the Director of the Budget and the Secretary
of the Interior and the head of the Corps
of Engineers to get any very specific ideas
you have, after these teams make their visits,
and be available for our budget hearings,
which will begin September, October, and
November in anticipation of the Congress'
return in January.
I called you here today in the face of a
4-year drought that has been unequalled in
the northeast section of our country. As I
said earlier, I have known drought in the
Southwest and I have seen what it can do,
and I still have a grateful heart for what
our then President Eisenhower did in that
emergency. And I want to do everything
that the White House can do to work with
you in this one.
In other sections of this Nation, in times
past, the challenge of the drought has been
met. In the Northeast, though, it is facing
a serious drought for the first time, really,
In its history, and I am confident that the
steps that we can take together in the chal-
lenge that does face us will enable us, some-
how, to meet the test, and that the challenge
will be overcome.
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19248 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Now, this is a time for action. It Is a
time for Federal action, but that never
substitutes for State or local action, as you
all point out when the mayors meet and
the Governors meet and talk about States
rights and local rights, and so forth. And
It is not any substitute for private action.
So, the big thing we must start out with
is that we must act together, if that is
Possible, and I know with this group we can.
We must act together, first, to solve the
immediate crisis that is facing us. We must
act together to prepare for a possible fifth
year of drought?as you just said.
We must act together to assure our citizens
of the northeast, and their children, that
the supply of water that they need for their
Industry, and their health; and their recrea-
tion is !Retired and guaranteed as far into
the future as we can see now.
So, as a result, / have already tried to
mobilize the Federal Government into ac-
tion. The Department of Agriculture, the
Department of Health, Education, and Wel-
fare, the Department of the Interior, the
Federal Power Commission, the Corps of En-
gineers, the Office of Civilian Defense, and
the Office of Emergency Planning?headed
by one of your most popular and able former
Governors, Governor Ellington?are already
focusing their efforts on the problems in
the northeast.
To continue to fulfill that responsibility,
I am directing the Secretary of the Interior,
today, to dispatch tonight, water crisis teams
to the five cities that are represented here
today.
have asked Secretary Udall to make hard
and fast decisions immediately and on the
spot to assist each affected community.
I have directed the Secretary of the Army
and the Chief of the Army Engineers to
move as rapidly as possible on all vital water
supply projects in the area.
And how does that happen?
No. 1, we are going to add $400,000 to the
Tacks Island Reservoir project in the Dela-
ware River Basin immediately, and this will
quicken construction of that project by at
least a year.
Second, we are going to add $400,000 t?
the Bettzville, Pa., project, and that will
greatly expedite construction there.
Third, we are going to add $100,000 to the
reservor project at Blue Marsh, Pa., so we
can speed up the planning and design
there.
Fourth, we are going to add $150,000 to
plan a $5 million water supply addition to
the Prompton Reservoir project.
Fifth, we're going to begin planning a new
$11 million water supply project at Trexler
Reservoir.
I have asked my Water Resources Council
to consult with each of you on a daily basis
and to report to the President on any addi-
tional action that they think can be taken.
Should the Council find that additional
White House action is required, I want you
to know that I em prepared to do whatever
Is necessary and to do it immediately.
Now, water problems are no longer limited
by man-made State or municipal boundaries.
These problems are regional and we recognize
them as such.
Many years ago, I had a study made?one
of the first in the Nation?of a regional water
problem we had. We had to take into con-
sideration the effect on many sections, many
regions, many States, and some dozen rivers,
before we Could have a real comprehensive
water plan. And as a result of that survey,
we developed One. So, I am, therefore, initi-
ating a $4 million comprehensive water re-
sours planning survey for the entire North-
east?all the way from Virginia to Maine.
Now, for the long-range, I have directed
the Secretary-designate Gardner of Health,
Education and Welfare, and my very able
and imaginative--and I hope he did not get
me out on these goals too far, I hope they are
realistic?science adviser, Dr. Hornig, to
start to work with you to prepare within 6
months a plan of action for pollution control.
I am asking Secretary Udall to work with
Dr. Hornig and Dr. Ackley, of my Council of
Economic Advisers, and Dr. Seaborg to ex-
amine the potential of desalting for the
Northeast, and to give me a report on the
potentialities and possibilities there within 6
months.
As Nelson told you?as you have observed?
I have just signed a bill?I hope you still
have that pen to take home with you. I am
increasing the funds for the desalting pro-
gram by $185 million. That's $175 more than
it was last week. They had me down to $10
million for a period there.
I know you are really interested in this
whole field, but in the field of conservation,
In the field of highway improvement?some-
times called beautification?in the field of
pollution, we need all the leadership we can
get. We don't need it here at the White
House. We need it lathe Rouse and Senate
and in the committees that have those mat-
ters under their control.
I hope that you will take a look at that
situation. We have a stronger pollution bill
in the Senate than we did in the House. We
have it in conference now, and it is in con-
ference, and we want it to come out of
that conference, and I beseech you and I
implore you and I invite you to render me
the same kind of effective assistance in that
field that Governor Scranton did when Ap-
palachia was pending.
The pollution bill, this highway improve-
ment bill, the conservation measures that
apply to your States?those decisions are
being made right this session. They are
going to be decided in the next S weeks.
And I think they will all be decided favor-
ably?and maybe more expeditiously and
maybe a little more favorably if your views
are known to your people from your States.
Now, top priority is going to be given to
every one of these problems that exists in
the Northeast. You are in trouble and when
you are in trouble we're in trouble. And we
are going to be there to help.
I have told you that this is what we can
do and this is what we will do.
But water supply really is a local respon-
sibility. Only you are going to be able to
conserve the water that you now have. There
is not much I can do about the third of Bob
Wagner's water that we don't know where
It is going.
You must devise and you must enforce the
necessary procedures to avoid the waste of
water by leakage or by unnecessary use. And
you can do a good deal about the unneces-
sary pollution. The pollution that is taking
place in this country, and the effect that a
few industrial plants are having on the fu-
ture of our country, is absolutely disgrace-
ful. I don't want to put it on your door-
step, I'm putting it on mine here?right here
on the Potomac, where George Washington
threw his dollar. It is disgraceful.
I was out on it last night and you can
hardly go down the, river-without recogniz-
ing and wondering why we have been so
shortsighted these years. And it has got to
stop. We have got to do something about it.
And good men, and great men, and wise men,
and good Americans?like yourselves?can
do something about it.
You can do it in your leadership in your
States, and you can do it in your speeches,
and you can do it here in Washington. I
need all the help I can get in that field.
I have been getting a lot of it. Your
brother is giving a lot of it. I want to give
you at lunch a book that he has had pub-
lished in that very field, showing some of the
beauties of America and also some of the
shame.
So, as leaders of your States, and as lead-
ers of your cities, I think if you do nothing
else out of this White House conference ex-
August 11, 1965
cent go back and urge your citizens to use
the water they now have?but use it with
prudence, and use it wisely, and use it with-
out contaminating it and without polluting
it?and to say to these giants and titans,
who may not have had the appreciation of
all the conservation angles that some profes-
sor would have, that you take a new look at
what you are doing to the water that belongs
to all the people. It is not your private water
to do what you want to do with it.
So, no one will solve this problem by them-
selves. No one single program is going to
solve it. But the expertise of the Federal
Government is available to you and it is go-
ing to help you and it Ls going to try to pro-
vide what leadership it can.
Comprehensive planning is available to you
and it can help you, and we are going to use
it. Antipollution and desalting programs
can help, and if you will help me get the
pollution bill through the Congress, the de-
salting bill, we will give you some matching
appropriation, and we can and well help.
The Senate passed $200 million and the
Rouse was ready for $10 million, and we com-
promised for $185 million?but you under-
stand those things. That one is behind us.
But this conference might have had some-
thing to do with helping along a little bit
on that.
These programs must be welded together
by men working together. And they must
work together into an effective weapon to
end the current crisis, and to prevent any
such crises from developing again.
There are many more ambitious programs
that could be developed. Where they are
realistic I will ask our people to help, within
the limits of our resources. We will try to
help match you on a local and State basis
to meet them.
We are going to have severe drains because
of the new programs we are passing in other
fiefds this year. I have signed at least 40
major bills in this session?more major bills
have been signed, / think, than in any other
period in the history of the Congress.
That is the work of the Congress. It is
not the work of anyone else. And you sent
these men to Congress. They have acted as
Americans.
I heard Secretary Rusk say the other day
that if you go into the Foreign Relations
Committee you could not tell when you were
hearing Formictir and Autrai?if you were
a foreigner?which one was the Republican
and which one was the Democrat. Ali you
knew was that both of them were Americans.
And the Congress in pretty well functioning
that way this year.
Some of our people don't always see things
as we do, but we can expect that. But these
40 bills are the fruits of their labor?and we
still have 40 more to come. They are coming
every day, right down the line.
We're going to have an Urban Affairs De-
partment this afternoon. We're going to
have a public works and area redevelopment
bill this afternoon--I hope?unless I'm dis-
appointed. They're voting in the Rouse and
Senate now.
But we do want, before we leave here,
something that is important to you. Do you
know that the tourist trade has picked up
unbelievably abroad? And if you travel over
some of our country you can see why people
want to get away from it. Yet a few men
are coming in and insisting that we keep
these dirty, little, old signs up in these
little, dirty, old towns. That this is going
to affect free enterprise, and this is going
to do this and that?while our tourist trade
Is picking up, and picking up, and picking
up.
When I leave this meeting I'm going out
to talk to the "See the U.S.A." group that
is traveling the US.A. to try to see and point
out the glories of this country.
My wife is going in one direction, my
daughter has been going in another dime-
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4-rugust
I would thing that industry and government
in New York State would want to fully en-
dorse this, principle,
At the present time, a section of New York
State penal code passed last .year is used to
prevent State government from releasing
specific information to either the public or
Federal agencies. I find it incredible that
the basic pollution information telling us
about the nature of our industrial pollution
Is not available to either the Federal Gov-
ernment or the public.
The U.S. Public Health Service spent over
$1 million in making a detailed study of pol-
lution in the Detroit River waters of Lake
Erie because the specific information on pol-
lution was not available. I would,hope that
a similar study would not be required for
the Buffalo-Niagara area. Yet if the basic
pollution information is not made available,
I would urge that a study of this type be
conducted.
4. Schedule for pollution control: The
Federal conferee in Cleveland also recom-
mended a schedule for the elimination of
pollution. State representatives should
either endorse this schedule or set a date at
which a more acceptable schedule can? be
agreed to.
5. Dredging: I also urge the State con-
ferees to agree to the recommendation that
the Corps of Engineers work out a plan by
which material dredged from Lake Erie and
its tributaries, such as the Buffalo River, be
disposed of in a, manner which will protect
the quality of Lake Erie's water.
CONCLUSION
The control of water pollution is a com-
plex subject of critical importance to New
York State and the rest of the Nation. The
question is not so much whether we will
have water, but what price we pay for water.
New York State and the other States on the
Great Lakes have been magnificently en-
dowed with clear fresh water. It is up to us
to keep from fouling it to the point where
it cannot be used without expensive treat-
ment. To do this we must act now.
New York State has been a leader in many
areas, in education, in industrial develop-
ment, and in transportation for example.
Yet when foreign visitors ask where they can
see effective water pollution control, they are
sent to Indiana or Michigan and not New
York State. New York State can be a leader
In this critical area. I urge that we take the
\sgs to gain t ers
Correspondent Reasoner's question of
how American honor is involved in our
action in South Vietnam. This is Rusk's
reply, in part:
We have a very simple commitment to
South Vietnam. It derives out of a south-
east Asia treaty, out of the bilateral arrange-
ments that President Eisenhower made with
the Government of South Vietnam, out of
regular authorization and appropriations of
the Congress in giving aid to South Viet-
nam, out of the resolution of the Congress
of last August, out of the most formal de-
clarations of three Presidents and both polit-
ical parties. Now there's no need to parse
these commitments in great detail. The fact
is that we know we have a commitment. The
South Vietnamese know we have a commit-
ment. The Communist world knows we have
a commitment. The rest of the world knows
it. Now this means that the integrity of
the American commitment is at the heart of
this problem. I believe that the integrity
of the American commitment is the prin-
cipal structure of peace throughout the
world.
Let me repeat that last sentence. Said
Rusk:
I believe that the integrity of the American
commitment is the principal structure of
peace throughout the world.
Can we doubt that statement by our
Secretary of State?and if we grant it--
here is a very big part of our answer to
what we must do in South Vietnam.
Secretary Rusk continued:
We have 42 allies. Those alliances were
approved by overwhelming votes of our Sen-
ate. We didn't go into those alliances through
some sense of amiability, or through some
philanthropic attitude toward other nations.
We went into it because we considered these
alliances utterly essential for the security of
our own Nation. Now if our allies, or more
particularly, if our adversaries should dis-
cover that the American commitment is not
worth anything, then the world would face
dangers of which we have not yet dreamed,
and so it is important for us to make good on
that American commitment to South Viet-
nam.
Mr. President, any fair-minded Mem-
ber of Congress or any other American
citizen who will read this transcript with
an open mind must come to the conclu-
U.S. PR ASS T: EXCELLENCE n that this administration'F policy in
OF RUSK, MeNAMARA South Vietnam is based on logic and in-
telligence and that it is overwhelmingly
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, this motivated by the desire to secure peace,
Nation is blessed with competent and ar- but a peace that can be stable and en-
ticulate leadership in the State Depart- during, a peace that will permit freedom
ment and the Defense Department. to persist and grow.
Critics may disagree strongly with our -
As I said earlier, any reader must be en-
policy in Vietnam, but, Mr. President, couraged by the excellent caliber of these
anyone?critic or supporter?who heard top officials of our Government?the men
Secretaries Rusk and McNamara defend who most closely advise the President of
it in an hour-long interview on the Co- the United States on the crucial problems
lumbia Broadcasting System Monday of war and peace.
night must have been impressed by the
Intelligence, the logic, the understanding I ask unanimous consent that the
with which Rusk and McNamara de- transcript of the CBS News special report
fended our Vietnam Policies. entitled "Vietnam Perspective: 'The De-
Unfortunately, television?despite its cisions' " be printed in the RECORD at this
unrivaled impact on millions of people? point.
is highly perishable. Rusk and McNa- There being no objection, the text of
mara spoke out in words that must have the broadcast was ordered to be printed
persuaded many an American, but the in the RECORD, as follows:
words vanish on the wind. This is why [From a cns News special report]
I feel that the transcript of that broad- VIETNANI PERSPECTIVE: "THE DECISIONS"
cast should be printed in full_ in the (Part I of four parts, as broadcast over. the
.RECORD. CBS television network, August 9, 1965) ,
Mr. President, to give the Senate a lit- Particii3ants: Secretary of State Dean
tle of the flavor of this broadcast let me Rusk; Secretary of Defense Robert S.
quote from Secretary Rusk's reply to CBS McNamara.
11, 1965
Reporters: CBS News Correspondent Peter
Kalischer; CBS News Correspondent Alex-
ander Kendrick, and CBS News Correspond-
ent Harry Reasoner.
Mr. REASONER. Good evening. Across the
table from me are the two decisionmakers
who sit on the right and left of the President
of the United States. This is Secretary of
State Dean Rusk, who with the President
formulates the foreign policy decisions. This
is Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara,
who with the President formulates the mili-
tary decisions. Two of my colleagues and I
have joined them in the John Quincy Adams
Room of the Department of State. Alex-
ander Kendrick, now stationed in Washing-
ton, who covered Europe and the Soviet
Union for many years, and Peter Kalischer,
who has covered the war in Vietnam a long
time, maybe longer than any other corre-
spondent. In the past year CBS News has
broadcast a half dozen special reports on
Vietnam, with foreign dignitaries, profes-
sors, hawks and doves and now we are pre-
senting the decisionmakers. I would like to
begin by asking both Secretaries two basic
questions. First, how is our honor involved
in Vietnam and second, how is our security
involved in those rice paddies and remote
villages and, since sometimes in interna-
tional relations, security comes before honor,
I will ask Mr. McNamara to answer first.
Mr. MCNAMARA. First, let me make it clear,
Mr. Reasoner, that this is not primarily a
military problem. Above all else, I want to
emphasize that. It is a battle for the hearts
and minds of the people of South Vietnam
and will only be won if we make clear to
those people that their longrun security de-
pends in the development of a stable politi-
cal institution and an expanding economy.
That is our objective. As a prerequisite to
that, we must be able to guarantee their
physical security. How does our physical
security, our national interest become in-
volved in this? That is your question. Sec-
retary Rusk will elaborate on it, but let me
say to start with, that it is apparent that un-
derlying the terror, the harassment of the
South Vietnamese by the Vietcong is the
purpose and the objective of North Vietnam
backed by Communist China to expand Com- )
munist control over the peoples of the in-
dependent nations of southeast Asia and to
use this as a test of their method of expand-
ing control over independent peoples
throughout the world, in the underdeveloped
areas of Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
The leaders of those two nations have, on
numerous instances, stated this as their pur-
pose. For example, General Giap, Who is the
head of the North Vietnamese military
forces, said not long ago that South Vietnam
is the model of the national liberation move-
ment of our time. If the special warfare
that the United States is testing in South
Vietnam is overcome, then it can be defeated
anywhere in the world.
And perhaps more pertinently in relation
to Latin America is the comment of Pham
Van Dong, who is the Prime Minister of
North Vietnam, who said recently, "The ex-
perience of our compatriots in South Viet-
nam attracts the attention of the world, es-
pecially the peoples of Latin America." And
the interest of the Chinese Communists in
advancing Asian communism by force are
well known, but I want to call your attention
to two important statements emphasizing
that. The Peiping People's Daily said about
12 months ago, from Peiping, China, "It's
advantagous from the point of view of tac-
tics to refer to the desire for peaceful transi-
tion to capitalism to communism, but it
would be inappropriate to emphasize that
possibility. The Communist Party must
never entertain the illusion that the transi-
tion to communism can be achieved through
the parliamentary road. Violent revolution
is the universal law of proletarian revolution.
To realize the transition to communism, the
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Augu,st 11, 196
Wish to enjoy the lake for boattng, Mtn-
ening or Ittst the magnificent scenery.
The Public Health Service has said in its
report dated July 1965: "rake Erie and its
tributaries are pet/Uteri. The Main body of
the lake had deteriorated in quality at a
rate many times greats? than its normal' ag-
ing processes, due to * * ? politition result-
lug from the eotivities of mann
If this pollution worsens, the 885,000 peo-
ple in New York State and the 2,442,000 peo-
ple in other States who draw their drinking
water' directly from. Lake Erie will have to
turn to other sources for their Water sup-
plies. They may be fazed with a report an
Lake Pale from the New York State Dee-
partment of Health stating that the lake IS
not suitable from a I:limitary point of view
as a permanent source of earbile water and
should only be used as a source of Vetter
during grave water shortages.
If this soimelle unlikely, I might point out
that the Department of Health Issued a re-
port of this nature for the Heidson Petver
in 1950. As a remit the citizens of New
Teak City who use about a Mimi and a
'wart= gallons of water etery day do not
draw any water from the 20-b111ion gallons
et fresh water that the Nateson pours into
the Atlantic Ocean every day.
The industries in the nye States that cur-
rently use 4.7 billion gallons of Lake Erie's
water daily will be forced to look elsewhere
for water. If Lake Erie becomes clogged
with algae and the pollution level rises, New
York State industry, using 1.6 billion gal-
lane a day for power generation and 950
minim gallons a day for cooling or other
proceases, would be severely crippled. The
ecata of renieving pollution after the fact
are ranch higher than those of preventing a
ecesMe of water from becoming polluted in
the first place.
The residents of New York State along
lake Erie have been particularly fortunate
In regent years because they have not been
plagued by drought. By contrast, people
living in the Mohawk and Hudson River
Valleys and other areas of New York State
this summer are suffering from the worst
drought in almost 100 years. Rural racidents
in many counties are buying drinking water
at eosts of 15 cents a gallon and more. A
number of communities are already taking
emergency measures to obtain additional
water. New York City may rein out of water
.Tazinary or February of the coming year
If the current drought lasts.
Ora of the relief measures being consid-
ered for New York City involves piping
Water from lake Ontario into the Mohawk
Meer to supplement the now of the Hudson.
lake Erie and Lake Ontario become too
polluted, where will we turn for additional
water?
CONTROL PROGRAM FOR New YORK STATE
The New York State Legislature has passed
during this last session a program Which can
make some difference, particularly in rela-
tion to municipal sewage. tinder this pro-
gram New York State will provide one-third
of the funds required by rnttrlicipalities to
construct Selvage treatment plants. The
Federal Government is being raked to provide
the next third, and local communities will
be required to contribute the remaining 40
percent.
The voters of New York State are being
asked to approve the first part of this pro-
gram In a referenduin item that will be on
the ballot this November. I hope the voters
will approve the proposed bond issile.
In legislation shortly to be enact in Con-
gress, the Federal part of this program is
being completed. Project size limitations
that have hindered use of Federal funds for
canstructioh of municipal selvage plants are
being increased to assist dor/min:titles in
meeting their sewage treatment plant needs.
In addition to the increases in project size
limitations, $50 'million is being added to the
Venda already authorized, and there are no
project size restrictions on this sum.
Thus as a result of the efforts of Congress-
man McCearrne, in particular, and many
others, a total of $150 million in Federal
fends is expected to be available this year.
New York State will be able to qualify for a
major share of these sums.
There are, however, other immediate local,
State, and Federal steps that can and must
be taken now if we are to have any success in
combating water pollution over the long run.
aocae AND STATE POLLUTION CONTROL s
We need more political innovation at the
State and local levels, particularly in relation
to inettistrial pollution. Of course, no town
or State government likes to tell an industry
that they must eliminate their pollution.
The economics of plant investment often
lead a firm to reply that It will relocate its
plant in another State if local pollution con-
trols are enforced. Because there are major
differences in State regulations and enforce-
ment of pollution laws, industry can play
one municipality or State off against another.
INTERSTATE WATER QUALITY STANDARDS
One of the barriers to efeective local and
State enforcement is the fact that commu-
nities using water from bodies of water cross-
ing State boundaries are currently faced
with different pollution standards on each
side of a State line. A community cannot
reasonably be asked to treat its wastes if the
next community does not. If New York and
Pennsylvania, or Massachusetts and Rhode
Island, or any two or more States are to ef-
fectively reduce pollution, common pollution
standards and enforcement for the commu-
nities sharing a water way must be estab-
lished on both sides of their common
borders.
Control of pollution 1st Lake Erie is a good
example of this problem. Michigan, Indiana,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, and New Yatk as well
as Canada are each individually responsible
for the control of pollution flowing into Lake
Erie. It has been shown clearly that pollu-
tion from, each of the States affects the qual-
ity of water used by the other States and
Canada. Yet there is no common standard
of pollution control between the States and
Canada. Communities and industry along
the lake are being asked to take steps to clean
up pollution with no assurance that other
locations will be required to do the same
thing. Unless common standards are ap-
plied, it in difficult to require action from
communities and industry.
Yet New York, Massachusetts, Vermont,
Maine, and many other States opposed the
establishment of Federal interstate water
quality standards recommended in the
water pollution legislation brought before
the-Congress this session.
The water quality standards passed by the
Senate this year but rejected by the Haase
should be adopted by Congress. I have
urged the House conferees to join the Sen-
ate in adopting these interstate water
quality standards. They are a critical under-
pinning for State and local antipollution
efforts.
LICENSING OF POLLUTION sotreces AND OTHER
PEDERAL POLLUTION CONTROL
We must go beyond the establishment of
standards that apply only to interstate
waters, and establish and enforce quality
standards for all waterways.
/ do not believe that continued Federal aid
to. fight the contamination of water will be
available until the States are wilting to en-
force pollution regulations. There would be
no-sense in spending large amounts of money
to remove municipal pollution in one area
only to have a river or stream polluted by
the neighboring community, industry, or
State.
There are a number of ways in which bet-
ter pollution control can be exercised.
19343
Tn Germany and England, for example,
which are countries that have already faced
the water shortage that we are now experi-
encing, each source of pollution is licensed
by the appropriate river or water basin com-
mission so that there is full knowledge of the
pollution that is going into the waterway.
And certain kinds of pollution are prohibited.
We could well do the same in the United
States. We might, for instance, have a
federally established licensing or permit sys-
tem, with enforcement generally to be ac-
complished by States and municipalities.
The control agency could be given a right
of entry and inspection for all licensed
sources of pollution. Such a system of licens-
ing would insure that competing firms with
pollution problems would be treated alike.
Another source of control might be a user
fee applied to each source of pollution on the
betels of the cost to the government of remov-
ing the pollutants that are discharged. Since
collective treatment of waste is less costly,
this user fee might cost the polluter less than
installing his own purification unit would
cost.
Dammam INCENTIVES
I also believe that Federal economic as-
sistance to industry in meeting new pollu-
tion standards can be provided through rapid
Federal tax write-offs of the cost of acquiring
and installing adequate pollution control
equipment. Assistance of this type could be
useful If coupled with a broad attack on
water pollution.
THE LAKE ERIE CONFERENCE
Turning specifically to the current con-
ference:
In the first session of the Water Pollution
Conference for Lake Erie held in Cleveland,
a number of recommendations were discussed
by the conferees and, in most cases, agreed
to by the conferees from Michigan, Indiana,
and Ohio. We de not know whether New
York State or Pennsylvania agreed to these
recommendations.
I think that the potential results of this
conference are important enough to the
11.2 million people living on the shores of
Lake Erie to warrant the participation of
New York State, I hope that New York State
will now endorse the recommendations of the
conference so that the five States and Can-
ada can move ahead with a program to elimi-
nate pollution in Lake Erie.
1. Secondary sewage treatment: Of par-
ticular importance are the recommendations
that the communities along the lake pro-
vide at Yeast secondary treatment of their
municipal wastes. New York State has at
least 50,000 people who discharge waste into
Lake Erie with no treatment at all. It has
an additional 1,160.'779 residents whose sew-
age receives only primary treatment before
being discharged into the lake. Only 285,-
000 residents are serviced by secondary sew-
age treatment plants, a necessity for all
municipal waste if we are to prevent the
contamination of the lake.
2. Interception of storm and sanitary
sewage runoff: Of great importance in the
Buffalo area is the need for interception and
treatment plants to handle the municipal
sewage that normally is. washed out into the
lake during rain storms.
3. Pollution information: Perhaps the most
important recommendation from the stand-
point of industrial pollution is the recom-
mendation that specific pollution informa-
tion from industry and municipalities be re-
ported and maintained in open files by the
State agencies controlling pollution.
This information has not been available in
the past. In a major step taken in Cleve-
land last week, a number of industry repre-
sentatives agreed to make this information
available. State representatives from In-
diana, Michigan, and Ohio also agreed to the
recommendation that this information be
collected and made available in open files.
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proletariat must wage armed struggle."
And to put it even more succinctly, Mao Tse-
tung said recently, "Political power grows out
of the barrel of a gun." That's why our na-
tional security is involved In South Viet-
nam.
? Mr. REASONER. And the honor, Secretary
Rusk?
Mr. Rusx. Mr. Reasoner, the "answer to this
question is extremely simple and need not be
complicated. When President Johnson talks
about our national honor, he is not using
some empty phrase of 18th-century diplo-
macy. He is talking about the life and
death of the nation. Now the essential fact
from whieh we start is that North Vietnam
has sent tens of thousands of men and large
quantities of arms into South Vietnam to
take over that country by force. We have a
very simple commitment to South Vietnam.
It derives out of a southeast Asia treaty,
out of the bilateral arrangements that Presi-
dent Eisenhower made with the Government
of South Vietnam, out of regular authoriza-
tions an appropriations of the Congress in
giving aid to South Vietnam, out of the res-
olution of the Congress of last August, out
?of the most formal declarations of three
Presidents and both political parties.
Now, there's no need to parse these com-
mitments in great detail. The fact is that
we know we have a commitment. The South
Vietnamese know we have a commitment.
The Communist world knows we have a com-
mitment. The rest of the world knows it.
Now this means that the integrity of the
American commitment is at the heart of
this problem. I believe that the Integrity-
of the American commitment is the princi-
pal structure of peace throughout the world.
We have 42 allies. Those alliances were ap-
proved by overwhelming votes of our Senate.
We didn't go into those alliances through
some sense of amiability, or through some
philanthropic attitude toward other nations.
We went into it because we considered these
alliances utterly essential for the security
of our own Nation. Now if our allies, or more
particularly, if our adversaries should dis-
cover that the American commitment is not
worth anything, then the world would face
dangers of which we have not yet dreamed
and so it is important for us to make good on
that American commitment to South Viet-
nam.
Mr. KENDRICK. But sir, don't you have to
reckon honor at its cost? I mean, it's not
an abstract thing. It has to be evalued and
weighed according to what it cost you and
what about dishonor? What about the world
image that we now present? We're burning
villages. We're killing civilians. Now, don't
you weigh one against the other?
Mr. Russ. Well, let me say that you also
weigh the cost of dishonor, that is, the fail-
ure of an American commitment and I would
hope that our own American news media
would go to some effort to present a balanced
picture of what is going on in South Viet-
nam. There are thousands of local officials
who have been assassinated or kidnapped.
There are tens of thousands of. South Viet-
namese civilians who have been killed or
wounded by South Vietnamese?by North
Vietnamese mortars and by the constant
depredations of these acts of violence against
the civilian population. No, there are costs
involved in meeting your commitments of
honor. There always have been. There al-
ways will be, but I would suggest if we look
at the history of the last 30 or 40 years, that
the cost of not meeting your obligations are
far greater than those of meeting your obli-
gations.
Mr. REASONER. Well, having?having set
-the stage, more or less, with your Opening
statements, I'd like to start off first in the
area of what we hope to achieve there this
year and how we're doing militarily and po?
litically. Peter?
Mr. KALISCHER. Well, I would like to bring
up the subject of who we're committed to.
You mentioned the fact, Mr. Secretary, that
We have a commitment to the Vietnamese
Government. That government has changed
some 7 or 8 times in the last 18 to 20
months and when we say we have this com-
mitment to this this government, are we rea-
sonably assured that this government repre-
sents the people of South Vietnam, or even
a large number of the people of South Viet-
nam?
Mr. Rusx. Well, we recognize, of course,
that there are difficulties in the top leader-
ship of South Vietnam and have been over
the months but that does not mean that our
commitment to the nation and to the people
of South Vietnam has changed any more
than the fact that we've had thiee changes
of government in our own Government dur-
ing the period of this commitment.
Mr. KALISCHER. It's slightly different.
Mr. Rusx. The impression we have is that
among the 14 million people of South Viet-
nam, we do not find any significant group
outside of the Vietcong itself, relatively lim-
ited in numbers, that seems to be looking to
Hanoi for the answer. The Buddhists are
not; the Catholics are not. The other sects
are not. The Montagnards are not. The
million Cambodians living in South Vietnam
are not. In other words, we?I think, would
know very quickly, because we have lots of
Americans living throughout the country-
side; we would know very quickly if these
people of South Vietnam wanted the pro-
gram of the liberation front, or wanted
domination from Hanoi. That we do not
find. Now there have been some problems
in the government in Saigon as you know,
and we and the leaders in South Vietnam
have tried to work very closely together to
try to resolve those problems, but that is
quite separate from the problem of whether
Hanoi should be permitted to come in by
force and impose a solution on the people
of South Vietnam by force. If these people
in South Vietnam were left alone in peace,
these problems that you're concerned about
and we're concerned about, could be worked
out by normal, peaceful means.
Mr. KALISCHER. By Department of Defense
statistics sir, I think we now estimate there
are 190,000 to 200,000 Vietcong with a com-
mensurate influx of North Vietnamese and
only three battalions have been directly
identified as being North Vietnamese Army
battalions. Against this, in Vietnam, we
have now, with the American commitment of
about 100,000 and 545,000 Vietnamese, more
troops fighting the Vietcong than the French
had and their Vietnamese auxiliaries fighting
the Vietminh and we control only a little
less than half of the territory and about one-
third of the rural population. Would you say
then that this policy that we have been fol-
lowing was notable for its success?
Mr. RUSK. Well, I will ask Secretary Mc-
Namara to comment on the military aspects
of what you were saying. We do not find
that the people in the countryside in South
Vietnam look to the liberation front or to
Hanoi for leadership. These are villagers who
are trying to get on with the day's work. We
find that there is no difficulty about their co-
operation with the Government or with us
in those areas where they can cooperate with-
out having their throats cut by terrorists the
following night. Now the villagers there are
like villagers everywhere else. They're not
perhaps highly motivated politically in any
particular direction, but we are quite con-
vinced that they are not reaching out to the
liberation front of Hanoi for their answers.
Now on the question?Secretary McNamara
can comment on the military aspect.
Mr. MCNAMARA. Well, first, has our policy
been successful? I think you have to look
at this over a period of years. I would say
the answer is yes. For 10 years, since the
19345
nation was born, or reborn, after the Geneva
accords of 1954, it has maintained its inde-
pendence. It is not dominated?dominated
by the Communists and for much of that
period prior to the recent expansion of the
terror reign directed against it by the guer-
rillas, it did increase its strength, economical-
ly and politically. As you undoubtedly know,
between 1954 and 1961, when the terror raids
began to increase in number and frequency,
the number of teachers in that country in-
creased threefold. The number of students
in schools increased 300 percent. The rice
production nearly doubled and by the way,
that happened at a time when the rice pro-
duction per capita in North Vietnam was
declining. The income per capita is 50 per-
cent more than it is in North Vietnam.
So I'd say much progress has been made,
continues to be made, Last year, the Com-
munist guerrillas killed or kidnaped about
1,600 civic officials. Now when you recognize
that the population under the control of the
Government is less than a 20th of that in this
country, you should multiply those figures by
20 to get an impression of what that would
mean in this country. It would mean that
we would have lost last year, 30,000 mayors,
members of boards of education, city man-
agers, and yet despite that tremendous loss
and despite a loss of about 10,000 civilians
kidnaped, murdered, assassinated, the peo-
ple are continuing to fight, continuing to
resist. They're absorbing fatalities today at
a rate greater than we've ever absorbed in
our history, twice that of World War I, twice
that of World War II, 10 or 15 times that of
the Korean war, showing that they are fight-
ing. They do have a will to resist. They
are opposed to Communist domination. I
think this is the best measure I can give you
of the success that follows.
Mr. KALISCHER. Well, would you say, sir,
that if they were resisting that their defec-
tion rate, or their desertion rate should drop
appreciably? I understand now that they're
4,000 to 5,000 a month and that recruitment
barely keeps up with it.
Mr. MCNAMARA. Recruitment is in excess of
desertions, but I don't want to fail to recog-
nize that desertions are at a rate higher than
we would like to see, higher than the South
Vietnamese Government believes satisfactory
and they have acted recently to?to increase
the pay, to take care of the families and
dependents of men wounded and killed in
battle and I understand the desertion rate is
falling. It has been higher than we would
have liked to have seen, however, but the
fact that they can continue to recruit, the
fact that they continue to fight and die for
their country in the numbers that they do,
I think indicates their will to resist, and
also I should mention that the desertions are
not to the Vietcong. The desertions are back
to their home to take care of their ricsfields
and also on that same point, I should empha-
size that the defections from the Vietcong
are rising, and further that there has been
no desertions of any important personality
and no movement to defect of any grcup; no
religious group, no economic group, no labor
group has deserted the Government for the
Vietcong, although the opportunities for
that have been numerous.
Mr. KENDRICK. Sir, let me take this a little
bit forward. You started by saying that this
was not entirely a military problem and I
gather that you felt that it was not even
primarily a military problem.
Mr. MCNAMARA. It is not primarily a mili-
tary problem.
Mr. KENDRICK. All right, and from what
you've said since about the situation In the
villages, the kidnapings, the terroristic activ-
ities, obviously it Is more than a military
problem, but we are now in the process of a
gigantic military buildup in Vietnam. Don't
military considerations now assume a larger
role than ever before? Is it possible that
they have taken over from political consider-
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19346 lAcy-g-ust 11, 1965
ations? Don't they have a logic all their
own, which is not always related to policy?
Aren't military actions taken usually to sup-
port or reinforce previous military actions?
In other words, are we now in the maws of
a military machine?
Mr. MCNAMARA. No; I think not. This
problem is primarily a political and economic
problem. We will succeed, the Government
of South Vietnam will succeed only if it ob-
tains and retains the confidence of its peo-
ple. It can't retain the confidence of its
people unless it appears to be advancing their
interests, economically and politically. That
Is the objective of the Government of South
Vietnam. That is our objective. The mili-
tary operations are necessary, but not a suf-
ficient action to assure achievement of that
objective. We must provide physical secur-
ity in the'countryside, otherwise the peasants
can't till their fields; the government repre-
sentatives can't move to carry on elections
as they did 60 days ago. The members of
the United States Economic Aid Mission who
are stationed out in the districts and prov-
inces can't work with the peasants to in-
crease the yield per acre of rice, to add to the
Pig population, to double the corn produc-
tion, as it is our objective to do between 1964
and 1966. So that physical security is an
absolute requirement for achievement of our
economic and political goals, but it is not
a substitute for those goals in any sense of
the word. We realize that. Every one of
our men there realizes that.
Mr. RITSEC. Secretary, I think it might be
worth pointing out, Mr. Reasoner and Mr.
Kendrick, that when we say this, this is not
a military problem. This is profoundly true
from the point of view of the Vietnamese
Government in what we are trying to accom-
plish. Our economic and social development
aid to South Vietnam has been as large as
our military aid. But we want to be very
careful that we not say that the other side
can have a military solution. Now you can't
get on with this job in the countryside if the
other side puts a man with a rifle in his
hand there to stop you. So that the security
element is a very important part of the main
theme which is to develop that country eco-
nomically and socially and to pull these
people together.
Mr. REASONER. There's an area here that I
think affects the confidence In this country
in what we are doing. And I think maybe
we can dispose of it without trying to pin
either of you down on things you've said
before. But for instance, as you remember
about 18 months ago, when we had a con-
versation, you said to the effect that this is
a Vietnamese war, it must be won by the
Vietnamese. We cannot win it for them.
The kinds of things that administration
leaders say have changed radically in the last
2 yearrs. Is this because you have changed
your minds that much, or is there a possi-
bility that you have even now a more ad-
vanced attitude, and you're letting the coun-
try in on it little by little?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Well, let me say first, that
the outlook has changed over the past 2
years, because the action of the North Viet-
namese has changed during that period of
time. They have vastly increased the num-
ber of men that they have Infiltrated into
South Vietnam. They have vastly increased
the amount of equipment and material
which they have infiltrated into that coun-
try. And this has temporarily given them
an advantage which they particularly have
applied in the form of teissor and .harmss-
ment.
Today, they have for all practical purposes
a numerical advantage not absolutely, but
relatively, in guerrilla war terms. They have
about 70,000 regular guerrillas; Perhaps 100,-
000 irregulars, and another 20,000 or 30,000 in
political cadres to collect taxes distribute
propaganda, and so on. So as dr. Kalischer
mentioned a moment ago, there are some
200,000 Communists acting in guerrilla
forces. Opposing them are abotit 550,000
South Vietnamese regular and paramilitary
forces?the ratio of something on the order
of 3 or 3I,S to 1, and somewhat less a ratio
in the form of combat battalions. Quite an
unsatisfactory ratio in terms of guerrilla wars
of the past, where in Malaya, in the Philip-
pines, in Greece, a 10-to-1 advantage was
required to defeat the guerrillas. This in-
crease in the strength of the North Viet-
namese occurred in the last 12 months. It
requires that we supplement, not substi-
tute for, but supplement the South Viet-
namese forces and since our forces will sup-
plement and not substitute for their forces,
it remains a South Vietnamese war. They
are bearing the brunt of the lighting. They
will continue to bear the brunt of the fight-
ing. We will furnish a mobile reserve to
come in to assist them when their forces
are inadequate numerically to effectively
counteract the Vietcong concentration di-
rected against them.
Mr. KALISCHER. Mr. Secretary, how many
of the 200,000 guerrillas are South Viet-
namese?
Mr. McNAmmu. I think the bulk of them
are. But that is not the important point.
The important point is that the leaders,
political and military, the cadre men if you
will, some 50,000 of them have been sent
down from the north, trained in the north,
sent down from the north, directed, oper-
ated, controlled from the north. And the
bulk of the weapons, I would say probably
80 percent of the weapons today, have been
supplied by the north: The main force
units of the guerrillas were completely re-
equipped in the last year?year and half?
with 7.62 millimeter rifles, by the north. All
the ammunition for that comes from the
north. The interrogation of prisoners in re-
cent months shows that North Vietnam, out
of Hanoi, is directing the war day by day,
hour by hour and I mean that literally, by
commands, political and military out of the
north.
So while the bulk of the guerrillas are from
the south, the control, the direction, the
foundation, the effort is from the north, and
as a matter ad fact, North Vietnam doesn't
deny that, and I think it's important to rec-
ognize this. It's not a civil war. It is a war
of aggression by an outside power seeking to
subvett the established political institutions,
and they say that. In 1960, Ho Chi Minh
issued orders, and this is a matter of record,
to step up the revolution in the south and a
year or two ago, which is the periodical of
the North Vietnamese Communist Partyasaid
that the authorities in South Vietnam are
well aware that North Vietnam Is the firm
base for the revolution in that country, and
the point on which it leans. So North Viet-
nam hasn't made any effort to hide the fact
that it is directing the activities in the south.
Now I don't mean to say that there are no
dissident minorities in the south. There are
in all countries evolving as rapidly as that
one is, politically and economically. And
there are dissident minorities there. But
they are minorities which could be properly
controlled and properly assimilated into the
structure of that nation were It not facing
this aggression from the north.
Mr. Ksaascusa. Mr. Secretary, pragmati-
cally, granted that it's being?that the revo-
lutionary effort is being directed from North
Vietnam, the defense of South Vietnam is
being directed by us and supported by us.
We are Americans, the North Vietnamese are
Vietnamese. In a matter of contesting for
the minds and the hearts of the people,
wouldn't we, whether we liked it or not, be
stuck with the onus of invaders, rather than
the North Vietnamese since we are showing
ourselves in the countryside, as what we are?
Mr. MCNAMARA. First, Mr. Kalischer, let me
make clear, the defense of South Vietnam is
not being directed by the United States.
The defense of South Vietnam is being di-
rected by the Government of South Vietnam,
the forces of South Vietnam operate under
the military command of their own leaders.
Our soldiers will operate under the command
of U.S. officers, but it will be in a supple-
mentary role, and we are not assuming direc-
tion of the military program there.
Mr. Rom I think we ought to clarify this
point about who are the Vietnamese. We
resisted the effort of the North Koreans to
move in and take over South Korea, although
both were Koreans. And I can assure you
that the other side would not tall it simply
an indigenous matter if the Federal Republic
were to put tens of thousands of Germans
into East Germany to take over East Ger-
many. In other words, there was a basic
settlement in 1954 on southeast Asia, and
following that, an agreement in 1962 on Laos.
Now a very important effort is being made
by Hanoi to change those settlements by
force. This is a thing that is not acceptable.
The infiltration by the north is what causes
the presence of American combat troops in
South Vietnam. Had this not started, our
combat forces would not be there. If this
were removed, our forces could come home.
We're not there to take on what might be
called a purely indigenous problem, within
South Vietnam. It is aggression from the
outside that causes us to be there.
KALISCHER. Yes, but can this be ex-
plained to the Vietnamese peasants?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Let me answer that if I
may, by telling-you that 10 days ago, 2 weeks
ago, when General Wheeler and I were in
South Vietnam, we, of course, were very
much interested in that point. This was
before the President had decided to increase
the strength of the military, U.S. military
forces assigned to South Vietnam. We
asked a number of South Vietnam leaders
this exact question. Without a single ex-
ception, they asked for additional U.S. forces,
arid they stated that unless additional forces
came, the people of South Vietnam?and by
this they meant not only the sophisticated
citizens of the city, but the peasants as
well?would doubt our determination to stay
and our ability to provide the physical secu-
rity which they require to advance their eco-
nomic and political welfare.
I was particularly interested in the com-
ment of one of these individuals. Dr. Quat,
whom you know was a former Prime Minister,
asked to see us and we went to talk to him,
and he had just two points to make. One,
you must increase the number of U.S. mili-
tary personnel in South Vietnam. Unless
you do, our soldiers cannot continue to fight
effeotively against the expanded Vietcong
guerrilla force. And two, if you do increase
your forces, of course, there will be isolated
instances of friction between your soldiers
and our people, but our people will welcome
it, because they know that you have no
designs on our nation that conflict with our
own interests. They know that when the
Vietcong are defeated, you will leave and
therefore, they welcome you.
Mr, Rum. We have thousands of Ameri-
cans throughout the countryside, bath civil-
ian and military, living with the South Viet-
namese and in a sense completely at their
mercy. Now I think it's important to realize
that we have not had reported a single
instance of treachery on the part of the
South Vietnamese with 'respect to an Amer-
ican -who is living right inside their villages,
or right with them in the countryside. Now,
this is an important thermometer of politi-
cal attitudes, it seems to me.
Mr. REASONER. I'd like before we turn to
another aspect of this, Secretary McNamara,
you've been there. We've made these deci-
sions. We've had a few months of experience
with increased U.S. forces. How is It going
this year?
Mr. MCNAMARA. The Vietcong did expand
their force in the last 12 months and as we
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stated during the winter of last year, and
the spring of this, a major part of this ex-
panded force had not been committed to
combat at that time. We could only assume
they were holding it for some special purpose
or gome special period. And we assumed that
they might be holding it to start operations
on an expanded basis following the beginning
of the monsoon season. This is the season
of heavy rains in the highlands. It is a
season when our air power is somewhat less
effective than during the dry period, and we
assumed that the Vietcong would believe it
was an advantage for them, therefore, to ex-
pand operations under those weather
conditions.
They did so. They expanded operations in
number and intensity, beginning in May and
they increased their control of the area.
They began to isolate certain particular por-
tions of the villages, isolate them in terms of
road transportation, road communications,
with other parts of the country. This made
It difficult to move rice from the storage
centers out into certain of the rural areas.
It made it difficult to move produce from the
rural areas into the cities. The number of
South Vietnamese killed in action increased.
But while that is true, the number of Viet-
cong killed in action increased dramatically.
It is about 70 percent higher today than it
was a year ago. So in recent weeks, recent
months, they have had some success. They
are paying a terrible price for it, and in the
last 30 days, as a matter of fact, there seems
to have been some withdrawaron their part.
Whether this is for regrouping, recuperation,
because some of their battalions were severely
mauled, I don't know. It may be a reflection
of the fact that larger U.S. forces are begin-
ning to enter the country.
Mr. KENDRICK. Sir, I would like to pursue
that. Now would you give us a view into
the future? There are estimates that it
might take another $10 billion a year to carry
this on. The military advisers are supposed
? to have proposed a level of 750,000 men in
Vietnam. If there is a failure of bombing
of North Vietnam, as there may be, isn't the
next logical step ground action into North
Vietnam? I wonder if you'd develop these
points in the perspective of the months
ahead?
Mr. MCNA1VIARA. First, let me say I can't
predict the future with accuracy. I do want
to mention one thing about the future, how-
ever, that I think is very interesting. Within
the last 3 or 4 weeks, ilo Chi Minh looked into
the future and he said it might take 20 years
for them to win.
So while they have had some temporary
success, it is obvious even to their own lead-
ers that this is not going to lead to an Im-
mediate victory on their side. Let me com-
ment on one or two of the points you made.
First, I don't know of any military adviser
to our Government who has proposed a level
of 750,000 U.S. military personnel in South
Vietnam. Secondly, as to the bombing pro-
gram in the north, I think it is important
we understand what we hope to achieve by
that program. In the first place, you recall,
it started in part as a reprisal action for the
terror bombings that had been carried on
by the Vietcong last year at Bien Hoa air-
field, at Brinks Barracks and more recently
in February?early February of this year?
at Pleiku. It was necessary to show the North
Vietnamese who were directing those activi-
ties that this would not go unchallenged;
that they would pay a price for the continua-
tion of them. Our bombing started, in part,
to make that clear, it was also important
to begin to raise the price to the North Viet-
namese of carrying on this war. It was im-
portant to try to restrict, although certainly
it was never considered it would be possible
to stop, the movement of men and equip-
ment to the south. And I think these ob-
jectives have, in part, been accomplished.
We never believed and we don't believe today
that bombing in the north :will drive the
North Vietnamese to the bargaining table or
force them to cease their terror tactics and
harrassment and subversion of the political
institutions of the south. There is only one
thing that will stop that in my view and
that's to prove to them they can't win in
the south. And therefore, our strategy is
directed to that end. How long it will take
I can't tell.
Mr. KENDRICK. We don't envision then
going into the north on the ground?
Mr. MCNAMARA. We have made clear time
and again, we have limited objectives in the
south. I think it is important for our own
people to realize that and certainly for the
people of the world to realize that. We do
not seek to overthrow the Government of
North Vietnam. We do not seek permanent
military bases in South Vietnam.* We do not
seek to force the South Vietnamese into an
alliance with Western nations. We seek only
to insure that they have the right and the
opportunity to control their own destiny, to
shape their political and economic institu-
tions according to patterns of their own
choosing.
Mr. Rum. Mr. Kendrick, I wonder if I
might not add, that. it's always easy to turn
a lesser war into a big war. This can be
done in any 5 minutes. Now, in this post-
war period, had we and others not been con-
cerned about the effort of the Communist
world to take over a country by force, we
well might have seen Iran and Greece, Tur-
key, Berlin, Korea, the Philippines, southeast
Asia, including Malaya?other areas?taken
over by force by the Communist world. Now,
we and others have had to meet that with
firmness and determination. We have taken
considerable losses. We alone have taken
160,000 casualties since '1945; others have
taken more, but in that process we have tried
to keep open the doors to a peaceful settle-
ment. We have tried to avoid the slippery
slope down into a general war. In the case
of Berlin we used an airlift rather than
divisions on the ground in order to try to
resolve that by peaceful means. In the case
of Korea, with a monopoly of nuclear weap-
ons, we took substantial casualties rather
than open up a nuclear war. We waited over
4 years before we bombed North Vietnam
in this southeast Asian situation. In other
words, it is not a part of our desire to turn
these difficult and mean and frustrating
Issues into general war. That is the easiest
thing to think of and the eastiest thing
to do. The commitment of the American
people and the American Government is
to a decent world order in which these prob-
lems can be resolved by peaceful means.
Mr. KENDRICK. But might not the suspen-
sion of bombings of North Vietnam be more
conducive to negotiations than the contin-
uation of them?
Mr. Rusx. Well, we did, as you know, sus-
pend the bombing for a period, and long be-
fore we resumed the bombing we had the
answer from the other side which was very
harsh indeed, and there have been public
statements recently from the other side in-
dicating that suspension of the bombing is
not necessarfly the door to a peaceful set-
tlement.
Mr. KENDRICK. Mr. Harriman was in Eu-
rope and he talked to Tito, and Tito reflect-
ing the Russians?apparently thought that
if we did suspend the bombing it might
help.
Mr. Rusx. Well, it might help them,
but?
Mr. KENDRICK. No, no; they said it might
help bring about talks?
Mr. Rusx. Well, we have asked them; we
have asked everybody that we can find to
talk to. What else do you think would hap-
pen if we stopped the bombing in North
Vietnam?
Mr. KENDRICK. Why don't we stop it and
find out?
Mr. Rusx. Would the operations in the
south stop? Would the infiltration of men
stop? Would they even come to a conference
table? In other words, we can't find from
the other side the slightest hint as to what
would happen if we stopped the bombing.
Mr. KALISCHER. Mr. Kendrick asked why
don't we stop and find out.
Mr. KENDRICK. Why don't we stop
Mr. Rusx. Of course the-answer is we did
stop. It wasn't long ago-8 or 9 weeks ago.
Mr. KENDRICK. I know you stopped for 4 or
5 days. Even on the Hill people thought that
wasn't long enough.
Mr. MCNAMARA. It was long enough for
North Vietnam to make perfectly clear that
they didn't plan to do anything as a result
of our stopping other than what they had
previously been doing. They wouldn't talk.
They wouldn't stop the aggression in the
south. They wouldn't agree to talk in the
future, so all I can say, we stopped and may-
be sometinle in the future?
Mr. Rusx. We made it clear in recent days
that this question of bombing of North Viet-
nam has to do with the making of the peace
and that we're prepared to consider this if,
in fact, it can be a step toward peace but we
want to see some indication that this will
have that effect and not just the opposite
effect.
Mr. KENDRICK. Over the weekend Hanoi
announced that the Vietcong had appealed
to it for aid and that they were thinking
about asking volunteers from the north to go
back to the south. This, of course, may be
a matter of throwing dust into our eyes, but
could it also be a matter of having our
assumptions wrong to start with? This is the
thing that a great many people are still con-
fused about. The Vietcong, Hanoi?that is,
North Vietnam?and the Chinese Commu-
nists in the background. Now, Mr. Mc-
Namara indicated much more broadly than
you did, sir, that our objective in east Asia?
in southeast Asia?was more than simply
the restoration of a status in South Vietnam.
He was talking about overall Communist
aggression there Us if we were sort of think-
ing of trying to roll it back. Now I wonder if
we are still fighting the same war with Corn-
munist China that we were fighting in Korea?
Is that really the enemy?
Mr. RUSK. Well, the present enemy on
the ground is North Vietnam and the infil-
tration from North Vietnam as far as we
are concerned. This appeal by the liberation
front to Hanoi and Hanoi's response to it
simply repeats the factual situation. Hanoi,
has been sending tens of thousands of men
and large quantities of arms into South Viet-
nam. This is not new. Now in ter,ms of the
more general problem, as you know there
have been very important disputes within
the Communist world and specifically be-
tween Moscow and Peiping, on the question
of strategy and tactics in promoting the
world revolution. Moscow has been more
prudent, more cautious in this respect. Pei-
ping has announced a doctrine of militancy
which has caused great problems even with-
in the Communist world. Now if Peiping
should discover that.a doctrine of militancy
Is a successful policy through what happens
in southeast Asia, then the dangers through-
out the rest of the world mount very quick-
ly and very substantially.
Mr. KENDRICK. We are putting our priority
on Vietnam and I was thinking in terms of
our relations with the Russians, let us
say. You speak of the split in the Com-
munist world, but are we making it impos-
sible, really, for the Russians to cooperate
with us even if they might want to? They,
at Geneva, for instance, intruded Vietnam
before all other questions, and the whole
business of disarmament, of nuclear con-
trol, of proliferation is just left hanging in
air until, they say, we resolve the Vietnam
problem by getting out of Vietnam.
Mr. Rusx. Well, Mr. Kendrick, we do want,
improved relation S with the Soviet Union.
We should like to find whatever points of
agreement we can find in order to build the
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possibilities of a more normal relationship.
The test ban treaty raized some hopes that
we might be able to find those other points.
But we can't have good relations with the
Soviet Union at the expense of letting a
country like Vietnam be taken over by force.
We could have had good relations with the
Soviet Union had we pulled out of Berlin in
1948, or had we ignored Korea in 1950. This
is not the basis on which safe, good relations
can be based.
We've got to get to a point where those
*who have power will leave the smaller coun-
tries alone. I know that there are some who
think that China is entitled to a sphere of
influence out in its part of the world. Those
people don't usually specify which are the
great powers that are entitled to a sphere
of influence and who are the rest of them
that have to accept a sphere of lafluence. I
can't think of a more dangerous develop-
ment in world affairs than for three or four,
or perhaps five great powers to embark upon
a great race for influence through spheres of
influence because there you would find a race
for power that would be almost unmanage-
able in its violence and in its danger. We've
got to establish the point that a small coun-
try that is within reach of a great power is
nevertheless entitled to live at peace, and
to be unmolested by that great power; other-
wise, the entire structure Of world order
comes to pieces and we're back in the law
of the jungle.
KALISCHER. Mr. Secretary, the Russians
aside, what is the picture of our effort
among?not among our potential enemies,
but among our allies?
Mr. Rusx. We have been in touch, of
course, with a lot of our friends on this
matter. I would make a rough estimate
that between 60 and 70 governments support
what we are doing in South Vietnam and
wish us well. There are more than 30
governments that are providing some sort
of assistance, some of it too small, in our
judgment, for the effort in South Vietnam.
There are about 25 governments that are
genuinely indifferent or neutral, and an-
other 25, many of them in the Communist
world, that are opposed to what we're trying
to do. The underlying fact is that most of
the hundred small countries of the world
have a stake in the right of a small country
to live at peace even though it is within
reach of a great power. And! have no doubt
? that if we could bring this to a successful
conclusion, on the basis of throwing back
this effort to take over South Vietnam by
force, that more than a hundred small coun-
tries' would clap their hands and say this is
a new day in the life of the world.
Mr. KENDRICK. In our efforts, to get a nego-
tiation now, we have asked the United Na-
tions to do what it can. Now why didn't
we go the whole way and put the case for-
mally to the United Nations?
Mr. Rums. We have been in touch with
the Secretary General and the members of
the United Nations many times on many
occasions on that matter. The problem is
relatively simple. As you know, the General
Assembly has not been functioning in the
last year or so because of a very difficult
constitutional issue involved In the financial
problems of the U.N. The Security Council
Is the principal agency in which this matter
might arise.
In the Security Council nothing could be
done except by agreement among the Big
Five. There is a veto in the Security Coun-
cil. Now the question is really whether it
Is desirable to have a highly acrimonious,
eye-gouging kind of debate there, if at the
end of the trail there is going to be no ac-
tion by the Security Council. It would be
far better to sound this out quietly behind
the scenes, as is going on and has been go-
lag on for a long time, to see whether there
is some action which the Tfnited Nations
can take that would help the situation.
Now we could easily, I suppose, meet the
views of these who say, oh, take it to the
U.N. by putting on one or two demonstra-
tions?let it go there. Let a resolution be
vetoed, have the U.N. break up with no ca-
pacity to do anything about it, no agree-
ment, and then come away and say well,
they've had their fling at it. Well, this is
a little irresponsible to deal with it that way.
What we would like to do is to find some way
in which the United Nations can contribute
positively to the solution of the problem of
? South Vietnam, and not necessarily just to
a further inflamation of the issues involved.
Mr. REASONER. Mr. Secretary, getting back
to the military situation for a moment, you
have said from time to time that the con-
ditions for peace are an end to the aggres-
sion, but Ambassador Lodge once suggested
that perhaps it might happen in a different
way with just on a given day less fighting.
Have you got such a major operation
mounted now that you would know if this
were happening? Can you stop what you've
started there?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Oh, yes; and I don't think
there is ahy conflict between what I have
said is the condition of peace and end of
aggression and Ambassador Lodge's state-
ment that on a given day there simply may
be fewer instances than the day before and
a gradual reduction. That is the way the
guerrilla war ended in Greece and it may well
end that way in South Vietnam. We're very
sensitive to the level of activity. We meas-
ure very carefully the effort expended by
North Vietnam in supporting the Vietcong,
in the manner in which the Vietcong apply
that support and effort, and we would be
quick to sense any change in policy or ob-
jective, or capability, and our effort would
drop accordingly. We have stated many,
many times we do not seek to assign U.S. Inil-
itary forces permanently in South Vietnam.
We have no desire to develop military bases
there for our use. We will bring our forces
back as promptly as the external aggression
ceases.
Mr. REASONER. Do you risk, or do you get
Into the situation where you make one de-
cision because of the previous one where
you have lost control? In other words, you
put in 100,000 men because you put in
50,000?
Mr. MCNAMARA. NO, certainly not. The
number of men we have there is a direct
function of the level of aggression carried
on by North Vietnam. It was necessary for
us to put in combat troops only because the
North Vietnamese introduced sufficient forces
to overpower the antiguerrilla forces?those
of the Government.
Mr. KENDRICK. Sir, on this question of de-
cisions, aren't they now making themselves,
or aren't the Communists making them for
us? Really, they are the ones who are de-
ciding what shall be the nature and the
stature of the war, so to speak, and we are
responding to that. We are putting in more
men because of what they do. Therefore,
basically, the decision as to what we do in
the future is in their hands, isn't it?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Certainly what we do in
the future will be influenced by what they
do. The price they're paying is increasing.
At some point it will reach a level they're un-
willing to pay. 'At that point they'll stop
and they'll withdraw. How ,;oon that will
come, I can't tell you. How much force we
must apply before they make that decision,
I can't tell you.
Mr. KALISCHER. Mr. Secretary, you men-
tioned before that Dr. Quat told you it was
absolutely necessary now?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Yes.
Mr. KALISCHER (continuing) . To get more
American troops in, otherwise the Govern-
ment forces could not continue to fight ef-
fectively against the increased infiltration
from North Vietnam. But you also said
earlier in this program that the majority of
the Vietoong were South Vietnamese. Now.
what keeps the Vietcong fighting and fight-
ing so effectively with what is a great degree
smaller amount of goods and arms and
cadres coming in through the Ho Chi Minh
trail, and by sea, against Government forces
which are reinforced by 125,000 Americans
and a blank check on arms?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Well, a part of it is an
ideological motivation, a religion, if you will;
they believe in communism. There is no
question about that. A part of it is the ter-
ror that Ls imposed upon them by their offi-
cers, by their noncommissioned officers, by
the acts that have been directed against their
villages and their wives and their families.
Mr. KALISCHER. Don't we in a sense, exer-
cise terror also?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Not to my knowledge and
certainly not in that fashion. I don't think
we should close our eyes to the fact; the fact
is that in 1964, in the 12 months that ended
December 31 of last year, the Vietcong killed
or kidnaped 1,500 civic officials in that coun-
try and they killed or kidnaped 9,700 other
civilians. This is approximately 11,500 civil-
ians killed or kidnaped. Now that's the level
of terror that is being directed against that
population and despite that level of terror,
only 25 percent of the people remain in areas
controlled by the Vietcong. About 300,000
refugees have left those areas in recent
months. An army, that on our terms, Is
equivalent to 12 million Americans continues
to fight the Vietcong and they are absorbing
fatalities as I say, at rates higher than we
have ever experienced in our history, so I
don't think we should fail to recognize the
degree of allegiance, if you will, of the people
to not only their Government, but to their
own independence?
Mr. KAL/SCHER. Sir, but suppose--
Mr. MCNAMARA (continuing). And the de-
gree of pressures placed on those supporting
the Vietcong. There is one group, a minority
group, that is ideologically motivated. There
Is another group that represents the govern-
ment of Hanoi?politically and militarily.
There is a third group?I believe the largest
group?which is fighting because they have
no physical alternative open to them.
Mr. KENDRICK. IS it poEsible that a Saigon
government?not this one?might in the fu-
ture negotiate terms with North Vietnam
and ask us to leave and if it is possible
what would we do?
Mr. Rersx. Well, I think the question
there, Mr. Kendrick, turns on Hanoi's atti-
tude toward their own program. In that
sense the aggressor always has a certain
Initiative. It is my impression that Hanoi
at the present time Is living on three pros-
pects: one, that they can succeed militarily
in South Vietnam. Now that is going to be
denied to them. So that can be put aside.
Secondly, that international opinion some-
how will build up in such a way as to cause
the United States to change our commit-
ment to South Vietnam. That will not oc-
cur. And, third, that internal differences
among the American people might cause
the United States to change its course. I do
not believe that will occur.
We do have in this country a vigorous
and thriving and sometimes tumultous
democracy and it is quite right for us to
debate actively and vigorously all great is-
sues of public moment. But it is quite' true
that Hanoi lives on expressions of dissent
or disagreement here within our own society.
I think the repeated demonstration of unity
in this country is very important in per-
suading Hanoi that they cannot rely upon
differences here at home to cause us to pull
away from our commitment to South Viet-
nam.
So, I think on those three, those three
elements that seem to sustain the hope of
Hanoi, they must come to the awareness that
these are unrealistic and that they must,
in fact, come sometime to the idea of a
peaceful settlement. But, this is the key
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thing. We have had dozens upon dozens
of contacts in every conceivable form,
fashion and forum, in order to find out
whether there is any interest on the part
of the other side in a peaceful settlement.
Those contacts continue. We would know
very quickly if they had concluded that they
are prepared to bring about peace in South-
east Asia and it is important that those con-
tacts continue open, as I can assure you
they are open.
Mr. KaLisciara, Mr. Secretary, what about
recently?
Mr. Rusk. The contacts continue quite
apart from what we ourselves do, which is
considerable, and I can assure you that our
diplomacy is not inactive on this matter.
The world Is filled with volunteers who would
be glad to come in and make contacts with
both sides, to see if they can find some peace
here, so there is no lack of contact.
Mr. REASONER. Has there been any sign at
all of interest on the other side?
Mr. Rom. Well, Secretary McNamara men-
tioned Ho chi Minh's statement that they
are in this if it takes 20 years. My awn un-
derstanding of that statement is that they
know very well they are not going to win this
war this year or next year, and I think there
are some serious problems on the other side,
We, in all of these crises in the postwar pe-
riod, quite rightly, concentrate upon the
problems we have on our side. We sometimes
forget about the fact that there are some
very serious _problems on the other side.
Now, in each one of these crises in the past
there came a moment where a casual word
or a passing comment or a little sign or a.
little signal opened the door to peace. This
happened in Korea. It happened with the
Berlin blockade. It's happened in other cir-
cumstances. All I can say at the moment is
we do not yet feel we have had that crucial
sign that peace is open, but we are looking
for it an.d we will continue to look for It
while we make it clear that we are not going
to be driven out of South Vietnam.
Mr. REASONER. Secretary Rusk, I think
Americans sometimes have?while they sup-
port this policy?have trouble understand-
ing just what we mean when we speak in
the pattern of having to defend it here or
we'll have to fight in some less suitable
place. To be hypothetical, what would hap-
pen if Secretary McNamara announced that
we had done all we could and we were now
withdrawing because he needed the boys at
home and we left? What do you think would
ensue?
110. Roam Well, I think that it, would not
be for me to answer that one directly. But
imagine yourself to be a Thai, and ask what
the American commitment to Thailand
would mean to you under those circum-
stances. Think of yourself as a West Ber-
? liner and ask yourself what the American
commitment to you would mean ;under
those CircuinStances. At the very heart, gen-
tlemen, of the maintenance of peace in the
world is the integrity of the American com-
mitment under our alliances.
Mr. Kramawk. Ls It possible that it's an
overcommitment?
Mr. Rum. Well, that can be argued, but
It should have been argued at the time?at
the various sta,ges. I personally do not think
so, but?because we have made 42 allies, as
you know, in this postwar period and at the
time it seemed to be in the vital interest of
the United States that these alliances be
formed.
Now I can tell you that we are not out
drumming the bushes for more allies, and
we are not necessarily cutting ourselves in
on every dispute or problem that arises in
any part of the world. We have gone some
distance in getting others to take part in
problems involving violence to settle them
in other fbriuns, and without our direct
presence.
No.147-21
For example, the Organization of African
Unity has taken hold of some of the prob-
lems in Africa and has moved to settle them
within an African context. That is first-
class from our point of view. So we do not
have a worldwide commitment as the gen-
darme of the universe, but we do have 42 al-
lies, and South Vietnam is a protocol state
of the southeast Asia treaty, and it does
have a commitment from us. Therefore, the
nature of that commitment is fundamental
here if we're to maintain peace in the years
ahead.
Mr. REASONER. Are we overcommitted from
your standpoint, Mr. Secretary? Can you
handle everything you foresee?
Mr. MCNAMARA. I believe so. The military
forces of this country have been built up in
strength, as you know. We do have 45 per-
cent more combat ready divisions today than
than we did 3 or 4 years ago. We do have
nearly 50 percent more tactical fighter
squadrons today than we did then. We have
been building up our inventories of men and
equipment. I think the question is really
more fundamental than are we overcom-
mitted. The question is what kind of a
world will we and our children live in if we
failed to carry out the commitments we have
or sought to reduce them.
Mr. REASONER. Can I guess what would be
a good final question? You spoke about
110 Chi Minh's 20-year war and you referred
to It. Can the Americans stand a 5-year
war, or 10-year war, or 20-year war? Can
we stick it out?
Mr. KENDRICK. More in, terms of stamina
and stomach, let's say, than in terms of ma-
teriel?
Mr. MCNAMARA. Well, I think I should ask
you perhaps. I can answer yes without
any qualification. I speak for 2% million
of them who are in the Armed Forces today
who I can guarantee can stand it, and I
think the 180 million that stand behind
them can stand it, but I don't think we
should fall to recognize what it is that lies
ahead. The road ahead will be long. It will
be tortuous. It will be frustrating. And
if we're to travel that safely?and I under-
line the word "safely"?and if we're to travel
it successfully, we will require courage and
we will require imagination, and we will
require patience. And perhaps that's what
you meant by stamina. Without it we
shouldn't start the road. We certainly
wouldn't be able to continue it.
Mr. Rosie. I can't escape the recollection,
Mr. Kendrick, that I was a student in college
when Manchuria was invaded in 1931 and I
lived through those periods before World
War II when the forces of democracy were
were not able to organize the defenses of
democracy. And that led the men of nly
generation?your generation?into World
War II. We could not find the answer to
the problem of tempting thieves. Now, in
this postwar period we have encountered
a number of threats. The free world with
U.S. leadership has moved to meet those
threats. We have had a remarkable success
in fending them off without a general war.
I am deeply convinced myself that the Ameri-
can people have thought long and hard about
the kind of world in which we want to live
and that when they know that something has
to be done, and that all of the alternatives
are being and have been fully explored to find
out if peace is possible that we need not
worry about the stamina and the determina-
tion of the American people. It has been
proved too often?too often?and the very
life of the Nation depends upon it.
Mr. REASONER. Gentlemen, I would like to
thank you very much for coming here. I
assume there will remain in the United
States some difference of opinion on your
policies but I am sure that this part of your
job, to come and talk to the American people
you have done very well and we thank you.
19349
Tonight we have examined the military
and political decisions involved in the U.S.
policies in Vietnam. Next week at this time
In the second of our four-part series on
"Vietnam Perspective," we will examine the
problems in securing a military victory in
South Vietnam. Our guests will be Gen.
Maxwell Taylor, the former Ambassador to
South Vietnam, and Gen. Earle G. Wheeler,
the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
Thank you and good night.
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. PROXMIRE. I yield.
Mr. SPARKMAN. I am delighted that
the Senator has obtained the transcript
of the broadcast and has placed it in the
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD. I fully endorse
his statement on the particular program
to which he has made reference.
It might be well to note that there will
be two subsequent programs along the
same line, with different personages in-
volved. One will be on next Monday,
the 16th of August, and the next one on
the following Monday, the 23d of August
Persons who are interested may wish
to watch these two programs, also, to
get a complete discussion of the whole
program.
I believe the Senator has performed
a real service in calling attention to this
subject.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I
thank the distinguished Senator from
Alabama. CBS deserves great credit for
bringing this program to the Nation at
a time-10 o'clock in this section of the
country, 9 o'clock in the Midwest, and
so on through the Nation?so that every-
one might have an opportunity to hear
the ablest and most competent and au-
thoritative spokesmen speak out on this
important subject.
Mr. SPARKMAN. I share the feeling
the Senator has expressed, that Secre-
tary Rusk and Secretary McNamara are
most able and best prepared to speak on
this particular subject and to discuss it
with the American people. They are to
be commended and congratulated on the
clarity with which they presented the
program at that time.
I wonder, while I am having this col-
loquy with the Senator, if I might not
ask the Senator if he believes, as I do,
first of all, that under our constitutional
-form of government the primary re-
sponsibility for our international rela-
tions is the responsibility o' the President
of the United States?
Mr. PROXMIRE. I do, ineed.
Mr. SPARKMAN. Does the Senator
not also believe that the President is sur-
rounded by a group of able advisers in
this field?
Mr. PROXMIRE. Yes. I was most
impressed on Monday afternoon when we
went to the White House?I am sure the
Senator was there.
Mr. SPARKMAN. I was there.
Mr. PROXMIRE. At that meeting I,
was greatly impressed and heartened by
the lineup which the President had
there. Present were not only Secretary
Rusk and Secretary McNamara, but also
other very capable people, like Ambassa-
dor Goldberg and Ambassador Lodge and
Mr. Black,
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19350 -zrtryust 11, 1965
Mr. SPARKMAN. That is Eugene
Black?
Mr. PROXMIRE. Yes; Eugene Black.
Mr. SPARKMAN. Who is seeking to
organize the Southeast Asia DeVelop-
ment Co., or whatever the name of the
organization is.
Mr. PROXMIRE. He is trying to
organize economic development over
there.
Mr. SPARKMAN. And Ambassador
Goldberg.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Yes; Ambassador
Goldberg also, whom I mentioned.
Mr. SPARKMAN. And Ambassador
Harriman.
Mr. PROXMIRE. Yes. / neglected to
mention Ambassador Harriman.
Mr. SPARKMAN. And Ambassador
Taylor.
Mr, PROXMIRE. Also Ambassador
Taylor. Of course, he has concluded his
services. Nevertheless, he will be on
hand to advise and contult with the
President and the State Departrnent and
the Defense Department. Also present
were such able persons as McGeorge
Bundy, and others, who are working on
this problem.
Mr. SPARKMAN. Does not the Sen-
ator feel that Ambassador Taylor gave
us a very fine, objective report, balanc-
ing the pluses against the minuses quite
well? '
Mr. PROXMIRE. I thought that was
One Of the most extraordinary Parts of
the ineeting. It started with an exposi-
tion by Ambassador Taylor, which, as
the Senator has said, was balanced and
objective. Re made r_o attempt to make
us believe that our taSk Will be easy, or
that-we are ahead or winning. He in-
dicated that there were some serious
minuses involved, as well as some
strengths. I belieVe his analysis was
Most informative and helpful to a, clear
Understanding of what we have to do.
While rbelieve that some, like Speaker
McCoawotcx, carried away an oritimistic
feeling, I believe the reason he did so,
arid the reason why many of us did so,
WU not, that the situation there was
easy, but because of our feeling that our
leaders had a realistic and thorough un-
derstanding of all the problerns, and the
resolution to meet them.
Mr. SPARKMAN. Mr. President, I do
not wish to leave this subject without
also referring to the veil' fine and clear
statement that was made by Ambassador
Harriman, who has had longer service in
that field, I suppose, than any of the
others. -
Mr. PROXMIRE. ''es, indeed. Mr.
Harriman served under four Presidents
over many years. He is a man of great
ability, and a man who has recently re-
turned from a most important discussion
with several crucial people in Europe and
elsewhere. I thought his report was very
helpful.
thank the Senator.
PATIENCE, COMPETENCE MAKE
RUSK GREAT SECRETARY OF
STATE
Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President,
with tensions mounting throughout the
world, the Secretary of State?as the
foreign policy spokesman of the most
powerful Nation of the Western World?
must work under the burden of constant
stress. The decisions which he must
make are difficult and often unpopular.
Therefore, the office of the Secretary of
State has long been a frequent target
of criticism. However, the man who
holds this position of tremendous re-
sponsibility must be able to maintain
restraint and dignity no matter how
sharp the darts of critics may be.
Secretary of State Dean Rusk must
be corrunended for the tact and wise re-
serve with which he has handled the
recent attacks made upon him by
thoughtless domestic critics. In the
way he met these irresponsible personal
criticisms, Mr. Rusk has again mani-
fested his recognition of the tremendous
responsibilities of his office and the self-
less dedication to duty which have char-
acterized his entire career.
His policy of Thinness and decisive
action?even in the face of foreign and
domestic criticism?has blunted deter-
mined Communist expansion in Berlin,
Africa, Latin America, and the Far East.
Mr. Rusk's integrity and quiet strength
have gained him the highest respect and
confidence of his counterparts through-
out the world, a respect which can only
be surpassed by that which his colleagues
In government and the American people
have for him. The steadiness of his
hand at all times and his skill at quiet
diplomacy?unspectacular but most ef-
fective?have served the interests of our
Nation well.
I ask unanimous consent that an edi-
torial entitled "Secretary Rusk" from
the Baltimore Sun of August 4, 1965,
which calls attention to Mr. Rusk's com-
petence and poise even when subjected
to irresponsible criticism, be printed in
the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the Rscorta,
as follows:
[Prom the Baltimore (Md.) Sun,
Aug. 4, 1965]
SECRETARY RUSK
Dean Rusk is not a mysterious figure, but
he is a man of marked reserve, and the pub-
lic has never felt it knew him well. It has
learned a bit more about him, perhaps,
after his press conference on Monday.
As had been expected, Mr. Rusk was asked
about the published statements of Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr., historian and once an as-
sistant to President Kennedy, to the effect
that Mr. Kennedy had "reluctantly" decided
to get another Secretary of State, and that
he found the Department of State "formless
and impenetrable."
As to the first, Mr. Rusk made it plain
that his own memoirs would not be pub-
lished until the presidential papers of the
period become available?until, that is, no
damage could be done to the then-current
workings of the country's affairs. In any
ease, he said, such issues as that raised by
Mr. Schlesinger would have to be left to
future historians, examining "with a com-
pound eye * * ? of many facets" the whole
and various records of these times.
To this fine historical figure of speech Mr.
Rusk added quite tartly, and most pertinent-
ly to the present, that his associates in Gov-
ernment and his "colleagues abroad can rest
on the assurance that when they deal with
me on the basis of confidence that confidence
will be respected."
One further quotation:
"It is the purpose of the Department of
State to bring about what some people will
call a boring situation?that is, a period of
peace. ? * * Now there are times when
some wish us to act with more drama, but
there are problems about dramatizing issues
if drama gets in the way of settlement. * * *
There are times to move and times to delay.
The art of the business is deciding when to
move and when to delay."
These remarks, we believe, reveal some-
thing of the balance, steadiness, and sharp
intelligence that caused Mr. Kennedy to
choose Mr. Rusk as Secretary of State in the
first place, and Mr. Johnson to keep him
and rely on him.
TRIBUTE TO SENATOR BREWSTER.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, one of the finest organizations in
the United States is the Disabled Ameri-
can Veterans. It is composed of men
who have fought valiantly?and at great
Personal cost?for their country.
Last week, the State of Louisiana was
proud to be host to the annual conven-
tion of the Disabled American Veterans
in New Orleans.
The chief address at the convention
was given by an outstanding member of
the DAV, the senior Senator from Mary-
land, [Mr. BREWsTER]. Senator BREW-
STER earned his membership in the
Pacific in World War II. He was the
youngest commissioned officer in the en-
tire Marine Corps in the earlier days of
World War II. He commanded a com-
pany in battle before he was 21; he was
wounded some seven times in four differ-
ent engagements; he received the Purple
Heart, the Gold Star in lieu of a second
Purple Heart, and the Bronze Star. Here
in the Senate, my colleague has been a
consistent advocate of legislation bene-
fiting the disabled veteran.
His remarks on veterans' legislation
and on America's position in world
affairs, I feel, are worthy of the atten-
tion of my colleagues here in the Senate.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that Senator BazwsrErt's speech to
the convention be printed under morn-
ing hour business in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
My friends and fellow delegates, it is a
great honor for me to address you here to-
night. Two years in the Marine Corps in
the South Pacific, and the wounds I re-
ceived there have earned me the privilege of
membership in this great veterans organi-
zation.
I am proud of the DAV and proud to be
a member. As a United States Senator, I
must face the electorate repeatedly. As a
life member of the DAV, my future is secure.
I arrived here today to enjoy and help
celebrate our national convention. Already
I am much in your debt for the privilege,
the experience, and the good times.
Your national commander, William O.
Dwyer; your national senior vice commander,
Claude Callegary from Chapter 16 in Balti-
more; and the many others responsible for
this affair deserve the deepest and warmest
thanks from us all.
We have much to celebrate. DAV mem-
bership has grown by 9,000 during the past
year. Our financial strength and the organi-
zational skill of national adjutant, Denvel
Adams, have permitted the construction of
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Wyoming, Pennsylvania, and the State of
Washington, with branch offices in Kansas
City, Mo., and Moorehead, Minn.
The fact that electrified farms were able
to substantially step up production for the
war effort undoubtedly played a part for vic-
tory in World War II, as well as today's
food-for-peace plans.
When Harvey Schermerhorn retires at age
65 he will have more than memories to live
with.
"I've had six job offers so far," Schermer-
horn says, "but I haven't officially decided
which to take."
Should he decide to take none?spend the
rest of his fife relaxing, the Schermerhorn
voice in public relations would not be retired.
Both his sons have followed their distin-
guished father's footsteps: John is a well-
known local television personality. Richard
Schermerhorn is in public relations at Credit
ai'elation (CUNA).
Union National
%**IWACT
ON BUSINESS AND FINANC
? COMMUNITY
Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, Eliot
Janeway, the influential New York
economist and nationally syndicated fi-
nancial columnist, has been an acute and
accurate observer of economic and
political events for many years. In. his
column, "Point of View?Janeway," pub-
lished in the Chicago Tribune of August
5, Mr. Janeway has added a new dimen-
sion to our understanding of the impact
of the Vietnam situation?its impact
upon the business and financial com-
munity as measured by its impact upon
the New York stock market. Mr. Jane-
way reports that my distinguished col-
league, the Senator from Indiana [Mr.
HARTIEE1, wisely recognizing the signifi-
cance of the Wall Street barometer "went
so far as to tell a select group of New
York investment people that the stock
market has taken over from the opinion
poll and the pollsters as the most reliable
and sensitive indicator of changes in
public psychology."
As Mr. Janeway continues:
There's no doubt that the stock market
has become subject to Vietnam drag.
The fact that the stock market has not
been responding to the continued, un-
precedented economic expansion which
our Nation has been enjoying is cause
enough for concern. The fact that this
failure is attributable to the troubling
situation in. Vietnam makes even more
clear the magnitude of the impact which
this war is having in every area of Amer-
ican life.
I ask unanimous consent that the
Chicago Tribune article, "Main, Wall
Streets Sharing Viet Worry," by Eliot
Janeway, be printed in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
[Prom the Chicago Tribune, Aug. 5, 19651
POINT OF VIEW?JANEWAY?MAIN, WALL
STREETS SHARING VIET WORRY
(By Eliot Janeway, Consulting Economist)
NEW Yoalt, August 4.?Politically, Vietnam
Is now the big issue. Intellectually and
morally as well, the question of what to do
and what not to do about ,Vietnam domi-
SITUATI_th
Tr
No. 147-22
nates debate?and not only within the
United States.
It's news, too, that he stock market is just
as scared of Vietnam as the politicians are.
In fact, Indiana's Senator VANCE HARTKE
Went so far as to tell a select group of New
York investment people last week that the
stock market has taken over from the opinion
polls and the pollsters as the moat reliable
and sensitive indicator of changes in public
psychology.
There's no doubt that the stock market
has become subject to a Vietnam drag. Its
action certainly suggests that Main Street
and Wall Street are for once worrying about
the same risks and at the same time.
Normally, when times are good, the pre-
vailing political attitude is to coast along
on the assumption that the "ins" are safe be-
cause nobody ever wants to shoot Santa
Claus. Not so in today's tense and tricky new
atmosphere of crisis. Times have never been
better; and they're certain to stay very good.
k Nevertheless, every politician in office who
ever survived a political storm, from
Johnson on down, is running scared of Viet-
nam backlash. Candidates preparing for 1966
are thinking more about mothers and first
voters than about purse strings.
PUT FIRST THINGS FIRST
The stock market is saying that politicians,
who are in this frame of mind are putting
first things first. It's no exaggeration to say
that, if each and every? one of the money
worries that have been bothering the stock
market were to be settled quickly and to the
satisfaction of the investment community,
the Vietnam drag would still hold it back.
The same goes for Wall Street's obvious
fears on the steel-labor front. Not so long
ago, a live-and-let-live settlement, without a
strike, without the flashing of brass knuckles
from Washington and with operations at a
high level, would have been enough to send
the stock market into a new upsurge. But
that was before the Vietnam drag de-
flated the bullish arithmetic of earnings and
dividends.
Every economic factor which the stock
market can count adds up to an argument
for bullishness. But the Vietnam risks
which no one can count are jamming the
computers?appropriately so. For Vietnam
is a riddle. In fact, It's a jungle. As in
every jungle, sophisticated computers are
excess baggage there, and primitive feel is
at a premium.
, QUALITY OF GENIUS
This is the very quality which gives John-
son his distinctive political genius. But,
instead of relying on it in Vietnam, he has
allowed Secretary of Defense Robert Mc-
Namara to take over as playmaker pleni-
potentiary. And Secretary McNamara is "Mr.
Computer."
President Johnson, despite everything that
has been said about his vanity on the trivial
side and about his instinct for power on the
serious .side, is not a confident or secure
man?denizens or the judge know better.
Johnson lacks the sense of security which
shallower extroverts like Truman and Ei-
senhower had.
It is in character for Johnson to defer to
an aggressive claimant for authority like
McNamara. But the stock market is putting
the President on notice that he may have
sold himself short in his all-out gamble on
McNamara.
MOVES WITH TIDES
Senator HARTKE may be right in advising
us to use the stock market for sense-making
as well as money-making. Since Korea it
has moved with the political tides, belying
its historical reputation for being out of
step with majority opinion. In fact, Wall
Street has rated out President about the way
Congress has. First with Eisenhower and
then, with Kennedy, a honeymoon confidence
boom foundered and ran out of steam. As
the President settles down to the post-
election task of governing in his own right,
the stock market is asking the sams ques-
tion as Congress: Will his confidence boom
go the way of Eisenhower's and of Ken-
nedy's?
If Johnson had let a "Martin market" de-
velop on the money front, it's clear that the
bears would have had a field day. And now
the wary action of the stock market is serv-
ing notice that, if he lets a "McNamara
market" materialize, the bullish contingent
will even panic before the bear growls at
them.
REPRESENTATIVE KING'S CONTRI-
BUTION TO THE VOICE OF AMER-
ICA PROGRAM
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, 6 years ago,
when my distinguished Utah colleague,
Representative DAVID S. KING, was in his
first year in the other body, the Voice of
American made the discovery that he
was fluent in French. VOA asked Con-
gressman KING if he would be willing to
make his talent available for broadcast
work, and the Congressman graciously
consented to help. For 6 years now, he
has been making a generous and rather
regular contribution to the Nation's in-
ternational communications work,
through this work.
In his first 4 years in Congress, the
gentleman from Utah appeared occa-
sionally in Voice of America news pro-
grams on French-language stations, of-
fering timely commentary on the activi-
ties in Congress and Washington. In
the 2 years he was not serving in his
House seat, Congressman KING accepted
a Voice of America request to prepare a
major broadcast series on the American
Constitution. The series of 13 broad-
casts, on which the gentleman from Utah
spent more than 600 hours in research
and writing, commemorated the 175th
anniversary of the ratification of our in-
spired Constitution. Hundreds of mil-
lions of listeners, in countless lands, have
heard Congressman KING speak for his
country, in both French and English.
He is now playing the key role in an-
other major series on Voice of America.
The series is an intimate glimpse of the
Member of Congress at work on Capitol
Hill. This series, entitled "A Congress-
man's Diary," is the subject of a featured
article in Voice of America's latest pro-
gram schedule for Europe. I proudly
commend my Utah colleague on the
splendid contribution he is making to
the cause of freedom through his Voice
of America work, and I invite the atten-
tion of the Congress and the Nation to
the article from VOA's August-October
schedule for Europe.
I ask unanimous consent that the arti-
cle be printed in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
? CONGRESSMAN'S DIARY
Unusual jobs are not difficult to find in
Washington, but there are 535 men and
women who occupy a special niche. They
work long hours, often from early in the
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19358
morning to late at night. One hundred of
these men and women are Senators. Four
hundred and thirty-five are Congressmen.
They represent over 190 million. Americans in
the legislative branch of the U.S. Govern-
ment. One of these Congressman?Davin S.
KING from the western State of Utah?is the
subject of a biweekly Voice of America pro-
gram. Other Members of Congress will ap-
pear on the program from time to time.
Each year the .Voice of America receives
letters from its listeners all over the world
who are curious about the duties of a
Congressman. They want to know how and
why he votes on specific legislation, whether
he is bound to the policy of his political
party, how he keeps in contact with his con-
stituents who may live thousands of miles
from his Washington office. These and other
questions are being answered by "A Con-
gressman's Diary," a-series of programs based
on the actual experiences and intimate ob-
servations of DAVID KING.
Mr. KING is now beginning his third term
as a Congressman. He was first elected in
1958 by the people living in and near Salt
Lake City, Utah. His congressional district
consists of over 400,000 people. In 1960 they
reelected Mr. Krim but 2 years later he was
not returned to office. However, last No-
vember, Mr. KING, a Democrat, received a
majority of the votes and once again was
given the responsibility of representing his
district in Washington.
Letters are one of the primary means of
communication between a Congressman and
his constituents at home. Mr. KING reports
that when important legislation is being
considered by the Congress, he is likely to
receive as many as 600 letters a day. People
write to suggest new legislation, to argue
with the Congressman's point of view, to
commend him on action he has taken, to
ask for his help in dealing with other
branches of the Government?even to recom-
mend hotels in Washington when they visit
the city.
Reading and replying to such letters oc-
cupies a considerable amount of Congress-
man KING'S time. That, along with his
other duties such as working on specialized
congressional committees, leaves him little
time for other matters. Concluding the first
program in the "Congressman's Diary" series,
Mr. KING observed: "By nightfall, the Con-
gressman might try do some last-minute
work, but he sees then that he has just time
to rush and catch the train that will enable
him to get home in time for supper. And
I might add that frequently he never gets
home for supper. He gets home much, much
later and even into the early hours of the
morning. So, I can only say that my sin-
cerest regret is that there are only 24 hours
in a day in which I can do the work that is
assigned to me as a Congressman."
IN DEFENSE OF A FEDERAL SYSTEM
OF WORLD GOVERNMENT
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, the
only total victory mankind can look for-
ward to is the total victory of peace.
Each passing day makes this clearer
and clearer. The utopian beginnings of
the Federal Union we call the United
States of America has ever inspired man-
kind in the hope that a world under law
can be founded on that premise of
federalism.
The United World _ Federalists of
America have been working toward the
noble goal of world peace through world
law. The Arms Control and Disarma-
ment Agency, the test ban treaty, and
many other ideas of merit have come
from their thoughtful and quiet leader-
ship.
On May 5 I had the pleasure of pre-
senting to this Congress, Federalist
Paper No. I by accredited U.N. observer
Marion McVitty, on a permanent U.N.
peace force. Today I am happy to pre-
sent to you Federalist Paper No. 2, "In
Defense of a Federal System of World
Government" by Hyman Weber, a New
York attorney.
While there may be parts of this paper
that some of us in this Congress may not
agree with, it is vital to our existence
that we grapple with these thoughts.
I, for one, am intrigued by the idea
that just as the Communists export their
political ideology, this Nation may ex-
port its ideology of federalism. The con-
cept of federalism has been and remains
a dynamic, vital political philosophy
which has enabled this Nation to grow.
With these thoughts in mind, I ask
unanimous consent to insert at this point
in the RECORD, Mr. Weber's thoughtful
paper.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
IN DEFENSE or A FEDERAL SYSTEM or WORLD
GOVERNMENT
(By Hyman Weber)
Shortly after World War II, 'United World
Federalists proclaimed that a lasting peace
could be secured only by strengthening the
United Nations through a revision of its
charter and by instituting a Federal form of
world government. UWF also holds that
with the advent of nuclear power the reser-
vation by individual nations of the right to
maintain arms and to wage war has become
an intolerable form of international anarchy
which threatens all human survival. Despite
the fact that the world has twice gone to the
brink of nuclear was in recent years, many
influential voices are still heard calling for
peace through national strength and for an
unconditional cold war victory. It would be
useful in these circumstances to reemphasize
the validity of UW'F's position by a careful
examination of the arguments that are used
against UWF's internationalist view.
PEACE THROUGH STRENGTH
There are those, who, while invariably
viewing themselves as prophets of realism,
proclaim that peace can be secured only
through strength. Their conception of what
that strength should be indicates that they
are the dreamers, wishful thinkers who be-
lieve that stone age diplomacy can insure
survival in a nuclear age. Peace does require
strength but not the strength of individual
nations. It requires the strength of a world
government so organized that no one nation
will have the power or the right to dictate
the conditions under which the world will be
permitted to remain at peace. Past wars, it
should be stressed, did not occur, because
some nations were unable or unwilling to
meet the threat of aggression. They oc-
curred because all nations were permitted to
retain the means and the right to wage war.
General rearmament and the formation
of military alliances can only lead to self-
defeating retaliatory responses by opposing
nations. Arms races sap the vitality of both
sides without materially affecting the relative
strength of either. In today's cold war,
NATO, the Western military alliance, is
matched by the Communist Warsaw Pact
Alliance. The nuclear stockpiles of the
United States and the Soviet Union have
only achieved a nuclear stalemate of mutual
deterrence?a balance of terror that can in-
sure peace and survival only in the absence
of accident, miscalculation, or the reckless
act of a third party.
NEGOTIATING FROM STRENGTH
The concept of negotiating from strength
seems compeling at first blush?no nation
would be likely to settle or compromise an
outstanding issue with a weaker opponent.
When one nation rearms, however, the in-
evitable arms race that ensues, while it may
create a delicate and precarious balance of
power, will serve mainly to intensify the
hostile attitudes between the contending
powers. Should such powers then seek to
negotiate their differences, they will too often
attempt to apply the leverage of their,
strength in a futile effort to wrest concessions
that their opponents are not likely to concede.
As a matter of fact, it is worth reexamin-
ing the general proposition that there can be
meaningful bilateral negotiations between
nations with conflicting economic needs and
political aspirations. In their negotiations,
disputing nations may profess a desire for
peace, but this is eclipsed by the ideological
preconceptions, conditions, and pressures
each brings to the conference table, and by
the reluctance each has to appear to seek
compromise in the face of the opponent's
strength. Negotiations between disputing
nations would be more promising if con-
ducted between those nations and an inter-
national agency competent to settle or
adjudicate the issue and empowered to en-
force its decision. The American nuclear
buildup should accordingly not be viewed
as a means of insuring fruitful negotiations
with the Soviet Union. It can be morally
justified only as a means of deterring Soviet
aggression and as an instrument for persuad-
ing our adversaries to join. UB in the creation
of adequate international machinery for the
settlement of our differences.
Many proponents of peace through strength
buttress their position by pointing out that
previous efforts at disarmament have failed.
Their contention is correct, but their con-
clusion is incorrect. Arrangements after
World War I for disarmament or reductions
in arms did indeed fail, but only because no
international agency was given the power to
enforce them. Like all bilateral agreements
they were honored only as long as they served
the purposes of the signatory powers. Sim-
ilarly, the interminable disarmament nego-
tiations at Geneva since World War II have
failed to achieve any tangible or meaningful
results. They will continue to fail as long as
the problem of disarmament is approached
apart from the overall problem of establish-
ing a viable form of world government, and
as long as the major contending powers see
no inconsistency in negotiating for disarma-
ment while intent on maintaining a delicate
balance of military power and on seeking to
gain political and strategic advantages in the
continuing cold war struggle.
THE COLD WAR
Efforts to create public support for world
government have been most seriously ham-
pered by an insidious cold war psychosis.
For the past 18 years the American people
have been subjected to a massive campaign,
mounted by the communications media, civic
and veterans groups and government offi-
cials, that has convinced them that world
peace can be achieved only through a cold
war victory. World peace and a cold war
victory, however, are inconsistent and mu-
tually exclusive goals. To hold otherwise is
to imply that the cold war can be won with-
out actually going to war. This, of course,
is nonsense. It is imperative that both ma-
jor cold war antagonists reject, once and for
all, as the Most dangerous kind of wishful
thinking, the idea that their opponent will
conveniently permit himself to suffer an eco-
nomic or political collapse, or that he can be
talked into voluntary surrender at the con-
ference table, or that he can be intimidated
into abandoning his hated ideology by a
threatened nuclear attack.
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these people in preparing them for self-gov-
ernment and economic independence. If
they ever bring up the subject again, we will
ask) Do you object to giving these people
first-class citizenship?
Question. Would this annexation be a any
benefit to Hawaii?
Answer, I think this would be good for
Hawaii. It would broaden our horizon. Eth-
nically, the people of these islands are related
closely to our own people?Polynesians and
Micronesians. We have always talked broth-
erhood and giving our neighbor a helping
hand. Here's our chance to do something
to make all of these islands a series of step-
ping stones between. East and West.
Question. What would be the prospect for
similar annexation of Guam, American
Samoa and other Pacific island possessions
of the United States?
Answer. My first step here is to work on
the trust territory. Guam, with its own
legislature now, may want to consider this
matter later. I can understand their im-
mediate reaction to shy away from the propo-
sition. Samoa, with its communal land sys-
tem, would need further study. This ques-
tion of land tenure also is a problem in the
trust territory. I hope we may work out a
scheme whereby the lands could not be taken
away from those occupying them.
Question. Isn't this going to take a long
time?
Answer. We understand that this will
take years to consummate. With 96 in-
habited islands in the trust territory, it is
likely that some will want to come in and
some may not. But some clay, we have to
start looking into this problem. And that's
what I'm proposi t ? at we do now.
_ PEAC '10* G IN VIETNAM
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, one of
Washington's youngest nationally known
correspondents is Joseph Kraft. His col-
tumi, "Insight and Outlook," is appro-
priately titled, for Joseph Kraft possesses
both the "insight" of a scholar and the
"outlook" of a newsman. His education
includes training in modern history at
Columbia and the Sorbonne, and Prince-
ton's Institute for Advanced Studies.
Articles urider Joseph Kraft's byline have
appeared in national magazines and
newspapers such as Look, the New Re-
public, and the London Observer, and
he has served as Washington corre-
spondent and public affairs columnist
for Harper's.
I believe his August 2 column entitled
"Peacemaking in Vietnam" is a thought-
ful analysis of the negotiated approach
to peace in southeast Asia which I have
repeatedly advocated. I ask unanimous
consent to have this column, which ap-
peared in the Washington Post, printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Washington Post, Aug. 2. 1965]
INS/GIST AND 017TLOOK: PEACEMAKING IN
VIETNAM
(By Joseph Kraft)
One of the most pernicious official myths
floating around Washington is the notion
that if the other side was ready to come to
terms in Vietnam peace could be arranged in
a jiffy.
Actually peace in Vietnam can probably
come only at the end of a long, slow, tortuous
and highly uncertain process at negotiation.
And the chief charge that can be levelled
against American diplomacy to date is that
It has not given enough free play to any of
the uncertain chains of events that might
lead to agreement.
To understand why it is going to be so
hard for the other side to make peace, it
is enough to see the travail the President of
the United States has to go through when
he wants to talk about peace. He has to
contend with allied governments, with a
political opposition, with entrenched officials
in his own administration and with a mili-
tary and diplomacy bureaucracy. Many of
these, for one reason or another are Com-
mitted to war.
Turning this raightly established around is
not only a formidable job; it is a job that has
to be done behind closed doors through sly
hints delivered in whispers by almost invisible
men moving on tiptoe in sneakers. For if the
secret becomes known prematurely, the Presi-
dent is exposed to murderous charges that
he is selling the pass to the enemy.
The same pattern applies on the other side,
only much more so. The Peiping govern-
ment, resolutely opposed to any negotiation,
is prepared to denounce those who would
promote peace in Vietnam as imperialist
stooges betraying the revolution. The three
parties that together with Peiping make up
the other side in Vietnam are, because they
are themselves divided, extremely sensitive to
the Chinese charges.
The Russians, for instance, plainly have
little stomach for the Vietnamese war.
Pravda did not even announce it when the
Soviet missiles knocked down American
planes. But because of the leadership
struggle in Moscow, no one is strong enough
to disengage from the Asian commitment.
If anything, the missile incident seems to
have been timed to take away some of the
play from the Chinese at a moment when
Communist leaders from all over the world
were foregathering at the Rumanian Party
Congress in Bucharest.
The North Vietnamese Government in
Hanoi also seems to have some partisans of
negotiated 'agreement. When President Ho
Chi Minh talks of fighting for 20 years that
does not exactly mean he expects victory
tomorrow. But he must move cautiously for
there are important figures in his govern-
ment who have ties to Peiping, and who
argue that a military victory can be won
easily.
Similarly, with the Vietcong rebels in
South Vietnam, the fighting men on the
ground, like all guerrilla forces, think they
are on the verge of victory. They are highly
suspicious that deals may be made behind
their backs by their political leaders. For
that reason, the political arm, or liberation
front, of the Vietcong, while not nearly so
confident of complete victory, also has to
move with care.
The obvious approach to this dicey busi-
ness is to draw the Vietcong into talks of
some kind. Once the fighters on the ground
are engaged, moderate forces in Hanoi and
Moscow can assert themselves without being
exposed to the charge of having sold out the
revolution. At that point Communist China
either has to go along or be left out.
Engaging the Vietcong, of course, is not
easy. The position of the Chinese and their
grip on the other parties in the Communist
camp rules out a direct approach. Neither
is anything apt to come from groups so
distasteful to the Chinese as the United Na-
tions or the Indians; nor from such markedly
pro-American figures as British politicians or
Canadian diplomats.
On the contrary, the initial engagement
will probably have to be arranged on some
almott irrelevant pretext. The first inter-
mediaries will most likely be unknown fig-
ures, mistrusted by both sides. And one
of the really interesting questions is whether
President Johnson, so accustomed as a build-
er of consensus to manipulate other men's
commitments, can now relax to the point
1965
of allowing other men to manipulate his
commitments.
If nothing else, precedent, that angel of
Anglo-Saxon progress favors a relaxed ap-
proach. People tend to think that the Viet-
namese peace of 1954 was arranged at the
Geneva Conference. They forget what
opened the door to Geneva. It was a cryptic
clause in an obscure interview given by Ho
Chi Minh to?of all irrelevant things?a
Swedish newspaper.
A MENACING POWER PLAY
' Mrs. NEUBERGER. Mr. President, an
- editorial in the Washington Post this
week discloses a serious attack upon the
regulatory protections to America's elec-
tric consumers. An effort is being made
by some electric utilities with the support
of some State regulatory officials to bring
an end to the Federal Power Commis-
sion's program of wholesale rate regula-
tion which benefits hundreds of small,
Independently managed electric distribu-
tion systems throughout the country.
The Post says, and I quote: "If the lobby
of State regulatory officials and private
Power companies is successful, the Senate
will enact a measure that would for all
Practical purposes end the control which
the Federal Power Commission now exer-
cises over electric power rates."
This proposal, which the electric util-
ities wish to tack on to another bill deal-
ing with rural electric cooperatives which
are subject to effective regulation by the
REA Administrator, was considered and
rejected by the Senate Commerce Com-
mittee. It is not in the public interest.
As the Post concludes, passage of such
exemptions for the electric utilities
"would utterly 'destroy the Federal regu-
lation of electrical rates and revive an
era of abuse that was ended with the
passage of the Wheeler-Rayburn Act in
1935."
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to the inclusion of the Washington
Post editorial of August 10, 1965, at the
conclusion of these remarks.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A MENACING POWER PLAY
If the lobby of State regulatory officials
and private power companies is successful,
the Senate will enact a measure that would
for all practical purposes end the control
which the Federal Power Commission now
exercises over electric power rates. And
without effective rate regulation by the FPC,
there will be a sharp increase in the $14
billion electric bill that is now paid by the
Nation's households, business enterprises.
Government agencies and nonprofit institu-
tions.
Sponsored by Senators HOLLAND and
SMATHERS, the lobby's bill consists of two
provisions, both embodied in single sentences
of inordinate length. First, the bill states
that a utility which is not "directly con-
nected" with an interstate power network is
to be exempt from the regulations of the
ETC "as a matter of local concern." A second
provision repeals the FPC's jurisdiction over
wholesale transactions, sales of electrical
power from one utility to another when the
utility making the sale has "substantial"
retail revenues in the State in which the sale
is made.
It there is any logical or functional justi-
fication for the provisions of the Holland-
Smathers bill, it is elusive. Under the first
provision, a giant utility which generates
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CONGRESSIONAL REwitD
shack that has no indoor bathing facilities.
He frequently bathed in a farm pond. SIM-
day he Moved into West Point?into another
rnndown area.
Some white residents here said they had
noticed that Reuss stood out from other civil
rights workers because of his good grooming
and good manners.
White townspeople have been critical of
she fact some of the men and women civil
rights workers live unchaperoned in the same
houses.
Reuss said they had separate rooms, but
that the organization could not afford sepa-
rate quarters.
"The local residents won't approve of any-
thing we do anyway," he added.
SON Or REUSS DISAVOWS ANY DESIRE FOR
HEROICS
(By Michael Lerner)
What kind of a person is the Congress-
man's son who decided to continua his work
in a Mississippi town, despite shotgun blasts
aimed at coworkers and his own harrowing
arrest on a false manslaughter charge?
Michael Reuss, 18, is a clement, well-
shaven, levelheaded boy with no desire to
engage in heroics. All he wants to do is
continue his work as a teacher in a rural
freedom school outside West Point, Miss?
until he returns as a sophomore to Stanford
University in September.
The son of Congressman HENRY S. Itsyss,
Democrat, of Wisconsin, he has had his
share of the brushes with southern law-
enforcement officers that are part of most
civil rights workers experience.
He spent 8 days in jail in Jackson.
Miss., before Ile arrived in West Point. He
had been arrested with other demonstrators
on charges of breach of the peace and resist-
ing arrest.
His second spell in jail folloaved the in-
cident Friday, when he was arrested during
a march protesting the previoua arrest of 53
Negro schoolchildren.
Reuss does not find any glory in his ar-
rests. And the 157-pound former prep-
school wrestler does not enjoy the punches--
one behind the left ear and one in the face?
which he received from law enforcement
Officers during the course of his arrest.
"But I know that if I react in any Way
to what they do, then it is all over," he said.
"I really am convinced of the need for Me to
be nonviolent, because it is the only way
we will get anything done."
QC:sum:rats IN SHACK'
Until his arrest last week, Reuss had been
living in a shack in Section, a rural Negro
community 3 miles outside West Point, with
a fellow worker, Eddie BroOks, 20, from
Sledge, Miss.
Together they rented the building for 310
a month. They cleaned out hornet nests
from the rafters, flattened cardboard boxes to
cover the crevice-lined wooden floor, and
papered the walls. They covered the open
windows with transparent plastic sheets.
Then Brooks began his task?political can-
vassing of the community to raise petitions
for better roads and to ask farmers to regis-
ter to vote.
Reuss started a school in one of the com-
munity's two churchea. The church, Old St.
Peters, is a white frame Baptist church. He
teaches young children and talks to teen-
agers about what they can do to bring about
compliance with new Federal laws.
SOME Or DIFFICULT7TS
In the afternoon he walks 3 miles to an-
other Negro community where he has started
another school.
"It's hard to say how effective these schools
are," Reuss said. "Some of the younger kids
are so shy and backward that all I can get
them to do is draw.
"One little girl Wouldn't say anything to
me the first day. She just drew cricles. But
She trusts me, and now she's beginning to
talk a little.
"I think what we can help these people
achieve, above all, is the knowledge that
they can do something for themselves--
against 100 years of proof that they can't."
For example, Reuss and Brooks are trying
to persuade some Negro farmers to run for
the Agricultural Stabilization Control Board,
Which tells farmers how many acres of cotton
they can plant.
ANSWERED CALL
Why did he go down to Mississippi? "The
people down here asked for volunteers, and
I'd been thinking about this for a long time.
I don't enjoy the risks, but there's too little
time to get started anywhere else this sum-
mer, and a lot left to do here."
Like other workers with the Student Non-
Violent Coordinating Committee, Mike lives
on $15 a week. His shack has no refrigera-
tion, so he and Brooks eat out of cans?
beans, salmon and more beans.
Local residents give them supplies of corn,
potatoes, flour, and okra. "We're invited
out to dinner a lot, too," Reuss said.
FONG GIVES yIEWS ON PACIFIC
STATE PLAN
Mr. FONG. Mr. President, I an
pleased to call the attention of my col-
leagues to a recent interview in which I
discussed the proposal for annexing the
Pacific Trust Territory to the State of
Hawaii, Mr. Harrison Humphries, of
the Associated Press, who has covered
congressional affairs affecting Hawaii for
many years, posed a number of questions
to me as a result of my intention recent-
ly announced in this Chamber, to sub-
mit a resolution soon in order to obtain
a consensus of the Congress as to the
feasibility and desirability of the annexa-
tion proposal.
Mr. Humphries' questions are similar
to those which have been put to me by
numerous persons in official and private
life. Therefore, I am delighted that the
answers I furnished Mr. Humphries have
been released nationally through the As-
sociated Press. For it is evident that
considerable public information and dis-
cussion on the subject will be both nec-
essary and useful in order to acquaint
more Americans with the peoples and
problems of Micronesia.
have every confidence in the wisdom
of the approach I am recommending to
prepare all parties concerned for the time
when the question of the eventual destiny
of the Trust Territory peoples will have
to be decided.
I ask unanimous consent to have
printed in the RECORD the interview
printed in the Honolulu Star-Bulletin
of August 9,1965.
There being no objection, the inter-
view was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
FONG GIVES VIEWS ON PACIFIC STATE PLAN
(By Harrison Humphries)
WASHINGTON.?Statehood for the U.S. Trust
Terirtory of Pacific Islands, which lie rough-
ly 3,000 miles west of Hawaii, was described
today by Senator HIRAM L. FONG as "realistic
and logical."
Form is drafting a resolution for introduc-
tion in Congress to authorize a study
that could lead to annexation of the islands
to the State of Hawaii as an alternative to
independence. The islands have been under
U.S. trusteeship for the United Nations since
World War II.
An interview with FONG produced these
questions and answers concerning the future
of the islands:
Question. Senator Form, is your proposal
to annex the Trust Territory of the Pacific
Islands to the State of Hawaii aimed at giv-
ing residents of the islands greater self-
government responsibility?
Answer. Yes. The purpose is to integrate
them into a sovereign State so that they
may exercise the ultimate in American citi-
zenship.
Question. Would they automatically be-
come citizens of the United States and the
State af Hawaii, with the right to vote for
President and Governor and to travel and
move without restriction any place within
the United States?
Answer. This would be by action of the
U.S. Congress. All of this predisposes that
Congress would pass the necessary enabling
legislation for Hawaii to do it and to grant
citizenship.
Question. Would you envision that the is-
lands of the trust territory would form a
single and separate county government?
Answer. The 2,141 islands and atolls, of
which 96 are inhabited, are now broken up
into six districts, with their own district
councils. They are the Marshall Islands
district, Ponape district, Truk district, Yap
district, Palau district, and Mariana Islands
district.
With 87,000 people, they might be consti-
tuted into two or three counties, or one big
county. This is so far away I haven't given
any real thought to it.
The distances are great, and because of the
tremendous distances, maybe the retention
of six districts would prove most feasible.
The trust territory embraces an area, in-
cluding water, as large as the United States.
Question, Would Hawaii's State-financed
public school system be extended to the
territory?
Answer. At present the Federal Govern-
ment is spending about $17.5 million a year
for schools, roads, public health, and other
public services in the tryst territory islands.
I believe equity will induce the U.S. Congress
to help in this regard, for a period of years
at least.
Question. Could the State of Hawaii as-
sume financial responsibility for these serv-
ices without continued Federal assistance?
Answer. That would be quite a burden. It
would add nearly 10 percent to Hawaii's
budget.
Question. Do you think the people of Ha-
waii and the trust territory would favor
annexation?
Answer. I don't know. This is all explora-
tion at this point. I think the first reaction
of the people of the trust territory would be
against it in the belief they would be giving
away some of their local autonomy. Yet, if
they give the matter some thought, instead
of having the Congress of Micronesia they
would have representation in the State of
Hawaii Legislature.
The United Nations trusteeship is a tem-
porary political existence and it was hoped
that they would be taken out of their present
status, which is more of a colonial status.
and be given independence.
Now, independence to these groups of is-
lands would be very, very burdensome, as the
economies there will be unable to sustain
this form of government.
Landwise, we are talking about 687 square
miles with 87,000 population, I believe the
ultimate aspiration of these people would be
to be part and parcel of the United States of
America, and annexation by Hawaii would be
realistic and logical.
That this question is now under discussion
is a very good answer to the Soviet charges
that we have been derelict in our duty to
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX 4,st U. 1965
Urges "Ideological Escalation"
of every community of these United States in
the support of our great country. In the
case of Allentown and Camp Crane, your
citizens had a direct outlet where they could
help the servicemen stationed here and, in a
sense, could observe and measure the results
of that help in the morale, the esprit, and
even the efficiency and record established by
the Ambulance Corps when it went into com-
bat. These citizens realized that this road
between the military community and
civilian community was a two-way street;
they insured that traffic moved easily in both
directions. They realized full well that this
was their Army:
Many other communities do not have such
a direct or measurable outlet for their efforts,
but there are many?I repeat, many?ways to
serve. Our schools, our churches, our serv-
ice clubs, our youth organizations?the
YMCA, the YWCA, our boy and girl scouts?
all need the full backing of their communi-
ties and the individual citizens in them, if
they are to help keep America as the strong
leader of the free world. The strength of
our Nation stems from the grassroot strength
of the thousands of communities such as
this?and the millions of citizens who make
them up and who support these United
States.
As we open this fair today and honor the
more than 20,000 members of the U.S. Am-
bulance Corps who trained at Camp Crane,
and as we revere the memory of those in
that group who have answered their final
roll call, I would leave you then, with these
three thoughts which I hope will serve well,
the citizens of Allentown and the other com-
munities represented here, as guidelines for
the future: First, service, the muscle of
America; second, sacrifice, the soul of Amer-
ica; and third, community action or, better
perhaps, positive, aggressive citizenship in
action, the pulse of America, as reflected by
the citizens of Allentown four and a half
decades ago.
In closing let me honor those men of the
ambulance corps who gave their lives de-
fending freedom, and defending our coun-
try, with the following lines by Laurence
Binyon. They are taken from his poem, "For
the Fallen":
"They went with songs to the battle, they
were young, straight of limb, true of
eye, steady and aglow.
They were stanch to the end against odds
uncounted,
They fell with their faces to the foe.
They shall not grow old, as we that are left
grow old;
Age shall not weary them, nor the years
condemn.
At the going down of the sun and in the
morning?
We will remember them."
May I wish this fair and-each of you here
the best of success this year and in the years
ahead.
Thank you.
Not Guilty, More or Less
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. A. WILLIS ROBERTSON
OF VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wedn6sday, August 11, 1965
Mr. ROBERTSON. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
In the Appendix of the RECORD the at-
tached article from the August 10 issue of To Wm biactie : anal Grandson
the Richmond News Leader, which gives
an object lesson on how to Promote good
government by registering illiterates.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Richmond News Leader, Aug. 10,
1965]
NOT GUILTY, MORE OR LESS
You will read a lot of law books, Algernon,
before you will come across a jury trial quite
like a jury trial just held in Collier County,
Fla.
We get the tale from the Miami Herald.
It appears that on on July 21, a white man
named Thomas M. D'Andrea came on trial
in the county court on a charge of "inter-
fering with telephone service," in connection
with the theft of $7,500 worth of telephone
wire along the Tamiami Trail.
An all-Negro jury was impaneled, which
deems a bit odd, for the county is only 15
percent colored, but that is what happened.
The custom is for the names of jurors to be
drawn from lista of registered voters. In
Florida, voting registration requirements
were changed a few years ago so as to do
away with any form of literacy test.
The trial proceeded; the six-man jury re-
tired to consider its verdict, and after 2
hours' deliberation returned to the court-
room. Clerk Margaret T. Scott read what
had been handed her by the foreman, Melt
Williams.
"Not guilty," she announced.
There came murmurs of protest from the
jury box. Proceedings were suspended while
State Attorney Frank Schaub conducted an
investigation.
It turned out that Foreman Williams was
illiterate, and could neither read nor write.
He had placed his mark on a piece of paper
handed him.
Another Juror, Tom Jones, also was illit-
erate. "We were 2 to 4 for conviction," he
said. "Then all six of us decided he was
guilty as charged. When I heard the verdict,
I was greatly surprised."
A third juror, however, one Warren E.
Adkins, said, "We all decided he was not
guilty."
A fourth juror, Alonzo Howard, said that
he himself thought the defendant not
guilty, but "We said to Melt Williams, 'do
anything you want to.' I thought we found
him guilty."
A fifth juror, Angus Lawson, Jr., said:
"We decided he was innocent. At the end
of the deliberations, confusion set in. We
told Melt Williams to sign anything he
wanted to. I do not know if he signed the
'guilty' or 'not guilty' verdict. I did not
know he could not read or write."
The sixth juror Is not quoted in the
account at hand.
Melt Williams, the foreman, said no one
ever elected him foreman. They all got to
talking in the jury room, he said, and "some
of the members said if we found this white
man guilty, the judge would turn him loose,
and he would come looking for us. I believe
I was tricked. All five of the others decided
he was guilty."
Mr. Schaub, the State Attorney, has moved
to have the entire proceeding vacated and
the case tried anew, but defense counsel un-
derstandably has objected on the grounds
of double jeopardy.
Under the newly signed Voting Rights Act
of 1965, literacy tests are banned in Virginia,
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Missis-
sippi, Louisiana, and 34 counties of North
Carolina. Doubtless this will improve the
elective process. It would not do much for
the jury system, either.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ALEC G. OLSON
OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. OLSON of Minnesota. Mr.
Speaker, a recent copyrighted article
written by Rajmohan Gandhi and dis-
tributed by the North American News-
paper Alliance came to my attention. I
think the observations will be most inter-
esting to the Members of this body.
Gandhi is the grandson of two of India's
greatest leaders?Mahatma Gandhi and
Chakravarti Rajagopalacharia, the first
Indian to become Governor-General of
his country. At 29, Rajmohan Gandhi
is a powerful voice among the younger
Indians and is regarded by many as a
possible future Prime Minister of India.
Gandhi's article represents a fine en-
dorsement of President Johnson and free
men's fight against tyrannical commu-
nism. I include the article at this point:
TO WIN /N VIETNAM
(By Rajmohan Gandhi)
NEW DELHI', August 7.?The recent bold
announcement by President Johnson on
Vietnam offers an opportunity for an Indian,
proud of his country but also devoted to that
mighty land of America, to speak his mind.
First let me say that the men and women
of Asia who want liberty for their countries
welcome America's cdurageous stand. I per-
sonally believe that, in defending freedom
in Vietnam, America is also defending it in
India, and for this reason:
Suppose we were to have a Communist
regime in South Vietnam?or even the so-
called Nationalist-Communist or Tito-style
regime which certain powerful voices recom-
mend, including most recently the former
British Foreign Secretary Patrick Gordon-
Walker speaking in West Virginia. I think
it is impossible to prove that such a regime
would in fact be independent of Peiping.
But be that as it may, what happens to the
other nations?
What happens to Thailand? Marshal
Chen Yi, the Chinese Foreign Minister, spoke
recently about soon "starting another Viet-
nam in Thailand." These are his openly pro-
claimed threats or promises, whichever way
you look at it.
A MOIST IRELAND?
If you have a Tito-style Communist regime
in Vietnam, there will soon be a clamoring
for the same kind of regime in Thailand.
The next step is a Tito-style Communist
regime in Malaysia, then the Philippines,
then in Pakistan, then in Ceylon?finally in
India. And so on until you recommend Tito-
style Communist regimes for every country
in Asia and Africa.
I wonder how Mr. Gordon-Walker would
feel about a Tito-style Communist regime,
say, in Ireland. I don't imagine he would
feel too comfortable about it.
Certainly we in India would not be com-
fortable with a Tito-style Communist regime
In Vietnam. Vietnam is the occasion, the
point of contact for the great struggle be-
tween the Communist and non-Communist
worlds. It could have been any other part of
the world that symbolized that struggle. To-
day it happens to be Vietnam.
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Ceremony Honoring Veterans of the US.
Ambulance Corps of World War I
E'XTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. FRED B. ROONEY
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. ROONEY of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Speaker, last Friday, August 6, it was my
distinct pleasure to attend the grand
opening of the Allentown, Pa. fair and to
introdUce the main speaker at a cere-
mony honoring the veterans of the U.S.
Ambulance Corps of World War I.
The speaker on this occasion was Maj.
Gen. Eugene A. Salet, commandant of
the U.S. Army War College at Carlisle,
Pa. Aside from the excellence of his
remarks, which was to be expected, I
found General Salet to be among the
most brilliant and genuinely dedicated
men it has been my privilege to meet
and know in recent years.
It is not necessary, of course, to praise
the magnificent work that has been done
for many Years and continues to be done
by the War College at Carlisle. This
institution is among the most distin-
guished of its kind anywhere in the
world. I can only add that the college?
and the Nation?is fortunate, indeed, in
having a man of General Salet's ex-
traordinary abilities as its commandant.
There was ample reason for the Army's
gesture in allowing General Salet to
make the main address at this impressive
and colorful ceremony. For the grounds
occupied by the Allentown fair were once
used as the training camp?Camp
Crane?for the hundreds of devoted
Americans who chose to serve overseas
In the Ambulance Corps.
I want to say a personal word of grati-
tude of Mr. Ed Leidig, president of the
Allentown fair, for arranging this nota-
ble tribute to a group cr! volunteers who
served their Nation selflessly and, in
many cases, with the last full measure
of patriotic devotion. Mr. Leidig, in ad-
dition to managing the most successful
and enjoyable fair in eastern America,
has never been excelled as a dynamic
contributor to the affairs of his com-
munity.
I hope that my colleagues will take a
few moments to study the text of Gen-
eral Salet's fine address at the memorial
to members of the U.S. Ambulance Corps.
I include his remarks as a part of the
record of these proceedings:
CEREMONY HONORING THE 'U.S. AMBULANCE
SERVICE OF WORLD WAR
(Remarks by Maj. Gen. Eugene A. Salet at
the Allentown Fair, August 6, 1965)
I am particularly grateful to be with the
citizens of Allentown, Lehigh County, and
the many others here from eastern PennsyI-
Appendix
vania and elsewhere for this fair opening
today.
Such an occasion as this?when I see citi-
zens taking time during the bustle and busi-
ness of opening day to honor our veterans
and, in particular here, to honor the memory
of those who served in the U.S. Ambulance
Corps during the First World War?demon-
strates to me that true American citizenship
and true American patriotism are very much
alive in Pennsylvania. I have seen many
such manifestations of strong patriotic feel-
ing in the Keystone State since arriving at
Carlisle Barracks over a year ago, and I com-
mend you and the other citizens of this
great Commonwealth for it?and for demon-
strating it.
We honor here today the members?the
veterans?of the U.S. Ambulance Corps be-
cause in a real sense, Camp Crane, which was
located on these very grounds in 1917 and
1918, was its first real home. In addition to
the assembling, organizing, training, and
equipping the corps that took place here,
Camp Crane is where much of the cohesive-
ness, the morale, and the esprit de corps for
the U.S. Ambulance Corps was developed?
or perhaps ingrained is a better word. And
these are the things that, in large part,
carried its members through many weeks and
months of gallant service on the western
front in Prance and also along the Italian
front during World War I, carrying the
wounded from the battlefields to hospitals
behind the lines.
The Ambulance Corps needs no eulogy
from me here today, or from any other man.
It has written its own proud history in deed,
in courage?and in service to our country.
The chauffeurs, the mechanics, the privates,
and sergeants, the officers?Americans from
all walks of life?many of whom trained on
this soil where we gather today, established
a record, of service that still stands as their
real monument?and mere words spoken here
can add little to it.
It is said that many of the early volunteer
ambulance drivers, before the United States
officially entered the war, were young men
from colleges throughout our Nation. The
desire of these young Americans to serve as
volunteer drivers in support of the French
became a veritable crusade on many of the
college campuses of America back at that
time. Some 325 men volunteered from Har-
vard University alone; 181 volunteered from
Princeton University not far from here.
Others came from the University of Penn-
sylvania. It was not long until 64 colleges
and every State in the Union were repre-
sented in the more than 1,000 American vol-
unteers, working through the American Red
Cross, who had gene to help the French.
Among these idealists of the early Ambulance
Corps were some of the future great writers
of later years?Ernest Hemingway who drove
an ambulance on the Italian/Austrian Front,
John Dos Passos, Robert Hillyer, William
Seabrook, and others.
The historical accounts relate, too, how the
citizens of Allentown opened their arms and
their hearts to the men who trained here at
Camp Crane in the later years of the war.
Through the generous assistance of Mayor
Reichenbach?your Allentown mayor at that
time?and with the help of Allentown busi-
nessmen, groups of your citizens adopted
one or more ambulance sections training at
Camp Crane; befriended them, arranged en-
tertainment for them; took them into their
homes. The historical accounts further
record that religious leaders of your city
delivered sermons to their congregations ask-
ing that every young soldier who attended
church on punclay in uniform be invited to
a home in Allentown for dinner. Allentown
newspapers also editoralized to help Colonel
Persons?the commander here at that time
and the soldiers and their units stationed
at Camp Crane?to make them welcome here.
This benevolent reception by Allentown cit-
izens some 45 years ago did much to build
this strong esprit and this high morale of
the ambulance corps which I mentioned
earlier. Their brotherly attitude is beauti-
fully summarized by the following lovely
thought:
"I shall not pass through this world but
once. If, therefore, there be any kindness
I can show or any good thing I can do, let
me do it now; let me not defer it, nor neglect
it, for I shall not pass this way again."
From this brief, backward glance at the
U.S. Ambulance Corps and its members who
trained at Camp Crane, and the record of
the citizens of Allentown who supported
them?we as Americans can draw several
examples that stand out clear, and which we
will do well to observe today?in 1965--as we
face the challenges that confront our Nation
in the turbulent real world of today. I
would like to leave you with three of these
examples in the remaining minutes here.
First, service. In plain talk, ladies and
gentlemen, the record of the U.S. Ambulance
Corps and the Red Cross Volunteers who
preceded them can be stated in one word?
service. It is certainly the most descriptive
term I can think of. If freedom and initia-
tive are the heart of America?then service is
the muscle. Let us not forget the service
given to our country by these men we honor
here. Their service is certainly a heroic
chapter in the history of American humani-
tarianism. Let us, neither, forget the spirit
of service by the citizens of Allentown toward
these men in 1917 and 1918. We need service
like this today to keep America strong; to
help America preserve the freedom and dig-
nity of mankind wherever it is threatened
by the evil forces of despotism and material-
ism who seek to destroy it every hour of every
day.
Next, sacrifice. Sacrifice is giving of one's
self. / think the record of the Ambulance
Corps abounds in sacrifice. Of these initial
volunteers, 127 were killed in action either
serving as ambulance drivers or subsequently
as regular servicemen in combat units.
Many more were wounded. Ernest Heming-
way was himself wounded while driving an
ambulance on the Italian front?receiving
some 237 separate fragment wounds in the
legs from a trench mortar. Hemingway was
awarded the Italian War Cross with citation
for his action where he carried a wounded
Italian soldier some distance to the rear
even after he himself was wounded. We see
that the sacrifices made by the men of the
Ambulance Corps are being made again today
by other Americans scattered throughout
the world, many of whom are manning that
thin red line and are fighting in the cause
of freedom and human dignity. These
sacrifices should serve as examples to each
one of us as -we look and work toward the
future?with greater sacrifice.
My` final point is the importance of the
community?citing in this example the im-
portance of the Allentown community?to
the overall success of the U.S. Ambulance
Corps; but in a broad sense, the importance
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utthSSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A4457
I believe a solution can still come to Viet-
nam. But it will require a radical change in
the attitude of us all. The lesson which
both we in India and you in America must
learn is that you cannot win an ideological
war without an ideology. It- is a point that
has got to be understood if there is to be any
chance at all of winning the war out there.
PROBLEMS THE SAME
The problems of the Vietnamese are the
same as the problems of all Asia and Africa,
and in fact the whole world. They need eco-
nomic progress. They need to learn to work
hard, honestly, and unitedly. They need a
stable, incorruptible leadership. They also
need a fearless populace, who will not be
terrorized by the Vietcong or lured by the
blandishments of the Communists. They
need a solution for the divisions between the
Buddhist and the Catholics. They need an
ideology which can unite all the different
tribes, castes, racial, and political groups in a
common goal.
DIEM ISNEW THE NEED
The late President of South Vietnam, Ngo
Dinh Diem, felt that only a revolution of
character, and a resurgence of patriotism and
faith, could bring the unity, incorruptibility
and fearlessness before Communist threats
and pressures that his country needed.
Asia should be to invade Indonesia ideologi-
cally.
HOPE FOR THE ENSLAVED
Suppose in Malaysia you succeeded in
welding Malays, Chinese, and Indians Into a
strong, stable nation, creating there the
launching pad for a militant moral ideology
reaching into, Indonesia and the whole of
southeast Asia? Suppose you did that also
in Thailand, before Chen Yi starts his ac-
tivities? Suppose you did the same in Tai-
wan, and in Japan? The news would reach
Peiping instantly and the people (4 China
would take hope.
Frankly, China is far more important than
Vietnam. We are straining every nerve to
resolve Vietnam, but we need to plan at the
same time how to change China.
Many take It for granted that China and
Russia will stay Communist. I don't. I be-
lieve communism in china and Russia can
be superseded provided we of the non-Com-
munist world, while matching them in the
military field, resolve to more than match
them in the decisive field of ideology. If
Americans will lead us in this task, they will
do for the world what Washington and Lin-
coln once did for the American Republic, and
they will find all patriotic, freedom-loving
Asians at their side.
Some time before he died, he requested me
and my friends to help him "saturate Viet-
nam with a moral ideology." For various,' .
reasons he was stopped. Before he could Alliance for
proceed with his program, his regime was
destroyed.
I thank God for the military strength of
America, and for the economic aid which you
have so long and so generously poured out
for us in Asia?sometimes, I fear, without
the appreciation you deserve. But no
amount of either military or economic
strength can, in itself, make up for ideologi-
cal weakness.
America is constantly being faced with the
dilemma?soft line or hard line, negotiatiOns
or war. Some say there should be more
bombing in order to win the battle, but
haven't a plan to win over the enemy after
the, battle is won. Others say we must go
to the conference table, but haven't the
Slightest idea what to do when we meet the
enemy face to face. They have no more con-
ception of how the Vietcong or the North
Vietnamese can be influenced and changed
than they have of how the South Vietnamese
can be united for the fight.
WHAT IS OUR PLAN
If, however, America were to initiate an
Ideological escalation in Vietnam and
throughout Asia, a final victory, for freedom
and justice would be assured, and every
human need across that vast continent met.
Look at a map of Asia. Vietnam is only
one country. There is also Thailand, Tai-
wan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia,
Ceylon, Pakistan, India, Japan, Korea, Hong
Kong. What is our plan for these nations
while the Communists carry out their plan
for Vietnam? In several of them an ideo-
logical awakening, based on the revolution-
tary principles which gave America birth, has
already made a substantial penetration.
Why should not this country plan to capture
all of them with it?
Such an ideological offensive would pro-
duce disarray in Chinese ranks. It would
produce instability and insecurity inside
China and North Vietnam, but it would pro-
duce unity and strength inside Saigon and
South Vietnam. If only the non-Commu-
nist world understood this simple point.
Look at Indonesia. The Indonesians don't
make a move without consulting the leaders
of Peiping. Yet Indonesia can be won.
There are thousands of Indonesian students
in Australia, Japan, and the Philippines.
Can we not train them and send them back?
One of the major aims of the free world in
Progress Aids Both Latin
America and American Business
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH YARBOROUGH
OF TEXAS
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
the Alliance for Progress, an office with-
in the U.S. Agency for International De-
velopment, is a unique program in our
International policy. Through this pro-
gram, we are not only helping various
Latin American countries to help them-
selves, but we are doing so in a way that
private American businesses are partici-
pating, aiding and benefiting also. By
coordinating an American "partner" with
their talent, energy, and resources with
a Latin American country which needs
their assistance, we are truly creating
partnerships?not handouts.
To demonstrate the work which this
program is accomplishing, I ask unani-
mous consent that the article "A Hand,
Not a Handout," printed on pages 2-4
of the July 12, 1965, issue of Interna-
tional Commerce, be printed in the Ap-
pendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A HAND, NOT A HANDOUT?PARTNERS OF ALLI-
ANCE PROGRAM PROVIDES TWO-WAY CHAN-
NEL FOR MEANINGFUL CONTACTS BETWEEN
PRIVATE GROUPS IN UNITED STATES AND
LATIN AMERICA
You too can be a companero?it just
means partner, but somehow It sounds more
dashing in Spanish. The Companeros de la
Alianza (Partners of the Alliance) program
provides channels through which civic clubs,
unions, business and professional groups,
and even private individuals in the United
States can work directly with similar Latin
American groups which have demonstrated
their ability and determination to make a
better way of life for themselves.
The U.S. participation in the Alliance for
Progress is only partially fulfilled through of-
ficial government-to-government programs.
The direct participation of the people of the
United States with the people of the various
Latin American countries is an essential ele-
ment to the success of the Alliance.
While many areas of close cooperation con-
tinue to flourish between governments, and
between private and institutional organiza-
tions, direct individual or community activ-
ities has only just begun.
Efforts made by sincere citizens responding
to the human needs of the Alliance fre-
quently have been misdirected, or at best,
uncoordinated.
The Partners of the Alliance, an office with-
in the U.S. Agency for International Devel-
opment, has been organized to respond to
and coordinate the direct assistance activity
between those in the United States who wish
to help and those in Latin America who need
help.
It helps coordinate the organizational tal-
ent, energies, and resources of the U.S. pri-
vate sector with the administrative experi-
ence of the Agency for International Devel-
opment to provide assistance for specified
self-help projects.
The program is designed to respond to
specific efforts of villages or slum organiza-
tions in meeting a productive need wheri
there has been a demonstration of self-help
interest. Most of the items needed are avail-
able in the country (and about 90 percent
are U.S.-produced items) and in the inter-
ests of speedy response and simplified ad-
ministrative handling, the funds are gener-
ally sent directly to the man designated in
each American Embassy to be the partners'
program representative.
BUSY FELLOW
He sees that the materials are properly
purchased and delivered to the partnership
village or association. He also arranges,
where possible, for pictures of the project to
send to the U.S. partner.
In some States the organization may in-
volve only a part of the State * * * with
a view toward expanding to a statewide pro-
gram at a later date. These committees
are the "receivers" of specific projects from
specific villages or organizations in a specific
country. These projects are then "retailed"
out to the various civic clubs, high school
and university student groups, trade associa-
tions, leagues and organizations which fi-
nance the respective projects as its contribu-
tion to the cause of economic and social de-
velopment in the hemisphere.
BIT BY BIT
The emphasis is on small-impact projects '
ranging in cost from a few dollars up to the
neighborhood of $1;800. The program's
founders hope that a steadily mounting
volume of small projects attacking the whole
spectrum of grassroots needs, will, like a
swarm of ants, eventually take enough tiny
bites out of the massive body of Latin
American poverty so that the whole structure
crumbles.
Typical projects have included:
Furnishing a small generator to provide
light for a village's night school course teach-
ing adults how to read; cost $125 to $140
(including air freight costs from the United
States.)
A pump to lift the water out of a well
which villagers have already dug to serve
their self-made community center; cost $285.
A Texas labor organization supplying the
funds to buy picks, shovels and wheelbarrows
with which farmer in a remote mountain
area of Peru built themselves a road con-
necting their village with a nearby highway.
Providing the cost of doors and windows
after the villagers have built their own
school; cost $150 to $350, depending on the
size of the school.
Notice that in each case the projects were
conceived and largely finished through local
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enterprise. All the respective partners of
the Alliance had to do was furnish a rela-
tively small boost to push the projects over
the top.
The Partners of the Alliance staff serves as
a catalyst, helping individuals and groups to
turn their good intentions into concrete ac-
tions.
The initiative for forming a partnership
can come from any source, even a private
individual. To date such varied agencies as
the Mobile (Ala.) Junior Chamber of
Commerce, the Richmond League of Women
Voters, the Colorado Society of Engineers, a
group of businessmen in the University of
Indiana's executive development program,
the Wisconsin Electric Cooperative, and the
superintendent of the Lane County (Oreg.)
School System have launched their State's
participation in the program.
At the Latin American end, AID mission
members bring the partners program to the
attention of local leaders who, if they feel
their area could benefit from it, request the
Alliance for Progress headquarters to find a
suitable partner for them. Partners for the
Alliance personnel then try to match them
up with a State or area in the United States
which is similar economically and physically,
and has requested a Latin partner.
The forms which the partnerships may take
can be equally diverse, since the local groups
are encouraged to work out their programs
themselves, with a minimum of reliance on
either of their governments. Most often the
relationships have resulted in exchanges of
visits by groups of civic, business, and edu-
cational leaders to discover which coopera-
tive efforts would have the greatest impact.
The program Is most emphatically intended
to be a two-way street, of mutual benefit to
both parties.
NOT A HANDOUT PROGRAM
This is not a program through which a city
or a State "adopts" a Latin American state
or city. It is a partnership program de-
signed to help people help themselves.
It is not a patronizing or handout approach.
It is not an "old clothes" charity program--
it is a direct alliance between a U.S. group
and a Latin American group to work toward
the establishment of a lasting neighborhood
relationship outside official channels.
Significantly, such relationships can pro-
vide two-way benefits outside the purely
ideological and humanitarian aspects. Some
years ago the tomato industry in Utah was
seriously threatened by the appearance of a
leaf blight. A resistant strain was found in
Bolivia which saved an industry which was
important to the economy of Utah. The cur-
rent "Partners of the Alliance" relationship
between Utah and Bolivia contemplates fi-
nancing the shipment to Bolivia of tomato-
canning equipment donated by industries in
various areas of the United States.
Michigan's Oakland County Partners or
the Alliance Committee, has sent an expert
In municipal administration to act as an ad-
visor in the Colombian State cif Valle del
Cauca. His assignment is the first phase of
an extensive program for a continuing two-
way direct-assistance alliance between the
two communities.
In Oregon, 1.5 public school districts and
Costa Rica have been linked in a double-
pronged program providing in-service train-
ing for Costa Rican public school adminis-
trators and teachers, while at the same time
affording Oregon schobls the opportunity to
utilize the Costa Ricans as experts in Spanish
language programs and Latin American So-
cial Studies activities.
James H. Boren, special assistant to the
Coordinator of the Alliance for Progress,
dreamed up the idea for the Partners of the
Alliance while serving as director of the AID
Mission in Peru. Be says he's delighted with
the 1-year-old program's record to date.
"Basically the initial phases of the program
were rather spectacular." he says. "The per-
formance to date reflects the tremendous
latent interest in hemispheric development.
People have long had an interest in this sort
of thing, and the Partners of the Alliance has
finally given them a means of translating
their interest into meaningful activity." It
shows that people will respond if they are
presented with a program that makes sense
to them.
WORKS BOTH WAYS
"I can't stress the partnership angle too
strongly," said Mr. Boren. "These arrange-
ments are definitely two-way streets. Once
we've made the initial contact for them, we
rely on the partners themselves to figure out
ways they can both benefit from the tie-up."
Mr. Boren spends a great deal of his time
traveling throughout the United States and
Latin America, explaining the program to
interested groups. "We like to get represent-
atives from the entire cross-section of a com-
munity's life: economic, civic, educational.
If, after we've made our presentation, they
are interested, we can sit right down and
begin talking business."
When in Washington, Mr. Boren can be lo-
cated in room 2911 of the New State Depart-
ment. Phone: Area code 202, DUdley 3-7444.
?
Marines in r Make Friends by
Day, Kill Reds at Night
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker,
there appears to be a concerted and
vicious campaign in certain newspapers
to portray our gallant soldiers and
marines on duty in Vietnam as cruel
sadistic conquerors whose only mission
Is to destroy villages and helpless
civilians. I resent such false implica-
tions and applaud the servicemen who
are risking their lives in the mud and
jungle heat to help defend liberty.
Following are two recent news items from
the San Diego Union, which refute the
false propaganda:
[From the San Diego Union, Aug. 9, 19651
MARINES IN "NEW" WAR?MAKE FRIENDS BY
DAY, KILL REDS AT NIGHT
(By Robert C. Miller)
Qui Nnoss, Vrersram.?The marines have
brought a new kind of war to Vietnam.
They are meeting the Vietcong on their
own terms here M the hot, dusty, coastal
hills of Binh Dinh province, 275 miles north-
east of Saigon.
The unique policy of the 2d Battalion of
the 7th Marines is to kill the Vietnamese
people with kindness during the day, and kill
the Vietcong with bullets at night.
Like the Communists, they disappear into
the jungled hills during the night, move
about Indian style, set up ambushes, listen-
ing posts, and checkpoints everywhere but
where they are expected.
NEW TACTIC
Nobody has fought the Communists like
this around here before.
There are no PX's out here in these moun-
tains and valleys.
Sometimes there isn't even any food, but
there is plenty of ammunition, firepower,
helicopters, and artillery. There is a short-
age of water, but an abundance of strong
backs.
There is no beer?either iced or warm?but
there are gallons of sweat. There are no
beds, bunks, sheets, or pillowcases, but how
one can sleep with exhaustion as a sedative.
The only people who live more primitively
than these marines are Australian aborigi-
nies?or maybe the Vietcong.
There is Hotel Company, which has hid-
den by day and scrambled the hills by night
for nights on end with talk restricted to
whispers, and smoking forbidden.
There is Echo Company, which has been
roosting atop a 1,500-foot ridge for days, liv-
ing in holes, eating mainly crackers and
scouring the area for action.
During the daylight hours it is a different
story. The marines, big tanks snort and
grind up and down the roads.
Baseball games are played on the world's
dustiest fields. Helmeted patrols slouch
along highways and by-ways with their
shiny, well-oiled weapons a screaming con-
trast to the stinking, sweat-soaked, dust-
caked clothes they wear.
DISPENSE RAT IONS
Wherever there are people, there are
friendly marines passing out "C" rations,
plastic spoons, chocolate and gum. Any
marine could be elected Mayor of any vil-
lage here if the voting age was limited to
10 years.
In villages like Phu Tai and Cu Mong,
deserted for years because of Vietcong ter-
ror, the marines have set up free hospital
facilities and rice kitchens to help old resi-
dents who are drifting back to their homes.
Come nightfall, however, the marines dis-
appear, just like the Vietcong.
Never are the outposts planted in the same
place twice. Never do the lookouts give the
Reds a permanent target.
Sometimes they are on the ground, some-
times they are high in the trees, tied up
there all night, watching and waiting for
their enemy.
The battalion commander, Lt. Col. Leon
Utter, has one inviolable rule:
The patrols stay out all night whether
two, three, four men or a squad. Their fire-
power is quadruple that of the Vietcong, and,
says Utter, "they're four times better men."
NO CASUALTIES
There have been dozens of skirmishes with
the elusive enemy since the marines took
over early in July. Every one has been a
one-sided affair with no serious marine
casualties.
Already five Vietcong suspects have de-
serted and come over voluntarily to the ma-
rines, bringing with them a wealth of in-
telligence, and each reports the same thing ;
frustration by the local Red leaders and
growing dissension in the ranks.
They have chased the Vietcong out of
areas they have considered theirs for years.
The Reels have lost face, the populace is
watching them. The "soft," "imperialistic"
Americans, the "paper tigers," have turned
out to be smiling heavy-muscled youngsters
who thrive like prairie dogs in the hot, baked
earth oblivious to dust, thirst, hunger, and
danger.
[From the San Diego Union, Aug. 9, l965[
BACK FROM VIETNAM?COMMANDER LAUDS
MARINE BATTALION
(By Frank ?Exarhos)
Pride and satisfaction battled against
weariness in the expression of Lt. Col.
Charles E. McPartlin as he watched the ma-
rines in his battalion disembark yesterday
at Broadway pier.
He was proud and satisfied because, as
he put it, "I've never seen such spirit; you
just can't get them down."
Be was weary because the battalion had
been a combat unit in South Vietnam since
March.
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"I can't say enough for them," he said
yesterday. "They've had one of the hardest
tours of any battalidn in the Far East but
they held up wonderfully."
"They had good training and they were
young and eager. They did fine."
The average age of the Leathernecks in
the battalion, which was one of the first
combat units to land in Vietnam, is 20 years.
The unit was part of the 9th Marine Ex-
paditionary Brigade which landed at Da
Nang in March. It has been redesignated
as the 2d Battalion of the 5th Marine Regi-
ment and will rejoin the 1st Marine Division
at Camp Pendleton.
"First we're going to give them 30 days'
leave," McPartlin. said.
"0 -r there you don't know for sure who
your enemy is, and you can't just go out
and shoot everyone."
fie said the marines chiefly fought guer-
rillas. He termed them "tough, good, but
not as good as people make them out to be."
The marines had trouble with the heat
and with mosquitoes, he said, when they
r-st went ashore but soon adjusted.
"The battalion was hit by Vietcong on its
third day ashore, but lost no men", McPartlin
said. Be made no estimate of casualties
inflicted on the Communist forces,
"They're pretty good at snatching their
wounded and dead," he said, "We'd find
bloodstains but few bodies, so we could
only guess."
McPartlin was asked if 125,000 U.S. troops
will be enough in Vietnam.
"I don't think so," he replied, "It's hard
to make an estimate. It's going to take a
lot of men to isolate the Vietcong from their
bases of supply."
He said Vietnamese marines who worked
with the battalion at Da Nang were out-
standing.
"We didn't have any problems."
The graying veteran of 33 years' service
in the Marine Corps, which included World
War II and Korea, commented again on the
morale of the men in the battalion.
"This welcome today is wonderful," he
said, "Over there they'd read about the dem-
c astrations against what they were doing.
"They couldn't understand why any, red-
blooded American wouldn't back them.
They want the wholehearted support of the
people."
Periodontal Disease in Developing
Nations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
Os,
HON. JOSEPH D. TYDINGS
OF MARYLAND
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. TYDINGS. Mr. President, perio-
dontal disease is ar inflammation of the
gums which is extremely prevalent, in
fact, virtually universal, in underdevel-
oped areas of Africa and Asia. In Viet-
nam, for instance, it affects 8 out of 10
adults in the prime of life. Now, when
the United States and the United Na-
tions are making an effort to improve
the health standard in the developing
nations, this area of health' cannot be
neglected.
Harold S. Sinrod, a dentist in Be-
thesda, Md., has written an article in the
July issue of Science magazine on perio-
dontal disease and made a suggestion
for its elimination in the developing na-
tions. I ask unanimous consent that it
be inserted in the Appendix of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PERIODONTAL DISEASE IN DEVELOPING NA-
T/ONS?A DEBILITATING DENTAL PROBLEM
WHICH AFFECTS MILLIONS SHOULD BE IN-,
CLUDED IN PUBLIC HEALTH PROGRAMS
ABROAD
(By Harold S. Sinrod)
(NoTE.?The author practices dentistry at
6124 River Road, Bethesda, Md. In 1955 and
1956 he was oral surgeon, and in 1957 chief
of the dental service, at the U.S. Army 2d
Field Hospital, Munich, Germany.)
Recent surveys conducted by the U.S. In-
terdepartmental Committee on Nutrition for
National DefenSe have demonstrated rather
conclusively that one of the most neglected
health problems facing the people of Asian
and African countries studied is periodontal
disease.
This disease is a complex inflammation
of the supporting tissues of the teeth which
usually first manifests itself in the mar-
ginal gingival areas of the dental arch.
Eventually the underlying alveolar bone
around the roots of the teeth is destroyed
and the teeth involved must be removed to
relieve the patient's suffering.
When a disease of any kind affects the
health, comfort, and personal dignity of
8 out of 10 adults in the prime of life, as it
does in Vietnam, for example,, it presents
the nation concerned with a problem of such
proportions, that our failure to provide some
sort of assistance is difficult to understand.
The fact remains, however, that in most in-
stances, dental health is completely ignored
even in those countries where public health
programs are underway.
The purpose of this paper is to shed more
light on the problem of periodontal disease
in the less-developed areas of the world and,
more important, to propose a program for
prevention and treatment that would rap-
idly effect a large measure of control where
today none exists. This plan need not be
costly, especially whefi compared with ex-
penditures for other programs that do not
have the same widespread potential impact
at the grassroots level that a dental health
program would have.
Surveys by the U.S. Interdepartmental
Committee on Nutrition for National Defense
(ICNND) have demonstrated rather convinc-
ingly that tooth decay is a surprisingly in-
significant factor in the underdeveloped na-
tions. For example, in Ethiopia, 77 percent
of the people examined were totally free of
caries and those under 40 years of age
averaged less than one DMF (decayed, miss-
ing, or filled) tooth per person., In Vietnam,
the ICNND team discovered only a slightly
higher incidence of decay than in Ethiopia 2
and concluded that the need for treatment of
caries in this area of the world is very small
at ? present., Again, in Thailand, ICNND
found tooth decay practically nonexistent,
with an average of 0.13 decayed, missing, or
filled tooth for the 0- to 9-year age group;
0.71 for the 10- to 19-year age group; and
0.84 for the 20- to 29-year age group.,
The same surveys, however, revealed a
shockingly high incidence of periodontal dis-
ease in these countries. In Ethiopia, perio-
dontal disease was found to be widespread
and severe after age 30.2 In Vietnam, 30 per-
cent of the people were found to have the
disease in advanced stages by the age of
25 to 29, and 84 percent were so afflicted at
age 50 or over., Only 9 percent of the people
examined in Vietnam over the age of 10 were
free of the disease; field workers from the
U.S. National Institute of Dental Research
commented that they had never observed
Footnotes at end of speech.
such a high incidence of periodontal disease
as in this country? In Thailand, where tooth
decay is practically nonexistent, the surveys
showed that, by the age of 44, 75 percent of
the people are afflicted with severe irrepara-
ble damage due to periodontal disease.,
Similarly, studies in India 4 have revealed
that over 80 percent of the children in cer-
tain areas suffer from periodontal disease
severe enough to involve alveolar bone loss
in many of the 12-to-16-year-olds studied
and in almost all of those over the age of,16.4
The Chief Minister of Mysore, S. B. D. Jatti, .
said in 1959 5:
"It WS discovered that the high preva-
lence of periodontal disease in children is
almost 80 percent. This shows the magni-
tude of the problem we have to face. The
children who form the life-blood of the
country cannot on any account be neglected
* * *. Even when they grow to manhood
they suffer from periodontal disease and its
attendant complications. They lose teeth
and get old prematurely. The longevity of
life is shortened and their working capacity
too is lessened. We must have real teeth
up to ripe old age."
A. L. Russell, chief of the Epidemiology and
Biometry Branch of the National Institute
of Dental Research, and recently chairman
of the World Health Organization's Expert
Committee on Dental Health, which reported
on periodontal disease, stated in an inter-
view that local factors, primarily calculus
(a hard irritating deposit of the saliva which
forms on the teeth) and poor oral hygiene,
are the "overwhelming" causative factors ob-
served by the ICNND survey teams.* Proof
of this contention was demonstrated in
Ethiopia, where the ICNND group reported
that the extent of the calculus deposits was
directly related to the condition of the peri-
odontal tissues, abundant deposits of calcu-
lus and food debris having been observed in
virtually all mouths examined., There was
much less evidence of periodontal disease in
groups of patients with small amounts of
calculus or debris, whereas it was present in
more advanced stages in groups with heavy
calculus and debris., In Vietnam, heavy de-
posits of calculus were present in the mouths
of nearly every person aged 12 or older.,
Furthermore, of Vietnamese soldiers who
had the benefit of regular prophylaxis and
who had been taught the techniques and
benefits of good oral hygiene, only 20 per-
cent suffered from periodontal disease,
whereas their civilian counterparts had a 41-
percent disease rate., Again, in Thailand,
ICNND found a significant difference in the
disease rate of military and civilian males.
At an average age of 33, only 20 percent of
the military as opposed to 50 percent of the
civilians were afflicted with periodontal
disease., These significant findings provide
strong support for the effectiveness of simple
calculus removal and improved oral hygiene
in the treatment and control of periodontal
disease in an affected population.
In view of the critical shortage of dentists
in these countries, the problem seems at first
glance to defy solution. In Afghanistan, for
example, there are only 57 dentists in a pop-
ulation of 13 million people, or 1 for every
228,000 people., In Vietnam, there are 74
dentists for 12.6 million people, or 1 for
170,300 people., In Thailand, there are 232
dentists for 21 million citizens, with a ratio
of 1 dentist to 92,600 people., Similarly,
India has 3,681 dentists for 397 million peo-
ple, or 1 dentist for every 108,000 people.
Compare these figures with the ratio in the
United States or 1 dentist per 1,700 people.
It is readily apparent that unless a radical
new approach is taken in prevention and
treatment of this disease, it will continue
unchecked.
SCARCITY OF DENTISTS
In the past, the United States has brought
a handful of dentists to this country for
advanced training in our modern dental
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A4460 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX August 11, 1965
techniques. Too many of these dentists re-
turn to the metropolitan areas of their re-
spective countries and practice high-class
dentistry for their own upper-class country-
men and the international set. Meanwhile,
the great masses Of the people receive no pro-
fessional care at all, while they suffer much
dental misery. It is obvious that these mil-
lions cannot wail while a handful of stu-
dents are trained for 5 to 8 years, as dentists
are In the technologically advanced court-
trierof the world. The needs are different,
and a new approach must be taker'.
I propose that semiliterate individuals, if
necessary, could be trained taperform a use-
ful service in the prevention iof periodontal
disease. Techniques for calculus removal
and for demonstration of good oral-hygiene
procedures, in my opinidn, could be taught
In a short period of time to large numbers
of people. These people, citizens of the
country in question, working under a well-
supervised program, could perform a sub-
etantial amount of preventive dentistry in
the fight against periodontal disease. We
must make this rather sharp departure from
traditional dental education in certain areas
of Africa and southeast Asia or no gains will
be made in the dental health of the average
citizen for many decades, if ever.
I believe that the dental aids prepared by
this program could be trained in a short time
(4 to 6 months) to satisfactorily remove
calculus, perform simple extractions, and dis-
seminate information on orallaygiene. After
6 months of work in the field under direct
and constant supervision by fully trained
dentists, the dental aid would be sent back
to his village to care for the most pressing
dental needs of his neighbors. He would
institute a program aimed at the prevention
and control of periodontal disease by reg-
ularly removing the calculus and oral debris
of those in his village. In addition, he would
demonstrate the oral-hygiene techniques
which are so important for the prevention
of periodontal disease. To relieve the suffer-
ing of those 'already victims of advanced
periodontal disease, the aid would be able
to perform simple extractions painlessly,
using local anesthetics.
Another possibility would be to send dental
aids, working in pairs, on a prearranged route
through a large area of the countryside,
where they would spend several days 4w each
village in their zone and thus treat a large
percentage of the people at least once a year.
At these cleaning sessions, the importance of
dental health and good oral hygiene would he
emphasized, and perhaps some informative
literature and descriptive posters distributed.
Toothbrush technique would be demon-
strated. The ICNND report on Vietnamt
hinted at this approach when it stated:'
"In view of the magnitude of the periclon-
tal disease problem among the people of Viet-
nam, serious consideration should be given
to the training and use of dental assistants
in scaling and cleaning of the teeth"
A TRAINING CURRICULUM
The training of the dental aids should be
simple and radically brief compared to prev-
ious standards. Since these aids will only
remove calculus and oral debris with hand
instruments and perform simple tooth ex-
tractions, 4 to 6 months of intensive training
should be sufficient.
The curriculum I suggest for this "short
course" for dental aids Is as follows:
1. Elementary instruction in the function
and structure of the mouth.
2. Instruction in techniques for steriliza-
tion of instruments.
8. Elementary instruction in recognition of
severe oral diseases which should be referred
to supervising dentist.
4. Thorough instruction and clinical prac-
tice in the technique of calculus removal.
6. Instruction in administration of locel
anesthetics.
6. Instruction in methods for the control
of bleeding and infection.
7. Instruction and practice in the tech-
nique of simple tooth extraction.
B. Instruction in the importance of dental
health and the preventive techniques of good
oral hygiene.
In order to rapidly develop a more com-
prehensive dental program, it is recom-
mended that the outstanding dental aids,
after a period of service, be eligible for
advanced training of 18 months duration
which wOuld equip them to handle more
complicated oral surgery. They would also
be trained thoroughly in the techniques of
prosthetic dentistry so they could provide
replacement teeth for victims of incurable
periodontal disease.
It is possible to project this program into
the future. As time goes by, the dental
education of the public will create an appre-
ciation of good dental health and, conse-
quently, a demand for complete dental care
that does not exist now; there will then be
a need for thoroughly trained general den-
tists. -An advanced dental aid who per-
formed his duties outstandingly could qual-
ify for the highest level of training?a 3-year
course in general dentistry. These dentists
would be trained to provide complete dental
service, including the restoration of decayed
teeth, and some would be prepared to ad-
minister and supervise the continuing
dental-aid program.
This opportunity for advancement from
one level to another in the dental-health
program provides a built-in inducement for
outstanding performance, because this is an
unusual chance for a person in these coun-
tries to advance quickly to the relatively high
status of a professional.
Before an interested country could under-
take a program of this type, a careful survey
similar to those conducted by the ICNND
team would be required in order to estimate
accurately the extent and relative severity of
the periodontal problem. It would then be
possible to estimate the number of dental
aids and professional supervisory personnel
requirectto meet the needs of the country in
question. The survey would also make it
possible to estimate the cost of the program.
The dental aid program should be direct-
ed by dentists, since they have the knowl-
edge and experience required to administer
such a program. It has been proven in the
past, notably in the U.S. Armed Forces, that
a dental health service cannot be directed
effectively by nondental personneL
I suggest that a pilot project be arranged
In an interested country to test the-efficient",
of a program of this type under actual field
conditions. The experienced survey team
of the National Institute of Dental Research
could estimate the periodontal conditions
and personnel required, and volunteer den-
tists from other countries could work closely
with the dentists of the country to establish
the training program and field operation of
the dental aids. At the end of a year. Vie
survey team could examine the patients
treated and compare the findings for these
patients with those for a control group. I
think that the improvement in the treated
group would be marked, even in this short
period of time.
If, because of a lack of administrative
talent or the necessary funds, it is not possi-
ble for an interested country to implement a
full-scale dental aid program, a program
for the control of periodontal disease could
be incorporated into a public health or com-
munity nurse program, where one is in ex-
istence el' being developed. Dental aid
training, including training in exodontia for
the relief of pain, under the supervision of a
dentist, would be included in the curriculum
of the public health officer or nurse. The
public health officer, when on assignment
in the rural clinics of his country, would in
turn train a dental aid to 'work in his clinic.
If no such trainee is available, the nurse
would give occasional demonstrations of oral
hygiene to the people in the area, in addi-
tion to performing the vital function of ex-
tracting painful teeth. Obviously, the public
health officer would be so burdened with
other community health problems that a
true preventive dental program would stand
little chance. However, public health offi-
cers would be made aware of the dental prob-
lems existing in their districts, and a start
would be made in the right direction.
The assistance of the more fortunate coun-
tries of the world should be extended to
every need?there should be no blind spots.
SUMMARY
Periodontal disease is a great and as yet
untreated problem in developing countries.
The vast majority of the people whom we
are trying to help in other ways suffer from
this disease. They do not ask for help in
this area because in most eases they are not
aware that anything can be done about it.
We must educate them to the full signifi-
cance of this disease and help them eradi-
cate it. Although the number of dentists in
these countries is inadequate to cope with
the problem, a program in which dental
aids are trained in techniques for preven-
tion and control of periodontal disease could
help remedy the situation rapidly and eco-
nomically.
When a disease affects the day-to-day
comfort and physical well-being of men,
women, and children in countries around
the world, its treatment should be given top
priority by those who are responsible for
the dispersal of this aid. To those people at
the grassroots level who receive and benefit
from this most personal ?type of assistance,
the ability to eat a meal without pain, to
swallow a morsel of food well-chewed, hence
escaping indigestion, and to avoid the em-
barrassme:at of premature tooth loss, could
make this program one of the most appre-
ciated aspects of the entire aid program to
the emerging nations.
1"Nutrition Survey, Republic of Vietnam"
(Interdepartmental Committee on Nutrition
for National Defense, Bethesda, Md., July
1960).
2A. L. Russell, N. W. Littleton, E. C.
Leatherwood, G. E. Sydow, J. C. Greene,
"Public Health Reports." U.S. 75, 717 (1980).
3 "Nutrition Survey, The Kingdom of
Thailand" (Interdepartmental Conimittee on
Nutrition for National Defense, Bethesda,
Md., February 1962) .
W. C. Allright, R. J. S. Tickle, S. lefatsu-
miya, Int. Dental J. 10, 327 (1960) .
5 S. B. D. Jatti, J. All-India Dental Asso-
ciation 31,39 (May 1959) .
6 A. L. Russell, personal communication.
7"Nutrition Survey, Ethiopia" (Interde-
partmental Committee on Nutrition for Na-
tional Defense, Bethesda, Md., September
1959).
8 "WHO Directory of Dental Schools"
(World Health Organization, Geneva, 1961).
Effect of the Social Security Increase on
Veterans' Pensions
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF =CA S
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
much concern has been expressed about
the effect of the recent social security
Increase on pensions payable to veterans
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August 11, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX A4467
sylvania, are now pointing. out. For if a
congressional minority forever obstructs the
-ight of the people themselves even to vote
on this question, the States themselves can
force Congress to call a convention to re-
write the Constitution. This grave step has
never been taken, and any reasonable man
can foresee what a box of eels and what a
mare's nest it could open.
With all this in mind, this columnist as-
serts on more than 30 years of observation
that no Senate group in all that time has
ever acted more irresponsibly than the
Douglases, the Clarks, the Kennedys and the
like have acted here.
ietnam : 'An,.Andigertous r
Affair or Who Made the 7.62
of the military branches through their pub-
lic relations services doesn't report the pres-
ence in the area of belligerence of the son of
some Sutter or Yuba County family aboard
ship or at bases in the operational theater.
A few have been casualties of the conflict.
The younger generation of today is one
that must live with the probability that at
some time in their lives they will have to don
a military uniform and prepare for war if
not actually fight in one. And the end of
this condition is nowhere in sight.
The man in the street in Yuba City or
Marysville can probably guess as closely as
the man in the White House whether the
escalation of military activity in Vietnam is
the prelude to another worldwide war.
But no guessing is needed to realize that
bated this country is committed to the obligation
of serving as a planetary policeman to main-
eapons ? tam n some degree of order and to protect the
political system under which we want to
live
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT L. LEGGETT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESkNTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11,1965
Mr. LEGGETT. Mr. Speaker, it is a
formidable task to mobilize a nation
into an open-ended international police
action committed on an as yet undeter-
mined number of our youth to main-
tain a principle and the liberty of a peo-
ple of another skin tone on the opposite
side of the globe.
Some say the President leads by con-
census. I personally believe that action
conceived in moral and international
right has a considerable amount to do
with consensus.
The President has been extremely
patient with the country as opinions
have been formulated over the past year.
To those who argue that the South
Vietnamese matter is totally indigen-
ous?please explain the recent mass
equipping of several hundred thousand
Vietcong with new 7.62 weapons.
The police action nomenclature would
appear to be appropriate where the party
sought to be controlled appears to be
motivated by a selfish bloodthirsty de-
ceptive minority parading under a Com-
munist banner and the controlling force
has ambitions for no people, territory,
bases, trade routes, or alliances and is
carrying out the restraining action with
patience, caution, and only a small per-
centage of available power.
Recent opinions from the Fourth Dis-
trict of California supporting the Presi-
dent are here reprinted from Hank
Tweith's Independent Herald of Yuba
City and Ed Davis' Willows Daily
Journal:
[From the Yuba City (Calif.) Independent
Herald, Aug. 2, 1965]
THE WAR DRAWS CLOSER
When President Johnson announced last
week that draft calls would be doubled, he
emphasized, among other things, how close
to home the Vietnam conflict is coming.
For some time, only a small group of
Sutter-Yuba youngsters have been called up
monthly for compulsory military service-15
to be exact. Now, the number will jump to
30 and there is some possibility that the calls
will eventually go higher than that.
However, as a matter of fact, we have had
a local interest in Vietnam for some time.
Hardly a week goes by that one or another
We cannot withdraw from Vietnam with-
out inviting a wave of aggression not only in
Asia but in Africa and possibly even in Eu?
rope. We are emanated to the policy of
participating In small conflicts in the hope?
and it is no more than that?that we can dis-
courage insane or barbarian societies from
triggering a world conflagration that could
destroy us all.
The United States is in the position as a
nation of any policeman who cannot expect
to prevent all crime but whose existence
keeps criminals from freely overrunning the
more iraelligent and reasonable elements
of the community.
[From the Willows Daily Journal,
Aug. 5, 1965]
STAKES ARE BIG IN VIET CONFLICT
It must be of little comfort to mothers
with sons in the armed services, or with sons
of draftable age, to know that the United
States is nearing full-fledged war in South
Vietnam; that plans call for boosting the
total number of men in the services to 3
million by a year from now.
President Johnson has been the target
for vehement opposition from some Senators,
Congressmen, and other citizens for his
course in Vietnam. But what else could he
have done?
Time after time the United States has pro-
posed entering into negotiations?only to
have its offers. flatly rejected. What other
course remains except to suffer defeat or to
withdraw?
Why either of these alternatives is un-
thinkable and why the United States entered
the conflict in the first place, during Presi-
dent Eisenhower's administration, is ex-
plained lucidly by Joseph Alsop, a newspaper
columnist.
"The United States," he writes, "had a
vital stake in Vietnam from the very outset?
long before that stake had been approxi-
mately decupled, as it has been in the present
state of the problem. If President Eisen-
hower had not moved to protect this vital
American interest, the consequences would
have been as follows:
"First, this American failure to oppose
aggression in Vietnam would have enor-
mously increased the difficulty of honoring
our commitments elsewhere in southeast
Asia. For instance, the defense of Thailand,
to which the United States is solemnly
pledged, would have become all but im-
possible without the gravest risk of a third
world war.
"Second, the difficulty mentioned above
would have flowed, in quite a large part,
from the loss of the historic American posi-
tion as a major Pacific power. Changes of
orientation in Japan and the Philippines,
even deeper changes in places like Taiwan
and South Korea, would have led to the vir-
tual expulsion of American power from. the
Western Pacific. The United States would
have had 'pull back to Hawaii,' as Gen.
Maxwell Taylor put it to President Johnson.
"After pulling back to Hawaii, the United
States would be unable to bring to bear any
real power, except strategic nuclear power,
on the far shore of the Pacific?let alone
southeast Asia and the coasts of the Indian
Ocean, as was oddly suggested by one who
had evidently not bothered to explore the
limits of normal air and naval action.
"President Eisenhower was unwilling to
lose this supposedly nonvital stake in the
Pacific, to defend which this country sent
millions of men to fight overseas in the Sec-
ond World War and in Korea. He therefore
committed the United States to the protec-
tion of South Vietnam. President Kennedy
then greatly increased that commitment.
President Johnson has again increased it, far
beyond the level reached by President Ken-
nedy.
"These increases of commitment have had
a hardly noticed side effect, however. The
effect has been to multiply the original
American stake in Vietnam by an enormous
factor?perhaps as much as tenfold.
"The original stake, summarized above,
was certainly high enough. Nowadays, how-
ever, the effects of an American defeat in
Vietnam will no longer be largely limited to
Asia and the Pacific. With the stakes thus
multiplied, the effects of an American defeat
in Vietnam will now be felt, like earthquake
tremors, in Moscow and in Bonn, in London
and Buenos Aires, in Paris and Rio de
Janeiro.
"The simplest way to put it is to say that
if President Johnson submits to such a de-
feat, he will lose just about the entire au-
thority which an American President nor-
mally enjoys overseas.
"In the circumstances, therefore, it is just
as well that President Johnson does not seem
to be prepared to accept the advice of those
who are now urging him to accept defeat in
Vietnam."
Death of Casey M. Jones
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker,
it is my sad duty to announce the death
-of Casey M. Jones, who for a number of
years was a professional aid to the Com-
mittee on Veterans' Affairs.
Casey was first named to the commit-
tee staff in January of 1947, by the late
chairman, the Honorable Edith Nourse
Rogers. He served continuously with the
committee until his retirement a number
of years ago and made a real and lasting
contribution to the accomplishments of
the Committee on Veterans' Affairs dur-
ing the period he was employed by the
committee.
Casey had a distinguished record in
World War I, in which he served as an
intelligence officer, and had the distinc-
tion of serving with Teddy Roosevelt, Jr.,
and also with two former Members of
Congress, the Honorable Jesse Walcott
and Clarence Kilburn.
For a number of years Casey was asso-
ciated with the Veterans pf Foreign Wars,
and was always keenly interested in the
work relating to the needs and respon-
sibilities of the veterans of this country.
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A4468 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX August 11, 1965
For a number of years he had been in
poor health, and in recent months had
found it necessary to be in the hospital
almost continuously. He will be sorely
missed by his many friends, and to his
wife and other members of his family I
extend my own sympathy and that of
other members of the committee and
the Congress who were privileged to
know him.
More Like Russia We Grow
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN J. DUNCAN
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESEN'FALIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. DUNCAN of Tennessee. Mr.
Speaker, the Knoxville Journal often
gives us some thought-provoking edito-
rials, warnings which we should heed.
In a recent issue the newspaper calls at-
tention to the fast pace at which our
Government is taking control of this Na-
tion's manpower. I would like to call
this to the attention of my colleagues and
the public by publishing it in the Appen-
dix of the RECORD:
[From the Knoxville, (Tenn.) Journal,
Aug. 3, 19651
MoRE LIKE RITSSIA WE GROW
Da Russia or in any other totalitarian
country there is no unemployment. They
have rules that boil down to an ultimatum?
he who won't work doesn't eat.
But that isn't the whole story, either. The
citizen of any of the Communist countries
not only must work to eat, but he must work
at whatever the party bureaucrats assign
him. The worker doesn't go to an employer,
or even to his own government, to ask for
a job he wants or thinks he could fill. In-
stead, he is listed on a roll of workers and
sent to whatever job the party chieftain
thinks he is fitted for, or wants him to do.
This couldn't happen to our workers here
in this free country, ycru say. Well, now,
couldn't it? Isn't this very thing on its way
to happening to all this country's workers?
The director of the Colorado State Em-
ployment Service recently had this to say:
"In 5 years, if we are not hampered by
new restrictions, and if we get adequate
funds from Congress, we'll (US) be han-
dling 90 percent of the employment business.
We are not living in a free enterprise econ-
omy, but rather operating under a controlled
economy."
Now in case the reader has been sleeping
soundly while the U.S. Employment Service
has been making its plans to seize control of
all American manpower, consider several de-
velopments. The 1,000 State unemployment
offices were set up by Congress to serve those
citizens out of work, primarily the ones
who were unemployed, but eligible for un-
employment compensation. They are State
operated, but the money comes from the Fed-
eral Treasury.
Yet 1964 statistics reveal that 60 percent
to 65 percent of the persons "placed" by the
USES were already employed. They were
not unemployed persons at an, but took ad-
vantage of the bureaucracy set up and oper-
ated out of Federal funds to improve their
jobs. In recent months the USES has
boasted that, it has "placed" more than
250,000 professional or? managerial person-
nel every year. These are jobs in brackets
from $10,000 to $30,000 per year, not jobs
to be filled from the ranks of the unem-
ployed who are entitled to unemployment
pay for a certain number of Weeks.
Thus when you hear a radio voice drone
through a routine to the effect that "we
have openings for a certain nu:mber of man-
agers, engineers, or other well paid jobs,"
this is the process through which the USES
hopes ultimately to control the Nation's
manpower.
Now the obvious danger is this: The time
could come, unless this ambitious arm of the
Federal Government is halted by Congress,
When no citizen of this country, either em-
ployed or unemployed, could expect to get
a job for which he was not recommended
by this political agency. Already so-called
aptitude tests are being given in some of
these offices, with the results presumably
recorded on agency cards. Corporate em-
ployers are being encouraged to employ only
through the U.S. Employment Service, to de-
cline to even grant interviews to individual
seekers of jobs.
No wonder the Colorado director feels that
within 5 years practically all hiring will be
done through USES bureaucrats. Once
more the freedom of the individual 'U.S. citi-
zen is gradually being restricted. He finds
the big union bosses on one side and the
Federal bureaucrat on the other, both
groups telling him what he must do and
how. How much raore like Russia can we
get?
Revisions in Retirement Laws Will Be
Hot Potato for Congress
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
Ow
HON. BOB WILSON
Or CALIP'ORNIA
rN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker, un-
der leave to extend my remarks in the
RECORD. I include the following article
from the Army, Navy, Air Force Journal
of July 24, 1965:
navIszoNs IN RETIREMENT LAWS WILL BE HOT
POTATO FOR CONGRESS
(By Louie R. Stockstin, congressional editor)
The House and Senate Armed Services
Committee next year will be tossed one of
the hottest potatoes they ever had to juggle.
They are going to be asked to rewrite the
laws governing military retirement?laws
which affect every career member of the
Armed Forces.
President Johnson has a special study
group (a Cabinet Committee of top Govern-
ment officials, including Secretary of Defense
McNamara.) working on the problem. They
are taking a long, hard look at all Govern-
ment retirement systems with the object of
recommending improvements which, among
oth,er things, may seek to being the systems
into greater ha,rmony and uniformity.
No one knows yet what the Cabinet Com-
mittee will propose, but it is a fair guess that
their recommendations will be wide-ranging.
Secretary McNamara already has made
known his personal views on one important
feature of the military system. He testified
during House hearings on the military pay
bill, that the Armed Forces retirement sys-
tem Is "too costly in relationship to the ben-
efits it provides." He said it is clear that 20-
year retirement "may not be the most effi-
cient way for keeping the force both youth-
ful in some skills and experienced in others."
If tile Secretary plays as dominant a role
in the Cabinet Committee deliberations as he
is credited with playing in the deliberations
of tpe recent Presidential Pay Panel study,
his views can be expected to carry great
weight.
The 20-year-ret1rement feature, however,,
is only one of many aspects of the military'
system which the Cabinet group is exploring,
The recommendations of the Committee,
when they go to the President in December,
are expected to answer such questions as:
Should military personnel be required to
make contributions to a retirement fund, or
should the present noncontributory system
be continued?
Should retired pay continue to be based
solely on active duty basic pay, without re-
gard for other elements ot military compen-
sation such as subsistence and quarters
allowances?
Should the rules for retirement be the
same for enlisted personnel as they are for
officers?
Is the present system of prescribing in-
creases in retired pay (under the Consumer
Price Index formula) fair, adequate, and
soundly based?
Should efforts be made to insure that re-
tired pay will keep pace not only with cost-
of-living changes, but with living standards
as well?
What benefits?such as medicare, commis,-
sexy privileges, etc.?should be carried into
retirement?
These are but a few of the questions the
committee is exploring.
To find out how the military retirement
system can be made more responsive to the
needs of management as well as to the needs
of individual retirees, the Cabinet Commit-
tee invited leaders of service-oriented orga-
iaizations to appear at an open hearing and
give their views.
Among those who testified were spokesmen
Sr the Retired Officers Association, the Re-
serve Officers Association, Fleet Reserve Asso-
ciation, Air Force Association, Disabled Offi-
cers Aseociation, and the Uniformed Services
Retiree Group.
To a man, each of the witnesses urged one
basic change in the present military retire-
ment system. All said the Government
should restore the concept of "recompute-
tion." 'Under this once-traditional system,
military retired pay would be computed as a
percentage of current active duty pay for
others in the same rank and with the same
years of service.
Maj. Gen. W. Preston Corderman, presi-
dent of the Retired Officers Association, cited
the most compelling reason for reinstating
the principle of recomputation. He recalled
that older members of the military com-
munity served for long years at "compara-
tively small pay, in anticipation of a gener-
ous retirement system, only to see that
trystem scrapped for 'cost of living' pay ad-
justments at about the time they entered
upon retired status."
General Corderman said if the Govern-
ment insists on its decision to shelve recom-
putation, the :jonsumer Price Index formula
should be made applicable only to those who
began wearing military uniforms after Oc-
tober 2, 1963, the date when rebomputation
was wiped off the books.
He reminded the Cabinet group that it is
customary, when revising pay and retire-
ment laws, "to insert a savings clause to
prevent injustice to these who have already
established rights under an existing statute."
Col. Arthur A. Brackett, speaking for the
Reserve Officers Association, said that aban-
donment of the 100-year-old practice of re-
computation "was a breach of faith" and the
principle should be restored. He called the
committee's attention to a June 12 Journal
editorial on the subject and a.sked that it, be
made a part of the committee record. The
editorial observed that service people have
been the victims of broken promises in the
retirement field and have suffered from at-
trition of many other benefits initially held
mites attractions to career service.
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